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Title: Fairs, past and present
A chapter in the history of commerce
Author: Cornelius Walford
Release date: May 9, 2024 [eBook #73583]
Language: English
Original publication: London: Elliot Stock, 1883
Credits: deaurider and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FAIRS, PAST AND PRESENT ***
[Illustration]
FAIRS, PAST AND PRESENT.
[Illustration]
FAIRS,
PAST AND PRESENT:
A
CHAPTER IN THE HISTORY OF
COMMERCE.
BY
CORNELIUS WALFORD, F.I.A., F.S.S.,
_Barrister-at-Law, and Vice-President of Royal Historical Society_.
[Illustration]
LONDON: ELLIOT STOCK,
62, PATERNOSTER ROW, E.C.
1883.
[Illustration]
PREFACE.
It seems a little remarkable that an institution at once so popular and
so universal as fairs should not heretofore have found an historian.
The fact may perhaps be accounted for in the circumstance that fairs,
as now regarded, are associated with notions of frivolity. Many of the
circumstances connected with their origin are certainly not generally
known. They were the product of a blending of Religion with Commerce,
suited to the genius of former ages, but finding little sympathy now.
They have been associated with the development of commerce in the nations
of Europe—perhaps in the nations of the world.
The materials for such a history are reasonably abundant upon diligent
search. They do not lie upon the surface. Prolonged investigation
revealed so much, that for the purpose of this work some selection became
necessary. I had to consider whether it would be more instructive to
present the incomplete outline of a number of fairs ranging throughout
the world, or to select some of the principal ones at home and abroad,
past and present, and trace minutely their origin, their development,
and their decadence. I determined upon the latter course; and this, too,
notwithstanding that Mr. Henry Morley had already traced in much detail
one of the great fairs whose records it would become necessary for me to
traverse.
I was chiefly led to the decision stated from the fact that the greatest
fair ever held in this country, and held for many centuries—that of
_Sturbridge_, by Cambridge—had hitherto found no historian; yet many of
its annals are on record in a form of undoubted authenticity. It seemed
to me that it would be more instructive to follow such a history through
its successive phases than to present a series of minor sketches, however
varied the details should be. I trust it may be felt that I have selected
the right course. The other materials brought together are not lost; they
are only held over, and will receive the benefit of some additions and
corrections. They can be had when called for, and they will reveal much
that is new, even after this work shall have been read.
The greatest fair in England was that of STURBRIDGE; the greatest fair
in London that of ST. BARTHOLOMEW, Smithfield. Their histories are here
given. They have some points of resemblance; but on the whole they
represent two really distinct pictures of old English manners.
The fairs of Continental Europe required some elucidation. I have given
therefore an outline of several of the more notable fairs of FRANCE,
including those most famous gatherings of the middle ages at Champagne
and Brie. Concerning these latter I have been able to present some
original documents, forming part of the records of the City of London,
and now for the first time printed. Many of these fairs are things of the
past. I have added an outline of the fairs of RUSSIA, including the great
fair of _Nijni-Novgorod_, because these are institutions of the present.
I think the history of this last-named fair has not previously been
written in such detail.
I trust that the work will be found reasonably free alike from author’s
and from printer’s errors.
C. W.
BELSIZE PARK GARDENS, LONDON, _February, 1883_.
[Illustration]
ERRATA.
Page 17, first line, read _dieta_ for _dicta_.
Pages 20, 21, 22, for _Magna Carter_ read _Magna Charta_.
Page 21 (note), sixth line, after “Saxon” read _Tholl_, Low Latin.
Page 245, nine lines from bottom, for “A.D. 427,” read _in the fifth
century_.
Transcriber’s Note: These errata have been corrected, along with a few
other small printing errors.
[Illustration]
CONTENTS.
PAGE
CHAPTER I. Origin of Fairs 1
II. Origin and Laws—England 12
III. Early Regulations—England 19
IV. Courts of Piepowder 26
V. Legislation for Fairs—England 32
VI. Modern Legislation 49
VII. Sturbridge Fair, Origin of 54
VIII. Sturbridge Fair, Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries 58
IX. Sturbridge Fair, first half of the Sixteenth Century 68
X. Sturbridge Fair, second half of the Sixteenth Century 88
XI. Sturbridge Fair, Seventeenth Century 113
XII. Sturbridge Fair, Eighteenth Century 128
XIII. Sturbridge Fair, Nineteenth Century 149
XIV. Sturbridge Fair, Conclusion 160
XV. Bartholomew Fair, Origin of 164
XVI. Bartholomew Fair, Twelfth to Sixteenth Centuries 167
XVII. Bartholomew Fair, Seventeenth Century 190
XVIII. Bartholomew Fair, Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries 217
XIX. Fairs in France 245
XX. Other Fairs of France 261
XXI. The Fairs of Paris 275
XXII. Fairs of Russia 284
XXIII. Nijni-Novgorod 291
XXIV. Fairs in Asiatic Russia 308
Comprehensive Index 311
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
CHAPTER I.
ORIGIN OF FAIRS.
The origin of Fairs, like that of many other ancient institutions, is
involved in much obscurity. The almost universal belief is that they
were associated with religious observances; or, as Mr. Morley poetically
puts it: “the first fairs were formed by the gathering of worshippers
and pilgrims about sacred places, and especially within or about the
walls of abbeys and cathedrals, on the Feast days of the Saints enshrined
therein.” The sacred building and its surroundings being too small to
provide accommodation, tents were pitched; and as the resources of the
district would no more suffice to victual than to lodge its throngs
of visitors, stalls were set up by provision dealers; and later these
were turned to more general purposes of trade. This incidental origin
seems, in some cases, hardly sufficient to account for the results which
followed; but then it has ever been the genius of commerce to follow
close upon the wants of the people.
The establishment of fairs as a source of revenue to religious houses was
probably a later development. The Church has always been keenly alive to
its temporal interests. And while it was one of its principal functions
to administer hospitality to the needy and decrepit, there was justice
in drawing contributions from those who too soon might have to rely upon
its bounty. Certain it is that nearly all the early charters which I
shall have to notice in the progress of this work were shaped in view of
granting tolls and revenue to the purposes of religion and charity.
The signification of the word Fair (French _foire_) is in the Latin
_forum_ a market-place, or _feriæ_ holidays. But the German designation
_Messen_ seems still more significant, as being a word employed to denote
the most solemn part of the Church service—the mass (Latin _missa_).
The association of ideas here implied strengthens with every step of
investigation. In the time of Constantine the Great (fourth century of
Christian era) Jews, Gentiles, and Christians assembled in great numbers
to perform their several rites about a tree reputed to be the oak mambre
under which Abraham received the angels. At the same place, adds Zosimus,
there came together many traders, both for sale and purchase of their
wares. St. Basil, towards the close of the sixth century, complained (_De
Ascetisis_) that his own Church was profaned by the public fairs held
at the martyr’s shrines. While Michaud (“History of Crusades,” i., II)
records that under the Fatimite Caliphs, in the eleventh century, a fair
was held on Mount Calvary on the 15th September every year, in which
were exchanged the productions of Europe for those of the East. Gibbon
implies an earlier date, in stating that it was promoted by the frequent
pilgrimages between the seventh and the eleventh centuries. This Fair
was of special importance in the commerce of the Italians with the East.
_Vide_ Cunningham’s “Growth of English Industry and Commerce,” 1882, p.
120, n.
These notes are but preliminary and introductory: the inquiry has now to
take a wider range.
_Greece._—The association of commerce with religious observances
seems indeed not to have originated in or with the Christian Church.
It is supposed for instance that at the celebrated Greek games, such
as those at Olympia, &c., trade was no entirely subordinate object;
and this idea gains confirmation from various passages in the ancient
classic authors. Cicero expressly states that even so early as the age
of Pythagoras, a great number of people attended the religious games
for the special purpose of trading. At Delphi, Nemæa, Delos, or the
Isthmus of Corinth, a fair was held almost every year. The Amphyctionic
fairs were held twice a year. In the time of Chrysostom, these fairs
were infamously distinguished for a traffic in slaves, destined for
public incontinence.[1] The Amphyctionic spring fair was held at
Delphi, and the autumn fair at Thermopylæ: in fact at the same times
that the deputies from the States of Greece formed the Amphyctionic
Council—another proof that wherever large assemblies of people took place
in Greece, for religious or political purposes, advantage was taken to
carry on traffic. At the fairs of Thermopylæ medicinal herbs and roots,
especially hellebore, were sold in large quantities.
It may be taken for granted that one principal reason why the religious
games or the political assemblies of the States were fixed upon to hold
the fairs was that during these, _all hostilities were suspended_: and
every person might go with his merchandise in safety to them, even
through an enemy’s country. The priests, so far from regarding these
fairs as a profanation of the religious ceremonies, encouraged them; and
the priests of Jupiter, in particular, advanced large sums on interest
to such merchants as had good credit, but had not sufficient money with
them, _vide_ Stevenson’s “Historical Sketch of the Progress of Discovery,
Navigation and Commerce,” vol. 18 of Kerr’s “Travels,” 1824.
_Early Eastern Nations._—By reference to “The Books of the Prophets,”
we are enabled to realize the importance of the fairs in the ancient
commerce of the great city of Tyre (probably B.C. 597-74) “the crowning
city whose merchants were princes, whose traffickers the honourable of
the earth” (Isaiah xxiii. 8). Thus in Ezekiel xxvii.:—
“12. Tarshish was thy merchant by reason of the multitude of all kinds
of riches; with silver, iron, tin and lead, they traded in thy fairs....
“14. They of the house of Togarmah traded in thy fairs with horses and
horsemen and mules....
“16. Syria was thy merchant by reason of the multitude of the wares
of thy making: they occupied in thy fairs with emeralds, purple and
broidered work, and fine linen and coral and agate....
“19. Dan also and Javan going to and fro occupied in thy fairs: bright
iron, cassia, and calamus, were in thy market....
“22. The merchants of Sheba and Raamah, they were thy merchants: they
occupied in thy fairs with chief of all spices, and with all precious
stones and gold....
“27. Thy riches, and thy fairs, thy merchandise, thy mariners shall fall
into the midst of the seas in the day of thy ruin.”
The merchant traders mentioned here claim ancestry from families
mentioned Genesis x. 3-7. The expression “they occupied” may be rendered
“they inhabited.” In the same chapter, in alternate verses, there are
many references to markets.
_Rome._—It is asserted by learned writers (Fosbroke and others) that
fairs, as such, took their origin in ancient Rome. Romulus, Servius,
Tullius, and the Republic, at its commencement, are severally said to
have instituted fairs, in order that the country people might come in
every ninth day (_nundinæ_) to hear the laws proclaimed, or the decrees
of the people delivered.[2] Other public business was transacted thereat.
Booths, tents, and wooden stands for shows were always usual in such
places. The fairs were frequently held in the public streets; and one
of the most constant objects of sale or barter was that of indulgences!
Dogs, and especially greyhounds, were sold at these Roman fairs. It
is further said that the fairs were appointed to be held on Saints’
days _in order that trade might attract those whom religion could not
influence_. The monasteries sold goods, probably such as their inmates
and surrounding dependents could manufacture.
Courts for the purposes of adjudicating upon questions of dispute arising
out of the dealings at the fairs were held alike in Greece and Rome;
these being similar to the Piepowder Courts of the middle ages, and most
likely their precursors. In time of war, fairs were guarded by soldiers,
attempts at plunder being frequent. Bells were provided in fairs for the
purpose of giving speedy alarm.
It has been generally admitted that the Romans introduced the practice
of holding fairs into the north of Europe. I think I shall make it
abundantly clear that they introduced them into England.
_Italy._—It is towards the close of the fifth century of the Christian
era that we first find any authentic account of fairs specially designed
as marts for commerce. Like many other incidents associated with the
history of commerce, the first traces are found in Italy. The Western
Roman Empire had become extinguished; but Italy had fallen into good
hands. Theodoric the Chief or King of the Ostro-Goths had done much
to revive its agriculture, and something for its commerce. Foreign
merchants began to visit it again; and about A.D. 493 several _fairs_
were appointed for the purpose of exchanging its redundant produce with
the merchandise of other countries. Many rich Jew traders settled in
Rome; and by means of these fairs a wide interchange of commodities was
effected.
_Germany._—We next turn to _Germany_. We know that the Emperor Charles
the Great (Charlemagne) towards the close of the eighth century paid
great attention to the commerce of western Europe—a fact indeed which
seems difficult to be reconciled with the circumstance that he allowed
the priests to make a canon declaring all interest for the use of money
to be sinful! It may be that he yielded this point in the hope that
commercial dealings would soon explode the fallacy. He recognized in
fairs a means of exchange of commodities well suited to the times. The
great fairs of his period were those of Aquisgranum (_Aix la Chapelle_)
and of _Troyes_. These were frequented during his reign by traders from
most parts of Europe. The weight used at the latter fair for dealings
in coin—then often accepted by weight only on account of its battered
condition—became adopted as the weight for bullion in all parts of
Europe—the pound troy.
_Flanders._—Our attention is next directed here. The woollen manufactures
commenced probably in the latter half of the tenth century (960).
At first the sales were mostly to the French, whose thrifty habits
enabled them to purchase fine woollen cloths for wear. On account of
the scarcity of coin the trade was mostly carried on by barter, to
facilitate which Baldwin, Earl of Flanders—who seems to have exceeded
most of the sovereigns of that period in desiring the real interest of
himself and his subjects—set up weekly markets, and established regular
fairs at _Bruges_, _Courtray_, _Torhout_ and _Mont-Casel_, at all which
he exempted the goods sold or exchanged from paying any duties on being
brought in or carried out. The new trade was thus greatly extended, and
it continued to flourish for several centuries—largely due to its being
widely known through the fairs of Europe.
_France._—Much of the European commerce of the middle ages was transacted
at the celebrated fairs of Champagne and Brie. There the merchants of
Italy, Spain and France congregated. From far distant climes the Genoese
transported thither bales of goods; and busy traders came to meet in open
market the infant efforts of Belgian manufacturers from Yprès, Douai,
and Bruges. Burgundy sent cloth, Catalonia leather, and the Genoese and
Florentines brought silks; while at all the seaports along their coasts
vast cargoes were unshipped and placed on the backs of mules to wend
their way to the place appointed for the fair.
These fairs would begin with the sale of cloth, perhaps for seventeen
days; the cloth merchants would settle their accounts prior to the silk
merchants entering upon their bargains. In the middle of it all the
great cry “Ara” was raised, as a signal for the money-changers to take
their seats, and for four weeks they sat for the benefit of the various
nationalities who wished to realize their gains in their native coin.
After the conclusion of the fair a busy time of fifteen days was set
apart for those who had not yet settled their accounts, and to rectify
disputes; which time was extended in favour of the representatives of
more distant people who wished to go home and return before finally
completing their books. The Genoese bursar at these fairs had always a
month allowed him before settling his accounts.
Bent (in his “Genoa: how the Republic Rose and Fell,” 1881) from whom we
have drawn some of the preceding details says (p. 106) these fairs in
southern France were not without their political significance. Besides
bringing hither their merchandise, the Italian traders imported into
these towns their spirit of independence and their love of republicanism.
It was from the south of France that the seeds of liberty, equality, and
fraternity spread northwards. No greater stronghold of the rights of
the third estate existed than at Marseilles. To this day the influence
of this fact is strong on the politics of France. And the principles
inculcated by the independent traders of Italy took deep root here under
the eyes of despotism, and found a truly favourable soil in which to
develop. The French revolution, and the state of France as it is to-day,
may owe their first source to these very times when a Genoese merchant
would repair to these fairs, proud and boastful of his own freedom, of
his vote in the General Council, and of a government which owned no royal
master; and all this could be said with a sneer at the people over whom
the banner of the lilies held despotic sway.
_North of Europe._—Towards the close of the tenth century periodical
public markets or fairs were established in the northern portions of
Europe, and were used for a purpose altogether new in these higher
latitudes, but arising out of the rapine and hostilities peculiar to the
period. In several of the North German towns the merchandise brought to
them consisted of slaves taken in the wars—many of which were believed
to have been fermented for the simple purpose of carrying off captives.
Helmold relates that he saw 7,000 Danish slaves at one time exposed for
sale in the market at Mecklenberg. The common price of ordinary slaves of
either sex was about a mark (or 8 oz.) of silver; but some female slaves
for their beauty or qualifications were rated as high as three marks.
(_Vide_ Thorkelin’s “Essay on the Slave Trade,” pp. 4-9.)
We arrive at the close of the sixteenth century. The city of _Antwerp_
had at this period arrived very nearly at the summit of its wealth and
glory, which Anderson (“Hist. of Commerce,” ii., p. 25) considers it had
acquired by two principal means:—
I. By the grants of free fairs for commerce, made formerly by the
sovereigns of the Netherlands—two of which fairs lasted each time six
weeks—whither merchants resorted from all parts of Christendom with their
merchandise, custom free. _At these fairs vast concerns were managed, not
only in merchandise, but in bills of exchange with all parts of Europe._
II. It had become the entrepot of the commerce between the southern and
northern ports of Europe, and especially of the Portuguese merchants.
This drew the German and other merchants to settle there; and the
merchants of _Bruges_ largely removed thither after the Archduke
Maximilian had (about 1499) reduced their city. The fairs were aided by,
and themselves aided, this development.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
ENGLAND
CHAPTER II.
ORIGIN AND LAWS—ENGLAND.
In the preceding survey I have intentionally omitted any mention of
_England_. Historians of the ordinary type have thought it beneath
their dignity to refer to anything so common-place as fairs. The real
mainsprings of our commerce seem in fact very generally to have escaped
them. The greatest commercial nation of the world has found no historian
willing to record the true causes of its greatness. The intrigues
of sovereigns, the machinations of ecclesiastics; the trickeries of
statesmen and diplomatists, have alone commanded their attention and
absorbed their limited energies. The Statute-book, the one great
storehouse of our national history, has escaped their observation. I
propose to devote a special chapter to the origin and development of
fairs in England.
It has been claimed that the Anglo-Saxons founded alike fairs and
markets in England. To Alfred the Great the honour is usually assigned.
I have no doubt whatever that the Romans first introduced the practice
of holding markets and fairs in England. I find very distinct traces
of fairs of Roman origin at _Helston_ (Cornwall), at _Barnwell_ (by
Cambridge), at _Newcastle-upon-Tyne_, and at several places along
the line of the Roman wall in Northumberland. But assuming that the
institutions of the country were largely recast during the Anglo-Saxon
period, we may take note of the supposed re-institution of markets and
fairs in the ninth century. The tithings held their sittings in their
tithing or free-borough once a week, and many people coming thither to
have their matters adjudicated upon, brought also their garden produce,
corn, beasts, and _id genus omne_, for sale: because there they could
meet one another, and buy and sell as their needs required, hence the
commencement of a market weekly. From the Courts just mentioned there
lay an appeal, if either plaintiff or defendant were not satisfied, to a
County Court, held about Easter and Michaelmas, and over these a bishop
and ealderman presided. To this superior Court also came numbers who, at
the various intermediate Court-leets were not satisfied. And as large
numbers came together, a greater and better opportunity was afforded for
selling their wares and goods, corn, beasts, stuffs, linens. “_In this we
can trace the origin of fairs_, which were generally held twice a year,
on or about the times mentioned.” This is the dictum of Mr. G. Lambert,
F.S.A., in a paper read before the London and Middlesex Archæological
Society in 1880, the substance of which is published in the “Antiquary,”
ii., pp. 102-3. The fairs here are seen to be purely secular institutions.
It was by the _Normans_ that the fairs of England were moulded into
the shape with which we are most familiar. The Norman kings placed
themselves largely under the influence of the Papal throne; and it was
to the Church, or in the interest of the Church, that nearly all fairs
were granted after the Norman Conquest in the eleventh century. It was
under John, early in the thirteenth century, that the power of the Church
became most pronounced in England, and it is during this reign that most
of the existing charters of fairs date.
Trying to harmonize these somewhat conflicting views, it may be supposed
that some of our fairs at least were established during the Roman
occupation. These were probably largely added to during the Anglo-Saxon
period. The Normans admittedly encouraged fairs in the interest of the
Church. The fairs of the first and second category were mostly fairs
established by prescription, the latter were chiefly established by
charter. But in the course of centuries the identity of origin becomes
lost. Shepheard, in his “Corporations, Fraternities, and Guilds”
(published 1659), says: “It is very usual in these Charters to confirm
the old markets and fairs, and to grant new markets and Fairs. Or to
change the dayes of the old markets or Fairs. And to grant to the
Corporation the Py-powder Court and Incidents and profits of the Fair.”
(P. 69.)
I am disposed to believe that many of the early fairs associated with
religious observances and ceremonies, were in their inception fairs
of prescription only: that is to say, fairs which took their origin
in passing events, without any special authority, and that upon later
occasions charters were obtained. Bailey says that in ancient times
amongst Christians, upon any extraordinary solemnity, particularly the
anniversary dedication of a church, tradesmen used to bring and sell
their wares even in the churchyards, especially upon the festival of
the dedication; as at Westminster, on St. Peter’s Day; at London, on
St. Bartholomew’s; at Durham, on St. Cuthbert’s Day, &c.; but riots
and disturbances often happening, by reason of the numbers assembled
together, privileges were by royal charter granted, for various causes,
to particular places, towns, and places of strength, where magistrates
presided, to keep the people in order. (“Pop. Antiq.,” Brand.)
Blackstone says:—Fairs and markets, with the tolls belonging to them, can
only be set up by virtue of the royal grant, or by long and immemorial
usage and prescription, which presupposes such a grant. The limitation
of these public resorts to such time and such place as may be most
convenient for the neighbourhood forms a part of economics, or domestic
polity, which, considering the kingdom as a large family, and the
sovereign as the master of it, he clearly has a right to dispose and
order as he pleases.
Again, a man may have a right to hold a fair or market, or to keep a
boat for the ferrying of passengers; and this either by royal grant or
by prescription, from which a royal grant may be presumed to have been
at some time conferred. But (unless under an Act of Parliament) no other
title than these will suffice; for no fair, market, or ferry can be
lawfully set up without license from the Crown. On the other hand, a man
may, under such titles, lawfully claim to be lord of a fair or market,
though he be not the owner of the soil on which it is held.
The right to take toll is usually (though not necessarily) a part of the
privilege; and the tolls of a fair or market are due either in respect
of goods sold there (that is, from the seller, not the buyer), or for
stallage or pickage, or the like, in respect of stalls or polls fixed in
the soil.
I have seen it stated that before the granting of a fair it was customary
to issue a writ of _ad quod damnum_, to inquire whether the grant would
be prejudicial to any; but I doubt if the practice was at all general.
If I am entitled to hold a fair or market, and another person sets up a
fair or market so near mine that he does me a prejudice, it is a nuisance
to the freehold which I have in my market or fair. But in order to make
this out to be a nuisance it is necessary (1) That my market or fair
be the elder, otherwise the nuisance lies at my own door. (2) That the
market be erected within the third part of twenty miles from mine. Sir
M. Hale construes the _dieta_ or reasonable day’s journey mentioned by
Bracton, to be twenty miles; as, indeed, it is usually understood, not
only in our own law, but also in the civil law, from which we probably
borrowed it. So that if the new fair or market be not within seven miles
of the old one, it is no nuisance; for it is held reasonable that every
man should have a market within one-third of a day’s journey from his
own home; that the day being divided into three parts, he may spend one
part in going, another in returning, and the third in transacting his
necessary business there. If such market or fair be on the same day with
mine, it is _primâ facie_ a nuisance to mine, and there needs no proof of
it, but the law will intend it to be so; but if any other day it _may_ be
a nuisance; but of this there must be proof.
The statute of Gloucester (1278) conferred the right of inquiring into
the title of all who claimed rights usually exercised by the Crown. Where
such rights were questioned, the judicial process of _quo warranto_ was
set in motion. One of the principal matters about which inquisition was
frequently made under this statute was the right of holding markets and
fairs. This right could (as we have seen) only be conferred by royal
grant, where prescription could not be pleaded. In many cases it had
been assumed by those who had bought land on which fairs had usually
been held, and who were then taking tolls from merchants which should in
justice have gone to the King. Much curious information was obtained by
means of the inquisitions conducted under this Act. This was originally
recorded in the _Hundred Rolls_, and it is made free use of in this work.
It has been asserted that it is not in the King’s power to resume a
franchise that has been once granted: so that a fair once authorized by
royal grant, is, by the common law of England, good against the King. I
have found no case wherein this principle is declared; but there is an
instance which points in a contrary direction: for in 1446-7 (25 Hen.
VI.) it was enacted “that all grants of franchises, markets, fairs,
and other liberties to buy or to sell within the towns of North Wales
made to any Welshman before this time, shall be void and of no effect.”
Here it was parliament, not the King, revoking the grants. For further
legislation regarding Welsh Fairs, see Chapter V., anno 1534.
Brady (in his famous work on “Boroughs”) seemed to be of opinion that
every free borough had the privilege of a market and fair, with free
right to come and go thereto and therefrom, as of course (p. 33, ed.
1777). But I discover no such inherent right, and where this privilege
is sustained it has usually been included in one of its early charters.
Certainly the converse is not the case: that is to say, it was in no way
customary that fairs should be limited to boroughs free or otherwise.
Many were, indeed, granted to small towns, frequently to lords of manors,
and commonly to religious houses; and in various cases to individuals.
In the next chapter I shall examine more in detail the regulations upon
our statute rolls regarding fairs.
[Illustration]
CHAPTER III.
EARLY REGULATIONS AFFECTING FAIRS—ENGLAND.
It has been attributed to Alfred the Great that amongst the many wise
and beneficial measures he took for the advancement of this kingdom, was
the establishment of fairs and markets. I have already shown that this
is not quite so; but certain it is that the first general measures for
the regulation of commerce in England, are dated back to his reign. Hence
it was then provided that alien merchants should come only to the “four
fairs,” and should not remain in England more than forty days. This was
in the latter half of the ninth century. But I have already shown that
fairs were held in other parts of Europe, and in Asia, centuries earlier
than this date. The point of importance in the regulation of Alfred is
that foreign merchants were permitted by royal authority to attend these
English fairs.
King Ethelred II. (end of tenth and commencement of eleventh centuries)
proclaimed that the _ships of merchants, or of enemies from the high
seas, coming with goods into any port should be at peace_. The principle
here enunciated, of commerce being deemed an act of peace, is believed to
be of high antiquity in Great Britain; but whether it originated here is
by no means clear, nor is it material to determine. At later periods the
practice has not been continuously upheld.
Henry I. granted to the citizens of London (_inter alia_) that they
should be free throughout England and the sea ports from _toll_, passage
through towns, ports, gates, and bridges; _and lestage, or a toll paid
for freedom to sell at Fairs_.
_Magna Charta_ (1215).—The demand of the Barons presented to King John
embodied the following: “That merchants shall have safety to go and come,
buy and sell, without any evil tolls, but by antient and honest customs.”
In the completed _Charter_ the actual grant took the following shape:
All merchants shall have safety and security in coming into England
and going out of England, and in staying and in travelling through
England, as well by land as by water, to buy and sell without any unjust
exactions, according to ancient and right customs, excepting in time of
war, and if they be of a country at war against us: and if such are found
in our land at the beginning of a war, they shall be apprehended without
injury of their bodies and goods until it be known to us, or to our Chief
Justiciary, how the merchants of our country are treated who are found in
the country at war against us; if ours be in safety there, the others
shall be in safety in our land.
The doctrine of international reciprocity is here very clearly stated.
Macpherson (“Annals of Commerce”) is of opinion, after an examination of
the trading of the chief commercial ports of Great Britain, that by the
middle of the twelfth century (A.D. 1156) “the foreign trade was almost
entirely conducted by foreign merchants;” indeed he declared it to be
“evidently” so. I expect to be able to show that the great centres of
trade at this period were the fairs held in various parts of the kingdom.
The case of _Sturbridge Fair_ (Cambridge) is a remarkable instance.
1216.—The first Great Charter of Henry III. confirmed the provisions of
_Magna Charta_ as to merchants, except in the case of those _who had been
before publicly prohibited_. The privileges thus accorded to foreign
merchants were seven. (1) To come into England (2) To depart thereout (3)
To remain (4) To travel by land or water (5) To buy and sell (6) To be
free of evil tolls[3] (7) To enjoy the ancient customs. This last was
of material consequence, and implied privileges not common to ordinary
persons. The promise of freedom from “evil tolls” hardly less so, as will
hereafter appear.
These early privileges accorded to foreign merchants who visited our
shores seem so natural to us, in these free-trade times, that we have
a difficulty in realizing at the first glance the full measure of
their significance. It may aid us in doing so if I review the general
regulations regarding foreigners which prevailed (reciprocally) in
most of the countries of Europe prior to this period (thirteenth
century) and in many cases long thereafter. Every foreigner was
answerable to the debts, and even crimes of all other foreigners of his
own nationality[4]—and the question of nationality was very freely
interpreted in some such cases. And in the case of the death of a foreign
merchant his property in possession was either forfeited to the King or
fell a prey to the rapacity of the lord of the soil in whose territory
the death occurred.[5] Further, by an early custom of London, merchants
giving reference for strangers, who purchased goods on the credit of such
references, were held liable to pay for the goods so obtained. Thus under
the custom of merchants, two persons of the same nationality being found
in arrear, the whole debt might be charged to one of them—as the creditor
might select!
These restrictions removed, or greatly modified, it is no wonder that
fairs greatly increased in numbers and importance.
1235. This same monarch Henry III. gave special permission to the
merchants of _Cologne_ to attend fairs in all parts of England. This was
probably in consequence of some claim from the branch of the Hanseatic
League established in London, to trade in its corporate capacity
exclusively for the cities which belonged to the confederacy. There was
another association of German merchants settled in London at this date.
1275. The First statute of Westminster (c. 23) was intended to remedy the
state of primitive justice already spoken of, and which to a large degree
arose out of local jurisdictions. Under it no foreign person—that is to
say, one who was not free of the town he visited—which is of this realm
(_i.e._ of England) was to be distrained for any debts but his own in any
city, burgh, town, market or fair.
1283. The statute _de Mercatoribus_ (11 Edw. I.) was intended to assist
merchants in the recovery of their debts, and thus to encourage them to
trade in England. When they supplied goods and the debt was acknowledged
before royal officers in specified towns, they could be empowered under
the King’s seal to distrain for debt in default of payment. At Acton
Burnel this new scheme was determined on, for trial in London, York, and
Bristol; and after two years it was decreed (_Statutum Mercatorum_, 1285,
13 Edw. I.) that it should be brought into much more extensive operation
by giving similar facilities in many other places, especially in _fairs_,
and a much greater number of royal officers were empowered to act in the
matter. These privileges were not limited to men from particular towns or
countries: all foreign merchants could avail themselves thereof, except
when this kingdom was at war with their native land. The clause relating
to the “Seal of the Fair” was as follows:—
“And a Seal shall be provided that shall serve for Fairs, and the same
shall be sent unto every Fair under the King’s Seal, by a Clerk sworn,
or by the Keeper of the Fair, and the Seal shall be opened before them,
and the one piece shall be delivered unto the aforesaid merchants, and
the other shall remain with the Clerk; and before them, or one of the
merchants, if both cannot attend, the Recognizances shall be taken as
before is said.”
In the case of London two merchants of the Commonalty should be chosen
that should swear compliance with this law.
And by a charter of the following year granted to foreign merchants then
resident in England, it was ordained, “that one weight shall be kept in
every fair and town; that the weigher shall show the buyer and seller
that the beam and scales are fair, and that there shall be _only one
weight and measure_ in our dominions, and that they be stamped with our
standard mark.” All students of history, know how well this ordinance has
been observed!
By the Statute of Wynton [Winchester] attributed to the reign of Edw.
I., but probably of earlier date it is enacted (c. 6) “And the King
commandeth and forbiddeth that from henceforth neither Fairs nor markets
be kept in the _Church-yards_ for the Honour of the Church.”[6]
1321. About this date—reign of Edw. II.—there is supposed to have been
enacted “Articles of the Office of Escheatry.” Amongst the duties of
this officer of the crown, he was to hold inquest (_inter alia_) of
markets, fairs, tolls, passage-monies, and customs, unjustly levied
without license of the King; also where, when, and from what time, and
how much they are worth by the year. Under the power so granted various
inquisitions regarding fairs, and the tolls charged, and the privileges
asserted, were conducted.
[Illustration]
CHAPTER IV.
COURTS OF PIEPOWDER.
These have been already referred to, and will arise in various other
parts of this work, as being closely associated with fairs.
These Courts, designated in the Latin tongue _curia pedis pulverizati_,
in the Old French _pied puldreaux_, alike in each case, it is supposed,
in reference to, or as typical of the dusty feet of the suitors. Some
indeed say because “justice is there done as speedily as dust can fall
from the feet.” But without reference to such fanciful derivations they
may be spoken of as a rough-and-ready mode of administering justice at
fairs, markets, &c. There is no record or ordinance by which any such
Court was called into existence in this country. They came to us with
fairs; they passed away with the decay of the commercial usages of fairs.
Those curious in matters of archæology may consult a paper hereon by Dr.
Pettingall, which appears in “Archæologia,” i. pp. 190-203.
Barrington, in his “Observations on the Statutes,” observes that “In
the Burrow Laws of Scotland, an alien merchant is called Piedpuldreaux,
and likewise ane Farand-man, or a man who frequents fairs. The Court of
Piepowder is, therefore, to determine disputes between those who resort
to fairs and these kind of Pedlars who generally attend them. _Pied
puldreaux_ in Old French signifies a Pedlar, who gets his livelihood by
vending his goods where he can, without any certain or fixed residence.”
In the “Regiam Majestatem,” 1609, there is the following: “Gif ane
stranger merchand travelland throw the Realme, havand na land, nor
residence, nor dwelling within the schirefdome, bot vaigand fra ane place
to ane other, quha therefore is called Pied Puldreaux, or dustifute.”
Hence then the Court of Pie Powder signifies in simple language a _Court
of Pedlars_.
Such Courts were held in the markets of the Romans, as they were in the
markets of the Normans, and probably all through the old Roman Europe.
But they had yet an earlier origin. Demosthenes makes it plain that all
causes relating to the festival of Bacchus were heard on the spot. Fairs
were associated with the Olympic games; and it seems clear descended from
the festivities of the Greek Church.
The necessity in all fairs of a tribunal which could promptly deal with
the differences arising amongst a fleeting population were the same,
quite irrespective of where the fair might chance to be held. Again the
merchants attending the principal fairs of different countries were in a
large degree the same. They travelled from country to country. What they
found beneficial in one part of the globe was equally so in another, and
hence became adopted as of course. The tribunals of commerce which once
existed in England, and which still exist in various parts of Continental
Europe, are analagous to the Courts of Piepowder held at fairs.
In an account of a fair held in the northern region of Lapland as far
back as two centuries ago (1681), a Court of Piepowder is recorded as one
of its features.
The peculiar constitution of the Court has to be kept firmly in view. It
had jurisdiction only in commercial questions. It tried them before a
jury of traders formed on the spot. It could entertain a case of slander,
if of merchandise or wares exhibited, but not of the merchant or trader
who vended the same. It could sit only during fair time; could take
cognizance only of things happening during fair time, and within the
fair. It could try a thief who had committed robbery in the fair only
when he had been captured within its bounds. It might hold pleas for
amounts, in later times, above forty shillings; and its judgments could
be deferred and enforced at the next fair. So firmly indeed had custom
defined the powers of these Courts, that it has been well said, even
the King himself if he were sitting as judge in such a Court, could not
extend them.
_Specific Legislation._—1478. There having been many abuses committed
in the Courts _Piepowder_ held at the fairs in England, chiefly by the
avarice and injustice of their stewards, bailiffs, and others, whose
province it was to hold the courts and administer impartial justice in
all cases arising during the continuance, and within the jurisdiction,
of the fairs: but who took cognizance of contracts and trespasses
unconnected with the fairs, and frequently having no foundation in truth.
These abuses began to have the effect of preventing merchants from
attending the fairs: whereby the people of the country were deprived of
the convenience of purchasing goods; and the lords of the fairs lost
their customary profits. The entire subject came before parliament, and a
measure intended for relief resulted, which I shall now review in detail:
17 Edw. IV. c. 2.—_Item_, Whereas divers Fairs be holden & kept in this
Realm, some by Prescription allowed before Justices in Eyre, & some by
grant of our Lord the King that now is, & some by the grant of his noble
Progenitors & Predecessors, & to every of the same Fairs is of right
pertaining a Court of Pypowders, to minister in the same due Justice in
this behalf; in wʰ Court it hath been all times accustomed, that every
person coming to the sᵈ Fairs shᵈ have lawful remedy of all manner of
Contracts, Trespasses, Covenants, Debts, & other Deeds under or done
within any of the same Fairs, during the time of the same Fairs, & within
the jurisdiction of the same, & to be tried by merchants being of the
same Fair; wʰ Courts at this day be misused by Stewards....
And sometimes, by the device of evil disposed people several suits be
feigned to trouble them to whom they bear evil will, to the intent that
they for Lucre may have favorable Inquests of those that come to the sᵈ
Fairs, where they take their actions ... whereby the Lords of the same
Fairs do lose great profit by the not coming of divers merchants to the
fairs ... & also the Commons be unserved of such stuff & merchandise as
wᵈ otherwise come to the said Fairs.
For remedy whereof it was Ordained & Established that from the first day
of May then next ensuing no Steward, Under-steward, Bailiff, Commissary,
nor other minister of any such Courts of Pypowders should hold plea upon
any action at the Suit of any person or persons, unless the Plaintiff or
plaintiffs, or his or their attorney, in the presence of the defendant
or defendants do swear upon the holy Evangelists, upon the Declaration,
that the Contract or other Deed contained in the sᵈ Declaration was made
or committed within the Fair & within the Time of the sᵈ Fair where he
taketh his action, & within the bounds & jurisdiction of the same Fair.
The Defendant might plead that the cause did not arise out of the Fair.
If the plaintiff refused to swear the defendant shᵈ be quit. The penalty
on a Steward for holding a Court contrary to this act 100½ shillings.
This act to be Proclaimed, & was to continue until the first day of the
next Parliament “Provided always, That this act nor anything comprised in
the same act be hurtful & prejudicial to William now Bishop of Durham,
nor to his successors within the Liberty & Franchise of the Bishoprick
of Durham.” This act was amended in slight details by 1 Rich. III. c. 6
(1483). See Chap. V.
_Appeal._—1779. By the 19 George III. c. 70 right of appeal was given
against the judgments of any of the inferior courts—and hence against
those of the Courts of Piepowder—by means of a writ of error to the
superior courts at Westminster; and such courts were to have the right of
issuing writs of execution in aid of their processes after judgment not
appealed against. This largely extended the efficacy of this particular
court, as goods of the defendant—not in the fair, and therefore beyond
the ancient jurisdiction of this court—could now be levied upon.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
CHAPTER V.
LEGISLATION FOR FAIRS IN ENGLAND.
_Duration of Fairs._ 1328. There was enacted 2 Edwᵈ. III. c. 15. “No
person shall keep a Fair longer than he ought to do,” which was as
follows:
Item, it is established That it shall be commanded to all the sheriffs of
England & elsewhere, where need shall require to cry and publish within
Liberties & without, that all the Lords [of the soil] wʰ have Fairs,
be it for yielding certain Ferm [Rent?] for the same to the King or
otherwise, shall hold the same for the time that they ought to hold it,
& no longer; that is to say, (1) such as have them by the King’s Charter
granted them, for the time limited by the sᵈ Charters (2) and also they
that have them without Charter, for the time that they ought to hold them
of Right. (3) And that every Lord at the beginning of his Fair shall
there do cry & publish how long the fair shall endure, to the intent that
merchants shall not be at the same Fairs over the time so published,
upon pain to be greviously punished towards the King (4) Nor the sᵈ Lords
shall not hold them over the due Time upon pain to seize the Fairs into
the King’s hands, there to remain till they have made a fine to the King
for the offence, after it be duly found, that the Lords held the same
Fairs longer than they ought, or that the merchants have sitten above the
time so cried & published. See 1331.
1331. The 5 Edw. III. c. 5—“The Penalty if any do sell Ware at a Fair
after it is ended” was as follows:
_Item_, Where it is contained in the statute made at Northampton [1328]
... that the Lords wʰ have Fairs by Charters or otherwise, shall hold
them during the Time that they ought to do, & no longer upon Pain to
seize such Fairs into the King’s hands (2) & that every Lord at the
Beginning of his Fair _shall proclaim how long the fair shall endure_;
(3) and in the same Statute is no certain punishment ordained against
the merchants if they sell after the time, (4) it is accorded, That the
sᵈ merchants after the sᵈ time shall close their Booths & Stalls without
putting any manner of Ware or Merchandise to sell there. (5) And if it be
found, that any merchant from henceforth sell any Ware or merchandise at
the sᵈ Fairs after the sᵈ Time, such Merchant shall forfeit to me Lord
the King the double value of that wʰ is sold (6) and every Man that will
sue for our Lord the King, shall be received, & shall have the fourth
part of that wʰ shall be lost at his suit.
Macpherson [“Hist. of Commerce”] commenting upon this act says _Fairs
were “the seats of most of the inland trade of the kingdom.”_
1448. The 27 Henry VI. c. 5 was directed against “the scandal of holding
Fairs & markets on Sundays & upon High Feast Days.” This practice had in
earlier times been very general.
_Attempted Limitation of the Commerce of Fairs._—1487. The Common Council
of London, in order to oblige the people to resort to the City for their
purchases, had made an ordinance that no citizen should carry goods for
sale to any fair or market out of the city. The assortment of goods in
London (says Macpherson) appears to have been so commanding that those
interested in fairs of Salisbury, Bristol, Oxford, Cambridge, Nottingham,
Ely, Coventry, and other places, and also the people of the country in
general, were alarmed, and represented to Parliament the destruction of
the fairs, and the great hardship of being obliged to travel to London to
procure chalices, books, vestments, and other church ornaments, and also
victuals for the time of Lent, linen cloth, woollen cloth, brass, pewter,
bedding, osmond, iron, flax, wax, and other necessaries. The London
ordinance was thereupon annulled by Parliament; and the citizens were
permitted to go with their goods to the fairs and markets in every part
of England. (“Hist. of Com.” i. p. 708.)
The act by which this was effected is 3 Hen. VII. c. 9—_Freemen of London
may carry their wares to any Fairs or Markets_—which recites as follows:
“Humbly showen and prayen unto your Highness, your true & faithful
Commons of this your Realm of _England_, That where the Citizens &
Freemen of the City of London have used out of time & mind to go, carry &
lede their merchandise & ware unto all Fairs & markets at their Liberty
of the sᵈ City; now of late time the Mayor, Aldermen, & Citizens of the
City of _London_ have made & enacted an Ordinance within the same City,
upon a great Pain, that no man that is a freeman or a Citizen of the
sᵈ City shall go or come to any Fair or Market out of the same City of
London, with any manner of ware or merchandise to sell or to barter, to
this Intent, that all Buyers & merchants should resort to the sᵈ City
to buy their ware & merchandises of the sᵈ Citizens & Freemen of London
aforesaid, because of their singular Lucre & Avail; wʰ Ordinance, if it
should hold as is before expressed, _shall be to the utter destruction
of all other Fairs & markets within this your Realm_, wʰ God defend:
for there be many fairs for the common weal of your said liege People,
as at _Salisbury_, _Bristol_, _Oxenforth_, _Cambrigge_, _Netyngham_,
_Ely_, _Coventre_, & at many other places _where Lords Spiritual, &
Temporal, Abbots, Priors, Knights, Esquires, Gentlemen, & your said
Commons of Every Country hath their common resort, to buy & purvey many
things that be good & profitable_, as Ornaments of Holy Church, Chalice,
Books, Vestments, & other ornaments of Holy Church aforesᵈ, & also for
Household, as victual for the time of Lent, & other stuff, as Linnen
Cloth, Woollen Cloth, Brass, Pewter, Bedding, Osmonde, Iron, Flax, &
Wax, & many other necessary Things, the wʰ might not be forborn amongst
your said liege People; but, by the sᵈ Ordinance every man willing to buy
any of the premisses, shall be courted to come to the sᵈ City of London,
to their importable Costs & Charges, wʰ if the sᵈ act should endure,
shall grow great hurt & prejudice to the common weal of this your Realm,
& shall cause many pernicious strifes & debates between your said liege
people, & the said Mayor, Aldermen & Citizens in time to come, by the
making the sᵈ Ordinance, the wʰ is thought may not continue & stand with
good charity, the premisses considered, wherefore it may please your said
Highness most noble & abundant Grace, in consideration of the Hurt likely
to grow of & by the premises, that it may be enacted:
The King Lords and Commons therefore enacted that every freeman and
citizen of London then or thereafter, might go with his victual ware or
merchandise, at his or their liberty to any fair or market that should
please him within the realm of England, any act, statute or ordinance to
the contrary notwithstanding. Any disregard of the statute to incur a
penalty of £10 to the king.
1496. The Company of Merchant-Adventurers of England which was said to
have been in existence for nearly two centuries—although not actually
chartered until 1505—took steps about this period calculated to interfere
with the freedom of British merchants to attend fairs and marts in
foreign countries.
The merchants who traded on their own individual account residing in
various parts of England and of the City of London, sent up a petition
to the House of Commons, (as against the claims of the said Company of
Merchant-Adventurers) wherein it was set forth that they traded beyond
the sea with their goods and merchandise, as well into Spain, Portugal,
Bretagne, Ireland, Normandy, France, Seville, Venice, Dantzic, Eastland,
Friseland and many other parts—the geography is often a little hazy in
these early documents—there to buy and sell and make their exchanges,
according to the laws and customs of those parts: every one trading as
seemed most to his advantage, without sanction, fine, imposition or
contribution, to be had or taken of them, or any of them, to for, or by,
any English person or persons. And in like sort they, before this time
had used, and of right ought to have and use the like commerce into the
coasts of _Flanders_, _Zealand_, _Holland_, _Brabant_, and other adjacent
parts, under the obedience of the Archduke of Burgundy; in which places
are usually kept the universal marts or fairs, four times in the year;
to which marts all Englishmen, and divers other nations in times past,
have used to resort, there to sell their own commodities, and freely to
buy such merchandise as they had occasion for: till now of late, the
Fellowship of Mercers, and other merchants and adventurers, dwelling and
being free within the City of London by confederacy amongst themselves,
for their own singular profit, contrary to every Englishman’s liberty,
to the liberty of the said mart there, and contrary to all law, reason,
charity, right and conscience have made an ordinance among themselves to
the prejudice of all other Englishmen, that no Englishman resorting to
the said mart, shall either buy or sell any merchandise there, unless he
shall first have compounded and made fine with the said Fellowship of
Merchants of London, at their pleasure; upon pain of forfeiture to the
said Fellowship of such their said merchandise. Which fine, imposition,
and exaction, at the beginning, when first taken, was demanded by colour
of the _Fraternity of St. Thomas Becket_; at which time it was only
an old noble sterling. And so by colour of such feigned holiness, it
hath been suffered to be taken of a few years past: it was afterwards
increased to 100 shillings, Flemish; but now the said Fellowship of
London take of every Englishman or young merchant, being there, at his
first coming £40 sterling for a fine, to suffer him to buy, and sell his
own goods. By reason whereof, all merchants not of the said Fellowship,
do withdraw themselves from the said marts: whereby the woollen cloth of
this realm, which is one of the greatest commodities of the same, as well
as sundry other English commodities of the same, as well as sundry other
English commodities, are not sold and got off as in times past, but are
for want of sale thereof, in divers parts, where such clothes are made,
conveyed to London, and there sold at an undervalued price, even below
what they cost the makers. Moreover the merchandise of those foreign
parts, imported by the said Fellowship, is sold to your complainants and
other subjects at so high a price that the buyers cannot live thereupon;
by reason whereof all the cities and towns of the realm are falling into
great poverty, ruin and decay: and the King’s customs and subsidies, and
the navy of the land greatly decreased.
It was therefore enacted (12 Hen. VII. c. 6) that all Englishmen from
henceforth should and might freely resort to the Coasts of _Flanders_,
_Holland_, Zealand, Brabant, and other parts adjoining, under the
obedience of the Archduke; and at their marts or fairs there, sell their
merchandise freely, without exaction, fine, imposition, or contribution
taken or received of any of them by the said Fraternity or Fellowship,
excepting only the sum of ten marks [£6 13_s._ 4_d._] sterling, on pain
of forfeiting £20 for every time they take more; and shall also forfeit
to the person so imposed on ten times so much as contrary to this act was
taken of him. See 1554.
_Welsh Fairs._—1534. There was enacted 26 Hen. VIII. c. 6—_The Bill
concerning Councils in Wales_—which recited: “Forasmuch as the people of
_Wales_, & the marches of the same, not dreading the good & wholesome
Laws & Statutes of this Realm, have of long time continued & persevered
in Perpetration & Commission of divers & manifold Thefts, Murthers,
Rebellions, wilful Burning of Houses & other scelerous Deeds & abominable
malefacts, to the high displeasure of God, Inquietation of the Kings
well-disposed subjects, & Disturbance of the Public Weal, wʰ malefacts &
scelerous Deeds be so rooted & fixed in the same People, that they be
not like to cease unless some sharp correction & Punishment for Redress &
Amputation of the Premises be provided, according to the Demerits of the
offenders.” Whereupon it was enacted (_inter alia_):
That no person or persons dwelling or resident within _Wales_ or the
Lordships marches of the same, of what Estate, Degree, or Condition
soever he or they be of, coming, resorting, or repairing unto any
Sessions or Court to be holden within _Wales_ or any Lordships, marches,
of the same shall bring or bear, or cause to be brought or born to the
same Sessions or Court or to any place within the distance of two miles
from the same Sessions or Court, nor to any Town, Church, _Fair_, Market
or other congregation, except it be upon a Hute or Outcry made of any
Felony or Robbery done or perpetrated, nor in the Highways in affray
of the King’s Peace, or the Kings liege People, any Bill, Long-bow,
Cross-bow, Hand-gun, Sword, Staff, Dagger, Halbert, More-spike, Spear, or
any other manner of weapon, Proof-coat or Armour defensive, upon pain of
forfeiture of the same and of imprisonment and fine, except permission by
given by the proper authorities authorised thereto.
