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Title: Independent Bohemia
Author: Vladimir Nosek
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[Illustration: Professor Thomas G. Masaryk]
INDEPENDENT BOHEMIA
AN ACCOUNT OF THE CZECHO-SLOVAK STRUGGLE FOR LIBERTY
By VLADIMIR NOSEK
Secretary to the Czecho-Slovak Legation in LONDON
1918
PREFACE
In the following pages I have attempted to outline the story of our
movement for independence. The manuscript of this book was completed over
four months ago. Since then many important changes have occurred in the
international situation. Chapters in which we dealt with the then still
existing Dual Monarchy must of course be read in the past tense, since
Austria exists no more. And again, many things which we anticipated and
hoped for in the future have already become accomplished facts. However, I
trust that the story itself has not only lost none of its value thereby,
but has acquired an additional interest from a historical point of view.
Our aim of national independence, only quite recently declared by our
adversaries to be "an empty dream of moonstruck idealists," has become
to-day not only a practical proposition, but an accomplished fact. We have
our own army, which is by no means the smallest Allied army, and we also
have our own Provisional Government in Paris, recognised not only by the
Allies and by all Czecho-Slovaks abroad, but even by Czech leaders in
Bohemia, with whom we have since the beginning of the war worked in
complete harmony and understanding. The organisation of our independent
State is rapidly proceeding. Austria-Hungary, exhausted economically and
bankrupt politically, has fallen to pieces by the free-will of her own
subject peoples, who, in anticipation of their early victory, broke their
fetters and openly renounced their allegiance to the hated Habsburg and
Hohenzollern rule, even before Austria had actually surrendered to
the Allies.
Events have moved rapidly in Austria, especially since the momentous
British declaration of August 9, 1918, recognising the
Czecho-Slovaks--those resident in the Allied countries as much as those in
Bohemia--as an Allied nation, and the Czecho-Slovak National Council--in
Paris as well as in Prague--as the Provisional Government of Bohemia.
British statesmen already then foresaw the coming collapse of Austria and
acted accordingly. It is also no more a secret to-day that because of the
promulgation of the British and United States declarations our Council was
able to conclude special conventions with all the Allied Governments during
September last, whereby all the powers exercised by a real government have
been granted to it.
In the meantime Germany had been losing more and more control over her
allies, being herself hard pressed on the Western front, and the
consequence of this was a growing boldness on the part of the Austrian
Slavs. On October 2 deputy Stanek declared in the name of the whole Czech
deputation that the National Council in Paris were their true spokesmen and
representatives with whom Austria would have to negotiate. Soon afterwards
the Austrian Poles went to Warsaw, where they formed a new all-Polish
Government, and the Southern Slavs entrusted the government of their
territories to their National Council in Zagreb. Similar councils were
formed also by the Ruthenes and Rumanians. On October 14 the Czecho-Slovak
National Council in Paris constituted itself as a Government of which the
Council in Prague acts as an integral part. The latter took over the reins
of government in Bohemia a fortnight later. On October 19 the Czecho-Slovak
Council issued a Declaration of Independence which we publish in the
Appendix, and from which it will be seen that Bohemia will be progressive
and democratic both in her domestic and foreign policy. A glorious future
is no doubt awaiting her. She will be specially able to render an immense
service to the League of Nations as a bulwark of peace and conciliation
among the various peoples of Central Europe.
The break-up of Austria will, of course, affect enormously the constitution
of the future Europe, and in our last chapter we have tried to give an
outline of these impending changes of conditions and international
relations. The break-up of Austria was bound to come sooner or later,
whether some misinformed critics or prejudiced pro-Austrian politicians
liked it or not. We ourselves were always convinced, and we declared
openly, that Austria could not survive this war, because she was at war
with the majority of her own subjects, who wished for nothing more than for
her destruction. Unfortunately the fact that the sympathies of the thirty
million of Austrian Slavs and Latins were on the side of the Entente,
constituting such an incontestable moral asset for the Allies as it does,
has not always been fully appreciated by Allied public opinion. We
ourselves, however, never doubted for a moment that the Allied cause would
ultimately triumph and that we would achieve our independence, because we
knew that in struggling for this aim we were only carrying out the
unanimous will of our whole nation. Without waiting for any pledges,
without regard as to which side would be victorious, our nation has from
the beginning staked its all on the Allied victory and has contributed with
all its powers to hasten it. Despite all adverse circumstances, our people,
at first completely at the mercy of their enemies, ruthlessly persecuted
and tortured by them, nevertheless remained firm and resolute. Their
attitude was most outspoken and courageous at all times, and they have also
rendered the Allies active assistance, which is being duly appreciated by
them. It is chiefly due to the efforts of the subject peoples themselves,
of whom the Czechs have certainly been the most outspoken, that the
collapse of Austria has occurred, which finally sealed the fate of
Kaiserism and of the Pan-German plans of Mitteleuropa.
To-day our hopes for a better future are at last being fulfilled as a
result of the Allies' complete victory, assuring the creation of a new and
just international order. Our much-afflicted yet undaunted people already
consider themselves as independent. The Peace Conference, at which the
Czecho-Slovak Government will be represented, will only confirm the
existence of an independent Czecho-Slovak State.
In conclusion, we should like to express our deep gratitude to all our
English friends for their valuable assistance in our struggle for the
realisation of our ideals. We especially wish to thank once more the
British Government for the generous step taken by them in recognising us as
an Allied and belligerent nation. It was chiefly because of this
recognition and of the gallant deeds of our army that we achieved all our
subsequent diplomatic and political successes. We may assure Great Britain
that the Czecho-Slovaks will never forget what they owe to her, and that
they will endeavour to do their best to merit the trust so generously
placed in them.
VLADIMIR NOSEK.
9, GROSVENOR PLACE, LONDON,
_November_, 1918.
[Illustration: The International Position Of The Czecho Slovak Republic In
Future Europe]
CONTENTS
I. WHAT is AUSTRIA-HUNGARY?
II. AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE PRESENT WAR
III. CZECH POLITICAL PARTIES BEFORE AND DURING THE WAR
IV. TERRORISM IN BOHEMIA DURING THE WAR
_(a)_ Czech Deputies and Leaders imprisoned and sentenced to Death;
_(b)_ Monster Trials, Arbitrary Executions, Internment of Civilians,
etc.;
_(c)_ Persecution of the Press;
_(d)_ Reichsrat Interpellations.
V. HOW THE CZECHO SLOVAKS AT HOME ASSISTED THE ALLIES
VI. THE MILITARY AND POLITICAL ACTION OF THE CZECHO-SLOVAKS ABROAD
VII. THE CZECHS AT HOME BEGIN TO SPEAK
_(a)_ Czech Declaration of May 30, 1917;
_(b)_ Courageous Speeches delivered by Czech Deputies in the Reichsrat;
_(c)_ After the Amnesty;
_(d)_ During Peace Negotiations with Russia;
_(e)_ The Constituent Assembly of Prague on January 6, 1918;
_(f)_ The Oath of the Czecho Slovak Nation;
_(g)_ The Slovaks' Attitude;
_(h)_ The Czecho-Slovak National Council in Prague.
VIII. CZECHO-SLOVAK CO-OPERATION WITH OTHER NON-GERMAN NATIONS OF CENTRAL
EUROPE
_(a)_ The Congress of Rome;
_(b)_ The May Manifestations in Prague.
IX. BOHEMIA AS A BULWARK AGAINST PAN-GERMANISM
APPENDIX OF SOME RECENT DOCUMENTS
BIBLIOGRAPHY
I
WHAT IS AUSTRIA-HUNGARY?
1. The Habsburg Empire is built upon centuries-old traditions of reaction
and violence. Its present power is chiefly based on the alliance which
Bohemia and Hungary concluded with Austria against the Turkish peril in
1526. The Czechs freely elected the Habsburgs to the throne of Bohemia
which remained a fully independent state, its alliance with Austria and
Hungary being purely dynastic. But soon the Habsburgs began to violate the
liberties of Bohemia which they were bound by oath to observe, and this led
finally to the fateful Czech revolution of 1618. At the battle of the White
Mountain in 1620 the Czechs suffered a defeat and were cruelly punished for
their rebellion. All their nobility were either executed or sent into
exile, and their property confiscated. The country was devastated by the
imperial hordes, and its population was reduced from 3,000,000 to 800,000
during the Thirty Years' War.
In 1627 Ferdinand II. greatly curtailed the administrative rights of
Bohemia, yet he did not dare to deprive her entirely of her independence.
In his "Renewed Ordinance of the Land" Ferdinand declared the Bohemian
crown to be hereditary in the House of Habsburg, and reserved legislative
power to the sovereign. But otherwise the historical rights of Bohemia
remained valid, notwithstanding all subsequent arbitrary centralising
measures taken by the Habsburgs. Bohemia's rights were repeatedly
recognised by each succeeding Habsburg. Legally Bohemia is an independent
state to-day.
The heavy persecutions inflicted upon Bohemia had a disastrous effect upon
her intellectual life and national development which were completely
paralysed until the end of the eighteenth century, when owing to the
humanitarian ideals of those times, and as a reaction against the
Germanising centralistic efforts of Joseph II., the Czechs again began to
recover their national consciousness. This revival marked the beginning of
the Czecho-Slovak struggle for the re-establishment of their independence.
The movement was at first literary, and only in the forties became
political. It was a continuous struggle against reaction and absolutism,
and if the Czecho-Slovaks to-day can boast of an advanced civilisation, it
is only owing to their perseverance and hard endeavours, and not because of
any good-will on the part of the Austrian Government which put every
possible obstacle in their way.
2. _The present Austria-Hungary_ is primarily a dynastic estate, for the
crown was always its supreme political driving force, although at present
the Habsburgs are mere slaves of their masters, the Hohenzollerns. It is
this characteristic which justifies us in concluding that Austria is an
autocratic state _par excellence_. If there were no other reason, this
should be sufficient to make every true democrat an enemy of Austria.
Furthermore, it is this characteristic which makes us comprehend why the
Habsburg monarchy is fighting side by side with German autocracy and
imperialism against the allied democracies of the world.
Notwithstanding the so-called constitution which is a mere cloak for
absolutism, the monarch in Austria is emperor by "Divine Right" alone, and
is the absolute master of his subject peoples in virtue of his privileged
position which confers on him an inexhaustible amount of power and
influence. The internal as well as the foreign policy of the monarchy is
directed in the real or supposed interests of the dynasty. The principle
_divide et impera_ is its leading idea in internal politics, and the
increase of dynastic power in foreign policy. The question of war and peace
is decided by the emperor, to whom it also appertains to order matters
concerning the management, leadership and organisation of the whole army.
And though in Hungary the power of the monarch largely depends on the
Budapest Parliament, yet even here the constitutional power of the dynasty
is enormous, the King of Hungary being a governing and legislative factor
by no means inferior to that of the parliament.
Even when attempts were made at enfranchising the masses (as in 1896 and
finally in 1905), the motive again was purely dynastic. Such constitutional
measures as were taken, only strengthened racial dissensions and were
equally insincere and inefficient. The present constitution of 1867, as
well as the previous constitutions of 1849, 1860 and 1861, was granted by
the crown, to whom it was reserved to reverse or modify the same. The
parliament is absolutely powerless in Austria. It is a mere cloak for
absolutism, since the famous Paragraph 14 provides for absolutist
government by means of imperial decrees without parliament in case of
emergency. The dynasty took ample advantage of this clause during the first
three years of this war when absolutism and terrorism reigned supreme in
the Dual Monarchy. While since 1861 up to the beginning of the war 156
imperial decrees had been issued, fully 161 have been passed during the
first three years of the present war.
The arbitrary power of the dynasty is based: upon the organisation of the
army, the leadership of which is entrusted to the Germans; upon the feudal
aristocracy who are the only real Austrians, since they have no
nationality, though they invariably side with the dominant Germans and
Magyars; upon the power of the police who form the chief instrument of the
autocratic government and who spy upon and terrorise the population; upon
the German bureaucrats who do not consider themselves the servants of the
public, but look upon the public as their servant, and whose spirit of
meanness and corruption is so characteristic of the Austrian body politic;
finally, the dynasty relies upon the Catholic hierarchy who hold vast
landed property in Austria and regard it as the bulwark of Catholicism, and
who through Clericalism strive for political power rather than for the
religious welfare of their denomination. In alliance with them are the
powerful Jewish financiers who also control the press in Vienna and
Budapest. Clearly Austria is the very negation of democracy. It stands for
reaction, autocracy, falsehood and hypocrisy, and it is therefore no
exaggeration to say that nobody professing democratic views can reasonably
plead for the preservation of this system of political violence.
When we remember the enormous power of the dynasty and the political system
which supports it, we understand why in the past Austria has always played
the part of the most reactionary, autocratic and tyrannic state in Europe.
Hopes have indeed been expressed by some Austrophils in the good-will of
the new Austrian Emperor on account of his amiable character. The Slavs
have ample reason to distrust the Habsburgs who have proved to be
treacherous autocrats in the past, and whose records show them as an
incapable and degenerate family. As a political power Kaiser Karl is the
same menace to his subject Slavs as his predecessors. Above all, however,
he is of necessity a blind tool in the hands of Germany, and he cannot
possibly extricate himself from her firm grip. The Habsburgs have had their
chance, but they missed it. By systematic and continuous misgovernment they
created a gulf between the Slavs and themselves which nothing on earth can
remove. Every Habsburg believes he has a "mission" to fulfil. The only
mission left for Kaiser Karl is to abdicate and dissolve his empire into
its component parts. There is no reason whatever why Austria should be
saved for the sake of the degenerate and autocratic Habsburg dynasty.
3. Let us now examine the much misunderstood racial problems of the Dual
Monarchy. There is no Austrian nation, since there is no Austrian language.
Austria is a mere geographical expression. In fact the Slavs, constituting
the majority of Austrian subjects, would think it an insult to be called
Austrians. During the war they have been treated as subjects of an enemy
state, and to-day they have no part or lot with Austria. The Czech
statesman Rieger once declared that when the Slavs no longer desired the
existence of Austria, no one would be able to save her. And indeed, the
claims raised by the majority of Austria's population to-day mean the death
warrant of the Dual Monarchy.
To get a clear idea of the racial issue, we will quote the official
Austrian statistics, which tell us that in Austria-Hungary there are:
AUSTRIA. HUNGARY. BOSNIA. TOTAL.
SLAVS: Million. Million. Million. Million. Million.
Czecho-Slovaks 6.4 2 -- 8.4
Yugoslavs 2 3 1.8 6.8
Poles 5 -- -- 5
Ruthenes 3.5 0.5 -- 4
-- 24.2
LATINS:
Italians 0.8 -- -- 0.8
Rumanians 0.3 2.9 -- 3.2
-- 4
GERMANS 10 2 -- 12
MAGYARS -- 10 -- 10
OTHERS 0.6 0.4 -- 1
28.6 20.8 1.8 51.2
Thus it appears that the Slavs alone (without Italians and Rumanians) form
about 48 per cent. of the total population. The Germans form only 24 per
cent. of the population of Austria-Hungary, while in Hungary proper the
dominant Magyars do not form quite 50 per cent. of the population. The
predominance of the German and Magyar minorities is apparent not only from
the fact that they hold the reins of government, but also from their unfair
proportional representation in both parliaments. Thus instead of 310 seats
out of 516 in the Reichsrat the Slavs hold only 259, while the Germans hold
232 instead of 160. By gaining 83 Polish votes in return for temporary
concessions, the Germans have thus always been in the majority in the
Reichsrat in the past. In Hungary the proportion is still more unjust. The
Magyars hold 405 seats instead of 210 in the parliament of Budapest out of
the total number of 413, while the non-Magyars, entitled according to their
numbers to 203 seats, have in reality only five representatives in the
"democratic" parliament of Budapest.
All the above calculations are based upon official statistics which are
grossly exaggerated in favour of the Germans and Magyars. The picture would
be still more appalling if we took into consideration the actual number of
the Slavs. The Austrian census is not based upon the declaration of
nationality or of the native language, but upon the statement of the
"language of communication" ("Umgangsprache"). In mixed districts economic
pressure is brought against the Slavs, who are often workmen dependent upon
German masters and bound to declare their nationality as German for fear
they should lose their employment. From private statistics it has been
found that the percentage of Germans in Bohemia can hardly exceed 20 per
cent, as against 37 per cent, given by the official census. Still greater
pressure is brought to bear against the Slavs by the Magyars in Hungary,
who are famous for the brutal methods in which they indulge for the purpose
of shameless falsification of their official statistics. Thus the actual
strength of the rival races of Austria-Hungary may with every justification
be estimated as follows:
SLAVS:
Czecho-Slovaks 10 million \
Yugoslavs 7-1/2 " |
> 27 million
Poles 5 " |
Ruthenes 4-1/2 " /
LATINS:
Italians 1 million \
> 5 "
Rumanians 4 " /
GERMANS 10 " \
> 18 "
MAGYARS 8 " /
OTHERS 1 "
__________________________
51 million
4. The rule of the German-Magyar minority over the Slav and Latin majority,
finally established by the introduction of dualism in 1867, was made
possible only by the demoralising system of violence described above. One
race was pitted against the other in Austria and this enabled the Germans
to rule them better, while the Magyars in Hungary, by keeping their subject
races in the darkness of ignorance and by using the most abominable methods
of violence, succeeded in securing for themselves the entire monopoly of
government. The Magyars, who are a race of Asiatic origin, are truly the
faithful descendants of the ancient Huns, and true allies of the Huns
of to-day.
When Kossuth came to England in 1848, he was hailed as the champion of
freedom and liberty, and entranced his audiences in London and other
English cities by his remarkable oratory. As a matter of fact Kossuth,
though called "the father of the Magyars," was himself a denationalised
Slovak; instead of a "champion of liberty," he might with much greater
justification have been called the champion of the greatest racial tyranny
in Europe. For even then, while fighting for their own liberty and for the
independence of Hungary, the Magyars denied the most elementary political
and national rights to the other peoples living in Hungary.
In 1910 there were 2,202,165 Slovaks in Hungary according to the official
census. These two million Slovaks had only two deputies (Dr. Blaho and
Juriga), while the 8,651,520 Magyars had 405 seats, so that every Slovak
deputy represented one million electors, every Magyar deputy, however,
21,000. As regards administration, all civil service officials in Hungary
have to be of Magyar nationality. The cases of persecution for political
offences are innumerable: Slovak candidates were prevented from being
elected by being imprisoned. Corruption and violence are the two main
characteristics of all elections in "democratic" Hungary. Even to-day when
some Radicals in Budapest talk of electoral reform, they want suffrage to
be extended to Magyar electors only, and also stipulate that the candidates
shall be of Magyar nationality. No Magyar politicians will ever abandon the
programme of the territorial integrity of Hungary, their aims being
expressed in the words of Koloman Tisza: "For the sake of the future of the
Magyar State it is necessary for Hungary to become a state where only
Magyar is spoken. To gain the Slovaks or to come to a compromise with them
is out of the question. There is only one means which is
effective--Extirpation!" And this aim the Magyars have faithfully kept
before them for at least the last hundred years.
In the same way also the economic development of the non-Magyar
nationalities has been systematically hampered, because the Magyars know
that economic dependence means also political subservience. The Slovaks and
Rumanians are not allowed to found co-operative societies or banks on the
ground that such institutions "are opposed to the interests of the elements
which hold the Magyar State together."
But it is not only the non-Magyars who suffer. The Magyar working classes
and the majority of the Magyar country people themselves are deprived of
political rights, for Hungary is ruled by an oligarchy and scarcely 5 per
cent. of the population has the suffrage right.
We may say, therefore, without exaggeration that to-day Hungary is the most
reactionary country of Europe. Nowhere else (not even in Prussia) have the
people so little power as in Hungary, where the Socialists have not a
single seat in parliament. The "politics" in Hungary are the privilege of a
few aristocrats. Hungary is a typical oligarchic and theocratic state.
When the Magyars plead to-day for "peace without annexations" and for the
integrity of Hungary, they want to be allowed to continue to oppress and
systematically magyarise the Slavs and Rumanians of Hungary. The triumphant
allied democracies will not, however, stoop before autocratic Hungary. The
dismemberment of Hungary, according to the principle of nationality, is a
_sine qua non_ of a permanent and just peace in Europe.
5. The four strongest races in Austria-Hungary, then, are the Germans,
Magyars, Czecho-Slovaks and Yugoslavs, numbering from eight to ten million
each. The Austrian Germans and the Magyars occupy the centre, while the
Czecho-Slovaks inhabit the north (Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia and Slovakia),
and the Yugoslavs ten provinces in the southern part of the monarchy. In
order to facilitate German penetration and domination and to destroy the
last remnants of Bohemia's autonomous constitution, the Austrian Government
attempted, by the imperial decree of May 19, 1918, to dismember Bohemia
into twelve administrative districts with German officials at the head, who
were to possess the same power to rule their respective districts as had
hitherto appertained only to the Governor (Statthalter) of Bohemia, legally
responsible to the Bohemian Diet.
But not only are the Czecho-Slovaks and Yugoslavs divided between both
halves of the monarchy and among numerous administrative districts which
facilitate German penetration. Dissensions were fomented among the
different parties of these two nations and religious differences exploited.
The Yugoslavs, for instance, consist of three peoples: the Serbs and
Croats, who speak the same language and differ only in religion and
orthography, the former being Orthodox and the latter Catholic; and the
Slovenes, who speak a dialect of Serbo-Croatian and form the most western
outpost of the Yugoslav (or Southern Slav) compact territory. It was the
object of the Austrian Government to exploit these petty differences among
Yugoslavs so as to prevent them from realising that they form one and the
same nation entitled to independence. At the same time Austria has done all
in her power to create misunderstandings between the Slavs and Italians,
just as she tried to create dissensions between Poles and Ruthenes in
Galicia, and between Poles and Czechs in Silesia, well knowing that the
dominant races, the Germans and Magyars, would profit thereby. Fortunately
the war has opened the eyes of the subject peoples, and, as we shall show
later on, to-day they all go hand in hand together against their common
enemies in Berlin, Vienna and Budapest.
II
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE PRESENT WAR
In order to understand fully what is at stake in this war and why the Slavs
are so bitterly opposed to the further existence of Austria-Hungary, it is
necessary to study the foreign policy of the Central Powers during the past
century. The "deepened alliance" concluded between Germany and
Austria-Hungary in May, 1918, resulting in the complete surrender of
Austria's independence, is in fact the natural outcome of a long
development and the realisation of the hopes of Mitteleuropa cherished by
the Germans for years past. The scares about the dangers of "Pan-slavism"
were spread by the Germans only in order to conceal the real danger of
Pan-Germanism.
1. The original theory of Pan-Germanism was the consolidation and unity of
the whole German nation corresponding to the movement of the Italians for
national unity. In fact it was a German, Herder, who first proclaimed the
principle of nationality and declared the nation to be the natural organ of
humanity, as opposed to the idea of the state as an artificial
organisation: "Nothing seems to be so opposed to the purpose of government
as an unnatural extension of territory of a state and a wild confusion of
holding different races and nations under the sway of a single sceptre." It
was this humanitarian philosophy recognising the natural rights of all
nations, great or small, to freedom which inspired the first Czech
regenerators such as Dobrovský, Jungman and Kollár.
The legitimate claims of the Germans to national unity became unjust and
dangerous for Europe when the Germans began to think of subduing the whole
of Central Europe to their hegemony, which meant the subjugation of some
100 million Slavs and Latins. At first it was Austria which, as the head of
the former Holy Roman Empire, and the traditional bulwark of Germany in the
east (Osterreich--an eastern march), aspired to be the head of the
Pan-German Empire. At the Congress of Vienna in 1815, the Austrian Emperor
became the head of the German Confederation. Prussia at that time entirely
gave way and left the leadership to Metternich's system of absolutism.
By and by, it became obvious that Austria was, on account of her non-German
population, internally weak, condemned to constant employment of violence
and reaction, and therefore unfit to stand at the head of a strong modern
Pan-Germany. Prussia therefore, as the greatest of the homogeneous German
states, became Austria's rival and was accepted by the Frankfurt Assembly
as the leader of the Confederation. The rivalry between Austria and Prussia
ended in 1866, when after Austria's defeat the clever diplomacy of Bismarck
turned the rivalry between Austria and Prussia into friendship. Since the
Germans in Austria began to feel their impotence in the face of the growing
Slav power, a year later the centralising efforts of the Habsburgs were
finally embodied in the system of dualism which gave over the Slavs and
Italians in Austria to German hegemony and the Slavs and Rumanians in
Hungary to Magyar tyranny. For the support of this hegemony the Austrian
Germans and Magyars, whose ambitions are identical with those of Germany,
were entirely dependent on Berlin. Thus Austria-Hungary became inevitably
Germany's partner and vanguard in the south-east. Finally, the present war
was started by the Germans and Magyars with the object of achieving the
ambitious plans preached and expounded by Pan-German writers for years
past. The Germans wanted at all costs to become the masters of Central
Europe, to build an empire from Berlin to Bagdad, and finally to strike for
world domination.
2. In this turn of events Magyar influence played a greater part than might
be thought. Already in 1848 Kossuth defined the Hungarian foreign policy as
follows:--
"The Magyar nation is bound to maintain the most cordial relations with
the free German nation and help it in safeguarding Western
civilisation."
And while the Hungarian Slavs were prohibited from attending the Pan-Slav
Congress held in Prague in 1848, the Magyars sent two delegates to
Frankfurt in order to give practical expression to the above Magyar policy.
The value of Hungary for the Pan-German plans has been expressed by
Friedrich List who, in 1862, dreamt of "a powerful oriental German-Magyar
Empire," and declared:
"The way towards the realisation of this plan runs through Hungary, and
while without Hungary we can do nothing, with her aid we can do
everything. Hungary is for Germany the clue to Turkey and the Near
East, and at the same time a bulwark against a superior power from the
north."
The Magyars realised from the beginning the importance of an understanding
between themselves and Prussia, and they directed their foreign policy
accordingly. The setting up of dualism in 1867, which finally established
the German-Magyar hegemony in Austria-Hungary in the interests of Prussia,
was the work of two Magyars--Julius Andrassy and Francis Deak, who took
advantage of Austria's defeat at Sadova to further their interests. In
1870, when Vienna contemplated revenge against Prussia, the Magyars again
intervened in favour of Prussia. When questioned as to Hungary's attitude,
Andrassy, then Premier, declared in the Hungarian Parliament that under no
circumstances would he allow any action against Prussia, and exerted all
his influence in Vienna to that effect. It was also due mainly to Magyar
influence that all attempts of the Czechs to weaken German influence in
Austria were frustrated. Francis Joseph always promised to be crowned King
of Bohemia when he wished to placate the Czechs in times of stress for
Austria: in 1861, 1865, 1870 and 1871. But he never carried out his
promises. In this he was guided not only by considerations of dynastic
interest, but also by the advice of the Magyars.
But the most decisive and fateful exercise of Magyar influence upon
Austria's foreign policy occurred in 1879, when the Austro-German Alliance
was finally concluded. This was equally the work of Bismarck, who spared
the defeated Austria in order to make an ally of her, and of a
Magyar--Count Andrassy--who from 1871 to 1879 was the Austro-Hungarian
Foreign Minister. It was this Magyar help which made Bismarck utter words
of gratitude and declare in 1883:
"Our political judgment leads us to the conviction that German and
Magyar interests are inseparable."
It is true that there always was a Magyar opposition against Austria
(though never against Prussia). But this opposition was used as a weapon to
extort concessions from Austria. At the bottom of their hearts, however,
the Austrian Germans were always at one with the Magyars in their common
desire to oppress the Slavs. And the responsibility of Count Tisza for the
present world catastrophe is just as great as that of the Kaiser himself.
3. The Czechs saw clearly the progress of events. Bismarck was well aware
of the importance of Bohemia, for he declared that the master of Bohemia
would become the master of Europe. He did not desire to annex any Austrian
territory, since he knew that sooner or later Germany would swallow the
whole of Austria, as she has done in this war. Indeed, at the Congress of
Berlin in 1878, Bismarck did not conceal his intention of using
Austria-Hungary in Germany's interests. At the bottom of his heart he was
at one with the radical Pan-German writers, like Lagarde, Treitschke,
Mommsen, Naumann and others, who openly declared that the Slavs should be
subjugated and the Czechs, as the most courageous and therefore the most
dangerous of them, crushed.