_Robberies in Fairs._—1552. The 5 and 6 Edw. VI. c. 9—_An Act for the
taking away of the Benefit of Clergy_ for certain offenders recites:
(3) “And where also it hath been in question & doubted, that if such
Robberies & Felonies happen to be committed & done in any Booth or
Booths, Tent or Tents in any Fair or market, the Owner of the same, his
wife, Children or Servants happening to be within the same at the time
of the committing of such Felonies, & put in fear & dread, the offenders
therein being found guilty after the Laws of this Realm, should not lose
the Benefit of Clergy.”
Whereupon it was enacted that persons so offending should not be entitled
to benefit of Clergy, but should suffer death in such manner and form as
was mentioned in the act 23 Hen. VIII. c. 1, for Robberies and Felonies
committed and done in Dwelling houses and Dwelling places, the Owner and
Dweller in the same, his wife children or servants being within the same,
and put in fear and dread, without having any respect or consideration
whether the owner or dweller in such booths and tents his wife, children
or servants being in the same Booths or Tents at the time of such
Robberies and Felonies committed, shall be sleeping or waking.
_Restricting the dealing in Fairs._—1554. By the 1st and 2nd Philip and
Mary, c. 7—_An Act for that Persons dwelling in the Country shall not
sell divers Wares in Cities or Towns Corporate by retail_—it is recited:
Where before this time the ancient Cities, Boroughs, Towns Corporate and
market Towns (within this Realm of _England_) have been very populous,
and chiefly inhabited with merchants, Artificers, and Handicraftsmen,
during which time the Children in those Cities were civilly brought up
and instructed, and also the said cities &c. kept in good order and
obesience, and the inhabiters of the same well set on work and kept from
idleness. (2) By reason whereof, the said Cities &c. did then prosper
in riches and great wealth, and were as then not only able to serve and
furnish the King and Queens majesties, and their noble progenitors, Kings
of this Realm, as well with great numbers of good able persons and well
furnished, meet for the wars, as also then charged, and yet chargeable
with great fee-farms, _Quindismes_, Taxes, and divers other payments to
the King and Queen’s Majesties, which at this present they be not able
to pay and bear, but to their utter Undoing, being few in number to pay
and bear the same; but also the same Cities &c. are likely to come very
shortly to utter destruction, ruin and decay; (3) by reason whereof
the occupiers, Linendrapers, woollen-drapers, Haberdashers and Grocers
dwelling in the Counties out of the said Cities &c. do not only occupy
the art and mystery of the said Sciences in the places where they dwell
and inhabit, but also come into the said Cities &c. and there sell their
wares, and take away the Relief of the inhabitants of the said Cities &c.
to the great decay and utter undoing of the inhabitants of the same, if
speedy reformation therein be not had in time convenient. (4) For remedy
whereof and for the better amendment of the said Cities &c. to the end
that the same Cities &c. may be better able to pay the said Fee-farms,
and also to bear the other ordinary charges within the same Cities &c.
and to furnish the King and Queen’s majesties with numbers of able
persons, like as they have heretofore done in times past, in times of
War.
It was enacted, That any person or persons which do now inhabit and
dwell, or hereafter shall inhabit and dwell in the Country anywhere, or
County within this Realm of _England_, out of any of the said Cities,
Boroughs, Towns Corporate or Market Towns, from and after the Feast of
St. _Michael_ the archangel next coming, _shall not sell or cause to be
sold by retail_, any woollen cloth, Linen Cloth, Haberdashery wares,
Grocery wares, Mercery wares, at or within any of the said Cities &c., or
within the Suburbs or Liberties of the said Cities, &c., within the said
Realm of England (_except it be in open Fairs_) upon pain of forfeiting
6_s._ 8_d._ and the whole Wares so sold, proffered and offered to be sold
contrary to the form and intent of this act as above is said. But all
such persons might sell their products wholesale; and persons dwelling
in the Country, but afterwards becoming free of any City &c. would be
thus placed outside the operation of this act. And persons might sell
by retail all manner of Cloth, Linen or Woollen of our making anywhere
notwithstanding this act. “Provided alway that this act or anything
therein contained shall not be prejudicial or hurtful to the Liberties
and Privileges of the Universities of _Cambridge_ and _Oxford_, or either
of them.”
_Horse Fairs._—1555. The 2 and 3 Philip and Mary, c. 7 related to the
facilities for dealing in stolen horses, which it was attempted to check
by having duly appointed fairs for such dealings. This Act gave rise to
the holding of “Horse Fairs” separately from other fairs. The Act 31 of
Elizabeth c. 12 (1589) required a record to be kept of all horses sold
at fairs.
_Plague._—1625. The importance rightly attached from a sanitary point of
view to the gathering of large multitudes together at fairs is manifested
in a very ample degree in a Royal Proclamation issued by Charles I. from
his Palace at Woodstock on the 4th August:
The Kings most excellent majesty, out of his Princely and Christian care
of his loving subjects, that no good means of Providence may be neglected
to stay the further spreading of the great infection of the Plague,
doth find it necessary to prevent all occasions of public concourse of
his people for the present, till it shall please Almighty God of His
goodness, to cease the violence of the Contagion which is very dispersed
into many parts of the Kingdom already; _And therefore remembering that
there are at hand two Fairs of special note and unto which there is
usually extraordinary resort out of all parts of the Kingdom_, the one
kept in Smithfield, near the City of London, called Bartholomew Fair, and
the other near Cambridge called Stourbridge Fair, _the holding whereof at
the usual times would in all likelihood be the occasion of further danger
and infection in other parts of the land_, which yet in Gods mercy stand
clear and free, hath, with the advice of his Majesty’s Privy Council,
thought good, by this open declaration of his pleasure and necessary
commandment, not only to admonish and require all his loving subjects to
forbear to resort for this time to either of the said two fairs, or _to
any other fairs within 50 miles of the said City of London_, but also to
enjoin the Lords of the said Fairs, and others interested in them, or
any of them, that they all forbear to hold the said Fairs, or anything
appertaining so them, at all times accustomed or at any time, till by
God’s goodness and mercy the infection of the Plague shall cease, or be
so much diminished, that his majesty shall give order for holding them;
upon pain of such punishment as, for a contempt so much concerning the
universal safety of his people, they shall be adjudged to deserve, which
they must expect to be inflicted with all severity: His Majesty desire
being so intentive for preventing the general Infection threatened, as
he is resolved to spare no man that shall be the cause of dispersing the
same. And to that purpose doth hereby further charge and enjoin, under
like penalty, all citizens and inhabitants of the said City of London,
_that none of them shall repair to any fair held within any part of his
kingdom_, until it shall please God to cease the infection now reigning
amongst them: His Majesty’s intention being, and so hereby declaring
himself, that no Lord of any Fairs, or others interested in the profits
thereof, shall by this necessary and temporary restraint, receive any
prejudice in the right of his or their Fairs, or liberties thereunto
belonging, anything before mentioned notwithstanding.
Earlier proclamations and orders had prevented the holding or had
curtailed the period of St. Bartholomew fairs on several occasions viz.
1348, 1593, and 1603; and other fairs had likewise been stayed or
postponed. These will be noticed in dealing with such fairs specifically.
1630. The Plague was prevailing in Cambridge, and a Royal Proclamation
was issued, dated Aug. 1, prohibiting the holding of the “three great
Fairs of special note, unto which there is an extraordinary resort from
all parts of the Kingdom” viz. those of Bartholomew, Sturbridge, and
Southwark.
_Coinage._—1662. The preceding year was that of the Restoration, and it
was by Proclamation ordered that the coinage of the Commonwealth should
be no longer current than the last day of November. The “Kingdom’s
Intelligencer” for Aug. 22-25 this year contained the following:
“Whitehall Aug. 23. There hath been a discovery of divers persons who
have coined both gold and silver, and of other persons who have vended
the same in great quantities &c. intending to utter the same to Clothiers
and at Fairs; which is published to an end that honest persons may not be
deceived by receiving such monies.”
_Sale of Printed Matter, &c._—1698. In the 9 and 10 William III. c.
27—_An Act for Licensing Hawkers and Pedlars_ &c. section 9 is as
follows: Provided always.... That this Act or anything contained
shall not Extend to Prohibit any persons from selling of any Acts of
Parliament, Forms of Prayer, Proclamations, Gazettes, licensed Almanacks
or other Printed Papers, licensed by authority, or any Fish, Fruits or
Victuals; nor to hinder any person or persons, who are the real workers
or makers of any Goods or Wares within the Kingdom of _England_,
Dominion of _Wales_, and Town of _Berwick_ upon _Tweed_, or his her or
their Children, Apprentices, Agents or Servants, to such real Workers and
makers of such Goods or Wares only, from carrying abroad, exposing to
Sale, or selling any of the said Goods and Wares of his, her, or their,
own making in any Public Mart, Fairs, Markets, or Elsewhere; nor any
Tinkers, Coopers, Glaziers, Plummers, Harness-menders, or other persons
actually trading in mending kettles, Tubs, Household Goods or Harness
whatsoever, from going about and carrying with them proper materials for
mending the same.
And by Section 12 it is further enacted: That nothing herein contained
shall extend or be construed to extend to hinder any person or persons
from Selling or exposing to sale any sorts of Goods or Merchandises,
in any public mart, Market, or Fair within the Kingdom of _England_,
Dominion of _Wales_ and Town of _Berwick_ upon _Tweed_, but that such
person or persons may do therein as they lawfully might have done before
the making of this act; anything herein contained to the contrary
notwithstanding.
_Altering the Calendar._—1751. Under 24 Geo. II. c. 23—_An Act for
Regulating the Commencement of the Year; and for correcting the Calendar
now in use_, it was provided Section 4 (_inter alia_) that the terms for
holding and keeping of all markets, fairs and marts, “whether for the
sale of Goods or Cattle, or for the hiring of Servants, or for any other
purpose, wʰ are either fixed to certain nominal days of the month, or
depending upon the beginning, or any certain day of any month, & all
Courts incident & belonging to, or usually holden or kept with any such
Fairs or Marts, should be holden & kept upon or according to the same
natural days upon or according to wʰ the same shᵈ have been so kept or
holden in case this act had not been made.”
This act was amended by 25 Geo. II. c. 30, which enacted that all such
events as before enumerated were to take place “according to the new
Calendar.”
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
CHAPTER VI.
MODERN LEGISLATION.
1839-1874. In the 2nd and 3rd Vict. c. 47—_An Act for the Further
Improving the Police in and near the Metropolis_—it is provided that
Inquiries may be made regarding Fairs within the Metropolitan Police
District, alike as to the authority to hold such Fair, and also as to
the time during which it may be holden. If the authority for holding the
Fair be doubtful the owner or occupier of the ground may be summoned to
show his right and title to hold such Fair: and if the Fair be declared
unlawful, then Booths &c. may be removed. But the owner or occupier by
entering into recognizances, may reserve the question of the right or
title to hold such Fair, to be tried in the Court of Queen’s Bench—see
1868.
1843. The 6 and 7 Vict. c. 68—_An Act for Regulating Theatres_—recites
“Whereas it is expedient that the Laws now in force for regulating
Theatres and Theatrical Performances be repealed, and other Provisions
be enacted in their stead.” And section 23 is as follows: And be it
enacted that in this act the word “Stage-play” shall be taken to include
every Tragedy, Comedy, Farce, Opera, Burletta, Interlude, Melodrama,
Pantomime, or other entertainment of the stage, or any part thereof:
Provided always, that nothing herein contained shall be construed to
apply to any Theatrical Representation in any Booth or Show which by the
Justices of the Peace, or other Persons having authority in that behalf,
shall be allowed in any lawful Fair, Feast, or customary meeting of the
like kind. This act was only to extend to Great Britain.
1844. The 7 and 8 Vict. c. 24—_An Act for Abolishing the Offences of
Forestalling, Regrating, and Engrossing, and for repealing certain
statutes passed in Restraint of Trade_—enacts (section 4) “That nothing
in this act shall be construed to apply to the offence of knowingly and
fraudulently spreading or conspiring to spread any false rumour, with
intent to enhance or decry the Price of any goods or merchandise, or to
the offence of preventing or endeavouring to prevent by Force or threats
any goods, wares, or merchandise being brought to any Fair or Market, but
that every such offence shall be inquired of, tried, and punished as if
this act had not been made.”
1847. There was enacted 10 and 11 Vict. c. 14—_An Act for consolidating
in One Act certain Provisions usually contained in Acts for Constructing
or Regulating Markets and Fairs_—which however was only to extend to
such markets or fairs as should be authorised by any Act of Parliament
hereafter to be passed, which should declare this Act to be incorporated
therewith; and then all clauses of this Act, except so far as they might
be varied or excepted from such Act were to apply. The details of this
measure will fall to be reviewed more in detail under MARKETS.
1868. There was enacted 31 and 32 Vict. c. 51—_An Act to amend the
Laws relating to Fairs in England and Wales_—under which “in case it
should appear to the Secretary of State for the Home Department, upon
representation duly made to him by the magistrates of any Petty Sessional
District, within which any Fair is held, or by the owner of any Fair in
England and Wales, that it would be for the convenience and advantage of
the Public that any such Fair shall be held in each year on some day or
days other than those on which such Fair is used to be held, it shall
be lawful for the Secretary of State for the Home Department to order
that such Fair shall be held on such other day or days as he shall think
fit.” Provided notice of such representation be duly advertised, and also
notice of order as therein provided. (See 1873.)
An act of the same session (c. 12) gave powers to facilitate the
alteration of days upon which and of places at which fairs might be held
in _Ireland_. It was upon the same lines as the preceding.
Another measure of the same session (c. 106)—_An Act for the Prevention
of the holding of unlawful Fairs within the Limits of the Metropolitan
Police District_—provides that where any Fair is holden or notice given
of any Fair proposed to be holden on any ground within the Metropolitan
Police District, other than that on which a Fair has been holden during
each of the seven years immediately preceding, it should be competent for
the Commissioner of Police to cause inquiry to be made as to right and
title to hold such Fair, after the manner provided by the act of 1839.
This is designated “The Metropolitan Fairs Act 1868.”
1871. There was enacted 34 Vict. c. 12—_An Act to further Amend the Law
relating to Fairs in England and Wales_—which recites: “Whereas certain
of the Fairs held in England & Wales are unnecessary, are the cause of
grievous immorality, and are very injurious to the inhabitants of the
Towns in which such Fairs are held, and it is therefore expedient to
make provision to facilitate the abolition of such Fairs.” It is then
provided that the Secretary of State may on representation of magistrates
with consent of owner, order fairs to be abolished. The machinery being
the same as under the Act of 1839 applying to the Metropolitan Police
District. This Act is known as “The Fairs Act, 1871.”
1872. The Local Government Board (Ireland) Act 1872 gave (35 and 36 Vict.
c. 69, section 10) powers to the governing body of any town, being the
owners of any fair held therein (under the Local Government (Ireland) Act
1871) with the consent of two thirds of the members of such governing
body, and with the consent of the Local Government Board—and of any
person being the owner of any fair, with the consent of the last named
body—to alter and fix the days for holding fairs. Notices being given as
therein prescribed.
1873. The Act of 1868 was repealed, but almost precisely similar
provisions were re-enacted by 36 and 37 Vict. c. 37. The term “owner”
(used as in the previous act and in this) was defined to mean any person
or persons, or body of companies, or body corporate, entitled to hold any
fair, whether in respect of the ownership of any lands or tenements, or
under any charter, letters patent, or otherwise howsoever.
This measure was not to apply to _Scotland_ or _Ireland_.
1874. There are a great number of acts relating to the sale of
Intoxicating Liquors at Fairs and Races. The latest 37 and 38 Vict. c. 49
(1874) by section 18, enacts that “occasional Licences” are required in
all such cases, except where the ordinary licensed premises fall within
the boundaries of such fair or race ground.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
STURBRIDGE FAIR.
CHAPTER VII.
ORIGIN.
The origin of this Fair—like that of most of the great fairs of the
world—is involved in obscurity. The first trace of it is found in a
charter granted about 1211 by King John to the Lepers of the Hospital of
St. Mary Magdalen at Sturbridge, by Cambridge—a fair to be held in the
Close of the Hospital on the Vigil and Feast of the Holy Cross.
The Commissioners appointed by Edward I. to make inquiry into the rights
and revenue of the Crown, visited Cambridge; and concerning its several
markets and fairs reported (_inter alia_) the existence of this fair to
which fact I shall make further reference, under date 1278.
Whatever its origin, it became in a comparatively short time after
the period of which I am now speaking the most important fair held in
Great Britain, and some writers have declared—without much apparent
information to guide them—in the world. The incidents in its history
are so remarkable, and throw so much light upon the customs of our
forefathers, that I propose to give them in considerable detail. They
have been brought together from various sources—the chief being Cooper’s
“Annals of Cambridge,” compiled by Charles Henry Cooper, F.S.A., who held
the office of Town Clerk, and who consequently had unrestricted access to
the records. The “History and Antiquities of Barnwell Abbey,” 1786, has
been largely consulted. While the ample notes appended to the “Life of
Ambrose Bonwicke,” as edited by Prof. John E. B. Mayor, M.A., 1870, have
been made available. I have followed as best suited to the circumstances,
a strictly chronological arrangement.
As questions continually arise in the progress of our record regarding
the rights of the town of Cambridge over the fair, it will be well
here briefly to indicate how these may have arisen. In the inquisition
of the Commissioners already referred to, it is recorded that “the
keepers of this Hospital hold twenty four acres and a half of land in
Cambridge field, for the support of the Lepers therein dwelling according
to ancient right and custom.” From other sources it appears that the
Hospital was at the disposal of the burgesses of Cambridge previous to
1245; but that about this time Hugh de Northwold, the then Bishop of Ely
“unjustly got the patronage of it.” The burgesses still claimed that
the advowson of the Hospital “belonged by right to them.” The fact
probably being that the hospital was established by the town, before it
was converted into a religious foundation; that upon such conversion the
Church claimed sole jurisdiction; but as the original grant of land was
not relinquished the townsmen still asserted their interest; and it will
be seen, in the end—and after centuries of conflict—obtained it. See 1544.
There is a further element of conflict, of a far more pertinacious
character than the preceding, running almost entirely through our six
centuries of record—and this is with the University, as distinguished
from the Town, of Cambridge. It was the custom to grant to University
towns very large powers regarding the food supplies, _i.e._ the control
of the markets; as also, and necessarily, the control of the morals,
and therefore the amusements, of the scholars. Such a fair as that of
Sturbridge affected alike the food supplies, and the moral discipline of
the students; and hence the whole machinery of the University was put in
force to secure and maintain control. It is in this view that many of the
details of the University Proclamation of the Fair (see 1548) can alone
be explained. On the other hand the Town authorities always had in view
their rights over the Lepers Hospital; and hence their reversion in the
tolls of the fair. Other points will make themselves apparent; but these
are the broad views from which many of the following incidents have to be
regarded.
_Name of the Fair._—The first point of interest is the name of the Fair.
It is occasionally spelled in such a manner as to be entirely misleading
as to its locality; and hence many have come to regard it as being in
the western, instead of the eastern part of the kingdom. The spelling
indeed has varied much at different periods. The original designation
was Steresbrigg, so called from the little river of _Stere_, or _Sture_
flowing into the _Cam_, near Cambridge. There have been several fanciful
origins assigned by those who were too indolent to investigate proper
sources: such as (by Bloomfield) that it was derived from the toll
paid for all young cattle, or _steers_ passing over the bridge! I have
throughout this record followed the spelling of the authorities under
quotation.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
CHAPTER VIII.
CHRONOLOGY, THIRTEENTH TO FIFTEENTH CENTURIES—STURBRIDGE.
1278. The Commissioners of Edward I. (already referred to) returned upon
inquest that King John had granted this Fair for the benefit of the
Hospital for Lepers which stood there. “To the said Hospital belongs a
certain Fair, held at the Feast of the raising and exaltation of the
Cross, which continues to this eve of Holy Cross, within the meadow
belonging to the said Hospital, which Fair our sovereign Lord King
John, the predecessor of our present Lord the King, granted to the said
Hospital, for the use and subsistence of the Lepers dwelling therein.”
1351. A writ was on 3rd Oct. directed to the Sheriff of Cambridgeshire
requiring him to convey to the Keeper of the King’s Wardrobe in the Tower
of London, thirty-seven strait cloths, and one cloth of colour, lately
seized in the Fair of Steresbrigge to the King’s use, by his deputy
Alnager, as not being of the assize and which were then in the custody of
the Mayor of Cambridge.
1376. This year the Corporation of Cambridge made an Ordinance,
prohibiting any burgess to take Sturbridge Chapel to farm, except to
the use of the mayor and bailiffs, or to keep market there, under the
penalty of 10 marks, or to make any booth there, or let any place for
the building of a booth, under the penalty of 10s.; and any burgesses
convicted of a breach of this Ordinance before the twenty-four [members
of the Common Council] was to be deprived of his freedom at their
discretion.
1382. The King being informed that many false weights and measures had
been theretofore used in Steresbrigge Fair, to the deception of his
subjects resorting thereto, issued a Writ on 3rd Sept. requiring the
Chancellor of the University to be vigilant in exercising in that fair
the powers conferred on him by the late Charter [1381] respecting weights
and measures.
Two years later a dispute arose between the Corporation and the
University regarding the exercise of this right. The King confirmed the
privilege of the University.
1395. Richard II. made order that the sheriff was to apprehend all
persons who broke the peace in Bernwell Fair, whether scholars or
townsmen.
1397. On Hoch Tuesday the commonalty of Cambridge made Ordinances to the
following effect: ...
ii. That all burgesses having any booths at the Fair of Sterebrigge, and
who should let them to farm to any outcomers or foreigners for certain
sum agreed upon between them, should pay to the mayor and bailiffs the
third part of the sum for which the same should be so let.
iii. That no freeman should occupy two booths of one art.
1403. The Corporate Ordinances made by Cambridge this year contain
(_inter alia_) the following:
_Item_ ... Every man burgess of the town of Cambridge, may freely
have one booth in the fair of Stirbridge, without rendering any thing
therefore to the mayor and bailiffs for the time being, whether he occupy
it or let it to farm. And that no burgess have in the fair aforesaid more
than one booth, unless he render therefore to the mayor and bailiffs for
the time being, toll and custom as others do who are not burgesses.
_Item._ It is ordained on the same day, that if any bailiff or other
burgess of the town aforesaid, in future, lease or lend to any Citizens
of London, the place for the booth called the Tolbooth, in the fair
aforesaid, that the bailiffs pay to the commonalty of the Town of
Cambridge £10, and the burgesses 100s. for every default, namely _tociens
quociens_, to lose their freedom.
_Item._ The same day it is ordained that no burgess of the town aforesaid
prosecute against any one by writ or plaint, before the Chancellor nor
elsewhere, for any contract which can be determined before the mayor
and bailiffs [in the Piepowder Court?] nor summon a defendant to the
Chancellor, &c., under the pain of every one &c. 40_s._ to be paid to
the commonalty of the town aforesaid, and the loss of his freedom (see
1427-8).
_Item._ The same day it is ordained, that no serjeant of the town
aforesaid for the future shall be attorney or of counsel, _with any
foreigner, against any burgess of the same town_, in the Court of the
Town aforesaid, under the pain of 40_d._, to be paid to the commonalty of
the town aforesaid, _tociens quociens_. See 1575.
1405. The Corporation of Cambridge enacted the following Ordinances:
Be it remembered, that on the day of election of mayor and bailiffs for
the town of Cambridge in the 6th year of the reign of Henry IV., it is
ordained that every burgess within the town aforesaid having a booth or
booths in the fair of Sterbrige, may well and lawfully give, sell and
surrender the said booth to the use of any other burgess of the same
town, before the Mayor and one of the Aldermen of the same town, in the
Court there holden on every Tuesday in the year, and on every Monday in
the Court of the Liberty: Provided always that the said booth or booths
be surrendered freely, quietly and wholly, without condition, annexed or
expressed, for him and his, according to the custom of the borough. And
this under the pain or forfeiture of the same booths to the burgesses of
the town aforesaid.
1411. On 15 Nov. John Arondell, custos of the free chapel of St. Mary
Magdalene, otherwise called Sturbridge chapel near Barnwell, exhibited
his bill in the Exchequer against John Essex, sadler, John Warwyk,
skinner, John Chaucer and William Bush, late bailiffs, then present in
Court on their account. In this bill plaintiff averred that he and his
predecessors, had immemorially had stallage of all persons merchandising
upon the Chapel-yard, parcel of his chapel, where part of the fair of
Sturbridge was accustomed to be held, and where merchants were accustomed
to erect their shops during the fair-time. That one Thomas Spryggy
merchant and Clothier, and other merchants to the number of 20, would
have made their shops there at the fair holden at Sturbridge on Monday
the feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross then preceding, and would
have paid the stallage 6_s._ 8_d._ each but that the late bailiffs
unjustly and by colour of their office would not permit the merchants
to build their shops in the Chapel-yard by which he lost his stallage
amounting to 10 marks, to the disherison of the chapel, and to his damage
of £10. The defendants by their plea, after protesting that the chapel
was founded within the time of memory and that the bailiffs of Cambridge
were seized of stallage of merchandize brought to the fair, denied that
the custos or his predecessors were seized of such stallage. On this plea
issue was joined, and a verdict returned in favor of the custos whose
damages were assessed at 5 marks with £10 costs. The proceedings in this
cause were exemplified by letters under the Exchequer seal, tested by
John Cokayn Chief Baron, on the 4th March 1412-13.
1419. At this time there was a suit pending before the King’s Council
between the Chancellor and Scholars of the University, and the mayor,
aldermen and citizens of London, each of whom claimed the Custody of
Assize and assay of Bread, wine and beer, and the supervision of the
measures and weights of the citizens of London coming to Sturbridge fair.
On the 14th July the King (Henry V.) directed letters patent to sir Wm.
Asenhull, knt. sheriff of the County, commanding him to exercise the
beforementioned custody and supervision over the citizens of London in
the fair of Sturbridge, till the matter was decided, and requiring the
litigating parties to assist the Sheriff.
From the accounts of the Priories of Maxtoke (Warwickshire) and of
Bicester (Oxon) during the reign of Henry VI. it is seen that the monks
laid in yearly stores of various common necessaries, at this fair—distant
at least one hundred miles from either monastery. Wharton (“Hist. of
English Poetry”) commenting on this fact says: “It may seem surprising
that their own neighbourhood, including the Cities of Oxford and
Coventry could not supply them with commodities neither rare nor costly,
which they thus fetched at a considerable expense of carriage.” But he
remembers that it was a rubric in some of the monastic rules _De Euntibus
ad Nundinas_.
1423. In the parliament of Henry VI., this year, the following petition
was presented:
Prien the wise and worthi Communes, that for as muchell as in the Citee
of London, and in the Suburbes ther of, diverses persones occupying the
craft of Brauderie, maken divers werkes of Brauderie of unsuffisaunt
stuff, and unduely wrought, as well upon Velowet, and Cloth of Gold, as
upon all other Clothes of Silk wrought with Gold or Silver of Cipre, and
Gold of Luk, or Spaynyssh laton togedre, and swich warkes, so untrewely
made by swiche persones aforesaid, dredyng the serche of the wardens of
Brauderie in the said Citee of London, kepen and senden unto the fayres
of Steresbrugg, Ely, Oxenford and Salesbury, and ther thei outre hem,
to greet deseit of our soverain Lord the Kyng, and al his peple. That
it like oure soverain Lord the Kyng, wyth his Lordes spirituell and
Temporell, in this present Parlement, to ordeyne by statute, that all
the werk of Brauderie so undwely made as above is declared, be forfait
to oure soverain Lord the Kyng. And that the Wardeins of Brauderes of
the said Citee of London, for that tyme beyng may, by auctorite of this
present parlement, have warant by patent to make serche of all werk of
Braderie put to selle at the said faires of Steresbrugg, Ely, Oxenford
and Salesbury, and thoo werkes of Brouderie there founden unsuffisant, to
forfaite and arreste to the use of our soverain Lord the Kyng, as ofte
tymes as such werk be founde.
To which answer was made:
Be it enacted that all works and stuff with gold and silver broidery of
Cyprus or Gold of Luke, or with laton of Spain, and sold to the deceit
of the subjects of the King, be forfeited to the King, or to the Lords
and to others having franchises of such forfeitures, in which franchise
such works be found. And that this enactment endure only until the next
parliament.
The valuable commodities sold at this fair are here in part indicated.
Same year the commonalty of Cambridge, on the Thursday after the Nativity
of the Virgin made an Ordinance to this effect:
That the bailiff of the Bridge should not take toll for carriage, nor
stall-pence nor custom, from the bridge, nor elsewhere (except in the
fair) for merchandise coming to the fair of Sterbrigg, from the vigil of
the nativity of the blessed Mary until the fair was ended.
1425. The accounts of Richard Parentyn prior of Burchester, in
Oxfordshire, and Richard Albon canon and bursar of that house, for the
year ending Michaelmas, contain several items which shew the varied and
extensive trade of Sturbridge fair about this time: For the expense of
Albon in going to and from Sterisbrugge fair for five days with three
horses to buy victuals &c. 12_s._ 6_d._ is charged. The following
articles are also stated to have been purchased here: “Three collars, one
basse [a rush collar for cart-horses] and three headstalls 5_s_ 10½_d_;”
“a bolt [long narrow piece] of red say [silk] for making a cope 4_s_
8_d_”; “Six estregbords [Eastern boards] viz Waynscots 2_s_ 3_d_”; “100
halfwax-fyche [dried fish?] 21_s._;” “324 lbs of Spanish iron, with the
portage of the same 18_s_ 5_d_”.
1459. Richard Andrewe, _alias_ Spycer, burgess of Cambridge by his will
dated 30 Aug. bequeathed to the mayor and bailiffs of that town 80 marks
to be kept in a chest there provided, and portions thereof lent on loans
from time to time in sums not exceeding 26_s._ 8_d._ To the keepers of
this Chest he gave, three booths and certain booth-ground in Sturbridge
Fair, and a house in St. Andrew’s parish abutting on Preachers’ lane,
the profits to be applied to the celebration of his anniversary in Great
St. Mary’s Church, to be distributed in various small charities there
specified. See Cooper’s “Annals,” i., p. 210.
1464. By 4th Edward IV. c. 8 power is given to the Wardens of the Company
of Horners to search for defective wares in London and twenty-four miles
round, also in the fairs of Sturbridge and Ely, and to seize defective
manufactures and bring the same before the Mayor of London or the Mayors
or Bailiffs of the aforesaid fairs, for the time being. In 1609 this act
was revived by 7 James I. c. 14, sec. 2. The act was repealed in 1856.
1487. The Corporation of London made an Ordinance prohibiting the
freemen of that City to go to any fair out of the City with any manner
of merchandise to sell or barter. This Ordinance was repealed by act of
parliament in the preamble of which it is recited that there “be many
fairs for the common Weal of your said liege people, as at Salisbury,
Bristol, Oxenford, Cambridge &c.” If this order of enumeration had any
reference to the relative importance of the fairs (which I suspect it had
not) it puts this fair only fourth. This act has already been set out in
detail in Chapter V.
This year Sir Wm. Littlebury alias Horn, citizen and salter, and also
Lord Mayor of London, gave 500 marks towards repairing the highways
between London and Cambridge. This was probably in view of benefiting
those attending the fairs.
1496. On 20th July Katherine Cooke widow of John Cooke some time mayor,
granted to the mayor, bailiffs, treasurers, and burgesses and their
successors, to the use of the Treasury of the Town of Cambridge, three
booths situate in the Soper’s lane, the Chepe, and the Petimercerye, in
Sterbrigge fair. To the intent that the Treasurers should perpetually
uphold yearly on the 25 Feby., a special dirge and mass in the parish
Church of St. Mary the Virgin next the market for the souls of John Cooke
and William Colles, and Katherine, Joan, and Lucy their wives, and pay to
the bell-man for going about the town for the said souls 3_d_; with other
small bequests to the poor &c. Cooper’s “Annals,” i., p. 246.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
CHAPTER IX.
FIRST HALF OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY—STURBRIDGE.
1501. The accounts of the Treasurers of Cambridge for this year contained
the following item:
Paid John Fynne, Clerk to make up the farm of the land called the Chapel
ground lying in Sturbridge Fair leasted to the Mayor, bailiffs and
burgesses, beyond the money received for the farm of the same this year,
_because a great part of the same was not levied this year, by reason
that the merchants of London withdrew themselves from the Fair_, 100_s._
This lease had been taken on 7th Aug. 1497 for a term of 99 years at a
rent of £12, and five tapers of wax for the chapel of equal weight, and
weighing in the whole 3 lbs.
1503. William Kentte the younger, Clerk, by his will devised two booths
in Sturbridge fair, and the reversion of a tenement called the Crown in
the parish of St. Andrew in Cambridge, the mayor and burgesses entered
into covenants with his executors to observe and keep a yearly dirge in
the Church of St. Benedict, on the first Wednesday of the kalends of May,
and other specified observances of a religious character.
1510. There was a suit between Kings Lynn and Cambridge regarding Toll at
this fair. How the matter was then disposed of does not appear. See 1541.
1517. Misunderstandings having arisen between the Town of Cambridge and
the Prior and Convent of Barnwell the matter was referred to arbitration,
and the Award determined that the town for evermore should have hold
and enjoy, keep and maintain the fair as well within the said town
of Barnwell &c., as in all other lands and fields of the said prior
and convent, lying on the east between the said monastery and town
of Barnwell, and a bridge called Sturbridge, from the feast of St.
Bartholomew unto the feast of St. Michael in Sept., and that they and
their farmers might, without let or molestation of the said prior and
convent, build stalls, shops, &c., the mayor &c. throwing down all banks,
chimneys, &c. within four days after Michaelmas, and provided that all
such farmers of any house or shop letten by the Prior and Convent should
pay but one shilling by the year to the mayor &c. for his and their house
and shop. “Hist. and Antiq. of Sturbridge Fair,” p. 77.
1519. A dispute which had arisen between the mayor, bailiffs, and
burgesses of Cambridge and the mayor, burgesses, and comburgesses of
_Northampton_, as to the claim of the freemen of the latter town to
_exemption from toll in Sturbridge Fair_, was referred to the arbitrament
of Sir Richard Elliot, and Sir Lewis Pollard, Justices of the Common
Pleas, who on the 4th June awarded that the Corporation of Northampton
should pay 10_s._ yearly to the Corporation of Cambridge in full
satisfaction of all toll and custom due from the freemen of Northampton,
for all manner of stuff, barrelled ware, and other merchandise, brought
by them to Sturbridge fair, and all other passages and carriages through
and by the town of Cambridge, at all times of the year, or and besides
twopence for every cart laden with their stuff going out of the fair.
A deed of Covenant founded on this award was entered into by the two
Corporations on the 10th of July. “Corp. Cross. Book.”
1521. About this time there were proceedings in the Court of the Duchy of
Lancaster by the tenants of _Hertford_, against Richard Clark mayor of
Cambridge, who was complained against for seizing for toll in this fair.
A little later there was a like suit pending between the tenants of the
Duchy in Walden, and the bailiffs of Cambridge. _A decree in favour of_
the Exemption was made in Easter term 1524.
1533-4. The Heads of the University claimed the following rights in the
Fair:
1. The Proctor’s Commissary and other officers of the university keep a
court in the fair, because it is within the suburbs of Cambridge, and
the university are clerks of the market, and have the oversight and
correction of weights and measures, and victuals in the fair.
2. They hold plea in the said court of contracts and trespasses made
within the said fair as without, which was one of the things agreed upon
in a composition with the town, viz. that the university should have the
like privileges there as the mayor.
3. They hear and determine pleas personall as well between scholars,
servants, as all foreigners and others of the kings subjects, if a
scholar or scholars servant be one party by the commissary in the fair
court by the order of the civil law by witness or otherwise, excepting
in causes relating to victuals, wherein they determine according to the
common or statute law.
4. They make proclamation in the said fair before the proclamation of the
mayor of Cambridge, by virtue of the King’s letter patent as conservators
of the peace, and as having the overseer of victuals which is the first
thing sold in the fair.
5. The Proctors search all manner of fish as well salt-fish as other,
pewter, brass, &c., haires, girth-webb, silks, furs, beds, and all
upholstery wares, spices and grocery, rape-seed, mustard-seed, fustians,
worsteds, sago, honey, soap, oil, tallow, wax &c. brought to be sold in
the said fair, and take the forfeitures of the same when faulty &c. This
they do by virtue of royal charters.
6. The Proctors by virtue of the King’s writt directed to the university,
and as clerks of the market are the proper gaugers in the fair to gauge
all manner of barrelled wares brought to be sold, and take the usual
fees allowed by the law for the same, as also for weighing, viz. of every
one that bringeth salmon or any thing of like nature to be sold, 12_d._
for every last gauging. For every last of oil gauged 12_d._ Item, for
every last of soap weighing and gauging 12_d._ For every last of honey
weighing and gauging 4_s._ &c. and the fines and forfeitures for want of
weight and measure.
7. The Taxers take of all victuallers in the fair a greater or lesser sum
according as they can agree for breach of the assize of bread and beer
which they sell in the fair. N.B. This taken in lieu of heavier penalties
which the offending victualler incurrs, and the taxers may lawfully
inflict, for such offence.
8. For every cart load of oats to be sold in the fair they take 4_d._ &c.
This declaration of rights and privileges was in reply to charges made
by the town against the University—twenty-three in all, amongst which
was (15) of that of holding within the town a Civil Court weekly whereat
they held plea of all manner of contracts and actions personal, as well
between foreigners as burgesses, and hold proceedings in the Civil law
in derogation of the King’s Crown. All this the University replied they
did by the King’s Charter. That (16) they had excommunicated two of the
mayors of the town. To which answer was, they did this for perjury! They
had punished a forestaller of honey from Banbury. They had punished a
burgess for selling tallow to a merchant at Lynn (20). Admitted—“There
was muche talow conveyed owte of Cambridge so as the Kyngs people myght
have no candle sufficient.” The answers to the charges had been given
verbally in St. Mary’s Church, and record taken. There was much commotion
on the occasion, but afterwards “all dranke together at the Pompe
Taverne, and the Unyversyte payd for all.” See 1534.
Same year, 7th Sept. Princess Elizabeth (afterwards the famous Queen) was
born at Greenwich. Intelligence was brought to the mayor by the Queen’s
minstrels, during the time of the fair, and was there celebrated by
bonfires and rejoicings. In the accounts of the treasurer of the borough
for that year are these items:
_Item_, payed to the Qwenys mynstrells that brought letters to Mr. Mayer
of the birthe of the Pryncesse v_s._
_Item_, paid for ij loads woode for gaudes at the bone fyer in
Stirrebygge fayer made in certain places within the said fayer iijs x_d._
_Item_, for iiij galonns wyne spent at the said Gaudes ij_s_ viij_d._
1534. There was enacted the 25 Henry VIII. c. 4—_An Acte agaynst
Forstlyng and regraytyng of Fysshe_—which recited previous acts against
forstalling victuals and other merchandise in the markets and fairs of
the kingdom, “which former Statutes not only for lake of due exeucion
of the same but also for lake of condigne punysshement in the seid
Statutes conteyned be lytill feared or regarded; for dyverse and many
of the Kinges subjectes contrary to the meanyng of the said Estatutes
nothing regardyng the displeasure of Allmyghty God and of the Kynges
Highnes, ne yet the love and charitie that they ought to have to theire
neyghbours and commen welthe of this Realme, for theire pryvate lucre and
singuler avayle commenly in every markett and fayre within this Realme
doo forstall and regrate all maner of victuall as corne wynes fysshe
and fleshe, and especially in _Sturbruge_ fayre, _Seynte Ives_ faire,
and _Elye_ fayre, _being the most notable faires within this Realme for
provysions of fysshe_, and moost to the releff of the Kynges subjectes yf
such forstallyng and regratyng myght be sett on syde,” &c. &c.
After ten years experience of its mischievous tendency this act was
repealed (1544).
The disputes between the University and the town still continuing, a
grace was this year passed empowering such parties as were therein named
to answer determine and conclude all such controversies as should be
propounded by the mayor and burgesses before the Lord Chancellor and the
Duke of Norfolk; and by another Grace, proctors were appointed on the
part of the University to answer in all causes before the King’s Council.
On the 24th July the parties on both sides met at Lambeth Palace, “where
it was decreed by the said Lordes that Styrbridge Faire was in the
Subarbes of Cambridge, and that the Vice-chancellor or his commysary
might kepe courte cyvyll ther for plees wheare a scolar was the one
party. _Item_, that in the same faire the university lead the oversight,
correction and punyshemente of all weightes and mesures, of all maner of
victayll, of all Regreators and Forestallers. _Item_, It was determyned
that spyces be vytaill.” The expences of the University this year for
journies to London &c., in consequence of the disputes with the townsmen
amounted to nearly £80.
There was still some further controversy on the point, in which Thomas
Crumwell, secretary of State, took part. See Cooper’s “Annals of
Cambridge,” i. 373.
1639. In Hilary term John Baker the King’s Attorney General filed an
information in the Court of King’s Bench against the mayor, bailiffs, and
burgesses, charging that they for four years, and more then last past,
had used to have a mart or fair at Barnwell and Sturbridge, on the morrow
of St. Bartholomew the Apostle, and continuing from that time till the
fourteenth day after the exaltation of the Holy Cross, with all liberties
and free customs to the said mart or fair belonging and appertaining;
also to have and hold by their steward and other ministers a Court of
Piepowder, and by colour of the same to attach disquiet and aggrieve the
subjects of the King resorting to the said fair, as well by their bodies
as by their goods and chattels, and take from the King’s subjects divers
fines and amerciaments, and to apply the same to their own use; and also
to have all forfeitures and royalties whatsoever within the precincts
of the said mart or fair during its continuance; all which liberties
and franchises they usurped upon the King and his prerogative royal, to
his great prejudice and damage and in contempt of his crown. Process
was thereupon awarded, requiring the mayor, bailiffs, and burgesses to
answer this information, and to show by what warrant they claimed these
liberties and franchises. They suffered judgment against them by default,
and the liberties and franchises in the information specified, were
seized into the King’s hands.
This proceeding was consequent upon the dissolution of monasteries
ordered in the preceding year—the original grant of the fair having been
made as we have seen to a religious house. The Corporation prayed for
a new charter, and agreed to pay 1,000 marks for the same. The Charter
was granted, but the money, on the authority of Cooper (“Annals,” i.,
393), was not paid for many years afterwards. The fair however was
regularly held. The Charter is a very lengthy document; and as the grant
was confirmed half a century later by the charter of Elizabeth (1589),
which I shall have occasion to notice in some details for reasons then
appearing, I shall not dwell upon the present one.
1541. By 33 Henry VIII. c. 39—_The Bill for Town of Lynne towching
the revoking of two Fairs_—it is recited For so much that as well the
burgesses and inhabitants of the said borough of King’s Lynn, as many and
divers other persons dwelling near the said borough have made regrated
and gotten into their hands and possession great numbers of salt fish as
ling, lob, salt salmon, shellfish and herring, “to the gret hindraunce
and loss of many of the King’s subjects that yerely have repayred and
com to _Styrbige fair_ Ely faire, & other Fayres & marketts in the
Countie of Cambryge & Huntyngton and other shyres for the provysion of
salt fyshe, & Heryng for theire householdes, & for the provision of
dyverse other shires within this Realme of Englande, whiche regratyng is
contrary to a comen welth and to dyverse statutes in that case providede,
and contrari to the good entente and meanyng of the graunt of the said
Fayres and marte” It is enacted that the grant of the said Fairs to
King’s Lynn be and was thereby repealed.
1542. Leland in his famous “Itinerary” at this date records: “The
brothers of Sturbridge possess an antient house in that part where is the
Fair for the sale of woollens, commonly called the Duddery.”
1544. On 27 Sept. Thomas Bishop of Ely, the Dean and Chapter of
the Cathedral Church of the Holy and Undivided Trinity of Ely, and
Christopher Fulneby, incumbent of the Free Chapel of St. Mary Magdalene
called Styrrebrige in the County of Cambridge, demised to the mayor,
bailiffs, burgesses, and commonalty of the town of Cambridge, the
aforesaid free Chapel, with all glebe lands, tenements, meadows,
pastures, booths, and booth grounds, standings, liberty of building
booths, rents, hereditaments, oblations, commodities and profits (except
the advowson, patronage, and donation of the said free chapel) for 60
years at the rent of £9 per annum.
By means of this the entire temporal control of the fair merged into the
Corporation of Cambridge.
1546. There appears to have been some suit pending at this time regarding
the Fair, for at a meeting of the Corporation of Cambridge Robert Chapman
and seven others were appointed to commune and determine what they
thought best to be done for Sturbridge Fair, and how the charges of the
suit therof should be borne, and all other things concerning the same.
_Vide_ “Corporation Common Day Book.”
1547. At the Common Day held on Friday after the Assumption it was
ordered that the Bailiffs should enter their wards at this Fair on the
6th Sept. yearly, at 5 o’clock in the morning, and should pay as follows:
for the Bridge ward £18, for the Market ward £12, and for the High ward
£13.
The proctors of the University upon fresh complaints made going their
rounds one night “had taken certain evil persons in houses of sin,” and
had brought them to the Tollboth, in order to commit them there. But
having sent to the mayor for the keys, he absolutely refused to part with
them. So they were fain to carry their prisoners to the castle, where
they left them in custody. But the mayor’s son, after an hour or two let
them all out, “to return if they pleased to their former lewdness; to
the breach of the law; and the affront of the magistrate.” This led to
further disagreements.
By an Order of the Privy Council dated 3rd Oct. this year the mayor
and undersheriff of the County were required not only to acknowledge
before the Vice-chancellor, heads of colleges and proctors, that they
had interfered with the privileges of the University in this fair, but
also “that the mayor in common hall shall openly, among his bretheren,
acknowledge his wilfull proceeding.” The breach consisted of John
Fletcher, the mayor, having refused to receive into the tolbooth [prison]
certain persons of “naughty and corrupt behaviour,” who were prisoners
taken by the proctors of the University, in the last Sturbridge Fair;
wherefore he was called before the Lords and others of the Council, and
his fault therein “so plainly and justly opened” that he could not deny
it, but did “sincerly and willingly confess the said fault.” Dyer’s
“Privileges of Cambridge,” i. p. 111.
About this time Nicholas Elton, burgess of Cambridge by his will devised
a booth in Sturbridge fair to the mayor, bailiffs and burgesses, after
the death of his wife—It is supposed for charitable purposes.
There had been some suggestion that the University should sell their
privileges in the Fair to the Corporation—see 1858.
1548. The following is the _Proclamation_ used by the University of
Cambridge about this date in “Crying the Fair”:
_The Crye in Sturbridge Fayer._
Wee charge & straightlie comaund in yᵉ name of yᵉ Kinge
of England oʳ soveraigne Lord, and in yᵉ name of my Lord
Chauncellʳ of yᵉ Universitie of Cambridge, yᵗ all manner of
schollers, Schollers Servants, and all other persons in this
Fayer, and the precinct of yᵉ same, keepe the Kings peace, &
make no fraye, cry, owtasse, [“out alas!”, old exclamation(?)]
shrekinge, or any other noyse, by yᵉ which Insurations,
Conventicles, or gatheringe of people may be made in this
Fayer, to yᵉ trouble vexinge and disquietinge of yᵉ Kings leage
people or lettinge of the officers of yᵉ University to exercise
there offices, under the payne of Imprisonment & further
punishment as the offence shall require.
_Also_ wee charge & comaund, that all manner of Schollers, and
Schollers servants weare no weapon, to make any fraye upon any
of yᵉ Kings people, neither in cominge nor in goinge from this
Fayer, under yᵉ payne of banishment.
_Also_ wee charge & comaund, yᵗ all manner of straungers, that
come to this Fayer, that they leave theire weapons at theire
Innes, that yᵉ Kings peace may be the better kept and for yᵉ
occasion ensueinge of the same, under the payne of forfettinge
of their weapons, and further punishment, as the offence shall
require.
_Also_ wee charge & comaund, in yᵉ Kings name of England, &
in yᵉ name of my Lord Chauncellor of yᵉ University, shall all
manner of Bakers, yᵗ bake to sell, that they make 2 loofes for
a penny, and 4 for another, good past, good bowltell, & lawfull
syse, after as grayne goethe in yᵉ markett, & every baker yᵗ
baketh to sell, have a marke upon his bread, whereby it may be
knowne who did bake it, under yᵉ payne of forfeiture of his
bread.
_Also_ wee charge & comaund, that all common women, and
misbehavinge people, avoyde and withdrawe themselves owte of
this fayer, and precincts of yᵉ same, ymediatelie after this
crye yᵗ yᵉ Kings subjects may be the more quiet, and good rule
may be the better mayntayned, under yᵉ payn of imprisonment.
_Also_ that all Bakers shall observe and keepe suche Syzes of
bread as shall be given them by the officers of yᵉ University,
under yᵉ payne of forfeiture of theire bread, if it happen
any Baker to be founde fawtie in any article apperteyninge to
unlawfull bread accordinge to yᵉ Kings lawes, that then such
bakers, after 3 monitions, shall be imprisoned & punished on yᵉ
pillory, accordinge to yᵉ lawes of oʳ Sovereigne Lord yᵉ Kinge.
_Also_ that no Brewer sell into the Fayer nowe here within yᵉ
precinct of yᵉ Universitie, a Barrell of good Ale above 2s.;
And a Barrell of Hostell Ale above xij d.; no longe Ale, no red
Ale, no ropye Ale, but good and holsome for mans body, under yᵉ
payne of forfeyture. _And_ yᵗ every Brewer have a mark upon his
Barrell, whereby it may be known who owneth it, under yᵉ payne
of imprisonment and fyne at yᵉ discretion of yᵉ officers of yᵉ
Universitie.
_Also_ yᵗ every Barrell of good Ale hold and conteyne xiiij
gallons, xiij gallons of cleere Ale, and one gallon for the
rest: and the Hoggett vij gallons, that is to say, sixe
gallons, and one pottel of cleare Ale, and the residew of rest,
under the payn of forfeit, and further punishment after the
discretion of the officers of the Universitie.
_Also_ wee comaund that yᵉ bearebrewer shall sell a kylderkyn
of double beare in this fayer for ij s. and a kylderkyn of
single beare for xij d.
_Also_ yᵗ no Tipler no gauger sell in the sayd fayre nor within
the precincts of the Universitie, A gallon of good Ale above
iiij d: nor a gallon of the Hostill ale above ij d. and the
beare brewers a gallon of double beare above iiij d. and a
gallon of single beare above ij d, under the payn of xij d. for
every tyme.
_Also_ that no Tipler or gauger sell by other measure than by
gallon, pottle, quart, pint, and halfe pint, under the payne of
xij d. for every tyme.
_Also_ where great detriments, hurts, and deceites have beene
to the Kings subjectes in tymes past, by reason of false and
unlawfull measure, brought by Potters and other persons to bee
sould in this fayre and the precinct of the same; for avoydinge
therefore the sayd hurts and untrew measures, wee straightlie
charge and comaund that every Potter, and all other persons as
bring such pots to bee sould in this fayre, or the precinct of
the same, that ye and all other from hensforth sell and buy
trew goods and laweful measures, as gallons, pottles, quartes,
pintes and halfe pints, under the payne of imprisonment, and
that to remain till they have made fyne at the will of the sayd
officers.
_Also_ if any Bruer be found fauty in any of the premisses
after that hee hath bene iij times Amerced, then yᵉ said brewer
shal bee comited to prison, there to remayne till hee have
fined at the will of the officers of the Universitye.
_Also_ that every Tipler or Gauger, that selleth ale in this
fayer that they have theire measures well and lawfullie sealed
and assyzed according to the standerd of the Universitie; and
yᵗ every Gauger, and bere-brewer yᵗ hath Ale or bere to sell,
have a signe at theire booth, whereby they may yᵉ better be
knowne, under yᵉ payne of imprisonment.
_Also_ that every Vintener, that hath wyne to sell in this
fayre, as white wyne, redd wyne, Clarett wyne, Gaskyn wyne,
mamsey, or any other wyne, that they sell no dearer than they
doe at London, except a ob. in a gallon towards yᵉ carriage;
and yᵗ every vintener have theire potts and theire measures
sysed and ensealed after the standard of the Universitie, under
yᵉ payne of forfeiture, and theire bodyes to prison.
_Also_ that all persons that bringeth linge fyshe salt fyshe,
stocke fyshe, or any other salt fyshe, to sell in this fayre,
or within yᵉ precinct of yᵉ same, that they sell no rott
fyshe, no burnt fyshe, no rustie fyshe, but good, lawfull, and
holesome for man’s body, under ye payne of forfeiture of yᵉ
fyshe and theire bodyes to pryson.
_Also_ all manner of persons which have samon herringe or eels
to sell in this fayer, that yᵉ vessels called Butts, Barrells,
half Barrells, and firkins, you sell none of them before
they be sene and searched, & yᵗ yᵉ butt hold and conteyne 84
Gallons, well and trulie packed upon payne for every butt,
barrell, half barrell so lackinge theire said measure vj s.
iiij d. _And_ yᵗ yᵉ great salmon be well and trulie packed by
itself, without meddlinge of any grills, or broken-bellied
samon with the same: and that all small fyshe called Grilles be
packed by themselves, and without any meddlinge upon payne of
forfeiture & loosing of vj s. viij d. for every butt, barrell,
and halfe barrell so found saltye, contrary to the statute of
yᵉ parliament; on the which statute these poynts and other more
bee more playnly xpressed.
_Also_ that every Pikemonger that bringeth fresh fish to this
fayre to sell, as Pike, Tench, Roche, perche, eele, or any
other fresh fishes, that the fishe be quicke and lymishe, and
of the size and bignesse according to the statute thereof made,
under the payne of forfeiture, and their bodyes to prison.
_Also_ that every butcher, that bringeth flesh to sell in
this faire that he bring no rotten fleshe, no muireynes, no
sussiners, [foul or unwholesome meat (?)] but lawfull and
holesome for man’s bodye, and that every butcher bringe the
side [hide?] and the tallowe of all such flesh as hee shall
kill, to sell in the faire, and that every butcher bring with
him the liver and the longes of all such beastes under the
payne of forfeiture.
_Also_ that every Baker that baketh horse Bread to sell that
hee sell iij loaves for A penny, after good and lawful size,
and after such size as shall be given them, and that it be made
of good pease beanes and other lawful stuffe, upon the payn
aforesayd.
_Also_ shall all browne bakers, as well Inholders and others,
observe and keepe such syse of horse bread as shall be given
them by yᵉ said officers, under yᵉ payne and punishment as of
other Bakers is rehersed.
_Also_ that every person yᵗ selleth by measures, as by ell or
by yard, woollen clothe, or Lynnen clothe Sylke, worsteds,
sysed and unsealed, that they have theire ells and theire yards
sysed and ensealed after yᵉ standard of yᵉ Universitie, under
the payne of forfeiture, and their bodyes imprisonment.
_Also_ that every person that selleth any measure, as by
Bushell, half Bushell, Pecke, or half Pecke, as Coales, Salt,
Muster Seede, or any other thing, that theire Bushells half
Bushells and pecks be sysed and sealed after yᵉ standard of
the Universitie, under the payne of imprisonment, and more
punishment as the offence shall require.
_Also_ that all persons that waigh have good and lawful waights
sysed and ensealed, and to agree with yᵉ standard waight of yᵉ
Universitie.
_Also_ that no man shall regrate none of yᵉ foresayd things,
as Lynge fishe, Salt fyshe, Stocke fyshe, herringe, Salmon,
Pike, tench, waxe, flax, osiern, [for osmunds, a preparation
for stiffening linen (?)] rosyn, yarne, pitch tarr, cloth, nor
none other things of Grocery ware, or any other marchandise in
this Fayer, under payne of forfeiture, and theire bodyes to
prison, and to make fyne as it shall please yᵉ officers of yᵉ
Universitie, and the regrater is he that byeth any of the sayd
things afore rehersed, or any other manner of marchandises of
any man in this Fayre, and selleth again the sayde things in
the sayd Fayre, inhawnseing yᵉ price of any of the sayd things
more than it was before.
_Also_ if theire be any person that will sue for any personal
action either for debt, victualles, injuri and trespas, or
thinke themselves wronged in any of the premisses or otherwise,
let him complayne to my Lord Chauncellors Comesarye and other
officers of the Universitie, which shall hould and keep Courts
daylie and howerlie in this fayer duringe yᵉ same to the intent
yᵗ he shall be hard with lawful favour in right and conscience
and after the liberties of the same. _Also_ that every butcher
yᵗ bringeth fleshe to sell in this markett, that he sell none
of yᵉ Tallowe of all such beastes as he shall bringe to sell in
this markett, but to such Rafement and Tallowe chaundelers, as
are dwellers within yᵉ Universitie, and precinct of the same;
and they to make yᵉ said Tallowe in good and lawfull candell,
so yᵗ yᵉ said Universitie, and Town of Cambridge, be in no wyse
disappointed, but the better served, & yᵗ you sell not a pound
of candles above 1d. and yᵗ yᵉ sayd Butcher sell not a ston of
Tallowe above viij d.
_Also_ yᵗ every Innekeeper yᵗ keepeth Inne, yᵗ he have his
bottels of hey well and lawfullie made and sysed and yᵗ
every bottle way vijˡⁱ, And that ye sell not less than three
horse loves, good and lawful, for a penny, under yᵉ payne of
punishment after the discretion of yᵉ officers of yᵉ University.
_Also_ that every Carryer, yᵗ bringeth woode to sell in this
markett, that they bringe good wood, and yf it be faggott, let
yᵉ faggot therof be well filled and sized, and that everye
faggott be full vij feet longe, and every faggott to have two
bonds and xli faggotts in a load, well filled after yᵉ said
length, under yᵉ payne of forfeiture.
_Also_ that every Collier yᵗ bringeth charecool to sell, that
every sack called a quarter sacke, hold viij bushells, savinge
yᵗ they be allowed for Culme breaking by the way, after yᵉ
discretion of yᵉ officers of the Universitie, under yᵉ payne of
forfeiture.
_Also_ that every person yᵗ bringeth grayne to sell in this
markett, yᵗ they open not before Tenne of yᵉ clocke, nor to
stand after one of yᵉ clock, under ye payne of forfeiture.
How long this form of Proclamation remained in force does not appear,
but probably for several centuries later. See 1855. It is seen that
regulations against adulteration and other wrongdoings of traders, are
not so modern as is sometimes supposed.
About this period, and probably earlier, a piece of stuff for a gown was
bought for every fellow of St. John’s College at this fair. See “Early
Stat. of St. John’s Col. Cambr.” 1859.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
CHAPTER X.
SECOND HALF OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY.
1550. For the better preservation of peace during the fair the
Lieutenants and Commissioners of the University ordered a “night watch”
to be kept by the scholars and townsmen. The colleges were to supply the
watchmen to the number of twenty in the aggregate “to be thir in redynes,
harneshed and weponed, befor the bell of Sᵗ Johns at vii of the clock be
ceased; in defawt whereof every college in whom such defawt shal be, to
paye to the Proctours xii _d_, wherewith to find other in their roms”
_Item_, that over and beyond the said number the said Colleges have in
redynes other xxiiii according to the rate aforesaid.
The town paid £2 4_s._ 4_d._ to the bailiffs and others “for monye spent
at the watche in Stirbridge fayer.” These watchmen wore red coats and
went the round of the fair every half hour, calling out lustily “Look
about you there.”
_Pewterers Company of London._—On the 10th Sept. in this fair the Wardens
of the Pewterers Company of London seized certain salt-sellers, pots
and covers of pewter, which were of insufficient metal, and which they
therefore alleged to be forfeited. The searchers of the University and
Town, however, claimed exclusive jurisdiction of the Fair, and took the
pewter from the Wardens, who exhibited an information in the Exchequer
against one of the Esquire Bedels and one of the Searchers; but on the
21st Nov. the Privy Council sent the following letter to the Wardens:
Whereas the Universitie of Cambridge have bi the kings
majestie, and other his noble projenitours, charters, among
other things the viewe, serche, correction, and forfeture, of
all pewter that comyth to Sturbrige fayr unmerchantable, and
youe John Daye and Stephan Rowlandson intermedled with the
serche therof clayming the moytie of all such pewter as ther
was found forfeted, and being therof denyed have put in to
the kings majesties court of the eschekyr for the recovery of
the sayde moytie, an information agaynst John Mere one of the
bedels for the said universitie, and the officer appointed with
other for the serche therof aforesayd. The kings majesties
pleasure is, for saving of the sayd privileges, that youe
procede no further therin, but suffer the same to staye and
hang untyl his majesties wyll be further knowen, and this shall
be your sufficient warrant for the same. Fare ye wel, From the
Kings palace of Westminster, yᵉ xxi November, 1550.
Your lovyng Friends
EDW. SOMERSET, T. CANT. J. WARWICKE.
J. BEDFORD W. NORTH[AMPTON], ED.
CLYNTON. W. PAGET, T. ELY.
There is a letter of the King’s (Edward VI.) extant which shows precisely
why the Council took this course:
Aftre our hartie comendacions; wheras contrary to certain
privileges graunted by the kings majestie and his noble
progenitours unto his universitie of Cambridge oone John Daye
and Stephan Rolandson wardens of the crafte and mistery of the
pewterers within the citie of London, have put in a certaine
information with you in the King’s courte of Thexcheker agaist
John Meare oone of the kings bedells for the universitie of
Cambridge for certaine pewter seased unto the king’s use at
the last Sturbridge feare, his highness’ pleasure is that you
proceade no further to judgement therein, but suffre the same
to stay and hange untill his majestie’s will be further knowne,
and these shall be your sufficient warrant for the same. Fare
you well, from the kings majistie’s palace of Westminster the
22 of November 1550.
Your loving frend.
This sent to the barons of th’ Exchequer from the counsayl.
Item another to the promoters ut infra by the same counsaylors.
In the accounts of the Fair of this year are the following items—the
result probably of causes heard by the Court of Piepowder—recorded thus:
“receyved bi the Bedel and the Townsmen & partly found by promoters”:
Rychard Lylye of Stow of Thold [Stow-in-the-Wold] in
Glossetershere hathe put to sale contrary to the statute
vii peces of welshe frese and hathe paid for his fyne to
Draper the partye that sued xx _s_, and for the quenes
parte vi _s._
Receyved of Mr Caree of Brystow for xv peces of karsey put
to sale contrarye to the statute iii l.
And of Maye for felts forfeited v s. iiii d.
Receyved of Tho. Mate for 11 karseys and 1 frese xxx s.
Receyved of Mr. Ryngsted for exchaunge old sylver and from
John Holls xxv s. whereof Tho. Gardener the promoter had
xx s. and v s. for the quene.
Receyved of Thomas Daye for iii peces of karsaye put to sale
contrarye to the act and seased for the quene xxx s.
Receyved of the 11 Streaches and Bowldry of Walden for
clothes forfeyted x s.
Receyved of the Wardens of the Pewterers for pewter
forfeited viii s. iiii d.
Receyved of Smythe Twyffyn and Hadstack for ii s. viii d.
Receyved of Mr Coxe of Brystow for viii peces xl s.
Receyved of Mr. Chambers Habberdasher for a ... cappe sold
Receyved of Mr. Kytchyn Goldsmith for byeinge of x s.
Receyved of Mr. Hamlett for mattresses forfeyted v s.
Receyved of Geo. Alys for the lyke v s.
At the bottom of the page, in a different handwriting are the three
following items of disbursement:
_Item_, for the women for the sewing ii _s._
_Item_, paid Wyllm Grange for a cappe ii _s._ iiii _d._
_Item_, for our chargys at the fayre x _s._
_New Charter._—1553. On the Feast of St. Mark the Evangelist, it was
agreed by the Mayor, Alderman and Twenty-four, that the Town for their
possessions and the other possessioners [owners of stalls and booths]
in Sturbridge fair, should pay the King (Edward VI.) 1000 marks for the
fine for Sturbridge Fair; that the body of the town should pay one half
of all charges of obtaining the new charter, and the town for their
possessions and the other possessioners to pay the other half. It was
also agreed that the Recorder and others should have authority under the
Common seal to sue to the King’s majesty and his honourable Council for
a new Charter for the fair; and further that Mr. Robert Chapman and Mr.
John Rust should pay no money towards the charges of the charter, in
consideration of their pains in obtaining thereof, and £90 1_s._ 0_d._
was paid then towards the first instalment of 200 marks for the King’s
fine.
The Charter was not however obtained in this reign, though the 200 marks
were actually paid. “Annals,” ii. p. 70. See 1555, 1561, 1574, 1576,
1577, 1584, 1589—when new Charter was obtained by the town.
1555. 30 Jany. The Mayor, Aldermen, Twenty-four and Bailiffs gave
authority to Mr. Robt. Chapman and Mr. John Rust to go to London to
make suit to the Council touching the supplication made to them for the
payment of the 800 marks; and for the setting forth and making the patent
for the confirmation of Sturbridge fair.
1556. The question of Lynn Fair—apparently as to its revival—came on
again this year, and on 2nd Aug. the Corporation ordered that the Mayor,
Mr. Chapman, and Mr. Rust should frame an answer to a letter from the
Bishop of Ely concerning Lynn Fair, and make objections in shewing why
the same ought not to be had; and that the Town Clerk should carry the
answer to his Lordship.
1557. On 23 June the King and Queen (Philip and Mary) by letters patent,
granted to the Mayor, bailiffs and burgesses, a certain annual rent of
£8 15_s._ 2_d._ issuing out of shops and booths in Sturbridge, which had
been granted for the maintenance of _obiits_ and anniversaries (see
1459, 1496, 1503, 1547), and alms to the poor of the town. The letters
patent state, that this Rent had been seized into the hands of the
Crown, under the statute of Chantries (1547) and that £6 10_s._ 6_d._
part thereof had been paid to the mayor, bailiffs and burgesses for
distribution amongst the poor. This is expressed to be made from the King
and Queen, that the rites and ceremonies of the Catholic Church should be
maintained, and the wills of the donors performed! And also because the
shops and booths in Sturbridge Fair, _being of customary tenure, were not
within the statute of Chantries_.
The same King and Queen granted the following tolls payable for the
merchandise brought to the fair. This is important as showing the nature
of the goods brought at this period:
_Custom and Toll due in the time of Sturbridge Fair for divers wares
brought thither_:
For every cade of red herrings at the bying 1 d.
For 100 of ling 6
For every 100 of wabboks ling 4
For every 100 of codds 4
For every 100 of wabboks codds 2
For every heap of fish to be retailed laid upon a mat of the
old assize 2
Of every jule of cured fish for groundage 2
Of grinstones every foot ½
Of every person that retaileth soap, for his standing in the fair 2
Of every hundred wainscot 8
Of every dicker of leather 2
Of every 100 calf-skins 4
Of every 100 sheep-skins 2
For groundage of every load of pales, shovels, pack-saddles,
cart-saddles, and goddends 4
Of every great salt-stone 2
Of every bushel of mustard seed ½
Of every load of baskets, farms skepps leeper and such other 4
Of every stranger selling freshwater fish in kemblin 1
Of every cart load of oisters for cart and standing 4
Item a barrel of osmonds 2
Item a barrel of pitch 2
Item a barrel of tar 2
Item a barrell of herrings 2
Item a barrell of cork for dying 2
Item for every barrel of cured fish 2
Item a barrel of salmon 4
Item a barrel of oil 4
Item a barrel of honey 4
Item of sturgeon a barrel 4
Item a barrel of sope 4
Item a barrel of eels 4
Item a barrel of birdlime 4
Item cart laden with poles 1
Of every cart loaden with heboldines 1
Of every horse with a wombtye loaden ½
Of every cart loaden with beyondsea classhold 2
Item 100 of beyondsea classhold for groundage 1
Of every cart loaden with English classhold and lying down 2
Of every horse sold 1
Of every load of hobboldynes for groundage 1
Of every cart loaden with faggots, besides the fall penny ½
Of every cart loaden with smiths coals 2
Of every cart loaden with timber 2
Of every cart loaden with lathes 2
Of every cart loaden with boards 2
Of every cart loaden with cheese 2
Of every load of boards, hurdles, spokes, and lathes, for
groundage 2
Of every load of hewn timber for groundage 2
Of every fodder of lead, for groundage 2
Of every cart or wayne loaden with lead, for groundage 2
Of every load of iron, for groundage if he have no booth 2
Of every cart loaden with iron, for laying down 2
Of every cart loaden with hayres 2
Of every cart loaden with sackcloath 2
Of every cart loaden with any manner of merchandize then
aforesaid, at lying down, besides the groundage 2
Of every cart or wayne loaden with nails, at lying down 2
Of every person selling nails, for groundage 6
Of every keel or boat that beareth a helm, as oft as he cometh 2
Of every keel or boat that beareth no helm, as oft as he cometh 1
Of every heap of coals, 4
Of every cart loaden with merchandize discharged at Barnwell, 2
Of every cart charged with merchandize at Barnwell, other than
the inhabitants’ goods of Cambridge, coming from the Barnwell
to the fair and there discharge, 1
Of every cart charged with the inhabitants’ goods at Cambridge
or at Barnwell and discharged at the fair ½
Of every cart loaden with merchandize or wayne goying out of
the fair, 2
1558. The University of Cambridge being in want of money the question
was again raised (see 1547) of selling to the Corporation of Cambridge
all privileges in this fair. The proposal met with strong and successful
opposition from the Provost of King’s College (_vide_ Fuller’s “Hist. of
Univ. of Camb.”). In the “History and Antiquities of Barnwell Abbey,”
1786 (p. 78, part ii.) there is the following: “Robert Brassil ... who
being Vice chancellor, in 1558, was much commended for his wisdome in
withstanding the heads & masters of Colleges in this universitie; when,
as they had all except him, consented & concluded to sell all their
wrightes and jurisdictions in Sturbridge Faire to the mayor, bayliffes &
burgesses of the towne of Cambridge.”
_Drapers, Merchant Taylors, and Clothworkers of London._—On 3rd Sept.
1557, a letter was addressed to the Vice-chancellor and Proctors of the
University by Nicholas Hethe Archbishop of York, Lord High Chancellor of
England, and Thomas Thirleby, Bishop of Ely, stating that complaint had
been made unto them by the Drapers, Merchant Tailors, and Clothworkers of
the City of London, that they repairing theretofore with their cloths to
Sturbridge fair, had been troubled in the sale thereof, through unlawful
searches pretended by divers light persons more for their own private
gain and the vexation of the merchants than for any good intent to have
the Statutes duly executed. Their Lordships therefore required, that
in future no such unlawful searches should be made by any such light
persons, and that merchants should not be otherwise disquieted or ordered
than was ordained and provided by the Statutes of the realm. “Annals of
Camb.” ii. p. 135.
1559. There were again disputes between the University and Town of
Cambridge respecting the watch at time of the fair. The following
memorandum drawn up by the mayor embodies the views of Lord North and the
Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas thereon:
After our verye harty commendacions, Where we of late with the advise and
consent of the rest of the Justices of peace of this Shire take order
for the better & more quyet governement of this shire, That duringe
this Stirbridge fayre tyme the watches for the Universitie & Towne of
Cambridge sholde lovinglie joyne togither & be dubled, whereof our
verye frende Mr Baron Frevyll dyd take upon him to advertyse you of the
same, by occasion wherof we dyd forbear to wryte unto you therein. We
now ar enformed that ye ar not as yet fully agreed to joyne togither
in the execucion of the same for certaine respects that ye have to the
preservation of your liberties, Wherefore we do feare great inconveniens
and perill may growe, onles ye do spedelye conforme yourselves thereunto.
These are therefore to advertyse you & requyre you for the more
quietnes of this cuntrye & Towne, and for the Queenes Majesties better
servyse that ye forthewith conjoin yourselves togithers accordinglie,
notwithstandinge any persuasion to either of you to the contrarye.
And furthermore understandinge that there ar allredie a nombre of Sturdye
Vacabonds & masterles men come unto Cambridg for some yll purpose as
it is supposed; We therefore do likewyse desyer & requyre you in hir
majesties behalfe, that ye do take a great respect unto the apprehendinge
of them, and to the safe keepinge of them untill the faire be past. We
meane such as come not to the intent to labor, or otherwise lawfullie to
get their livinge prayenge you that if upon eny examinacion of anye of
them ye shall fynde eny matter worthye to be further examined & tryed
out, to advertyse us immediatelie therof so that we maye yᵉ better ayed
& assist you for your better service & procedinge in the same, nothinge
doubtinge but yᵉ will lovinglye & effectually consider the premisses in
suche wyse as both you and me maye avoide displeasure and blame. And
thus we byd you hartelye farewell. From Carleton this Mondaye, the iiij
of Septembre, Aᵒ 1559.
1561. The Corporation appear to have renewed their application for a
grant of the fair. It was ordered that the expense of the inquisition for
the new charter should be borne by the town.
1562. There was a great flood, so that the portion of Sturbridge called
the “Waterfair” could not be occupied by the booths accustomably built
there. Whereupon the Corporation directed Robert Chapman and others to
assign another place for such booths for this year’s fair only.
1567. This year George Aylston, merchant, on behalf of the Corporation of
_Sudbury_ instituted proceedings in the Duchy Court of Lancaster against
Christopher Fletcher alderman of Cambridge, for taking his goods at
this fair. Fletcher alleged that he took the goods as a distress damage
feasant, and it seems had a decree in his favour.
1568. _Citizens of London._—On 4th Nov. the Corporation of Cambridge
deputed Roger Lord North the mayor, Francis Hinde Esq., and the
Counsel-at-law of the town to deliberate in what way it could be
contrived that the citizens of London might return to Sturbridge fair, as
of old they were accustomed. “Annals,” ii. p. 235.
1571. As early as 1545 there had been passed by the Corporation of
Cambridge “an Ordinance for the setting of Willows.” This ordinance
“for planting willows on the commons, drains, moors, marshes and fens
of the town” was renewed this year. Every alderman might set six score
of poles and every burgess four score up the banks of any surface,
drains, ditches, &c. They to lop and top for their own use and advantage,
cleansing from time to time the drains &c. on which the same were
planted. The said willows to be held on the same terms as the booths at
Sturbridge fair were held by the burgesses, &c. See 1575.
1574. On the 21st Nov. Dr. Perne, Vice-chancellor, wrote to Lord
Burleigh on the subject of the Plague visitation in Cambridge, and in
the postscript to the letter made the suggestion of a new charter being
granted to the University as follows:
I am enformed that there is sute made to yᵉ Queen’s majestie by some
of her highnesse privie chamber for Sturbridg faire, for that it hath
stand seased unto her highnes hand sithence yᵉ tyme of the raign of her
highnes father, the wʰ if it might please her highnes to bestowe to the
University, there might be such a worthie and perpetual monement made
by the rent thereof, as her majestie did most gratiously promise at
her last beinge at Cambridg in her highnes Oration made there, & the
Townesmen that be nowe occupiers thereof, yeldinge a reasonable rent to
yᵉ university for their severall boothes. Thus I am bold to put your
honor in mynd of this, referringe the whole matter to your honors best
consideracion to do herein as yow shall thinke good.
1575. At a Common Day held in the Round Church (probably on account of
the Plague being near the Guildhall) on the 25th March the Corporation
made a Declaration as to the tenure of booths at Sturbridge fair of which
the following are the principal portions:
Forasmuch as some question hath bene made of the maner of tenure of
booths in Sturbridge Fayer, some houlding one opinion, & some another,
everie man speakinge his fantasie therein, affirminge his owne opinion to
be the true custome, and that it ought to stande for truethe; for that
it hath not bene generally knowne to all men whether any Custome hath
remained written in any records of this towne concerninge the same fayre,
yea or no:
Commandment therefore had been given to the Town Clerk to search the
records of the town. This had been done and “it is founde in the oulde
and ancient record called the Cross Booke of the sayde Towne, that
remaineth there written.” This I have already given, under date 1403. The
same was reaffirmed; and it was now ordered that every burgess claiming
a booth must have his title thereto entered in a book to be kept by the
Corporation for that purpose; and thereafter he might alienate the same
to any other free burgess by due entry in the said book in manner and
form provided.
1576. 8th Dec. The Corporation sealed a power of attorney (dated 30th
Nov.) authorizing the Recorder and others named to act in all matters
before the Queen and her Council, and in all causes and businesses
touching the town, particularly the redemption and confirmation of
Sturbridge Fair. To this end the Corporation empowered the Mayor and
others to rate the possessioners of booths in the fair towards the
payment of 1000 marks for the fine for the fair.
On 13th of same month Lord Burleigh the Chancellor, and the Earl
of Leicester High steward of the University wrote to Dr. Goad the
Vice-chancellor, desiring that there might be a conference between the
heads of the University and Town relative to the contemplated grant
of the fair. Lord Burleigh it seems had obtained from the Queen a
declaration that no petition of the townsmen respecting their fair should
be received to the prejudice of the University.
A meeting took place early in the following year but no friendly
understanding could be arrived at.
1577. The matter of renewing the charter of the fair was again before the
Queen. On a petition being presented on behalf of the Corporation the
Royal reply was “that she would not take away any privileges that she
had granted the University, but would rather add to them”; and for this
declaration the University returned her a letter of thanks. “Annals,” ii.
358.
At the fair this year the Mayor, Recorder, and Aldermen of the
Corporation ordered a haberdashery booth to be pulled down. Reason not
stated. The Corporation sustained the order.
The following articles were purchased at the fair for the household of
Lord North. The record of prices is particularly important:
A C. Salt Fish, Lixˢ; whight salt, iij stone, 1 qt. iij lb. xiijˢ; bay
salt, iij qt. Lvjˢ; 2 kettles, xiijˢ vjᵈ; ix dust baskets, iiijˢ; vj
pailes, ijˢ vjᵈ; 2 firkins of soape, xxixˢ; Feather bed tike, xixˢ;
a Jacke ijˢ ijᵈ; a frieng panne, ijˢ ijᵈ; hors meat xvjᵈ; 20 lb. of
raissins, vˢ; 20 lb. Corants, vijˢ vjᵈ; 10 lb. prewens, xxˢ; Liiij lb.
gon Powder, Lviijˢ vjᵈ; 14 lb. of matches, iijˢ ixᵈ; dogg cowples xxᵈ; 10
lb. Sugar, xijˢ vjᵈ.
1578. The “provision bought at Sturbridge Fayer” for the household of
Lord North this year, comprised: Codds bought ccccli. vijˡⁱ xvˢ; Soape
bought 2 firkins xxviijˢ; Salte bought iijˡⁱ xiiiˢ iiijᵈ; Lynen clothe
pd. for xxxvijˢ.
1584. An unsuccessful attempt at accommodation between the University and
the Town was made in 1580. The former sought for additional privileges
which the latter would not grant. This year a more successful attempt
was made, and except upon three points, the parties had agreed to “both
books” (_i.e._ draft charters). The points were these:
1. As to an interpretation of “common ministers.”
2. The demand of the University is unreasonable to have all graduates in
England go toll free. “That the towne assentith as they ment it at the
first, That all graduates for lernings sake abydyng in the Universety or
Towne shall goe toll free.”
3. The town had already assented that the University should have more
retained servants than they had before. “But squyre beadalles should eche
of them have one reteyned servaunt priviledged (being themselves but
servauntes), The Towne thinkith it inconvenient, and neither did, nor yet
doth assent therunto: for all other matters concerning both bookes, both
parties are agreed. So as that be perfourmed which hath bene concluded
in former conferences.”
1586. The negociations between the University and the Town were renewed
this year. The following document shows the position of the negociation,
as also that the town were to have the new charter; it also shows the
extreme jealousy with which each body viewed the acts and proceedings of
the other—it was a genteel manifestation of “Town and Gown” divergencies,
which have become historical:
_Sturbridge._ The towne hath obtained of her majestie a graunt of
Sturbridge feyre, to the booke of that graunt the universitie addith a
proviso to this effect viz that neither that graunt nor anything therein
conteyned should any ways prejudice the universitie of Cambridge, or any
member thereof, in such thinges as the universitie enjoyed before the
sayd graunt! The towne sayth that that proviso is to large, forasmuch as
it may be extended to all thinges which the universitie befor enjoyed, as
well within the feyr as els whear, we confesse it is so; and we say it
is great reason it should be so, least under the colour and pretense of
Sturbridge feyre, they might carry away some other of our commodities wʰ
her highness never meant. So shortly we say thus muche; seing our proviso
is nothing but a restreint of their book: How farre so ever their book
reachith, so farre reachith our proviso and no further.
This is the brief our present difference, &c. &c.
This year was simplified the form of procession made in proceeding to
read the Proclamation of the University.
_New Charters._—1589. The proceedings already recorded (with some
others in 1587 not specifically referred to) ended in the grant of new
charters of the fair to the Town and also to the University of Cambridge
respectively. The charter to the town passed the Great Seal at Drayton on
15th Aug.; that to the University on 30th Aug.
The charter to the _Town_ commences with a recital that previously to
the 30 Henry VIII. the mayor, bailiffs, and burgesses had from time
immemorial had and used a fair called Sturbridge Fair held at Barnwell
and Sturbridge, in the county of Cambridge and within the liberty of
the town, beginning on the Feast of St. Bartholomew the Apostle, and
continuing from thence till the fourteenth day next after the Feast of
the Exaltation of the Holy Cross; which fair, from the advantages of the
place, its contiguity to the University, and the fitness of the season,
_far surpassed the greatest and most celebrated fairs of all England;
whence great benefits had resulted to the merchants of the whole kingdom,
who resorted thereto, and there quickly sold their wares and merchandises
to purchasers coming from all parts of the Realm_ to buy and provide
salt-fish, butter, cheese, honey, salt, flax, hemp, pitch, tar, and all
other wares and merchandises, and from the profits of which fair the
mayor, bailiffs and burgesses levied the greatest part of their fee-farm,
and supported and maintained the town in its ways, streets, ditches
[sewers] and other burthens.
Of the Quo Warrant in the 30th Henry VIII. and the subsequent proceedings
thereon. The Queen had been requested to grant a charter and had assented
“moved thereto by royal pity, by a sense of the utility of the fair to
the town and to the merchants of the kingdom, and that the town should
be lightened in its burthens, and increased and honoured under her
prosperous and peaceful government.” The Queen therefore delivered out of
her hands and conferred to the mayor, bailiffs, and burgesses and their
successors, the fair in question, with all profits, commodities, courts,
profits of courts, authorities and jurisdictions, booths and power of
building booths in the accustomed places in the fair.
All rights had or enjoyed by the _University_, or its officers under any
gift, grant, or confirmation from the crown, or any act of parliament, or
“used for the greater part of 20 years then last past” were reserved to
it.
Power given to Corporation to make rules and statutes for the peaceful
and quiet government of the fair; and with respect to the building and
removing of booths, and the disposition and assurance thereof by will,
gift, surrender or otherwise; and also for placing the several arts,
occupations, mysteries, merchants, workmen, and others holding booths in
the fair in the places assigned and accustomed to the same arts &c. and
especially in that part of the fair called Cheapside. Such Ordinances &c.
not to prejudice the right, title, or interest of burgesses holding or
possessing booths according to the customs and ordinances of the town, or
to derogate from the privileges of the Chancellor, masters, and scholars
used during the greater part of twenty years then last past. New rules
might be altered and revoked as circumstances should require.
The sellers of mercery or grocery ware were forbidden to be stationed
or to occupy any booth in the fair for selling such wares except in
Cheapside. Woollen cloths were to be exposed for sale only in the
“Duddery.” Goldsmiths were not to be stationed, or expose their goods
to sale any where except in Soper Lane, otherwise Goldsmith’s Row; and
pewterers and braziers were in like manner to be confined to Pewtry Row
and Brazier Row.
The burgesses who held any booth for life or years, or who should
afterwards acquire any, were to hold the same as theretofore.
The charter to the _University_, expressed to have been granted by the
authority of parliament, contains provisions relating to the town as
well as to the fair. I shall confine my abstract to the latter. It was
granted out of love of the University, to confirm and establish the
privileges, liberties, immunities, pre-eminences, authorities, powers,
jurisdictions, profits and commodities of that body in Sturbridge Fair,
as granted by the charter she had given in the 3rd year of her reign.
She granted to the Chancellor masters and scholars and their successors
solely and wholly for ever the office of “Clerk of the Market,” and the
assay of bread, wine, and ale or beer, and the keeping and governance
of the same and the correction and punishment of offenders, with the
fines, forfeitures and amerciaments thence arising in the fair and the
precincts of the same. Also the supervision of measures and weights,
and the jurisdiction to inquire of all forestallings, regratings, and
ingrossing of victuals and other things and wares within the fair or its
bounds and precincts, and to banish, chastise, and correct according to
the laws of the realm and the customs of the University. Also right of
search in the fair for harlots and vagabonds.
The proclamation of the fair was to be made by the University and Town
in alternate years. All goods carried to or by the fair, or to the town,
or in the river to the use of the Chancellors, masters, scholars, or
colleges, or to or for any of the graduates residing within the town or
University, or within five miles thereof to be _free of toll_.
The University to have exclusive jurisdiction in suits wherein scholars,
scholars servants “or common minister of the University” were one of
the parties. Also to hear and determine plaints concerning victuals or
contract for victuals arising in the fair, except in cases between a
burgess and a foreigner not privileged of the University, which should be
heard before the Mayor, &c. The court of the Chancellor &c. within the
fair to be a court of record with all powers according to the statutes
of the realm, or the laws and customs of the University. The last named
court to be held within the fair or its precincts, and the Queen granted
a sufficient piece of ground for the purpose. But if by flood or other
chance the accustomed place should be unfit another place was to be
provided.
The University to have exclusive authority to inspect, search, try, assay
and gauge all victuals in the fair. The daily inspection and search
of all other wares (except leather and sackcloth) to be made by four
suitable men, appointed by the Chancellor and Mayor respectively. And the
court for adjudication upon the same to be held by the Chancellor and
Mayor in alternate years, each aiding the other in the performance of the
duties. The remaining numerous provisions are not necessary to be cited
in view of our present purposes.
It was the belief of the townspeople that this charter to the University
had been obtained by reason of a betrayal of the rights of the town
by the then Mayor. And the following was recorded at the foot of a
transcript of this charter. “One Gawnt was Mayor of Cambridge, who
att London assented to these new jurisdictions of the Universitie,
and therein betrayed the towne, who shortlie after was putt [out!] of
his Aldermanshipp & lived the remaynder of his life in great want and
miserie, and hatefull to all the townsmen.”
1591. On 30th Aug. the Corporation made orders that all the provisoes,
conditions and articles contained in the new charter touching booths in
Sturbridge Fair, should be inviolably kept and observed in all points,
according to the tenor, true intent and meaning of such charter: that
it should not be lawful to any tenant or owner of any booth to admit or
suffer any merchants or artificers of sundry wares to stand and sell
wares in one booth: and that it should not be lawful to any merchants or
others bringing wares to Sturbridge Fair to sell any wares, except salt,
out of any vessels upon the water there, until the fish booths were let
to farm.
On 15th Sept. Richard Parish of Chesterton “a very violent and turbulent
person, attacked and wounded with a dagger some scholars who were with
him in the ferry-boat between Chesterton and Sturbridge Fair. He was
arrested by a master of arts of Trinity College and others, but was
rescoued from them by the prentises in the faire.” A new manifestation of
the “town and gown” troubles.
1592. On 28th Aug. the Corporation of Cambridge made orders that none but
freemen should, in time of Sturbridge Fair, sell and deliver fish in any
hut or vessel on the water, until the fish booths in the water-fair were
let, and then to make composition with the bailiff of the ward. And that
all except freemen, who brought pitch and tar to the fair to be sold,
should pay 2_s._ per last for grinding to the bailiff of the ward; and
that if any suit or controversy at law should arise about executing the
premises, the charges should be borne by a levy to be assessed upon the
burgesses.
1595. Memorandum, that this daye and yeare by a common consente, it
is agreed, that the order made ... Feby anno Regni Hen. Octavi 13ᵒ
concerninge enjoyers of booths to dwell within the towne; and shewinge
in what time he shall sell them yf he go out of the towne, shall stand,
remaine and be in full force and effecte; and that no maior of the towne
of Cambridge from henceforthe shall propounde any grace, or do any acte
or actes, devise or devises whatsoever, to the breache or violating
thereof; and that the maior of this towne, yearly to be chosen, on the
daie of his election, or on the daye that he taketh the oathe against
vintinge, shall make solemn oathe to the observation hereof “Hist. and
Antiq. of Barnwell Abbey” (p. 96, part ii.).
1596. 16th Aug. The Corporation made an order that every burgess who
should thereafter buy any booth or booth-ground in this fair should at
the time of his admission thereto, make solemn oath before the mayor,
that he had bought the same simply to the use of himself and his heirs,
and not to the use of any foreigner or foreigners, without fraud,
collusion, or deceit.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
CHAPTER XI.
THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.
1600. On 16th Aug. the Corporation of Cambridge made ordinances that no
bailiff should “by any wayes, meanes, or culler whatsoever demise or
lett to ferme his bayliwich within this Town or Fayers, or eny profitts
belonging to the same, to eny persone or persones whatsoever, uppon payne
of disfrannchisinge.”
1601. New causes of dispute arose between the University and the Town,
this time about the “King’s beam” (_Pondus Regis_) or the right of the
former to a beam for weighing articles sold at the Fair. The Queen
(Elizabeth) wrote to the parties:
To our loving friends the Vice-chancellor and Proctors of the University
of Cambridge and the Mayor Bailiffs and Burgesses of the Town:
Whereas there were at the last Sturbridge fair some contentions about a
pair of scales used by you of the University: We require you of the Town
in all peaceable sort, to suffer the University to exercise and use the
same in the accustomed place as they have usually done for the most of
these ten years last past; and what contention soever shall seem to arise
about the same scales, either for the interest of the ground whereon they
are settled, or for the payment of any rent for the same: We think it
fit and so we require of you, that it be peaceably reconciled hereafter
in a lawful course, without giving any occasion of disorders. And so we
heartily bid you farewell. Aug. 27, 1601.
1603. The kingdom was threatened with another visitation of the plague.
The new King (James I.) issued a Proclamation, dated from Hampton Court 8
Aug., whereby it was ordained that for “desire of preventing an universal
contagion among our people” (_inter alia_) Stourbridge Fair should not
be held nor anything appertaining to it at the time accustomed, “nor any
time till they [it] shall have been licensed by us.”
1604. On 23rd July this year the King issued the following mandate,
prohibiting all idle games, plays, or shows in or within five miles of
Cambridge; and under its authority the regulations of the Fair were
considerably modified:
James by the grace of God King of England Scotland France and Ireland
defender of the faith, &c.:
To our chancellor and vice-chancellor of our university of Cambridge in
the County of Cambridge, and to all and singular our justices of peace
mayors sheriffs bailiffs constables gaolers and all other our ministers
and officers within the said university and the town of Cambridge and
county aforesaid and to every of them greeting,
_For_ the better maintenance safety and quietness of that our said
university and all and every the students there, and to remove take away
and prevent all occasions that may tend either to the infecting of their
bodies or minds, or to the withdrawing or alienating the younger sort
from the courses of their studies there intended, we do by these presents
authorize will and command you our said chancellor and vice-chancellor
of our said university, and either of you and your successors, that
you do from time to time for ever hereafter by virtue hereof, wholly
and altogether restraine inhibit and forbid as well all and all manner
of unprofitable or idle games plays or exercises to be used or made
within our said university and the town there, and within five miles
compass of and from the said university and the town there, and within
five miles compass of and from the said university and town, especially
bull-baiting, bear-baiting, common plays, publick shews, interludes,
comedies and tragedies in the English tongue, games at loggets,
nine-holes, and all other sports and games whereby throngs concourse
or multitudes are drawn together, or whereby the younger sort are or
may be drawn or provoked to vain expence loss of time or corruption of
manners; as also all and all manner of persons that shall go about to
publish act set out or make any such unprofitable or idle games publick
plays or exercises within the said university or town or within five
miles compass of or from our said university or town, any indulgence,
privilege, liberty or authority, by us granted or to be granted to any
our officers or servants, or to any other person or persons whomsoever,
to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding.
_Provided_ that it is not our pleasure and meaning hereby to abridge the
students of their accustomed exercises in any kind whatsoever within
their several colleges.
_And_ if any person or persons under colour pretence or virtue of any
licence or authority by us or any other whomsoever granted or to be
granted, or by any other means colour or pretence, shall resist or refuse
peaceably to obey your commands herein, then our will and pleasure is and
we do hereby authorize you our said chancellor and vice-chancellor of our
said university, and either of you, and your successors and deputy or
deputies of you and either of you and your successors, from time to time
to apprehend all and every such offenders, and them to commit to prison
either in the castle of Cambridge or any other goal within the town of
Cambridge, there to remain without bail or main-prize until they shall
willingly submit themselves to your said commands and abide such further
order as to you in your discretions shall be thought meet; willing and
by these presents commanding all you our said justices of peace, mayors,
sheriffs, bailiffs, constables and gaolers, and all other our said
ministers and officers, that upon intimation and shew of this our will
and command herein, you and every of you being required thereto, shall
be aiding and assisting to our said chancellor and vice-chancellor of
our said university, and their successors and their and either of their
deputy or deputies from time to time in the due execution of the premises
according to the purport and true intent hereof, as you will answer to
the contrary at your peril.
_Given_ under our signet at our palace of Westminster, the three and
twentieth day of July, in the second year of our reign of England France
and Ireland and of Scotland the seven and thirtieth.
1606. In the records of the Skinners Company there is an item under
this date “To the wardens for their allowance in riding to Stourbridge
Fair £3: 6: 8; and 13_s._ 4_d._ to me the Recter Warden for my pains.”
But very soon after this period there are signs of a falling-off in the
importance of the fair in this particular: In 1616 it is the accountant
who receives “in allowance towards his charges in riding to Stourbridge
Fair £6.” The wardens had ceased to attend personally.
1612. In the “Letters of Archbishop Williams” (1866) is one dated from
the Proctors’ booth in the fair this year.
1613. In Dr. Nathan Drake’s “Shakespeare and his Times” it is recounted
that at this date the fair had acquired so great a celebrity that
Hackney coaches attended it from London. Subsequently not less than
sixty of those coaches plied the fair (see 1688, &c.). He adds that vast
quantities of butter and cheese found there a ready market; that it
stocked the people in the counties of Norfolk, Suffolk, and Essex with
clothes and all other necessaries; and that the shopkeepers supplied
themselves from hence with the commodities wherein they dealt.
1615. On the 22nd June the Corporation ordered that Mr. French the mayor
should have an irrevokable power of attorney under the Town seal to
prosecute with effect all the suits already begun against those who _kept
any fair or market to the prejudice of the town_, and to commence and
prosecute suits against all who had done or should do the like; and it
was ordered that all charges should be paid by the treasurers on demand.
1620. On 17th Sept., there was held a session of Goal Delivery in
Sturbridge Fair, in the place where the courts there were usually kept
(“Annals of Camb.” iii. p. 136). No explanation of the circumstance is
given.
1622. The suit concerning the right to erect booths in the yard of
Sturbridge Chapel which had been pending for some time was this year
terminated. The Corporation obtained a grant of the Chapel from the Queen.
1625. In consequence of the Plague again being prevalent in the kingdom
Charles I. by Royal Proclamation forbids the holding of this, as also
Bartholomew’s Fair, by reason of the usual “extraordinary resort out of
all parts of the kingdom” of persons to attend this fair, which would if
held lead to the common danger. This proclamation is given _in extenso_
in our chapter on “Legislation.”
1630. The plague existing in Cambridge the holding of this, and also
Bartholomew and Southwark Fairs, was prohibited by Royal Proclamation.
1633. A question arose as to Dower, or the right to dower of the widows
of booth-holders in this fair; and the Corporation on the 14th May
enacted the following declaration:
The custom in such case is (and so hath ever time out of mind been used)
that the relict and widow of her husband (who in his life was seised
of booths in Sturbridge fair) shall have her dower of such booths only
whereof her husband was seised and died intestate. But where the husband
in his life time made sale of his booths or devised them by his last will
and testament, the wife and relict in such case shall have no dower of
any booths.
1636. The King (Charles I.) addressed a letter to the Vice-chancellor
of the University and the mayor of Cambridge (dated Hampton Court,
June 14), setting forth that the town had been often infected with the
plague by means of persons repairing to the fairs, with goods brought
from infectious places, whereby the scholars had been forced to forsake
their studies and scatter themselves for safety unto remote parts of
the kingdom: to avoid the like mischief from the contagion then raging
in London and other places H. M. required the Vice-chancellor and Mayor
to take order that Midsummer fair should not be kept this year, nor the
goods of Londoners or others be sold within the town or three miles of
the same. Refractory persons were to be bound to appear before the King
or the Privy Council to answer the contempt, or on their refusal might
be committed to prison. All justices of the peace of the county and town
were commanded to be aiding and assisting.
In consequence of this letter it was feared that a similar order might be
made as to Sturbridge Fair; and accordingly on Common Day, held 2nd Aug.
steps were taken by the townsmen in view of procuring this fair to be
held. But the result was the following letter dated 21 Aug.
To our trustie and wel beloved The maior & Aldemen of our Towne
of Cambridge.
Charles R. Trustie and wel beloved we greete you well,
whereas out of our royal care of our Universitie and Towne of
Cambridge, and to prevent the encrease and further spreading
of the plague within our Kingdome by such a publique concourse
of people as doth usually resort to Sturbridge faire from all
parts thereof, wee have thought fitt to forbid the keepinge of
the said faire for this yeare, and have accordingly given order
for signifyeing our royall pleasure therein by a Proclamacion,
which requireing some time for the solemne publicacion thereof;
to yᵉ end ye may not in the meane while proceede to proclaime
and sett forth the precincts of the said faire, as wee are
informed that your custome is to doe on the 24th of this
presente moneth, Wee doe by these our Letters declare our said
purpose to you of putting off the said faire for this yeare.
And in consequence thereof, Our will and pleasure is, That you
now forbeare to make any such preparacion to the said Faire or
to doe any act whatsoever apperteyning thereunto, under paine
of our royal displeasure.