The Slavs always bitterly opposed the encroachments of Germanism, and saw
in it their chief enemy. The Czech leader Palacký rejected the invitation
to Frankfurt in 1848 and summoned a Slav Congress to Prague. It is true
that Palacký at that time dreamt of an Austria just to all her nations. He
advocated a strong Austria as a federation of nations to counterbalance
Pan-Germanism. Yet at the same time Palacký has proved through his history
and work that Bohemia has full right to independence. He was well aware
that a federalistic and just Austria would have to grant independence to
the Czecho-Slovaks. But later on he gave up his illusions about the
possibility of a just Austria, when he saw that she abandoned the Slavs
entirely to German-Magyar hegemony, and declared that Bohemia existed
before Austria and would also exist after her. In 1866 he wrote:
"I myself now give up all hope of a long preservation of the Austrian
Empire; not because it is not desirable or has no mission to fulfil,
but because it allowed the Germans and Magyars to grasp the reins of
government and to found in it their racial tyranny."
Exasperated by the pact of dualism which the Czechs never recognised,
Palacký went to Moscow and on his return declared:
"I have already said that I do not cherish any hopes of the
preservation of Austria, especially since the Germans and Magyars made
it the home of their racial despotism; the question therefore as to
what will happen to the Slavs hitherto living in Austria is not without
significance. Without attempting to prophesy future events which for a
mortal man it is difficult to foreshadow, I may say from my inner
conviction that the Czechs as a nation, if they fell under the
subjection of either Russia or Prussia, would never rest contented. It
would never fade from their memory that according to right or justice
they should be ruled by themselves, that is by their own government and
by their own sovereign. They would regard the Prussians as their deadly
enemies on account of their germanising rage. But as to the Russians,
the Czechs would regard them as their racial brothers and friends; they
would not become their faithful subjects, but their true allies and, if
need be, vanguards in Europe."
Moreover, modern Czech politicians always clearly saw what the Germans were
aiming at. Dr. Kramár, for instance, foresaw the present situation with
remarkable perspicacity. In the _Revue de Paris_ for February, 1899, he
wrote on "The Future of Austria," declaring that her subject nationalities
should be on guard lest she should become a vassal of Germany and a bridge
for German expansion into Asia:
"The Austrian Germans wish to see Austria subordinated to German
policy, and with the help of a subordinated Austria, the sphere of
German political and economic activity would extend from Hamburg to
Asia Minor."
Similarly also he warned Great Britain in the _National Review_ for
October, 1902, that if Pan-German plans were realised,
"Austria would become an appanage of Germany as regards international
relations, and the policy of Europe would be obliged to reckon, not
with a free and independent Austria, but, owing to Austria's
unconditional self-surrender, with a mighty, almost invincible
Germany.... The Pan-Germans are right, the Czechs are an arrow in the
side of Germany, and such they wish to and must and will remain. Their
firm and unchangeable hope is that they will succeed in making of
themselves an impenetrable breakwater. They hope for no foreign help;
they neither wish for it nor ask for it. They have only one desire,
namely, that non-German Europe may also at last show that it
understands the meaning of the Bohemian question."
In 1906 Dr. Kramár wrote again in detail on the plans of German domination
in Central Europe, in the Adriatic and in the Near East. In a book on Czech
policy he declared that to prevent the realisation of these plans was the
vital interest of the Czech nation: "A far-seeing Austrian policy should
see in the Czech nation the safeguard of the independence of the State."
And then followed the famous passage which formed part of the "evidence"
quoted against him during his trial for high treason:
"If Austria-Hungary continues her internal policy by centralising in
order to be better able to germanise and preserve the German character
of the State, if she does not resist all efforts for the creation of a
customs and economic union with Germany, the Pan-German movement will
prove fatal for her. To preserve and maintain a state the sole ambition
of which was to be a second German State after Germany, would be
superfluous not only for the European Powers, but also for the
non-German nations of Europe. _And if, therefore, a conflict should
break out between the German and the non-German world and the definite
fate of Austria should be at stake, the conflict would surely not end
with the preservation of Austria_."
And on November 10, 1911, he admitted that his former hopes for the
destruction of the Austro-German Alliance and a rapprochement between
Austria and Russia proved to be in vain:
"... _I had an aim in life and a leading idea. The events of the
annexation crisis have proved calamitous for the policy which I
followed all my life_. I wished to do everything which lay within the
compass of my small powers, to render my own nation happy and great in
a free, powerful and generally respected Austria ... _I have always
resented the fact that when they talked about Austria people really
meant only the Germans and Magyars, as if the great majority of Slavs
upon whom rest the biggest burdens did not exist_. But now--and no
beautiful words can make me change my opinion on that point--an
entirely independent policy has become unthinkable, because the only
path which remains open to Vienna leads by way of Berlin. Berlin will
henceforward direct our policy."
4. To offer any proofs that the present war was deliberately planned and
provoked by the Governments of Berlin, Vienna and Budapest seems to me
superfluous. Who can to-day have any doubt that Austria wilfully provoked
the war in a mad desire to crush Serbia? Who can doubt that Austria for a
long time entertained imperialist ambitions with respect to the Balkans
which were supported by Berlin which wished to use Austria as a "bridge to
the East"?
No more damning document for Austria can be imagined than Prince
Lichnowsky's Memorandum. He denounces Austria's hypocritical support of the
independence of Albania. In this respect he holds similar views to those
expressed in the Austrian delegations of 1913 by Professor Masaryk, who
rightly denounced the Austrian plan of setting up an independent Albania on
the plea of "the right of nationalities" which Austria denied her own
Slavs. Professor Masaryk rightly pointed out at that time that an outlet to
the sea is a vital necessity for Serbia, that the Albanians were divided
into so many racial, linguistic and religious groups and so uncivilised
that they could not form an independent nation, and that the whole project
was part and parcel of Austria's anti-Serbian policy and her plans for the
conquest of the Balkans. Prince Lichnowsky admits that an independent
Albania "had no prospect of surviving," and that it was merely an Austrian
plan for preventing Serbia from obtaining an access to the sea.
He apparently disagrees with the idea of "the power of a Ruling House, the
dynastic idea," but stands up for "a National State, the democratic idea."
That in itself seems to indicate that he is in favour of the destruction of
Austria and its substitution by new states, built according to the
principle of nationality. He admittedly disagrees with the views of Vienna
and Budapest, and criticises Germany's alliance with Austria, probably
knowing, as a far-sighted and well-informed politician, that
Austria-Hungary cannot possibly survive this war.
Prince Lichnowsky frankly admits that the murder of the Archduke Francis
Ferdinand was a mere pretext for Vienna, which in fact had resolved on an
expedition against Serbia soon after the second Balkan war by which she
felt herself humiliated. In scathing terms he denounces the Triple Alliance
policy and thinks it a great mistake that Germany allied herself with the
"Turkish and Magyar oppressors." And though he says that it was Germany
which "persisted that Serbia must be massacred," he makes it quite clear
that it was Vienna that led the conspiracy against Europe, since on all
questions Germany "took up the position prescribed to her by Vienna." The
policy of espousing Austria's quarrels, the development of the
Austro-German Alliance into a pooling of interests in all spheres, was "the
best way of producing war." The Balkan policy of conquest and strangulation
"was not the German policy, but that of the Austrian Imperial House." What
better testimony is required to prove that Austria was not the blind tool,
but the willing and wilful accomplice of Germany?
III
CZECH POLITICAL PARTIES BEFORE AND DURING THE WAR
The Czech policy during the past seventy years has always had but one
ultimate aim in view: the re-establishment of the ancient kingdom of
Bohemia and the full independence of the Czecho-Slovak nation. From the
very beginning of their political activity Czech politicians resisted the
Pan-German scheme of Central Europe. They preached the necessity of the
realisation of liberty and equality for all nations, and of a federation of
the non-Germans of Central Europe as a barrier against German expansion.
The chief reason for the failure of their efforts was the fact that they
sometimes had illusions that the Habsburgs might favour the plan of such an
anti-German federation, although the Habsburgs always mainly relied on the
Germans and Magyars and could not and would not satisfy the Czech
aspirations. The Czechs were greatly handicapped in their political
struggle, because they had only just begun to live as a nation and had to
face the powerful German-Magyar predominance, with the dynasty and the
whole state machinery behind them. Moreover, the Czechs had no national
aristocracy like the Poles or Magyars, and their leaders lacked all
political experience and all sense of reality in politics which was so
marked in a state built on deceit and hypocrisy. They continually defended
themselves with declarations about the justice of their claims, satisfied
themselves with empty promises which Austria has never kept, and cherished
vain illusions of obtaining justice in Austria, while Austria was _via
facti_ steadily depriving them of all their rights. On the other hand, it
should be remembered that they were faced with a government that had the
whole powerful German Empire behind it, and that they had to struggle for
freedom in a state where genuine constitutional government and democracy
were unknown. The Czech efforts to obtain some measure of freedom by
struggling for democratic reforms were consistently opposed by the dominant
Germans. To-day, of course, the situation has greatly improved as compared
with the situation seventy years ago. The Czecho-Slovak nation, through its
own work and energy, is a highly advanced and economically self-supporting
and rich nation, and in its struggle for a just resettlement of Central
Europe it has the support not only of all the other non-German nations of
Central Europe, but also of the Entente on whose victory it has staked its
all. The Czecho-Slovaks are resolved not to let themselves be fooled by
Austria any longer and claim full independence from Berlin, Vienna and
Budapest, which alone will safeguard them against the possibility of being
again exploited militarily, economically and politically against their own
interests for a cause which they detest.
1. Although as early as 1812 the Bohemian Diet (then a close aristocratic
body) demanded the restitution of the rights of the kingdom of Bohemia, the
political activity of the Czechs did not really begin until 1848 when, on
April 8, the emperor issued the famous Bohemian Charter recognising the
rights of Bohemia to independence. It was that year which marked the end of
Metternich's absolutism and in which revolution broke out in Western and
Central Europe, including Hungary and Bohemia. Already at that time the
Czechs counted on the break-up of Austria. Havlícek, who in 1846 began to
publish the first national Czech newspaper, wrote on May 7, 1848, when
inviting the Poles to attend the Pan-Slav Congress in Prague:
"An understanding between us--the Czecho-Slovaks and the Poles--would
be to the mutual advantage of both nations, especially under the
present circumstances when everything, even the break-up of Austria,
may be anticipated. I am sure that if the government continues to
pursue its present policy, Austria will fall to pieces before next
winter and the Czechs are not going to save her. The Czecho-Slovaks,
Poles and Yugoslavs, united politically and supporting each other, will
surely sooner or later attain their object, which is to obtain full
independence, national unity and political liberty."
It is characteristic of Austria that during the present war she has
prohibited the circulation of this article written seventy years ago.
Similarly, also, Palacký in his letter to Frankfurt, explaining why the
Czechs would not attend the Pan-German Parliament, made it clear that he
had no illusions about the good-will of Austria to adopt a just policy
towards her nationalities:
"In critical times we always saw this state, destined to be the bulwark
against Asiatic invasions, helpless and hesitating. In an unfortunate
blindness this state has never understood its true interests, always
suppressing its moral duty to accord to all races justice and equality
of rights."
At the Pan-Slav Congress presided over by Palacký, Bakunin, the Russian
revolutionary, openly advocated the dismemberment of Austria in the
interests of justice and democracy, and proposed a free Slav federation in
Central Europe.
The Pan-Slav Congress, in which also the Poles and Yugoslavs participated,
issued a manifesto to Europe on June 12, 1848, proclaiming the "liberty,
equality and fraternity of nations." It ended prematurely by the outbreak
of an abortive revolt in Prague, provoked by the military, which resulted
in bloodshed and in the re-establishment of reaction and absolutism.
2. In the first Austrian Parliament of 1848, eighty-eight Czech deputies
formed a united _Nationalist Party_ (later on called the _Old Czech
Party_), led by Palacký, Rieger and Brauner. They formed the Right wing
which stood for democratic and federalist ideals. The Left was formed by
the Germans who stood for centralism and a close union with Germany. Only
an insignificant number of Germans formed the Centre which stood for the
preservation of Austria.
In October, 1848, fresh troubles broke out in Vienna, partly directed
against the presence of the Czechs. On November 15, the parliament was
summoned to Kremsier, in which the Czechs, Ruthenes, Yugoslavs and some
Poles formed a Slav _bloc_ of 120 members. On December 2, Francis Joseph
ascended the throne, and a constitution was proposed by a parliamentary
committee of which Rieger was a member. The proposal was opposed by the
government, because it defined "the people's sovereignty as the foundation
of the power of the State," and not the dynasty. On March 6, 1849, the
parliament was dissolved and a constitution imposed by an imperial decree.
The _Czech Radical Democrats_, led by Fric, Sabina and Sladkovský, who
already in 1848 stood for a more radical policy than that of the Liberal
Nationalists led by Palacký, now again thought of organising an armed
revolt against Austria. But the leaders of the conspiracy were arrested and
sentenced to many years' imprisonment. After the Austrian victories in
Italy and the collapse of the Hungarian revolution, absolutism again
reigned supreme.
During the ten years that followed, Bach tried, relying upon the army and
the hierarchy, to centralise and germanise the empire. In January, 1850,
Havlícek's _Národní Noviny_ was suppressed and later, also, three of the
other remaining Czech journals. Palacký openly declared that he abandoned
political activity and Rieger went abroad. Havlícek continued to work for
the national cause under great difficulties, until he was arrested in
December, 1851, and interned without a trial in Tyrol where he contracted
an incurable illness to which he succumbed in 1856. Even as late as 1859
the Czechs were not allowed to publish a political newspaper.
3. After the defeats at Magenta and Solferino in 1859, Austria began to see
the impossibility of a continued rule of terrorism and absolutism. Bach was
obliged to resign, and on March 5, 1860, a state council was summoned to
Vienna. Bohemia was represented only by the nobility who had no sympathy
with the Czech national cause, and on September 24 the Rumanian delegate,
Mosconyi, openly deplored the fact that "the brotherly Czech nation was not
represented."
The era of absolutism was theoretically ended by the so-called "October
Diploma" of 1860, conferring on Austria a constitution which in many
respects granted self-government to Hungary, but ignored Bohemia, although
formally admitting her historical rights. This "lasting and irrevocable
Constitution of the Empire" was revoked on February 26, 1861, when
Schmerling succeeded Goluchowski, and the so-called "February Constitution"
was introduced by an arbitrary decree which in essence was still more
dualistic than the October Diploma and gave undue representation to the
nobility. The Czechs strongly opposed it and sent a delegation on April 14
to the emperor, who assured them on his royal honour of his desire to be
crowned King of Bohemia.
In the meantime Dr. Gregr founded the _Národní Listy_ in Prague in
November, 1860, to support the policy of Rieger, and in January, 1861, the
latter, with the knowledge of Palacký, concluded an agreement with
Clam-Martinic on behalf of the Bohemian nobility, by which the latter,
recognising the rights of the Bohemian State to independence, undertook to
support the Czech policy directed against the centralism of Vienna. The
Bohemian nobility, who were always indifferent in national matters and who
had strong conservative and clerical leanings, concluded this pact with the
Czech democrats purely for their own class interests This unnatural
alliance had a demoralising influence on the Old Czech Party and finally
brought about its downfall.
The Czechs elected two delegates to the parliament summoned for April 29,
1861, while Hungary and Dalmatia sent none, so that the parliament had 203
instead of 343 deputies. In the Upper House the Czechs were represented by
Palacký. In the Lower House the Slavs, forming a united body, again found
themselves in a hopeless minority which was absolutely powerless against
the government. In June, 1863, the Czechs decided not to attend the chamber
again, seeing that all hopes of a modification of the constitution in the
sense of the October Diploma were in vain. The government replied by
depriving them of their mandates and by suspending the constitution in
1865. A period of "Sistierung," that is of veiled absolutism, then set in.
4. In the meantime, a new political group came to the front in Bohemia,
called the Young Czechs. The party was led by Sladkovský, and had more
democratic leanings than the Old Czechs. In the diet, however, the Czechs
remained united in a single body. The Young Czechs opposed the policy of
passive resistance which the Old Czechs pursued for fully sixteen years,
that is up to 1879. The Young Czechs clearly saw that it enabled Vienna to
rule without the Czechs and against them. The Czechs, of course, still
reckoned upon the break-up of Austria, although, as we shall see later on,
they failed entirely to profit from Austria's difficulties in that period.
In 1865 Rieger openly warned Austria:
"Those who direct the destinies of Austria should remember that
institutions based on injustice and violence have no duration. If you
desire to save Austria, the whole of Austria, you must make justice the
basis of your policy towards the Slavs. Do not then say that we did not
warn you. _Discite justitiam moniti_."
In the same sense also Palacký warned the government against dualism,
pointing out that if it were introduced it would inevitably lead to the
break-up of Austria. Seeing that Austria did not listen to his warning, he
later on declared that he no longer believed in the future of Austria, and
added: "We existed before Austria, we shall also exist after her."
The greatest mistake the Czechs made was when in 1866, after the battle of
Sadova, they thought that Austria would cease to be the bulwark of
Pan-Germanism and would do justice to her subject Slavs, and thus become a
protection against Germany. It is true that Austria did cease to be the
head of the Pan-German Confederation, but instead of becoming a bulwark
against Prussia, she became her faithful ally and obedient tool. The
Czechs, who feared lest they should be annexed by Prussia, failed to grasp
the subtle plans of Bismarck who in a short time succeeded in converting
Austria into Germany's bridge to the East.
When the victorious Prussians entered Prague in 1866, they issued a
proclamation to the Czechs recognising their right to independence. This
proclamation was probably drafted by the Czech exile J.V. Fric, an ardent
democrat who fled abroad after the abortive revolution of 1848. Fric, who
was a man of keen sense for political reality and a great friend of the
Poles, exerted all his influence with the Czech leaders to proclaim Bohemia
independent, without an armed revolt, simply by means of a plebiscite, as
he was aware that the masses were always thoroughly anti-Austrian and
desired nothing more than independence. He proposed to his
fellow-countrymen to establish a monarchy, with some other dynasty than the
Habsburgs on the throne, preferably the youngest son of the Italian king,
Victor Emmanuel. Even while peace negotiations between Prussia and Austria
were going on, he conducted an active propaganda and distributed a
proclamation all over Bohemia in which he declared himself as "the deadly
enemy of the Habsburg dynasty and of Austrian militarism and bureaucracy":
"The Hungarians are preparing, the Yugoslavs are ready. Let us come to
a common agreement with them and we shall succeed. And when all the
Austrian nations have been freed they may form a great federation on
the basis of international law which will be an example to Europe. _A
federation without the freedom and independence of the nations who form
part of it is an empty dream. Let him who desires a federation work for
the independence of his nation first_. It is not a question of a
revolution, it is a question of a public proclamation of the Czech
nation so that Europe may realise that we live and what we want. Europe
will surely lend us a helping hand, but she expects us to ask for it.
Let us therefore, my brother Czecho-Slovaks, proclaim aloud, so that
the whole world may hear us: '_We do not want Austria because we
realise that she not only does no good to us, but directly threatens
our very existence. We are able to and want to maintain an independent
state existence without Austria_."
Unfortunately, however, the Czech leaders at that time did not follow
Fric's advice and, as we have already pointed out, they fell into
Bismarck's trap.
In November, 1866, the Bohemian Diet uttered a warning against the danger
of dualism, pointing out that Bohemia had the same right to independence as
Hungary. Relying upon the support of the other Slav races of Austria, the
Czechs declared they would never enter the Reichsrat.
In February, 1867, Beust concluded an agreement with Hungary, and on
December 21 the "December Constitution" was introduced. Thus _dualism_
became a _fait accompli_.
5. Exasperated by this step, the Czech leaders visited Moscow in the same
year and fraternised with the Russians, thus showing their hostility to
Austria. In 1868 they published an eloquent declaration, written by Rieger,
declaring that they would never recognise dualism and emphasising Bohemia's
right to independence. When Francis Joseph visited Prague in the same year,
people left the city in crowds, anti-Austrian demonstrations were held
throughout the country, and flowers were laid on the spot where prominent
members of the Bohemian nobility had been executed by the Austrians
in 1621.
Vienna answered by fierce reprisals. Baron Koller was sent to Prague where
a state of siege was proclaimed. Czech papers were suppressed, and their
editors imprisoned. This only strengthened Czech opposition. The passive
policy of the Old Czechs gained popularity and the Czechs did not even
attend the Bohemian Diet. Finally, when the Franco-Prussian War was
imminent, the dynasty was forced to yield, and Potocki began to negotiate
with the Czechs.
Meanwhile the Czechs again entered the Bohemian Diet on the day of the
battle of Sedan, August 30, 1870, and issued a declaration of rights with
which also the Bohemian nobility for the first time publicly identified
themselves. On December 8, 1870, the Czechs (without the nobility)
presented the Imperial Chancellor, Beust, with a memorandum on Austrian
foreign policy, declaring their sympathy with France and Russia and
protesting against the annexation of Alsace-Lorraine and against an
alliance of Austria with Germany.
In February, 1871, Hohenwart was appointed Minister President with the
object of conciliating the Czechs, and Francis Joseph addressed to them an
imperial proclamation, called the "September Rescript," in which he
declared:--
"Remembering the constitutional ('Staatsrechtliche') position of the
Crown of Bohemia and the glory and power which the same has lent to Us
and Our ancestors, remembering further the unswerving loyalty with
which the population of Bohemia at all times supported Our throne, We
gladly recognise the rights of this Kingdom and We are ready to
acknowledge this recognition by Our solemn Royal Oath."
It is well known, of course, that Francis Joseph did not keep his word and
was never crowned King of Bohemia.
6. In answer to the rescript, the Czechs formulated their demands in the
so-called "fundamental articles," the main point of which was that the
Bohemian Diet should directly elect deputies to the delegations. The
_Národní Listy_ declared that the "fundamental articles" meant minimum
demands, and that the Czechs would in any case work "for the attainment of
an independent Czecho-Slovak state, as desired by the whole nation."
At this stage Berlin and Budapest intervened. The emperor yielded to the
advice of William I. and Andrassy, and signed an unfavourable reply to the
Czech address on October 30, 1871. Czech opposition was now openly directed
against the dynasty. Hohenwart resigned on October 27. In November, Baron
Koller was again appointed Governor of Bohemia and repressive methods of
administration were once more introduced.
In 1873 elections were held, marked by violence and corruption.
Notwithstanding the passive resistance of Czech deputies, the parliament
continued to meet in Vienna. In 1878 Austria occupied Bosnia and thus
inaugurated the conquest of the Balkans for Germany. In 1879 Count Taaffe
at last induced the Czechs to abandon their policy of "passive resistance"
and to enter the parliament in return for some administrative and other
concessions, including a Czech university. On September 9, the Czechs,
united in a party of fifty-two members, entered the Reichsrat to maintain
their protest against the dual system.
7. In parliament it became clear that the Old Czech Party, now led by
Rieger, was inclined to be too conservative and too opportunist. In 1887
the Young Czechs left the national party and entered into opposition. Their
party grew steadily, and during the elections in 1889 gained a decided
victory in the country districts. The Old Czechs finally sealed their fate
when, in 1890, they concluded an unfavourable agreement with the Germans,
called the _punctations_, to the detriment of Czech interests and of the
integrity of Bohemia. This roused popular indignation throughout Bohemia
and brought about the complete collapse of the Old Czech Party.
At the same time the so-called _"Realist" movement_ originated in Bohemia,
led by Professor Masaryk, Professor Kaizl and Dr. Kramár. It was not a
separate party movement, but a philosophic effort for a regenerated
democratic national policy. The Realists demanded a practical, forward
movement, such as would at last secure independence for the Czechs. In 1890
the Realists published their programme and joined the Young Czechs. This
meant the end of the political career of Rieger and the Old Czechs.
8. In parliament the Young Czechs inaugurated a radical anti-German policy.
In 1891 they openly attacked the Triple Alliance, and in 1892 Dr. Menger
called Masaryk a traitor for his outspoken defence of the right of Bohemia
to independence.
A _Radical movement_ was also started at this time in Bohemia, mainly by
students and advanced workers of the Young Czech Party, which called itself
"Omladina" (Czech word for "youth"). Its object was to rouse the young
generation against Austria. In 1893 anti-dynastic demonstrations were
organised by the "Omladina." A state of siege was proclaimed in Prague and
seventy-seven members of this "secret society" were arrested; sixty-eight
of them, including Dr. Rasín, were condemned for high treason, and
sentenced to long terms of imprisonment.
In 1893 Professor Masaryk, realising the futility of his efforts against
the encroachments of Germanism, resigned his mandate and devoted his
energies to scientific and philosophical work. In 1900, however, he founded
a party of his own, with a progressive democratic programme.
In the elections to the Bohemian Diet in 1895, the Young Czechs gained
eighty-nine seats out of ninety-five; in the Moravian Diet seventeen seats
were held by the _People's Party_, corresponding to the Young Czech Party
in Bohemia, thirteen by the Old Czechs and five by the Clericals. In 1896
Badeni made an attempt at enfranchising the masses; seventy-two additional
deputies were to be elected by universal suffrage. In these elections the
Young Czechs again won in Bohemia. In Moravia the People's Party concluded
a compromise with the Old Czechs and gained fifteen seats, the Socialists
gained three seats and the Clericals one. On entering the parliament the
Czechs again made a declaration of state right. In 1897 Badeni, a Pole,
issued his famous Language Ordinances, asserting the equality of the Czech
and German languages in Bohemia and Moravia. The Germans raised a fierce
opposition, supported by the Socialists, and the Reichsrat became the scene
of violent attempts on the part of the Germans to obstruct sittings by
throwing inkstands at the leader of the House and using whistles and bugles
to make all proceedings impossible. Badeni lost his head and resigned, and
his decrees were rescinded. The dynasty, afraid of a repetition of German
obstruction, gave the Germans a completely free hand in all matters of
government.
9. Owing to the rapid cultural, economic and industrial development of
Bohemia, the Czech party system began to expand. The _Czecho-Slav Social
Democratic Party_, founded in 1878, began to acquire increasing influence.
At first it was based on purely international socialism, and in 1897 it
even opposed the national Czech demands. Later, seeing the duplicity of
their German comrades who recognised the state right of Finland and
Hungary, but not that of Bohemia, and who openly preached the necessity of
assimilating the Slavs, the Czech Socialists began to identify themselves
more and more with the national struggle for independence. They organised
their own trade unions, which brought them into open conflict with the
Austrian Socialists. This question was discussed at the Socialist
International Conference at Copenhagen in 1910. It is, moreover, on account
of these differences on nationality questions that the various Socialist
parties of Austria have not met since 1905.
In April, 1898, the _Czech National Social Party_, led by Klofác, was
formed in opposition to the Socialists. It was radically nationalist, and
consisted mainly of workmen, as it was evolved from the workers'
organisation in the Young Czech Party.
On January 6, 1899, the _Agrarian Party_ was formed. It was chiefly
composed of farmers and peasants. It defended the interests of their class
and acquired considerable influence among them. In national matters it
subscribed to the programme of Bohemian independence, and its organs have
during the present war adopted a courageous anti-Austrian attitude.
In 1900 the so-called _State Right Party_ was founded by some of the
members of the former "Omladina." It had a radical programme and stood
uncompromisingly against Austria, demanding independence for Bohemia
chiefly on the ground of her historic rights.
In the elections of 1901 the United Czech Club gained fifty-three seats,
the National Socialists four and the Agrarians five. But the real influence
of the various new parties began to appear only in 1907, after the
introduction of the universal suffrage which deprived the Young Czechs of
their predominance. The Reichsrat elected in 1907 consisted of 257 non-Slav
and 259 Slav members, of whom 108 were Czechs. The result of the election
in Bohemia, Moravia and Austrian Silesia was as follows:--
28 Agrarians
24 Social Democrats
23 Young Czechs
17 National Catholics
9 Radicals
4 Moravian People's Party
2 Realists
1 Independent Candidate.
This result showed that the Young Czechs, owing to their deficient
organisation, had lost ground, especially among the country population,
which formed the bulk of the nation. Among the workers Socialist doctrines
were spreading with remarkable rapidity.
The parliamentary activity of the Czechs soon revealed to them how vain
were their hopes that a new era of democracy was dawning in Austria. They
soon found out that in Austria parliamentary institutions were a mere cloak
for absolutism and that all their efforts were doomed to failure.
The Czechs were strongly opposed to the annexation of Bosnia. In 1909
Professor Masaryk gained a world reputation by his courageous defence of
the Yugoslav leaders, who were accused of high treason at Zagreb (Agram).
During the Friedjung trial it was again chiefly due to Professor Masaryk's
efforts that forgeries of the Vienna Foreign Office, intended to discredit
the Yugoslav movement, were exposed and the responsibility for them fixed
on Count Forgach, the Austro-Hungarian minister in Belgrade. Professor
Masaryk clearly saw that Austria aimed at the conquest of the Balkans and
intended at all costs to crush Serbia.
10. In 1911 new elections to the Reichsrat took place with the following
result for the Czechs:--
40 Agrarians
25 Social Democrats
14 Young Czechs
13 National Socialists
7 Radicals
7 Clericals
1 Old Czech
1 Socialist (Centralist).
The Radicals (four Moravian People's Party, two State Right Party, one
Realist) formed a party of independent deputies with Professor Masaryk at
their head. They demanded full independence for Bohemia, some of them
laying greater stress on her historical rights, some on the natural right
of Czecho-Slovaks to liberty.
The whole group of Czech deputies stood in opposition against Vienna with
the exception of Kramár, who tried to imitate the Polish positivist policy
in the hope of obtaining concessions in return. But, as we have already
shown in a previous chapter, Dr. Kramár abandoned this policy even before
the war, when he saw how completely Austria was tied to Germany. The bulk
of the Czech people were, of course, always solidly anti-Austrian. During
the Balkan War the Czechs openly showed their sympathies with their brother
Slavs who were struggling for liberty.
The _Clerical Party_ had comparatively little influence and prestige. All
their deputies (seven) were elected in country districts of Moravia, where
civilisation is comparatively less developed than in Bohemia. In Bohemia
and in the more developed districts of Moravia, people resist the efforts
of the clergy to mix religion with politics. The three million Slovaks in
Hungary, who speak a dialect of Czech and who form with the Czechs a single
Czecho-Slovak nation, had only two deputies (Dr. Blaho and Father Juriga),
and were without any influence in the Budapest Parliament.
11. Although many Czech politicians foresaw that Austria's anti-Serbian
policy in the Balkans and her increasing dependence on Germany must lead to
war, yet on the whole the Czechs were not prepared for this contingency.
The Reichsrat was closed when war broke out, and the Diet of Bohemia had
been replaced by an Imperial Commission in 1913. War was declared by
Austria against the will of the Slavs, and yet they did not dare to
protest, as an organised revolution was impossible in view of the presence
of German troops and of the perfect police spy system in Austria. Two
German divisions would have been sufficient to suppress the best organised
revolutionary movement in Bohemia.
The immediate effect of the declaration of war was the unity of the whole
Czech nation. One of the leaders, Professor Masaryk, escaped abroad, and is
at the head of the Czecho-Slovak Government, recognised by the Allies as
the trustee and representative of the Czecho-Slovak nation.
Political activity was of course out of the question until the Reichsrat
reopened on May 30, 1917. Before that date there was an absolute reign of
terror in Bohemia. Some of the leading Czech newspapers were suspended soon
after the outbreak of the war. The few Slovak papers published in Hungary
were suppressed at the same time.
Those newspapers which survived were subject to strict censorship and were
compelled to publish leading articles written by government officials and
supplied to them by the police. Dr. Kramár, one of the most prominent Czech
leaders, his colleague Dr. Rasín, and five National Socialist deputies were
thrown into prison, and some of them even sentenced to death.
The effect of these persecutions was that all the Czecho-Slovaks became
unanimous in their desire to obtain full independence of Austria-Hungary.
Old party differences were forgotten and some of the Czech deputies who had
formerly been opportunist in tendency, such as Dr. Kramár and the Agrarian
ex-minister Prásek, now at last became convinced that all hopes of an
anti-German Austria were futile, that Austria was doomed, as she was a
blind tool in the hands of Germany, and that the only way to prevent the
ten million Czecho-Slovaks from being again exploited in the interests of
German imperialism was to secure their complete independence. On entering
the Reichsrat on May 30, 1917, all the Czech deputies, united in a single
"Bohemian Union," made a unanimous declaration that it was their aim to
work for the union of all Czechs and Slovaks in an independent, democratic
state. To-day Dr. Kramár is in complete agreement with the Radicals who
formerly were his most bitter opponents. In fact four Czech nationalist
parties (the Young Czech, Realist, State Right and Moravian People's
Parties) united in February, 1918, as a single body under the name of "The
Czech State-Right Democracy." The president of its executive is the former
Young Czech leader Dr. Kramár, who was sentenced to death in 1916, but
released in July, 1917. The executive committee of the new party included
all the leaders of the four former parties, namely, Dr. Stránský, Dr.
Herben, M. Dyk, Professor Drtina, and others.
In their proclamation published in the _Národní Listy_ of February 10,
1918, the executive declared that:
"The chief aim of the new party will be to engage in a common national
effort for the creation of an independent Bohemian State, the
fundamental territory of which will be composed of the historical and
indivisible crown-lands of Bohemia and of Slovakia. The Bohemian State
will be a democratic state. All its power will come from the people.
And as it will come from the Czech people, it will be just towards all
nationalities, towards all citizens and classes."
In a speech to the Young Czech Party before its dissolution, Dr. Kramár
openly declared that "at the moment of the outbreak of the war it became
quite clear that, despite all tactics of opportunism, our party remained
true to the programme of Czech independence. It became at once evident to
all of us that _the chapter of our former policy was forever closed for
us_. We felt with our whole soul that the Czech nation would not go through
the sufferings of the world war only to renew the pre-war tactics of a slow
progress towards that position to which we have full historical rights as
well as the natural rights of a living and strong nation...." And again, in
an article in the _Národní Listy_ of December 25, 1917, Kramár wrote under
the heading "By Order of the Nation":
"We have sought with utmost sacrifice to find a compromise between our
just claims and the international situation which was unfavourable to
us. The war has completely changed all our policy, removing the
possibility of a compromise to which we might have been disposed, and
we cannot once more roll up our flag now so proudly unfurled, and put
it aside for the next occasion."
As we shall show also later on, there is not the least doubt that the
necessity for the independence of Bohemia was proclaimed not by a few
extremists, but by all the Czech parties with the approval of the
entire nation.
When Kramár in 1917 again took over the leadership of the Young Czech
Party, which led to the amalgamation of four nationalist parties, a change
took place also in the leadership of the Czech Social Democratic Party
which hitherto was in the hands of a few demagogues and defeatists, such as
Smeral, who dominated the majority of the members. The return of the
Socialist Party to its revolutionary traditions and its entire approval of
the Bohemian state right and the national policy of Czecho-Slovak
independence means a complete and absolute consolidation of the whole
Czech nation.
As the Social Democrats became quite loyal to the Czech cause, the National
Socialist Party lost its _raison d'être_. Owing to the great sufferings of
the working class during the war, it became imbued with Socialist ideas.
On April 1, 1918, the Czech National Socialist Party held its eighth annual
conference in Prague, at which it adopted a resolution endorsing
international Socialism and changing its name to "The Czech Socialist
Party." The conference was attended also by two representatives of the
Czecho-Slav Social Democratic Party, J. Stivin and deputy Nemec. The
National Socialist leader, deputy Klofác, welcomed the representatives of
the Social Democrats "whom we have for years past been struggling against,
but with whom the trials of this war have united us." He declared that his
party accepted the Socialist programme and would join the new Socialist
International. On September 6, 1918, the executive committees of the two
parties elected a joint council. Its object is to work for the
consolidation of the Czech working classes and for the formation of a
united Czech Labour Party, composed of Social Democrats as well as of the
former National Socialists. A similar process of consolidation is taking
place also among the other parties, so that soon there will probably be
only three Czech parties, on the basis of class difference, viz.
Socialists, Agrarians and Democratic Nationalists (_bourgeoisie_), all of
whom will stand behind the programme of full Czecho-Slovak independence.
The most significant demonstration of the Czech national sentiment took
place at Prague on January 6, 1918, at a meeting of all the Czech deputies
of the Reichsrat and of the diets of Bohemia, Moravia and Austrian Silesia,
with which we deal in another chapter, and at which a resolution was
unanimously carried demanding full independence and representation at the
peace conference.
Finally, on July 13, 1918, a National Council or Committee was formed in
Prague on which all the parties are represented and which may rightly be
described as part of the Provisional Government of Bohemia.
The whole Czech nation to-day is unanimously awaiting the victory of the
Entente, from which it expects its long-cherished independence. The
Czecho-Slovaks are only waiting for a favorable opportunity to strike the
death-blow at the Dual Monarchy.
IV
TERRORISM IN BOHEMIA DURING THE WAR
Austria-Hungary declared war not only on her enemies outside her frontiers,
but also on her internal enemies, on her own Slav and Latin subjects. From
the very first day of war terrorism reigned supreme in Bohemia, where the
Austrian Government behaved as in an enemy country. Three political parties
(the National Socialist, Radical and Realist Parties) were dissolved and
their organs suppressed. Fully three-quarters of all Czech journals and all
Slovak journals were suspended. Political leaders were arrested,
imprisoned, and some of them even sentenced to death. Many leaders have
been imprisoned as hostages in case an insurrection should break out. Over
20,000 Czech civilians have been interned merely for being "politically
suspect," and about 5000 were hanged in an arbitrary way by military
tribunals, since juries had been abolished by an imperial decree. Other
Slav districts were no better off: the Polish Socialist deputy Daszynski
stated in the Reichsrat that 30,000 persons were hanged in Galicia alone,
and another deputy stated that the number of Slavs (Austrian subjects) who
were executed by Austria exceeded 80,000. Czech troops were marched to the
trains watched by German soldiers like prisoners of war. Thousands of them
were massacred at the front. The property of those who surrendered was
confiscated, while the families of those Czech leaders who escaped abroad
were brutally persecuted. It is impossible for us to give a detailed
description of all the persecutions committed by Austria on the
Czecho-Slovaks, but the following is a brief summary of them:--
_(a) Czech Deputies and Leaders imprisoned and sentenced to Death_
The most important perhaps was _the case of Dr. Kramár,_ one of the most
moderate of the Czech leaders. Dr. Kramár was arrested on May 21, 1915, on
a charge of high treason as the leader of the Young Czechs; together with
him were also arrested his colleague, deputy Dr. Rasín, Mr. Cervinka, an
editor of the _Národní Listy_, and Zamazal, an accountant. On June 3, 1916,
all four of them were sentenced to death, although no substantial proofs
were produced against them. Subsequently, however, the sentence was
commuted to long terms of imprisonment, but after the general amnesty of
July, 1917, they were released. Among the reasons for which they were
imprisoned and sentenced to death were the following, as given in the
official announcement, published in the Austrian press on January 4, 1917:
Dr. Kramár before the war was "the leader of Pan-Slav propaganda and of the
Russophil movement in Bohemia." He was also alleged to have kept up a
connection with the pro-Ally propaganda conducted by the Czecho-Slovaks and
their friends abroad during the war, and the Czech military action against
Austria on the side of the Entente. Dr. Kramár was further blamed for the
"treasonable" behaviour of Czech regiments who voluntarily surrendered to
Russia and Serbia, and for the anti-German sentiments cherished by the
Czecho-Slovaks for centuries past. Obviously in striking Dr. Kramár Austria
meant to strike at the Czech nation. The "proofs" for the high treasonable
activity of Dr. Kramár before and during the war were the following:[1]
(1) Dr. Kramár was (before the war) in communication with Brancianov,
Bobrinski, Denis, Masaryk, Pavlu and others, who now preach the
dismemberment of Austria-Hungary.
(2) In his articles in the _Národní Listy_, published during the war, Dr.
Kramár advocated the liberation of small nations as proclaimed by the
Entente. His organ, "the _Národní Listy_, laid special stress on news
favourable to our enemies and on the state of disruption of Austria, and
indirectly invited Czechs to passive resistance."
(3) A copy of _La Nation Tchèque_ was found in Dr. Kramár's pocket at the
time of his arrest.
(4) Dr. Kramár had a conversation with the Italian consul in April, 1915,
which is "an important cause of suspicion."
(5) In a letter to the Governor of Bohemia, Prince Thun, Dr. Kramár
admitted that, always faithful to his political principles, he refrained
from everything that might appear as approval of the war.
This was the evidence brought up against Kramár, on the ground of which he
was to be hanged. These are the "proofs" of his responsibility for the
distribution of treasonable Russian proclamations in Bohemia, repeated
manifestations of sympathy with the enemy, and the refusal of Czech
deputies to take part in any declarations or manifestations of loyalty.
Equally characteristic is also _the case of the National Socialist leader,
deputy Klofác_, who was arrested in September, 1914. Owing to lack of
proofs the trial was repeatedly postponed, while Klofác was left in prison.
A formal charge was brought against him only when the Reichsrat was about
to open in May, 1917, so as to prevent him from attending the meeting.
Nevertheless he was released after the amnesty of July, 1917. Writing in
the _Národní Politika_ about his experience in prison, deputy Klofác says:
"Many educated and aged political prisoners were not allowed out to
walk in the yard for five months or more, which is contrary to all
regulations. They were also not allowed to read books given to them by
the judge, and they had to do the lowest work. One student who refused
to wash the floor was beaten and confined to a dark cell. No wonder
that many committed suicide. Dr. Vrbenský could tell how he used to get
excited by the cry of the ill-treated prisoners. Even his nerves could
not stand it. It is quite comprehensible, therefore, that Dr. Scheiner
(the president of the 'Sokol' Union) in such an atmosphere was
physically and mentally broken down in two months. Dr. Kramár and Dr.
Rasín also had an opportunity of feeling the brutality of Polatchek and
Teszinski. In the winter we suffered from frosts, for there was no
heating. Some of my friends had frozen hands. We resisted the cold by
drilling according to the Müller system. This kept us fit and saved us
from going to the prison doctor, Dr. A. Prinz, who was a Magyar and
formerly a doctor in Karlsbad. If a prisoner went to this 'gentleman,'
he did not ask after his illness, but after his nationality, and for
the reason of his remand imprisonment. On hearing that a prisoner was
Czech and on remand for Par. 58_c_ (high treason), he only hissed: 'You
do not want any medicine. It would be wasted, for in any case you will
be hanged.'"
Besides Klofác, the following four National Socialist deputies were also
imprisoned: Choc, Burival, Vojna and Netolický. The accused were condemned
on July 30, 1916, for "failing to denounce Professor Masaryk's
revolutionary propaganda."
_Professor Masaryk_, who escaped abroad in 1915, was sentenced to death in
Austria in December, 1916. Unable to reach him, the Austrian Government
revenged themselves on his daughter, Dr. Alice Masaryk, whom they
imprisoned. Only after an energetic press campaign abroad was she released.
A similar fate also met the wife of another Czech leader, Dr. Benes, who
escaped abroad in the autumn of 1915 and became secretary general of the
Czecho-Slovak National Council.
_Dr. Scheiner_, president of the "Sokol" Gymnastic Association, was
imprisoned, but was again released owing to lack of proofs. A similar fate
also met the Czech Social Democratic leader _Dr. Soukup_, who was for some
time kept in prison.
_(b) Monster Trials, Arbitrary Executions, Internment of Civilians, etc_.
A notorious reason for imprisonment, and even execution, was the possession
of the so-called Russian Manifesto dropped by Russian aeroplanes, being a
proclamation of the Tsar to the people of Bohemia promising them the
restoration of their independence. Mr. Matejovský, of the Prague City
Council, and fifteen municipal clerks were sentenced to many years'
imprisonment for this offence in February, 1915. In May, 1915, six persons,
among them two girls, were condemned to death in Kyjov, Moravia, for the
same offence. On the same charge also sixty-nine other persons from Moravia
were brought to Vienna and fifteen of them sentenced to death. One of the
Czech girls who were executed for this offence was a Miss Kotíková, aged
twenty-one, who, according to the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ of September 8, 1917,
refused to say from whom she had received the manifesto, and through her
heroic attitude saved the lives of others.
Without a fair trial and without evidence, the editor of the National
Socialist organ _Pokrok_ in Prostejov, Mr. Joseph Kotek, was sentenced to
death on Christmas Eve of 1914. The sentence was passed at noon, confirmed
at half-past four and carried out at half-past six. As no one could be
found to act as hangman, Kotek was shot. The reason given for the verdict
was that the accused editor of the _Pokrok_, which was suppressed as being
dangerous to the State, delivered a speech at a meeting of a co-operative
society in which he said that all Czechs were unanimous that they knew that
Austria was losing the war and that they prayed to God that her downfall
might be soon. He was further alleged to have said that it was doubtful how
Europe would be divided after the war, but that in any case the
Czecho-Slovak countries would be made independent as a wedge between
Germany and Austria, and that if Germany won the Czechs would be
germanised, like the Poles in Germany. The accused admitted that he did
speak about the reorganisation of Europe, but not in the words used by the
prosecution. But, as the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ said, even if he did say what
the prosecution alleged, as a civilian he should never have been sentenced
to death by a military tribunal. According to Czech papers, Kotek was
buried among ordinary criminals outside the cemetery. The grave of the
innocent martyr was not even marked with his name, and his wife was not
allowed to visit it, because the military authorities forbade the sexton of
the church to allow any one to see the graves of those executed for
high treason.
_Dr. Preiss_, the manager of the Czech bank, Zivnostenská Banka, which has
its branches in Galicia, Rumania, Serbia and elsewhere, and four of his
colleagues were imprisoned, because the Czechs would not subscribe to
Austrian war loans and Dr. Preiss had done nothing to induce them to do so.
As regards the horrors of the internment camps, in which over 20,000
innocent Czechs, men, women and children, were confined, we will only quote
the revelations of the Czech National Socialist deputy Stríbrný, who
declared in the Reichsrat on June 14, 1917:
"This war was begun by the Austrian Government without the consent of
the Austrian Parliament, against the will of the Czech people.
"In Bohemia, the most brutal cruelties have been perpetrated by the
Austrian authorities against the Czech population. An anonymous
denunciation suffices to bring about the arrest and imprisonment of any
Czech man, woman or child. Thousands of Czech citizens have simply been
seized and placed in internment camps on the ground that their
political opinions are dangerous to the existence of Austria.
"Such prisoners were led away from their homes handcuffed and in
chains. They included women, girls and old grey-haired men. They were
conveyed from their homes to internment camps in filthy cattle trucks
and were cruelly ill-treated with a strange persistence. On one
occasion forty-three Czechs, who were being conveyed to a camp of
internment, were killed on the way by a detachment of Honveds
(Hungarian militia) which was escorting them to their place of
imprisonment.
"The conditions under which the Czechs were interned at the Talerhof
Camp, near Graz, were absolutely outrageous. They were beaten and
tortured on their way there. Immediately after their arrival many were
tied to stakes and kept thus day and night in absolutely indescribable
sanitary conditions. Many were done to death by their guards. When the
thermometer showed 20 degrees of frost, old men, women and girls were
left to sleep in the open air, and mortality increased amongst them to
a frightful extent. Two thousand unhappy victims of Austria's brutal
tyranny lie buried in the cemetery attached to the Talerhof Camp of
internment. Of these, 1200 died of epidemics."
Other information concerning the same camp of Talerhof fully corroborates
this statement. In a letter to his friends, a Czech interned at Talerhof
wrote as follows:
"Many of my friends died from bayonet wounds; out of 12,000 at least,
2000 have so perished. The majority of us did not know why we were
interned. Many were hanged without a trial on mere denunciation. Human
life had no value for them. The soldiers had orders to strike us with
bayonets for the slightest movement....
"We were covered with insects. One day an order was given that
everybody should undress to be rubbed with paraffin. Some ladies who
objected were undressed by force before our eyes, since men and women
slept together, and the soldiers rubbed them with paraffin.
"A Ruthene who protested against the ill-treatment of women, who were
forced to do the lowest work, was bayonetted. He was lying for five
days between two barracks more dead than alive. His face and body were
all green and covered with lice and his hands were bound. Then the
Austrian officers and soldiers ill-treated him till he died."
In consequence of the general political amnesty, over 100,000 political
prisoners in Austria were released. Thousands of them emerged from prison
or internment camps reduced to mere skeletons by the systematic lack
of food.
According to reports published in the Austrian press, one of the Ukrainian
prisoners, named Karpinka, was left in solitary confinement without any
fire in winter, so that his feet were frost-bitten and had to be amputated.
A Czech named Jarý, who was condemned to twelve years' hard labour, came
out with consumption contracted through the rigour of his imprisonment.
Many others were reduced to such weakness through starvation that they had
to be carried out of the prison.
(c) _Persecution of the Press_
Among the Czech journals suppressed in Bohemia at the beginning of the war,
the following deserve to be especially mentioned:
_Ceské Slovo_, organ of the National Socialist Party; the editors have been
imprisoned. _Cas_ ("Times"), organ of Professor Masaryk (Realist Party);
the editors Dusek and Hájek were imprisoned. _Samostatnost_, organ of the
State Right (Radical) Party; the editors were imprisoned or sent to
the front.
The _Národní Listy_ (Kramár's organ) was twice suspended, and in May, 1918,
suppressed altogether because it "fostered sympathies for the Entente."
The _Lidové Noviny_, organ of Dr. Stránský (Moravian People's Party), was
also several times suspended during the war.
All Socialist journals were suppressed except _Právo Lidu_ and _Rovnost_.
According to the _Wiener Zeitung_, seventy-eight Czech journals were
suspended during the months of April, May and June, 1916, alone. All Slovak
newspapers were also suppressed.
As regards censorship, we need only mention that even speeches delivered in
the Austrian Parliament were censored in the press. The sense of the
speeches delivered by Allied statesmen was invariably distorted and
declarations in favour of Czecho-Slovak independence were suppressed.
Foreign newspapers were not allowed to be quoted; and the journals were
forced to publish unsigned articles supplied to them by the police....
The Union of Czech Journalists declared on April 25, 1917
"We protest against the practice prevailing in Prague as against means
quite contradictory to the moral principles of modern journalism, as in
Prague the newspapers are forced to publish articles supplied by the
Official Press Bureau, as though written by the editor, without being
allowed to mark them as inspired. Thus the journals are not in reality
edited by the editors themselves, but by the Press institution of the
state."
The same union again protested on November 16, 1917
"After the victorious Russian Revolution which brought about also the
opening of the Reichsrat, the fetters binding the Czech press were a
little relaxed, but only for a short time, and to-day we see the same
conditions prevailing in which we lived for the first three years of
war. Every free reflection in the Czech journals is confiscated. They
are even prohibited to publish articles which appeared in the German
and Austrian press. Furthermore, they are again compelled to publish
articles written by officials without marking them as such. They cannot
even inform their readers correctly about parliamentary debates, _as
speeches and interpellations delivered in parliament are suppressed_.
We ask the Union of Czech Deputies to protest again against this
violation of parliamentary immunity, and to obtain a guarantee that in
future the Czech papers will not be compelled to print articles not
written by the editorial staff and that the Czech press shall enjoy at
least the same freedom as the press in Berlin, Vienna and Budapest."
_(d) Reichsrat Interpellations_
To complete the picture of Austrian terrorism, we will quote some of the
interpellations addressed to the Austrian Government by Czech deputies in
the summer of 1917.
The Czech deputies_ Prokes, Jaros and Charvát_ (Socialists) have demanded
an explanation from the Minister for Home Defence respecting 300 Czech
teachers from Moravia who were interned in 1915, being suspected of
disloyalty, although there was no charge made against them either by the
civil or by the military authorities. They were first interned in Lower
Austria and then in Hungary, and had to do the hardest work. Though the
educational authorities reclaimed them they were not set free even to
attend to the burials of their relatives. The only exception made was when
one teacher was allowed to be married in Vienna, and even then he was
followed by the guard with fixed bayonets. In Hungary the conditions were
still worse, and many of these teachers died and many of them are still in
hospitals.
A long interpellation was addressed to the government by the Czech
deputies_ Binovec, Filipinský and Stejskal_ (Socialists) regarding the
outrageous and inhuman treatment of the Czech political prisoners. They
mentioned a vast number of appalling instances of deliberate torturing and
starving of the prisoners. All rights of the prisoners were suspended and
they depended entirely on the will of the commander: many of these
political prisoners were imprisoned together with ordinary murderers; they
were not allowed to read books or to write letters; their families were not
permitted to visit them or even to send them provisions from home, so they
starved in prison. Such cruel treatment did not affect only political
prisoners but even people on remand, and it was nothing extraordinary for
them to be imprisoned for years on remand only. The deputies asked whether
the authorities wanted these prisoners to die from starvation.
The most interesting document is the interpellation of deputies _Stanek,
Tobolka and Co_. on the persecutions against the Czech nation during the
war. The interpellation has been published as a book of 200 pages which has
been prohibited by Austria to be sent abroad, but a copy of which we have
nevertheless been able to secure. The following are short extracts from
the volume:
The Behaviour of the Austrian Government towards the Czech Nation during
the War
"YOUR EXCELLENCY,--At a time when it proved impossible to continue to
rule in an absolute way in this empire and when after more than three
years the Reichsrat is sitting again, we address to you the following
interpellation in order to call your attention to the persecutions
which during the past three years have been perpetrated on our nation,
and to demand emphatically that these persecutions shall be
discontinued. They were not done unintentionally or accidentally, but,
as will be shown from the following survey, this violence was committed
deliberately and systematically by the Austrian Government on our
nation, which took the abominable view that the present war is the most
suitable period for realising the plans and aims of German centralism
in the Habsburg Monarchy by curing the Czechs forever of all
hallucinations about equality among nations, and about the glorious
past of Bohemia and her relationship with other Slav nations. A general
attack was made upon the Czech nation during the critical situation
created by the war: our participation in civil service was curtailed,
German was made the official language of the state, the press was
muzzled, schools persecuted, the Sokol idea declared to be high
treason, men distinguished for service in the state arrested,
imprisoned, persecuted and sentenced to death, everything reminding the
population of the famous past of Bohemia removed, the ancient Czech
aspirations for political independence or even aims for a mere
reorganisation of the Habsburg Monarchy on a federal basis were not
allowed and were suppressed, even the name of the ancient kingdom of
Bohemia, which was the foundation stone to the Habsburg Monarchy in
1526, was to disappear for ever.
"The persecutions against our nation were very cruel indeed.
"In the first place, _Dr. Kramár_ was attacked as the veritable leader
of the Czech nation. In return for his valuable services for this state
and for his nation, in return for his endeavours to educate the Czech
nation towards realism in politics, he was recompensed by being
arrested, imprisoned and sentenced to death, although a member of the
delegations and therefore enjoying immunity. He was not brought up
before the ordinary tribunal, but before a judge who was absolutely
ignorant of Czech or foreign politics, so that his condemnation might
be assured.
"The same fate also met his political friends, deputy Dr. Rasín and the
editor of _Národní Listy_, V. Cervinka.
"Incredible proceedings were taken against the deputy Klofác. Although
being a member of the delegations and therefore enjoying immunity, he
was arrested on September 7, 1914, and has been imprisoned ever since.
A charge was hurriedly prepared against him on May 24, 1917, that is
when the Reichsrat was to be opened. Both Dr. Kramár and Klofác were
prosecuted by the Vienna court-martial under the direction of Colonel
Gliwitzki and Dr. Preminger in such a way that no ordinary judge would
dare to act.
"The way in which the military tribunals treated the ordinary
uneducated people is apparent from the following examples:
"The tailor Smejkal in Vienna was sentenced to six months' hard labour
for saying, 'The government does not want to give us Czech schools in
Vienna.'
"For saying, 'I do not know whether the Emperor Francis Joseph was ever
crowned King of Bohemia or not,' a boy gardener named Tesar was
sentenced to six months' hard labour, which sentence was altered to
sixteen months by the High Court of Justice (the poor boy died in
prison).
"The shoemaker's assistant Hamouz, of Vienna, sixty-seven years of age,
ill and mentally stunted, served in his youth with the 28th Regiment.
He defended this regiment, therefore, by saying, 'It is a good
regiment.' He was sentenced to six months' imprisonment.