Given under our Signett at our Courte at the Castle of
Warwicke, the 21th day of August, in the Twelfe yeare of our
raigne 1636.
The Town Clerk, the Attorneys of the Town Court and other of the
Corporation were ordered to attend at the fair-field to publish his
majesty’s pleasure and command. This was accordingly done on 24th Aug.,
the letter being read at the usual place of proclaiming the fair.
A proclamation prohibiting the fair was issued; and although it bore date
prior to the Royal letter was only received after it. The proclamation
contained this passage:
... And his majesty doth hereby further charge and command, under the
like penalty, all Citizens and Inhabitants of his City of London, that
none of them for this present year, shall bring or send any of their
Goods or merchandize to _Ely_, _Newmarket_, or any other place near to
the University of Cambridge, at or about the usual time appointed for
Sturbridge fair, which were but to transfer that fair to other places,
with no less Danger of dispersing the Sickness throughout the Kingdom.
Given at our Court at Warwick Castle, the 20 day of Aug.
1637. The fair was also again prohibited on account of the prevalence of
plague.
1638. Although the Plague prevailed this year also, it seems that the
fair was held. On the 24th Aug. the Corporation imposed a rate of 1_s._
in the £ on the booth-holders for defraying the charges of procuring the
fair to be kept again—“being otherwise in danger of being put by”; and
for endeavour of a like nature in the two preceding years.
1644. A writer in the parliamentary interest referred to the “Goodly and
full Fair” held at Sturbridge this year “with free trade and comforable
commerce as was formerly accustomed in our former most peaceable times.”
1647. The University complained to the House of Lords against the
bailiffs of the Corporation for contempt of the order of the House
in favour of the University in the matter of the “Stourbridge fayer
privileges.” The matter appears somewhat obscure.
1649. This year an event occurred which had a considerable though
indirect bearing upon this fair. The “Act for the Draining of the Great
Level of the Fens” was passed. This led to considerable alterations in
the navigation between Lynn and Cambridge. The tide, which formerly
flowed up as far as Ely—bringing merchandise at easy charge up to that
point—did not, on the completion of these works, come within twenty
miles of that place. In 1653 the University and Corporation of Cambridge
justly petitioned Parliament on the subject (“Annals of Camb.” iii.
p. 455). I believe no redress was obtained. There were obviously some
counterbalancing advantages in lessening the frequency of floods, and in
rendering better roads possible.
1650. At a Common Day, held 24th Aug., the Corporation, taking notice
that of late years there had been controversies about a preaching
minister for Sturbridge Fair, agreed that the power of election being in
the mayor and aldermen, such preacher should be elected yearly on the day
of the election of mayor, bailiffs, and other officers. See 1710.
1654. About this time the Corporation of Cambridge erected a
banqueting-room and court-house at Sturbridge fair. It was commonly
called the Mayor’s House. At a later period (1670) Some disputes arose
regarding this building being erected upon grounds subject to the right
of commonage.
1655. When the office of “Lord of the Taps” was founded does not appear,
but on the 20th Aug. this year the Corporation made the following
order:—“It is agreed that xxˢ shall be given out of the moneys in the
chest to Michael Wolfe towards the buyinge of a Coate against Sturbridge
fayer now next ensuinge, he being Lord of the Taps this present yeare.”
The coat in question was a crimson one, gaily decorated with taps.
The office of the Lord of the Taps was to taste the ale in any or all
the booths in the fair, and ascertain if it were in suitable vendible
condition. “Ned Ward” speaks of this functionary (1700) as going “arm’d
all over with spiggots and fossets, like a porcupine with his quills, or
looking rather like a fowl wrapped up in a pound of sausages.”
1658. In “Worthington’s Diary” there is an entry made at the
Vice-chancellor’s court at the fair. In Brathwaite’s “Honest Ghost,”
published this year (p. 189), there occurs the following:—
“When th’ fair is done, I to the colledg come,
Or else I drink with them at Trompington,
Craving their more acquaintance with my heart,
Till our next _Sturbridg faire_; and so we part.”
Local events were associated with the fair, as the most prominent
recurring incident in the district, and dated by reference to it.
1660. Worthington speaks of this fair as “the Carpenter’s harvest.”
1665. The fair was again prohibited this year on account of the
prevalence of the plague.
1666. The like by an order in Council “to prevent the spread of the
infection.”
1668. Pepys received so earnest an invitation from his kinsman, Roger
Pepys, that he resolved to let his wife go to this fair. His entry, under
date 15th Sept., is:—“Up by times ... took wife and Mercer and Deb. and
W. Horner (who are all to set out this day for Cambridge, to cosen Roger
Pepys to see Sturbridge Fayre) ... saw them gone, there being only one
man in the coach beside them.” He probably followed some days after,
or about the 29th; but unfortunately the diary is a blank up to 11th
October. It would have been matter of some interest to know his views of
this great gathering.
Edward Kemp preached a sermon at St. Mary’s Church, Cambridge, on the
Sunday before the fair, which was published.
1673. In the Vice-chancellor’s “Little Black Book” is given a copy of the
following letter from Charles II. restoring to the University the right
of weighing hops, which had been assumed by the Town during the Civil
War troubles:—
Charles R. Trusty and well beloved we greet you well. Whereas wee are
informed from our University of Cambridge that severall of their rights
and priviledges (which they have heretofore injoyed by charter and
custome) have in these late yeares of publick distraction been intrenched
upon by our towne of Cambridge, and some of the officers thereto
belonging, particularly the right of setting up the sole publick beame
for the weighing of hops and other things of great bulk in Sturbridge
faire, which did anciently belong to the said University and their
officers, and which as we are informed (besides other evidences) appears
by the acts of your courts registred in the mayoralty of Mr Foxton.
Now wee being desirous to keepe a good correspondence between our said
University and towne, and that either body should enjoy their just
rights, have thought fitt to request you to permitt our University and
their officers (till you shall shew sufficient cause to the contrary)
to enjoy without disturbance the aforesaid right of sole weighing such
hops as shall be sould at Sturbridge faire, together with all other
their antient priviledges. And upon notice shall be carefull, that no
intrenchment bee made upon any of those rights which you may justly
claime. Given under our signet manuell at our court of Whitehall the
thirtieth day of August in the twelfth yeare of our reigne. (Signed)
William Morrice.
To our trusty and well beloved the mayor and aldermen of the towne of
Cambridge.
The original was delivered to Mr John Ewen, mayor, by me Matth. Whenn.
1677. The Corporation of Cambridge ordered the common seal to be affixed
to a petition to the King for the prevention of a new fair at Maidstone,
which might be prejudicial to Sturbridge Fair. This opposition I assume
had reference to the large trade in hops here transacted. (See hereon
De Foe’s account of this fair under date 1723.) There is this curious
entry in the Corporation Common Day Book:—“It is agreed that Mr. Langley
who took great paines in keeping of the Patent for the intended Faire at
Maidstone shall have two gynneys given him, to be paid by the Treasurers.”
1683. Dixon, in his “Canidia, or the Witches,” published this year, says:—
“A fire licking a Child’s hair
Was to be seen at _Sturbridge fair_,
With a lambent flame, all over a sweating mare.”
And again:—
“Women-dancers, Puppet-players,
At Bartholomew and Sturbridge-Fairs.”
1686. Mr. Millington, book auctioneer of London, sold in Cooks’ Row in
the fair this year (8th Sept.) the library of James Chamberlain, fellow
of St. John’s College (1700).
1688. On 10th September the Corporation made an order that the prices of
hackney coachmen who drive from Cambridge to Sturbridge fair, or from
that fair to Cambridge, from sun rising to sunset, should be 12_d._ for
one, two, three, or four persons, and after sunset 18_d._ for the like
number of persons.
1696. Mr. Morley in his “Memoir of Bartholomew Fair” (1859), writing of
this period says, “The great fair near Cambridge—Stourbridge Fair—was in
the days of which we are now speaking, a place of large commerce” (p.
351).
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
CHAPTER XII.
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
1700. There was published “A Step to Stirbitch-fair, with remarks upon
the University of Cambridge,” by Edward Ward. Like all “Ned Ward’s”
books, it is written in a coarse slangy style; and I do not find anything
throwing much light upon the fair, except in the matter of book auctions,
of which his account is very amusing.
1701. The mayor and corporation having given a company of actors leave to
perform at the fair without the sanction of the Vice-chancellor, and in
defiance of his authority, the senate, on the 4th Sept. passed a grace
enacting that the privileges of the University should be defended and
vindicated at the public charge; and in the meantime, to prevent a breach
of discipline the authority of proctors during the time of the fair was
conferred on sixty-two Masters of Arts, and it was decreed that whoever
disobeyed them should _ipso facto_ incur the penalty of expulsion.
It seems that the Vice-chancellor (Dr. Bentley) committed Dogget the
actor to gaol, and ordered the booth built for the theatre to be
demolished.
1705. The London newspapers of this year announced “That the fair
would be proclaimed on the 7th Sept. with great solemnity by the
Vice-chancellor of the University, the Mayor of the Town, accompanied
by Lord Duplin and Mr. Cadogan, the representatives in Parliament, the
Recorder, Aldermen, &c., preceded by red-coats and other officers on
horseback, with music playing before them; that it was expected there
would be greater concourse of people and a more flourishing trade than
had been known for several years past, owing to the conduct of a set
of gentlemen who were endeavouring to revive the reputation of a fair
not many years ago the most considerable in Europe.” This announcement,
which in great part contained nothing out of the common, it turned out
was inserted at the instance of a Londoner who was going to see the
fair for the first time; and it had the effect of drawing together more
people than had been seen there for ten years. The visitor in question
records in the “Gentleman’s Magazine” that he regularly took coach every
afternoon at the Market-hill (Cambridge) with other gownsmen, drinking
tea at the Coffee-booth, “where now and then we had the company of some
very agreeable ladies of Cambridge town and education, and a fortnight
was thus spent.”
1709. There was published in London: “Nundinæ Sturbrigienses,” a poem in
Latin hexameters, of some five hundred lines, by Th. Hill, Coll. Trin.
Cant. Soc. It is included in vol. ii. “Musæ Anglicanæ,” editio quinta.
Londini, ex officina J. S. R. Tonson and J. Watts, 1741. An * indicates
that the poem in question was added to this edition, and not found in
former ones. The poem gives a description of the fair as it existed in
the reign of Queen Anne.
1710. The question of the preachership of the fair referred to under date
1650, came up this year in strong force. The corporation had usually
appointed the minister of Barnwell, but this year they appointed another,
a fellow of King’s College. Their right to the nomination was now
disputed by the improprietor and minister of Barnwell. The corporation
resolved to maintain their nominee, and the opposing parties advertised
their intention of standing on what they regarded as their rights.
Proceedings were accordingly commenced in the Bishop of Ely’s court.
The following year (Sept. 1711) the Vicar of Barnwell published the
following:—
Whereas ’tis the resolution of the corporation of Cambridge,
against the present incumbent of Barnwell, to set up a preacher
in Sturbridge Fair; being led thereinto by artificially
persuading some of his predecessors into an illegal note,
against the patron, his clerks and successors in the said
living: and Sturbridge Fair being in the parish of Little St.
Andrew’s, Barnwell, and the ministers thereof have (when right
and law prevail) time out of mind, without any disturbance
(the said corporation of Cambridge finding alwaies a pulpit)
performed the service of the two Lord’s-days during the said
fair, with their congregation, service-books, vestments, pulpit
ornaments, and parish-clerk, in gratitude for the collection
that hath been there alwaies made, for the better support of
themselves under their small parochial income, till the last
year 1710; for which intrusion, then, the unwary usurper was
censured in the Bishop’s ecclesiastical court: These do humbly
give notice to the gentlemen of the fair, that the pulpit not
being allowed this year as usual, and it not being known soon
enough to provide one, the service of the Lord’s day, during
this present fair, will be performed in the parish-church,
morning and evening, by the minister of Barnwell.
Will. Piers.
Mr. Piers appears to have carried his point, as no mention of a
Sturbridge fair preacher subsequently to 1711 occurs in the Corporation
books. Dr. Hurd, Bishop of Worcester, was, whilst fellow of Emmanuel,
preacher at Sturbridge fair.
_Preaching in the Fair._—The services were performed during the two
Sundays occurring in the principal period of the fair, both morning and
afternoon. The sermon was preached from a pulpit placed in the open air,
in the centre of the large square, some 300 by 240 feet, called the
_Duddery_, where the woollen-drapers, wholesale tailors, and sellers of
second-hand clothes took up their residence, in spacious booths. In the
centre of this square was formerly a tall maypole, with a vane at the
top. It was the most orderly part of the fair.
Ned Ward, in his book already referred to (1700), mentions this part of
the fair, and says there stands “an old weather-beaten pulpit, where
on Sunday a sermon is delivered for the edification of the strolling
sinners, who give open attention, as in a field-conventicle” (p. 242).
1718. On the 21st Sept. died, aged 89, Samuel Newton, one of the Aldermen
of Cambridge. By his will he gave to the town four booths in the fair,
and a sermon in his commemoration was for many years preached at St.
Edward’s before the mayor and corporation on the Sunday next preceding
the 22nd Sept.
1727. I do not know if there was any speciality in the procession to
proclaim the fair this year. The following details are given in Cooper’s
“Annals of Cambridge,” under this date. The order was thus: The Crier
in scarlet on horseback; twenty-eight petty Constables on foot; three
drums; banners and streamers; the Grand Marshal; two trumpeters; the Town
music (twelve in number), two French horns; the Bellman in state with
a stand, on horseback; four Serjeants at Mace on horseback; the Town
Clerk on horseback. The Mayor in his robes mounted on a horse richly
caprisoned, led by two footmen called red coats with white wands. The two
representatives in Parliament on horseback. Twelve Aldermen according to
seniority on horseback (three and three) in their proper robes, the six
seniors having their horses attended by as many henchmen or red coats
with wands. The twenty-four Common Councilmen, three and three according
to seniority. Eight Dispensers in their gowns, two and two; four Bailiffs
in their habits (two and two). The Treasurers in their gowns. The
Gentlemen and Tradesmen of the town.
The procession was followed by a great number of the boys of the town
on horseback, who as soon as the ceremony of proclaiming was over, rode
races about the place; and on returning to Cambridge each boy had a cake
and some ale at the Town-hall.
This procession was maintained until about 1758, when it began “to be
abridged,” owing as it is said to the trouble and charge of keeping it in
suitable condition.
_De Foe’s Description of the Fair._—1723. This year the fair was visited
by Daniel De Foe, and he gives an account of it which I regard as of
great value. He understood how to grapple with what he saw, and how to
record the results of his inquiry. I give his description with very small
curtailment. The account was not published until 1724:
I now draw near to Cambridge, to which I fansy I look as if I was afraid
to come, having made so many Circumlocutions beforehand; but I must yet
make another Digression before I enter the Town; (for in my way, and as I
came in from Newmarket, about the beginning of September;) I cannot omit,
that I came necessarily through Sturbridge Fair, which was then in its
height.
If it is a Diversion worthy of a Book to treat of Trifles, such as the
Gayety of Bury Fair, it cannot be very unpleasant, especially to the
Trading part of the World, to say something of this Fair, which is not
only the greatest in the whole Nation, but in the World; nor, if I may
believe those who have seen them all, is the Fair at Leipsick in Saxony,
the Mart at Frankfort on the Main, or the Fairs at Nuremberg or Ausburg,
any way to compare to this Fair at Sturbridge.
It is kept in a large Corn-field, near Casterton, extending from the side
of the River Cam, towards the Road, for about half a Mile square.
If the Husbandmen who rent the Land, do not get their Corn off before a
certain Day in August, the Fair-Keepers may trample it under foot, and
spoil it, to build their Booths: On the other Hand, to ballance that
Severity, if the Fair-Keepers have not done their Business of the Fair,
and remov’d and clear’d the field by another certain Day in September,
the Plowmen may come in again, with Plow and Cart, and overthrow all
and trample it into the Dirt; and as for the Filth, Dung, Straw, &c.,
necessarily left by the Fair-Keepers, the Quantity of which is very
great, it is the Farmers Fees, and makes them full amends for the
trampling, riding, and carting upon, and hardening the Ground.
It is impossible to describe all the Parts and Circumstances of this
Fair exactly; the Shops are placed in Rows like Streets, whereof one is
call’d Cheapside; and here, as in several other Streets, are all sorts
of Trades, who sell by Retale, and who come principally from London
with their Goods; scarce any trades are omitted, Goldsmiths, Toy-shops,
Braziers, Turners, Milleners, Haberdashers, Hatters, Mercers, Drapers,
Pewterers, China-Warehouses, Taverns, Brandy-Shops, and Eating-Houses,
innumerable, and all in Tents, and Booths, as above.
This great Street reaches from the Road, which as I said goes from
Cambridge to Newmarket, turning short out of it to the Right towards
the River, and holds in a Line near half a Mile quite down to the
River-side: In another Street parallel with the Road are like Rows of
Booths, but larger, and more intermingled with Wholesale Dealers, and
on one side, passing out of this last Street to the Left Hand, is a
formal great Square, form’d by the largest Booths, built in that Form,
and which they called the Duddery; whence the name is deriv’d, and what
its Signification is, I could never yet learn, tho’ I made all possible
search into it. [Duddery is evidently derived from the old word Dudde,
signifying cloth (“Promptorium Parvulorum,” ed. Way, i. 134). Duds
for clothes is still used as a cant word, and by the Scotch (Bailey’s
“Dictionary;” Glossaries to Burns and Walter Scott).] The area of this
Square is about 80 to 100 yards, where the Dealers have room before every
Booth to take down, and open their Packs, and to bring in Waggons to load
and unload.
This place is separated, and Peculiar to the Wholesale Dealers in the
Woollen Manufacture. Here the Booths, or Tents are of a vast Extent,
have different apartments, and the Quantities of Goods they bring are
so Great, that the Insides of them look like another Blackwell Hall,
being as vast Ware-Houses pil’d up with Goods to the Top. In this
Duddery, as I have been inform’d, there have been sold £100,000 worth of
Woollen Manufactures in less than a Week’s time, besides the prodigious
Trade carry’d on here, by Wholesale Men, from London, and all Parts of
England, who transact their Business wholly in their Pocket-Books, and
meeting their Chapmen from all Parts, make up their Accounts, receive
money chiefly in Bills, and take Orders: These they say exceed by far
the Sales of Goods actually brought to the Fair, and deliver’d in Kind;
it being frequent for the London Wholesale Men to carry back orders from
their Dealers for £10,000 worth of Goods a Man, and some much more. This
especially respects those People, who deal in heavy Goods, as Wholesale
Grocers, Salters, Brasiers, Iron-Merchants, Wine-Merchants, and the like;
but does not exclude the Dealers in Woollen Manufactures, and especially
in Mercery Goods of all sorts, the Dealers in which generally manage
their Business in this manner.
Here are Clothiers from Hallifax, Leeds, Wakefield and Huthersfield
in Yorkshire, and from Rochdale, Bury, &c., in Lancashire, with vast
Quantities of Yorkshire Cloths, Kerseyes, Pennistons, Cottons, &c., with
all sorts of Manchester Ware, Fustians, and things made of Cotton Wool;
of which the Quantity is so great, that they told me there were near a
thousand Horse-Packs of such Goods from that side of the Country, and
these took up a side and a half of the Duddery at least; also a part of a
street of Booths were taken up with Upholsterer’s Ware, such as Tickings,
Sackings, Kidderminster Stuffs, Blankets, Rugs, Quilts, &c.
In the Duddery I saw one Ware-house or Booth with six Apartments in it,
all belonging to a Dealer in Norwich Stuffs only, and who they said had
there above £20,000 value in those Goods, and no other.
Western Goods had their Share here also, and several Booths were fill’d
as full with Serges, Du-Roys, Druggets, Shalloons, Cantaloons, Devonshire
Kersies, &c., from Exeter, Taunton, Bristol, and other Parts West, and
some from London also.
But all this is still out done, at least in show, by two Articles,
which are the peculiars of this Fair, and do not begin till the other
part of the Fair, that is to say for the Woolen Manufacture begins to
draw to a Close; these are Wooll, and the Hops, as for the Hops there
is scarce any Price fix’d for Hops in England, till they know how they
sell at Sturbridge Fair; the Quantity that appears in the Fair is indeed
prodigious, and they, as it were, possess a large Part of the Field on
which the Fair is kept, to themselves; they are brought directly from
Chelmsford in Essex, from Canterbury and Maidstone in Kent, and from
Farnham in Surrey, besides what are brought from London, the growth of
those, and other places.
Enquiring why this Fair should be thus, of all other Places in England,
the Center of that Trade; and so great a Quantity of so Bulky a
Commodity be carry’d thither so far: I was answer’d by one thoroughly
acquainted with that matter, thus: The Hops, said he, for this part of
England, grow principally in the two counties of Surrey and Kent, with an
exception only of the town of Chelmsford in Essex, and there are very few
planted anywhere else.
... I must not omit here also to mention, that the River Grant, or Cam,
which runs close by the N.W. side of the Fair in its way from Cambridge
to Ely, is Navigable, and that by this means, all heavy Goods are brought
even to the Fair-Field, by Water Carriage from London, and other Parts,
first to the Port of Lynn, and then in Barges up the Ouse, from the Ouse
into the Cam, and so, as I say to the very Edge of the Fair.
In like manner great Quantities of heavy Goods, and the Hops among the
rest, are sent from the Fair to Lynn by Water, and shipped there for
the Humber, to Hull, York, &c., and for New Castle upon Tyne, and by
New Castle, even to Scotland itself. Now as there is still no planting
of Hops in the North, tho’ a great Consumption, and the Consumption
increasing Daily, this, says my Friend, is one reason why at Sturbridge
Fair there is so great a Demand for the Hops: He added, that besides
this, there were very few Hops, if any worth naming, growing in all the
Counties even on this side Trent, which were above forty miles from
London; these Counties depending on Sturbridge Fair for their supply, so
the Counties of Suffolk, Norfolk, Cambridge, Huntingdon, Northampton,
Lincoln, Leicester, Rutland, and even to Stafford, Warwick, and
Worcestershire, bought most if not all their Hops at Sturbridge Fair.
These are the Reasons why so great a Quantity of Hops are seen at this
Fair, as that it is incredible, considering too, how remote from this
Fair the Growth of them is, as above.
This is likewise a testimony of the prodigious Resort of the Trading
people of all Parts of England to this Fair; the Quantity of Hops that
have been sold at one of these Fairs is diversley reported, and some
affirm it to be so great, that I dare not copy after them; but without
doubt it is a surprising Account, especially in a cheap Year.
The next Article brought hither, is Wool, and this of several sorts, but
principally Fleece Wool, out of Lincolnshire, where the longest Staple is
found; the sheep of those Countries being of the largest Breed.
The Buyers of this Wool, are chiefly indeed the Manufacturers of Norfolk
and Suffolk and Essex, and it is a prodigious Quantity they buy.
Here I saw what I have not observ’d in any other county of England,
namely, a Pocket of Wool.
This seems to be first call’d so in Mockery, this Pocket being so big,
that it loads a whole Waggon, and reaches beyond the most extream Parts
of it, hanging over both before and behind, and these ordinarily weigh a
Ton or 25 Hundred weight of Wool, all in one Bag.
The Quantity of Wool only, which has been sold at this Place at one Fair,
has been said to amount to £50,000 or £60,000 in value, some say a great
deal more.
By these Articles a Stranger may make some guess at the immense Trade
carry’d on at this Place; what prodigious Quantities of Goods are bought
and sold here, and what a confluence of People are seen here from all
Parts of England.
I might go on here to speak of several other sorts of English
Manufactures, which are brought hither to be sold; as all sorts of
wrought Iron, and Brass-Ware from Birmingham; Edg’d Tools, Knives, &c.,
from Sheffield; Glass-Wares and Stockings from Nottingham, and Leicester;
and an infinite Throng of other things of smaller value, every Morning.
To attend this Fair, and the prodigious conflux of People which come to
it, there are sometimes not less than fifty Hackney Coaches, which come
from London, and ply Night and Morning to carry the People to and from
Cambridge; for there the gross of the People lodge; nay, which is still
more strange, there are Wherries brought from London on Waggons to plye
upon the little River Cam, and to row People up and down from the Town,
and from the Fair as Occasion presents.
It is not to be wondered at, if the Town of Cambridge cannot Receive or
Entertain the Numbers of People that come to this Fair; not Cambridge
only, but all the Towns round are full; nay, the very Barns, and Stables
are turn’d into Inns, and made as fit as they can to Lodge the meaner
Sort of People.
As for the People in the Fair, they all universally Eat Drink and Sleep
in their Booths and Tents; and the said Booths are so intermingled with
Taverns, Coffee-Houses, Drinking-Houses, Eating-Houses, Cook-Shops,
&c., and all in Tents too; and so many Butchers, and Hagglers from all
the Neighboring Counties come into the Fair every Morning with Beef,
Mutton, Fowls, Butter, Bread, Cheese, Eggs, and such things; and go with
them from Tent to Tent, from Door to Door, that there’s no want of any
Provisions of any kind, either dres’d or undres’d.
In a Word, the Fair is like a well Fortify’d City, and there is the least
Disorder and Confusion (I believe) that can be seen anywhere, with so
great a Concourse of People.
Towards the latter End of the Fair, and when the great Hurry of Wholesale
Business begins to be over, the Gentry come in, from all parts of the
County round; and tho’ they come for their diversion; yet ’tis not a
little Money, they lay out; which generally falls to the share of the
Retailers, such as Toy-shops, Goldsmiths, Brasiers, Ironmongers, Turners,
Milleners, Mercers, &c., and some loose Coins, they reserve for the
Puppet Shows, Drolls, Rope-Dancers, and such-like, of which there is no
want, though not considerable like the rest: The last Day of the Fair is
the Horse-Fair, where the whole is closed with both Horse and Foot-Races,
to divert the meaner Sort of People only, for nothing considerable is
offered of that Kind: Thus Ends the whole Fair, and in less than a week
more, there is scarce any sign left that there has been such a thing
there....
I should have mention’d, that here is a Court of Justice always open,
and held every Day in a Shed built on purpose in the Fair; this is for
keeping the Peace, and deciding Controversies in matters Deriving from
the Business of the Fair: The Magistrates of the Town of Cambridge are
Judges in this Court, as being in their Jurisdiction, or they are holding
it by special Priviledge: Here they determine Matters in a Summary way,
as is practis’d in those we call Pye-Powder Courts in other Places, or as
a Court of Conscience; and they have a final Authority without Appeal.
1729. This year was passed “An Order for the Registering and Regulating
the Prices of Hackney Coaches at Sturbridge Fair,” which was quite a
formidable document. I give one paragraph only: ... And whereas in
pursuance and by virtue of such immemorial prescription usage and
Charters the said mayor bailiffs and burgesses have from time to time
taken on themselves the regulation of Hackney Coaches coming to the said
fair; and did heretofore take a toll of 5_s._ from each coach coming
to the said fair, which of late years they have omitted to receive in
consideration of the great expenses of such hackney coachmen coming to
the said fair; and did order appoint and establish the prices to be taken
by all coachmen coming to the said fair and there tendering themselves
to carry passengers and persons from the town of Cambridge to the said
fair, and from the said fair to the town of Cambridge, at the price or
sum of 3_d._ ...
The price (after many more recitals) was fixed at 6_d._
1733. There was a dispute between the University and the Corporation as
to the right to weigh hops in the fair, as indeed there had been for
several previous years. The matter was referred to the Commissary of the
University and the Recorder of the Town, who decided in favour of the
University. A paper on the subject was drawn up and published by Thomas
Johnson of Magdalen College, one of the taxors.
1738. The University published a severe edict against schismatical
congregations at Stourbridge fair, and appointed Pro-proctors to see it
executed. These measures were occasioned by the fear that the famous
John Henley would erect an oratory in the fair. He had applied to the
Vice-chancellor for leave to hold an oratory there and had been refused.
1741. A great gale this year blew down many of the booths at the fair,
and caused great inconvenience and some damage.
1747. On 29th June the Court of Common Pleas gave judgment in an action
of trespass brought by James Austin against King Whittred for seizing
his cheese, &c., at this fair in 1745; which trespass the defendant
justified by way of distress damage feasant made by him as servant to
the Corporation, the owners of the fair. The court held the plea bad in
substance, as _every person had of common right a liberty of carrying his
goods to a public fair for sale_.—“Willes Reports,” 623.
1748. A company of players from the theatres in London performed a
pantomime called “Harlequin’s Frolics or Jack Spaniard caught in a Trap,”
in Hussey’s Great Theatrical Booth. There were also some entertainments
of singing and dancing. It was believed these were permitted in honour
of the approaching peace. But in the following year there were also
companies of players present.—“Annals,” iv. p. 262, note.
1749. The Land Tax assessed on the fair this year amounted to £112 7_s._
10_d._
Carter the Historian of Cambridge published an account of the fair this
year. I shall only quote from it such points as have not been mentioned
by De Foe and others. He refers to the name of the fair being obviously
derived from the rivulet called the Stour, which has a bridge over it
near the site of the fair.
“During the fair Colchester oysters (natives) and white herrings, just
coming into season are in great request, at least by such as live in
the inland part of the kingdom.” ... “The fair is like a well governed
city.... If any dispute arise between buyer and seller &c., on calling
out ‘Red-coat’ you have instantly one or more come running to you; and if
the dispute is not quickly decided, the offender is carried to the said
Court [of the fair] where the case is determined in a summary way....”
1757. Postlethwayt in his “Dictionary of Trade and Commerce,” 2nd
edition, speaks of the fair as “beyond all comparison the greatest in
Britain, and perhaps in the world”—as it certainly was at this time.
1759. The Corporation ordered the collector of the tolls to provide
weights and scales for weighing hops and other goods at the fair, and
agreed to indemnify him against any suit in relation to the weighing of
such goods.
_Peculiar custom of the Fair._—1762. At this fair about this date, there
was in practice the custom of “Initiation” or “Christening.” It took
place usually on the evening of the horse-fair day—perhaps because there
was a species of horse-play about the performance, at the “Robin Hood”
inn, famous in the annals of the fair. The formula was as follows:—The
freshman was introduced to the elder members in the parlour of the inn,
and two sponsors being previously chosen for him, he was placed in an
armchair, his head uncovered, and his shoes off. Two vergers, holding
staves and lighted candles, assisted the officiator, who was robed in a
Cantab’s gown and cap, with a bell in one hand and a book in the other.
He commenced the ceremony by asking “Is this an Infidel?” Answer, “Yes.”
“What does he require?” Answer, “Instruction (or to be instructed).”
“Where are the sponsors? let them stand forward!” A bowl of punch or a
bottle of wine was placed on the table handy for the officiator, who then
chaunted the following doggrel:—
Over thy head I ring this bell,
Because thou art an infidel,
And I know thee by thy smell—[7]
_Chorus._ With a hoccius proxius mandamus,
Let no vengeance light on him,
And so call upon him.
With several verses more of the same sort.
Then the officiator turned round and inquired “Who names this child?”
The sponsors replied “We do,” and then they called the novitiate by some
slang name, as “Nimble-heels,” “Stupid Stephen,” “Tommy Simper,” or other
ludicrous designation. The officiator then drank and gave the novice a
full bumper, continuing the chaunt:—
“Nimble-heels” henceforward shall be his name,
Which to confess let him not feel shame
Whether ’fore matter, miss, or dame—
And then the chorus as before. Then,—
This child first having paid his dues,
Is welcome then to put on his shoes,
And sing a song, or tell a merry tale—
As he may choose.
Chorus and conviviality ending up by a formal supper. If several novices
were offered together, one ceremony sufficed, with a few necessary verbal
alterations.
1771. In a letter of the Rev. Michael Tyson, dated _Corpus Christi
College, Cambridge_, Sept. 12th, this year, occurs the following
passage:—“There is an old and curious plan of Sturbridge Fair in the
mayor’s booth, taken when it was in its splendour, when its street and
square extended all over those fields by Barmwell. I mean to make a copy
of this, and to draw up an _Historiola_ of the Fair; but this is too
local to be of any entertainment but to those connected with Cambridge.
Thank Heaven my Deanship ends on Michaelmas day....”—Nichols’ “Literary
Anecdotes,” viii. 569.
1778. Violent storm during the fair; Bailey’s large music booth blown
down and many others injured.
1783. At the Quarter Sessions of Cambridge held July this year the
following order was made:
“Whereas some disputes have arisen, touching the Intercommon of
Stirbridge Fair Green, between the Commoners of Cambridge, and those of
Barnwell within the said Town, and a suit hath been instituted in order
to try the right of the said Common: It is this day agreed and ordered,
that the Costs of such suit on the part of the said town of Cambridge,
touching the said intercommon, be paid and borne by the said town; and
that the Town Clerk be desired to prosecute the said suit, to assert the
right of the inhabitants of the said town to the said Common.”
It is recorded that some of the scenes at the fair about this date were
of a reprehensible character, and tradition especially points to a booth
raised by Charles Day, the character of one of whose patrons is sketched
with a free hand in “Nichols’ Literary Anecdotes,” viii. p. 540.
1786. There was published “The History and Antiquities of Barnwell Abbey,
and of Sturbridge Fair” (being a reprint of “Bibliotheca Topographica
Britannica,” No. xxxviii.), from which I have drawn some of the preceding
details.
1789. An interesting and amusing account of the fair as it appeared in
1789—reign of George III.—is given in “Reminiscences of Cambridge,” by
Henry Gunning, formerly an Esquire Bedell, vol. i., pp. 149-158, second
edition, London, 1855.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
CHAPTER XIII.
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
1802. During the performance at the theatre in the fair, 27th Sept., a
cry of “fire” arose in different parts of the house, which was greatly
crowded. Although the manager and performers assured the audience that
the alarm was without foundation, and tried every persuasion to obtain
order, a general rush took place. Some threw themselves over from the
upper boxes into the pit; others were trampled upon and bruised on the
stairs. In the end three girls and a boy were taken up dead, and many
others were more or less seriously injured. It was supposed the cry
was got up for the purposes of robbery; one hundred guineas reward was
offered for the offenders, but they escaped detection.
1827. In Hone’s “Year Book” is given a graphic account of this fair
as it had existed within the memory of the writer, whose “personal
recollections of more than sixty years ago,” are embodied therein; from
which I condense the following, as giving a view of its later, but not
last stage:
The first booths, on the north side of the road were occupied by the
customary shows of wild beasts and wild men, conjurors, tumblers and
rope-dancers. Mr. Baker’s company of “comedians” was respectable; and
Lewy Owen the clown, a young man of good family, who had abandoned
himself to this way of life, full of eccentric wit and grimace,
continually excited broad grins. The late Mrs. Inchbald was a performer
at this fair. There was a large theatrical booth, occupied by a
respectable company of comedians from Norwich, under the management of
Mr. Bailey, formerly a merchant of London. He was a portly good-looking
man, of gentlemanly manners and address, the compiler of the Directory
bearing his name—a work of much merit, containing besides the names
of residents in the several towns, concise yet correct topographical
description of the places: the book has now become very scarce. Other
show booths, occupied by giants and dwarfs, savage beasts and other
savages, extended with stunning din along this noisy line. In front of
these were the fruit and gingerbread stalls.... On the south side of the
road opposite to these booths was the cheese fair. Dealers from various
parts took their stands there, and many tons weight were disposed of.
Such as were fit for the London market were bought by the cheese factors
from thence; and cheese from Cheshire, Wilts, and Gloster by the gentry
and farmers and dealers from Suffolk, Norfolk, and adjoining counties;
large quantities of Cottenham and cream cheeses being brought by farmers
from those counties for sale. Opposite to the east end of the cheese
fair, on the north side of the road stands an ancient chapel or oratory,
no doubt erected for the devout dealers and others resorting to this
fair, and for such pious travellers as passed or repassed the ferry to
Chesterton [various references have been made to it; still standing,
1882]. At and nigh to this spot were the wool-fair and the hop-fair.
Large stores of sack-cloths, waggon-tilts, and such like were near
the skin, leather sellers’ and glovers’ row, where the finer articles
of leather and leather gloves were sold. Little edifices of general
convenience were numerous.
At the end of the show-booths and facing the row began the principal
range of booths, called Garlick-row. This range of shops was well
constructed. Each booth consisted of two rooms; the back room separated
from the shop by a boarded partition served for a bed chamber and other
domestic purposes, from which a door opened into a field. A range of
booths was generally appropriated to furniture sellers, ironmongers,
silversmiths, jewellers, japanners and fine cutlery dealers. Another
range to silk-mercers, dealers in muslin, toys and millinery. Yet
another to dealers in Norwich and Yorkshire manufactures, mercery, lace,
hose, fine made shoes, boots, clogs and patterns (_sic_). While dealers
in fashionable wares from London, as furs, fans, toys, &c. occupied
a distinct group. A further group was devoted to oilmen, dealers in
pickles, and preserves, one of whom—Mr. Green from Limehouse—kept a most
important store here. His returns were from £1,500 to £2,000 during the
fair. The father of the writer from whom I am quoting “kept the fair” for
forty years and upwards, “and usually brought home £1,000 or more for
goods sold and paid for, besides selling to half that amount on credit
to reputable dealers and farmers.” At the end of this row stood the
dealers in glass-ware, looking-glasses and small articles of mahogany
furniture. The Inn—the King’s Arms, I believe—was the common resort of
the horse-dealers. Here sat the _Pied-poudre_ court, having a pair of
stocks and a whipping-post in front, and a strong room underneath. Close
adjoining northward was the oyster fair. The oysters brought from Lynn
were very large, about the size of a horse’s hoof, and were opened with
pincers; the more delicate from Colchester and Whitstable were very
small. In the meadow adjoining were the coal fair, pottery fair and
Staffordshire dealers. The greater part of these articles were delivered
from on board vessels which drew up close to the bank of the river.
Opposite to the oyster fair was a close wherein the horse fair was kept.
The show of beautiful animals in that place was perhaps unrivalled,
unless in Yorkshire. The finest racers and hunters from Yorkshire, the
most brawny and muscular draught horses from Suffolk, and from every
other country famous for breeding horses animated the scene. This horse
fair drew together a great concourse of gentry, farmers and dealers from
all parts of the neighbouring counties, and scores of valuable animals
changed masters in the space of a few hours. The horse fair was held on
the first Friday after the fair was proclaimed.
Higher up, and about fifty yards from the road was Ironmongers’ row,
with booths occupied by manufactures from Sheffield, Birmingham,
Wolverhampton, and other parts; and dealers in agricultural tools, nails,
hatchets, saws, and such like implements. About twenty yards nearer the
road were woollen drapers; and further on, and opposite to Garlick-row
westward, were booths for slop sellers, and dealers in haubergs, or
waggoners’ frocks, jackets, half-boots, and such like habiliments for
robust ploughmen and farm labourers. Then followed the hatters’ row,
close to which was a very respectable coffee-house and tavern, fitted up
with neat tables covered with green baize, having glazed sash-windows
and a boarded floor, kept by the proprietor of Dochrell’s coffee-house
in Cambridge, famed for excellent milk punch. There were also a number
of suttling booths where plain and substantial dinners were served up in
a neat comfortable style, well cooked and moderately charged, “except on
the horse fair and Michaelmas days, when an extra sixpence was generally
tackt to the tail of the goose.”
Shoemaker row was at the end of Garlick-row and consisted of ten or
twelve booths. The basket fair, Tunbridge ware fair, and broom fair, were
behind nearly at the top. In the basket fair were to be had all kinds of
hampers, baskets and basket work; hay rakes, scythe-hafts, pitchfork and
spade-handles, and other implements of husbandry, waggon loads of which
were piled up there. In the Tunbridge ware section were malt, shovels,
churns, cheese-presses and other wooden ware.
The circuit of the fair at the period to which this account relates was
estimated at three miles. A list of many of the principal London dealers
who attended this fair is appended to this account. Vide Hone’s “Year
Book,” 1841 ed. col. 1539-48. A rough plan or chart of the fair is there
given.
1828. The formal opening of the fair is described in Wall-Gunning, “The
ceremonies observed in the senate-house of the University of Cambridge.”
Camb. pp. 129-31.
1842. The practice—the origin of which I have not been able to trace—of
the Proctors of the University giving entertainments at the Midsummer and
Sturbridge fairs was this year discontinued by a Grace passed 2nd July.
1855. The University, for the last time, “called the fair” on 18th Sept.
this year. The following form was used on the occasion—very much modified
from that of 1548.
_Proclamation of the Fair, by the University._—Oyez! Oyez! Oyez! All
persons are desired to keep silence while Proclamation of this Fair is
being made.
His Royal Highness Prince Albert, Chancellor of this University Doth
in the name of our Sovereign Lady Queen Victoria strictly charge and
command:
That all persons who shall repair to this Fair or the precincts thereof
Do keep Her Majesty’s peace, and make no affrays or outcries whereby any
gathering together of people be made, nor that they wear any weapons upon
pain of imprisonment and loss of their weapons and further correction as
shall be thought fit by the Officers of the said University.
That all unhonest women, all vagrant and unruly persons avoid and
withdraw themselves from this Fair and the precincts thereof immediately
after this proclamation, that Her Majesty’s Subjects may be quieter, and
good rule the better maintained upon pain of imprisonment and further
correction at the discretion of the Officers of this University.
That all Bakers baking bread to sell at this Fair or the precincts of the
same Do bake and sell good and wholesome bread, and of such goodness as
the law doth require, upon pain of the Statute in that behalf provided.
[Bale (“Declaration of Bonner’s Articles,” fo. 21 b, about 1550),
mentions the Baker-Boyes crye, as he sat between his Bread-Panners at the
fair, “Buy and beare away; steal and runne awaye,” &c.]
That all persons who sell Ale or Beer within this Fair or the precincts
of the same Do sell by no other measures than by Gallon, Pottle, Quart,
Pint, and half-pint, sized and sealed according to the Standard of this
University upon pain and penalty of the Statute in that behalf provided,
and that every such Victualler and seller of Ale and Beer have a sign at
his door upon pain of Three Shillings and four pence.
That all persons who sell by weights and measures any kinds of Victuals,
Wares, or Merchandize, that their weights and their measures be sized
and sealed, and be in all respects according to the Standard of this
University upon pain of the Statute in that behalf provided.
That all Vintners do sell good and wholesome wines without mixing or
imposition, and that their wine Pots be sized and sealed according to the
Standard of this University upon pain of three shillings and four pence
for every offence.
That no persons in this Fair Do suffer, keep or maintain any unlawful
gaming in their houses or grounds, upon pain of the Statute in that
behalf provided.
That no person receive into his house or booth any person of ill life
and conversation or suspected of the same, upon pain of imprisonment
and further correction as shall be thought fit by the Officers of this
University.
That no person whatsoever sell or offer to put to sale any kind of wares
upon the Sunday upon pain of imprisonment and further punishment by law
provided: And that no person upon the said day, especially in the time of
service or sermon, receive any persons into their houses or booths, and
there suffer them to remain idle or drinking upon such pain and penalty
as shall be inflicted upon them by the officers of this University.
If there be any that will sue for any wares, Debts, Injuries or
Trespasses, or think themselves wronged in any of the premises, let
them make complaint to the Chancellor’s Commissary of this University
who will hold and keep Court at the Great Tiled Booth on — next, the
— instant at — o’clock to the intent that Justice may be administered
according to the Charters and Privileges of this University.
God save the Queen.
[Copied from the book of Formulæ in the University Registry. ALFRED
ROGERS, April 28, 1882.]
1882. The fair still lingers on. Its commercial greatness has long since
passed away—ebbed out of existence by slow degrees, resulting from many
social and other changes, rather than from any one marked cause. But,
as may be expected after six and a half centuries (at least) of notable
existence, it dies hard. Three of its features still remain. The horse
fair, always famous, was this year greater than for some time past. The
onion fair is still associated with Garlick row, while hurdles, gates,
and implements of wood are still prominent. Thus traditions cling. In
“Æsop Dress’d”—a rare collection of fables by J. Mandeville (4to. 1704,
p. 9; should be 33), there appeared the following:
“An ass of stupid memory
Confes’d, that going to _Stourbridge Fair_,
His back most brok with wooden ware.”
The old associations are, however, rapidly crumbling away.
The fair is still proclaimed by the mayor at the old time of commencing;
but the fair is not now held until a fortnight later and only lasts three
days. There are points in the Proclamation worthy of note.
_Proclamation of Sturbridge Fair by the Mayor of Cambridge._—Oyez! Oyez!
Oyez! Mr. Mayor doth strictly charge and command all manner of persons to
keep silence whilst the Fair of Sturbridge is publicly proclaimed. God
save the Queen.
Oyez! Oyez! Oyez! Our most Gracious Sovereign Lady Victoria by the
Grace of God of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland Queen
Defender of the faith by Mr. Mayor of the Borough of Cambridge Her
Majesty’s Lieutenant of the said Borough one of Her Majesty’s Justices
of the Peace for the Borough and County of Cambridge and chief Governor
of this Fair Doth strictly charge and command that all Merchants and
other persons that be repaired or shall or will repair to this Fair of
Sturbridge beginning on the feast of St. Bartholomew the Apostle (old
style) and continuing until the fourteenth day next after the feast of
the exaltation of the Holy Cross (old style) do keep Her Majesty’s Peace.
That all idle and evil disposed persons within this Fair depart the same
forthwith.
That no Merchant put to sale or offer to sell any wares or merchandize
but in the usual and accustomed places for their several wares and
merchandizes appointed.
That Victuallers Tiplers and other persons buy no goods or merchandize
of any wayfaring man or other person who shall bring the same to their
booths or houses to sell but only of such as shall be known unto them
to be of honest conversation whom they shall be always able to have
forthcoming upon demand.
That all Merchants and other persons within this fair cease from shewing
or selling any wares or merchandizes and from all labour and travel on
the Lord’s day.
And lastly Mr. Mayor giveth to understand that if any Merchant or other
person will sue or complain touching any cause or matter done and
committed within this Fair or the liberties thereof and here determinable
let him repair to the place accustomed and there according to the law of
the land the same cause or matter shall be heard and determined. God save
the Queen.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
CHAPTER XIV.
CONCLUSION.
While the presentation of the preceding details has been essential to
the plan of this work, I desire, by way of appropriate conclusion, to
estimate the influence of the fair upon the development of commerce in
England, and, in some degree, also in Europe. I find a most comprehensive
review of this character from the masterly pen of Prof. James E. Thorold
Rogers, M.A., in his great work, the “History of Agriculture and Prices
in England” (1866, vol. i. pp. 142-4).
After pointing out that the port of Lynn, with the rivers Ouse, and Cam,
were the means by which water-carriage was made available for goods—an
important point; indeed it may be regarded as certain that in the middle
ages and later, no great fair could be held far removed from water
communication—he proceeds:
The concourse must have been a singular medley. Besides the people who
poured forth from the great towns—from London, Norwich, Colchester,
Oxford, places in the beginning of the fourteenth century of great
comparative importance, and who gave their names, or, in case certain
branches of commerce had been planted in particular London streets, the
names of such streets, to the rows of booths in the three-weeks’ fair
of Stourbridge—there were, beyond doubt, the representatives of many
nations collected together to this great mart of medieval commerce. The
Jew, expelled from England, had given place to the Lombard exchanger. The
Venetian and Genoese merchant came with his precious stock of Eastern
produce, his Italian silks and velvets, his store of delicate glass.
The Flemish weaver was present with his linens of Liege and Ghent.
The Spaniard came with his stock of iron, the Norwegian with his tar
and pitch. The Gascon vine-grower was ready to trade in the produce
of his vineyard; and, more rarely, the richer growths of Spain, and,
still more rarely, the vintages of Greece were also supplied. The Hanse
towns sent furs and amber, and probably were the channel by which the
precious stones of the East were supplied through the markets of Moscow
and Novgorod. And perhaps by some of those unknown courses, the history
of which is lost, save by the relics which have occasionally been
discovered, the porcelain of the farthest East might have been seen in
some of the booths.
Blakeney, and Colchester, and Lynn, and perhaps Norwich, were filled
with foreign vessels, and busy with the transit of various produce; and
Eastern England grew rich under this confluence of trade. How keen
must have been the interest with which the franklin and bailiff, the
one trading on his own account, the other entrusted with his master’s
produce, witnessed the scene, talked of the wonderful world about them,
and discussed the politics of Europe!
To this great fair came, on the other hand, the woolpacks, which then
formed the riches of England and were the envy of outer nations. The
Cornish tin-mine sent its produce, stamped with the sign of the rich earl
who bought the throne of the German Empire, or of the warlike prince who
had won his spurs at Crecy, and captured the French king at Poitiers.
Thither came also salt from the springs of Worcestershire, as well as
that which had been gathered under the summer sun from the salterns of
the eastern coast. Here, too, might be found lead from the mines in
Derbyshire, and iron, either raw or manufactured, from the Sussex forges.
And besides these, there were great stores of those kinds of agricultural
produce which, even under the imperfect cultivation of the time, were
gathered in greater security, and therefore in greater plenty, than in
any other part of the world, except Flanders.
To regulate the currency, to secure the country against the loss of
specie, and more harmlessly to prevent the importation of spurious or
debased coin, the officers of the king’s exchange examined into the
mercantile transactions of the foreign traders. To form a ready remedy
against fraud, the mayor sat at his court “of the dusty feet;” a mixed
multitude were engaged in sale or purchase; the nobles securing such
articles of luxury as were offered them, or which law and custom assigned
to their rank—their rich robes of peace, their armour from Milan, their
war horses from Spain. The franklin came for materials for his farm, and
furniture for his house; sometimes even to buy rams in order to improve
the breed of his flock. The bailiffs of college and monastery were busy
in the purchase of clothing. And on holidays and Sundays, some canon,
deputed from the neighbouring priory, said mass and preached in the booth
assigned for religious worship.
This is certainly a not over-coloured picture of the past of this once
mighty fair. Mr. Cunningham, in his most excellent work, “The Growth of
English Industry and Commerce” (1882, Cambridge University Press, p.
164), says:—“By far the greater part of the commerce of this country
was carried on at such fairs; and _Sturbridge_ Fair was one of the most
important in the whole kingdom, rivalling it was said the great fair of
Nijni Novgorod, as a gathering of world-wide fame.” And he adds by way of
note:—“In the eighteenth century it continued to be a most important mart
for all sorts of manufactured goods, as well as for horses, wool, and
hops.”
[Illustration]
BARTHOLOMEW FAIR.
CHAPTER XV.
ORIGIN.
This is I believe the only fair, or certainly the only one of any note,
ever held within the walls of the City of London. Southwark Fair became
vested in the Corporation in the fifteenth century. I do not propose
to write anything more than an outline history of Bartholomew Fair.
Mr. Morley’s most interesting “Memoir of Bartholomew Fair” (1859) is
available to those who desire more minute details. But as an institution
which existed for seven hundred years, and more or less illustrates the
social history of the metropolis, and in some sort its trading customs,
during a considerable portion of that period, it cannot be passed over
lightly. I shall adopt a chronological mode of illustration as, on the
whole, best suited to the end in view.
_Founding the Priory of Bartholomew_, A.D. 1102.—In the reign of Henry
I., the Priory, Hospital and Church of St. Bartholomew, in Smithfield,
were founded by one Rahere, a minstrel of the king, and “a pleasant
witted gentleman.” It seems that Rahere was determined to this pious
work in a fit of sickness, during a pilgrimage he made to Rome agreeably
to the fashion of the times, when St. Bartholomew appeared to him, and
required him to undertake the work and perform it in Smithfield. Before
that time Smithfield, or the greater part of it, was called “the Elms,”
because it was covered with elm trees. FitzStephen says the name of
Smithfield is merely a corruption of “Smooth field,” or plain, which
harmonizes with the fact that the ground was used at an early period for
tilting matches or tournaments, which were provided for the amusement of
the citizens, who then consisted of most of the noble families of the
land, and who daily took their active exercise here. These “jousts” or
entertainments were carried out with great splendour.
This monk Rahere, the founder of the Priory, &c., has been termed the
king’s jester, or court fool. The Cotton MS. records in its quaint
language and spelling that Rahere “ofte hawnted the Kyng’s palice, and
amo’ge the noysefull presse of that tumultuous courte, enforsed himself
with jolite and carnal suavite: ther yn spectaclis, yn metys, yn playes,
and other courtely mokkys, and trifyllis intrudying, he lede forth the
besynesse of alle the day.” There always existed at the court in these
early times some one employed as story-teller and companion in the king’s
amusements; and it seems not to be doubted that Rahere occupied this
position—turning his opportunities of patronage to good account (as
others occupying a like office have done) for the benefit of his fellow
citizens. His memory is still perpetuated by the Association of “Rahere
Almoners,” who meet at stated periods in the famed historical precincts
of Smithfield.
Rahere became the first Prior of the monastery he had thus founded, and
seems to have established a fair almost simultaneously, as was indeed
the custom of the age. There appears to have existed here, even at this
early period, a periodical gathering known as the “King’s Market,” which
Mr. Morley considers may have been held amongst the trees, while the
Priory was built upon the marsh or smooth-field, around which the fair
was held. The Prior is said—either in consequence of his zeal for the
monastery, or from the old associations of his former profession—to have
gone annually into the fair, and exhibited his skill as a juggler: giving
the largesses he so received from the spectators to the treasury of the
monastery.—_Frost_, p. 9.
Rahere also became Lord of the Fair, and his representative presided as
judge in the Court of Piepowder attached to the fair. This court was held
within the Priory gates. This at all events was the case down to 1445.
[Illustration]
CHAPTER XVI.
THE TWELFTH TO THE SIXTEENTH CENTURIES.
_First Charter_, 1133. The Prior obtained from the King a Charter,
wherein, after providing for an independent election of a new prior
by the monks in the event of Rahere’s death, and after confirming the
privileges and possessions of the Priory, it was declared “I grant also
my firm peace to all persons coming to and returning from the fair, which
is wont to be celebrated in that place at the Feast of St. Bartholomew;
and I forbid any of the Royal Servants to implead any of their persons,
or without the consent of the Canons, on those three days, to wit the eve
of the feast, the feast itself, and the day following, to levy dues upon
those going thither. And let all people in my whole kingdom know that I
will maintain and defend this Church, even as my crown; and if any one
shall presume to contravene this our Royal privilege, or shall offend
the prior, the canons, clergy or laity of that place, he, and all who
are his, and everything that belongs to him, shall come into the King’s
power.”
In addition to the King’s “firm peace,” and the usual privileges, it came
to be believed that there were special miracles in store for those who
braved the perils of distant travel in making pilgrimage to the Festival
and Fair of St. Bartholomew. In Mr. Morley’s book will be found a long
enumeration of these. “What wonder (he asks) if to see the miracles
worked at the celebration of the Feast of St. Bartholomew, in the first
years after the foundation of his Priory in Smithfield, the people came
from far and near, and were to be found ‘shouldering each other’ as well
as ‘dancing and rejoicing’ in a concourse at the fair”?
1154-86. We have it on the authority of Stow that Henry II. granted to
the Priory the privilege of a fair to be kept yearly at Bartholomew tide
for three days, to wit the eve, the day, and next morrow; to which the
clothiers of all England and drapers of London repaired, and had their
booths and standings within the Church Yard of this Priory, closed in
with walls and gates, locked every night, and watched for safety of men’s
goods and wares. A Court of Piepowder was daily during the fair holden
for debts and contracts. But he adds a note in regard to the time of
the fair—“that forrens [foreigners] were licensed for three days; the
freedmen so long as they would, which was sixe or seven dayes.” It is
clear that the venerable historian had mixed and confounded various and
distinct events. I do not find other reference to this charter of Henry
II. except by Hone, who says this charter gave the mayor and aldermen
of the City criminal jurisdiction during the fair. The chief articles
of commerce at the fair about this period were cloth, stuffs, leather,
pewter, and live cattle.
1292. The first dispute between the City of London and the Priory of St.
Bartholomew regarding the fair arose this year. It was on the subject of
_Tolls_. The fair as we have already seen had spread beyond the Prior’s
bounds. The Custos of the City—for in 1288 Edward I. upon a quarrel with
the City seized its liberties, and Ralph Sandwich was appointed Custos
to collect the Tolls for the Sovereign—applied for half the tolls. The
Prior claimed the whole on the ground of ancient custom, &c. The King was
at Durham, and the matter coming before him on the approach of the fair,
made the following order:—
_Dominus Rex &c._—The Lord the King hath commanded the Custos and
Sheriffs in these words: Edward by the Grace of God, to the Custos and
Sheriffs of London, greeting. Whereas the Prior of St. Bartholomew, of
Smithfield in the suburbs of London, by the Charters of our progenitors,
Kings of England, claimeth to have a certain Fair there every year,
during three days viz. on the Eve, the Day, and on the morrow of St.
Bartholomew the Apostle, with all Liberties and Free Customs belonging
to the Fair; a contention hath arisen between the said Prior and you
the said Custos, who sue for us concerning the use of the liberties of
the said Fair, and the free Customs belonging to it. And hindrance
being made to the said Prior by you the said Custos, as the said Prior
asserteth, to wit, concerning a Moiety of the Eve and of the whole morrow
aforesaid, concerning this We Will, as well for us as for the aforesaid
Prior, that justice be done as it is fit, before our Treasurer and Barons
of the Exchequer, after Michaelmas day next within a month. We command
you that sufficient security be taken of the said Prior for restoring to
us on the said day the proceeds of the aforesaid fair, coming from the
moiety of the foresaid Eve and from the whole morrow, if the said Prior
cannot then show something for himself, why the said proceeds ought not
to belong to us. We command you that ye permit the same Prior in the
meantime, to receive the foresaid proceeds in form aforesaid; and thereto
you may leave this Brief. Witness myself at Durham the 9th day of Aug. in
the 20th year of our reign.
While the question was thus pending the disputants grew so warm that
the City authorities arrested some of the monks, and confined them in
the Tun prison on Cornhill. They were released by command of the King,
but thereupon nine citizens forced the Tun and released all the other
prisoners, by way of resenting the royal interference. The rioters
were imprisoned in their turn, and a fine of twenty thousand marks was
imposed upon the City; but the civic authorities proposed a compromise,
and, for a further payment of three thousand marks, Edward consented to
pardon the offenders, and to restore and confirm the privileges of the
City.—_Frost_, pp. 10-11.
The result of the reference above ordered to the Barons of the Exchequer
&c. was unfavourable to the claim of the City, the Charter of the
Hospital was again confirmed. The question of the Tolls was not indeed
finally disposed of; but as it sleeps for a century or so, we must not
now depart from the course of our record—see 1445.
1305. Another and special incident arose at the fair of this year. I
will quote the eloquent description of Mr. Morley. On the eve of St.
Bartholomew, the first day of the fair in the year 1305, the traders
and pleasure-seekers, the friars and the jesters, clothiers, tumblers,
walkers upon stilts, hurried across the grass of Smithfield from the side
on which the fair was being held, to the Gallows under the Elms, where
officers of state and a great concourse of men awaited a most welcome
spectacle. The priory was indeed built on the site of the gallows; but in
that suburban gathering-place of the people—place of executions, place of
tournaments, place of markets, place of daily sport, place of the great
annual fair—one gallows-tree was not enough to satisfy a justice that
loved vengeance and had slight regard for life. Under the Elms of which
already mention has been made (Cow Lane now represents their site)—under
the Elms we read in a close roll, so early as the fourth year of Henry
III., gallows were built “where they had stood before.” An execution
during fair time on that ancient exhibition ground, was entertainment
rarely furnished to the public: for the Church forbade, among other work,
fulfilment of the sentence of the law on any holiday of festival; _and
a fair was a Saint’s Holiday_. But on this occasion, law was eager to
assure the execution of its vengeance. The redoubtable Wallace, hero of
the Scottish people, had been taken. The rugged patriot, strong of heart
and strong of hand, had been brought to London in his chains the day
before the fair was opened, and on the day of the opening of the fair was
arraigned and condemned at Westminster as a traitor, and without even a
day’s respite, at once sent on to his death. Under the Elms, therefore,
in Smithfield, stood all the concourse of Bartholomew fair, when William
Wallace was dragged thither in chains at the tails of horses, bruised,
bleeding, and polluted with the filth of London. The days had not yet
come when that first part of the barbarous sentence on high treason was
softened by the placing of a hurdle between the condemned man and the
mud and flint over which he was dragged. Trade in the fair was forgotten
while the patriot was hanged, but not to death; cut down, yet breathing,
and disembowelled, mummers and merchants saw the bowels burnt before the
dying hero’s face, then saw the executioner strike off his head, quarter
his body, and dispatch from the ground five basket-loads of quivering
flesh, destined for London, Berwick, Newcastle, Aberdeen and Perth.
Then, all being over, the stilt-walkers strode back across the field,
the woman again balanced herself head downwards on the points of swords;
there was mirth again round the guitar and tambourine, the clothiers went
back into the Churchyard, and the priest perhaps went through a last
rehearsal with the man who was to be miraculously healed in church on the
succeeding day!—“Memorials of Bartholomew Fair,” pp. 71-2.
1321. In this, the 14th Edward II. there was issued a writ inquiring
by what warrant the Priory held its rights over Bartholomew Fair. This
writ was part of the machinery of a general inquisition into the rights
claimed by subjects, which had in many cases been alienated without
license from the crown, and often gave rise to private oppression of the
people. The Prior pleaded the Royal Charters of his house and testified
upon oath that his predecessors had held such a three-day fair since
times beyond the reach of memory. The justification satisfied the King’s
Exchequer.
1334. In this, the 7th Edward III. a new Charter of the fair was
granted to the Hospital of St. Bartholomew confirming the old rights
and reassuring the King’s firm peace to all persons travelling towards,
staying in, or returning from the fair; also forbidding any servants of a
royal or episcopal court to implead any of their persons “or without the
consent of the prior and canons on those three days ... to exact tolls
either without the City or within it, whether in the passage of roads or
bridges, but let all proceeds that arise according to the usage of fairs
belong to the canons of the aforesaid church.” This latter provision
clearly had reference to the claims of the City. See 1376.
It was a review of these and similar facts which induced Mr. Morley
to remark that in early times, if not from the beginning, there were
practically two fairs held in Smithfield—one within and one without the
Priory bounds. The outer fair, he adds, “was possibly composed of the
mere pleasure givers and pleasure seekers, who attended on the company
of worshippers and traders then attracted to the priory, and whose tents
were pitched in the open market of Smithfield, outside the gates, not [?
but] free from toll to the Church. Within the gates, and in the Priory
churchyard, the substantial Fair was held” (pp. 61-2).
1348. In the preceding century license had been given by Edward I. to the
brethren of the Hospital of St. Bartholomew in Smithfield to cover with
stone and wood the stream running through the midst of the hospital to
Holborn Bridge, “on account of the too great stench proceeding from it.”
The large influx of persons at the Fair must have made matters worse. In
the year 1348 the pestilence broke out in London at the time of the fair,
and ended about fair-time in the following year. During the interval
between fair and fair, so great had been the mortality that, in addition
to the burials in churches and other churchyards, _fifty thousand_ bodies
had been buried in the graveyard of the Carthusians, adjoining the fair
ground. Mr. Morley may well assume that it must have been the great
object of interest and terror to the slender throng of men who hardly
dared assemble; and who—missing from the annual crowd so many familiar
faces—spoke to each other with a feeble hope of the apparent lifting of
the plague. “What mirth was there in that handful of the living camped
so near the silent congregation of the dead?” See 1593.
_New Charter._—Edward III. under date August 1, 1376, granted to
the Prior, &c., the following charter, which has heretofore escaped
observation, probably because in the records of the City it had
been endorsed as a “Writ to proclaim the Fair of the Prior of Saint
Bartholomew in Smethefelde,” whereas it is seen to be a most important
grant or confirmation of previous charters. I give a full translation,
marking certain passages with italics:—Edward by the grace of God King
of England and of France, and Duke of Ireland, to the Mayor and sheriffs
of London and Middlesex, Greeting. Whereas among other liberties and
quittances granted to our beloved in Christ the Prior and Convent of the
church of Saint Bartholomew of Smethefelde, London, by charters of our
progenitors, former Kings of England, which we have confirmed, it is
granted to the same—That they may have all manner of freedom for ever,
and that the church aforesaid shall be as free as any church in the whole
of England that is most free, and as free as our demesne chapel, which
church also our said progenitors granted to will, maintain and defend in
manner like as our very crown; and, moreover, _they gave firm peace to
those coming to the Fair that is much frequented at the feast of Saint
Bartholomew_ in the said place of Smethefelde, So that in those three
days’ space, namely, the eve of the feast, or the day itself, or the day
following, from such comers, whether without the City or within, _or in
passing along the ways or over the bridges, no one shall require any
customs_, but that all things which arise out of the right of fairs shall
be to the said church and the Canons serving God there, and that is any
one shall presume in any thing to contravene this Royal privilege, or
shall offend the Prior Canons or laymen of that place, he and his men,
and all that he has, shall devolve into our Royal right: and also lord
Richard, formerly King of England, our progenitor, by his letters ordered
the then sheriffs of London and Middlesex, and all their bailiffs, that
they should neither vex nor allow to be vexed the foresaid Canons of the
church of saint Bartholomew (which is our demesne chapel) concerning
their fair which they have at the feast of the same church, nor require
from those coming to the Fair of saint Bartholomew for the purpose of
selling or buying, whether without the City or within, or also in passing
along the ways or over the bridges, customs or services, or anything
that may diminish the liberty of the said church of saint Bartholomew—as
in the charters, letters and our confirmation aforesaid more fully is
contained: _and now we have understood that some by sinister covin and
conspiracy previously had between them have knavishly designed to hinder
merchants and others who wish to come and have been wont to come to the
said fair with their merchandise, so that they cannot come thither and
do their business therein_, as well to the loss of them the Prior and
Convent and overthrow and weakening of their right as to the manifest
letting and hindrance of our common people: We, duly heeding the fervent
devotion and affection which our foresaid progenitors had towards the
said church, as by the charters and letters aforesaid more fully doth
appear, and willing (as we are bounden) to maintain and defend the said
fair, _which for so long time hath endured_ and was granted by our said
progenitors to the honour of God in subvention of Holy Church, and all
other rights and privileges, lest in our time they perish, have taken
into our special protection and defence the said Prior and Canons, and
their men and servants, and merchants whomsoever and others wishing to
come with their goods and things to the said fair, there tarrying and
therefrom returning whither they will; and so we command you to maintain,
protect and defend the said Prior and Canons, their men and servants,
merchants and others whomsoever coming to the said fair with their goods
and things, there tarrying and therefrom returning, and to permit the
Prior and Convent to hold their said fair in form aforesaid, and to
receive and have freely and without any hindrance, from those coming to
the said fair and returning therefrom, _the customs and all other the
profits which pertain to them in right of the said fair_ according to the
form of the charters, letters and confirmation aforesaid, and as they
ought to hold the same fair and to have and receive the customs and other
things which pertain to that fair, and as they and their predecessors
have until now held that fair and have been wont to have and receive the
customs and other things which to that fair pertain. And, concerning
any pleas or other things to the said fair for the said three days
appertaining, do you in no wise intermeddle, neither requiring any thing
for customs and other things to that fair appertaining, nor hindering,
molesting, nor in any way aggrieving the Prior and Canons of the said
place as to the receiving of the customs and profits aforesaid, nor, as
much in you lies, permitting them to be molested or aggrieved. And if
any shall presume to diminish the customs and rights of the said fair,
then be you in aid to the said Prior and Canons, or their bailiffs of the
said fair, when hereupon you shall be requested by them or any one of
them, by such ways and methods as shall seem to you the more expedient,
to compel and distrain those who would diminish the said customs and
rights to yield and pay the said customs and rights to the said Prior
and Convent: and this do you in no wise omit. And, that those all and
every the premises may come to the knowledge of all, and that no one,
of what state or condition soever he be, under grave forfeiture to us,
and under the peril incumbent thereon, may presume in any manner to
practise any covin or any other acts calculated to disturb in any way
that fair or the profit of the fair, or the merchants or others, so that
they cannot lawfully, without damage and in peace come to that fair with
their merchandise, and do their business there, and return therefrom, do
you cause the same to be publicly proclaimed, observed and held within
your bailiwick and districts, where it shall seem to you most expedient,
as often as and when hereupon by the said Prior and Convent, or any
one of them, you shall on our behalf be requested. Witness Ourself at
Westminster the first day of August in the fiftieth year of our reign of
England, but of our reign of France the thirty-seventh. Faryngton.
¶ This proclamation was made.
_Miracle Plays._—This Fair of St. Bartholomew was long the scene of
“miracle plays.” The Company of Parish Clerks—an incorporated company
or gild who had charge of the records, the burials, and afterwards of
the births in London, during a very long period—played at Skinners’ Well
(near Smithfield) before Richard II. and his Queen and Court, towards the
close of the fourteenth century; and early in the following they played
before Henry IV. at the same place, during eight days, “Matter from the
Creation of the world.” The early plays at this fair are believed to have
been representations of great miracles ascribed to St. Bartholomew. Later
came the “mysteries,” and finally the “moralities,” out of which our
modern drama has been developed. All these in their turns were presented
at this once famous fair.
_Slaves._—In this same Fair of Smithfield, as well before as after the
period upon which I am now writing, men and women—_i.e._, slaves and
captives—were sold among the articles of merchandise. And on a part of
the site over which the fair extended, after the accession of Henry
IV., men and women were burnt alive as heretics. The martyr fires were
usually kindled on that spot of ground outside the Priory gates, over
which the lighter portion of the fair spread—ground occupied by the
holiday makers, and the tumblers, jesters, and dancers by whom they were
entertained.
_Tolls._—1445. At the close of the thirteenth century there had arisen
a dispute between the City of London and the Prior regarding the tolls
of this Fair, which was then decided in favour of the Priory. When the
matter came up for adjudication again does not seem clear. The fair had
continued to grow, and its greatest expansion was in the direction of the
City. Indeed, at this or a later period, it extended down the West side
of Aldersgate nearly as far as St. Martin’s-le-Grand, or to St. Paul’s
itself. On the other side the jurisdiction of the City extended only to
Smithfield Bars. In 1399 Henry IV. had granted to the Citizens of London
the office of gathering tolls in Smithfield. Probably in consequence of
this arrangements were come to between the Priory and the City. Certain
is it that forty-six years later, or in 1445 (23rd Henry VI.), four
persons were appointed by the Court of Aldermen as keepers of Bartholomew
Fair and of the Court of Piepowder. In that Court, therefore, the City
then became represented as joint lord of the Fair with the Priory, the
lordship of the City being founded on its right over the ground beyond
the jurisdiction of the Canons. See 1538 and 1593.
_Dissolution of Monasteries._—1538. This is an eventful year in the
history of the Fair—the Dissolution of the Monastery was declared. The
Fair itself indeed remained—it was the Priory which created it that had
melted away.
Reviewing the fair as it had existed during the four centuries passed
since its origin—but many of the details of which I have necessarily
passed over in the preceding outline—we may adopt the picture thus freely
drawn by Mr. Morley: Thus we have in the most ancient times of the Fair a
church full of worshippers, among whom were the sick and maimed, praying
for health about its altar; a graveyard full of traders, and a place of
jesting and edification, where women and men caroused in the midst of the
throng; where the minstrel and the story-teller and the tumbler gathered
knots about them; where the sheriff caused new laws to be published by
loud proclamation in the gathering places of the people; where the young
men bowled at nine pins, while the clerks and friars peeped at the young
maids; where mounted knights and ladies curvetted and ambled, pedlars
loudly magnified their wares, the scholars met for public wrangle, oxen
lowed, horses neighed, and sheep bleated among their buyers; where great
shouts of laughter answered to the Ho! Ho! of the devil on the stage,
above which flags were flying, and below which a band of pipers and
guitar beaters added music to the din. That stage also—if ever there was
presented on it the story of the Creation—was the first wild-beast show
in the fair: for one of the dramatic effects connected with this play,
as we read in an ancient stage direction, was to represent the creation
of beasts by unloosing and sending among the excited crowd as great a
variety of strange animals as could be brought together; and to create
the birds by sending up a flight of pigeons. Under foot was mud and
filth, but the wall that pent the city in shone sunlit among the trees;
a fresh breeze came over the surrounding fields and brooks, whispering
among the elms that overhung the moor glittering with pools, or from the
Fair’s neighbour, the gallows! Shaven heads looked down on the scene from
the adjacent windows of the buildings bordering the Priory enclosure; and
the poor people whom the friars cherished in their hospital, made holiday
among the rest. The curfew bell of St. Martin’s-le-Grand, the religious
house to which William the Conqueror had given with its charter the
adjacent moorland, and within whose walls there was a sanctuary for loose
people, stilled the hum of the crowd at nightfall, and the Fair lay dark
under the starlight.
Change produces change; and so other events followed at this period. For
instance, the disputations of the scholars in the Mulberry Garden at the
time of the Fair ceased after the suppression of the Monastery. John Stow
had witnessed these when a lad, and he furnishes the following account
of the same, and of some events preceding: “As for the meeting of the
schoolmasters on Festival Days at Festival Churches, and the disputing
of the scholars logically, &c., whereof I have before spoken, the same
was long since discontinued; but the arguing of the schoolboys about
the principles of grammar hath been continued even till our time; for
I myself, in my youth, have yearly seen, on the eve of St. Bartholomew
the Apostle, the scholars of divers Grammar schools repair unto the
Churchyard of St. Bartholomew ... where upon a bank boarded about under
a tree, some one scholar hath stepped up, and there hath opposed and
answered till he were by some better scholar overcome and put down; and
then the overcomer taking the place did like as the first. And in the end
the best opposers and answerers had rewards, which I observed not but it
made good schoolmasters and also good scholars diligently against such
times to prepare themselves for the obtaining of this garland. I remember
there repaired to these exercises amongst others, the masters and
scholars of the free schools of St. Paul’s in London, of St. Peter’s at
Westminster, of Thomas Acon’s Hospital, and of St. Anthonie’s Hospital;
whereof the last named commonly presented the best scholars and had the
prize in those days. This priory of St. Bartholomew being surrendered to
Henry the Eighth, those disputations of scholars in that place surceased;
and was again, only for a year or twain, revived in the Cloister of
Christ’s Hospital, where the best scholars, then still of St. Anthonie’s
school, howsoever the same be now fallen both in number and estimation,
were rewarded with bows and arrows of silver, given to them by Sir Martin
Bower, goldsmith. Nevertheless however, the encouragement failed—the
scholars of St. Paul’s meeting with those of St. Anthonie’s would call
them Anthonie’s Pigs, and they again would call the others Pigeons of
Paul’s because many pigeons were bred in St. Paul’s Church, and St.
Anthonie was always figured with a pig following him; and mindful of the
former usage, did for a long season disorderly provoke one another in the
open street with ‘_Salve_ tu quoque, placet mecum disputare?’—‘Placet.’
And so proceeding from this to questions in grammar, they usually fell
from words to blows with their satchels full of books, many times in
great heaps, that they troubled the streets and passengers; so that
finally they were restrained with the decay of St. Anthonie’s school.”
It was during this reign of Henry VIII. that Grotwell (or Cartwell),
himself a common hangman—for there were then many of this occupation, and
plenty of employment—was hanged with two others, for robbing a booth at
the Fair. They were executed in the wrestling place at Clerkenwell.
I may resume the historical narration. When the King had taken the
estates of the greater monasteries, they were put under the management of
a Royal Commission, with Sir Richard Rich—under the style of Chancellor
of the Court of Augmentations—at its head. The Prior’s house became Lord
Rich’s town mansion; and with this mansion in Great St. Bartholomew
there had been assigned to him and his for ever, the Close of the said
late monastery or priory called Great St. Bartholomew Close, and all the
limits and precincts of the said Close; also all those closes, edifices,
called the fermery, the dorter, the frater, the cloisters, the gallery,
the hall, the kitchen, the buttery, the pantry, the old kitchen, the
woodhouse, the garner, and the Prior’s stable, of the said late monastery
and priory belonging; and also all that water and the aqueduct and
water-course coming from the conduit-head of St. Bartholomew in the
manor of Canonbury.
By the same Letters Patent the King farther granted to Sir Richard Rich,
knight, his heirs and assigns, “all that Our Fair and Markets, commonly
named and called Bartholomew Fair, holden and to be holden every year
within the aforesaid Close called Great St. Bartholomew Close, and in
West Smithfield aforesaid to continue yearly for three days,” &c. And
also all the stallage, piccage, toll, and customs of the same Fair and
Markets; and also all our Courts of Piepowders within the same; also the
scrutiny of weights and measures and things exposed to sale, and the
Assize of bread, wine, and ale, and other victuals. This grant included
the tolls of the Cloth Fair, but not, of course, the rights of the City
to the tolls for the fair outside St. Bartholomew’s enclosure.
_Growth of London._—1590. During the reign of Elizabeth various attempts
had been made to stop the growth of London. Proclamations had been issued
forbidding under heavy displeasure the building of new houses. But the
Elizabethan era was an important one in the development of commerce, as
it had been in the fostering of learning; and with the development of
commerce there came a greater influx of strangers into the city. Thus it
came about that more houses in the city were imperative. It was found
that the lines of trade marked at Bartholomew Fair by the standings of
the clothiers and others, would yield more money as streets of houses
than as streets of booths, and so, before the close of the century, as
Stow tells us, “notwithstanding all proclamations of the prince, and also
the act of parliament, in place of booths within the churchyard (only
let out in the fair time and closed up all the year after) be many large
houses built, and the north wall towards Long Lane taken down, and a
number of tenements are there erected for such as will give great rents.”
This last line of trading-houses was substituted for the profitless dead
wall. Parallel with it, through the ground vacant of building north of
the church, which that wall had enclosed, parallel also with one of the
church walls, a street of considerable houses occupied the site and kept
the name of Cloth Fair.
_Plague._—1593 (53rd of Elizabeth). The plague being now prevailing in
the city, the queen issued a proclamation on 6th August, about three
weeks before the usual time of the fair, in substance as follows:—Whereas
there was a general resort of all kinds of people out of every part of
the realm to the said fair; but that (on this occasion) in the usual
place of Smithfield there should be no manner of market for any wares
kept, nor any stalls or booths for any manner of merchandise, or for
victuals, suffered to be set up; but that the open space of the ground
called Smithfield, be only occupied with the sale of horses and cattle,
and of stall wares, as butter, cheese, and such like in gross, and not by
retail, the same to continue for the space of two days only.
And for the vent of woollen cloths, kerseys, and linen cloth, to be all
sold in gross and not by retail; the same should be brought within the
close-yard of St. Bartholomew (afterwards known as the Cloth Fair) where
shops were there continued (_i.e._ not deserted by reason of the plague)
and have gates to shut the same place in the nights, and then such to be
offered to sale, and to be bought in gross and not by retail; the same
market to continue but three days—that is to say Even, the Day of St.
Bartholomew and the Morrow after.
And that the sale and vent of leather be kept in the outside of the ring
of Smithfield, as had been accustomed, without erecting of any shops or
booths for the same, or for any victualler or other occupier of any wares
whatsoever.
And that notice hereof be given to such of H. M.’s good subjects as for
lack of knowledge of this H. M.’s princely ordonnance might resort to
London to sell or buy small wares by retail, and there receive infection,
and carry the same into their countries, H. M. commanded that the Lord
Mayor of London should cause this proclamation to be presently published
in all the usual places in the City, in the time of two or three
market days, and to be also Proclaimed by the Sheriffs of Middlesex,
Kent, Surrey, and Essex, in some places of those Counties near to the
said City, whereby none might resort to the City at this Feast of St.
Bartholomew, by pretence of any Fair, but such as should have cause to
sell or buy the commodities in gross.
Imprisonment, without bail, during the Queen’s pleasure, or further
punishment, was to be the penalty for the infraction of this ordinance.
Mr. Morley, reviewing this proclamation, says the inference to be drawn
from it was that the fair, as a place of wholesale commerce, was not
to be suppressed without more injury to trade than the fear of plague
would force the Queen’s advisers to inflict. But this consideration must
be qualified by the fact that the chief risk came from the throng of
pedlers, hawkers, stall-keepers, showmen, and holiday-makers from the
country round about; and that the soberer resort of merchants to the
fair, while it was certainly in one respect a greater good, was in the
other respect also a lesser evil. Also, there was a wealthy nobleman
at court unwilling to part with a year’s tolls from the Cloth Fair and
the Close, and able to urge actively, from motives of self-interest,
considerations that were, at the same time, not wanting in justice.
1596. A formal agreement was made between Lord Rich and the Corporation
of London, establishing a composition of the tolls of the fair; and, as
to jurisdiction, placing both parties nearly in the relative position
occupied by the Priory and the Corporation in 1445.
_A Foreigner’s View of the Fair._—1598. Paul Hentzner, a German tutor,
travelled this year through Germany, France, Italy, and England, and kept
an “Itinerarum,” of which many editions have been published. I quote the
following description of Bartholomew Fair from the Aungervyle Society’s
translation (1881):—“It is worthy of observation that every year upon
St. Bartholomew’s Day, when a fair is held, it is usual for the Mayor,
attended by the twelve principal Aldermen, to walk in a neighbouring
field dressed in his Scarlet Gown, and about his neck a Golden Chain,
to which is hung a Golden Fleece, and besides that particular ornament,
which distinguished the most noble Order of the Garter ... himself and
they on horseback; upon their arrival at a place appointed for that
purpose, where a tent is pitched, the mob begin to wrestle before them,
two at a time; the conquerors receive rewards from the magistrates. After
this is over, a parcel of live rabbits are turned loose among the crowd,
which are pursued by a number of boys who endeavour to catch them, with
all the noise they can make. While we were at this show, one of our
company, Tobias Salander, Doctor of Physic, had his pocket picked of his
purse, with nine crowns _du soleil_, which without doubt was so cleverly
taken from him by an Englishman who always kept close to him, that the
Doctor did not the least perceive it.”
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
CHAPTER XVII.
THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.
1603. The plague was again threatening the City, and James I. issued a
proclamation, dated from Hampton Court, 8th August, ordaining that for
the “desire of preventing an universal contagion among our people,” that
(_inter alia_) Bartholomew Fair should not be holden, “nor anything
appertaining unto them, at the times accustomed, _nor any time till they
shall be licensed by us_.” These last words might have been held to imply
more than was directly understood.
_Proclamation by City of London._—1604. The arrangement of 1596 prepared
the way for the Corporation taking the active control of the fair. Hence
among the Orders of my Lord Mayor, the Aldermen, and the Sheriffs for
their meetings and wearing of their apparel through this year, was the
following:—
“ON SAINT BARTHOLOMEW’S EVEN FOR THE FAIR IN SMITHFIELD.—The Aldermen
meet my Lord and the Sheriffs at the Guildhall Chapel, at two of the
Clock after dinner, in their violet gowns lined, and their horses,
without cloaks, and there hear Evening Prayer; which being done, they
take their horses and ride to Newgate, and so forth to the gate entering
in at the Cloth Fair, and there make a Proclamation,” which was as
follows:—
PROCLAMATION.—The Right Hon. the Lord Mayor of the City of London, and
his right worshipful Bretheren the Aldermen of the said City, streightly
charge and command, on the behalf of our Sovereign Lord the King, that
all manner of persons, of whatsoever estate, degree, or condition they
be, having recourse to this fair, keep the Peace of our said Sovereign
Lord the King.
That no manner of persons make any congregation, conventicle, or affrays,
by the which the same peace may be broken or disturbed, upon pain of
imprisonment and fine, to be made after the discretion of the Lord Mayor
and Aldermen.
Also, that all manner of sellers of wine, ale, or beer, sell by measures
ensealed, as by gallon, pottle, quart and pint, upon pain that will fall
thereof.
And that no person sell any bread, but if it keep the assize, and that it
be good and wholesome for man’s body, upon pain that will fall thereof.
And that no manner of person buy nor sell but with true weights and
measures, sealed according to the Statute in that behalf made, upon pain
that will fall thereof.
And that no manner of person, or persons take upon him, or them,
within this Fair to make any manner of arrest, attachment, summons, or
execution, but if it be done by the officer of this City, thereunto
assigned, upon pain that will fall thereof.
And that no person or persons whatsoever, within the limits and bounds
of this fair, presume to break the Lord’s Day in selling, showing, or
offering for sale, or in buying or offering to buy, any commodities
whatsoever, or in sitting, tippling, or drinking in any tavern, inn,
alehouse, or cook’s-house, or in doing any other thing that may lead to
any breach thereof, upon the pain and penalties contained in the several
acts of parliament, which will be severely inflicted upon the breakers
hereof.
And finally, that whatever person soever find themselves aggrieved,
injured or wronged by any manner of person in this Fair, that they come
with their plaints before the Stewards of this Fair, assigned to hear and
determine pleas, and they will minister to all parties justice, according
to the laws of the Land and the Customs of this City. God save the King!
Then, the mayor, sheriffs and aldermen, sitting on horseback, robed
in their violet gowns, having again made this proclamation at a point
between the City Fair and that owned by the Warwick or Holland family (as
successors of Sir Richard Rich?), ride through the Cloth Fair, and so
return back again, through the Churchyard of Great St. Bartholomew’s to
Aldersgate, and thence home again to the Lord Mayor’s house.
Tradition declares that the mayor, when he had read the Proclamation,
drank ale from a silver flagon, and that thereupon the bustle and
business of the fair began. I believe as a matter of fact the
proclamation was usually read by the Lord Mayor’s attorney, and repeated
after him by the sheriff’s officer, in the presence of the Lord Mayor,
Aldermen, and sheriffs. The officers of the Lord Mayor’s household
afterwards dined at the Sword-bearer’s table. This may have become the
custom at a later date. See 1688.
_Merchant Taylors’ right of search._—1609. An incident occurred this
year which raised the question of jurisdiction concerning an important
function which had heretofore been deemed of much consequence.
Immediately before the fair of this year the Drapers questioned the
right of search, for cloth pieces of insufficient length or quality, as
exercised by the Merchant Taylors. What followed is shown by the records
of the last-named company. Its clerk was ordered thereupon to attend
Drapers’ Hall on the next court day with a message to the following
purport, viz., That the Merchant Taylors’ Company had right to search,
and that they had quietly enjoyed the same since the 27th of Henry
VI., being above 150 years past, and still earlier, as by the Merchant
Taylors’ records appeared, wherein is mentioned a lengthened lawsuit
between them and the Drapers about the same question of right of search,
when a sentence was passed for the Merchant Taylors. There is in 1612
a note of a dinner at Merchant Taylors’ Hall “for the search on St.
Bartholomew’s Eve.”
The Drapers were incorporated as a Guild in 1364. In their charter was a
special exemption made against any prohibitions to be exercised by the
Company regarding the sale of cloth by any who were not free drapers,
in favour of the King’s beloved in God, the Prior of St. Bartholomew’s,
in West Smithfield, and other lords who had fairs in the suburbs of
London. A draper meant originally one who made the cloth he sold. It was
the London designation for clothier, a very few members of the Drapers’
Company being resident beyond the limits of the City. Therefore, say the
old writers, that Bartholomew Fair was frequented by “the clothiers of
England and the drapers of London.” Mercers especially frequented fairs
and markets, where their standings were gay with haberdashery, toys,
and even drugs and spices, the small articles of traffic on which they
throve. Mercers attending the French fairs towards the close of the
thirteenth century paid only half-toll when they were not stall keepers,
but exposed their wares on the ground. They, and the class of pedlers to
which they were allied, may have enjoyed a like privilege in England.
But while many of the mercers were thus of the brotherhood of Autolycus,
others dealt largely in silk and velvet, and abandoned to the haberdasher
traffic in small articles of dress. Whittington, thrice Lord Mayor of
London, was a mercer.—_Vide Morley_, p. 95.
_Paving the Streets._—1614. This was an important year in the annals of
Smithfield. It passed from its old and normal condition of mud, into a
clean and paved enclosure, such as was familiar to many of us before the
new market buildings were erected in 1866. Other changes had preceded.
It was not until 1608 that the City had obtained a grant of the ground
of the late Priory of St. Bartholomew, which had been constituted into a
parish after the dissolution. Again, while it had ceased some time before
to be the scene of the morning performances of the common hangman—Tyburn
(itself afterwards absorbed in May Fair) having succeeded to the
distinction; it had still remained the _locus_ of a far more savage form
of persecution. The ashes of the last martyr fire had burned out in
1611—the victim being Bartholomew Leggatt, a pious Unitarian, burnt for
distrust of the Athanasian and Nicene creeds, by the order of James I. at
the sentence of John King, newly-made Bishop of London!
_The Drama._—As if more prominently to mark the transition state last
indicated, and perchance also as a memento, that in the very place had
been enacted (under the patronage of and for the purposes of the Church)
the first drama that England had ever seen; and which had step by step
progressed from mysteries to miracle plays, thence on to moralities,
and was now advancing to the state of taking an independent stand
as a National Drama—as if, I say, to commemorate this circumstance
with emphasis, “rare Ben Jonson” produced his celebrated comedy of
“Bartholomew Fair,” one of the chief features in which is the vivid
painting of the characters through whom the satirist portrays the
follies of the fair. They are many and various; each one planned to bring
into prominence one of the characteristics of the motley gathering.
Competent authorities have declared this to be equal to any of the best
works of the author. I confess not to have discovered many points for
admiration. There are a few good points in it which may be reproduced! A
stranger appears in the fair, a Puritan, designated Zealot-of-the-land
Busy. He is ordered to be put in the stocks, and says “I do obey thee,
the Lion may roar but he cannot bite. I am glad to be thus separated
from the _Heathen_ of the Land, and put apart in the Stocks for the holy
cause.” Humphrey Wasp inquires who he is. He replies “One that rejoiceth
in his affliction, and sitteth here to prophecy the Destruction of
_Fairs_, and May-games, Wakes, and Whitson-ales, and doth sigh and groan
for the reformation of these abuses.” Lanthorn Leatherhead recounts
some of the “motions” (plays) in which he had taken part at this fair.
“‘Jerusalem’ was a stately thing, and so was ‘Nineveh,’ and the ‘City
of Norwich’ and ‘Sodom and Gomorrah;’ with the rising o’ the Prentices
...; but the ‘Gunpowder-plot,’ there was a get-penny! I have presented
that to an eighteen or twenty-pence audience nine times in an afternoon.
Your home-born projects ever prove the best, they are so easy and
familiar; they put too much learning in their things now o’ days.” In
this spirit John Littlewit had been adapting a too classical play to the
comprehension of the frequenters of the fair, “as for the _Hellespont_, I
imagine our Thames here; and their _Leander_ I make a Dyer’s son about
Puddle Wharf; and _Hero_ a wench of the Bankside, who going over one
morning to Old Fish Street, _Leander_ spies her land at Trig-stairs, and
falls in love with her; now do I introduce _Cupid_, having metamorphoz’d
himself to a drawer [pot-boy] and he strikes _Hero_ in love with a pint
of sherry....”
_The Plague._—1625. The Plague again appeared in the Kingdom, and Charles
I. issued a Proclamation from his Court at Woodstock, wherein he recites
that there is usually extraordinary resort _out of all parts of the
Kingdom_ of persons to attend this and Stourbridge Fair; hence there is
prohibition against attending these fairs or any others held within fifty
miles of the City of London.
1630. Another like proclamation in consequence of Plague—this time being
in Cambridge. The King remembering that there were at hand “three great
Fairs of special note, unto which there is extraordinary resort from all
parts of the Kingdom,” attendance at Bartholomew, Stourbridge and Our
Lady Fair (Southwark) was prohibited.
1637. Again the Plague, and there was issued: By the King. A Proclamation
for putting off this next Bartholomew Faire in Smithfield, and our Lady
Faire in Southwarke. Giuen at our Court at Oatelands, the three and
twentieth day of Iuly in the thirteenth yeare of our Reigne. God save the
King. Imprinted at London by Robert Barker, Printer to the King’s most
excellent Maiestie: And by the Assigns of Iohn Bill. 1637. A sheet in
Black Letter. Copy in Mr. Huth’s Library.
_New Grant to the City._—1638. Charles I. this year granted a Charter to
London which contained the following:
We will also, and by these presents for us our heirs and successors
declare and grant that the said Mayor and Commonalty and Citizens and
their successors for ever may have hold and enjoy all those fields called
or known by the name of — and also all that field called West-Smithfield
in the Parish of St. Sepulchre’s, St. Bartholomew the Great, St.
Bartholomew the Less in the suburbs of London, or in some of them, to
the uses, intents and purposes after expressed; and that the same Mayor
and Commonalty and Citizens, and their successors may be able to hold in
the said field called Smithfield, _Fairs_ and _Markets_ there to be and
used to be held, and to take receive and have pickage, stallage, tolls
and profits appertaining, happening, belonging or arising out of the
fairs and markets there, to such uses as the same mayor and commonalty
and citizens, or their predecessors had, held or enjoyed, and now have,
hold and enjoy, or ought to have, hold or enjoy the said premises last
mentioned, and to no other uses, intents and purposes whatsoever.
_Wrestling Matches._—It had been the time-honoured custom of this fair to
have contests in wrestling. And during the reign of James I. (apparently)
the Corporation of the City laid down the following regulation to be
observed on the attendance of the Mayor and members of the Corporation
to witness the sport:
“ON BARTHOLOMEW DAY FOR WRESTLING.—So many Aldermen as dine with my Lord
Mayor and the Sheriffs, be apparelled in their scarlet gowns, lined,
and after dinner their horses be brought to them where they dine, and
those aldermen which dine with the sheriffs, ride with them to my lord’s
house to accompany him to wrestling. Then when the wrestling is done,
they take their horses, and ride back again thro’ the Fair, and so in at
Aldersgate, and so home again to the said Lord Mayor’s house.”
Then there was a regulation for attending the “Shooting” there, as
follows: “The next day, if it be not Sunday, for the Shooting as upon
Bartholomews day, but if it be Sunday, the Monday following.”
_Description of the Fair._—1641. There was published a Tract (a small
quarto of four leaves): “Bartholomew Faire, or Variety of fancies, where
you may find, a faire of wares and all to please your mind. With the
severall Enormityes and misdemeanours, which are there seene and acted.
London, printed for Richard Harper at the Bible and Harp in Smithfield,”
wherein the author, after giving a graphic account of the art of picking
pockets there, proceeds:
It is remarkable and worth your observation, to behold and hear the
strange sights and confused noises in the fair. Here a knave in a Fool’s
coat, with a trumpet sounding, or on a drum beating, invites you and
would fain persuade you to see his puppets; there a Rogue like a Wild
Woodman, or in an antick shape like an incubus, desires your company to
view his motion; on the other side Hocus Pocus with three yards of tape
or ribbon in ’s hand, showing the art of Legerdemain to the admiration
and astonishment of a company of cockoloaches. Amongst these you shall
see a gray Goose-cap (as wise as the rest) with a What de ye lack? in his
mouth, standing on his booth shaking a rattle, or scraping on a fiddle,
with which children are so taken, that they presently cry out for these
fopperies; And all these together make such a distracted noise, that
you would think Babel were not comparable to it. Here there are also
your gamesters in action; some turning of a whimsey, others throwing for
pewter, who can quickly dissolve a round shilling into a three halfpenny
saucer.
Long Lane at this time looks very fair, and puts out her best clothes
with the wrong side outwards, so turned for their better turning off; and
Cloth Fair is now in great request: well fare the alehouses therein; yet
better may a man fare (but at a dearer rate) in the Pig market, alias
Pasty nook or Pie Corner, where pigs are all hours of the day on the
stalls piping hot, and would cry (if they could speak) Come eat me; but
they are ... dear and the reckonings for them are ... saucy, &c. &c.
It is clear that the glory of the fair is departing—Royal Proclamations
notwithstanding.
_Political Pamphlets._—1647. It seems to have become the fashion
to designate some of the many political pamphlets of this period
“Bartholomew Fairings.” One such work appeared this year entitled:
“General Massey’s Bartholomew Fayrings to Colonel Poyntz.” This was
ascribed to the famous John Lilburne. It was answered in another
pamphlet: “Reformados Righted, being an Answer to a paltry piece of
Poetry entitled, &c.” There is nothing in either of these throwing any
light upon the fair. The same was not quite the case with a quarto
pamphlet of the following year: “An Agitator Anatomised.” Here was
reference to “a large and beautiful Camel from Grand Cairo in Egypt.” Mr.
Morley thinks this may have been the beginning of “wild-beast shows” in
the fair.
This year the Act was passed against “Stage plays.” It seemed destined to
have an influence on the fair.
1648. Evelyn in his “Diary,” under date 28th August this year, notices
his coming to London from Say’s Court and seeing the “the celebrated
follies of Bartholomew Fair.” The date here seems to indicate some change
in the date of the fair.
_The Commonwealth and the Fair._—1649. This was a year of political
commotion. The troubles with the King had terminated on the block. There
was issued in the form of a tract, a book-play entitled: “A Bartholomew
Fairing, New, New, New; Sent from the raised siege before Dublin, as a
preparatory Present to the Great Thanksgiving Day. To be communicated
onely to Independents.” It was published without any printer’s name. Its
contents throw some light upon the political events of the period; but
these have no bearing upon the fair, present or future.
It seems indeed to have been anticipated that the advent of the Puritans
into power in this the first year of the Commonwealth might have led
to the suppression of the fair. The speech of Zealot-of-the-land Busy,
while sitting in the stocks at the fair in 1614 (“Bartholomew Fair,” by
Ben Jonson) seemed prophetically to hint at this. Mr. Morley gives the
following instructive picture of the period:
The Puritans did not suppress Bartholomew Fair. There were indeed
no dramas performed in it by living actors, but the state did not
condescend, like Rabbi Busy, to engage in controversy with the puppets.
It was for the Corporation of London, if it pleased, to exercise control,
and there was a Lord Mayor, who, as we shall see, did make himself
eminent for an attack upon the wooden Dagons of the Show. Against the
fool in his motley none made war; Cromwell himself had in his private
service four buffoons, and had he visited the fair, true hero as he was,
might have been well disposed to mount a hobby-horse. Therefore the
clown still jested, and the toyman thrust his baubles in the face of the
Roundhead, while the Cavalier’s lady, with a constellation of black stars
about her nose, a moon of ink on her chin, and a coach and horses—a very
fashionable patch—on her forehead, laughed at the short hair under the
broad-brimmed hat of the offended gentleman. Well might she laugh at the
miserable scarecrow in plain cloak and jerkin, and in boots that fitted
him: for he had no love locks and no peaked beard like the gallant at
her side; he wore only a little pecked band instead of a laced collar,
and as for his breeches—not only did they want ornament and width; but
they even showed no elegant bit of shirt protruding over them! Across the
Smithfield pavement, Cavaliers in boots two inches too long, and with
laced tops wide enough to contain each of them a goose, straddled about;
compelled to straddle in order that the long and jingling spur of one
boot, hooked into the ruffle of the other, might not bring down the whole
man into the gutter. Women I say might note such things, but the men were
in earnest. The dainty Cavalier in the historical shirt, embroidered with
the deeds of profane heroes, might glance from the speckled face of his
companion towards the clean cheeks of the Puritan maid in the religious
petticoat worked over with texts and scripture scenes; all had their
vanities, their froth of weakness floating loose above the storm; all had
an eye for the jest of the fair, but under it lay in a heaving mass the
solemn earnest of the time. The fair brought together from almost all
parts of England, men who had urgent thoughts to exchange, harmonies and
conflicts now of principle and now of passion to express. The destiny of
fatherland was hidden from all in a future black with doubt. Men brave
and honest had their souls pledged in allegiance to an earthly king, over
whom and against whom others as brave and as honest set up rights given
to them by the King of kings.