"Private Cepera from Moravia was sentenced to three years' hard labour
for saying, 'The German Kaiser is responsible for the war.'
"For saying that 'those of the 28th Regiment are our "boys,"' gunner
Purs, of Benatky, was sentenced to four years' imprisonment. He was
sent in chains to the military prison in Möllersdorf.
"The wilfulness of military tribunals, culminating in many cases in
apparent hatred against everything that is Czech, is shown by the
following, out of many examples:
"The editor of _Ceské Slovo_, E. Spatny, of Prague, was arrested on
September 26, 1914, and interned in Prague, without being told the
reason. In March, 1915, he was transferred to the internment camp at
Göllersdorf, in Lower Austria. The Czechs interned there arranged on
July 5 a Hus anniversary at which the editor E. Spatny and Dr. Vrbenský
spoke about the life and importance of Hus. Being accused by a certain
fellow-prisoner, Davidovský, that they had been speaking against the
Germans and that 'the speakers expected deliverance by a certain state
but were disappointed,' they were transferred to the military prison in
Vienna, and charged with high treason according to Par. 58_c_. The
latter was discharged for want of proofs, but the editor Spatny was
sentenced to fourteen years' hard labour.
"The Sarajevo prisoners were not allowed to be visited by their
relatives in contravention of the orders of the official statutes D 6.
Out of five of those prisoners, three have already died, the fourth is
dying, and the last one, a student Cubulic, was allowed a visit after
two years when it became certain that the Reichsrat would meet.
"The extent to which starvation and inhuman treatment is raging in the
state prisons is best shown by the conditions prevailing in the prison
of Möllersdorf. In the years 1915-16, 61 prisoners died there out of
350 to 450 prisoners on the roll. Between January 1, 1917, and May,
1917, 101 prisoners were doomed to death. The majority belong to the
sixth category of prisoners. The thieves, criminals and impostors, if
they had served previously in the army, enjoy special treatment in
Möllersdorf prison. They wear civilian clothes, and are treated with
consideration and well fed. On the other hand, political prisoners,
especially those classed as second category, are dying from
ill-treatment and insufficient nourishment. The judge, auditor A.
König, famous for his arbitrary verdicts against the Czech people, was
a solicitor's clerk in civil life, and now recommends to his wealthy
defendants his Vienna lawyer friends as splendid specialists and
advocates in political matters. Thus, for instance, he forced Dr.
Glaser upon Mr. Kotik as the counsel. Kotik was sentenced to death by
König, and Glaser sent him a bill for 10,000 kronen (£400) for the
'successful defence.'
_The Persecutions of the Sokols_
"Terrible persecutions were inflicted on the Sokol Gymnastic
Association during the war. The sphere of the Sokols' activity does not
touch political affairs at all, being reserved to gymnastics and
spiritual education. Their activity was public, open to official
inquiries and supervision. But this did not save them from
persecutions. The first persecution was already committed in 1914 in
Moravia, when some branches of the Sokol Association were dissolved for
various reasons. Numerous societies were afterwards dissolved
throughout Bohemia and Moravia.
"_On November_ 23, 1915, _the Central Czech Sokol Association (Ceská
Obec Sokolska) was dissolved_ as the centre of the Czech Sokol
movement, which before the war kept up lively relations with foreign
countries and manifested brotherly feelings of sympathy towards Serbia
and Russia. It was alleged that the Central Sokol Association had had
relations with the American Sokol branches during the war through its
president, Dr. J. Scheiner, and conducted an active propaganda against
Austria. The alleged relations were founded on a communication of the
American branches to the president, Dr. Scheiner, asking him whether he
would be willing to distribute money collected in America to people in
Bohemia afflicted by the war. Dr. Scheiner was arrested and kept in
prison for two months.
"Very characteristic was the way in which the military authorities
treated the members of Sokol societies. In many cases soldiers,
especially recruits, were questioned whether they belonged to the Sokol
Association. The authorities searched for Sokol badges or membership
cards, and those who were found to have these in their possession were
severely punished. The members of the Sokol societies as long as they
were in the army were invariably subjected to ill-treatment and
persecution. They were transferred to do heavy work, and not
recommended for promotion, and in every way treated more brutally than
other soldiers. In the case of both civil and military trials, one of
the most important questions asked, was whether the accused belonged to
any Sokol society, and if the accused did belong to a society this
always went against him.
_Bohemian History_
"Every possible means was employed to wipe out the memory of important
events in Bohemian history. Not only were historical books (like
Lützow's _Bohemia_ and others) confiscated, but even scientific
lectures on John Hus and the Hussite movement were prohibited. The
metal memorial plate with the names of Bohemian lords executed in 1621
inscribed upon it was removed from the Town Hall, and that part of the
square which showed the spot on which they were executed was ordered to
be repaved.
"In order to destroy the idea that the Czechs are of Slav origin, any
use of red, blue and white colours was prohibited. Varnishes in these
colours were not allowed to be used. The street plates of pre-war times
had to be repainted in black and yellow. Newspaper posters, match-boxes
and other articles were not allowed to be sold or exhibited, if they
were painted in the Slav tricolours.
_The Suppression of Czech Literature_
"More than two hundred books published before the war were confiscated.
The tendency of this action was clear. The government wanted to destroy
the memory of the glorious past of Bohemia, of John Hus and the Hussite
movement, of the suffering of the Czech nation after the defeat of the
White Mountain, to restrict all progressive and liberal movements and
to kill the 'Sokol' idea, and further to destroy the consciousness that
Czechs and Slovaks are the same nation and belong to the great Slav
family. The apostles of this idea were proclaimed traitors, especially
Dr. Kramár, J.S. Machar and others. These persecutions cover a great
period before the war, and the following is a list of the books
suppressed (follows a list comprising eleven foolscap columns). The
government treated the Czech nation with special brutality. The
persecutions in Bohemia were opposed not only to the liberal ideas of
Czechs, but especially to their national feelings. The anxiety of the
censor for the safety of the monarchy often bordered on absurdity. The
word 'shocking' was deleted from a play, for instance, because it was
English. _Henry IV_. was not allowed to be played 'until we reach a
settlement with England,' and it was only when it was reported by the
Vienna and Berlin papers that the prohibition was withdrawn.
_Persecution of the Czech Press_
"The Czech press was persecuted in a peculiar manner. Its editors were
not allowed to receive papers from neutral countries and to express
their own opinions as regards the propaganda of the Czechs abroad.
Under threats of suppression of the journals and imprisonment of the
editors, the journals were obliged to print and publish articles
supplied to them by the police, without mentioning the source from
whence they came. The articles had to be put in in such a way that they
appeared as if they were the editors' views. The articles betrayed the
low intellectual level of the authors who lacked any knowledge of Czech
affairs. Such articles which the Czech journals were compelled to
publish were, for instance: 'In Foreign Pay,' published March 25, 1916;
'The Czechs in America against Masaryk's Agents,' published in all
Czech papers on April 8, 1916; on January 16, 1917, the article 'Our
Answer to the Quadruple Entente.'
"The Police Directorate ordered first that such articles should appear
on the same day in all papers and in the same wording, but recognising
the stupidity of such an action, they compelled only one journal to
publish them and the others had to 'quote' from them.
"Preventive censorship was established and a number of articles were
passed by the censor for publication in Czech papers only when proofs
were supplied that the articles had already appeared in some other
journal in Austria. _Independent articles or reports were not allowed
to be published_. The _Národní Listy_ was treated with special spite by
the censorship.
"_Almost ninety important journals were suppressed by the government_,
the majority of them without any apparent reason or justification.
_The Suppression of Czech School and National Literature_
"Words, sentences or whole paragraphs in school books were found
objectionable, since they were alleged to propagate Pan-Slavism and to
encourage in the pupils hostile feelings against Austria's allies.
According to the official ideas about Austrian patriotism, purely
educational paragraphs were considered as wanting in patriotic feeling;
not only literary but also historical paragraphs were 'corrected,' and
official advice was issued as to how to write handbooks on patriotic
lines on special subjects, as for instance on natural history, physics,
geometry, etc. The foundations of all knowledge to be supplied to the
pupils in the public schools had to reflect the spirit of the world
war.
"Numerous folk-songs with absolutely no political tendency in them were
confiscated, merely because they expressed the Czech national spirit.
All songs were suppressed which mentioned the word Slav--'The Slav
Linden Tree'--the army or the Allies. Even if the publishers offered to
publish new editions without the objectionable songs they were not
allowed to do so, and were asked to put in more 'loyal songs' and to
replace melancholy songs with cheerful ones.
"In every secondary school a zealous library revision was started and
many books were removed, so that these libraries lost all their value
for the students. The Czech youth must not know the principal works
either of their own or foreign literature. Certain libraries had to be
deprived of some hundreds of books. All this happened at a time when
the discussions here and abroad were taking place about the importance
of raising the standard of knowledge of the educated classes.
"The opening of Czech minority schools has been postponed since the
beginning of 1914. Consequently the Czech School Society must keep them
up and pay the expenses in connection with them, amounting to a loss of
more than two million kronen up till now. On the other hand, many
German schools have been established in Bohemia.
"The steps which are being taken against Czech schools in Lower
Austria, especially in Vienna, are not only contrary to the standing
laws but also to the decisions of the ministry concerned.
"We conclude by asking:
"Are the above facts of systematic persecution of the Czech nation
during the war known to your Excellency?
"Is your Excellency prepared to investigate them thoroughly?
"Is your Excellency prepared to stop the persecution of the Czech
nation and the wrongs suffered by us through these proceedings?
"_In Vienna, June_ 6, 1917."
[Footnote 1: For the full text of this document see Dr. Benes' _Bohemia's
Case for Independence_.]
V
HOW THE CZECHO-SLOVAKS AT HOME ASSISTED THE ALLIES
From the foregoing chapters it is clear that by continuous misrule and by
the attempt to reduce the Czecho-Slovak nation to impotence through
terrorism and extermination during this war, the Habsburgs have created a
gulf between themselves and their Czecho-Slovak subjects which can never
again be bridged over. Realising this, and seeing that since Austria has
voluntarily sold herself to Berlin their only hope for a better future lies
in the destruction of the political system called Austria-Hungary, the
Czecho-Slovaks have from the beginning staked their all on the victory of
the Entente, towards which they have contributed with all possible means at
their disposal.
1. Since they could not think of revolting, the Czecho-Slovaks at home
tried to paralyse the power of Austria in every way. Not only individuals
but also Czech banks and other institutions refused to subscribe to the war
loans. Their newspapers published official reports with reluctance, and
between the lines laid stress on news unfavourable to Austria so as to keep
up the spirit of the people. Czech peasants refused to give up provisions,
and thus the Czechs, who already before the war boycotted German goods,
accelerated the present economic and financial ruin of Austria.
2. Politically, too, they contributed to the internal confusion of the Dual
Monarchy, and to-day their opposition forms a real menace to the existence
of Austria. Czech political leaders unanimously refused to sign any
declaration of loyalty to Austria, and they never issued a single protest
against Professor Masaryk and his political and military action abroad. On
several occasions they even publicly expressed their sympathies and
approval of this action. For nearly three years they prevented the opening
of the Austrian Parliament which would have been to their prejudice. Only
after the Russian Revolution, when Austria began to totter and her rulers
were apprehensive lest events in Russia should have a repercussion in the
Dual Monarchy, did the Czechs decide to speak out and exerted pressure to
bring about the opening of the Reichsrat, where they boldly declared their
programme, revealed Austria's rule of terror during the first three years
of war, and by their firm opposition, which they by and by induced the
Poles and Yugoslavs to imitate, they brought about a permanent political
deadlock, menacing Austria's very existence internally and weakening her
resistance externally.
3. But the most important assistance the Czechs rendered to the Allies was
their refusal to fight for Austria.
Out of 70,000 prisoners taken by Serbia during the first months of the war,
35,000 were Czechs. Of these, 24,000 perished during the Serbian retreat,
and 8000 died of typhoid fever and cholera at Asinara. The remaining 3000
were transferred to France and voluntarily joined the Czecho-Slovak army.
Over 300,000 Czecho-Slovaks surrendered voluntarily to Russia whom they
regarded as their liberator. Unfortunately the old régime in Russia did not
always show much understanding of their aspirations. They were scattered
over Siberia, cut off from the outer world, and often abandoned to the
ill-treatment of German and Magyar officers. It is estimated that over
thirty thousand of them perished from starvation. It was only after great
efforts, after the Russian Revolution, and especially when Professor
Masaryk himself went to Russia, that the Czecho-Slovak National Council
succeeded in organising a great part of them into an army. Finally, when
Austria desired to strike a death-blow at Italy in 1918, and began again to
employ Slav troops, she failed again, and this failure was once more to a
large extent caused by the disaffection of her Slav troops, as is proved by
the Austrian official statements. Indeed, whenever Austria relied solely on
her own troops she was always beaten, even by the "contemptible" Serbians.
The Czechs and other Slavs have greatly contributed to these defeats by
their passive resistance. It was only the intervention of German troops
which saved Austria from an utter collapse in 1915, and which prevented the
Czechs from completing their aim of entirely disorganising the military
power of Austria. Slav regiments have since then been intermixed with
German and Magyar troops. The Slavs receive their ammunition only at the
front, where they are placed in the foremost ranks with Germans or Magyars
behind them, so that they are exposed to a double fire if they attempt to
surrender. Nevertheless, up to 1916 some 350,000 Czechs out of a total of
600,000 in the Austrian army surrendered to the Allies.
4. From the very beginning of the war Czech soldiers showed their real
feelings. They were driven to fight against the Russians and Serbs who were
their brothers by race and their sincere and devoted friends. They were
driven to fight for that hated Austria which had trampled their liberties
underfoot for centuries past, and for a cause which they detested from the
bottom of their hearts. They were driven to fight in the interests of their
German and Magyar enemies against their Slav brothers and friends under
terrible circumstances.
In September, 1914, the 8th Czech Regiment refused to go to the front until
threatened by the German troops. The 11th Czech Regiment of Pisek refused
to march against Serbia and was decimated. The 36th Regiment revolted in
the barracks and was massacred by German troops. The 88th Regiment, which
made an unsuccessful attempt to surrender to Russia, was shot down by the
Magyar Honveds. A similar fate befell the 13th and 72nd Slovak Regiments.
On the other hand, many Czech troops succeeded in surrendering. The 35th
Regiment of Pilsen went over to the Russians in a body half-an-hour after
arriving at the front. Soon after, the 28th Regiment of Prague surrendered
_en masse_, having been "fetched" by the Czechs fighting on the Russian
side. Immediately afterwards the Austrian commander-in-chief issued an
order of the day in which he declared.
"On April 3, 1915, almost the whole of the 28th Regiment surrendered
without fighting to a single enemy battalion.... This disgraceful act
not only destroys the reputation of this regiment, but necessitates its
name being struck off the list of our army corps, until new deeds of
heroism retrieve its character. His Apostolic Majesty has accordingly
ordered the dissolution of this regiment, and the deposition of its
banners in the army museum."
And indeed "new deeds of heroism" did follow. A fresh battalion was founded
composed of Czech youths who were sent to the Isonzo front and exposed in a
dangerous position to deadly artillery fire. Almost the whole battalion was
thus unscrupulously wiped out. Only eighteen of them survived. This was
followed by a new imperial order saying that the disgrace of the 28th
Regiment was "atoned for" by the "sacrifice" of this regiment on
the Isonzo.
As regards Italy, over 20,000 Czechs surrendered voluntarily on the Italian
front up to 1917, and 7000 during the last offensive on the Piave in June,
1918. Of recent cases we need mention only the "treachery of Carzano,"
where, on September 18, 1917, some Czech officers went over to the
Italians, communicated to them the Austrian plans of campaign and led them
against the Austrians whose front was thus successfully broken through.
This incident was not the only one of its kind. It has been repeated
several times by Czech officers whenever they found an opportunity of going
over to the Italians. During the offensive of June, 1918, the Austrian
press openly attributed the Austrian failure to "Czech treachery,"
asserting that the plan of the offensive was communicated to the Italian
headquarters staff by Czecho-Slovak officers. This the Austrian military
authorities themselves admitted later, when they published the following
official statement, which appeared in the German press on July 28:
"On the morning of June 15, we started a vigorous offensive on the
whole front between the Tyrolese mountains and the Adriatic, with a
power that can be attained only by complete co-operation of all the
units and with an accurate execution and a common and uniform action.
But, just at the beginning of the attack, it became apparent that the
enemy were making a counter-attack according to a well-defined plan, as
in the case of a projected vigorous offensive. It was also found out
that the enemy was perfectly aware of the extent, the day and the hour
of our attack. The intended surprise, so important for the success of
an offensive, has thus failed. In due course Italy also obtained, from
documents which some deserters handed to the Italian high command,
information which gave her a sufficiently precise idea of our
dispositions. English, French and Italian officers and men captured by
us declare unanimously that their regiments were advised on the evening
of June 14 that the Austrian offensive would start at two o'clock on
the following morning.
"The exact time of the beginning of our offensive must have been
betrayed by _Yugoslav and Czech deserters_. The enemy took steps
against the bombardment by means of gas, which was expected. These
steps later proved insufficient. As an example we may mention only the
following facts: The battalion of bersaglieri received, at 3.20 on June
14, a quantity of ammunition at 72 to 240 cartridges per man. The
Pinerolo Brigade took up fighting position at 2 o'clock at night. An
order, captured late on July 14, said: 'According to reports received,
the enemy will commence early on June 15 their bombardment preparations
for attack. At midnight hot coffee and meat conserves will be
distributed. The troops will remain awake, armed and prepared to use
their gas-masks.'
"For some time now the Italian command have tried to disorganise our
troops by high treasonable propaganda. In the Italian prisoners-of-war
camps the Slavs are persuaded by promises and corruption to enlist in
the Czecho-Slovak army. This is done in a way prohibited by law. Their
ignorance of the international situation and their lack of news from
home, partly caused by Italian censorship, are exploited by means of
propaganda without scruples. An order of the 5th Italian Army Corps
(1658 Prot. R. J.) of May 14, 1918, refers to active propaganda by
Czecho-Slovak volunteers with the object of disorganising the
Austro-Hungarian army. The Italian military authorities on their part
deceive the Czecho-Slovaks by telling them of the continuous disorders
and insurrections in Bohemia. In the above-mentioned order it is
asserted that in the corps to which it is addressed, as well as in
other corps, some attempts of the Czecho-Slovak elements have been
successful in causing confusion among enemy ranks. _Some of our
Czecho-Slovak soldiers deserted and went over to the Italians_. Others
remained in touch with them and declared themselves ready to stay in
our positions as a source of ferment for future insurrections. Although
the high treason miscarried owing to the heroic resistance which our
troops, without distinction of nationality, offered to the enemy, it is
nevertheless true that some elements succumbed to the treacherous enemy
propaganda.
"The gunner Rudolf Paprikar, of the machine gun section, according to
reports of the 8th Army Corps jumped off the river bank into the Piave
below Villa Jacur and swam across under danger of being drowned. He
betrayed the position, strength and composition of his sector, and
through observation and spying, he acquired some valuable information
by which our projected attack against Montello was disclosed. Further,
he revealed to the enemy some very secret preparations for the crossing
of the river Piave, and also supplied him with plans of the
organisation of troops, battery positions, etc.
"The principal part in the treachery is attributed by the Italian high
command, not without reason, to Lieutenant Karel Stiny of an infantry
regiment, who deserted near Narenta. It appears from the detailed
Italian official report in which his statements are embodied, that he
betrayed all our preparations on the Piave and provided the enemy with
a great deal of most important information. Let us mention further that
Stiny in his mendacious statements to the Italian command about the
Austro-Hungarian situation at the front and in the interior, followed
the line of all traitors in order to appear in a favourable light. It
is characteristic that in his declaration about our offensive he said
that many Austro-Hungarian troops would have surrendered if it had not
been for the German and Bulgarian bayonets behind their backs.
"_It is proved by various documents to what extent the Czechs have
forgotten their honour and duty_. By breaking their oath to Austria and
her emperor and king, they have also forgotten all those who were with
them at the front, and they are responsible for the blood of our
patriots and the sufferings of our prisoners in Italy. The false glory
which is attributed to them by the Italian command, who have lost all
sense of the immorality of these proceedings, cannot efface the eternal
crime which history always attaches to the names of traitors."
5. We could give many proofs of the great service the Czecho-Slovaks
rendered the Allies by their surrenders. But for our purpose it will be
sufficient to quote only some more admissions of the Germans and Magyars
themselves.
Count Tisza admitted that Czech troops could not be relied upon, and Count
Windischgrätz stated that the chief of staff dare not use them except when
mixed with Magyars and Germans.
Deputy Urmanczy declared in the Budapest Parliament on September 5, 1916,
that during the first encounters with Rumania, a Czech regiment retired
without the slightest resistance, provided themselves with provisions,
entered a train and disappeared. The men went over to Rumania. He blamed
the Czechs for the Austrian reverse in Transylvania.
On June 22, 1917, when the case of deputy Klofác was discussed by the
Immunity Committee of the Reichsrat, General von Georgi, Austrian Minister
for Home Defence, according to the Czech organ _Pozor_ of June
24, described
"... the conditions prevailing in the army, especially the behaviour of
certain Czech regiments, and brought forward all the material which had
been collected against the Czechs since the outbreak of the war, and
which had been used against them. He referred to the 28th and 36th
Regiments as well as to eight other Czech regiments which had
voluntarily surrendered to the Russians. He mentioned also that Czech
officers, not only those in reserve but also those on active service,
including some of the highest ranks of the staff, surrendered to the
enemy; in one instance fourteen officers with a staff officer thus
surrendered. Czech soldiers in the Russian and French armies, as well
as in other enemy armies, are fighting for the Entente and constitute
legions and battalions of their own. The total number of Czechs in the
enemy armies exceeds 60,000. In the prisoners' camps in the enemy
countries, non-German prisoners were invited to join the enemy's ranks.
Czech legions and battalions are composed almost entirely of former
prisoners of war. The minister further went on to describe the
propaganda of the Czechs abroad, the activity of Czech committees in
enemy and neutral countries, especially in Russia and Switzerland. He
also mentioned the case of Pavlu, a Czech soldier, who in a Russian
newspaper described how he penetrated the Austrian trenches in the
uniform of an Austrian officer, annihilated the occupants and after a
successful scouting reconnaissance returned to the Russian ranks. The
minister described the attitude of the 'Sokols' and the Czech teachers.
The tenor of his speech was that Klofác is responsible for the
anti-Austrian feeling of the Czech nation and that therefore he should
not be released."
When the Russian offensive of July, 1917, started, Herr Hummer, member of
the Austrian Reichsrat, addressed the following interpellation to the
Austrian Minister for Home Defence:
"Is the Austrian Minister for Home Defence aware that in one of the
early engagements of the new Russian offensive, the 19th Austrian
Infantry Division, which consists almost entirely of Czecho-Slovaks and
other Slavs, openly sided with the enemies of Austria by refusing to
fight against the Russians and by surrendering as soon as an
opportunity offered itself?"
The most interesting document in regard to the attitude of Czecho-Slovaks
during the war is the interpellation of ninety German Nationalist deputies
(Schurf, Langenhahn, Wedra, Richter, Kittinger and others), of which we
possess a copy. It contains 420 large-size printed pages, and it is
therefore impossible for us to give a detailed account of it. The chapters
of this interpellation have the following headings:
1. The dangers of Pan-Slavistic propaganda.
2. The situation at the outbreak of the war.
3. Motives for the arrest of Kramár.
4. The behaviour of Czechs in Austria:
_(a)_ Demonstrations of Czech national spirit in Prague;
_(b)_ Czech school-books;
_(c)_ Czech officials;
_(d)_ The activities of the "Sokols";
_(e)_ What happened at Litomerice and elsewhere;
_(f)_ The Czech attitude towards war loans;
_(g)_ The Zivnostenská Banka and the war loans;
_(h)_ The financial policy of the Zivnostenská Banka;
_(i)_ The Czechs and war emergency affairs;
_(k)_ The Czechs and the question of food supplies.
5. The anti-Austrian attitude of Czechs abroad:
_(a)_ In France;
_(b)_ In England;
_(c)_ In Russia;
_(d)_ In America;
_(e)_ In Switzerland;
_(f)_ The campaign of Professor Masaryk;
_(g)_ The Czech secret intelligence service.
6. The conduct of Czech soldiers on the battlefield.
7. Military consequences.
8. Some recent documents.
According to the _Neue Freie Presse_ of June 6, 1918, the Austrian Minister
for Home Defence made the following important admissions in reply to the
part of this interpellation concerning the Czech contribution to the
defeats of Austria:
"The 36th Regiment, according to unanimous reports of the high command,
failed to do its duty in May, 1915, on the Russian front, and thereby
caused a heavy defeat of other detachments. This regiment was dissolved
by the imperial decree of July 16, 1915.
"The unsuccessful fighting and heavy losses of the 19th Division in the
battle north of Tarnopol between September 9 and 11, 1915, were caused
by the weak resistance of the 35th Regiment.... During the battles of
June 29 to July 2, 1917, near Zloczow the resistance offered by this
regiment was weak.
"As regards Regiment No. 28 of Prague, according to the statement of
regimental commanders, it appears that the whole detachment, without
firing a single shot, was taken prisoner by a single enemy battalion,
or rather was brought by that battalion from its position."
And in this policy Czech soldiers continue by surrendering voluntarily to
the Entente troops whenever they have the opportunity.
VI
THE MILITARY AND POLITICAL ACTION OF THE CZECHO-SLOVAKS ABROAD
When war broke out, the Czecho-Slovaks all over the world felt it their
duty to prove by deeds that their place was on the side of the Entente. The
Czecho-Slovaks in Great Britain, France and Russia volunteered to fight for
the Allies, while in the United States of America, where there are some one
and a half million Czecho-Slovaks, they have counteracted German propaganda
and revealed German plots intended to weaken the American assistance to
the Allies.
1. In France 471 Czechs, _i.e._ over 60 per cent., entered the Foreign
Legion and greatly distinguished themselves by their bravery. The majority
of them have been mentioned in dispatches and received the Military Cross.
They have also won five crosses and twenty medals of the Russian Order of
St. George. Their losses amount to more than 70 per cent.
Further, many Czechs living in Great Britain at the outbreak of the war
joined the French Foreign Legion in France, and after His Majesty's
Government allowed Czechs to volunteer for service in the British army in
the autumn of 1916, practically all Czechs of military age resident in
Great Britain enrolled so far as they were not engaged on munitions. In
Canada, too, the Czechs joined the army in order to fight for the
British Empire.
The most important part was taken, however, by the Czecho-Slovak colonies
in Russia and America. In Russia, where there are large Czecho-Slovak
settlements, numbering several thousand, a Czecho-Slovak legion was formed
at the outbreak of the war which has rendered valuable services, especially
in scouting and reconnoitring. This legion grew gradually larger,
especially when Czech prisoners began to be allowed to join it, and
finally, under the direction of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, it was
formed into a regular army. In September, 1917, it had already two
divisions, and in 1918 fresh prisoners joined it, so that it counted
some 100,000.
In order to be able fully to appreciate this achievement, we must remember
that this was an army of volunteers, organised by the Czecho-Slovak Council
without the powers of a real government. At the beginning of the war the
Czecho-Slovaks not only had no government of their own, but not even any
united organisation. And if we realise that to-day, after three and a half
years of strenuous effort, the National Council are recognised by the
Allies as the Provisional Government of Bohemia with the right of
exercising all powers appertaining to a real government, including the
control of an army as large as Great Britain had at the outbreak of the
war, it must be admitted that the action of the Czecho-Slovaks abroad was
crowned with wonderful success.
In Russia the difficulties with which the National Council had to cope were
especially grave, and mainly for two reasons. In the first place, the
Czecho-Slovak prisoners who voluntarily surrendered were scattered all over
Russia. It was extremely difficult even to get into touch with them. In
addition there was a lack of good-will on the part of the old Russian
Government. Thus very often these prisoners, who regarded Russia as
Bohemia's elder brother and liberator, were sadly disillusioned when they
were left under the supervision of some German officers, and thousands of
them died from starvation. Nevertheless they never despaired. Eager to
fight for the Allies, many of them entered the Yugoslav Division which
fought so gallantly in the Dobrudja. Nearly all the Czech officers in this
division were decorated with the highest Russian, Serbian and Rumanian
orders. Half of them committed suicide, however, during the retreat rather
than fall into the hands of the enemy.
It was not until after the Russian Revolution, and especially after the
arrival of Professor Masaryk in Russia in May, 1917, that the Czecho-Slovak
army in Russia became a reality.
The Czecho-Slovaks have been mentioned in Russian official _communiqués_ of
February 2, 1916, and March 29, 1917. The most glorious part was taken by
the Czecho-Slovak Brigade during the last Russian offensive in July, 1917,
in which the Czechs showed manifestly the indomitable spirit that animates
them. Since every Czech fighting on the side of the Entente is shot, if he
is captured by the Austrians, the Czechs everywhere fight to the bitter
end, and rather commit suicide than be captured by their enemies. For this
reason they are justly feared by the Germans. As in the Hussite wars, the
sight of their caps and the sound of their songs struck terror in the
hearts of the Germans and Magyars. At the battle of Zborov on July 2, 1917,
the Czechs gave the whole world proof of their bravery. Determined to win
or fall, they launched an attack almost without ammunition, with bayonets
and hand-grenades--and they gained a victory over an enemy vastly superior
in numbers.
According to the official Russian _communiqué_:
"On July 2, at about three o'clock in the afternoon, after a severe and
stubborn battle, the gallant troops of the Czecho-Slovak Brigade
occupied the strongly fortified enemy position on the heights to the
west and south-west of the village of Zborov and the fortified village
of Koroszylow. Three lines of enemy trenches were penetrated. The enemy
has retired across the Little Strypa. The Czecho-Slovak Brigade
captured sixty-two officers and 3150 soldiers, fifteen guns and many
machine guns. Many of the captured guns were turned against the enemy."
Finally, however, when the Russians refused to fight, the Czechs had to
retire as well. General Brussiloff declared:
"The Czecho-Slovaks, perfidiously abandoned at Tarnopol by our
infantry, fought in such a way that the world ought to fall on its
knees before them."
2. The spontaneous and unanimous political action of the Czecho-Slovaks
abroad became co-ordinated when Professor Masaryk escaped from Austria and
placed himself at the head of the movement.
_Professor Masaryk_, the distinguished Czech leader and scholar, whose name
we have already mentioned in the preceding chapters, went to Italy in
December, 1914, and although he desired once more to return to Austria
before leaving finally for France, he found it too dangerous, as the reign
of terror had already been established in Bohemia. He accordingly went to
Switzerland and afterwards on to France and England. In October, 1915, he
was appointed lecturer at the newly founded School of Slavonic Studies at
King's College, University of London. Mr. Asquith, then Prime Minister, who
was prevented through indisposition from presiding at Professor Masaryk's
inaugural lecture on October 19, 1915, sent the following message to
the meeting:
"I congratulate King's College on Professor Masaryk's appointment, and
I can assure him that we welcome his advent to London both as a
teacher--the influence of whose power and learning is felt throughout
the Slav world--and as a man to whose personal qualities of candour,
courage and strength we are all glad to pay a tribute. We believe that
his presence here will be a link to strengthen the sympathy which
unites the people of Russia and Great Britain."
"First and foremost the Allies are fighting for the liberties of small
nations, to the end that they may be left in future free from the
tyranny of their more powerful neighbours to develop their own national
life and institutions. Above all, to-day our thoughts and our
sympathies are moved towards Serbia, whose undaunted courage wins day
by day our unbounded sympathy and admiration."
During the lecture on the Problem of Small Nations in the European Crisis,
Professor Masaryk outlined his political programme which he has ever since
insisted the Allies should adopt, to destroy the German plans of
Mitteleuropa. He declared:
"Great Britain came into this war to protect little Belgium, and now
with her Allies she is faced by the task of protecting Serbia. This
evolution of the war is almost logical, for Germany's aim is and was
Berlin--Bagdad, the employment of the nations of Austria-Hungary as
helpless instruments, and the subjection of the smaller nations which
form that peculiar zone between the west and east of Europe. _Poland,
Bohemia, Serbo-Croatia (the South Slavs) are the natural adversaries of
Germany_, of her _Drang nach Osten_; to liberate and strengthen these
smaller nations is the only real check upon Prussia. Free Poland,
Bohemia and Serbo-Croatia would be so-called buffer states, their
organisation would facilitate and promote the formation of a Magyar
state, of Greater Rumania, of Bulgaria, Greece and the rest of the
smaller nations. If this horrible war, with its countless victims, has
any meaning, it can only be found in the liberation of the small
nations who are menaced by Germany's eagerness for conquest and her
thirst for the dominion of Asia. The Oriental question is to be solved
on the Rhine, Moldau and Vistula, not only on the Danube, Vardar and
Maritza."
Soon afterwards Professor Masaryk issued a proclamation signed by
representatives of all Czecho-Slovaks abroad, the full text of which reads
as follows:
"We come before the political public at a moment when the retreat of
the victorious Russian army is exploited against Russia and her Allies.
We take the side of the struggling Slav nations and their Allies
without regard to which party will be victorious, simply because the
Allies' cause is just. The decision as to which party in this fatal
struggle is defending the right, is a question of principle and
political morality which to-day cannot be evaded by any honest and
clear-thinking politician nor by any self-conscious nation. But we are
prompted to step forward also by our vivid sense of Slav solidarity: we
express our ardent sympathies to our brother Serbs and Russians, as
well as to our brother Poles, so heavily struck by the war. We believe
in the ultimate victory of the Slavs and their Allies, and we are
convinced that this victory will contribute towards the welfare of the
whole of Europe and humanity. The spiteful anti-Slav attitude of
Ferdinand the Koburg and his government cannot retard the victory of a
just cause.
"The Czech nation made an alliance with Hungary and the Austrian
Germans by a free election of a Habsburg to the throne of the kingdom
of Bohemia in 1526; but the dynasty created through a systematic
centralisation and germanisation a unitary absolutist state, thus
violating their treaty guaranteeing the independence of the Bohemian
State within and without. The Czech nation, exhausted by the European
and Habsburg anti-reformation, has only since the Czech regeneration at
the end of the eighteenth century been able to resist this violence. It
was especially the revolution of 1848 which challenged it.
"The revolution was crushed, and the secured rights of nations,
especially of the Czechs, were again sacrificed to absolutism which,
however, was shattered by the war of 1859, and replaced by an
incomplete constitutionalism. Then Vienna gave way to the Magyars. But
the Czechs had to content themselves with solemn promises that were
never kept. The Czech nation started a struggle of passive opposition.
Later on it also took an active part in the new parliament, but whether
in parliament or in the diets, it always claimed its historic right of
independence and struggled against the German-Magyar dualism. The
attempts made to come to an understanding were frustrated by the
obstinate spirit of domination of the Germans and Magyars.
"The present war has only accentuated the Czecho-Slovak opposition to
Austria-Hungary. War was declared without the parliament being
consulted: all other states presented the declaration of war to their
parliaments for ratification, only the Viennese Government was afraid
to consult its peoples, because the majority of them would have
declared against the war. The representatives of the Czech nation would
have certainly protested with the greatest emphasis. That is why the
government did not consult a single Czech deputy or politician with
regard to taking so momentous a step.
"The Czech nation has always in modern times defended a thoroughly Slav
programme. Also during this war, which has found our nation unprepared
like all other peaceful nations, the Czechs have since the very
beginning expressed their sympathies for Russia, Serbia and their
Allies, notwithstanding the unprecedented Austrian terrorism,
suppressing every manifestation of the real feelings of the people. The
pro-Austrian declarations are enforced by the government. To-day the
leading Czech politicians are in prison, the gallows have become the
favourite support of the incapable administration, and Czech regiments
have been decimated for acting spontaneously up to our national Czech
programme. The rights of the Czech language have been ruthlessly
violated during the war, and the absolutist military rule has reigned
throughout Bohemia and other non-German and non-Magyar parts of the
monarchy as in enemy countries. Every declaration in the Czech journals
is suppressed, while our national adversaries are not only allowed to
make propaganda against the Czech nation, but even the pan-German
orgies in the spirit of Lagarde, von Hartmann, Mommsen, and Treitschke
are supported by Vienna and Budapest.
"Under these circumstances the Czech nation cannot continue to keep
silence. That is why the Czech and Slovak emigrants abroad deem it
their duty to inform foreign opinion about the true situation of
Bohemia, to interpret the aspirations of the Czecho-Slovak nation to
the Allied statesmen, politicians and journalists, and to defend the
Czecho-Slovak programme.
"The Czech parties have hitherto striven for the independence of their
nation inside Austria-Hungary. _The course which this fratricidal war
has taken and the ruthless violence of Vienna make it necessary for all
of us to strive for independence without regard to Austria-Hungary. We
are struggling for an absolutely independent Czecho-Slovak State_.
"The Czech nation has come to the conclusion that it must take its
destiny into its own hands. Austria was defeated not only by Russia,
but also by the small and despised Serbia, and became a dependency of
Germany. To-day it has recovered a little under the direction of
Berlin, but that desperate strain of forces does not deceive us: it is
only a proof of the abdication of Austria-Hungary. We have lost all
confidence in the vitality of Austria-Hungary, and we no more recognise
its right to existence. Through its incapability and dependence it has
proved to the whole world that the assumption of the necessity of
Austria has passed, and has through this war been proved to be wrong.
Those who have defended the possibility and necessity of
Austria-Hungary--and at one time it was Palacký himself--demanded a
confederated state of equal nations and lands. But the dualist
Austria-Hungary became the oppressor of non-German and non-Magyar
nationalities. It is the obstacle to peace in Europe and it has
degenerated into a mere tool for Germany's expansion to the East,
without a positive mission of its own, unable to create a state
organisation of equal nations, free and progressive in civilisation.
The dynasty, living in its absolutist traditions, maintains itself a
phantom of its former world empire, assisted in government by its
undemocratic partners, the barren aristocracy, the anti-national
bureaucracy, and the anti-national military staff.
"To-day there is no doubt that Austria-Hungary wrongly used the
assassination at Sarajevo as a pretext against Serbia. Vienna and
Budapest did not hesitate to use forged documents manufactured by their
own embassy against the Yugoslavs, and in this policy of deceit Vienna
and Budapest have persisted during this war. To this deceit they have
now added revengeful spitefulness and cruelty truly barbarian against
the non-Germans and non-Magyars.
"Germany shares the guilt with Austria-Hungary; it was in Germany's
power and it was her duty towards civilisation and humanity to prevent
the war and not to take advantage of the imperialist lust of Vienna and
Budapest.
"Austria-Hungary and Germany are fighting with their Turkish and
Bulgarian Allies for a cause which is unjust and doomed."
Later on, when _Dr. Edward Benes_, lecturer at the Czech University of
Prague and author of several well-known studies in sociology, also escaped
abroad, the Czecho-Slovak National Council was formed, of which Professor
Masaryk became the president, _Dr. Stefanik_, a distinguished airman and
scientist, Hungarian Slovak by birth, the vice-president, and Dr. E. Benes
the general secretary. A French review was started in Paris (_La Nation
Tchèque_) in May, 1915, which became the official organ of the
Czecho-Slovak movement. Up to May, 1917, it was published under the
editorship of Professor Denis, and since then its editor has been Dr.
Benes. A Central Czech organ is also published in Paris called
_Samostatnost_ ("Independence"), edited by Dr. Sychrava, an eminent Czech
journalist.
The undisputed authority enjoyed by Professor Masaryk among all the
Czecho-Slovaks is undoubtedly the secret of the great strength and unity of
the movement. It is also the reason for the great diplomatic successes
achieved by the Czechs. The chief lieutenants of Professor Masaryk were Dr.
Benes, an untiring worker with rare political instinct and perspicacity,
and Dr. Milan Stefanik, who entered the French army as a private at the
beginning of the war, was gradually promoted, and in May, 1918, rose to the
rank of brigadier-general. He rendered valuable service to France as an
astronomist before the war, and as an airman during the war. He has
rendered still greater service to the Czecho-Slovak cause as a diplomat.
These three men, unanimously recognised by the two million Czecho-Slovaks
in the Allied countries as their leaders, were finally, in the summer of
1918, recognised also by the Allies as the _de facto_ provisional
government of the Czecho-Slovak State, with all rights and powers of a real
government. The central seat of the Czecho-Slovak Government is in Paris,
and official Czecho-Slovak representatives and legations are in all the
Allied capitals.
3. The first political success of the National Council was the Allies' Note
to President Wilson of January 10, 1917. The Czechs are especially grateful
to France for this first recognition of their claims.
In this Note, in which the Allies for the first time stated publicly and
explicitly their war aims, the Allies declared that these include:
"The reorganisation of Europe guaranteed by a stable settlement, based
upon the principle of nationality, upon the right which all peoples,
whether small or great, have to the enjoyment of full security and free
economic development, and also upon territorial agreements and
international arrangements so framed as to guarantee land and sea
frontiers against unjust attacks; the restitution of provinces or
territories formerly torn from the Allies by force or contrary to the
wishes of their inhabitants; _the liberation of Italians, Slavs,
Rumanians and Czecho-Slovaks from foreign domination_; the liberation
of the peoples who now lie beneath the murderous tyranny of the Turks,
and the expulsion from Europe of the Ottoman Empire, which has proved
itself so radically alien to Western civilisation."
The greatest success of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, however, has
been the formal recognition by France of the formation of an autonomous
Czecho-Slovak army in France with the National Council at its head. By this
act France recognised:
(1) That the Czecho-Slovaks have a right to form an army of their own,
which right appertains only to a sovereign and independent nation;
(2) That the Czecho-Slovaks have a right to fight on the side of the
Entente, and therefore are to be considered as one of the Allies;
(3) That the political direction of the army is reserved to the
Czecho-Slovak National Council, which right is usually accorded only to the
government of an independent state.
The full text of this historic document, signed by the President of the
French Republic, M. Poincaré, the French Premier, M. Clémenceau, and the
Foreign Secretary, M. Pichon, and dated December 19, 1917, reads
as follows:
"1. The Czecho-Slovaks organised in an autonomous army and recognising,
from the military point of view, the superior authority of the French
high command, will fight under their own flag against the Central
Powers.
"2. This national army is placed, from the political point of view,
under the direction of the Czecho-Slovak National Council whose
headquarters are in Paris.
"3. The formation of the Czecho-Slovak army as well as its further work
are assured by the French Government.
"4. The Czecho-Slovak army will be subject to the same dispositions as
regards organisation, hierarchy, administration and military discipline
as those in force in the French army.
"5. The Czecho-Slovak army will be recruited from among:
(_a_) Czecho-Slovaks at present serving with the French army;
(_b_) Czecho-Slovaks from other countries admitted to be transferred
into the Czecho-Slovak army or to contract a voluntary engagement with
this army for the duration of war.
"6. Further ministerial instructions will settle the application of
this decree.
"7. The President of the War Cabinet, the Secretary of War, and the
Foreign Secretary are charged each in his own sphere to bring into
effect the present decree, which will be published in the _Bulletin des
Lois_ and inserted in the _Journal Officiel de la République
Française_."
In a covering letter, dated December 16, 1917, and addressed to M.
Poincaré, the French Premier and the Foreign Secretary declared:
"France has always supported by all means in her power the national
aspirations of the Czecho-Slovaks. The number of volunteers of this
nationality who at the outbreak of the war enlisted to fight under the
French flag was considerable; the gaps created in their ranks prove
unquestionably the ardour with which they fought against our enemies.
"Certain Allied governments, especially the Russian Provisional
Government, did not hesitate to authorise the formation on our front of
units composed of Czecho-Slovaks who had escaped from the oppression of
their enemy.
"It is only just that this nationality should be given means of
defending, under their own flag and side by side with us, the cause of
right and liberty of peoples, and it will be in accord with French
traditions to assist the organisation of an autonomous Czecho-Slovak
army."
Needless to say, the joy over this recognition was very great in Bohemia,
while the German papers were furious. The _Neue Freie Presse_ of December
28 devoted its leading article to the Czecho-Slovak army on the Western
front, and concluded with the following remarks:
"Although the strength of this new army is estimated at 120,000 men,
the Czecho-Slovak army will not have a decisive influence on the
military operations. Nevertheless, it may do us considerable harm in
case we should transfer troops to the Western front. However, the
greatest harm is in the moral effect which this act of wholesale
treachery of the Czechs will have on the military power of the
monarchy. In any case the co-operation of the Czecho-Slovak army on the
side of the Entente will only strengthen the Allies' belief that right
is on their side."
Soon afterwards Italy also generously allowed an expeditionary corps of the
Czecho-Slovak army to be formed from the Czecho-Slovak prisoners of war who
surrendered to her. On May 23, 1918, the Czecho-Slovak troops welcomed the
Prince of Wales to Rome, and soon afterwards they distinguished themselves
on the Piave and were mentioned in one of General Diaz's dispatches and
also in the official Italian _communiqué_ of September 22, 1918.
From the recognition of the Czecho-Slovak army followed the full
recognition which the National Council obtained from the Allies.
4. While the general secretariat was actively working for these concessions
in the West, Professor Masaryk, after devoting his attention to the
education of public opinion in Great Britain on the importance of Bohemia,
by means of private memoranda and various articles in the _New Europe,
Weekly Dispatch_ and elsewhere, decided in May, 1917, to go to Russia.
In Russia, Professor Masaryk succeeded admirably in uniting and
strengthening all Czecho-Slovak forces, and in organising a regular army of
the many thousands of Czecho-Slovak prisoners there. As we have already
pointed out elsewhere, before the Revolution these efforts of the National
Council and the Czech prisoners, who were always eager to fight for the
Allies, were rendered immensely difficult by the obstacles inherent in the
geographic conditions of Russia and by obstacles placed in their way by the
old Russian régime.
Unfortunately now, when the Czecho-Slovaks had at last succeeded after much
work in realising their plans, the Czecho-Slovak army became powerless
owing to the collapse of Russia. Without ammunition, without support from
anywhere, the Czecho-Slovaks thought they could no more render very
effective service to the Allies in the East. They decided, therefore, to go
over to join their compatriots in France.
The position of our army was as follows: After the offensive of July, 1917,
the Czechs retreated to Kieff where they continued to concentrate fresh
forces. At that time they numbered about 60,000, and this number had
gradually increased to 80,000 by the end of 1917. They always observed
strict neutrality in Russia's internal affairs on the advice of their
venerable leader, Professor Masaryk. It was necessary to counsel this
neutrality for the sake of our army itself, since it contained partisans of
different creeds and parties disagreement among whom might have led to its
dissolution. On the whole, the Czecho-Slovaks, who are an advanced nation,
fully conscious of their national aspirations, remained unaffected by the
misleading Bolshevist theories. The Czechs abstained throughout from
interfering with Russian affairs, yet they did not wish to leave Russia as
long as there was any chance for them to assist her. It was not until the
shameful peace of Brest-Litovsk in February, 1918, that Professor Masaryk
decided that the Czecho-Slovak army should leave Russia _via_ Siberia and
join the Czecho-Slovak army in France. The Bolsheviks granted them free
passage to Vladivostok.
This journey of some 5000 miles was not, however, an easy task for an army
to accomplish. The troops had to move in small échelons or detachments, and
concentration at the stations was prohibited. They had to procure their
trains and their provisions, and they had constant trouble with the
Bolsheviks, because in every district there was a practically independent
Soviet Government with whom the Czechs had to negotiate. The first
detachments with the generalissimo of the army, General Diderichs, at the
head arrived in Vladivostok at the end of April, 1918. But the other
detachments were constantly held up by the Bolsheviks and had great trouble
in passing through.
They moved from Kieff _via_ Kursk, Tambov, Penza and Samara. The two
last-named towns lie on the line between Moscow and Tcheliabinsk at the
foot of the Urals, whence a direct line runs across Siberia to Vladivostok.
As we have already pointed out, the Bolsheviks agreed in principle to allow
our troops to leave Russia. Their commander-in-chief, General Muraviev,
allowed the Czechs free passage to France on February 16. The same
concession had been granted by the Moscow Soviet. On the whole the Czechs
were on tolerably good terms with the Bolsheviks. Professor Masaryk
rejected every plan directed against the Bolsheviks submitted to him even
by such of their political adversaries as could not justly be called
counter-revolutionaries. The Czecho-Slovak troops went still further; they
actually complied with the request of the Bolsheviks and partially
disarmed. The trouble only began in May, 1918, when the Bolsheviks yielded
to German intrigues and resolved to destroy our army.
Already at the beginning of May the Czechs had begun to feel embittered
against the Bolsheviks, because in defiance of the agreement their troops
were constantly being held up by local Soviets. At Tambov, for instance,
they were held up for a whole month. At Tcheliabinsk the Czechs had a
serious scuffle with Magyar ex-prisoners on May 26, and the Bolsheviks
sided entirely with the Magyars, even arresting some Czecho-Slovak
delegates. The Czechs simply occupied the city, liberated their comrades,
and at a congress held by them at Tcheliabinsk on May 28 it was decided to
refuse to surrender any more arms and ammunition and to continue transports
to Vladivostok, if necessary with arms in their hands. This was a reply to
Trotsky's telegram that the Czecho-Slovaks should be completely disarmed,
which the Czecho-Slovaks defied as they knew that another order had been
issued by Trotsky simultaneously, no doubt on the instigation of Count
Mirbach, saying that the Czecho-Slovak troops must be dissolved at all
costs and interned as prisoners of war. The Bolsheviks now arrested
prominent members of the Moscow branch of the Czecho-Slovak National
Council on the ground that they were "anti-revolutionaries." They alleged
also that they had no guarantee that ships would be provided for the Czechs
to be transported to France, and that the Czechs were holding up food
supplies from Siberia. The Bolsheviks deliberately broke their word, and
Trotsky issued an order to "all troops fighting against the
anti-revolutionary Czecho-Slovak brigades" in which he said:
"The concentration of our troops is complete. Our army being aware that
the Czecho-Slovaks are direct allies of the anti-revolution and of the
capitalists, fights them well. The Czecho-Slovaks are retreating along
the railway. Obviously they would like to enter into negotiations with
the Soviets. We issued an order that their delegates should be
received. We demand in the first place that they should be disarmed.
_Those who do not do so voluntarily will be shot on the spot._ Warlike
operations on the railway line hinder food transports. Energetic steps
must be taken to do away with this state of affairs."
The Czecho-Slovaks were greatly handicapped, since they were not only
almost unarmed, but were also dispersed along the trans-Siberian line in
small detachments which had considerable difficulty in keeping in touch
with each other. Nevertheless the fates were favourable to them. They were
victorious almost everywhere, thanks to their wonderful spirit and
discipline.
The first victories gained by the Czecho-Slovaks over the Bolsheviks were
at Penza and Samara. Penza was captured by them after three days' fighting
at the end of May. Later the Czecho-Slovaks also took Sysran on the Volga,
Kazan with its large arsenal, Simbirsk and Yekaterinburg, connecting
Tcheliabinsk with Petrograd, and occupied practically the whole
Volga region.
In Siberia they defeated a considerable force of German-Magyar ex-prisoners
in Krasnoyarsk and Omsk and established themselves firmly in Udinsk. On
June 29, 15,000 Czecho-Slovaks under General Diderichs, after handing an
ultimatum to the Bolsheviks at Vladivostok, occupied the city without much
resistance. Only at one spot fighting took place and some 160 Bolsheviks
were killed. The Czecho-Slovaks, assisted by Japanese and Allied troops,
then proceeded to the north and north-west, while the Bolsheviks and German
prisoners retreated to Chabarovsk. In September the Czech and Allied troops
from Vladivostok joined hands with the Czecho-Slovaks from Irkutsk and
Western Siberia, and thus gained control over practically the whole
trans-Siberian railway. By this means they have done great service to the
Allies, especially to Great Britain, by defending the East against the
German invaders. Furthermore, it was the Czecho-Slovaks' bold action which
induced Japan and America at last to intervene in Russia and for the sake
of Russia, and it was their control of the Siberian railway which made such
intervention possible. Let us hope that their action will lead to the
regeneration and salvation of the Russian nation.
The service rendered by Czecho-Slovak troops to the Allied cause was, of
course, justly appreciated by the Allies. Mr. Lloyd George sent the
following telegram to Professor Masaryk on September 9:
"On behalf of the British War Cabinet I send you our heartiest
congratulations on the striking successes won by the Czecho-Slovak
forces against the armies of German and Austrian troops in Siberia. The
story of the adventures and triumphs of this small army is, indeed, one
of the greatest epics of history. It has filled us all with admiration
for the courage, persistence and self-control of your countrymen, and
shows what can be done to triumph over time, distance and lack of
material resources by those holding the spirit of freedom in their
hearts. Your nation has rendered inestimable service to Russia and to
the Allies in their struggle to free the world from despotism. We shall
never forget it."
The deeds of our army met with equal admiration and gratitude also in
Bohemia. This is clearly shown by the speech of the Czech deputy Stríbrný,
delivered in the Austrian Reichsrat on July 17, and entirely suppressed in
the Austrian and German press. Despite the vigilance on the part of the
Austrian authorities, however, we have been able to secure the full text of
this remarkable speech which reads as follows:
"GENTLEMEN,--Let me first of all emphasise that my speech is not a
defence of the Czech nation and of the Czech soldiers. There are no
judges in this parliament competent to judge us.
"You call us traitors. We accept your declaration as the view of our
enemy. Nothing more--nothing less.
"You gentlemen on the German benches, you dared, however, to touch the
honour of our soldiers--you called them cowards. And in this respect we
are not going to keep silent. We shall always protest against such
injustice! We shall never permit these heroes to be abused by being
called 'cowards.' If there is a single gentleman among you he ought for
a moment to reflect on the soul of a Czech soldier--a soldier who has
been compelled by force to fight in a war which the German Imperial
Chancellor has openly called 'a war of Germans against the Slavs'; a
soldier who was compelled under the threat of immediate execution to
take up arms against the interests of the Slavs, against the interests
of his brothers, against the interests of his own country--Bohemia.
Well then, was it cowardice on the part of this soldier when he,
exposed to the fire of Austrian and German guns and machine guns from
behind, went over to the other side? Was he a coward when, while free
to remain in his captivity as a prisoner of war safely waiting until
the end of the war, he volunteered to fight again and was ready to risk
his life and health once more? Is that Czech soldier a coward who went
once more into the trenches, although aware that if he were captured he
would not be treated as an ordinary prisoner of war but as a deserter,
and hanged accordingly? Is that man a coward who sacrifices his family
which he has left behind and his soil and property inherited from his
ancestors? Is that man a coward who sacrifices himself, his father and
mother, his wife and children for the sake of his nation and country?
"Is that Czech soldier not a hero who to-day is voluntarily fighting
from the Ural Mountains to Vladivostok, on the Piave and in France?
"If there is a single gentleman, a real gentleman among you, let him
stand up and answer these questions.
"And if there is not such a gentleman among you, remember the words of
our bitter enemy the late Minister for Home Defence, Baron Georgi, who
related to this House in a secret sitting all that our regiments have
accomplished. He could not as a soldier suppress a sigh and say, 'We
regret all those treacheries of Czech soldiers, still more because from
their deeds committed on the side of our enemy we can realise what a
splendid military material we have lost.' And if this is not
sufficient, I will remind you of the opinion of those who are in your
eyes the best judges--the Prussian officers. In an Austrian officers'
canteen where Czech soldiers had been abused the whole evening by being
called cowards, the Prussian officers present were asked to give their
opinion on this point. They answered, 'We shall only be able to judge
as to whether the Czechs are cowards or not when they begin to fight
against us.'
"You should at least be gentlemanly enough not to slander your enemies
who have proved themselves to be greater heroes than any other
soldiers, because they are voluntary heroes, whereas the others are
heroes under compulsion!
"This question of cowardice is therefore, I hope, settled forever.
"And now with regard to the title of 'traitors.' _We are traitors to
Austria--every one of us admits it honestly_. Not one of you, however,
has the right to reproach us for this. All of you are patriots by
order, and it cannot be otherwise in a dynastic state like Austria.
"With regard to the patriotism of the Magyars, we have proofs of this
dating from 1866. They have done the same as we are doing to-day. They
surrendered and organised Klapka's legions against Austria. The fact
that they were punished for their treachery by being given their own
independence does not speak against us.