1650. There was published a broadside and cut, with a “Description of
Bartholomew Fair:”—
“Whether this be wit or nonsence, who need care,
’Tis like the subject, which is Bartholomew Fair:
A mess of altogether, well enough,
To get good money, which will make us huff,
And swagger bravely, drink a glass or so,
With some kind she-acquaintance which you know,
Are pretty tempting things, so much for that,
I must now come and tell you plain and flat:
That in this song the whole Fair you may view,
You may believe me when I tell you true.”
Set to the tune of “Digby’s Farewell.” Printed for F. Coles, T. Vere, J.
Wright, and J. Clarke. Containing twelve stanzas of eight lines.
1656. During the Commonwealth several attempts were made by the lord
mayors to put some check on the freedom of this fair.[8] One of them,
Sir John Deltrich, was knighted by Cromwell soon after the fair-time
(viz. 5th Sept.) in 1656; and it has been rightly assumed that he was the
mayor who pressed hard against those puppet showmen and others who had
commenced the business of the fair, as he conceived, twelve hours too
soon, and were already at work when he arrived to proclaim the opening.
This event appears to have led to a burlesque opening by a company of
tailors who met at the “Hand and Shears” already noticed on the night
before the official opening, elected a chairman, and as the clock struck
twelve, went out into the Cloth Fair, each with a pair of shears in his
hand. The chairman then proclaimed the fair to the expectant mob; and
then all formed a procession to proceed in tumultuous array to announce
the fair to the sleepers in Smithfield, by the ringing of bells and other
discordant manifestations. The following is the form of proclamation
used, and contains nothing objectionable.
_An unauthorised Proclamation._—O yez! O yez! O yez! All manner of
persons may take notice that in the Close of St. Bartholomew the Great
and West Smithfield, London, and the streets, lanes and places adjoining,
is now to be held a Fair for this day and the two days following, to
which all people may freely resort and buy and sell according to the
Liberties and Privileges of the said Fair, and may depart without
disturbance, paying their duties. And all persons are strictly charged
and commanded in His Majesty’s name, to help the peace, and to do nothing
in the disturbance of the said Fair, as they will answer the contrary
at their peril; and that there be no manner of arrest or arrests but by
such officers as are appointed. And if any person be aggrieved, let them
repair to the Court of Pie-Powder, where they will have speedy relief
according to Justice and Equity. God save the King.
This irregular proclamation seems to have been accepted as a legal act
by the Lord Kensington who had become owner of one-half of the tolls of
the fair, and it continued down to 1839. It was but a repetition of the
double jurisdiction claimed in Sturbridge Fair.
There is in the library of the British Museum a doggrel ballad, printed
as a broad-sheet, called “The Dagonizing of Bartholomew Fair,” which
describes, with coarse humour—the grossness of which may be attributed
in part to the mingled resentment and contempt which underlies it—the
measures taken by the civil authorities for the removal from the fair
of the showmen who had pitched there in spite of the determination of
the Lord Mayor and the Court of Aldermen to suppress with the utmost
rigour everything which could move to laughter or minister to wonder.
Among these are mentioned a fire-eating conjuror, a “Jack Pudding,” and
“wonders made of wax,” being the earliest notice of a waxwork exhibition
which I have been able to discover.—FROST’S _Old Showman_, &c., p. 31.
In “A Caveat for Cut-purses,” a ballad of the time of Charles I., there
is the following:—
“The Players do tell you, in Bartholomew Faire,
What secret consumptions and rascals you are;
For one of their Actors, it seems, had the fate
By some of your trade to be fleeced of late.”
In another ballad, “Ragged and Torn and True,” there is this:—
“The pick-pockets in a throng
At a market or a faire,
Will try whose purse is strong,
That they may the money share.”
_The Restoration._—1661. The Restoration led to a considerable reaction
from the severities of the Commonwealth, and the incidents of the fair
were affected thereby, as will be seen. The first noticeable feature is
that the period of the fair becomes permanently prolonged from three to
fourteen days; with occasional extensions it is said to six weeks’ riot
and amusement. Another that the pamphleteering continued to be associated
with the fair. There was one “Strange News from Bartholomew Fair” &c.
by Peter Aretine, printed for “Theodosus Microcosmus.” The contents of
this publication are altogether too gross for detailed mention. There
was another tract “News from Bartholomew Fair. Or the World’s Mad: being
a Description of the Varieties and Fooleries of this present Age,” with
Allowance (_i.e._ Licensed) “Printed for the general use of the Buyer,
and perticular Benefit of the Seller.” It had for motto “Risum teneatis
amici?” and a frontispiece representing a modified Puritan, in presence
of Jacob Hall the fashionable rope-dancer, exhibiting the varieties of
dress!
1663. “Pepys’s Diary,” that never-failing source of reference, throws
some light upon the doings of the fair at this period. On the 25th Aug.
morrow of St. Bartholomew’s Day (new style), Mr. Pepys going at noon to
the Exchange, met a fine fellow with trumpets before him in Leadenhall
Street, and upon inquiry found that he was “Clerk of the City Market:”
three or four men attended him each carrying an arrow of a pound weight
in his hand. This was a revival by the Lord Mayor of the old City custom
of challenging any to shoot at the fair. The previous day his lordship
had attended to witness the wrestling. On the following there was to
be the civic hunting! But the feeling had so far changed (perhaps in
consequence of the event of 1656) that the Lord Mayor’s presence was not
desired at this. “The people of the fair cry out upon it, as a great
hindrance to them.”
1664. From the correspondence of the philosopher John Locke, at this date
it is clear he had elbowed his way with the rest of the world through
the crowd and made a study of this fair. Thus describing the sights of
the city of Cleves (from whence he writes) to John Strachy at Bristol,
he says “In the principal church at Cleves was a little altar for the
service of Christmas Day. The scene was a stable, wherein was an ox,
an ass, a cradle, the Virgin, the Babe, Joseph, shepherds, and angels,
dramatis personæ. Had they but given them motion it had been a perfect
Puppet play, and might have deserved pence a piece; for they were of the
same size and make that our English puppets are; and I am confident these
shepherds and this Joseph are kin to that Judith and Holophernes which I
had seen at Bartholomew Fair.”
_Plague._—1665-6. There was no fair in these years in consequence of the
Plague visitation. In the former of the two years at the usual fair-time
bale fires were burning in the streets night and day to purify the air,
and they continued until quenched by heavy rain. In the following year
there occurred during the fair-time (as now extended) the Great Fire
of London, flames two miles in extent and a mile in breadth, with
smoke extending fifty miles. There would have been a scene of intense
confusion if the fair had been gathered; no real danger, perhaps, as the
conflagration ended at Pye Corner, on the verge of the site of the fair.
The houses then spared here were in existence down to Oct. 1809.
In the following year the fair was resumed, and probably was of some
service to the City in bringing people and money to it again. Pepys “the
immortal” records under date 28th Aug. “went twice round Bartholomew
Fair, which I was glad to see again, after two years missing of it by the
plague.” It seems patent that Court people and ladies of all qualities
were at home in the fair at this period. Pepys records how he took his
wife in 1668 “and there did see a ridiculous obscene little stage play
called ‘Marry Audrey,’ a foolish thing, but seen by everybody; and so
to Jacob Hall’s dancing of the ropes—a thing worth seeing and mightily
followed.”
_Tolls._—1671. The Corporation of London was dissatisfied with the
profits of the fair accruing from the arrangement then subsisting, and
referred it to the Comptroller to let the ground for the City and report
the tolls to the first court after the fair. This was done, and appears
to have been satisfactory, as the Corporation continued to receive
the direct proceeds down to 1685, when the tolls were leased to the
Sword-bearer for three years at a clear rental of £100 per annum. At the
expiration of two years it was reported that the tolls had not amounted
to more than £68; they were leased to the Sword-bearer at this rental
for twenty-one years.
1674. In “Poor Robin’s Almanack” for this year, in a catalogue of jests
upon the purposes or features of fairs, is the following “Aug. 24
Smithfield for Jack puddings, pigs heads, and Bartholomew Babies.”
1678. The “Irregularities and Disorders” of this fair were brought under
the notice of the civil authorities; and the question was referred to a
Committee “to consider how the same might be prevented, and what damages
would occur to the City by laying down the same.” This is the first hint
of suppression by the City; “and its arising,” says Mr. Morley, “is
_almost simultaneous with the decay of the great annual gathering as a
necessary seat of trade_.” He adds, “There is no year in which it can
be distinctly said that then the Cloth Fair died. Even at this hour,
when the fair itself is extinct, there are in the street called Cloth
Fair, on the site of the old mart, one or two considerable shops of
Cloth-merchants, who seem there to have buried themselves out of sight,
and to be feeding upon the traditions of the fair.”
_Cloth Trade._—It is in connection with the woollen cloth trade that
Bartholomew Fair most linked itself with commerce. It was not simply the
great metropolitan cloth fair, but it was the greatest fair for woollen
cloths held in England. For centuries wool had been the great staple of
this country. Kings had taken its regulation under their own particular
charge. The highest official in the land took his seat amongst the peers
of the realm literally on a sack of wool. Cloth ranked first amongst the
products of the nation’s industry. Among the fairs of the world English
woollen cloth was an important article of commerce. The centre of this
trade for several centuries was located in this particular fair. Other
fairs had other specialities. But St. Bartholomew’s was the annual trade
gathering of English clothiers and London drapers. The arms of the
Merchant Tailors were engraved upon a silver yard—thirty-six inches in
length and thirty-six ounces in weight,—with which century after century
members of their body were deputed to attend at West Smithfield during
the fair, and test the measures of the clothiers and drapers (See 1609).
The “Hand and Shears” was a famous hostelry within the Close, where the
cloth-merchants and the tailors fraternized. And here, too, the Court of
Piepowder was long held when removed from the Abbey.
It remains to be stated in connection with the events of this year that
there was a very grave question involved as to whether the City had
any legal right to suppress the fair. The Cattle Fair was still very
considerable (see 1715).
1682. There was published a new edition of “Wit and Drollery: Jovial
Poems” (1682); there is contained the following epitome of the features
of the fair (not contained in the edition of 1656):—
“Here’s that will challenge all the fair,
Come buy my nuts and damsons and Burgamy pears!
Here’s the Woman of Babylon, the Devil and the Pope,
And here’s the little Girl just going on the Rope!
Here’s _Dives and Lazarus_ and the _World’s Creation_,
Here’s the _Tall Dutch Woman_, the like’s not in the nation.
Here is the Booths where the high Dutch maid is,
Here are the Bears that dance like any Ladies;
Tat, tat, tat, tat, says little penny Trumpet;
Here’s Jacob Hall, that does so jump it, jump it;
Sound Trumpet, sound, for silver spoon and fork,
Come, here’s your dainty Pig and Pork.”
It had in fact come to this—as Sir Robert Southwell truly said in a
letter to his son in 1685: “The main importance of this fair is not so
much for merchandise, and the supplying what people really want; but as
a sort of Bacchanalia, to gratify the multitude in their wandering and
irregular thoughts.”
1688. It had become a custom for the Lord Mayor after proclaiming the
fair to call upon the keeper of Newgate, whose services were usually
involved during the fair, and partake of “a cool tankard of wine, nutmeg,
and sugar.” This year Sir John Shorter—natural grandfather of Horace
Walpole, and of his cousins the Conway Seymours—followed the usual
course, but let the lid of the tankard flop down with so much force that
his horse started; he was thrown to the ground, and died the next day.
The practice was discontinued during the second mayoralty of Sir Matthew
Wood.
In “The Lady’s New Year’s Gift; or, Advice to a Daughter,” published
this year, it is observed: “Some women are for merry-meetings, as Bessus
was for Duels; they are ingaged in a Circle of Idleness, where they run
round for the whole year, without the interruption of a serious hour;
they know all the Players names & are Intimately acquainted with all the
Booths in Bartholomew Fair.”
1690. Literature still continued to be associated with the fair.
Thus there was published this year: “The City Revels, or the Humours
of Bartholomew Fair,” by J. G. Gent. Sold by Randal Taylor, near
Stationers-Hall, and by most Booksellers. Price stitcht 6_d._—not a
single copy of which is now known to exist. There was also published
about this date “Roger in Amaze: Or the Countrymans Ramble through
Bartholomew Fair. To the tune of: The Dutch Womans Jigg. Printed by and
for A. M. and sold by J. Walter,” &c. A sheet containing eight six-line
stanzas. (Library of H. Huth, Esq.)
1691. There was a strong feeling setting in at this period against the
fair. The Corporation ordered a return to the original term of three
days, not only as a check to vice, but in order that the pleasures of the
fair might not choke up the avenues of traffic. It is clear that this was
not effective, for the order was repeated three years later. See 1711.
1697. The Lord Mayor issued an Ordinance “for the suppression of vicious
practices in Bartholomew fair, as obscene, lascivious and scandalous
plays, comedies, and farces, unlawful games and interludes, drunkenness,
&c., strictly charging all constables and other officers to use the
utmost diligence in prosecuting the same.” _Vide_ “Postman” of this date.
Political allusions were very freely made in the amusements of the Fair;
and sometimes these brought speedy retaliation. Thus, in the present
year William Philips, a Zany or Jack Pudding, was arrested and publicly
whipped for perpetrating in the fair a jest on the repressive tendencies
of the Government, which the poet Prior has condensed and preserved for
us. The said clown made his appearance on the exterior stage of the
show with a tongue in his left hand, and a black pudding in his right.
Professing to have learned an important secret, by which he hoped to
profit, he communicated it to the mountebank, in words recorded by Prior
thus:—
Be of your patron’s mind whate’er he says;
Sleep very much, think little, and talk less:
Mind neither good nor bad, nor right nor wrong;
But eat your pudding, slave, and hold your tongue.
This same W. Philips is suspected to have an important history of his
own—indeed, to have been something besides a clown. He is believed to
have been the author of the “Revengeful Queen,” published in 1698; also
of “Alcamenes and Menelippa,” and of a farce called “Britons, Strike
Home,” which was acted in a booth in Bartholomew Fair. Relating to him is
also supposed to have been a book published in 1688, of which nothing but
the title-page is now known to exist. This is preserved in the Harleian
collection, viz., “The Comical History of the famous Merry Andrew, W.
Phill., Giving an account of his Pleasant Humours, Various Adventures,
Cheats, Frolicks, and Cunning Designs, both in City and Country.” A copy
of this would now command a large price.
Another of the great show characters of this period was Joseph Clark,
the “Posturer.” He is the “whimsical fellow” mentioned by Addison in the
“Guardian,” No. 102. He was the son of a distiller in Shoe Lane, and
was intended for the medical profession. This did not suit his views,
nor did the trade of a mercer, to which he was next put. He probably
became buffoon in the Court of the Duke of Buckingham. Finally he
appeared in the Fair. His performance chiefly consisted in the imitation
of every kind of human deformity; and he is said to have imposed so
completely upon Molins, the famous surgeon, as to be dismissed by him
as an incurable cripple! There is a notice of him in the “Philosophical
Transactions,” where it is related that he “had such an absolute command
of all his muscles and joints that he could disjoint almost his whole
body.” A portrait in Tempest’s collection represents him in the act of
shouldering his leg, an antic which is imitated by a monkey. Frost’s “Old
showman,” p. 59.
1698. A Frenchman, Monsieur Sorbière, visiting London, says: “I was
at Bartholomew Fair. It consists of most Toy Shops, also Fiance, and
Picture, Ribbon Shops, no Books; many shops of Confectioners, where
any woman may commodiously be treated. Knavery is here in perfection,
dexterous Cut-purses and Pickpockets. I went to see the Dancing on the
Ropes, which was admirable. Coming out, I met a man that would have took
off my hat, but I secured it, and was going to draw my sword, crying
out ‘Begar! Damn’d Rogue! Morbleu,’ &c., when on a sudden I heard a
hundred People about me, crying, ‘Here Monsieur, see “Jephthah’s Rash
Vow.”’ ‘Here, Monsieur, see “The Tall Dutchwoman.”’ ‘See “The Tiger,”’
says another. ‘See “The Horse and No Horse,” whose tail stands where his
head should do.’ ‘See the “German Artist,” Monsieur.’ ‘See the “Siege of
Namur,” Monsieur;’ so that betwixt Rudeness and Civility I was forc’d to
get into a fiacre, and with an air of haste and a full trot, got home to
my lodgings.”
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
CHAPTER XVIII.
EIGHTEENTH AND NINETEENTH CENTURIES.
1700. _Stage Plays and Interludes._—The Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen
resolved that no booths should be permitted to be erected in Smithfield
this year; but on the 6th August it was announced that “the lessees
of West Smithfield having on Friday last represented to the Court of
Aldermen at Guildhall that it would be highly injurious to them to have
the erection of all booths there totally prohibited, the Right Hon. Lord
Mayor and the Court of Aldermen have, in consideration of the premises,
granted licence to erect some booths during the time of Bartholomew Fair
now approaching: but none are permitted for music-booths, or any that may
be means to promote debauchery.” And on the 23rd, when the Lord Mayor
went on horseback to proclaim the Fair, he ordered two music-booths to be
taken down immediately.
1701. On the 4th June this year the Grand Jury of Middlesex made a
presentment to the following effect:—
“Whereas we have seen a printed order of the Lord Mayor and Court of
Aldermen the 25th June 1700, to prevent the great profaneness, vice,
and debauchery, so frequently used and practised in Bartholomew Fair,
by strictly charging and commanding all persons concerned in the said
fair, and in the sheds and booths to be erected and built therein or
places adjacent, that they do not let, sell, or hire, or use any booth,
shed, stall, or other erection whatsoever to be used or employed for
interludes, stage-plays, comedies, gaming-places, lotteries, or music
meetings: and as we are informed the present Lord Mayor and Court
of Aldermen have passed another order to the same effect on the 3rd
instant; we take this occasion to return our most hearty thanks for their
religious care and great zeal in this matter; we esteeming a renewal
of their former practices at the Fair a continuing one of the chiefest
miseries of vice next to the Play-Houses; therefore earnestly desire that
the said orders may be vigorously prosecuted, and that this honourable
Court would endeavor that the said fair may be employed to those good
ends and purposes it was at first designed.”
In the “Postman,” of September, appeared the following advertisement:
“The tiger in Bartholomew Fair, that yesterday gave such satisfaction
to persons of all qualities by pulling the feathers so nicely from live
fowls, will, at the request of several persons, do the same thing this
day; price, 6_d._ each.”
There was published this year for R. Hine near the Royal Exchange, “A
Walk to Smithfield, or a True Description of the Humours of Bartholomew
Fair, with the very comical Intrigues and Frolics that are acted in
every particular Booth in the Fair, by persons of all ages and sexes,
from the Court Gallant to the Country Clown. With the Old Droll-Players’
Lamentation for the loss of their Yearly Revenues: being very Pleasing
and Diverting.”
It seems that at this period the principal London theatres closed during
the fair. This was so with Drury Lane in 1702; and also with several of
the theatres during May Fair. See 1714.
1703. In the “Observator” of August 21 this year was the following:
Does this market of lewdness tend to anything else but the ruin of the
bodies, and souls and estates, of the young men and women of the City
of London, who here meet with all the temptations to destruction? The
Lotteries, to ruin their estates; the drolls, comedies, interludes, and
farces to poison their minds, &c.; and in the cloisters what strange
medley of lewdness has not that place long since afforded? Lords and
ladies, aldermen and their wives, ’squires and fiddlers, citizens and
rope-dancers, jack-puddings and lawyers, mistresses and maids, masters
and ’prentices! This is not an ark, like Noah’s which received the clean
and the unclean; only the unclean beasts enter this ark, and such as have
the devil’s livery on their backs!
1707. This year a well-known theatrical manageress, Mrs. Mynn, produced
a new version of the “Siege of Troy,” reduced from five to three acts,
by the aged actor, Settle. The piece was printed with the following
introduction:—
_A Printed Publication of an ~Entertainment~ performed on a ~Smithfield
stage~, which, how gay or richly soever set off, will hardly reach to
a higher ~Title~ than the customary name of a DROLL, may seem somewhat
new. But as the present undertaking, the work of ten Months’ preparation,
is so extraordinary a performance, that without Boast or Vanity we may
modestly say, ~In~ the whole ~several Scenes, Movements~, and ~Machines,
it is noways~ Inferiour even to any one ~Opera~ yet seen in either of
the ~Royal Theatres~; we are therefore under some sort of necessity to
make this Publication, thereby to give ev’n the meanest of our audience
a full Light into all the Object they will there meet in this ~expensive
Entertainment~; the ~proprietors~ of which have adventur’d to make, under
small Hopes, That as they yearly see some of their happier Bretheren
Undertakers in the FAIR, more cheaply obtain even the Engrost Smiles of
the Gentry ~and~ Quality at so much an easier Price; so on the other side
their own more costly Projection (though less Favourites) might possibly
attain to that good Fortune, at least to attract a little share of the
good graces of the more Honourable part of the Audience, and perhaps be
able to purchase some of those smiles which elsewhere have been thus long
the profuser Donation of particular Affection of Favour._
There was also published “The Cloyster in Bartholomew Fair; or, The
Town-Mistress Disguis’d.” London, Printed for A. Bancks, near Fleet
Street. A Poem. 8vo. 8 leaves.
_Limiting the Duration of the Fair._—1708. On the 2nd June this year the
Court of Common Council passed the following resolution:—
This Court taking notice that the Fair of St. Bartholomew according to
the original Grant thereof, ought to be holden annually three days and
no longer. And that by Continuing the said Fair to Fourteen days, as
of late hath been practised, and the erecting and setting up Booths in
Smithfield of extraordinary largeness not occupied by dealers in Goods,
merchandises, &c., proper for a fair; but used chiefly for Stage-plays,
Musick and Tipling (being so many receptacles of vicious and disorderly
Persons) Lewdness and Debauchery have apparently increased, Tumults and
Disorders frequently arisen, and the Traffick of the said Fair, by the
Traders and Fair-keepers resorting thereto, greatly interrupted and
diminished. After long debate, and serious consideration had of the same,
and being desirous to put a Stop (so far as in them lies) to the further
spreading of Wickedness and Vice, to preserve the Peace of Her Majesty’s
Subjects, and restore the said Fair to its primitive Institution, and
the Traders resorting thither to the full enjoyment of their Trades,
without any hindrance or obstruction. And this Court being of opinion,
that no ways will be so effectual for the end aforesaid as reducing the
said Fair to its ancient time of continuance, doth unanimously resolve,
and so Order that for the future, the said Fair shall be kept Three days
only, and no longer (that is to say) on the Eve of St. Bartholomew, that
Day and the Morrow after being the 23rd, 24th and 25 days of August, of
which all persons concerned are to take Notice and Govern themselves
accordingly. See 1750.
On the 3rd July, same year, the Common Council considered certain strong
petitions for the revocation of this Order. The result is seen in the
following announcement, which appeared in the “Gazette” of 2nd August:—
The Committee for letting the City’s Land in the Account of the
Chamberlain of the City of London give notice, That the Fair, commonly
call’d Bartholomew Fair, annually held in West Smithfield in London is
from henceforth to be held three Days and no longer [days specified] and
that the said Committee will sit every Wednesday at three of the Clock in
the afternoon, to Lett and Dispose of the Ground in West Smithfield, to
persons resorting to the said Fair; of which more particular information
may be had at the Comptroler’s Office in the Guildhall of the said City.
Same year a person did penance in the Chapter House of St. Paul’s for
publicly showing in the Fair a Blow-Book in which were many filthy and
obscene pictures. The book was likewise burned, and the offender paid the
costs.
The first travelling _menagerie_ seems now to have appeared in this fair,
and attracted considerable attention. It stood near the hospital gate.
“Sir Hans Sloane cannot be supposed to have missed such an opportunity
of studying animals little known, as he is said to have constantly
visited the fair for that purpose, and to have retained the services of a
draughtsman for their representation.” (Frost.)
It may be noted that wild beasts had been kept at the Tower certainly
from 1253 downwards.
1709. There was published “Bart’lemy Fair: or an Enquiry after Wit; in
which due Respect is had to a Letter concerning Enthusiasm, To my Lord
—. By Mr. Wotton. London Printed for R. Wilkin, at the King’s Head in
St. Paul’s Church-Yard.” This 8vo. pamphlet of 175 pages contains no
reference to the fair, and probably only took its title from reference to
the disputations there conducted, and of which I have spoken.
1710. There was a curious half-sheet octavo tract, printed this year,
entitled “The Wonders of England, containing Dogget and Penkethman’s
Dialogue with Old Nick, on the suppression of Bartholomew Fair in
Smithfield.” The title enumerates several other strange and wonderful
matters, as being contained in the book, but, like the showman’s painted
cloths in the fair, pictures monsters not visible within; so there is not
a line in the tract respecting the suppression of the fair. Yet
“Coming events cast their shadows before.”
1711. It seems probable that in 1691, or 1694, when the Corporation took
steps to limit the period of the fair, that a printed statement of the
reasons therefor was issued for the edification of the public mind. At
all events during the present year there appeared: “Reasons Formerly
published for the Punctual Limiting of Bartholomew Fair to those Three
Days to which it is determined by the Royal Grant of it to the City of
London. New reprinted with Additions, to prevent a Design set on Foot
to procure an Establishment of the said Fair for Fourteen Days. Humbly
Addressed to the present Right Honorable the Lord Mayor to the Worshipful
Court of Aldermen, and to the Common Council of the said City. London
Printed in the year 1711.”
1714. It had become the custom for the stars of Drury Lane, Covent
Garden, the Haymarket, Lincoln’s Fields, and Goodman’s Fields theatres to
enter into engagements to act in the theatrical booths in Smithfield, and
probably also in Southwark; and a rich “benefit” they made, sometimes by
acting, but more generally by becoming partners in a company organized
for the purposes of the fair. Recruits were brought up from the
provincial theatres, and thus became familiar to London audiences.
1715. In “Dawk’s News Letter” it is recorded, “On Wednesday Bartholomew
Fair began, to which we hear the greatest number of black cattle (Welsh?)
was brought that was ever known.” There was this year at the fair the
largest booth ever built—it was for the King’s players! It had become
the custom to represent all the great sieges in which England had been
concerned at the shows in the fair: hence, perhaps, something was done
towards fostering a martial spirit, not without its advantages in a
national sense.
1719. The restriction of the fair to three days, we are informed, had
long been overruled by the public voice. There were this year twenty
licensed dice and hazard tables in the fair.
1730. There was printed in the “Daily Post” for the 31st August the
following:—
“These are to give notice to all Ladies, Gentlemen and others That, at
the end of Hosier Lane in Smithfield are to be seen during the time of
the Fair, Two _Rattle Snakes_, one a very large size, and rattles that
you may hear him at a quarter of a mile about, and something of Musick,
that grows on the tails thereof; of divers colours, forms and shapes,
with darts that they extend out of their mouths, almost two inches long.
They were taken on the mountains of Leamea. A Fine Creature, of a small
size, taken in Mocha, that burrows under ground. It is of divers colours,
and very beautiful. The teeth of a dead Rattle Snake to be seen and
handled, with the rattles. A Sea Snail, taken on the coast of India. Also
the horn of a Flying Buck. Together with a curious collection of Animals
and of Insects from all parts of the World. To be seen without Loss of
time.”
This seems to have been a very rude attempt at teaching natural history.
1731. The only recorded instance of _fire_ breaking out in the fair
occurred this year. The damage resulting was small. (See 1810.)
1733. It was about this date that Fielding the novelist commenced public
life, by keeping a play-booth in this fair.
_The Strolling Player._—The life of a strolling play-manager, attending
fairs and such like places of amusement, was one of much incident, and
certainly had its comical side. Here is the account of one as given by
himself:—“I will, as we say, take you behind the scenes. First then,
a valuable actor must sleep in the pit, and wake early to sweep the
theatre, and throw fresh sawdust into the boxes; he must shake out
the dresses, and wind up and dust the motion-jacks; he must teach the
dull ones how to act, rout up the idlers from the straw, and redeem
those that happen to get into the watch-house. Then, sir, when the fair
begins, he should sometimes walk about the stage grandly and show his
dress: sometimes he should dance with his fellows; sometimes he should
sing; sometimes he should blow the trumpet; sometimes he should laugh
and joke with the crowd, and give them a kind of touch-and-go speech,
which keeps them merry and makes them come in. Then, sir, he should
sometimes cover his state robe with a great coat, and go into the crowd,
and shout opposite his own booth, like a stranger who is struck with
its magnificence: by the way, sir, that is a good trick, I never knew
it fail to make an audience; and then he has only to steal away and
mount his stage and strut, and dance and sing and trumpet, and roar over
again.”—“Every-Day Book,” i. 1243.
1735. The practice had been to grant licences for the fair for fourteen
days. The Court of Aldermen now resolved: That Bartholomew Fair shall not
exceed Bartholomew Eve, Bartholomew Day, and the next morrow, and shall
be restricted to the sale of goods, wares, and merchandises, usually
sold in fairs, _and no acting shall be permitted therein_. It was known,
too, that sir John Barnard intended rigorously to enforce the Licensing
Act. There was in consequence no theatrical booths, and hence the most
harmless portion of the amusement was absent.
1736. Theatrical booths were permitted again this year.
1739. The fair was extended to four days, and more theatrical booths
attended in consequence.
In the “Farrago; or, Miscellanies in Verse and Prose” [by Richard
Barton?], there is included (pp. 49-58) a piece entitled “Bartholomew
Fair,” from which we take the following:—
Round ev’ry booth in face of day,
Actors a tawdry dress display;
Their ugly visors seem disgrace,
Yet often hide an uglier face.
The sun their sports not to delay,
Makes haste to bed, and closes day.
Each wooden house then groans, to bear
The populace that crowd the fair,
Where Wapping & St. James’ unite,
Pleas’d with coarse objects of delight:
The chambermaid and countess sit
Alike admirers of the wit:
The Earl and footman _tête-a-tête_
Sit down contented on one seat.
The musick plays, the curtain draws,
The peer & ’prentice clap applause.
1740. The Prince of Wales visited the fair—not, indeed, for the first
time, but with more state than on any previous occasion. An account of
the visit was published some years afterwards in the “New European
Magazine,” from which the following details are drawn:—
The shows were all in full blast and the crowd at its thickest, when the
multitude behind was impelled violently forward; a broad blaze of red
light issued from a score of flambeaux, streamed into the air; several
voices were loudly shouting, “Room there for Prince George! Make way for
the Prince!” as there was that long sweep heard to pass over the ground
which indicates the approach of a grand and ceremonious train. Presently
the pressure became much greater, the voices louder, the light stronger,
and as the train came onward, it might be seen that it consisted, first,
of a party of the yeomen of the guard, clearing the way; then several
more of them bearing flambeaux, and flanking the procession; while in
the midst of it appeared a tall, fair, and handsome young man, having
something of a plump foreign visage, seemingly about four-and-thirty,
dressed in a ruby-coloured frock-coat, very richly guarded with gold
lace, and having his long flowing hair curiously curled over his forehead
and at the sides, and finished with a very large bag and courtly _queue_
behind. The air of dignity with which he walked; the blue ribbon and star
and garter with which he was decorated; the small three-cornered silk
hat which he wore, whilst all around him were uncovered; the numerous
suite, as well of gentlemen as of guards, which marshalled him along; the
obsequious attention of a short, stout person, who, by his flourishing
manner, seemed to be a player—all these particulars indicated that the
amiable Frederick, Prince of Wales, was visiting Bartholomew Fair by
torchlight, and that Manager Rich was introducing his royal guest to all
the entertainments of the place.
This event gave fashion to the fair, and, indeed, it had never been
considered derogatory for persons in the first rank and fashion to
partake in the broad humour and theatrical amusements of the place. We
have already seen that many of the theatrical celebrities of the day
“starred” in Smithfield, and many who afterwards became famous first trod
the boards here.
The theatrical licences were extended to three weeks and a month at this
fair.
1750. Alderman Blackford being mayor, he proclaimed in the middle of
July his determination to reduce the fair to its original three days,
and to use the powers of the Licensing Act (10 Geo. II.) for the more
effectual punishment of rogues and vagabonds. He herein acted upon the
representation of more than a hundred of the chief graziers, salesmen,
and inhabitants of Smithfield, who complained that the “insolent
violation of the law” by the fair people not only encouraged profligacy,
but also obstructed business for six weeks! The time occupied in putting
up and taking down the booths being a time also of great hindrance to the
usual Smithfield marketing and trading. The real suppression of the fair
as a fourteen day riot, dates from this time.
1751. The attempted strict limitation of the fair to three days led to
considerable disturbances. Birch, a deputy marshal of the city, received
injuries which proved fatal.
1752. The alteration of the calendar transferred the 3rd September into
the 14th. Old Bartholomew’s Day stood at this new date on the calendar.
This event very much aided in shortening the period of the fair. _Vide_
“Morley,” p. 449.
1753. There was a great demonstration against the claim of the
Corporation to levy tolls upon the goods of citizens, as well as upon
those of strangers, during the time of the fair. Richard Holland, a
leather-seller in Newgate Street, had in the preceding year refused the
toll demanded on a roll of leather with which he had attempted to enter
the fair, and on the leather being seized by the collector, had called a
constable, and charged the impounder with theft. The squabble resulted in
an action against the Corporation, which was not tried, however, until
1754, when the result was in favour of the citizens, and against the
Corporation claims.
While the action was pending Holland’s cart was driven through the fair
with a load of hay, and was not stopped by the collector of tolls. The
horses’ heads were decorated with ribbons, and on the leaders forehead
was a card, upon which the following doggerel lines were written in a
bold hand:—
My master keeps me well, ’tis true,
And justly pays whatever is due;
Now plainly, not to mince the matter,
No toll he pays but with a halter.
On each side of the load of hay hung a halter, and a paper bearing the
following announcement:—
The time is approaching, if not already come,
That all British subjects may freely pass on;
And not on pretence of Bartholomew Fair
Make you pay for your passage, with all your bring near.—
When once it is try’d, ever after depend on,
’Twill incur the same fate as on Finchley Common.
Give Cæsar his due, when by law ’tis demanded,
And those that deserve with this halter be hanged.
There was considerable rioting in the fair. Buck, the successor to the
unfortunate Birch, was very roughly handled. The tumult was in some
degree allayed by a serious accident to the wire-walker, Evans. The wire
broke, and he was precipitated to the ground, one of his thighs being
broken, and other injuries sustained.
_The Bridewell Boys._—1755. An element in the occasional disturbances at
the fair was the conduct of the “Bridewell Boys,” a body of youths from
the Bridewell Hospital, distinguished by a peculiar dress and turbulence
of manners. They infested the streets and public places to the terror of
the peaceable; and being allowed the privilege of going to fires with
the Bridewell engine, not unfrequently occasioned more mischief by their
audacity and perverseness than by their dexterity in fire extinguishment,
resembling in some degree the volunteer Fire brigades which at one time
were very prevalent in the United States. On the 13th November this year,
at a Court of the Governors of the Hospital, a memorable report was made
by the Committee, who inquired into the behaviour of the boys at the
then preceding Bartholomew and Southwark fairs; and, as a consequence,
some of them were severely corrected and cautioned, and others, after
their punishment, were ordered to be stripped of their hospital clothing
and discharged. At a later period the boys were deprived of their
distinguishing costume, and a different plan of instruction was adopted.
1760. The Court of Common Council made a more determined effort than
heretofore to put down this fair; but the interest of Lord Kensington
(successor of Lord Rich) in a portion of the tolls, rendered it
impossible of accomplishment. See 1827.
1762. Plays were interdicted at the fair this year by the Corporation,
and some hardship resulted to those who had made arrangements in advance.
Strong and successful measures were taken to prevent its extension beyond
the authorized three days.
There was published “A Description of Bartholomew Fair” by George
Alexander Stevens, whereof the following gives a good idea of the medley
life there seen:—
Here was, first of all, crowds against other crowds driving,
Like wind and tide meeting, each contrary striving;
Shrill fiddling, sharp fighting, and shouting and shrieking,
Fifes, trumpets, drums, bagpipes and barrow girls squeaking,
“Come my rare round and found, here’s choice of fine ware-o;”
Though all was not found sold at Bartholomew fair-o.
There was drolls, hornpipe dancing, and showing of postures,
With frying black-puddings, and op’ning of oysters;
With Salt-boxes solos, and gallery-folks squalling;
The tap house guests roaring, and mouthpieces bawling,
Pimps, Pawnbrokers, strollers, fat landladies, sailors,
Bawds, bailiffs, jilts, jockies, thieves, tumblers and taylors.
“Here’s Punch’s whole play of the Gunpowder-plot, sir,”
With “beasts all alive,” and “pease-porridge all hot,” sir,
“Fine sausages fried” and “the Black on the wire,”
“The whole Court of France” and “nice pig at the fire.”
Here’s the up-and-downs, “who’ll take a seat in the Chair-o?”
Tho’ there’s more up-and-downs than at Bartholomew fair-o.
Here’s “Whittington’s cat,” and “the tall dromedary,”
“The chaise without horses,” and “Queen of Hungary;”
Here’s the Merry-go-Rounds, “Come who rides, come who rides, sir?”
Wine, beer, ale, and cakes, fire eating besides, sir;
The fam’d “learn’d Dog” that can tell all his letters
And some men, as scholars, are not much his betters!
1798. There was a serious proposal made to restrict the fair to one day.
This was only abandoned from the fear of riot.
1804. There was an action brought in the fair before the Court of
Piepowder on 5th September—showing that the court had sat beyond the
prescribed three days, which at one time it did not, even though the
fair continued longer—by a fire-eater against one of the spectators of
his tricks, who had half suffocated him by suddenly clapping a bundle of
lighted matches under his nose. The defendant was fined a guinea by the
homage, and the steward gave charge to the constables to turn him out of
the fair if he appeared in it again.
1808. There appeared: “The History and Origin of Bartholomew Fair,”
published by Arliss and Huntsman, 37, Bartholomew Close (8vo. pp. 26).
1810. A circumstance occurred likely to have been attended with very
serious consequences. Two bands of roughs, who were racing through the
fair after their manner, met. In the scuffle that ensued two stalls were
knocked down, and the falling of a lamp on to a stove caused the canvas
to ignite, and a serious disaster was only averted by the presence of
mind of a gentleman who was on the spot at the moment. In a similar rush
in 1812 a child was killed.
In the “Morning Chronicle” appeared the following “Elegy, written in
Bartlemy Fair at Five o’clock in the morning,” from which I take the
principal stanzas:—
...
Now the first beams of morning glad the sight,
And all the air in solemn stillness holds,
Save when the sheep-dog bays with hoarse afright,
And brutal drovers pen the unwilling folds.
...
Beneath those ragged tents—that boarded shade,
Which late display’d its stores in tempting heaps:
There, children, dogs, cakes, oysters, all are laid,
There, guardian of the whole, the master sleeps.
The busy call of care-begetting morn,
The well-slept passenger’s unheeding tread,
The showman’s clarion, or the echoing horn,
Too soon must rouse them from their lowly bed.
Perhaps in this neglected booth is laid
Some head volcanic, oft discharging fire!
Hands—that the rod of magic lately sway’d;
Toes—that so nimbly danced upon the wire.
Some clown, or pantaloon—the gazer’s jest,
Here, with his train in dirty pageant stood:
Some tired-out posture master here may rest,
Some conjuring swordsman—guiltless of his blood!
The applause of listening cockneys to command,
The threats of City-marshal to despise;
To give delight to all the grinning band,
And read their merit in spectators’ eyes,
Is still their boast; nor, haply, theirs alone,
Polito’s lions (though now _dormant_ laid),
The human monsters, shall acquire renown,
The spotted Negro—and the armless maid!
Peace to the youth, who, slumbering at the _Bear_,
Forgets his present lot, his perils past:
Soon will the crowd again be thronging there,
To view the man on wild Sombrero cast.
Careful their booths from insult to protect,
These furl their tapestry, late erected high;
Nor longer with prodigious pictures deck’d,
They tempt the passing youth’s astonish’d eye.
But when the day calls forth the belles and beaux,
The cunning showmen each device display,
And many a clown the useful notice shows,
To teach ascending strangers—_where to pay_.
Sleep on, ye imps of merriment—sleep on!
In this short respite to your labouring train;
And when this time of annual mirth is gone,
May ye enjoy, in peace, your hard-earned gain!
1825. Bartholomew Day falling on a Sunday the fair was wholly suspended.
Many thousands of persons walking for recreation repaired to Smithfield
and viewed its appearance. The City officers most strictly enforced
observance of the day: one keeper of a gingerbread stall who plied for
custom and refractorily persisted was taken into custody, and held in
prison till he could be carried before a magistrate on the following day,
when he was fined for the offence.—Hone.
_Hone’s survey of the Fair._—It was on the morning following this day
that Hone made his memorable visit to the fair, which he has recorded
at large in his “Every Day Book” (i. cols. 1168-1251), and from which I
take the following condensed description of the extent and nature of the
exhibition:—
There were small _uncovered_ stalls from the Skinner Street corner of
Giltspur Street beginning with the beginning of the churchyard, along
the whole length of the churchyard. On the opposite side there were like
stalls from Newgate Street corner. At these stalls were sold oysters,
fruit, inferior kinds of cheap toys, common gingerbread, small wicker
baskets, and other articles of trifling value. They seemed to be mere
casual standings taken up by petty dealers and chapmen in smallware, who
lacked means to purchase room and furnish out a tempting display. Their
stalls were set out from the channel into the roadway. One man occupied
upwards of twenty feet of the road lengthwise with discontinued wood-cut
pamphlets, formerly published weekly at two pence, which he spread out
on the ground and sold at a halfpenny each in great quantities; he had
also large folio bible prints at a halfpenny each, and prints from
magazines at four a penny. The fronts of these standings were towards
the passengers in the carriage way.
Then with occasional distances of three or four feet for footways from
the road to the pavement began lines of _covered_ stalls, with their open
fronts opposite the fronts of the houses, and close to the curb-stone,
and their enclosed backs to the road. On the St. Sepulchre’s side they
extended to Cock Lane, and from thence to Hosier-lane, and along the
west side of Smithfield to the Cow-lane corner. In John Street they were
resumed and ran thitherward to Smithfield bars, and there on the west
side ended. Crossing over to the east side, and returning south, these
covered stalls commenced opposite their termination on the west and ran
towards Smithfield, turning into which they ran westerly towards the
pig-market, and from thence to Long-lane. Again on to the east side to
the great gate of Cloth Fair, and so from Duke Street on the south side
to the great front gate of Bartholomew hospital; and then resumed to
Giltspur Street and so reached the uncovered stalls.
These covered stalls thus surrounding Smithfield, belonged to dealers
in gingerbread, toys, hardware, garters, pocket books, trinkets, and
articles of all prices, from a halfpenny to a half sovereign. The
gingerbread stalls varied in size, and were conspicuously fine from the
Dutch gold on their different shaped ware. The usual frontage of the
stalls was 8, 10, 12 feet, but some as large as 25 feet. They were 6 feet
6 inches or 7 feet high in front and from 4 feet 6 to 5 feet at back:
and all formed of canvass tightly stretched on light poles. The fronts
were to the pavements. The houses of business in the streets had their
shutters up, and doors closed.
The _Shows_ of all kinds had their fronts towards the area of Smithfield,
and their backs close against the backs of the stalls. The centre of the
area was thus entirely open, and from the carriage way through it all the
shows might be seen at one view. Against the pens at the side there were
not any shows. No carriages or horsemen were permitted to enter the fair
on account of the crowded masses of people present....
It has to be noted that there was an unusually large assemblage of shows
at the fair, including several menageries.
1826. The “Mirror of the Months” contained the following graphic
anticipation of the fair to be held this year:—
Another year arrives, and spite of Corporation “resolutions,” and
references to “the Committee,” and “Reports” and “recommendations” to
abolish the fair, it is held again. Now arrives that saturnalia of
nondescript noise and nonconformity “Bartlemy Fair;” when that prince of
peace-officers the Lord Mayor changes his sword of state into a six-penny
trumpet, and becomes the lord of misrule and the patron of pick-pockets;
and lady Holland’s name leads an unlettered mob instead of a lettered
one; when Richardson maintains, during three whole days and a half, a
managerial supremacy that must be not a little enviable even in the eyes
of Mr. Elliston himself; and Mr. Gyngell holds, during the same period,
a scarcely less distinguished station as the Apollo of maid servants;
when the incomparable (not to say _eternal_) _young_ Master Saunder’s
rides on horseback to the admiration of all beholders, in the person
of his eldest son; and when all the giants in the land, and the dwarfs
too, make a general muster, and each proves to be according to the most
correct measurement at least a foot taller, or shorter, than any other
in the fair, and in fact the only one worth seeing,—“all the rest being
impostors!” In short, when every booth in the fair combined in itself the
attractions of all the rest, and so perplexes with its irresistible merit
the rapt imagination of the half-holiday school boys who have got but
sixpence to spend upon the whole, that they eye the outsides of each in a
state of pleasing despair, till their leave of absence is expired twice
over, and then return home filled with visions of giants and gingerbread
nuts, and dream all night long of what they have not seen.
The fair was small, and one of its principal features was the bookstalls,
which occupied the whole of the west side of Giltspur Street.
1827. The fair was again large, and for the first time I am enabled
to present a return of the cash returns of the various places of
amusement there assembled. The result will be startling to those who
have hitherto failed to realize the importance with which the fair was
regarded: Wombwell’s menagerie, £1,700; Richardson’s theatre, £1,200;
Atkins’s menagerie, £1,000; Morgan’s menagerie, £150; exhibition of
“pig-faced lady,” £150; ditto, fat boy and girl, £140; ditto, head of
William Corder, quaker, who was hanged at Chelmsford for murder of
Maria Martin—the crime being revealed through a dream of the victim’s
mother, £100; Ballard’s menagerie, £90; Ball’s theatre, £80; diorama of
the battle of Navarino, £60; the Chinese jugglers, £50; Pike’s theatre,
£40; a fire-eater, £30; Frazer’s theatre, £26; Keyes and Line’s theatre,
£20; exhibition of a Scotch giant, £20. The comparative attractiveness
of the different sights affords room for reflection. Of course these
entertainments only represent a portion of the cash transactions of the
fair.
Lord Kensington at length intimated that considering the corrupt state
of the fair, and the nuisance caused by it in the neighbourhood of
Smithfield, he would now throw no obstacle in the way of its abolition.
His share of the tolls was from £30 to £40 a year; the estimated value of
these was from £500 to £600. The Corporation accordingly bought up these
tolls, and henceforward the sole rights and interest in the fair became
vested in the City.
_The End._—1839. The London City Mission, having pointed out to the
Corporation the moral pollution spread by the retention of the fair, the
matter was again referred to the City Lands Committee, who referred the
question to Mr. Charles Pearson the then able City Solicitor; and he
speedily discovered a rational mode of dealing with it: he advised _an
absolute refusal to let standings for show-booths in a fair that was
created in the first instance for the purposes of trade!_
The Markets Committee had in the meanwhile been working in the direction
of largely increasing the tolls for stalls, &c. The effect being that
in 1836 they had increased to £162, 1838 to £284; this year £305. The
smaller the number of booths the more each seemed able to pay, showing
that the popular patronage of the fair was still considerable.
_New Bartholomew Fair._—In 1843 the City authorities prohibited the
assembling of “shows” of any and all kinds in Smithfield; but with this
prohibition was the announcement that arrangements had been made for the
standing of such shows as desired on a large piece of ground adjoining
the New North Road, called Britannia Fields, near the site of the
Britannia Theatre, in the parish of Hoxton.
In this step it may have been thought to preserve the income from tolls
by a bodily transfer of the fair to another locality. I doubt if the
original Charter would have supported such a course; but the influence
of the City would have obtained the authority of Parliament for the
change. But even Parliament cannot change the sentiments of the people
in regard to their amusements, or divert the channels of commerce from
the time-honoured channels in which they have been wont to flow; and
the project for the new Bartholomew Fair fell dead very early in its
inception; but for two or three years shows did congregate there.
1855. _The end had come!_ The old ceremony of state proclamation had been
discontinued in 1840. In 1850 the Lord Mayor (Musgrove) having walked
quietly to the appointed gateway with the necessary attendants, found
there was no fair to proclaim! After that year the Lord Mayor attended no
more for the purpose. The last Bartholomew Fair was proclaimed this year
(1855). The City indeed still pays to the Rector of Bartholomew the Great
the annual fee of 3_s._ 6_d._ in respect of the proclamation no longer
made. The live Cattle Market was discontinued the same year—removed to
Islington. The Meat Market opened in 1868 has obliterated all traces of a
state of things which had continued for seven centuries.
1859. Mr. Henry Morley published “Memoirs of Bartholomew Fair,”
“inscribed with friendship to his friend John Forster.” In his preface
he says “When I first resolved upon the writing these memoirs, I knew
simply that Bartholomew fair was an unwritten portion of the story of
the people. Bound once to the life of the nation by the three ties of
Religion, Trade and Pleasure, first came a time when the tie of Religion
was unloosened from it; then it was a place of Trade and Pleasure. A few
more generations having lived and worked, Trade was no longer bound to
it. The nation still grew, and at last broke from it even as a pleasure
fair. _It lived for seven centuries_ or more, and of its death we are the
witnesses. Surely, methought, there is a story here; the memoirs of a
Fair do not mean only a bundle of handbills or a catalogue of monsters.