"Yes, gentlemen, we are traitors as much as you Magyars, or as you
Germans were, or would be under similar circumstances. And _we want the
same as you want_, i.e. _to be free citizens of our own state_. Our own
state--that does not mean to have a few officials or one more
university. To have a state of our own--that means to be able to decide
freely if our soldiers shall go to war again, and if they do, to see
that they go only for the interests of their own nation, and not for
the interests of their enemies. An independent state--that means for us
no longer to die by order of foreigners, and no longer to live under
foreign domination.
"Let me remind the gentlemen on the German benches of a lesson in
history. Up till 1866 Germany was nominally under the sceptre of the
Habsburg dynasty--a German dynasty, mind you. Prussia and Northern
Germany felt the indignity of the 'foreign' rule of the Habsburgs--and
they started the fratricidal war in 1866 in order to get rid of this
rule....
"It is for you gentlemen on the German benches to speak! Let him who
regrets the blood then spilt stand up and speak. Let him stand up and
condemn Bismarck and William I. who started the war in order to deliver
Germany from the same yoke from which we are trying to free ourselves
to-day. If there is a single man among the Germans who would be
prepared to say that the war against Austria should never have
happened, let him stand up. That war was carried on to free Germany
from the incapable rule of Vienna and it had the same aim in view which
you reproach us with to-day and call high treason!
"You are silent, gentlemen! We are satisfied with your silence. And now
go and continue to stone and abuse us."
5. In the meantime, Professor Masaryk arrived in the United States _via_
Japan in May, 1918. He was accorded a splendid reception at Chicago where
some 200,000 Czecho-Slovaks, as well as various Allied representatives,
greeted him. His presence in the United States not only stimulated
recruiting among Czecho-Slovaks there, but had also political results,
especially when the Central Powers launched their peace offensive.
At the end of May, Mr. Lansing issued the following statement:
"The Secretary of State desires to announce that the proceedings of the
Congress of Oppressed Nationalities of Austria-Hungary which was held
in Rome in April have been followed with great interest by the
Government of the United States, and that the nationalist aspirations
of the Czecho-Slovaks and Jugoslavs have the earnest sympathy of this
government."
This declaration was endorsed by the representatives of Great Britain,
France and Italy at Versailles on June 3, 1918. On June 29, Mr. Lansing
completed and explained his statement as follows:
"Since the issuance by this government on May 29 of a statement
regarding the nationalist aspirations for freedom of the Czecho-Slovaks
and Jugoslavs, German and Austrian officials have sought to
misinterpret and distort its manifest interpretation. In order,
therefore, that there may be no misunderstanding concerning the meaning
of this statement, the Secretary of State to-day further announces the
position of the United States Government to be that _all branches of
the Slav race should be completely freed from German and Austrian
rule_."
On the following day, that is on June 30, 1918, President Poincaré
presented the Czecho-Slovak army with a flag and delivered an inspiring
speech to them.
On the occasion of the handing of this flag by President Pioncaré to the
Czecho-Slovak army, M. Pichon, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, on behalf
of the government of the French Republic, addressed the following letter to
Dr. Edouard Benes, the general secretary of the Czecho-Slovak National
Council in Paris:
"At the moment when the 21st Regiment of Chasseurs, the first unit of
the autonomous Czecho-Slovak army in France, after receiving its flag,
is leaving its quarters to take up its position in a sector amongst its
French brothers-in-arms, the Republican Government, in recognition of
your efforts and your attachment to the Allied cause, considers it just
and necessary to proclaim _the right of your nation to its independence
and to recognise publicly and officially the National Council as the
supreme organ of its general interests and the first step towards a
future Czecho-Slovak Government_.
"During many centuries the Czecho-Slovak nation has enjoyed the
incomparable benefit of independence. It has been deprived of this
independence through the violence of the Habsburgs allied to the German
princes. The historic rights of nations are imperishable. It is for the
defence of these rights that France, attacked, is fighting to-day
together with her Allies. The cause of the Czechs is especially dear to
her.
"France will never forget the Prague manifestation of December 8, 1870.
Neither will she forget the resistance of its population and the
refusal of Czech soldiers to fight for Austria-Hungary, for which
heroism thousands of these patriots paid with their lives. France has
also heard the appeals of the Czech deputies of January 6, April 13,
and May 16, 1918.
"Faithful to the principles of respect for nationalities and the
liberation of oppressed nations, _the Government of the Republic
considers the claims of the Czecho-Slovak nation as just and well
founded, and will, at the right moment, support with all its solicitude
the realisation of your aspirations to independence within the historic
boundaries of your territories_ at present suffering under the
oppressive yoke of Austria and Hungary.
"It is very pleasant for me, Monsieur le Secrétaire Général, to make
this declaration. Your sentiments, reflecting those of your
compatriots, are for me the measure of the high degree of the future
happiness of your country.
"In the name of the Government of the French Republic I tender _my
warmest and most sincere wishes that the Czecho-Slovak State may
speedily become, through the common efforts of all the Allies and in
close union with Poland and the Jugoslav State, an insurmountable
barrier to Teutonic aggression_ and a factor for peace in a
reconstituted Europe in accordance with the principles of justice and
rights of nationalities."
It is unnecessary to add long comments to this clear and explicit state
paper which forms a veritable pledge on the part of France to secure
Czecho-Slovak independence. It is a recognition of Bohemia's right to
independence and of the National Council as the supreme organ of the
Czecho-Slovak nation abroad. At the same time it is also an acceptance of
our programme of the reorganisation of Central Europe, necessitating the
break-up of Austria, and in this respect it is also a success and a pledge
for the Poles and Yugoslavs.
6. If France and Italy showed such deep understanding of the cause of
Bohemia's liberty, exhibited in practice by special military conventions
concluded with our National Council, Great Britain may be proud of no less
generosity. Although having no direct interests in seeing Bohemia
independent, Great Britain, true to her traditions as a champion of the
liberties of small nations, did not hesitate to give us a declaration which
not only fully endorses all pledges of France and Italy, but which goes
still further and practically recognises our full national sovereignty.
On August 9, 1918, His Majesty's Government issued the following
declaration:
"Since the beginning of the war the Czecho-Slovak nation has resisted
the common enemy by every means in its power. The Czecho-Slovaks have
constituted a considerable army, fighting on three different
battlefields and attempting, in Russia and Siberia, to arrest the
Germanic invasion.
"_In consideration of their efforts to achieve independence, Great
Britain regards the Czecho-Slovaks as an Allied nation and recognises
the unity of the three Czecho-Slovak armies as an Allied and
belligerent army waging a regular warfare against Austria-Hungary and
Germany_.
"Great Britain also recognises _the right of the Czecho-Slovak National
Council as the supreme organ of the Czecho-Slovak national interests,
and as the present trustee of the future Czecho-Slovak Government to
exercise supreme authority over this Allied and belligerent army_."
It will be readily seen of what a tremendous significance this declaration
is from an international point of view. Apart from the fact that it
recognises our efforts towards independence, the declaration says
explicitly that the Czecho-Slovaks, abroad and at home, are an Allied
nation, which implies that the Allies will treat them henceforward as such,
and will allow their government to establish consular service and to send
representatives to Allied conferences. The sovereignty both of the
Czecho-Slovak army and of the National Council is fully recognised in this
declaration which proclaims "the unity of the three Czecho-Slovak armies
(in Russia, France and Italy) as an _Allied and belligerent army_ waging
_regular warfare_ against Austria." Only a sovereign army is a belligerent
army waging regular warfare. Thus the Czecho-Slovaks, according to
international law, are no more rebels but regular soldiers whom, when
captured, Austria has no more the right to execute. Similarly also the
recognition of the National Council as the "trustee" of the Czecho-Slovak
Government is clear and explicit; in fact a "trustee" is the word applied
to a provisional government of a state. As a matter of fact, the National
Council, on the ground of this recognition of full sovereignty, was
constituted as a Provisional Government on October 14, 1918, and has the
power to exercise all rights appertaining to a sovereign and independent
government.
Thus implicitly Great Britain considers Czecho-Slovak independence already
a _fait accompli_. It speaks of and considers a Czecho-Slovak State no more
as a probability, but as a certainty. As with the Czecho-Slovaks so with
Great Britain, Austria exists no more.
The recognition is of additional importance because it comes from Great
Britain who has always been considered a traditional friend of Austria, and
who is known for conservatism in foreign politics. The decision to issue a
declaration of such far-reaching importance was surely arrived at only
after due and careful deliberation. The step which Great Britain has taken
thereby once more proves the deep sense of justice and the far-sightedness
of British statesmen. Needless to say that the Czecho-Slovaks will always
remain grateful to Great Britain for this bold and generous act. Its
immediate effect has been consternation in Vienna and encouragement both to
the Czecho-Slovak soldiers fighting on the side of the Entente and to the
Czech leaders courageously defending Bohemia's rights in Vienna. As deputy
Klofác put it at a meeting in Laibach on August 15:
"Henceforward the Czechs will refuse to hold any negotiations with
Vienna, with whom any compromise is now out of the question. The
Czecho-Slovaks will firmly continue the struggle for complete national
independence, strengthened by the support of other Slavs, and by the
knowledge that the British and other Allied governments had formally
acknowledged and were working for the establishment of an independent
Czecho-Slovak State."
This chapter would not be complete if we did not quote the subsequent
declarations of the United States of America and Japan, practically
endorsing the British declaration.
On September 3, Mr. Lansing issued the following statement:
"The Czecho-Slovak peoples having taken up arms against the German and
Austro-Hungarian empires, and having placed in the field organised
armies, which are waging war against those empires under officers of
their own nationality and in accordance with the rules and practices of
civilised nations, and Czecho-Slovaks having in the prosecution of
their independence in the present war confided the supreme political
authority to the Czecho-Slovak National Council, the Government of the
United States recognises that a state of belligerency exists between
the Czecho-Slovaks thus organised and the German and Austro-Hungarian
empires.
"It also recognises _the Czecho-Slovak National Council as a_ de facto
_belligerent government_, clothed with proper authority to direct the
military and political affairs of the Czecho-Slovaks.
"The Government of the United States further declares that it is
prepared to enter formally into relations with the _de facto_
government thus recognised for the purpose of prosecuting the war
against the common enemy, the empires of Germany and Austria-Hungary."
A week later the Japanese Government, through the medium of its ambassador
in London, communicated the following declaration to the Czecho-Slovak
National Council:
"The Japanese Government have noted with deep and sympathetic interest
the just aspirations of the Czecho-Slovak people for a free and
independent national existence. These aspirations have conspicuously
been made manifest in their determined and well-organised efforts to
arrest the progress of the Germanic aggression.
"In these circumstances, the Japanese Government are happy to regard
the Czecho-Slovak army as an Allied and belligerent army waging regular
warfare against Austria-Hungary and Germany, and to recognise the
rights of the Czecho-Slovak National Council to exercise the supreme
control over that army. They are further prepared to enter into
communication with the duly authorised representatives of the
Czecho-Slovak National Council, whenever necessary, on all matters of
mutual interest to the Japanese and the Czecho-Slovak forces in
Siberia."
VII
THE CZECHS AT HOME BEGIN TO SPEAK
The opening of the Reichsrat in May, 1917, was intended to give Austria the
appearance of a "democratic" country in which diverse nationalities live in
peace and happiness. Democratic indeed! A parliament, subject to
censorship, lacking the freedom of speech and all influence on the
government, with 463 members instead of 516, many of whom were still in
prison and in exile! And if there was still any person in the Allied
countries having any doubts concerning the attitude of the Czechs and
Yugoslavs, these doubts were certainly dispelled after the courageous
indictment against Austria made by the Slav deputies, representing
practically all the Czech and Yugoslav political parties. The declaration
of the Poles in favour of a united and independent Poland, the statement of
Messrs. Stanek and Korosec in the name of _all_ Czechs and Yugoslavs in
favour of a Czecho-Slovak and Yugoslav State, the speech of deputy Kalina
denying all responsibility of the Czechs for the war, and expressing Czech
sympathies with the Entente Powers, and the terrible story of persecutions
which the Czechs had to suffer from Austria during the war, told by deputy
Stríbrný, formed a veritable "Mene Tekel," a death sentence pronounced by
the Austrian Slavs on their tyrants in Vienna and Budapest.
The revelation in the Reichsrat of the hopeless state of decay prevailing
in Austria-Hungary was, of course, due to the Russian Revolution. If it was
not for the Russian Revolution, the Austrian Emperor and Clam-Martinic
would perhaps have continued their reign of absolutism by way of imperial
decrees, and they would never have dreamt of convoking the Reichsrat.
However, the desperate economic and political situation forced Austria to
find some way out of her difficulties, and to plead for peace as she began
to realise that otherwise she was doomed. The change of order and the
situation in Russia and the uncertain attitude of some Allied statesmen
seemed favourable for the Austrian calculations respecting a separate
peace. But Austria could not possibly hope to deceive free Russia or the
Allies and lure them into concluding a premature peace if the reign of
terrorism and absolutism still prevailed in the Dual Monarchy. For this
reason Tisza, with his sinister reputation, was forced to go, and the
Reichsrat was convened. Austria based her plans on the ignorance of some
Allied politicians who really believed in the "new orientation" of the
Vienna Government because of the Bohemian _names_ (not sympathies) of
Clam-Martinic and Czernin. In the same way Austria wanted to make outsiders
believe that a change in the name of the Hungarian Premier meant a change
of system, and that the convocation of the Reichsrat meant a new era of
"democracy" in Austria.
Neither of these assumptions was, of course, correct. If the Magyars talk
of introducing universal suffrage, they want to extend it to Magyar
electors, and on one condition only, viz. that all the candidates shall be
of _Magyar_ nationality, or, as the Hungarian Premier, Count Esterhazy, put
it, "democracy in Hungary can only be a Magyar democracy"--that is, a
system utterly at variance with the principles of justice.
But far from averting the doom of Austria and bringing her peace and
consolation, the opening of the Reichsrat only hastened Austria's downfall,
for it enabled the Austrian Slavs, who now felt that the moment had come
for them to speak, to declare before the whole world their aspirations, and
their determination to destroy the monarchy.
_(a) The Czech Declaration of May_ 30, 1917
Before entering the Reichsrat, the Czechs made it clear that they no longer
desired any compromise with Austria. In a manifesto signed by 150 Czech
authors and subsequently endorsed by professors, teachers and various
societies and corporations, the Czech deputies were reminded that the fate
of their nation was at stake:
"The doors of the Austrian Parliament are opening and the political
representatives of the nations have for the first time the opportunity
of speaking and acting freely. Whatever they may say and decide will be
heard not only at home, but also throughout Europe and overseas.... The
programme of our nation is founded on its history and racial unity, on
its modern political life and rights. The present time emphasises the
necessity for carrying out this programme completely.... To-day you are
forced to develop this programme, to defend it to the last breath
before the forum of Europe, and to demand its realisation without
limitations.... Democratic Europe, the Europe of free and independent
nations, is the Europe of the future. The nation asks you to be equal
to this historic occasion, to devote to it all your abilities and to
sacrifice to it all other considerations...."
And to this appeal of their nation the Czech, deputies did not turn a deaf
ear.
On entering the Reichsrat on May 30, 1917, Mr. Stanek, president of the
Union of Czech Deputies, made the following memorable declaration in the
name of all the Czech deputies:
"While taking our stand at this historic moment on the natural right of
peoples to self-determination and free development--a right which in
our case is further strengthened by inalienable historic rights fully
recognised by this state--we shall, at the head of our people, work for
_the union of all branches of the Czecho-Slovak nation in a single
democratic Bohemian State_, comprising also the Slovak branch of our
nation which lives in the lands adjoining our Bohemian Fatherland."
Both the Yugoslav and the Polish press greeted this declaration with
undisguised joy and sympathy.
The _Glos Naroda_ welcomed the Czech declaration, and added: "Those who
to-day are asking for an independent national existence do not claim
anything but the minimum of their rights. Nothing less could satisfy them
(_i.e._ the Czechs and Yugo-slavs), seeing that even smaller and less
historic nations claim the same." The _Nowa Reforma_ also said that the
Czechs were quite right to ask for full independence. "They are entitled to
it by their position in which they can lose nothing more than they have
lost already, but gain a great deal. Among the Entente Powers there is
nobody who would have an open or disguised interest in opposing even the
boldest claims of the Czecho-Slovak nation."
The declaration of deputy Stanek was completed by a statement of deputy
Kalina who made it quite clear that the Czechs refuse responsibility for
the war, and that their sympathies are with the Entente. Kalina, a
prominent leader of the State Right Party, said:
"As deputies elected by the Czech nation, _we absolutely reject every
responsibility for this war_.
"After three years, the government has summoned the _Reichsrat, which
the Czechs never recognised_, and against which, as well as against the
so-called constitution, they again make a formal protest. The great
Russian Revolution forced the government to a plausible restoration of
constitutional life.
"_The Czech nation hails with unbounded joy and enthusiasm the
liberation of Eastern Europe_. The main principles of that memorable
Revolution are closely related to our own traditions, _i.e._ to the
principle of _liberty, equality and fraternity of all nations_. Bohemia
is a free country. Never in her history did she accept laws from
aliens, not even from her powerful neighbours in Europe. Liberty of
individuals, liberty of nations is again our motto which the nation of
Hussites is bringing before the world. In these historic moments, when
from the blood-deluged battlefields a new Europe is arising, and the
idea of the sovereignty of nations and nationalities is triumphantly
marching throughout the Continent, _the Czech nation solemnly declares
before the world its firm will for liberty and independence_ on the
ground of the ancient historic rights of the Bohemian Crown. In
demanding independence, the Czech nation asks, in the sense of the new
democracy, for the extension of the right of self-determination to the
whole Czecho-Slovak nation."
_(b) Courageous Speeches delivered by Czech Deputies in the Reichsrat_
During the subsequent session of the Reichsrat, various Czech deputies,
representing all the Czech parties, made declarations, some of which we
will quote in order to show the remarkable unanimity of the Czechs in their
opposition to Austria and in their demand for independence. _It was chiefly
this unanimity of all Czech parties and classes in Bohemia and the absolute
harmony between their action and the Czecho-Slovak action abroad which
formed the real strength of the movement_.
_Dr. Stránský_, leader of the Moravian People's Party, delivered a long
speech in the Reichsrat on June 12, 1917, from which we quote the following
significant passages:
"The Germans say that germanisation is not carried out except where it
is in the interests of the state. We do not think that the interests of
the state should go first. If the interests of a state are not
identical with the liberties and interests of a nation, then _such a
state has for that nation no right to exist_.
"If Clam-Martinic thinks that we will enter the Reichsrat which the
Polish deputies would not attend in their present strength, then he is
greatly mistaken. We heartily wish the Poles to achieve their national
independence, but should we be denied an equal right, then it would
mean an end to this Reichsrat. We want to enjoy the same happiness as
the rest, _we want to be free from all oppression, from all foreign
domination. We want to decide for ourselves the form of our political
existence_. We want to choose our own laws, we want to govern
ourselves. _We claim the restitution of our political independence and
of the supreme historic right of the Czech nation in the lands of the
Bohemian Crown. The time is ripe also when the Austrian fortresses of
St. Peter and St. Paul will open, and when their prisoners will change
places with their persecutors. The state and dynasty have lately taken
away the rights and liberties of our nation and trampled them
underfoot_."
On June 15, the National Socialist deputy _Stríbrný_, openly demanded the
creation of a Czecho-Slovak Republic:
"The German annexationist plans are doomed. The Czechs greet with joy
the new era of equality and fraternity, an era in which a _democratic
republic_ is considered as the best form of government. The Czechs
demand the creation of a Bohemia in which they will possess their own
independent government. _Too long have they been oppressed by Austria,
and now they are determined to achieve their national liberty_."
On June 26, _Dr. Soukup_, the leader of the Czecho-Slav Social Democratic
Party, made an equally remarkable statement:
"As a Social Democrat I say that we, the Czecho-Slovak nation, have
also a right to a place in the sun, and we want to be seen. Do you
consider that a nation numbering over ten million and boasting of a
highly developed civilisation can continue to breathe under such
oppressive conditions, seeing what an important role is being played by
four million Bulgars, two million Greeks, two million Danes and other
small nations? _We welcome the resurrection of the great and united
Polish State, we witness the great Yugoslav nation shaping its
boundaries along the Adriatic, and we also see Ukrainia arising. At
such moments we want to live as well, and we will live_!"
_(c) After the Amnesty_
The political amnesty of July, 1917, intended to appease the Slavs, had
just the opposite effect: it only strengthened the Slav resistance which
acquired fresh strength and impetus by the return of the old leaders.
Kramár was hailed like a sovereign when he entered Prague again. He now
became the recognised leader of the whole nation. The _Národní Listy_
became the mouthpiece of all the most eminent leaders of the nation without
party distinction. Its issue of October 31, 1917, contained a map of the
future independent Czecho-Slovak State and a series of articles. We will
quote only a few passages from an article written by deputy Rasín which
read as follows:
"The war has brought our problem home not only to us but to the whole
world. Nothing could have better expressed our situation than the
propaganda of Mitteleuropa. Austria-Hungary and Bulgaria had to form a
bridge for the imperialistic march of Germany to the Persian Gulf _via_
Constantinople and Bagdad. The Czechs and Yugoslavs were to be crushed
and become the victims of those plans. This was the ideal that the
German nation considered as its war aim and as a war aim of
Austria-Hungary. They could not have obtained a better reply than was
given to them by the Czechs and Yugoslavs in their demand for their own
independent states, which would be able to form a permanent bulwark
against the _Drang nach Osten_ as planned by the Germans and Magyars.
Even if Herr Naumann ceases to promote the idea of Central Europe, in
reality _a new programme which would do away with the old evils and
assign a new mission to Austria-Hungary is inconceivable_. All the
declarations of the government are only destined to conceal their real
intentions. The German-Magyar hegemony is as strong as ever, and the
Polish question is to be solved only according to the Pan-German
programme. During this war Austria's real face has been unmasked before
the whole world by her persecutions, arbitrary decrees and the
Pan-German propaganda.
"The Czechs, who in their policy always went hand in hand with the
Yugoslavs, saw all this, and consequently the only thing left for them
to do is to insist on their attitude, constantly to reveal Austria's
insincerity, to reject all pretty phrases without any meaning in them,
and all compromises, which we know would never be kept. _We also must
reject a compromise peace which would lead to fresh wars_.
"_The policy of the Czechs cannot but aim at the absolute independence
of the whole Czecho-Slovak nation_, and all our action at home and
abroad must tend towards persuading the world that only thus can a
stable peace in Europe be achieved."
It was about this time also when Seidler made desperate attempts to induce
the Slav leaders to participate in a special commission for the revision of
the Austrian Constitution. Dr. Stránský, speaking in the name of the
Czechs, openly refused the proposal, declaring that the Czech problem could
not be solved by Austria, but only by the Peace Conference, that is after
the victory of the Entente. A joint committee of representatives of the
Young Czech, National Socialist, Progressive Independence and Moravian
Progressive Parties issued a proclamation protesting against any
participation of Czechs in Austrian politics, and declaring that since the
Czech question is an international one and can therefore be decided only at
the Peace Conference, the duty of the Czech deputies is not to assist in
the revision of the Austrian Constitution, but to insist upon the creation
of an "_independent Czecho-Slovak State with all the attributes of
sovereignty_."
Simultaneously also the Czech Agrarian deputy, _Zahradník_, made the
following remarkable declaration in the Reichsrat on September 26:
"In view of the prevailing policy directed against the Czech people,
can any one wonder that _they have lost all confidence in Vienna_ and
that they refuse to let this parliament decide their fate? _It is
necessary to secure for all peoples, great or small, the right to
decide their own destinies_. This applies also to the ten million
Czecho-Slovaks who, moreover, cannot rightly be considered merely as a
'small' nation: the Czechs, too, do not desire anything more than
peace, but it must not be forgotten _that our men did not shed their
blood merely for imperialism or for Pan-Germanism. We do not want
anything but an honourable peace which would bring equality to all
peoples_, a peace assuring liberty and equality to all, and not a peace
which would leave our fetters unbroken. We regret that the Pope omitted
to mention the Czechs in his peace offer although he mentioned the
Poles. _But we shall obtain our right without alien support. The Czechs
will never swerve from their demand for an independent Slovak State
with all the attributes of sovereignty. The Czechs are convinced that
the question of Bohemia is too great to be solved in Vienna. It must be
decided at the Peace Conference_."
On November 9, deputy Stanek made it clear that the Czecho-Slovaks expect
the resurrection of their independence only from the break-up of Austria:
"We cannot conceive of peace or of the transformation of Europe except
when _on the ruins of the Dual Monarchy_ new national states shall
arise. The German-Magyar misrule must be destroyed."
And when on November 21 Seidler talked about the peace conditions of the
"enemy," Dr. Stránský interrupted him by exclaiming, "Our enemies are here,
in Vienna and in Budapest!"
_(d) During Peace Negotiations with Russia_
When peace negotiations were opened with the Bolsheviks, the
Austro-Hungarian delegations were also summoned, for the first time during
the war, on December 3, 1917. During the speech from the throne the Czechs
demonstratively left the hall. On the same day the Bohemian Union, the
Yugoslav Club and the Ruthenes issued a protest against the government
having published a distorted version of the Russian peace offer. In this
protest the Slav deputies asked:
"How can the government answer for having purposely distorted such a
highly important document as the Russian Note of November 28, and why
did the government suppress just the paragraph out of it containing
guarantees for national self-determination?"
Their declaration naturally exasperated the Germans and the government. The
organ of the Austrian Foreign Office, the _Fremdenblatt_, expressed regret
that the Slav parties in the Reichsrat "place obstacles in the way of
peace." It also regretted that "some parties in the Austrian Parliament
should take up an attitude incompatible with our state's
self-preservation." On the next day, M. Stanek made a declaration in the
delegations in the name of Czechs and Yugoslavs, saying:
"We Czech and Yugoslav delegates declare that it is our deep conviction
as well as the firm will of our respective nations that a lasting peace
is possible only on the ground of the full right of self-determination.
_The Imperial Government deliberately and wilfully distorted the most
important part of the Russian peace offer_, viz. the demand for the
self-determination of nations. It is still more surprising that the
prime ministers in both halves of the monarchy should try to deceive
the public opinion of the world by a false interpretation of the right
of self-determination. The Austrian Premier, Dr. Seidler, declared that
the Viennese Parliament is a forum through which the nations could
obtain self-determination, while the _Hungarian Premier had the
impudence to describe the conditions in Hungary, which are a mockery of
all civilisation, as the ideal of national liberty._ We, therefore,
declare in regard to any peace negotiations: _Our national development
can only then be secured when the right of self-determination of all
nations shall be fully, clearly and unreservedly recognised_ with
binding guarantees of its immediate realisation."
At the same time the Slavs made a proposal in the Austro-Hungarian
Delegations, insisting that the peace negotiations with Russia should be
conducted by a committee selected from both parliaments on the basis of
nationality, and consisting of twelve Germans, ten Magyars, ten
Czecho-Slovaks, seven Yugoslavs, five Poles, four Ruthenes, three Rumanians
and one Italian.
Finally, on December 5, the Czech Socialist deputy Tusar declared in the
Reichsrat:
"We want to be our own masters, and if it is high treason to ask for
liberty and independence, then let us say at once that _each of us is a
traitor, but such high treason is an honour, and not a dishonour_. As
regards the negotiations with Russia, we declare that _Count Czernin
does not represent the nations of Austria_ and has no right to speak in
our name; he is merely the plenipotentiary of the dynasty. _The old
Austria, based on police, bureaucracy, militarism and racial tyranny,
cannot survive this war_. We also want peace, but it must be a just
peace. The Czecho-Slovaks will under all circumstances defend their
rights."
In conjunction with this declaration we may quote two other Czech
Socialists showing the opinion of the Czechs on the Russian Revolution.
On November 29, deputy Modrácek declared in the Reichsrat:
"The Revolution of the Bolsheviks is a misfortune for the Russian
Revolution, the Russian Republic and all the oppressed nations of
Europe. _So long as the German Social Democracy permits the working
masses to be brought to the battlefield in the interests of
Imperialism, the action of the Bolsheviks is not the work for Socialism
but for German Tsarism_. I do not undervalue the significance and the
greatness of the Russian Revolution: it is the German Social Democrats
who fail to perform their moral duty in this war and do not comprehend
the Russian Revolution."