And then the volume was planned which is now offered to the reader, with
a lively sense of its shortcomings.” Thus launched upon the world it was
and is a book suited to the companionship of all lovers of objects of
antiquity. I am glad to have been able to supplement its record with some
details of interest.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
CHAPTER XIX.
FAIRS OF FRANCE.
It is to France that we must look if we would fully comprehend alike the
splendour and importance of the fairs of Europe. Even here, as elsewhere,
they are now to be regarded as things of the past; but of a past that is
full of instruction.
In the eighth and ninth centuries hardly any trade was known in France,
other than that carried on in markets and fairs; these were, therefore,
almost the only places for providing oneself with necessaries. Artificers
and dealers lived apart, dispersed in the country; the towns were chiefly
inhabited by the clergy and some handicraftsmen, with few or no monks
or nuns, the far greater part of the monasteries being either in the
open country or the neighbourhood of the cities. The nobility lived on
their estates, or attended the Court. The _Pote_ people were so far
under their Lord’s power as not to quit the place of their birth without
his leave; the villain was annexed to the estate, and the slave to the
master’s house or land. Such a dispersion was little promotive of trade,
which loves large and policed communities; _and it was to remedy this
inconvenience that its Kings established so many fairs_. _Vide_ “Extracts
translated from New Hist. of France,” 1769, i. 65.
There seem to have been three grades of fairs.—1. _Free fairs_, to which
all might come without restriction of toll or other limitation. 2. Fairs
having their franchises restricted by some local right or usage. 3.
Common fairs, without any special franchises whatever. I shall mainly
confine myself to a notice of those falling under the first of these
definitions—free fairs.
CHAMPAGNE AND BRIE.
I may speak of the fairs of these provinces collectively. They were not
only amongst the most celebrated of France or of Europe, but possess the
charm of great antiquity. They are believed to have been founded by the
earls of those provinces. Sidonius Apollinaris alludes to them, in the
fifth century. They were held in seventeen of the chief cities—some of
which had as many as six yearly, others four, none less than two.
I have already given (in the first chapter in this book) some account
of the commercial importance of these fairs in Europe, and need not
re-traverse that ground. They have a great interest from an English point
of view for reasons which will presently appear.
These districts were not indeed provinces of France at the early date
above named. They only became so in 1284, and so far from their fairs
gaining any additional lustre by the annexation, the very reverse appears
to have been the fact. The domination of the crown of France spread awe
instead of confidence into the minds of their wealthy traders!
The truth I suspect to be that charges and restrictions previously
unknown were imposed. This view indeed finds direct support in the fact
that in 1349 Philip de Valois granted letters patent confirming ancient
franchises, and suppressing the new impositions. By means of this
document we learn precisely what the ancient privileges were. The patent
consisted of thirty-six articles, but the more material may be grouped
under five heads, viz.:
1. _The Franchises._—All foreign dealers their factors and agents to
have free liberty under the Royal protection, to resort to these fairs
with their goods, provided however that these same goods were designed
to be sold or exchanged there; or failing this were to be removed within
the appointed time for the duration of the fair. They were exempted
from all dues, impositions, &c., according to the good and ancient
usages, customs, and liberties of the said fairs. No favours or letters
of respite might be granted against the said dealers, or the customs
and liberties of the said fairs—all such, if obtained, being null. No
dealers resorting to or returning from, should be stopped or molested,
without special warrant from the wardens of the conservation, and for
obligations made truly and really in the fair.
2. _Wardens of the Privileges._—These were judges appointed during the
fair, to see that the franchises were preserved, and to take cognizance
of contests that might arise between traders there. Every fair was to
have two wardens, one chancellor to keep the seal, two lieutenants, forty
notaries, and 100 serjeants. The wardens and chancellors were sworn in
the Chamber of Accounts, Paris, _where they were yearly to make their
report of the state of the fairs_. No judgment might be given during the
fair but by the two wardens, or when one was unavoidably absent, by one
warden and the chancellor.
3. _How goods were to be brought within the franchise._—The drapers and
traders of the seventeen cities of Champagne and Brie frequenting the
fairs—that is to say those of the cities in which one of these seventeen
fairs was held—might not sell their cloths or other stuffs, wholesale
or retail, within or without the kingdom, _unless first sent to one of
the fairs and exposed for sale from the first day appointed for the sale
of cloth until the sixth following_, on pain of forfeiture; they being,
however, at liberty to dispose of them as they pleased, if not sold in
that time.
Farmers, curriers, &c., must bring their leather to the fair, and expose
it all together from the first of the three days, without reserving any
for the last days, _or selling in any other place than that designed for
the sale of leather_.
Horse-dealers, both subjects and foreigners, must have their stables in
the said fairs from the third day of the cloths (_i.e._ fixed for the
sale of cloth) until the fair ended.
In like manner all other wares brought into the fair were to remain on
sale, some for six days, others for three days only, according to their
nature and quality.
4. _Inspections._—These were of two kinds, one by the wardens
conservators, and the other by examiners chosen out of the trading
companies frequenting the fair. The wardens’ inspection was at the
opening of every fair, to see that the dealers had all suitable
convenience and security—the inspectors being properly qualified judges
of the character of the goods brought, with authority to stop and seize
all that were of inferior quality; but this not without appeal to six,
five, or four persons experienced in the particular trade.
5. _Payments, Bonds, and Exchanges._—All tradesmen, alike French and
foreigners, might agree in their contracts for payment of goods sold in
the fair—to be paid in gold and silver current at the time of making the
contract, notwithstanding any ordinance concerning money to the contrary.
Interest for loans, and goods sold on credit at fairs, might not exceed
fifteen per cent. The interest might not be added to the principal in
renewing bonds made at fairs. Nor might bonds made at any other time run
in the style of those used at fairs, as if made there.
All letters, acts, contracts, &c., relating to fairs, to be null _unless
under the authenticated seal of the fairs_. None unless he had actual
residence in fairs might use the seal or other obligations, or enjoy the
privileges thereof.
The re-establishment of these privileges—many of which were obviously
made in the interest of merchants attending to buy—had the effect of
restoring the fairs of these provinces to their former greatness. Again
multitudes of traders came from Germany, Italy (particularly from
Florence), Lucca, Venice, and Genoa, with gold, silver, and silk stuffs,
spices and other goods of their country, or of the Levant, taking in
exchange cloths, leather and other commodities, not only the produce of
the provinces, but brought from other parts of France.
I speak of the fair of _Troyes_ separately hereafter, on account of one
of its distinguishing features.
Mr. Morley has pointed out that before the establishment of free fairs
in France, the rights of _salutaticum_, _pontaticum_, _repaticum_, and
_portulaticum_, absorbed one half of a foreign merchant’s goods upon
their first arrival and debarkation. Afterwards traders came exempt not
only from imperial taxation, but from many of the ordinary risks of
travel.
One great element of interest in these fairs centres in the circumstance
of the following correspondence between the Wardens of the fair and the
Lord Mayor of London concerning dealings in these fairs in the thirteenth
century. They have been carefully preserved amongst the records of the
City for six centuries—and now for the first time gain the glory of
printer’s ink. They reveal a feature in the comity of nations; and
present a proof of the cosmopolitan interests of commerce which can
scarcely be excelled. Hence I propose to give them entire:
1. _Letter directed to the Mayor by the Keepers of the Fairs of Champagne
and Brie, dated September 1299._
To the venerable man, the provident, wise and discreet Warden
of London, or to his vicegerent, Peter de Fremeville, knight,
and Robert de Champagne (_de Campaniis_), keepers of the fairs
of Champagne and Brie for our most illustrious Lord the King
of the French, increase of all good with greeting and sincere
affection. Whereas heretofore, by our letters patent sealed
with the seal of the fairs of Champagne, we have entreated you
to compel, or cause to be compelled, the burgess Fauberti, a
citizen of Florence and horse-dealer (_mercatorem equorum_),
together with Guido Fauberti, Nutus (or Nuto) Fauberti,
brothers of the said burgess, Master Gerald de Galaiòn
physician, [and] James son of the said Nutus, associates of
the said burgess, by the sale of their goods and the seizure
of their bodies, sending them back to us, to yield and pay
to Pucheus de Pré (_de Prato_), formerly horse-dealer in the
said fairs, Martin de Burgo novo, brother of John de Burgo now
deceased formerly horse-dealer, and John de Burgo novo, nephew
of the said John deceased and of Martin aforesaid, or to the
bearer of our said letters for them, one thousand six hundred
petits livres Tournois with sufficient damages and expenses;
and to satisfy us concerning the said King’s amends for default
of the fairs. In which sum of money they are held effectually
bounden, and every of them in the whole, for the body of the
fairs of Bani (_Bari_) _super Albam_ from the year of Our Lord
1292, as well by reason and because of certain pledges made
and committed in and upon the body of the said fairs, as by
reason and because of the restitution of more sureties and
more costs and damages, which by default of the said burgess
and his associates before mentioned in and upon the body of
the said fairs they had and were said to have incurred: as in
certain open letters of definitive sentence sealed with the
seal of the said fairs is said to be contained. Upon which
things Tolnetus [elsewhere Nicholas] called Concesse, our
sworn servant in the said fairs, by word of mouth related to
us that he in the year of Our Lord 1293 presented to you our
aforesaid letters (as he says), which deprecatory letters of
ours directed to you if forsooth you received, yet you willed
not to demand due execution of the same, or to write back
any answer to us, although at the end it was duly contained
that what you should do therein, you would will and deign by
your letters to write back, and although in presence of many
trustworthy persons you were so requested by our said servant;
on the ground that war was begun and raised between the most
excellent princes, the King of France and King of England: as
our said sworn servant on oath has related all these things
to be true, whereat we most greatly marvel, if it is so and
we hold ourselves not contemned, since this is to the no mean
damage and grievance of the said creditors, and prejudice and
contempt of the government of the said fairs committed unto
us, because on account of the war aforesaid you were by no
means bound to keep back our said letters deprecatory demanding
due execution. Wherefore as much as we can with diligence on
behalf of our most excellent lord, John by the grace of God,
King of France and Navarre, Lord of Champagne and Brie, and
on our part, by the tenor of these presents, we move your
providence to be entreated, that you do cause all the goods
of the aforesaid burgess Fauberti and his associates before
named and of the said company to be solemnly proclaimed for
sale, and to be sold and divided without delay to the uses and
customs of fairs, or so much of them that out of the price of
the sale the said creditors (or, for them, the bearer of these
presents) as to the aforesaid sum of money with sufficient
damages and expenses, and we, as to the amends of our said lord
the King, be wholly satisfied; and that the body of the said
burgess Fauberti together with the bodies of his associates
aforenamed—if they can be found in your jurisdiction, and if
the sale of goods does not suffice for the premises—you do
send back to us to the fairs in sure and faithful custody to
pay among them the charges of the creditors, and to clear
themselves before us in this matter as to the uses and customs
beforesaid. If, however, you wish to put forward any thing
contrary to the report of our said servant, and believe your
own interests to be concerned, be present in person before
us, or, for yourself, send at a fitting day which the bearer
of these presents shall cause to be named to you, to say what
shall seem to you expedient. Otherwise, we shall then hold
the said report to be fast and firm, you doing thereupon, on
account of the reverence and honour due to our aforesaid lord
the King and the intervention of our prayers, because we are
bounden to you and yours in all manner of favours deserved,
such and so much as you would wish us to do for you in the like
or a greater case. What you shall do herein, have a care to
signify to us by the bearer of these presents in your letters
patent together with the present letters demanding execution
sent back, notwithstanding that they shall not be presented
to you by the servant of the fairs. Given in the year of Our
Lord one thousand two hundred and ninety-nine in the month of
September.
J. DE SANCTO NABORE.
2. _Letter sent to the Keepers of the Fairs of Champagne and Brie, dated
March 19, 1299-1300._
To the noble men and discreet lords Peter de Fremeville knight
and Robert de Champagne keepers of the fairs of Champagne and
Brie for the lord the King of France, Elias Russel, Mayor, and
the Citizens of London, Greeting and continual increase of
sincere affection. Whereas you lately wrote unto us that we
should compel the burgess Fauberti &c. [named as before] as
well by sale of their goods as by seizure of their bodies and
also sending them to you, to render to Pucheus de Pré formerly
horse-dealer, Martin de Burgo novo and other creditors in your
letters comprised, or to the bearer of your said letters, 1,600
petit livres Tournois together with damages and expenses, and
also the amends of the Lord the King for default of fairs;
in which sum of money the aforesaid dealers (_mercatores_),
and every of them in the whole, are bound by their letters
made in the fairs of Bari _super Albam_, by reason of divers
contracts between them before had from the year of Our Lord
1292, as in your letters thereupon to us directed more fully
is contained: We willing, so far as the laws and customs of
England permit, by mutual interchange to comply with your
prayers, have caused to come before us, in the presence of
John de Flekers your servant and bearer of the presents, the
aforesaid burgess and Nutus, dealers, to answer to your said
servant concerning the said debt according to the form of
your letters, which said dealers asserted that they are quit
of all the aforesaid, because of them all they sufficiently
satisfied the said creditors, and therein proffered a letter of
Gencian de Paris, baker (_panetarii_) of the King of France,
and Robert de Champagne, keepers of the fairs of Champagne
and Brie sealed with the seal of the fairs of Champagne, in
which it is contained that the said burgess, for himself, his
brothers, and associates, in the fairs of Bari super Albam in
the year of Our Lord 1293, appeared in person before the said
keepers, and spoke with the said Pucheus and compounded with
him under such form that the said Pucheus held himself as paid
by the said burgess, his brothers and associates abovesaid,
by reason of the said composition, as the said Pucheus before
the said keepers acknowledged and wholly assented to the said
composition for himself and his associates. And because by the
letters aforesaid it appeared that the said burgess and his
associates by the said composition are totally quit of the debt
aforesaid, we could not by your mandate lawfully compel them
to pay the said money. Given at London on Saturday next before
Mid-Lent in the year of Our Lord 1299.
3. _Second letter_ [of the Keepers] _of the Fairs of Champagne and Brie
for the burgess Fuberti to the Lord Mayor, dated May 1300._
To the provident men, the venerable and honorable Mayor and
Citizens of London, or their vicegerents, or one of them,
Peter de Fremville, knight, and Robert de Champagne, keepers
of the fairs of Champagne and Brie, continual increase of
sincere affection with greeting. Whereas we, by our letters
patent sealed with the seal of the said fairs, have many times
(_pluries_) prayed and requested you to compel and cause to
be compelled the burgess Fouberti, citizen of Florence and
horse-dealer by seizure of his body and goods, and also by the
sale of the goods of Guido Fouberti &c. [as before], to satisfy
Pucheus de Pré formerly in the said fairs horse-dealer, Martin
&c. [as before], on and of the sum (that is to say) of 1060
[for 1600] petits livres Tournois with moderate damages and
costs, in which sum of money the said burgess Fouberti together
with his associates aforesaid is held bound to the beforenamed
Pucheus, Martin and John, as debtor, concerning the body of
the past fairs of Barri _super Albam_ in the year of Our Lord
1293, as well by reason and because of certain pledges made
and committed in and upon the body of the abovesaid fairs, as
by reason and because of the restitution of more sureties and
more costs and damages which by default of the said burgess
and his associates beforementioned in and upon the body of
the said fairs they had and were said to have incurred, as in
certain letters of definitive sentence sealed with the seal of
the fairs of Champagne is said to be contained: upon which,
first, you would make no answer to us, or for our said letters
deprecatory demand any execution, as Nicholas called Concesse
our sworn servant, bearer of our said letters (as he said),
reported to us on oath by word of mouth; but upon the tenor of
our second letters which you caused to be detained with you—as
John de Flichers our sworn servant, bearer of the same (as
he says) related to us with his own mouth—upon these things
with certain closed letters you wrote back, that you caused to
come before you in presence of the said John de Flichers the
aforesaid burgess and Nutus, dealers, according to the form of
our letters to answer to our said servant concerning the said
debt. Which said dealers asserted they were quit of all the
abovesaid, because of all these they duly satisfied the said
creditors &c. [reciting what was said in the last]. By the
course of these presents we thus hereupon notify to you that
the said sum of money has not yet been in any way satisfied,
as Dignus de Pré, son and heir (as it is said) of Pucheus
deceased, has given us to understand. And assuredly, moreover,
as soon as the said burgess on account of the things aforesaid
appeared before you, and alleged the things contained in your
answer, you ought to have taken into your hand his goods and
those of his said associates, and to have fixed a certain and
fit day for him before you, as in our letters abovesaid was
contained; for the cognizance of what relates to fairs belongs
to no judge, but to us only by reason of the government of
fairs committed unto us. Wherefore, on the part of our lord
the King of France and on our own part, we again ask your
providences to cause without delay so much of the goods of
the said burgess and his associates aforesaid to be taken,
sold, and divided to the uses and customs of fairs that the
aforesaid Dignus de Pré may be fully satisfied of the whole sum
of money aforesaid with damages and expenses, and we, of the
amends; and the body of the said burgess, is the sale shall not
suffice for the costs of the said complainant, left on account
of your default _it behove us to inhibit the land and fairs
of Champagne and Brie to all your subjects and their goods_.
What you shall do herein, have a care to signify to us in your
letters patent by the bearer of these presents, sending back
the present letters together with our other letters aforesaid
detained with you, as has been said. Given in the year of Our
Lord 1300 in the month of May. J. de Sancto Nabore.
I have placed a passage in italics, as indicating the fact that the
merchants of London attended these fairs.
4. _Letter from the Lord Mayor of London in answer directed to the
Keepers of the Fairs of Champagne_ [and Brie] _dated 20 Aug. 1300._
To the discreet and honourable men, if it please their most
dear friends, the lords Peter de Fremville, knight, and Robert
de Champagne, Wardens of the fairs of Champagne and Brie for
the illustrious King of France, Elias Russel, Mayor of London,
and the Citizens of the same City, Greeting and continual
increase of sincere affection with health. Whereas heretofore
you wrote to us that we should compel the burgess Fuberti,
Citizen of Florence, horse-dealer &c. [naming the others as
before], as well by sale of their goods as by the seizing of
their bodies and sending them to you, to render to Pucheus de
Pré, formerly horse-dealer, Martin de Burgo novo, and other
creditors in your said letters comprised, or to the bearer
of the said letters, 1600 petits livres Tournois together
with damages and expenses, and also amends of the Lord the
King for default of the fairs; in which sum of money the said
burgess and his associates, by their letters made in your fairs
beforesaid, are bound by reasons of divers contracts between
them had belonging to the year of Our Lord 1293; as in your
letters thereupon to us directed more fully is contained: We,
as much as in us lies, and as the customs and rights of the
Realm of England permit us to do, willing to comply altogether
with your prayers and requests, have made to come before us,
in the presence of your servant the bearer of the presents,
the said burgess and Nutus whom we found in our jurisdiction.
Nevertheless we sequestered their goods in the presence of
your servant putting upon them concerning the said debt, as
is contained in your letters aforesaid. And your letters
being heard and understood, the said traders (_mercatores_)
asserted that they are not bound of right to answer to your
said letters, because in your letters secondly to us directed
(as you assert) it was contained that the said burgess and his
associates before you in your fairs in the year of Our Lord
1292 bound themselves, upon which obligation they proffered
a certain letter of satisfaction of the said debt, sealed
with the seal of the fairs of Champagne and Brie. In which
said letter it was contained that the said burgess before
you compounded with the said Pucheus, to which composition
he the said Pucheus assented; and in these your letters now
to us directed it is contained that the said burgess and his
associates in the year of Our Lord 1293 bound themselves before
you in your fairs: at which writing we marvel. Moreover, at the
time in which your said letters were directed unto us, our lord
the illustrious King of England was in his war of Scotland with
whom at present we have not been able to consult, nor are the
said burgess and his associates of the liberty of our City of
London: on which account, without the special mandate of our
Lord the King of England we dared not move a hand toward the
seizing of their bodies, or send the said burgess and others
out of the Realm of England. Therefore we request and earnestly
entreat your lordships that at present in this charge you will
hold us excused from the actions abovesaid, and deign to write
to our Lord the illustrious King of England upon the aforesaid
debts and requests; and those things which shall be commanded
us for the advantage of the said creditors, and for your good
pleasure, we will dispatch without delay, and to the utmost
of our power. Farewell in Him who is the salvation of all
men. Given at London on Saturday next after the feast of the
Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary in the year of Our Lord
1300.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
CHAPTER XX.
OTHER FAIRS OF FRANCE.
I have now to notice some of the other great fairs of France. And here
it has to be remarked that while the later sovereigns—certainly down to
Louis XV.—adopted the regulations already reviewed, for their model in
the government of fairs, yet that there were some necessary deviations,
according as time, place, and other circumstances demanded. The chief of
these deviations will be noted in the following summary, wherein I review
the provincial fairs first, and afterwards those in and around Paris.
Postlethwayt, in his “Dictionary of Trade,” from which some of the
preceding and following details are drawn, remarks, not with entire
clearness: “Though it be not essential to these meetings of traders
to have comedians, rope-dancers, and the like, yet there are few
considerable ones without enough of them; and, perhaps, is what greatly
contributes to the trade of them—the nobility and country gentry greatly
flocking to them, more for their diversion than what they buy there,
which might be had, perhaps, better and cheaper at home. It is well known
how the nobility of Languedoc flock to the fair of Beaucaire, and those
of Normandy to that of Guibray; but it is nothing in comparison to the
assembly of German princes and nobles at the three fairs of Leipzic, and
the two of Frankfort-on-the-Main.” He was writing in the first half of
the last century. Things are now much changed.
BEAUCAIRE (in Languedoc).—An important town, whose manufactures consist
of silks, red wines, taffetas, olive oil, and pottery. But its trade is
chiefly due to its great fair, held annually between 1st and 28th July,
the site extending from the Rhône to the base of the Castle Rock. This
fair was established in 1217 by Raymond VI., Count of Toulouse, and was
for many ages attended by merchants and manufacturers from all countries
in Europe, and even from Persia and Armenia. Arthur Young visited it in
1788, and records (“Travels in France”) that the business transacted at
it reached 10 million livres—£439,000. So late as 1833 it drew together
60,000 persons, and the amount of its transactions were stated to be 150
millions of francs—£6,000,000! This would appear to be an over-estimate.
I believe the fair now only lasts one week, namely from 22nd to 28th July
inclusive. It is a rule that all bills must be presented on the 27th, and
protested if necessary on 28th—last day of the fair. The trade in linen
and cloth is very large.
BESANÇON.—This ancient city, a great centre of warfare and of trade from
the days of the Cæsars, had once a fair of great celebrity. At a later
period it was chiefly notable for carrying on the business of exchange.
This business had been perfected at the fairs of Lyons, from whence it
passed here. On the first day of the fair the merchants of a certain
standing announced the terms on which they were willing to exchange with
different countries, and on the second day an authoritative declaration
was made of the fair terms of exchange with any foreign country. For
this purpose, with the constant fluctuations in all actual coinage, it
was necessary to have a unit which should be common to all lands, and
free from the possibility of depreciation. Hence everything was reckoned
by means of an imaginary unit—_scutus marcharum_, or money of account:
so that the form which the business took was not that of buying bills,
but of exchanging these fictitious coins, made realizable in one town,
for quantities of actual coinage of another country, according to the
authoritatively declared rate, which took account of the difficulty of
transport, and of various risks. A scutus marcharum was worth in Genoa
67⅓ soldi of the actual coinage of the place. The question to be settled
was what, at this time, shall be paid in Piacenza for a scutus marcharum
in Genoa? This was the fair rate of exchange, and the announcement of
it was intended to exclude the operations of private speculators (in
which it was not entirely successful), and to secure a division of
the advantage among each of the parties transacting business. _Vide_
Cunningham’s “English Industry and Commerce,” 1882, p. 278.
BORDEAUX.—This city has or had two fairs annually—one commencing on the
1st March, the other on the 15th October; they each continued fifteen
days. The October fair was generally the more considerable.
The chief commodities disposed of were wines and brandies, and it was no
unusual sight to see several hundreds of vessels beyond the usual average
number in the port, some of these being of unusually large tonnage.
The fairs had the same privileges with those of Champagne, Lyons, Paris,
and Poictou. The consular judges performed the office of conservators,
with the same jurisdiction as those of Lyons.
CAEN (Normandy).—This free fair was once very famous. It begins the
day after Low Sunday, and lasts fifteen days, of which the first eight
were designated the “great week,” the other portion the lesser, because
formerly the franchises lasted only the first eight; and because the
concourse of strangers was much greater during the early week of the fair.
The merchants dealt in merchandise of all kind, but woollen manufactures
were the great speciality. The shops in which the dealers expose their
goods here are designated “Lodges.” A considerable number of horses and
of cattle were brought to it from the provinces of Normandy. This fair
was regarded as next in importance to that of Guibray.
It seems that in 1433 there was an attempt to despoil this fair,
by an attack of 700 horsemen, of which I find the following brief
record:—“Whereupon they sent the Lord Ambrose de Lore, with vii. c.
horsemen, to robbe and spoyle the poore people, commynge to the faier, on
the daye of Sainct Michaell the Archangell, kepte in the Suberbes of the
toune of Caen.”—_Hall_, Hen. VI. ann. ii.
During the year several smaller and ordinary fairs are held for the sale
of horses, cattle, butter, and poultry.
DIEPPE.—This is a free fair of comparatively modern date, said to be the
last authorized in France, having been founded by letters patent in 1696.
It was first opened on 1st December that year. It continues for fifteen
days. All foreigners are at liberty freely to trade here, and goods
declared to be for the fair are not liable to seizure while the fair
lasts; nor were they liable to inspection by the wardens—a relaxation of
practice apparently not quite in the interest of the buyers.
Its franchises and privileges are, that all goods brought into the port
of Dieppe during the fair, and there sold or bartered, are exempt from
one moiety of duties inwards and outwards. And merchandise imported and
not sold during the fair may be carried out free of customs.
GUIBRAY (Lower Normandy).—A fair of very considerable importance, lasting
from 10th to 25th August, was held here. Arthur Young, of agricultural
fame, describes in his “Travels in France” (1788), a visit to it on 22nd
August, and records as follows: “At this fair of Guibray merchandise is
sold, they say, to the amount of six millions (£260,500) ... I found the
quantity of English goods considerable, hard and queen’s ware; cloth
and cottons. A doz. of common plain knives, 3 livres; and 4 livres for
a French imitation, but much worse.” It was a feature of this fair that
the resident gentry for long distances around came here to make their
purchases.
LYONS.—It has been supposed that the ancient fairs of this city were
founded on a special privilege granted by the Roman conquerors. They are
four in number—the first is that of the _Epiphany_, which always begins
in January, the Monday after the twelfth day; the second is _Easter_
fair, beginning on _St. Nisier’s_ day in April; the third in August,
which begins on _St. Dominick’s_ day in that month; and the fourth is the
fair of _All Saints_, beginning on St. Hubert’s day, in November. The
situation of this city, at the confluence of the Saône and the Rhône,
render it unrivalled for the facilities of water carriage through some of
the richest parts of France.
These fairs were of the highest mercantile repute, and at a very early
period bills of exchange were brought into requisition in the adjustment
of the accounts for merchandise purchased there. It seems also that bills
resulting from commercial dealings in many other parts of Europe were
made payable at the Lyons fairs.
Fixed days for payment followed each fair. The ceremonies attending these
days were as follows: The chief magistrate came to the lodge of the
Exchange, accompanied by his registrar and six syndics, viz., two French,
two Italian, and two Swiss or Germans; and there, after a short discourse
to the assistants, recommending probity in trade, and observance of the
laws, customs, and usages of the place, the laws, customs, and usages
were read _in extenso_; and the clerk drew up a process verbal of the
opening of the “payment.” The next day they met at the City-hall, and by
plurality of voices _settle the course of exchange for all cities with
which Lyons had any commercial correspondence_. This custom prevailed for
some centuries; and even when the strict regulations here described were
frequently departed from, the regulations were capable of being enforced
on appeal.
When bills were drawn to be paid at one of these appointed times at
Lyons, which had not then begun, the drawer said “pay this my first of
Exchange, &c., in the next Epiphany (or other) payment;” but if the
payment had already begun, the bill had to be drawn payable “in this
current or present payment of Epiphany” (or other term). The bills so
drawn were to be accepted in the first six days of the payment they were
made payable in; and the person on whom they were drawn was not obliged
to declare whether he would or not accept until the sixth day. But after
that day the bearer might protest them for non-acceptance, though he
might detain them during the whole time of that “payment,” to see whether
any one offered to discharge them. The protest, however, was immediately
forwarded to the remitters; and if any one paid a bill in the time of
the payment before the sixth day (or that being a feast day, the day
following) it was at his own risk.
The bearers of bills not satisfied by the last day of any “payment” were
to protest them on the third day after the payment finished, otherwise
they lost their right as against the drawers; but if this were done in
form, and in the time prescribed, the holder might afterwards refuse
payment from any one that offered it, and take his reimbursement upon the
drawer, alike for principal and charges. And the said holders of bills
were obliged to take their reimbursement on the drawers or indorsers in
a time limited, viz., for all bills drawn from any part of _France_, in
two months; those which were from _Italy_, _Switzerland_, _Germany_,
_Holland_, _Flanders_, and _England_, in three months; and those which
were drawn from _Spain_, _Portugal_, _Poland_, _Sweden_, and _Denmark_,
in six months, to be counted from the date of the protest; or in default
thereof they lost their rights against the drawers and indorsers. See
_Besançon_.
The general reader must pardon these details, which are of commercial
significance. It was customary at an early period to make the bills drawn
from Amsterdam and elsewhere on the “payment” of Lyons, in “golden crowns
of the sun;” but when this specie became decried in France, the usage of
exchange came to be to draw for the payment of Lyons (as was practised in
France generally), viz., in crowns of sixty sous, equal to the present
English half-crown. These practices may be compared with the usages of
Nuremburg, Frankfort, and Leipzig fairs.
The franchises of the fairs of Lyons in the early half of the last
century had this special feature: that all goods intended for foreign
countries, sent out of this city during the fifteen days of either fair,
paid no customs outwards, provided the bales and parcels were marked with
the city arms, and had certificates of franchise properly made out. To
enjoy this privilege the merchandise had to be sent out of the kingdom
before the first day of the following fair, unless special permission for
delay had been obtained.
There is reason to believe that a considerable trade in books was
transacted at these fairs during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
These fairs have a great history, which cannot be followed up here, and
there is the less need to make the attempt because the inquiry is already
in competent hands, those of Mr. Chancellor Christie, of Darley House,
Matlock. The authorities which may be consulted are the following:—
1. “Ordonnances et priviléges des Foires de Lyon, et leur antiquité avec
celle de Brie et Champagne et la confirmation d’ialles par sept roys de
France.” Printed at Lyons in 1560, and subsequently.
2. “Cat. de la Bib. Lyonnaise a M. Costa redige par Aime Vingtrisme.”
(Lyon, Brun, 1853.) Pp. 458-61. Nos. 10,353-10,415.
3. A Memoir addressed to Charles VIII. in 1485, and presented by M.
Pericaud ainé in his privately printed “Notes et documents pour servir a
l’histoire de Lyon, 1483-1546” (Lyons, 1840).
4. In the “Proces de Bandiction de la Maison Neuve Accusé d’heresia à
Lyon 1534,” printed by Fick, Geneva, in 1873.
MONTRICHARD (in Touraine).—This fair was famous for the great concourse
of traders to it from all the provinces of the kingdom; but particularly
for the great trade in woollen stuffs, amounting on an average to some
12,000 pieces at each fair.
RHEIMS.—This city had formerly four fairs; it has now two only, May and
October—the great fair on St. Remigius’ day. These were all free fairs,
two of the original fairs lasting eight days, the others but three days.
Their franchises were mainly the same as those of Champagne. A very large
commerce was in early times transacted at these.
ROUEN.—This ancient trading city had two fairs; the one called Candlemas
fair, beginning on the 3rd February, and the other called Pentecost
fair, opening the day after the festival. They each continued fifteen
days, and were much frequented by foreigners, particularly the Dutch,
British (English and Scotch), and those of other northern nations;
its advantageous position for trade, by reason of facilities of water
carriage, offering great inducements to the concourse of foreign traders.
Goods sold and exchanged at these fairs, and carried out of the city
during the fifteen days, paid but half dues outwards.
TOULON.—This town—the Plymouth of France—has a fair, not designated
“free,” which commences on 3rd November, and continues “fifteen working
days.” Its franchises, granted in 1708, were that no goods while it lasts
are subject to any duties; and all traders, alike French and foreigners,
enjoy the franchises and liberties granted to the fairs of Lyons, Brie,
Champagne, Rouen, and other cities. These underwent some modifications
in the following year, at the instance of the farmers-general of the
revenues of France.
TROYES.—This town (one of the cities in Champagne) was noted in the
middle ages for its great fairs, of which there were two—one being fixed
to the Monday after the Second Sunday in Lent; the other commencing on
1st September. Philip of Valois granted the privileges of these fairs.
A lasting record of the importance of the dealings thereat is handed
down to us in the form of “Troy (Troyes) weight,” used in connection with
dealings in the precious metals. It is said that this system of weights
was brought from Cairo by the crusaders, and was first and permanently
adopted as the standard of weight in the dealings of the fairs of Troyes.
Hence it may be inferred that the trading was largely in the precious
metals, in spices, and in drugs.[9]
Goods sold at these fairs were exempted from all customs outwards, local
dues excepted, under certain restrictions.
It is recorded especially of these fairs, that they had a staff of
notaries for the attestation of bargains, courts of justice, police
officers, sergeants for the execution of the market judges’ decrees,
and visitors—the _prud’hommes_—whose duty it was to examine the quality
of goods exposed for sale, and to confiscate those found unfit for
consumption. The confiscation required the consent of five or six
representatives of the merchant community at the fair.
Sismondi, in his “History of the Italian Republics,” writing of the
events of the thirteenth century, says:
The Tuscan and Lombard merchants however trafficked in the barbarous
regions of the West, to carry there the produce of their industry.
Attracted by the franchises of the Fairs of _Champagne_ and of _Lyons_,
they went thither, as well to barter their goods _as to lend their
capital at interest to the nobles, habitually loaded with debt_; though
at the risk of finding themselves suddenly arrested, their wealth
confiscated by order of the King of France, and their lives too sometimes
endangered by sanctioned robbers, under the pretext of repressing usury.
Industry, the employment of a superabundant capital, the application of
mechanism and science to the production of wealth, secured the Italians
a sort of monopoly through Europe: they alone offered for sale what all
the rich desired to buy; and notwithstanding the various oppressions of
the barbarian kings, notwithstanding the losses occasioned by their own
oft-repeated revolutions, their wealth was rapidly renewed.
_Inspectors of Fairs._—In the course of the preceding notices of
the chief fairs of France various references have been made to the
inspection of goods, as forming part of the regulations of such fairs.
These inspectors were appointed by the state. It was their business to
attend at all fairs where there was any considerable trade in woollen
and other textile fabrics; to inspect and mark them; and if deficient
or not conformable to the authorized regulations, to seize them. Such
examination it is obvious required to be made with great circumspection
and reserve, and at hours suited to the convenience alike of buyers and
sellers. The inspectors were usually accompanied, in the performance
of their duties, by the judge of the police of manufactures, and the
wardens and jurats of trades in the respective places.
Some free fairs had their own judges and particular jurisdiction.
An examination of M. Bottin’s “View of the Fairs of France” goes to
show that they took place mostly on the frontiers of the kingdom, or on
the marches of ancient provinces; or at the foot of high mountains, or
at the beginning or end of the snow season, which for months shuts up
the inhabitants in their valleys; or in the neighbourhood of the famous
cathedrals or churches frequented by flocks of pilgrims; or in the middle
of rich pasture tracks. But there are some marked exceptions to these
rules.
The establishment and abolition of fairs—with the exception of cattle
markets and the markets of the metropolis—are now generally left to the
discretion of the departmental prefects.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
CHAPTER XXI.
THE FAIRS OF PARIS.
The City of Paris had fairs in great variety, some of which I now proceed
to notice.
_St. Denis_ or _Lendit Fair_.—One of the earliest, perhaps the first,
was the mercantile fair of St. Denis, chartered early in the seventh
century by Dagobert “in honour of the Lord and to the glory of St. Denys
at his festival.” This fair, by reason of the privileges granted, became
known under the name of the _forum idictum_—whence _l’indict_, and its
corruption to _landit_ and _lendit_. To it came the iron and lead of the
Saxons, the slaves of the northern nations, the jewellery and perfumes
of the Jews, the oil, wine and fat of Provence and Spain, the honey and
madder of Neustria and Brittany, the merchandise of Egypt and the East.
The fair, which lasted ten days from the 10th of October, was opened by
a procession of monks from the Abbey of St. Denis; and in later times
it was usual for the Parliament of Paris to allow itself a holiday,
called Landi, in order that its members might take part in the great
marriage-feast of commerce and religion: just as the English Parliament
usually finds relaxation in horse-flesh and mammon on the “Derby day” at
Epsom!
English merchants frequented this fair in the ninth century, _vide_
Cunningham’s “English Industry and Commerce,” 1882, p. 82.
But St. Denis had another fair, at one time famous, to which tradition
has accorded the following origin. The Paris Cathedral received from
Constantinople, in 1109, some fragments of the cross, regarded as
authentic. The populace could not find room in the church where they
were deposited in any one day; hence the bishop carried them in great
pomp to the plain of St. Denis, where there was room enough for the vast
concourse of worshippers who assembled to contemplate and adore. This
ceremony and procession were renewed at stated periods. The schools of
the cloister of Notre Dame had early taken part in the processions; and
finally the students of the University of Paris claimed it as a patron
festival, which it certainly was not.
In process of time a mart or fair became established on the recurrence
of this Church festival. The ground was regarded as consecrated for
the purpose. On each 12th of June (the day after the festival of St.
Barnabas) the procession took place. It was at a later period called the
“Feast of the Parchment.”
Early in the morning of the day of procession, the students, attired in
their best, assembled on horseback at the top of Mount St. Geneviève,
to accompany the Rector of the University, who, arrayed in his scarlet
cloak, and wearing his doctor’s cap, proceeded on a mule or hackney,
accompanied by the deans, proctors and myrmidons, to the plain of St.
Denis, where the market for the sale of parchment was already opened. The
rector upon reaching the fair caused to be put aside as much parchment
as would be required by the University for the coming year, and received
from the sellers a donation equivalent to £100 of the present day. This I
assume was the toll paid for the right of holding the fair.
After this the students alighted from their horses, and instead of
forming part of the procession back to Paris, amused themselves at
the fair. This invariably led to riot and disorder, and not a year
passed without blood being spilt. Thus from the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries the decrees of parliament against the carrying of arms or
sticks, which were continually being renewed and always neglected,
testify to the gravity of the evil, and to the difficulties of putting an
end to it.
At last, in 1566, the fair was transferred from the plain to the town
of St. Denis, and at about the same period paper began to supersede
parchment even for public documents. The rector, therefore, ceased
getting a supply of parchment at the fair, and the students having no
further pretext for attending, it speedily fell into disuse. By the
beginning of the seventeenth century the only vestige of it left was
the general holiday which the rector granted to the students of the
University upon the first Monday after the feast of St. Barnabas, _vide_
Lecroix’s “Science and Literature in the Middle Ages,” pp. 34-36.
_St. Germain._—This fair was held in a large permanent building specially
provided, constituting something like twin market halls, elegantly
constructed of timber, and long regarded as models of construction. The
two halls embraced nine streets in line intersecting each other and
divided into twenty-four sections or aisles; the shops having little
rooms or store-houses over them, and behind some of them were open
spaces, with wells—regarded as of importance in case of fire, although
not proving of much avail when the event occurred. The streets were
distinguished by the names of the different trades conducted in them—as
Goldsmiths’ Street, Mercers’ Street, &c.
The fair was opened the day after Candlemas Day. It was greatly
frequented by traders from Amiens, Beaumont, Rheims, Orleans, and
Nugent, with various sorts of cloth and textile fabrics. The goldsmiths,
jewellers, and toymen of Paris made a fine display of their wares.
There were brought to this fair, one year with another, some 1,400 bales
of cloth and other woollen stuffs, of which the inspector of manufactures
at the Custom-house, Paris, was required to keep a particular register.
Two inspectors of the fair were required to be present at the opening
of the bales of goods. There was also a further inspection made by the
Masters and Wardens of the Guilds of Drapery and Mercery.
I find a graphic account of this fair in Lister’s “Travels in France,”
1698, which I here transcribe:
We were in Paris at the time of the fair of St. Germain. It lasts six
weeks at least; the place where it is kept, well bespeaks its antiquity;
for it is a very pit or hole, in the middle of the Faubourg, and belongs
to the great abbey of that name. You descend into it on all sides, and in
some places above twelve steps; so that the city is raised above it six
or eight foot.
The building is a very barn, or frame of wood, tiled over; consisting of
many long allies, crossing one another, the floor of the allies unpaved,
and of earth, and as uneven as may be: which makes it very uneasy to walk
in, were it not the vast croud of people which keep you up. But all this
bespeaks its antiquity, and the rudeness of the first ages of Paris,
which is a foil to its politeness in all things else now.
The fair consists of most toy-shops, and Bartholomew-fair ware; also
fiance and pictures, joiner’s work, linen and woollen manufactures; many
of the great ribband shops remove out of the Palais hither; no books;
many shops of confectioners, where the ladies are commodiously treated.
The great rendezvous is at night, after the play and opera are done; and
raffling for all things vendible is the great diversion; no shop wanting
two or three raffling boards. Monsieur, the Dauphin, and other princes
of the blood come at least once in the fair-time to grace it. Here are
also coffee-shops, where that and all sorts of strong liquors ... are
sold.
Knavery here is in perfection as with us; as dexterous cut-purses and
pick-pockets. A pick-pocket came into the fair at night, extremely
well-clad, with four lacqueys with good liveries attending him: he was
caught in the fact, and more swords were drawn in his defence than
against him; but yet he was taken, and delivered into the hands of
justice, which is here sudden and no jest.
I was surprized at the impudence of a booth, which put out the pictures
of some Indian beasts, with hard names; and of four that were painted,
I found but two, and those very ordinary ones, viz. a leopard, and a
racoun. I asked the fellow, why he deceived the people, and whether
he did not fear cudgelling in the end: he answered with a singular
confidence, that it was the painter’s fault; that he had given the racoun
to paint to two masters, but both had mistaken the beast; but however (he
said) though the pictures were not well designed, they did nevertheless
serve to grace the booth and bring him custom.
_St. Laurence_ (or _St. Laurent_).—So called from its situation near
St. Laurence’s Church. It is so ancient that no date can be even
approximately fixed for its origin. Its chief traders were goldsmiths
and mercers, picture-painters, sempstresses, lemonade-sellers, toymen,
earthenware people, gingerbread bakers, &c. &c. To it came people from
Amiens, Beauvais, Rheims, and other places of Picardy and Champagne, with
light fabrics, both plain and striped, and camlets of all sorts.
The fair seems originally to have lasted but one day; but the period
gradually became extended to two months, commencing the day after St.
James’s day and ending at Michaelmas. It was proclaimed by sound of
trumpet.
These two rival fairs had this peculiarity: they were always open as
bazaars. They were not fairs in the usual sense of the term for more
than three months in the year. The St. Germain fair was held in the
winter, and the St. Laurent in the early part of the summer. The former
never recovered its popularity after the fire which destroyed the wooden
constructions used during the fair (1763), though by the erection of
new galleries, more elegant than the old ones, there was added to the
attractions of a fair a dancing-saloon, the Winter Wauxhall, which was
well attended for a time.
The St. Laurent fair was held in the upper part of the faubourg of that
name, was larger and more elaborately decorated than the St. Germain
fair, but it had no Wauxhall, and the only amusements for the frequenters
of its Chinese Redoubt were swings and other foreign games.
_The St. Ovide Fair._—This was established in August, 1764, and was
held in the very centre of Paris, upon the Place Vendôme, then bounded
on one side by the church and convent of the Capucines. It was held
there for some years, and then transferred to the Place Louis XV., where
it did not last long, although it had originally been made fashionable
as the _Gingerbread Fair_. It was at this fair that Nicolet, previous
to establishing his theatre _des grands danseurs du Roi_, displayed
the wonderful strength and agility which gave rise to the proverb “_de
plus fort en plus fort, comme chez Nicolet_.”—Lacroix, “The Eighteenth
Century,” p. 356.
_Onion Fair of Notre Dame._—This fair is held in September, commencing
with the feast of Notre Dame, and continuing till the end of the
month. It is held on the Isle of Notre Dame, along the Quai Bourbon. A
prodigious quantity of black and red onions are brought into the city at
this period, the citizens laying in a stock for the whole year.
_Pork or Bacon Fair._—This “fair for gammons” is held on the Tuesday in
Passion Week in the street of Notre Dame, lasting but the one day only.
There is sold at it immense quantities of hams, flitches of bacon, and
other salted pork. Many amusing articles have been written concerning it.
HORSE AND CATTLE FAIRS.
The horse and cattle fairs of France were and are very numerous. I
shall give but a brief outline of the chief or more remarkable. Those
of _Chénerailles_ (a great town of Auvergne) are chiefly famous for
their fat cattle, brought for the most part to Paris. The fairs are
held the last Tuesday in every month. The fairs of _Guibray_ and _Caen_
are amongst the chief for horses. That of Fontenay, in Poictou, for the
horses bred in that province. It is held 24th June, and is one of the
most noted in France. The fair at Niort, on 1st December, is chiefly for
foals. At _Nogent-sur-Seine_, is a considerable horse fair, the 11th
August. There are three annual cattle fairs at _Braisne-le-Comte_, near
Soissons, viz. on 6th May, 14th September, and 14th December. The greater
part of the sales are for Paris. The fairs of _Nangis_ and _Crecy_ in
Brie, on 4th July and 29th September respectively, are very considerable,
and from these the graziers and butchers in the Isle of France are
supplied. _Montely_ is a fair chiefly for cows, great numbers of which
are brought by the farmers and peasants about Paris and all the Isle of
France. It is held 9th September. There are also several fairs for pigs
held in the villages around Paris, and innumerable other cattle and horse
fairs of lesser note, not calling for any particular mention.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
FAIRS OF RUSSIA.
CHAPTER XXII.
THE SMALLER RUSSIAN FAIRS.
The modern growth of Russia is greater than that of any other European
country. Its fairs have done much to facilitate that growth. It seems as
if its people were passing through those stages of commercial building
up which the other nationalities have long left in the dim vista of
the past. The greatest fair held in Europe at the present time is that
of _Nijni Novgorod_; yet that is not greater, relatively, than was
Sturbridge in England, or those of Lyons, or of Bari (Italy), or of
Bruges, in Flanders. There are several other large fairs, of which I
shall also give the best details available. They are chiefly in southern
Russia. The fair of Riga is an exception. The fair of Kiakhta is in
Asiatic Russia, as are also those of Irbit and Yekaterinburg. I shall
first notice the smaller fairs, and finally that of Nijni.
BERDICHEFF (in the government of Volhynia, southern Russia).—This town
has long been famous for its fairs. King Stanislaus Augustus permitted
the holding of ten in the year. Five either now are or recently were
held, viz. in January, March, June, August, and November. Those of June
and August are the most considerable. These fairs have given rise to
the commercial importance of the town. The chief trade of the fairs
is in grain, wine, honey, wax, leather, and horses and cattle; while
cotton and silk goods, glass-ware, hardware, salt, fish, and beetroot
sugar are becoming of increasing importance. The value of the goods sold
is estimated at £800,000; the Jews are the chief purchasers. At the
principal horse fair there is sometimes a show of 40,000 horses. The
nobles of the country with their families attend the fairs, and remain
encamped in the neighbourhood of the town during the three weeks they
last. At the January fair, 1883, a circus was burned, and about three
hundred lives were lost.
ELIZAVETGRAD (southern Russia).—This town, formerly designated “Fortress
of St. Elizabeth,” with its “Great Perspective,” and boulevard of white
acacias, has four annual fairs, the most important of which is that
of St. George, held on 23rd April (old style). The value of the goods
brought into the fair in 1863 was over £300,000. The chief commodities of
the district are tallow and grain. The goods brought into it are those
manufactured at Odessa, Wilna, and Berdicheff. There is also a daily
market held here, with transactions of considerable magnitude, especially
after harvest.
JITOMIR (or Zytomiers), chief town in the province of Volhynia, western
Russia, has two annual fairs—one in July, the other in August. Apart from
the trade at these, which is considerable, the ordinary commerce of the
town is small. There are three markets weekly.
KARKOFF.—This town, situate in the administrative province of the same
name in southern Russia, is a place of very considerable importance.
It has four fairs, the “Krestchenskaya” or Epiphany fair, opened 6th
January, being one of the most important in the empire. In 1863 goods
to the amount of from two and a half to three millions sterling in
value were brought to that fair, the textile fabrics alone representing
a value of about one million sterling. Cattle and wool constitute the
local produce. The wool sales take place exclusively at the Trinity fair
in June. Bazaars and markets are also held on Sundays, Wednesdays and
Fridays. These are particularly active immediately before Christmas and
Easter. This is one of the most pleasant districts of Russia. The vine
and the mulberry, with other fruits, thrive here.