Still more outspoken is the declaration of deputy Winter, who said in the
Reichsrat on February 21, 1918:
"The workers of the whole world will never forget that the Russian
Revolution was the first social revolution on a large scale. And on
this revolutionary movement Germany has directly and Austria-Hungary
indirectly declared war. _Perhaps Austria-Hungary wants to repay the
Romanoffs in_ 1918 _for the aid which they rendered to the Habsburgs
in_ 1848.... Austria-Hungary once before engaged in the European
reaction by crushing revolution in Italy. She gathered the fruits of
this act in 1848, 1859, 1866, and in the present war. Formerly France
and Russia participated in the Holy Alliance, but _to-day the Central
Powers are the only refuge of reaction in Europe_."
_(e) The Constituent Assembly of Prague on January_ 6, 1918
The most important manifestation of Czecho-Slovak national will took place
in Prague on January 6, 1918, when all the Czech deputies assembled in
order to give expression to their deep gratitude for the French recognition
of the constitution of a Czecho-Slovak army on the side of the Entente. At
the same time it was a protest against Austria-Hungary and a demand for
representation at the Peace Conference.
As to the resolution unanimously adopted by this constituent assembly,
there is no doubt about its meaning: in it the Czecho-Slovaks no more act
with Austria but demand full liberty. This even the Austrian Premier, Dr.
Seidler, had to admit, when he declared in the Reichsrat on January 22:
"This resolution, in which we in vain look for a distant echo of
dynastic or state allegiance, adopts to a certain extent an
international standpoint, and shows that this people is ready, at any
rate on the conclusion of peace, to accept international support with a
view to obtaining the recognition of foreign states. Such a standpoint
is calculated to encourage our enemies and to prolong the war.
"The resolution demands the right of self-determination in order to
dissolve the existing unity of the state, and to assure full
independence and sovereignty. _The resolution gives the impression of
having been conceived in a sense absolutely hostile to the state_, and
must be indignantly rejected by every Austrian and resisted by every
Austrian Government with all the means in its power."
The Czech declaration of January 6, which is the most important of all
declarations of the Czechs and which has been suppressed in the Austrian
press, reads as follows:
"In the fourth year of this terrible war, which has already cost the
nations numberless sacrifices in blood and treasure, the first peace
efforts have been inaugurated. We Czech deputies recognise the
declarations in the Reichsrat, and deem it our duty emphatically to
declare, in the name of the Czech nation and of its oppressed and
forcibly-silenced Slovak branch of Hungary, our attitude towards the
reconstruction of the international situation.
"When the Czech deputies of our regenerated nation expressed
themselves, during the Franco-Prussian War, on the international
European problems, they solemnly declared in the memorandum of December
8, 1870, that 'only from the recognition of the equality of all nations
and from natural respect of the right of self-determination could come
true equality and fraternity, a general peace and true humanity.'
"We, deputies of the Czech nation, true even to-day to these principles
of our ancestors, have therefore greeted with joy the fact that all
states, based upon democratic principles, whether belligerent or
neutral, now accept with us the right of nations to free
self-determination as a guarantee of a general and lasting peace.
"The new Russia also accepted the principle of self-determination of
nations during its attempts for a general settlement and as a
fundamental condition of peace. The nations were freely to determine
their fate and decide whether they want to live in an independent state
of their own or whether they choose to form one state in common with
other nations.
"On the other hand, the Austro-Hungarian delegate declared, in the name
of the Quadruple Alliance, that the question of the self-determination
of those nations which have not hitherto enjoyed political independence
should be solved in a constitutional manner within the existing state.
This point of view of the Austro-Hungarian representative is not our
point of view, because we know, from our own numberless bitter
experiences, that it means nothing but the negation of the principle of
self-determination. We indignantly express our regret that our nation
was deprived of its political independence and of the right of
self-determination, and that by means of artificial electoral statutes
we were left to the mercy of the German minority and of the government
of the centralised German bureaucracy.
"Our brother Slovaks became the victims of Magyar brutality and of
unspeakable violence in a state which, notwithstanding all its apparent
constitutional liberties, remains the darkest corner of Europe, and in
which the non-Magyars who form the majority of the population are
ruthlessly oppressed by the ruling minority, extirpated, and
denationalised from childhood, unrepresented in parliament and the
civil service, and deprived of public schools as well as of all private
educational institutions.
"The constitution to which the Austro-Hungarian representative refers,
nullified even the right of general suffrage by an artificial creation
of an over-representation of the German minority in the Reichsrat, and
its utter uselessness for the liberty of nations was clearly
demonstrated during the three years of unscrupulous military absolutism
during this war. Every reference to this constitution, therefore, means
in reality only a repudiation of the right of self-determination for
the non-German nations of Austria who are at the mercy of the Germans:
and it means an especially cruel insult and injury to the non-Magyar
nations _in Hungary, where the constitution is nothing but a means of
shameful domination by the oligarchy of a few Magyar aristocratic
families_, as was again proved by the recent electoral reform proposal.
"Our nation longs with all the democracies of the world for a general
and lasting peace. But our nation is fully aware that _no peace can be
permanent except a peace which will abolish old injustice_, brutal
force and the predominance of arms, as well as the predominance of
states and nations over other nations, which will assure a free
development to all nations, great or small, and which will liberate
especially those nations which are still suffering under foreign
domination. That is why it is necessary that this right of free
national development and of self-determination of nations, great or
small, to whatever state they may belong, should become the foundation
of future international rights, a guarantee of peace, and of a friendly
co-operation of nations, as well as a great ideal which will liberate
humanity from the terrible horrors of a world war.
"_We deputies of the Czech nation declare that a peace which would not
bring our nation full liberty could not be and would not mean a peace
to us_, but would only be the beginning of a new, desperate and
continuous struggle for our political independence, in which our nation
would strain to the utmost its material and moral forces. And in that
uncompromising struggle it would never relax until its aim had been
achieved. _Our nation asks for independence_ on the ground of its
historic rights, and is imbued with the fervent desire to contribute
towards the new development of humanity on the basis of liberty and
fraternity in a free competition with other free nations, which our
nation hopes to accomplish in a sovereign, equal, democratic and
socially just state of its own, built upon the equality of all its
citizens within the historic boundaries of the Bohemian lands and of
Slovakia, guaranteeing full and equal national rights to all
minorities.
"Guided by these principles, we solemnly protest against the rejection
of the right of self-determination at the peace negotiations, and
_demand that, in the sense of this right, all nations, including,
therefore, also the Czecho-Slovaks, be guaranteed participation and
full freedom of defending their rights at the Peace Conference_."
_(f) The Oath of the Czecho-Slovak Nation_
It will be remembered that Count Czernin delivered a speech to the Vienna
Municipal Council on April 2, 1918, which caused his downfall. In this
pronouncement he also attacked Czech leaders and blamed them for the
failure of his peace efforts. This interesting passage of his speech reads
as follows:
"What terrible irony it is that, while our brothers and sons are
fighting like lions on the battlefield and millions of men and women at
home are heroically bearing their losses and are sending up urgent
prayers to the Almighty for the speedy termination of the war, certain
leaders of the people and the people's representatives agitate against
the German Alliance, which has so splendidly stood the test, _pass
resolutions which no longer have the slightest connection with the
state idea, find no word of blame for the Czech troops which criminally
fight against their own country_ and their brothers-in-arms, would tear
parts out of the Hungarian State, under the protection of their
parliamentary immunity _make speeches which cannot be considered
otherwise than as a call to enemy countries to continue the struggle_
solely in order to support their own political efforts, and ever anew
kindle the expiring war spirit in London, Rome and Paris. _The wretched
and miserable Masaryk is not the only one of his kind. There are also
Masaryks within the borders of the monarchy._ I would much rather have
spoken on this sad matter in the delegations, but, as I have already
mentioned, the convoking of the committee has at present proved to be
impossible and I cannot wait."
Thereupon he attempted to absolve the Czech "people" from the charge of
high treason.
The Czech leaders did not resent his charge that they were "traitors" like
Masaryk. Indeed, the _Lidové Noviny_ openly declared: "We are proud to be
called traitors." But they resented his subsequent allegation that the
Czech people do not stand behind their leaders. In order to refute this
allegation and to assure the Czech soldiers fighting on the side of the
Entente of their solidarity, the Czechs summoned a meeting at Prague in
which some 6000 _delegates of all Czech parties and classes took part_, as
well as twenty-three delegates of the Yugoslavs. The meeting was most
solemn and impressive. It was a new manifestation by the whole nation of
its unanimity in the struggle for independence. The Czecho-Yugoslav
solidarity was again emphasised. Finally, a solemn oath was unanimously
taken by the whole assembly. The following are some of its passages:
"To the Czecho-Slovak Nation!
"The terrible world war is approaching its culmination. In awe and
sorrow a great number of Czecho-Slovak men and women are standing here.
"The Czecho-Slovak blood has been and is still being shed in torrents.
"Unbroken, united in suffering, our nation believed and believes that
the storm of the world war will ultimately result in a better future
and that its humanitarian ideals will be sanctioned by a universal
peace which will forever guard humanity against a repetition of the
present catastrophe.
"We never asked for anything but to be able to live a free life, to
govern our own destinies free from foreign domination, and to erect our
own state after the manner of all other civilised nations. That is our
sacred right. It is the national and international right of a nation
which has done great service to civilisation and can proudly range
itself among the most civilised and democratic nations of Europe.
"This is the firm and unanimous will of the nation:
"_We have assembled here to-day as the legitimate representatives of
the Czecho-Slovak nation in order to manifest unmistakably that the
whole nation is united as it never was before, and that it stands like
a rock behind the memorable and historic declarations of its deputies_.
"_So we are standing here, firmly convinced of the ultimate victory of
Justice, of the victory of Right over Might, of Liberty over Tyranny,
of Democracy over Privilege and of Truth over Falsehood and Deceit_.
"At the cross-roads of history, we swear by the glorious memory of our
ancestors, before the eyes of the sorrow-stricken nation, over the
graves of those who have fallen for the cause of liberty, to-day and
for all eternity:
"_We will hold on and will never give way!_
"_We will be faithful in all our work, struggles and sufferings,
faithful unto death!_
"_We will hold on unto victory!_
"_We will hold on until our nation obtains independence_.
"_Long live the Czecho-Slovak nation!_
"Let our nation grow and flourish freely in the great family of
nations, for its own welfare as well as for the welfare of the future
liberated humanity!"
_(g) The Slovaks' Attitude_
The appalling terrorism prevailing in Hungary made it impossible for the
Slovaks to manifest their feelings as they would have liked to do. The
Slovaks abroad, of course, work hand in hand with the Czechs for their
common cause.
Nevertheless, even in Hungary the Slovaks showed their unanimity with the
Czechs.
According to the _Národní Listy_ of July 24, 1917, the Slovak political
leaders, especially their two deputies, Father P. Juriga and Dr. P. Blaho,
and the veteran leader of the Slovak National Party, M. Dula, have been
subjected to all sorts of persuasions and threats on the part of the
Magyars who were anxious that the Slovaks should disavow the declaration of
the Bohemian Club in favour of the union of all Czechs and Slovaks in an
independent state. The Slovak leaders, however, refused to become the dupes
of the Magyar Government.
According to the _Národní Listy_ of May 5, 1918, a great manifestation was
arranged by Slovak Socialists in St. Miklos on May 1 in favour of the union
of the Hungarian Slovaks with the Czechs of Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia.
Several thousand Slovaks took part in the manifestation despite the
obstacles put in the way by the Magyar gendarmerie and police spies. A
resolution was carried unanimously demanding amongst other things a just
and lasting peace which would prevent the outbreak of fresh conflagrations
and assure liberty to all nations in Europe, and "_self-determination for
all nations_, including also that branch of the Czecho-Slovak nation which
lives in Hungary." Besides this manifestation, the Slovaks sent
representative delegates to the National Theatre celebrations in Prague,
with which we deal in our next chapter.
_(h) The Czecho-Slovak National Council in Prague_
On July 13, 1918, an important event took place in Prague. The
Czecho-Slovaks established an inter-party council which may well be
described as part of the _Provisional Government of Bohemia_, whose
programme is identical with that of the Czecho-Slovak Provisional
Government in Paris.
The inaugural meeting of the council in Prague was opened by the president
of the Agrarian Party, Mr. Svehla, who gave a report about the preparatory
work and principles which led to the constitution of the council. On the
proposal of M. Stanek, president of the Union of Czech Deputies, _Dr. Karel
Kramár_, the leader of the Independent Democratic Party, was elected
president of the council, _M. Klofác_, leader of the National Socialists,
and _M. Svehla_ vice-presidents, and _Dr. Soukup_, leader of the
Socialists, secretary. Dr. Kramár greeted the assembly in the name of the
presidency. Afterwards deputy Klofác delivered a speech in the name of the
Socialists, and the vice-president of the Czech Union, supported by deputy
Habermann, proposed that the presidency should itself select members of the
council. The proposal was unanimously accepted. Deputy Stanek greeted the
National Council in the name of the Czech Union as the supreme
representative of the whole Czecho-Slovak nation, of all its classes and
parties. Thereupon Dr. Soukup proposed a resolution which was carried
unanimously and the chief passages of which read as follows:
"To the Czecho-Slovak Nation!
"On the decision of all political parties, representing the united will
of our whole nation, the Czecho-Slovak National Council has been formed
to-day. The immense gravity of the present times and our common concern
for the future fate of the Czecho-Slovak nation have united us in a
national organisation.
"The ultimate aim of the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Prague is
postulated by the demand of these times: _to enlist for systematic
work, to organise and lead the great spiritual, moral and national
resources of the nation_ to that end which is the most sacred and
inalienable right of every nation and which cannot and will not be
denied also to our nation:
"_The right of self-determination in a fully independent Czecho-Slovak
State with its own administration within its own borders and under its
own sovereignty_.
"The Czecho-Slovak National Council wish to interpret this will of the
nation and to be the executive organ of all the common declarations of
its delegates which culminated in the solemn oath of April 13, 1918.
"Our work will not be easy. We shall have to suffer much more
opposition and _we shall have to undergo another great test._ But no
obstacles are able to arrest our nation's progress. In full mutual
agreement with our delegates and with the whole cultural and economic
Czech world, the Czecho-Slovak National Council will faithfully fulfil
its difficult and responsible task, so that it may be truly said before
the conscience of the nation that we did everything that was in our
human power.
"_We know that our whole nation stands behind the Czecho-Slovak
National Council_ as one united rampart. Full of joy at the great
political act which the constitution of the National Council
represents, and full of confidence in the victory of our common cause,
we address to-day to the whole Czecho-Slovak nation an urgent appeal to
support our work with all its strength, to obey all orders of common
discipline and to follow firmly our common national aim."
It is significant that the presidency of this council is composed of four
of the most eminent leaders of the four greatest parties in Bohemia: Dr.
Kramár, Klofác, Svehla and Soukup. All of these have been in prison during
this war, as well as the following members of the council: Dr. Rasín and
Cervinka, friends of Kramár; Cyril Dusek, former editor of Masaryk's organ
_The Times_; Dr. Scheiner, president of the "Sokol" Gymnastic Association;
and Machar, the eminent Czech poet. Besides these the members of the
council include: the Socialist leaders Bechyne, Habermann, Krejcí, Nemec,
Stivín, Meissner, Tusar and Vanek; the Clerical leaders Hruban, Srámek and
Kordác; the author Jirásek; Agrarians Stanek (president of the Czech
Union), Udrzal and Zahradník, Dr. Herben, of Professor Masaryk's party, and
others. _All Czech parties are represented on the council without
exception,_ from the Socialists on the extreme Left to the Clericals on the
extreme Right.
The council is the supreme organ of the Czecho-Slovak nation, and
represents all its classes and parties. It is a national organ and its sole
aim is to work for the welfare of Bohemia, without any regard to Austria.
It stands above all party politics and is the supreme organ to which all
disputes are referred that may arise affecting Czecho-Slovak national
interests. Its aim is, in the words of its proclamation, "to enlist for
systematic work, to organise and lead the great spiritual, moral and
national resources of the Czecho-Slovak nation." Its ultimate object is to
realise "the right of self-determination in a fully independent
Czecho-Slovak State with its own administration within its own borders and
under its own sovereignty." Its aims are obviously identical with those of
the Czecho-Slovak Government in Paris, who alone, of course, are able to
exercise the executive power as a government, especially to organise armies
fighting on the side of the Entente. On the other hand, the National
Council in Prague is organising the nation for the final blow which the
Slavs will, no doubt at an opportune moment, strike at the Dual Monarchy.
Immediately after this important event most significant declarations were
made by Czech deputies in the Reichsrat of Vienna. The Czech deputy _Tusar_
declared that "_the war must end with the creation of a Czecho-Slovak
State_, with the victory of democratic ideas and with the defeat of
militarism and despotism. We will obtain freedom, cost what it may."
Thereupon the Czech deputies sang the Czech national anthem.
The next day deputy _Stríbrný_ delivered a speech which we have quoted in a
previous chapter.
The most significant speech, however, was that of _Dr. Stránský_ in the
Austrian Reichsrat on July 23, which surpasses any of those we have quoted
hitherto in its frank anti-Austrian spirit and expression:
"We want to expose and show up before the whole world the _intolerable
state of foreign domination over us_. You cannot prevent us, not only
before a helpless curtailed parliament, not only before an illusory
high court, but before the whole world, raising our voice against the
Premier who is a typical representative of that _Austria whose mere
existence is a constant and automatic prolongation of the war. One of
the obstacles to peace is the oppression of nationalities in Austria_
and their domination by the Germans. _In this war the Germans, even if
they do not openly admit it, have come to the conclusion that the
German hegemony in Central Europe, and especially in Austria, is
standing on its last legs_. Since they see that their predominance can
no longer be maintained, they endeavour to translate all that they have
acquired into reality, so as to secure the spoils for themselves. Thus
the Germans conceived the idea of establishing a province
'Deutschböhmen' which must be prepared by the establishment of district
governments. From this a very interesting conclusion may be
drawn--_that the Germans themselves lost faith in the further existence
of Austria_, otherwise they would not be in a hurry to save their
province Deutschböhmen in the present Austria. Because they rather wish
for no Austria than for an Austria where they would not be able to
rule, _they are already counting upon the break-up of Austria:_ since
the Germans do not want to accept the solution of a free Danubian
confederation of nations, they prepare already their union with the
Hohenzollerns.
"But then we must ask the Germans to take nothing with them that does
not belong to them. It is more than questionable whether Deutschböhmen
really is German.
"There is another reason which speaks against the creation of a
Deutschböhmen. I am convinced that _if a plebiscite were carried out
among German people in Northern Bohemia, they would declare against
separation from Bohemia_. Why? Because the Germans are too clever not
to know that Bohemia forms not only a historical and geographical
unity, but that this unity has besides a historical basis, also a
practical foundation. The relation between the Czech part of Bohemia
and Northern Bohemia is to a large degree the relation of the consumer
and the producer. Where do you want to export your articles if not to
your Czech hinterland? How could the German manufacturers otherwise
exist? When after the war a Czecho-Slovak State is erected, _the
Germans of Bohemia will much rather remain in Bohemia and live on good
terms with the Czech peasant than be identified with Germany,
boycotted, opposed and hated by the whole world_, especially if we
guarantee, not only by promises, but by deeds and laws, full autonomy
to the German population within the Bohemian State.
"_The real question which puzzles us to-day is: How can Austria exist
at all?_ That is the question. And I again repeat solemnly Palacký's
word that _Austria may exist only so long as her nations wish for it_,
and that _she will cease to exist_ as soon as her nations do not want
her to exist. The Slav nations of Austria declared clearly and
emphatically their wishes and desires in their proclamations. If
instead of working for the conversion of the ruling factor in favour of
these wishes Dr. Seidler shows us Gessler's hat of Austria with a
German head and backbone, then let him remember that _we shall hate
this Austria for all eternity_ (loud cheers and applause) _and we shall
fight her, and God willing, we shall in the end smash her to pieces so
completely that nothing will remain of her_."
_The President:_ "I cannot admit such an expression about this state
and I call the deputy to order."
_Dr. Stránský_: "Excellency, I really do not deserve such a rebuke. It
would be sad if we could not speak freely and with proper emphasis
against a state form which has been imposed upon us.
"Let Dr. Seidler remember that _we regard Austria, whose integrity
according to him must not be questioned, as a centuries-old crime on
the liberties of humanity. Let him remember that it is not only our
political intention, not only our instinct of self-preservation, but
our highest duty and--do not hesitate to say so--our national religion
and our greatest moral mission to damage Austria wherever and whenever
possible, and that our loyalty to our own nation, to our native
country, to our history, to our future and to the Bohemian Crown,
prompts us to betray Austria which is backed up by Germany. We are
therefore determined faithfully to betray her whenever and wherever we
can_. I tell you further, gentlemen, that this state, this Austria
which Seidler talks about, is not a state at all. _It is a hideous,
centuries-old dream, a nightmare, a beast, and nothing else_. It is a
state without a name, it is _a constitutional monarchy without a crown
and without a constitution_. For what kind of a constitution is it if
it has not the necessary confirmation by oath and won the general
approval of nations because it was found to be untenable? _It is a
state without patriots and without patriotism_, it is a state which
arose by the amalgamation of eight irredents--the German one
included--it is a state which had no future and in which the dynasty
... (suppressed) ... in a word, it is a state which is no state at all.
_As a matter of fact, Austria no longer exists_, it is an absurdity and
an impossibility. If I spoke about Czech regiments which went to
embrace their 'enemies,' I must admit that personally I know nothing
about them except what I heard from my German colleagues who persist in
making complaints against us. We believe every word of what they say to
be true, but ... (suppressed by censor). Did you ever hear that a
husband conscious of his honour and respectability told the whole world
about the infidelity of his wife who left him because he ill-treated
her? No, because the husband knows that it is his shame and not hers.
_And if Czecho-Slovak brigades are to-day fighting against
Austria-Hungary it is only a proof that there is something very wrong
with Austria, that Austria is more rotten than Shakespeare's Denmark._
For what other state has soldiers who ran over voluntarily to the
enemy? You keep on saying that England has the Irish problem. _Did you
ever hear of Irish brigades, did you ever hear that any French legions
were fighting for the Central Powers against France_, or Russian
legions against Russia when we were at war with Russia? Indeed,
gentlemen, not even Turkey has any legions fighting with the enemy
against her. _There must therefore be some deep reason for
Czecho-Slovak, Polish and Yugoslav legions fighting on the side of the
Entente_."
We think that any comments on this explicit declaration, in which a Czech
deputy representing his whole nation openly expressed hope for the
dismemberment of Austria and praised the Czecho-Slovak troops fighting for
the Allies, are superfluous.
VIII
CZECHO-SLOVAK CO-OPERATION WITH OTHER NON-GERMAN NATIONS OF CENTRAL EUROPE
The Czechs have always clearly seen that one of the chief reasons which
enable the German-Magyar minority to rule over the Slav majority is the
lack of co-operation amongst the subject peoples. Already before the war
the Czechs were pioneers of Slav solidarity and reciprocity, wrongly called
Pan-Slavism. Thanks to their geographic position, they have no claims
conflicting with any nations except the Germans and Magyars who are their
only enemies.
In these efforts for promoting Slav solidarity the Czechs met serious
obstacles. In the case of some of their Slav friends it was lack of
internal unity which prevented co-operation. In other cases it was the
quarrels artificially fomented by Austria between her subject nations,
notably between the Poles and Ruthenes and between the Yugoslavs and
Italians. Finally, the Poles lacked a definite international point of view.
They were justly sceptical of Slav solidarity seeing that they were
oppressed by a government which claimed to represent a great Slav nation.
All these obstacles, however, have one by one disappeared as the war has
gone on. All the subject peoples of Central Europe saw that they were
persecuted and driven to be slaughtered by the same enemies in Berlin,
Vienna and Budapest. The oppressed races found at last that they have
common aspirations and interests, and the collapse of Russia to-day makes
even the Poles realise where their real enemies are. The Polish people may
to-day have only one orientation: against the Central Powers. It is an
inspiriting sign that even some Polish "Realpoliticians" begin to realise
that Austria is doomed and that it is bad politics to count upon Vienna, to
say nothing of Berlin.
_(a) The Congress of Rome_
In order to give practical expression to the growing sense of co-operation
amongst the oppressed nations of Austria-Hungary, their representatives
assembled in Rome at the beginning of April, 1918. In those days the great
spirit of Mazzini revived again in Rome, and from that moment Italy
definitely became the champion of the movement of the oppressed nations of
Austria-Hungary towards independence.
The congress was attended by numerous Italian senators, deputies, ministers
and other leading men. The Yugoslav Committee was represented by its
president, Dr. Trumbic, the Dalmatian sculptor Mestrovic, the Bosnian
deputy Stojanovic and others; the Czecho-Slovak Council by Dr. Benes and
Colonel Stefanik; the Poles by the Galician deputy Mr. Zamorski, and by
Messrs. Seyda, Skirmunt, Loret and others; the Rumanians by the senators
Draghicescu and Minorescu, the deputy Lupu and the Transylvanians Mandrescu
and De Luca. The Serbian Skupstina sent a deputation of twelve deputies and
a delegation of officers from the Yugoslav division at Salonica. Among the
foreign visitors invited to the congress were M. Franklin-Bouillon,
President of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the French Chamber of
Deputies, the ex-minister M. Albert Thomas, M. Fournol, M. Pierre de
Quirielle, Mr. H.W. Steed, Mr. Seton-Watson, and Mr. Nelson Gay.
The congress unanimously adopted the following general resolutions agreed
upon between the various nationalities and the special Italo-Yugoslav
Convention concluded between Messrs. Torre and Trumbic:
"The representatives of the nationalities subjected in whole or in part
to the rule of Austria-Hungary--the Italians, Poles, Rumanians, Czechs
and Yugoslavs--join in affirming their principles of common action as
follows:
"1. Each of these peoples proclaims its right to constitute its own
nationality and state unity or to complete it and to attain full
political and economic independence.
"2. Each of these peoples recognises in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy
the instrument of German domination and the fundamental obstacle to the
realisation of its aspirations and rights.
"3. The assembly recognises the necessity of a common struggle against
the common oppressors, in order that each of these peoples may attain
complete liberation and national unity within a free state.
"The representatives of the Italian people and of the Yugoslav people
in particular agree as follows:
"1. In the relations between the Italian nation and the nation of the
Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes--known also under the name of the Yugoslav
nation--the representatives of the two peoples recognise that the unity
and independence of the Yugoslav nation is of vital interest to Italy,
just as the completion of Italian national unity is of vital interest
to the Yugoslav nation, and therefore pledge themselves to employ every
effort in order that at the moment of the peace these decisions
_(finalita)_ of the two nations may be completely attained.
"2. They declare that the liberation of the Adriatic Sea and its
defence against every present and future enemy is of vital interest to
the two peoples.
"3. They pledge themselves also in the interest of good and sincere
relations between the two peoples in the future, to solve amicably the
various territorial controversies on the basis of the principles of
nationality and of the right of peoples to decide their own fate, and
in such a way as not to injure the vital interests of the two nations,
as they shall be defined at the moment of peace.
"4. To such racial groups _(nuclei)_ of one people as it may be found
necessary to include within the frontiers of the other there shall be
recognised and guaranteed the right of preserving their own language,
culture, and moral and economic interests."
The Polish delegates laid before the congress a special memorandum of their
own from which we quote the following:
"The Polish question admits of no cut-and-dried solution and of no
compromise. Poland will either be saved by the Allies or she will
become dependent upon Germany, whether the latter is associated with
Austria or not; above all, upon all-powerful Prussia.
"There is only one way of avoiding this latter alternative, and that is
by countering the plans of the Central Powers with regard to Poland by
the proclamation of the Polish programme, which is that of the Allies.
This programme is the restitution to Poland of the mouth of the
Vistula, of Dantzig and of the Polish portion of the Baltic coastline.
This programme will prevent Lithuania and the Ukraine from becoming
instruments of Prusso-German oppression and Austrian intrigue. It is
only such a Poland as this which will be able to fulfil its historic
mission as a rampart against the Germans.