KASAN (Kazan).—This, while an independent state, had a considerable fair,
one of the greatest in Europe; but John the Terrible prevented Russian
merchants from attending it. In 1552 Kasan was conquered by this same
Ivan, and annexed to Russia. See _Makariev_ and _Nijni Novgorod_.
KORENNAYA, southern Russia, twenty-seven versts from Kursk.—Two very
large fairs are held, viz. on the ninth Friday after Easter, and on the
8th Sept. in each year. The cathedral within the famous monastery of
Bogoroditsky-Znamensky (_Apparition of the Virgin_) contains a holy image
held in great veneration—that of the apparition of said Holy Virgin,
after whom the monastery is named. Immense crowds follow the procession
of the holy image every year, at a period coincident with the first fair.
The monastery was founded in 1597.
KREMENCHUK.—An important town in southern Russia on the Dnieper, in
which fairs are held at end of January for fourteen days, on 24th June
for eleven days, and on 1st September (all old style) for ten days.
The business transacted is not large, particularly having regard to
the favourable situation. In 1862 the sales of these fairs amounted to
£85,000, and the value of the goods brought to about £110,000.
KURSK.—A town in southern Russia, on the river Tuskor. Two fairs are held
here—one in April, the other in the tenth week after Easter. There are
also two weekly markets—Mondays and Fridays. See also _Korennaya_.
MAKARIEV.—The monks of the monastery of St. Macarius (after which the
town seems to be named) by virtue of their charter established a fair
here in 1641, after which annually in the month of July for a space
of three weeks the few wretched huts, built on a sandy desert, were
replaced by thousands of shops erected with a promptitude peculiar to
the Russians. Taverns, coffee-houses, a theatre, ball rooms, a crowd of
wooden buildings painted and adorned with taste, sprung up. People from
many nations thronged here in great multitudes: Russians from all the
provinces of the empire, Tartars, Tchuvaches, Teheremisses, Calmuks,
Bucharians, Georgians, Armenians, Persians and Hindus; and in addition
Poles, Germans, French, and English. Notwithstanding the confusion of
costumes and languages, the most perfect order prevailed: all were there
for the purposes of commerce. The riches which were gathered there within
the space of two leagues were said to be incalculable. The silks of
Lyons and Asia, the furs of Siberia, the pearls of the East, the wines
of France and Greece, the merchandise of China and Persia. These were
brought in contrast with the most ordinary articles of everyday life, in
true Eastern fashion. This fair was in truth one of the developments of
_Nijni Novgorod_, which see.
OREL.—An important town in south-western Russia founded by John the
Terrible, about 1565, for the defence of the Grand Duchy of Moscow
against the Tartars. The town has a large trade in tallow and hemp, also
in linseed oil, wheat, cattle, timber and salt. This commerce has two
outlets—the one by land; the other by water down the Oka, to Kaluga,
Serpukhof, Kolomna, Murom, Nijni-Novgorod, Rybinsk, and St. Petersburg.
There are three fairs annually—between 6th and 20th January, during the
fifth and sixth weeks after Easter, and from 8th to 31st Sept. (O.S.) The
first is the least considerable of these. The market or bazaar days are
Fridays and Sundays. After harvest as many as 10,000 carts enter the town
daily, laden with wheat and other produce.
POLTAVA, southern Russia, on the river Vorskla, long famous for the
leeches found in its pools and morasses, and which are largely and
widely exported. The importance of the trade of the town is chiefly due
to its fair (Ilyinskaya) held on 10th July, and lasting a month. The
average value of the goods carried to this great commercial gathering
is estimated at about three and a half millions sterling. The number of
carts engaged in bringing the produce from Moscow, Odessa, Kharkoff,
Kursk and Voronej is upwards of 20,000. Russian manufactures are much
sold, but wool is the great staple of trade. Horses, cattle, and sheep
are likewise bought and sold in great numbers. There are two other
fairs—one on the feast of the Ascension.
RIGA (the capital of Livonia, Baltic Provinces) had several centuries
since, two considerable fairs, one held in May, the other in September,
very much frequented by English, French, Dutch, and other merchants. At
the period of these fairs the town wore a very commercial aspect, and
the port was thronged with ships. The local customs were peculiar, and
gave rise to difficulties. The townsmen had priority in the selection of
warehouses, and in the sale of commodities, and as a result the vessels
of foreigners were unduly detained, and the selection of the produce made
in advance of their opportunities. Hence it was recorded in the middle of
the last century that these fairs were on the decline.
ROSTOF, on the river Don, near its mouth in the sea of Azof (Lake Nero),
and famous for its manufactures of white lead, vermilion, and other
mineral and chemical substances; also for its linen manufacture. Large
fairs are held twice a year, when very considerable numbers of cattle and
horses change ownership.
VORONEJ, on the Voronej river, near its confluence with the Don; one of
the most flourishing towns in southern Russia. Its trade is in grain,
linseed, tallow. Four fairs are held annually, the larger being those of
9th May and 29th August (O.S.). Markets are held three times a week.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
CHAPTER XXIII.
NIJNI-NOVGOROD.[10]
This may now be pronounced the great mercantile fair of the world. It
probably bears a greater resemblance (but on a larger scale) to that of
Sturbridge in its best days, than any other of past or present times. It
is almost the last remaining type (in Europe) of the mediæval form of
commerce. The origin and early history of this fair are somewhat obscure.
Authentic records attest that mercantile gatherings were held at Nijni
so early as 1366; and tradition points to a still earlier origin. Before
Kasan was conquered by Ivan the Terrible in 1552, Russian merchants were
prohibited from attending fairs in that province. A considerable fair
then held was the precursor of the present.
The Russians held a fair at another place on the Volga. In 1641 the monks
of the monastery of St. Macarius, by virtue of their charter, founded a
fair at _Makariev_, seventy-one miles below Nijni. Of this fair I have
already given some account. “The monks of the monastery (says Michell)
very cleverly made Nijni a place of religious as well as commercial
resort, and levied taxes on the trade which they fostered.” Up to 1751
the tolls had still been collected by these monks; but in that year the
fair became the property of the State. In 1824 it definitely fixed at
Nijni-Novgorod. It was probably removed here temporarily in 1816, when
the town of Makariev was destroyed by fire.
The situation of the town opposite the confluence of the Volga (having a
course of 2,320 miles) and Oka (with 900 miles of navigation) rivers, is
pre-eminently suitable for the purpose of commerce, of which these rivers
indeed, prior to the introduction of railways, constituted the great
arteries. The town of Lower Novgorod was founded as early as 1222, and
was in 1237 occupied by the Tartars. When it was taken from them, they
declared perpetual warfare against it, and sacked it more than once. By
means of the two large rivers named—which extend, with their contributory
streams and canal communication with the Baltic, over a considerable
portion of northern, eastern and southern Russia—an easy communication
is maintained with the richest agricultural and manufacturing provinces.
The Kamma, a tributary of the Volga, also affords water communication
with the remote provinces of Ural and parts of Siberia. The productions
of China are carried during the month of September over the Baikal Lake,
and in spring reach the Volga along with the Siberian caravans. The
productions of Astrakhan, Persia and Bokhara ascend that river, while
those of Petersburg, Germany, England, and France descend it: so that the
merchandise of the east and the west meet as in a common centre here.
And this line of commerce dates back into far distant ages, promoted and
shared in by those trading monks who took so leading a part in founding
the great Hanseatic League.
It is an interesting historical fact that the first vessel of war ever
built in Russia was launched at Nijni by a company of merchants from
Holstein, who obtained permission in the seventeenth century to open a
trade with Persia and India by way of the Caspian sea. The vessel was
called the Friedrich. The travels of Olearius were in connection with
this undertaking, of which there is a great history, to be recounted on
some other occasion.
The town has many fine modern buildings. In the ordinary way, the best
view to be had of it and the surrounding country is from the “Otkos” or
terrace built by order of the Emperor Nicholas.[11] It is said to be one
of the best views in Europe. As far as the eye can reach extends the vast
alluvial plain, rich with culture, and occasionally dotted with forests;
whilst the Volga, flowing down from Tver, looks like a broad blue ribbon
stretched over the country from one extremity of the horizon to the
other. Much of the plain below is inundated in spring by the overflowing
of the river, leaving a fertile deposit which considerably enhances
the value of the land. The stationary population of the town does not
exceed 30,000 or 40,000, but during the fair the inhabitants swell up
to considerably over 200,000; and this quite irrespective of prodigious
numbers of casual visitors. The ancient Kremlin, with its low arched
gates, whitewashed towers, and crenellated walls, is one of the sights of
the place. The thick green foliage of the gardens and the gay residences
of the inhabitants all blend into a very picturesque whole.
_Site of the Fair._—We must next take a glance at the site of the fair,
which is outside the town, and can hardly be seen from the gates. Turn
then from the Volga, or Asiatic direction, and there, across the Oka
(here about a quarter of a mile broad), is a low, almost inundated flat,
of triangular shape, between the two rivers. This was regarded as the
most convenient site. Great difficulties were presented by the swampy
nature of the soil. Deep sewers vaulted over were constructed through the
morass; these being connected by canals with the rivers. The buildings
for the bazaars were raised on piles, and the whole boggy surface of
the plain was covered to the depth of some feet with gravel and clean
sand. Through this the ordinary surface water and the inundated flow
percolates, and leaves clean passages or roads. In the midst of the
plain is the great bazaar—an immense rectangular market-place—divided by
lanes or passages, intersecting at right angles into sixty-four square
groups of warehouses, or blocks of stone-built buildings, two storeys
high, with projecting verandahs, so as to shelter goods and passengers
from the sun or rain; containing, besides some public offices in the
centre, 2,522 large stores for merchandise, to each of which is a small
chamber for the merchant.
The connecting streets are some thirty or forty yards wide; and the
centre avenue is yet much wider, and planted with trees. These streets
much resemble those of Cairo, Smyrna, and other oriental towns. In the
centre of that block of permanent buildings is located the official
residence of the governor during the fair, as also all the business
offices for the administration. It was in this official residence that
the Duke of Edinburgh stayed during his visit to the fair a few years
since. It is equivalent to the royal pavilion of some of the early
English fairs. The principal avenues of the fair are connected with some
ten miles of wharves or river frontage; and during the fair bridges are
erected so as to give easy access from the town to the fair. The cost
of preparing the site and the principal buildings was forty millions of
roubles—£1,670,000 sterling. The fair, however, has long outgrown the
original limits, and miles of temporary structures spring into existence
for the occasion. It extends over some seven or eight square miles!
_Unloading._—As the period of the fair approaches, the ordinary
desolation of the location passes rapidly away. The rivers, busy indeed
at all times when navigation is possible, now become almost blocked by
traffic. A perfect forest of masts is visible. All distinct trace of
the ordinary bridge of boats seems lost. The 400 or 500 steamers, built
mainly in England and Belgium, which in the ordinary way are trading
on the 1,600 miles from this to the Caspian sea, all seem concentrated
here. They dart about like straws on these mighty rivers. But more
striking-looking are the quaint mediæval-looking barges, coming as they
do from the most distant parts of the empire, piloted through canals
and rivers in order to find their appointed place here. These are all
being rapidly discharged of their cargoes by an army of ragged Tartar
labourers. Here will be found merchandise from every quarter of the
globe; merchandise which has in some cases been several years on its way
hither; merchandise which comes from localities so remote as not to be
brought into voluntary association with this fair. Centuries ago, we are
told by the historian of Genoa, the Genoese merchants built larger ships
than were required for their regular trading operations, ships calculated
to withstand the terrors of the Bay of Biscay, and the storms of the
German Ocean, in order to make voyages to the Hanseatic towns, to Wisburg
and Gotland, as also to the coast of Russia in order to participate in
this great fair (Bent’s “Genoa,” 1881, p. 107).
_The Fair._—And now we arrive at the fair itself. Round the public
offices in the centre are ranged the European wares, the French
millinery, and English broadcloth. Next follow the Armenians, a numerous
and distinguished class in every commercial assemblage throughout the
East. Near these the Bokharians usually range themselves, and they are
easily distinguishable from other Asiatics by their squat corpulent
figures and dark complexions. Nearly a whole side of the bazaar is
occupied by the Chinese market, in which the shops are all laid out in
Chinese fashion. Tea is the chief article of the Chinese trade; and on
this portion of the fair I shall speak later. Beyond the stone buildings
of the bazaar commence the rows of wooden booths in which the motley
Siberian and Tartar tribes establish themselves with their furs and
peltry; the most remarkable to a European eye, though not the least
common of their wares, being the dark mouse-coloured hide of the wild
horse, with black mane and streak along the back, much prized by the
Bashkirs and other tribes for its warmth as well as beauty.
The wine trade has never constituted a great feature of the fair,
although wine skins from the Caucasus may be seen; and many of the brands
of southern Russia may be found on application.
Most of the streets of the fair have elegant light arcades on each side,
supported in front by cast-iron columns, where purchasers can walk about,
well sheltered in all kinds of weather. The stalls are generally very
handsome, and in some instances extend from street to street, so as to
leave two fronts. They present nothing of the confusion of an ordinary
fair; the goods of every kind are as neatly ranged as in the shops of
a city. To facilitate business there is a separate quarter set apart
for each different and important class of goods. One quarter contains
groceries, of which the value sold is very great. In another, dried
fish and caviar are exposed in most fragrant variety, of which great
quantities are sold, amounting to about £60,000 in value. I may here
remark that the annual value of the sturgeon alone taken in the Volga
is estimated at two and half millions of roubles; and above 30,000
barrels of caviar have been dispatched from Astrakhan in a single year.
A third quarter contains leather articles of every kind, which may be
bought exceedingly cheap; boots and shoes are disposed of in very large
quantities. Morocco leather is also sold wholesale to a very large
amount. A great deal of it comes from Astrakhan, where, as in other parts
of European Russia, goats are kept for the use of their hides to make
this leather, more than for their milk or flesh. The pleasant soap of
Kasan is sold in large quantities. One is glad to find that it is in such
demand.
The iron and iron-ware stored in the mile of shops where nothing but this
metal is sold, has been brought at immense expense from Siberia; yet much
of it in its original crude state probably came from Tula, not a great
distance from where it is now, in its highly finished form, exposed for
sale. Weapons and glittering arms of all kinds occupy conspicuous places
in the hardware stores. There is, as a set-off, a very considerable
supply of holy images and priestly vestments!
The cloth range is large and well stocked. One quarter contains
ready-made clothes of all descriptions. The cloaks alike for men and
women are made from stuffs with most singular patterns. Some of the
figured works from Asia are really beautiful. The value of the woollen
goods (Russian and foreign) sold annually is seldom less than three
millions of roubles—£375,000. The quarter for fancy articles—gloves,
handkerchiefs, ribbons, &c.,—is always crowded with purchasers, attracted
by the graces of the fair occupants from Rue St. Honoré. The division for
cotton goods is fully stocked. The mills of England are largely drawn
upon for these; but they are not in the hands of Englishmen at this fair.
The value of cotton goods sold here averages about twenty-two million
roubles—£2,750,000! A grand display is made by the silks and shawls,
chiefly of oriental manufacture, and hence in very brilliant colours.
The manufactured silks disposed of here yearly are estimated at ten and
half millions of roubles, or £1,312,000; while of raw silk there is sold
over 300,000 lbs. The furniture shops constitute a great feature of the
fair; and one can but be surprised to see costly carved tables, chairs,
sofas, and still more large and valuable mirrors from France and St.
Petersburg. Glass and crystal articles, mainly from Bohemia, constitute a
very attractive display, while the jewellery alike of Europe and of Asia
is always a source of considerable attraction, and the means of creating
a large expenditure of cash. The precious stones from Bokhara and other
parts of Central Asia are placed in the most tempting prominence
and profusion. But beware of talismans and turquoises that appear to
be cheap; they will probably be found equally cheap and much more
satisfactory nearer home. The malachite and lapis-lazuli ornaments and
other stones from Siberia are sometimes good investments; but some expert
knowledge is required. Curious belts of silver may be purchased, but not
without long bargaining. The hall-mark is represented by the number 84.
There is a stall for the sale of ornaments in gold and silver, set with
Siberian and Persian stones. Beware! But it is impossible to recount in
any detail all that may be purchased or seen.
_The Tea Quarter._—One of the most singular sights of the fair is the
tea quarter, which occupies the greater portion of an immense division
standing by itself, and distinguishable by its Chinese architecture. The
Chinese superintend this business themselves, or rather formerly did so.
Along the wharves enormous pyramids of chests of tea are heaped upon
the ground, covered only with matting made from the inner bark of the
birch tree. These chests of tea, called “tsibiki,” are so packed as to
be impervious to rain or damp. Outside the ordinary wooden chest is a
covering of wickerwork of cane or bamboo, round which, at Kiakhta, raw
bull-hides are tightly stretched, with the hair inwards. These chests
arrive at Nijni from China, having been received in barter, at Kiakhta
or Maimatchin, on the Chinese border of Russia. The Russians, who are
great tea drinkers, are accustomed to the higher qualities of tea grown
in North China; but these are now quite as easily obtained from Canton
as from _Kiakhta_ (which see), and it is said (contrary to former belief)
that the sea carriage has no deteriorating effect whatever. Here may be
seen some kinds of tea which scarcely ever enter into the English trade,
viz. yellow and brick, the former of a delicious fragrance and very pale,
but injurious to the nerves if taken very frequently; it is handed round
after dinner, in lieu of coffee, in Russia. The brick tea is consumed by
the Kalmucks and Kirghizes of the Steppe. The best yellow tea sells for
about 35_s._ per pound. The tea trade of the fair has shown a tendency to
decrease.
_Outskirts of the Fair._—To the casual visitor the outskirts of the
fair are almost more interesting than its centre, for observation and
study. The constant succession of carts in long strings; the crowds of
labourers; the knots of earnest-looking traders with long beards; the
itinerant vendors of liquid refreshments and white rabbit-skins; the
greasy slovenly monk collecting kopecks of those who fear to withhold
their charity lest their transactions be influenced by the Evil One; the
frequent beggars, pleading for the most part that they have been burned
out, and showing the most dreadful-looking sores as evidence of their
veracity; all these go to make up the great assemblage, the unique _tout
ensemble_ of the great fair of Nijni-Novgorod as it has been, and is
to-day. How long will it remain?
_Administration of Fair._—The administration of the fair is carried on
under the supervision of the Governor of the Province; the arrangement of
all commercial matters and adjustment of difficulties being entrusted
to a committee of gentlemen called the “Fair Committee,” chosen from
among the assembled merchants. This committee consists of a president,
three aldermen, and three committee-men, besides the manager of the
fair-office and the mayor of the town of Nijni. The management of all
Government property is in the hands of this committee. The letting of
shops and store-houses and the erection of bridges and all temporary
works comes also within their province. The conditions on which the
shops and stores built by Government are let to merchants and dealers
are exceedingly liberal, and this rent is the sole profit made by
Government on the transactions of the fair. No imposts of any kind are
levied in the shape of licences or duties. Shops are let to the first
applicant, the sole reservation being that the occupier of the previous
year has a prior claim. In order to promote competition, each row of
buildings is devoted to a certain kind of merchandise, thus obliging the
merchants to endeavour to undersell one another. To prevent monopolies
or over-speculation, no merchant is allowed to hire more than three
consecutive shops, nor is he allowed to occupy more than one shop unless
they adjoin each other. The number of shops let in 1874 was 6,086, and
their total rent amounted to something over £28,000.
The fair lasts six weeks—the really busy period being from the 18th
to 27th August, when the height is reached. Some fifteen days beyond
are allowed for the settlement of accounts. The usance of the fair is
twelve months credit, _i.e._ from one great fair to the following; but
sometimes, in dull times, and under special circumstances, as much as two
years credit is given. This was particularly the case in 1849.
_Trade of the Fair._—The annual trade of the fair has been the subject
of various conjectures; but I believe the Government of the Province has
caused careful estimates to be made from time to time. In 1697 the trade
of the fair was estimated at £12,000 per annum—evidently far too low. In
1790 it was stated to be £4,500,000!
The following are the details of the principal branches of the fair in
1849, which were understood to be less than the transactions of the
preceding year: money being scarce, and there was a stagnation in the
grain trade. The total estimate of the Russian produce offered for
sale was £7,916,016, of which there were sold raw produce £1,917,940;
provisions £858,684; home manufactures £3,981,716—total £6,758,340,
leaving £1,157,675 unsold. The value of the foreign goods and produce was
estimated at £2,430,191; of these Asiatic articles sold to the extent
of £1,329,131; European raw materials £493,955, and manufactured goods
£204,888—leaving £402,217 unsold. So that the total merchandise at the
fair was estimated at the value of 10½ millions sterling, of which about
nine millions were sold.
In Murray’s “Handbook of Russia,” written by Mr. Michell, the then
well-known British Consul, and published in 1868, it is stated that the
aggregate sale and purchases at the fair represented about sixteen
millions sterling; which dealings were conducted by from 150,000 to
200,000 traders from the various countries of Europe and Asia.
Mr. Doria, secretary of the British Embassy at St. Petersburg, reported
that the trade of the fair had increased from about six millions sterling
in 1847 to over £20,000,000 in 1874 (165 millions of roubles), when
upwards of 6,000 shops were let. The iron sold in various forms amounted
to 5,557,800 pouds of 36 lbs.—the value being £2,193,812. Tea of the
value of about £1,200,000 was sold.
At the fair of 1879 the iron trade figured largely, and the following
facts were obtained regarding the supplies. The Russian ironmasters sent
15,130,498 pouds (1 poud = 36 lbs.) of wrought iron, steel, and metal
work, of the value of 7,528,350 roubles. A considerable amount was also
imported into the iron ports of the Volga, viz. at Laïchev, 1,337,541
pouds; Kasan, 16,474; Simbirsk, 22,066; Saratov, 92,361; Rostov, on the
Don, 67,762. Cast iron was not in great force, there being only 530,488
pouds, of the value of 412,475 roubles. One of the largest contributions
was sent from the works of Count Strogonof, being 6,725,588 pouds.
_Revenue of the Fair._—The fair constitutes a source of State revenue.
When in 1751 the fair first became the property of the State, its tolls
or revenues were farmed at about £150 per annum. In the reign of the
Emperor Paul (end of last century) the farmer of the tolls engaged to
build a new bazaar, and to pay £4,500 a year into the exchequer. In
1824 a new governor’s house, bazaar, and shops were erected, already
described, and an annual sum of £8,000, part of the rental of these, was
appropriated to pay the cost of these buildings. The rental, as we have
seen, is now approximating to £30,000.
A “charity dormitory” was fitted up by Count Ignatieff, with
accommodation for some 250 houseless vagrants; but if all of this class
who are present were to apply for admission, probably accommodation for
20,000 would be needed!
The mode of estimating the number of persons attending the fair is
peculiarly ingenious. The bakers are required to make daily returns of
the quantity of bread they sell, and in this manner an approximation is
arrived at. Of those present at the fair, only about one in a hundred are
female.
It may be remarked that there is an excellent restaurant under the
governor’s house in the fair. Some of the refreshment booths in the fair
present a remarkable sight, and, we may fairly add, smell! The “Armenian
kitchen” is one of the sights. Excellent horse-flesh may be had at the
Tartar restaurants!
The passport system has been abolished as to persons attending the
fair, the governor finding it impossible to examine, or indeed even to
open the 40,000 documents per day that were formerly sent in. Besides,
identification is out of the question; and the pick-pocket fraternity use
to purchase, or more appropriately steal, the authorization they required
under the old system.
_Sanitary Arrangements._—The sanitary arrangements of the fair constitute
by no means an unimportant feature. To a sometimes tropical heat there is
the usual accompaniment of clouds of finely pulverised dust. The Easterns
assembled are not proverbial for habits of personal cleanliness. There is
indeed an aroma unmistakable. The sewers are flushed several times a day
by means of water drawn from Lake Mestcherski, giving a fall of six yards
into the river Oka. Round the central bazaar is a small canal, provided
in case of outbreak of fire, and found valuable on many occasions.
Smoking is prohibited within the limits of the fair under a fine of
twenty-five roubles. The fair is guarded by a special service of Cossacks
and police.
Amongst the amusements are a theatre with a very good ballet, for which
latter Russia is famous.
There is a belief that the glory of the fair is departing. Wallace, in
his “Russia,” 1877 (ii. 196-7), says:—“I went to the great fair—and was
disappointed. All the descriptions of it which I have read are much
too highly coloured. ‘The motley crowds of Orientals, representing
every country in the East,’ is not visible to the naked eye of a
prosaic observer. A few Georgians, Persians, and Bokhariots may be seen
sitting at their booths or strolling about; but they are neither very
picturesque nor very interesting in any way. There is a ‘Chinese Row’
where tea is sold, and where the roofs of the booths show traces of the
influence of pagoda architecture; but I find there no children of the
Celestial Empire. As to the various kinds of merchandise, they may all
be seen to much better advantage in the shops and bazaars of Moscow.
Altogether, I should advise the traveller not to go very far out of his
way to visit this great annual gathering, which is commonly spoken of by
Russians—especially by those of them who have never seen it—as if it were
one of the seven wonders of the world.” This is in conformity with the
general depreciatory style of the entire work.
I ought not to omit mention of a little privately-printed book, “The
Great Fair of Nijni Novogorod, and How we got there.” By William Forsyth,
Q.C. (1865.) He too was disappointed with the fair.
_Two smaller Fairs._—Beyond the great fair which I have now described as
fully as space would permit, there are two other fairs at Nijni, which,
however, are little visited by foreigners. The one held in January on the
ice, at the mouth of the Oka, is devoted to the selling of wooden wares,
such as boxes and toys. Great numbers of people come to this fair from
the neighbouring villages. In January, 1864, the ice on which the booths
and inns were constructed gave way, and a considerable number of men,
women, children, and horses miserably perished by drowning. Since then
this winter fair can hardly be said to have revived.
The other fair held on 6th July (N. S.) is for the sale of horses.
[Illustration]
CHAPTER XXIV.
FAIRS OF ASIATIC RUSSIA.
Irbit, in the government of Perm, in Asiatic Russia.—The town is small,
with a population of little more than 1,000. It is enclosed with
palisades, and contains two churches and a market-place surrounded with
shops. Here in past times a noted fair was held annually, attended by
Russian merchants on their way to Kiakhta. In more recent times it has
been superseded by the fairs of Yekaterinburg and Nijni.
KIAKHTA (sometimes designated Maimatchin, the depot for commerce).—This
town is situated in Asiatic Russia, in the government of Irkutsk, on
the Chinese frontier. The fair appears to have been established by
treaty between China and Russia towards the latter part of the sixteenth
century. The mode of business is after the fashion of those early barter
marts, which fairs originally were. The reason for this state of things
here is that the Russians are prohibited from exporting their coin, and
there is no rate of exchange or other facilities for bills of exchange
between the two countries. The Russian commodities are transported by
land from St. Petersburg and Moscow to Tobolsk. From thence the merchants
and merchandise may embark upon the Irtish down to its junction with the
Oby; they can then work up the last-named river as far as Narym, where
they enter the Ket, which they ascend to Makoffskoi-Osteog. At that place
the merchandise is conveyed about ninety versts on land to the Yenisie.
It is then necessary to ascend that river, the Tunguska, and Angara to
Irkutsk, cross the Baikal Lake, and go up the river Selenga almost to
Kiakhta. On account of the labour of working up so many rapid rivers,
and of the incessant transhipments—which can hardly be accomplished
in one summer—many prefer to go overland altogether. They make as a
general rendezvous the town of Irbit, where a considerable fair was
formerly held. From thence the progress is in sledges during the winter
to Kiakhta, which is usually reached in February—the season in which the
chief commerce is carried on with the Chinese. The Russian merchants
purchase on their way all the furs they can find in the small towns,
where they are brought from the adjacent countries. When they return in
the spring with the Chinese goods, chiefly tea, occupying great bulk,
the water route is preferred. Formerly the woollen cloths of Prussia
were conveyed to this fair in large quantities—to the value of some
£1,500,000—by the Russian merchants. The manufactories of Poland and
Russia now furnish the cloth taken to China.
The mode of procedure in the dealings is this: The Chinese merchant
comes and examines the goods he requires in the warehouse of the Russian
trader. When the price is settled, the goods are sealed in the presence
of the Chinese. Both parties then repair to the Mai-ma-tshin, where
the Russian chooses his commodities, and leaves behind him a person
of confidence, who remains in the warehouse until the Russian goods
are delivered. About 8,000,000 lbs. of tea, of which two-thirds are of
superior quality, were formerly taken into Russia as the proceeds of this
barter. There is a small duty levied on the produce of each country. The
trade has fallen off since sea-borne tea became prevalent. Much of this
now goes to Odessa through the Suez Canal.
YEKATERINBURG (or Ekaterinburg or Jekaterinburg), in the government of
Perm in Asiatic Russia, forming the capital of the mining districts of
the Ural. It is a modern place, and a considerable fair has sprung up,
superseding that formerly held at Irbit.
[Illustration]
FOOTNOTES
[1] We shall find that at a later period the sale of slaves was
introduced into the fairs and markets of England and the north of Europe
generally.
[2] Suetonius records that Claudius Cæsar made suit unto the Consuls
for a licence to hold fairs and markets for his own private manors and
lands.—_Sueton._, ch. xxii.
[3] The protection from “evil tolls” was also a matter of great
consequence. It was to be regarded as a security from paying so large a
custom or imposition upon any goods that the fair profit is lost therein,
and the trade thereby prevented. The original term expressive of this
is _Mala Tolneta_, the word toll or tolt being derived from the Saxon
_Tholl_, Low Latin _Tolnetum_, or _Theolonium_, which signifies a payment
in markets, towns, and fairs, for goods and cattle bought and sold. It
also stands for any manner of custom, subsidy, imposition, or sum of
money taken of the buyer for the importing or exporting of any wares; and
it may be assumed that the words in _Magna Charta_ were used in their
evident sense. The compound word _Mala-tolneta_, which appears in the
original text, signifies bad or evil tolls, or unjust exactions. In the
later statutes it is rendered into French by the ancient term _Maletout_
(_Vide_ R. Thomson’s “Notes on the Great Charters,” 1829).
[4] In illustration of the early custom of holding foreigners living
or trading in England responsible for the offences and crimes of other
foreigners, the following instance may be given. In 1301 a person
belonging to the house of the Spini, of Florence, was killed in a
squabble with some other people belonging to the same house in England,
and the guilty person having absconded, the officers of justice seized
the bodies and goods of other persons belonging to the company, and also
(luckily for the merchants), a sum of money collected by them in Ireland
for the _Pope_, and some merchandise purchased on his account. He (the
Pope) immediately sent a Bull to England requiring the liberation of the
people and property arrested (“Fœdera,” v. ii., p. 891).
[5] This practice remained in force in France from the age of Charlemagne
down to our own times.
[6] It had before this time been quite customary to hold fairs in
churchyards.
[7] In the days of slavery in the United States of America, there was in
frequent use the following couplet:
“The Lord him knows the nigger well,
He knows the nigger by _the smell_,” &c.
[8] The Vagrancy and Mendicity Acts were called into aid. Under these,
“homeless beggars” were to be sent to their own parish. It is probable
that the numbers were too great to be dealt with efficiently.
[9] James VI. of Scotland adopted Troy-weight in 1618; but curiously the
Troy-weight (Scots) coincided more nearly with Avoirdupois.
[10] The name signifies _Lower New Town_, to distinguish it from Novgorod
the Great on the Volkhof, North-Western Russia.
[11] This terrace is locally known as Mouravieff’s Folly, in consequence
of a tower built by him, upon which he designed to place a facsimile of
the famous Strasburg clock, but on so gigantic a scale that the hours
and minutes, the moon’s phases, and planets, cycles, &c., should be
distinctly visible from every locality of the town and fair!
[Illustration]
INDEX.
Accounts, settling of, at fairs, 9.
Actors at Sturbridge fair, 128, 144.
Aix-la-Chapelle, early fair of, 7.
Alarm bells at fairs, 6.
Ale at fairs, price fixed, 81, 82.
tested, 82.
Alfred the Great, did he introduce fairs? 19.
Amphyctionic fairs, 3.
Anglo-Saxon fairs, 13.
Antwerp, influence of fairs, 10.
“Ara,” the signal of the money-changers, 9.
Armour from Milan sold at Sturbridge fair, 163.
Asia, early fairs in, 19.
Assize of bread, wine, and beer, 63.
Bacon fair of Paris, 282.
Bailey, Mr., manager of company of comedians, 150.
Bailiffs at Sturbridge fair, 78.
Bakers at fairs, 80, 81, 84, 155.
Barnwell Abbey, history of, 148.
Barnwell (Cambridge) fair, 13, 59, 69, 75.
Bartholomew fair, origin of, 164.
charter, 167.
new charter, 173, 175.
right of holding challenged, 173.
review of during four centuries, 181.
disputation of scholars in, 182.
described by a foreigner, 188.
proclaimed by City of London, 190.
unauthorized proclamation of, 205.
proclamation discontinued, 242.
under the Commonwealth, 201, 204.
described (1641), 199.
visited by a Frenchman, 215.
surveyed by Hone, 236.
threatened, 210, 213, 217, 229, 232, 240.
duration limited, 221, 223, 227, 229, 233.
cash taken by shows, &c., 239.
suppression of, 223.
the end, 240.
new, 241.
Beaucaire (France), fair of, 262.
Bells for giving alarm at fairs, 6.
Beer, sale of, at Sturbridge fair, 155.
Berdicheff (Russia), fair of, 285.
Besançon, fair of, 263.
Bible references to fairs, 5.
Bills of exchange at fairs, 267.
Blackstone on fairs and markets, 15.
Book sale at Sturbridge fair, 126.
Book stalls at Bartholomew fair, 239.
Books at the fairs of Lyons, 269.
Booths in Barnwell fair, 60.
bequests of, 66, 67, 68, 79.
Booths in Sturbridge fair, 102, 103, 112, 118, 132, 141.
Bordeaux, fair of, 264.
Borough laws of Scotland, 27.
Braisne-le-Comte (France), fair of, 283.
Bread, assize of, 191.
Bridewell boys at Bartholomew fair, 231.
Brie (France), fairs of, 8, 245.
Bristol, fair at, 35, 66.
Bruges (Flanders), fair of, 8.
Butchers to sell good meat, 84.
Caen (Normandy), fair of, 264.
Calendar, alteration of, 47, 230.
Cambridge, fairs of, 35, 55.
Cambridge town, conflict with university, 56, 104.
Cambridge university, rights in Sturbridge fair, 70, 74.
Carter’s account of Sturbridge fair, 144.
Cash receipts of shows, &c., at Bartholomew fair, 239.
Cattle fair at Smithfield, 210, 224.
Champagne, fair of, 8.
Champagne and Brie, fairs of, 245.
Chapel at Sturbridge fair, 77.
Charity dormitory at Nijni fair, 305.
Charters of fairs, 14.
Cheese fair at Sturbridge, 150.
China, productions of, at Russian fairs, 292, 297, 300, 308.
Christening at Sturbridge fair, 145.
Church festivals and fairs, 2, 15.
Churchyard fairs abolished, 25.
Christie, Mr. Chancellor, 269.
Citizens of London attending fairs, 60, 66, 68, 100.
Citizens of London free of fairs, 20.
City of London, grant to, of Smithfield, 198.
Clark, Joseph, the “Posturer,” 215.
Clerk of the fair, 24.
Cloth at fairs, 278, 299.
Cloth trade in Bartholomew fair, 186, 210.
Cloth, right of search, 98.
Clothiers at Sturbridge fair, 136.
Coinage, 46.
College gowns, material bought at fairs, 87.
Cologne, merchants of, might attend English fairs, 23.
Commerce at fairs, 163.
Commonwealth and Bartholomew fair, 201.
Company of merchants from Holstein, 293.
Cotton goods at Russian fairs, 299.
Courtray (France), fair of, 8.
Courts for adjusting differences. See Piepowder, courts of.
Courts of pedlars, 27.
Coventry, fair at, 35.
Crecy, fair of, 283.
Crying the fair, 32.
Dagonizing of Bartholomew fair, 206.
Danish slaves sold, 10.
Day, Charles, his booth at Sturbridge fair, 147.
Defoe’s description of Sturbridge fair, 133.
Dice and hazard tables at Bartholomew fair, 225.
Dieppe, fair of, 265.
Disputation of scholars in Smithfield, 182.
Disputes, adjustment of, 9.
Disputes between City of London and Prior of St. Bartholomew, 169.
Dissolution of monasteries, 180.
Dower, right of, in fair booths, 119.
Draining the Fens, 122.
Drama, the, at Bartholomew fair, 195.
Drapers’ Company, 194.
Duddery in Sturbridge fair, 77, 135, 137.
Duration of fairs, 32.
Elegy on “Bartlemy” fair, 234.
Elizavetgrad (Russia), fair of, 285.
Ely, fair at, 35.
Embroidery, search for, 64.
England, early fairs in, 19.
England, laws relating to fairs, 12.
English merchants attending fairs, 37.
at French fairs, 272, 276.
Escheator, duties of, as to fairs, 25.
Europe, early fairs in, 19.
Evelyn visits Bartholomew fair, 201.
Exchanges at fairs, 248.
Executions at Smithfield, 171.
Fair committee, 302.
Fair, signification of the term, 2.
Fairs, origin of, 1.
by prescription, 15, 16, 17, 29.
Fair on Mount Calvary, 3.
Fairs, duration of, 33.
sources of revenue to religious houses, 2.
courts for adjusting differences at, 6, 26.
prohibited during plague. See Plague.
restricting dealings in, 41.
seal of, 248.
specific legislation for, 28.
Feast days, fairs on, 34.
Fellowship of Mercers, 37.
Fielding kept a booth at Bartholomew fair, 225.
Fire, alarm of, at Sturbridge fair, 149.
at Bartholomew fair, 225, 234.
“Firm peace,” a privilege of fairs, 168.
Fish at fairs to be good, 83.
forestalling of, 73, 76, 111.
Flanders, fairs of, 8.
Flemish weavers at Sturbridge fair, 161.
Flood at Sturbridge fair, 1562, 100.
Foreign merchants in England, 21-24, 61.
Foreigners at Bartholomew fair, 168.
Forestalling, 50, 72, 73, 85.
Forsyth (W.), his work quoted, 307.
Four early fairs in England, 19.
France, early fairs in, 8.
fairs in, 244, 261, 274.
Franchises of fairs, 18, 246, 269.
Fraternity of St. Thomas Becket, 38.
Free borough, right of fairs in, 18.
Freemen of London attending fairs, 34, 36.
Gaming prohibited at Sturbridge fair, 156.
Garlick-row, Sturbridge fair, 157.
Genoese commerce, 8, 9, 10, 296.
merchants at Sturbridge fair, 161.
Germany, early fairs, in, 7.
Goal delivery in Sturbridge fair, 118.
Golden crowns of the sun, 269.
Greece, origin of fairs in, 3.
Greek church, festivals of the, 27.
Guibray (France), fair of, 266.
Gunning, Henry, “Reminiscences of Cambridge,” 148.
Hackney coaches in Sturbridge fair, 117, 126, 140, 142.
“Hand and shears,” tailors at the, 204, 211.
Hangman hanged in Smithfield, 184.
Hanse Towns trading at Sturbridge fair, 161.
Hanseatic League, 23.
Helston (Cornwall), fair at, 13.
Heretics burned in Smithfield, 179.
Hertford, claimed exemption from tolls, 70.
Historical shirt, 203.
Hone’s survey of Bartholomew fair, 236.
Hone, account of Sturbridge fair, 149.
Hops at Sturbridge fair, 137, 139, 143.
right of weighing at Sturbridge, 125.
Horners’ Company, right of search, 66.
Horse-bread at fairs, 84.
Horse fairs, 43.
fair, Sturbridge, 152, 157.
and cattle fairs of France, 282.
dealers in French fairs, 247, 250.
fairs of Russia, 285, 307.
Hospital for lepers, fair for, 55, 59.
Hostilities suspended during fairs, 4.
Household stores bought at fairs, 63.
Idle games prohibited, 114.
Ill fame, arrest of persons of, 78, 155, 156.
Indulgences sold at fairs, 6.
Initiation at Sturbridge fair, 145.
Inquiries into grants of fairs, 16.
Inquisitions as to fairs, 17, 54.
Inspectors of fairs (France), 248, 273.
International reciprocity, 21.
Intoxicating liquors at fairs, 53.
Ironmonger’s row, Sturbridge fair, 153.
Ironware at fairs, 298.
Ireland, fairs in, 51, 52.
Italy, fairs in, 6.
Jew traders, 7.
Jews at the fair of Paris, 275.
Jitomir (Russia), fair of, 286.
Jonson, Ben, “Bartholomew fair,” 195.
Karkoff (Russia), fair of, 286.
Kasan (Russia), fair of, 286.
Keeper of the fair, 24.
Kensington, Lord, and Bartholomew fair, 205, 240.
Kiakhta (Russia), fair of, 301, 308.
“King’s beam,” 113.
King’s jester, or court fool, 165.
King’s market, Smithfield, 166.
Korennaya (Russia), fair of, 287.
Kremenchuk (Russia), fair of, 287.
Kursk (Russia), fair of, 287.
Land tax in Sturbridge fair, 144.
Lapland, fairs in, 28.
Laws relating to fairs amended, 51, 52.
Leather, sale of, at Bartholomew fair, 167.
Lendit fair (Paris), 275.
Lister’s “Travels” quoted, 279.
Locke, John, at Bartholomew fair, 208.
Lombard exchange at Sturbridge fair, 161.
Lombard merchants, 272.
London, growth of, 185.
London merchants attending fairs, 34.
London merchants attend the fairs of France, 257.
London theatres closed during Bartholomew fair, 219, 224.
Lord of the fair, 166.
“Lord of the taps,” 123.
Lord Mayor, fatal accident to, 212.
Lotteries in Bartholomew fair, 219.
Lynn, port of, and Sturbridge fair, 160.
Lyons, fairs of, 76, 93, 266, 270.
Magna Charta, privileges as to fairs, 20.
Maidstone fair prohibited, 126.
Maimatchin (Russia), fair of, 308.
Makariev, fair of, 287, 292.
Manors, fairs granted to Lords of, 18.
Markets of the Romans, 27.
Mayor’s house at Sturbridge fair, 123.
Measures at Bartholomew fair, 191.
Measures tested at fairs, 83, 85.
Mecklenberg, sale of slaves at, 10.
Menageries, 280.
Menagerie, first travelling, at Bartholomew fair, 222.
Merchant Adventurers, Company of, 36.
Merchants attending fairs in England, 19, 20.
Merchant Taylors’ right of search, 193.
Messen, German designation for fairs, 2.
Metropolitan Police District, fairs in, 49, 51.
Michell’s “Handbook of Russia,” 303.
Miracle plays, 179.
Missa, Latin designation for fair, 2.
Monasteries, dissolution of, 180.
Mont Casel, fair of, 8.
Montely, fair of, 283.
Montrichard (France), fair of, 270.
Mount Calvary, fair on, 3.
Mouravieff’s folly, 293.
Nangis, fair of, 283.
New Bartholomew fair, 241.
Newcastle-upon-Tyne, fair at, 13.
Night-watch at Sturbridge fair, 88.
Nijni Novgorod, fair of, 163, 284, 291, 306.
trade at, 303.
Niort (France), fair of, 283.
Nogent-sur-Seine (France), fair of, 283.
Normans, fairs largely introduced by, 14.
North of Europe, fairs in, 10.
Northampton claimed freedom from tolls, 70.
Northumberland, fairs in, 13.
Notaries at fairs, 272.
Nottingham, fair at, 35.
Olearius, travels of, 293.
Olympian games, 3, 27.
Onion fair of Notre Dame, 282.
Orel (Russia), fair of, 288.
Owen Lewy, clown at Sturbridge fair, 150.
Owners of fairs, 53.
Oxford, fair at, 35, 66.
Oysters at Sturbridge fair, 144, 152.
Paris, fairs of, 275.
Passport system at fairs, 305.
Paving the streets, 194.
Payments at fairs, 267.
Parchment sold at fairs, 277.
Pepys on Bartholomew fair, 207, 209.
Pewterers’ Company, right of search, 89.
Philips, W., actor, &c., 214.
Piepowder, courts of, 6, 26, 28, 29, 30, 91, 142.
Piepowder court at Sturbridge fair, 152, 159.
Plague, 44, 46, 101, 114, 118, 119, 121, 124.
Plague in London, 174, 186, 190, 197, 208.
Political allusions at Bartholomew fair, 214.
Political pamphlets, 200.
Poltava (Russia), fair of, 289.
Pope, merchandise of the, 22 (note).
Pork fair of Paris, 282.
Preaching at Sturbridge fair, 123, 130.
Prescription, fairs held by, 15, 16, 17.
Prince of Wales at Bartholomew fair, 227.
Printed matter, sale of, at fairs, 46.
Priory of Bartholomew, 164, 169, 173.
Privilege of fairs, 16.
Procession to proclaim Sturbridge fair, 132.
Proclamation of fairs, 33, 79.
Proctors’ booth in Sturbridge fair, 117.
Proximity of fairs, 16.
Puritans, the, and Bartholomew fair, 202.
Queen Elizabeth, rejoicings on birth of, 73.
Rahere, founder of St. Bartholomew fair, 165.
almoners, 166.
Rattlesnakes at Bartholomew fair, 225.
Regulations for markets and fairs, 50.
Religious petticoat, 203.
Restricting dealings in fairs, 41.
Restoration, the, and Bartholomew, 206.
Retail dealings prohibited, 43.
Rheims, fair of, 270.
Rich, Lord, and Bartholomew fair, 184, 188.
Riga, fair of, 289.
Rival fairs, 16.
Robberies in fairs, 40, 184.
Robbery at Caen fair, 265.
Rogers, E. Thorold, on Sturbridge fair, 160.
Rome, fairs of, 5.
Roman fairs in England, 13.
Roman markets, 27.
Rostof (Russia), fair of, 290.
Rouen, fairs of, 270.
Royal grant, fairs originated by, 15, 17.
Russia, fairs of, 284.
smaller fairs of, 307.
Asiatic fairs in, 308.
St. Denis, fair of, 275.
St. Germain, fair of, 278.
St. Lawrence, fair of, 280.
St. Ovide, fair of, 281.
Salander, Dr. Tobias, in St. Bartholomew fair, 189.
Salisbury, fair at, 35, 66.
Sanitary arrangements at Nijni fair, 306.
Schismatical congregations prohibited, 143.
Seal of fairs, 24, 248.
Search for defective cloth, 193.
Selling after close of fair, penalty, 33.
Setting of willows, 101.
Ships of merchants coming to fairs, 20.
Shoemaker row, Sturbridge fair, 153.
Shops at Sturbridge fair, 151.
Sismondi quoted, 272.
Skinners’ Company, and Sturbridge fair, 117.
Slaves, sale of, in fairs of Europe, 3 (note), 70.
Slaves sold in Smithfield, 179.
Slaves at St. Denis fair, 275.
Smithfield, originally Smoothfield, 165.
Smithfield, stage entertainment on, 220.
Southwark (Our Lady) fair, 197.
Stage plays, 49, 50, 128, 144, 195.
Stage plays, act against, 201.
Stage plays prohibited at Bartholomew fair, 217, 229, 232.
Stars of London theatres acting at Bartholomew fair, 224.
Statute of Gloucester, inquiries under, 17.
Storm at Sturbridge fair (1741), 143, 147.
Strolling player, life of, 226.
Sturbridge chapel, 59.
Sturbridge fair, 21.
history of, 54.
impeached, 75.
new charter, 92, 106.
De Foe’s description of, 133.
plan of, 147.
merchandise at, 149.
money taken at, 152.
last time called by university, 154.
proclamation by university, 154.
proclamation by town, 158.
Sunday fairs, 34.
Sunday trading prohibited, 156, 192.
Supplies purchased at fairs, 103.
Suspected people to be arrested, 99.
Tallow, sale of, 72.
Theatrical performances, 49.
Thermopylæ, fairs of, 4.
Tolls of fairs, 15, 21 (note), 65, 69, 94.
Tolls, Bartholomew fair, 169, 176, 180, 205, 209, 230, 240, 241.
Torhout, fair of, 8.
Toulon, fair of, 271.
Trespass at Sturbridge fair, 143.
Tribunals of commerce, 28.
Troy weight, 272.
Troyes, fairs of, 7, 271.
Tunbridge ware at Sturbridge fair, 154.
Tuscan merchants, 272.
Tyre, fairs of, 4.
Tyson, Rev. Michael, 146.
Universities, rights of, reserved, 43.
Venetian merchants at Sturbridge fair, 161.
Victuals, measures for sale of, to be sealed, 156.
Voronej, fair of, 290.
Walden claimed freedom from tolls, 70.
Wales, fairs in, 18, 39.
Wallace executed in Smithfield, 171.
Wallace’s “Russia” quoted, 306.
Warden of the fair, 249.
Wardens of the privileges, 247.
Weights for fairs, 25.
Weighing goods at Sturbridge fair, 145.
Weights in Bartholomew fair, 191.
Westminster, statute of, 23.
Wine at fairs, price fixed, 83, 156.
Wines at Bordeaux fair, 264.
Winter fair, Russia, 307.
Wood at fairs to be good, 86.
Wooden ware, Sturbridge, 157.
Wool at Sturbridge fair, 139, 162.
Woollen goods at fairs, 278.
Women, “unhonest,” excluded from Sturbridge fair, 155, 156.
Wrestling matches in Bartholomew fair, 198.
Yekaterinburg (Russia), fair of, 310.
Zytomiers (Russia), fair of, 286.
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