"Its resistance will be still more effectual when united with that of
an independent Czecho-Slovak State, and of a strong Rumania, healed of
all the wounds inflicted by the war, and if, at the same time, the
Yugoslav peoples achieve their unity and independence. The Poles, in
claiming the Polish districts of Austria, declare themselves
categorically for the complete liberation of Bohemia, which would
otherwise be left at the mercy of the German-Austrians. _The
independence of neighbouring Bohemia is as necessary to an independent
Poland as a great independent Poland is necessary to the very existence
of Bohemia._ The united forces of the Polish, Czecho-Slovak and
Rumanian nations, forming a great belt from the Baltic to the Black
Sea, will prove a barrier against the German 'Drang nach Osten.' For,
since the collapse of Russia, these are the only real forces upon which
the Allies can depend."
On the day following the congress its leaders were officially received by
the Italian Premier, Signer Orlando, who conveyed to them the warm
greetings of the government:
"We have seen with keen satisfaction this assembly here in Rome, where
for centuries the representative spirits of all peoples and races have
always found refuge, and where hard facts seem to assume a prophetic
form and ideal meaning.
"These neighbouring nationalities are, in their turn, subjected to
Austria, and it has only been the traditional astuteness of this state
which has unchained the ethnic passions of the oppressed races,
inciting one against the other in order more easily to rule them.
Hence, it seems natural and necessary to follow the opposite policy
from that which has so greatly helped the enemy, _and to establish a
solidarity sprung from common suffering_. There is no substantial
reason for a quarrel, if we sincerely examine the conditions of mutual
existence, remember the mutual sacrifices and agree in our
determination to grant just guarantees to those racial minorities which
necessity may assign to one or the other of the different state groups.
"Italy should be able to understand better than any other country the
aspirations of the nationalities, since the history of Italy, now
completed, is simply your history now awaiting completion.... No other
people, before forming itself into a free and independent state, had to
undergo so long an apprenticeship, so methodical an oppression, such
varied forms of violence. Like generous Poland, Italy was shattered,
partitioned by strangers, and treated for centuries as a _res nullius.
The firm resolve of the Bohemian people to revive the glorious kingdom
which has so valiantly stemmed the onset of the Germans is the same
resolve which moved our ancestors and our fathers to conspiracy and
revolt, that Italy might become a united state_. The impetuous and
vigorous character of the Southern Slavs and the Rumanians of
Transylvania already has led to the making of heroes and martyrs; and
here they are met by the endless stream of our heroes and martyrs; who
across time and space fraternise on the scaffold erected by their
common enemy.
"For your nations 'To be or not to be' is the inexorable choice at this
moment. Here cautious subtleties are of no avail, nor the adroit
reservations borrowed from diplomacy, nor discussions more or less
Byzantine, 'while the Turk is at the gates.' The necessities are Faith
and Work; it is thus that nations are formed."
We have already mentioned that the U.S. Government identified themselves
with the resolutions adopted by the Rome Conference. As regards Great
Britain, Lord Robert Cecil made the following declaration on May 23, 1918:
"Above all _I welcome especially the recent congress at Rome_, which
has done so much to strengthen the Alliance of which Italy is a part. I
believe that the congress was valuable for its wisdom and its
moderation. I believe that it was valuable for the spirit of
brotherhood which it displayed. But above all I welcome it because it
showed that the Italian Government, as expressed by the speech of the
Italian Prime Minister (Signor Orlando), recognise to the full that the
principles on which the kingdom of Italy was founded were not only of
local application, but extend to international relations. (Cheers)
_Italy has shown herself ready to extend to the Poles, to those gallant
Czecho-Slovaks, to the Rumanians, and last, but not least, to the
Yugoslavs, the principles on which her own 'Risorgimento' was founded_,
and on which she may still go forward to a greater future than she has
ever seen in the past. (Cheers.) _That is a great work, and those who
have borne any part in it may well be proud of their accomplishment_.
"People talk sometimes about the dismemberment of Austria. I have no
weakness for Austria; but I venture to think that that is the wrong
point of view. The way to regard this problem is not the dismemberment
of Austria, _but the liberation of the population subject to her rule.
We are anxious to see all these peoples in the enjoyment of full
liberty and independence; able by some great federation to hold up in
Central Europe the principles upon which European policy must be
founded,_ unless we are to face disasters too horrible to contemplate.
The old days of arbitrary allotment of this population or that to this
sovereignty or that are gone--and, I trust, gone forever. We must look
for any future settlement, to a settlement not of courts or cabinets,
but of nations and populations. _On that alone depends the whole
conception of the League of Nations,_ of which we have heard so much;
and unless that can be secured as the foundation for that great idea, I
myself despair of its successful establishment."
_(b) The May Manifestations in Prague_
A direct re-percussion of the Rome Conference was the great meeting which
took place in Prague on May 16, on the occasion of the jubilee celebration
of the foundation of the Czech National Theatre.
The manifestations took pre-eminently a political character, especially as
they were attended by numerous distinguished foreign guests. These included
delegates from all parts of the Southern Slav territories, Poles, Rumanians
and Italians. The Russians, although invited, could not take part, because
of the obstacles placed in the way by the Austrian Government. As regards
the Yugoslavs, there were over 100 delegates from the Slovene districts
alone, including Dr. Pogacnik, deputies Ravnicar and Rybár, the Mayor of
Lublanja, Dr. Tavcar, President of the Chamber of Commerce, J. Knez and
others. The Yugoslavs were further represented by Count Vojnovitch and M.
Hribar, by delegates of the Croatian Starcevic Party, the Serbian
Dissidents, Dr. Budisavljevic, Mr. Val Pribicevic, Dr. Sunaric, Mr. Sola
from Bosnia, representatives of the national, cultural, economic
institutions, and representatives of the city of Zagreb, with the mayor,
Dr. Srpulje, at the head.
There were seventeen Italians with deputies Conci and De Caspari at the
head. The Rumanians from Hungary and Bukovina also arrived. The Slovaks of
Hungary met with the most hearty welcome. They were led by the poet
Hviezdoslav. An inspiring feature was the presence of the Poles, of whom
about sixty took part in the manifestations, the majority of them from
Galicia, three from Silesia and one from Posen.
The delegation from Galicia included prominent representatives of the
Polish Democratic Party, Count Dr. A. Skarbek, deputy and ex-minister
Glombínski and deputy Witos, the Socialist leader Moraczewski whose father
took part in the Pan-Slav Congress of Prague in 1848, deputy Tetmajer,
representatives of the cities of Lvoff and Cracow and of the University of
Cracow, members of municipal and county councils, journalists, artists,
painters, sculptors, authors and others.
At a meeting arranged in honour of the Slav guests, Dr. Kramár declared
that "the Czech nation is stronger to-day than ever before. There is no
worse policy than that which gives in before danger. I am sure that our
people will not give way. We have suffered so much that there is no horror
which could divert us from the path we follow. Happily enough, we see that
what we want is also desired by the whole world. We see that we are not
alone. To-day the representatives of other nations, which have suffered in
the same way as ourselves, have come to us. Of course, they did not come to
us only to take part in our festivals, but also to express on the Bohemian
soil their determination that their nations want to live freely. We are
united by the same interests. Our victory is theirs and theirs is ours."
The Yugoslav deputy Radic thanked the Czechs, in the name of the Yugoslavs,
for unity and solidarity. The Polish deputy Moraczewski expressed his
thanks not only for the welcome accorded to the Poles in Prague, but also
for the proclamation of the watchword: "For your liberty and ours!"
The main celebrations took place in the Bohemian Museum on May 16. Since
the speeches delivered on that occasion were of such significance and are
sure to prove of great international importance in the near future, we
propose to quote at least the chief passages from them.
The first speaker was Dr. Kramár who declared:
"You know that they are in vain trying to crush us. Every wrong will
come back to the authors. That is our firm belief, and therefore you
will find no despondency in Bohemia, but only _firm determination not
only to defend to the last the integrity of our kingdom, but also to
accomplish the unity of the whole Czecho-Slovak nation. We firmly
believe in the ultimate victory of the right of nations to liberty and
self-determination._ And we therefore welcome you in our beautiful
golden city of Prague, because we know that your presence here to-day
is the best proof that our faith is the faith of all nations who have
hitherto been clamouring in vain for right and justice.
"Allow me to make a personal remark. We were far away from public life,
confined in prison, and only very little news reached us. Various
events filled us with anxiety and despondency. Bohemia seemed to be
like a large, silent and dead churchyard. And all of a sudden we heard
that underneath the shroud with which they tried to cover our nation
there still was some life. Czech books were read more than ever, and
the life of the national soul expressed itself in the performances in
the National Theatre. When we heard about the storm of enthusiasm which
greeted the prophecy in Smetana's opera _Libusha_, we felt suddenly
relieved, and we knew that our sufferings were not in vain.
"We placed everything that we want into the prophecy of Libusha--a new
life, free, not constrained by disfavour or misunderstanding. _We do
not want to remain within the limits prescribed to us by Vienna_
(applause), we want to be entire masters of our national life as a
whole. We do not need foreign spirit and foreign advice; our best guide
is our past, the great democratic traditions of our nation. We have
enough strength and perseverance not to be afraid of anything that
threatens us, because _we want the full freedom for the whole nation,
including the millions of our oppressed brothers beneath the Tatra
Mountains_. (A stormy applause.)
"That does not depend on any circumstances outside our scope; it
depends entirely upon ourselves, upon our will. _We must show that we
are worthy of liberty and of the great future which we are striving
for_. It must not be left to the generosity of individuals to support
our peoples who under oppressive conditions are awakening national
consciousness in their countrymen. _We must mobilise our whole nation_.
All of us will be required to assist in the great tasks which are
awaiting us.
"I think we may confidently look into the future. The war has united us
internally, and it has taught us that all party politics which for a
long time past have poisoned our life, are insignificant in view of the
great issues of our national future which are at stake. We have lived
long enough to see our whole people united in the demand for an
independent Czecho-Slovak State, although the modern times have
deepened class differences.
"We recollect our past to-day with a firm hope for a better future. The
hearts of all are to-day filled with joyous confidence and expectation
that we shall live to see the day when in our National Theatre we shall
rejoice over the victory of liberty, justice and self-determination of
nations. _Our golden Slav Prague will again become a royal city, and
our Czech nation will again be free, strong and glorious_."
After Dr. Kramár had finished, the aged Czech author Jirásek described the
history of the National Theatre during the past fifty years, and concluded:
"To-day as fifty years ago our nation is united without party
distinction. _We form a single front, and follow a single policy. We
all demand our natural and historic rights, and strengthened by the
co-operation of the Yugoslavs, we firmly believe that as we succeeded
in erecting our National Theatre, so shall we also obtain our rights
and be able to rejoice with a song of a full and free life_."
When the enthusiasm which followed Jirásek's speech subsided, the great
Slovak poet Hviezdoslav "conveyed the greeting from that branch of the
Czecho-Slovak nation which lives in Hungary," and assured the assembly that
after going back he would spread everywhere the news of the enthusiasm
animating the Czechs so as to cheer up his sorely suffering
fellow-countrymen, the Slovaks of Hungary.
Professor Kasprovicz from Lemberg, who followed, declared in the name of
the Poles:
"We are united with you not only by blood affinity, but by our united
will, and we can reach the goal only by co-operation and by joint
efforts.
"This co-operation is perplexing to our enemies who, therefore, do all
in their power to disrupt this union. Their endeavours are in vain.
_All of us believe that neither the Czech nor the Polish nation will
perish_, that even a great war cannot bring about their extirpation;
that besides the war there is something greater than all human efforts,
that the day of justice will also come, and that the _Czech and Polish
nations not only must be but already are victorious_."
A tremendous applause ensued, and the people sang "Jeszcie Polska
niezgynela" ("Poland has not perished yet"). And when the chairman
announced that the next speaker was to be the Italian Irredentist deputy,
Signer Conci, another storm of applause and cries of "Eviva!" burst out.
Signor Conci declared:
"I convey to you the expression of the heartiest greetings from all
Italians who are participating in this brilliant manifestation, and
from all those who, like myself, follow with great sympathy everything
that concerns the fate of the noble Czech nation.
"An old verse speaks about 'Socii dolorum' ('Friends in suffering'),
and I must say that this consolation for the different nations of this
state has been amply provided for. _But nothing helps the union and
brotherhood better than the common misfortune and common persecutions_
which strengthen the character of the nation. In defence against this
menace, we and you have written on our shield: 'Fanger, non flector'
('I can be broken but not bent').
"When I saw with what indomitable firmness you withstood all unjust
persecutions, and with what a fervent devotion and enthusiasm the whole
nation supported your best and unjustly persecuted leaders, I realised
that _this nation cannot die_, and that when the time comes its just
cause will triumph. And I bring you our sincere wish that this may be
as soon as possible. _It is a wish from one oppressed nation to
another_, from a representative of an afflicted nation which has
suffered and still is suffering intolerable oppression. May the roaring
Bohemian lion soon be able to repose in peace and fully enjoy his own
triumph."
Dr. Tavcar, representing the Slovenes, declared:
"We Yugoslavs are deeply feeling how much the Czech culture is helping
us and how great is its influence upon us. _We are the most faithful
allies of our brother Czechs_, and at the same time their assiduous and
I dare say very gifted pupils. At a moment when our oppressors want to
build a German bridge over our bodies to the Slav Adriatic, we come to
you as your allies. We shall fall if you fall, but our victory is
certain."
Two other Yugoslav leaders, Dr. Srpulje, Mayor of Zagreb, for the Croats,
and V. Sola, President of the Bosnian Sabor, for the Serbs, expressed the
same sentiments.
After the speech of the Czech author Krejcí, M. Stanek, President of the
Bohemian Parliamentary Union, concluded the meeting.
Stormy demonstrations then took place in the streets of Prague, where the
people loudly cheered Professor Masaryk and the Entente.
On the same day also the Socialists had a meeting in which prominent Czech,
Polish and Yugoslav Socialists took part.
The Polish Socialist deputy Moraczewski, from Cracow, declared that "the
Poles, like the Czechs, are fighting for self-determination of nations."
Comrade Kristan, speaking for the Slovene workers, emphasised the idea of
Yugoslav unity. The spokesman of the Social Democrats from Bosnia, comrade
Smitran, hailed the Czecho-Yugoslav understanding, and said that, although
living under intolerable conditions, his nation hopes for deliverance, and
like the Czecho-Slovak nation, demands liberty and independence. After the
Polish comrade Stanczyk, the leaders of the two Czech Socialist parties,
Dr. Soukup and Klofác, delivered long speeches in which they emphasised the
solidarity of the three Western Slav nations, the Poles, Czecho-Slovaks and
Yugoslavs, and their identical claims for liberty and independence. Dr.
Soukup declared that "Socialism is to-day a great factor not only in
Bohemia, but in the whole world." The manifestation was concluded by the
Czech Socialist deputy Nemec, and by the singing of the Czech
national anthem.
On the day following, fresh manifestations were held in Prague, and a
meeting was arranged, described by the Czech press as the Congress of
Oppressed Nations of Austria-Hungary. Among those who supported the
resolutions were representatives of Czecho-Slovaks, Yugoslavs, Rumanians
and Italians, as well as Poles. The resolution carried unanimously by the
assembly reads as follows:
"The representatives of Slav and Latin nations who for centuries past
have been suffering under foreign oppression, assembled in Prague this
seventeenth day of May, 1918, have united in a common desire to do all
in their power in order to assure full liberty and independence to
their respective nations after this terrible war. They are agreed that
a better future for their nations will be founded and assured by the
world democracy, by a real and sovereign national people's government,
and by a universal League of Nations, endowed with the necessary
authorities.
"They reject emphatically all steps of the government taken without the
consent of the people. They are convinced that the peace which they,
together with all other democratic parties and nations, are striving
for, will only be a just and lasting peace if it liberates the world
from the predominance of one nation over another and thus enables all
nations to defend themselves against aggressive imperialism by means of
liberty and equality of nations. All nations represented are determined
to help each other, since the victory of one is also the victory of the
other, and is not only in the interests of the nations concerned, but
in the interests of civilisation, of fraternity and equality of
nations, as well as of true humanity."
IX
BOHEMIA AS A BULWARK AGAINST PAN-GERMANISM
From the foregoing chapters it is clear that:
_(a)_ The Austro-Hungarian Government represents only the Habsburgs, and
the Austrian Germans and the Magyars, who form a minority of the total
population of the monarchy. The majority, consisting of Slavs and Latins,
is opposed to the further existence of Austria-Hungary.
_(b)_ The Austrian Germans and Magyars, who exercised their hegemony in
Austria and Hungary respectively, will always be bound to look to Germany
for the support of their predominance as long as Austria-Hungary in
whatever form exists. The collapse of the Habsburg Empire in October, 1918,
practically put an end to this possibility.
_(c)_ The Habsburgs, Austro-Germans and Magyars, just like the Bulgars,
became the willing and wilful partners of Prussia in this war, while the
Austrian Slavs, especially the Czecho-Slovaks, have done all in their power
to assist the Allies at the price of tremendous sacrifices. Under these
circumstances, the only possible policy for the Allies is to support the
claims of those peoples who are heart and soul with them. Any policy which
would not satisfy the just Slav aspirations would play into the hands
of Germany.
_(d)_ The restoration of the _status quo ante bellum_ of Austria or Hungary
is out of the question. The Allies have pledged themselves to unite the
Italian and Rumanian territories of Austria with Italy and Rumania
respectively. The aim of Serbia is to unite all the Yugoslavs. Deprived of
her Italian, Rumanian and Yugoslav provinces, Austria-Hungary would lose
some twelve million Slavs and Latins. The problem of Poland also cannot be
solved in a satisfactory way without the incorporation in Poland of the
Polish territories of Galicia. If the _status quo_ were re-established, the
Czecho-Slovaks, whom Great Britain has recognised as an Allied nation,
would be placed in a decisive minority and would be powerless in face of
the German-Magyar majority. This the Allies in their own interests cannot
allow. They must insist upon the restoration of Bohemia's full
independence.
_(e)_ The disappearance of Austria-Hungary therefore appears to be the only
solution if a permanent peace in Europe is to be achieved. Moreover, as we
have already pointed out, her dissolution is a political necessity for
Europe, and is to-day already an accomplished fact.
The dismemberment of Austria does not mean a destructive policy. On the
contrary, it means only the destruction of oppression and racial tyranny.
It is fundamentally different from the dismemberment of Poland, which was a
living nation, while Austria is not. The dismemberment of Austria will, on
the contrary, unite nations at present dismembered, and will reconstruct
Europe so as to prevent further German aggressive attempts towards the East
and South-East. A close alliance between Poland, Czecho-Slovak Bohemia,
Greater Rumania, Greater Serbia (or Yugoslavia) and Italy would assure a
stable peace in Central Europe.
The issue really at stake was: Central Europe either Pan-German or
anti-German. If Germany succeeded in preserving Austria-Hungary, the
Pan-German plans of Mitteleuropa would be a _fait accompli_, and Germany
would have won the war: the Germans would, with the aid of the Magyars and
Bulgars, directly and indirectly control and exploit over one hundred
million Slavs in Central Europe. On the other hand, now that Austria has
fallen to pieces the German plans have been frustrated. The Germans will
not only be unable to use the Austrian Slavs again as cannon-fodder, but
even the economic exploitation of Central Europe will be barred to them.
From the international point of view, Bohemia will form the very centre of
the anti-German barrier, and with the assistance of a new Poland in the
north, and Italy, Yugoslavia and Rumania in the south, she will
successfully prevent German penetration to the East, Near East and
the Adriatic.
Austria and Hungary, reduced to their proper racial boundaries, will be
states of about eight million each. The Magyars, being situated in the
Lowlands, which are mainly agricultural, hemmed in between Bohemia, Rumania
and Yugoslavia, will be in a hopeless strategic and economic position. They
will be unable to attack any of their neighbours, and they will be wholly
dependent on them for industrial products. Hungary will thus be forced to
come to an understanding with her neighbours. Austria will be in a similar
position: deprived of her richest provinces, she will no longer be of any
great economic or military value to Germany.
Let us now examine the probable future relations between Bohemia and her
neighbours.
1. The formation of a strong _Polish-Czech block_ is the only means of
arresting the German expansion towards the East. To-day, when Russia has
collapsed, the liberation of the non-Germans of Central Europe can alone
save Europe from the hegemony of the German Herrenvolk. The creation of a
strong and united Poland with access to the sea at Gdansk (Dantzig) and an
independent Czecho-Slovak State has become a necessity for Europe.
The understanding between the Poles and Czechs is of vital interest to both
peoples concerned, and to Europe as a whole. It is by no means
hypothetical, considering that geographically the Poles and Czechs are
neighbours, that they speak almost the same language, and that their
national spirit, history and traditions bear a close resemblance. The
history of Poland offers many strange parallels to that of Bohemia. It is
specially interesting to note that in the fifteenth century, as to-day, the
Poles and Czechs together resisted the German "Drang nach Osten." The Czech
with their famous leader Zizka participated in the splendid Polish victory
over the Teutonic knights at Grünwald in 1410, while on the other hand,
there were many Poles in the Hussite regiments who so gloriously defended
the Czech religious and national liberties in the fifteenth century. Poland
and Bohemia were also united several times under a common dynasty.
After Bohemia lost her independence at the battle of the White Mountain in
1620, she became the prey of Austrian barbarity. The Habsburgs have done
their best to extirpate the Czech heretics and abolish and destroy the
Bohemian Constitution. With Bohemia's loss of independence her contact with
Poland also ceased. And Poland herself became the prey of Prussia, Russia
and Austria some 170 years later, notwithstanding the constitution of May 3
and the heroic resistance of Kosciuszko.
The regeneration of the Czechs at the end of the eighteenth century meant
the resumption of friendly relations between Czechs and Poles. The Czechs
desired to come to an agreement with the Poles because the latter are their
nearest kinsmen in race and language, and like themselves have suffered
terribly from alien oppression. There were many Polonophils amongst the
first Czech regenerators, and the Polish revolutions always evoked sincere
sympathy in Bohemia. The modern Czech writers were all sincere friends of
the Poles. Thanks to their efforts, Sienkiewicz and Mickiewicz are read in
every household in Bohemia, and the dramas of Slowacki, Krasinski,
Wyspianski and others are frequently played on the stage of our National
Theatre in Prague.
The present interests and aspirations of Poles and Czechs are identical.
Like the Czechs, the Poles are threatened by the Pan-German schemes of
Mitteleuropa and "Drang nach Osten," to which they are bitterly opposed.
These plans can be checked effectively only by the establishment of a
strong and united Poland with access to the sea, a strong Czecho-Slovak
State, and a united and independent Yugoslavia and Rumania.
It was proved by events that Russian imperialism and oppression was never
so dangerous to Europe as Pan-Germanism, since the former was built upon
sand and opposed by the Russian people themselves; while Pan-Germanism
rests upon effective organisation, and its brutal principles of domination
are supported by the bulk of the German people. The Central Powers are
to-day Poland's only enemies, and are a danger to her as to all Europe.
Poland's interests lie only in one orientation: in absolute opposition to
Pan-Germany.
The alliance between Poland and Bohemia will provide the latter with an
outlet to the sea (Gdansk). This will draw the two countries still closer
together. Economically such an alliance would be to the mutual interests of
both countries. Since Bohemia has not, like Poland, been devastated during
this war, she could greatly assist Poland in rebuilding her trade and
industries, and this would prevent German economic penetration to the East.
On the other hand, Poland could supply her with oil and salt from Galicia.
The Czecho-Polish block would prevent German penetration in Russia, which
would thus be able to set her own affairs in order. The Czecho-Polish block
would also frustrate the German plans of creating a Polish-German-Magyar
combination by means of a small Poland, completely dependent on the Central
Powers, or by means of the so-called Austro-Polish solution. The
Czecho-Slovaks, owing to their geographic position and past traditions, and
owing to their advanced civilisation, may be fully relied upon as the
pioneers of peace and stability in Central Europe.
2. The Czecho-Slovak State will probably have a common frontier with
_Rumania_. The Rumanians-and Czecho-Slovaks will have common interests, and
their mutual political and economic relations will be of great importance.
Economically, agricultural Rumania and industrial Bohemia will complete
each other. Prague will have direct railway connection with Bukarest and
Jassy, while the Danube will connect the Czecho-Slovaks both with the
Yugoslavs and the Rumanians, under the protection of the League of Nations.
Politically the alliance between a united Poland, Bohemia and Greater
Rumania is of paramount importance, because if Poland and Rumania remain as
small as they are at present, and if the Czecho-Slovaks and Yugoslavs are
left at the mercy of Vienna and Budapest, the Germans will be masters of
Central Europe.
3. The relations between _Czechs and Yugoslavs_ have always been cordial,
since both of them have always had the same anti-German and anti-Magyar
orientation. By way of the Danube the Czecho-Slovaks would be in direct
communication with Belgrade. The Czechs could further also be accorded an
international railway connecting Pressburg with the Adriatic. The Czechs,
being well developed industrially and commercially, could greatly assist
the Yugoslavs in organising a state sufficiently strong to arrest German
and Magyar penetration in the Balkans.
The Czechs, being good friends of the Yugoslavs and Italians, will at the
same time exert their efforts to prevent all misunderstandings between
these two Adriatic nations from which only the Germans would profit. A
close alliance between Bohemia, Italy, Yugoslavia and Rumania will form an
effective safeguard against German penetration in the Near East. Since
Rumania will border both on Bohemia and Yugoslavia, the Germans will be
completely encircled by a strong Latin-Slav barrier, of which Bohemia will
form the centre, working for stability in Central Europe and safeguarding
Europe from a repetition of the German attempts at world domination.
4. The Czecho-Slovak State itself will be strong both strategically and
economically. It will number over twelve million, and its territory,
comprising Bohemia, Moravia, Austrian-Silesia and Slovakia, will be about
50,000 square miles, that is a territory as large as England (without
Scotland, Ireland and Wales).
Surrounded by high mountains, Bohemia forms a veritable fortress in the
heart of Europe. Economically, too, she will be strong and self-supporting.
In the past Bohemia was the richest part of the Habsburg Empire, with
well-developed agriculture and industries. Bohemia produced 829 lbs. of
grain per inhabitant, the rest of Austria 277 lbs. The Bohemian lands are
responsible for 93 per cent. of Austria's, production of sugar, most of
which has been exported to England. Hops of remarkable quality are produced
in Bohemia, and Pilsen beer is known all over the world. Bohemia
manufactures over 50 per cent. of all the beer produced in Austria. Bohemia
has also abundant wealth in minerals, the only mineral which is not found
there being salt. Bohemia produces 60 per cent. of Austria's iron and 83
per cent. (26 million tons) of her coal. As regards trade, almost all the
business between Bohemia and Western Europe has always passed through
Vienna, which of course greatly profited thereby. This will cease when
Bohemia becomes independent.
Two-thirds of the total Austrian exports, the value of which was over
£63,000,000 in 1912, come from the Bohemian lands. To England alone Austria
exported £9,000,000 worth of Bohemian sugar annually. Bohemian beer, malt
and hops were exported especially to France, textiles and machines to
Italy. On the other hand, Germany and German-Austria imported from the
Bohemian lands especially agricultural products (butter, eggs, cheese,
cereals, fruit), also coal and wood manufactures.
In 1905 Austria exported 425,000 metric tons of wheat and 186,000 metric
tons of malt, which were mostly produced in Bohemia. The export of Bohemian
beer brings Austria 15,000,000 kronen annually (£625,000), of malt
55,000,000 kronen (£2,290,000). The Bohemian lands further export
130,000,000 kronen (£5,430,000) worth of textiles annually.
The Austrian import trade is also largely dependent on Bohemia. All French
articles bought by Bohemia come through Vienna, two-thirds of the whole
French export being destined for that country.
As regards England, in 1914 £2,676,000 worth of goods were exported to
Austria-Hungary, the greater part of which again was destined for Bohemia,
the chief articles being printing and agricultural machines and textile
manufactures. England will after the war find a good market in Bohemia, and
valuable assistants in Czech banks and business men in the economic
competition against the Germans in the Near East, since the Czechs
boycotted German goods even before the war. Prague is a railway centre of
European importance, being situated just midway between the Adriatic and
the Baltic Sea. An agreement with her neighbours (Poland, Yugoslavia and
Rumania) and the League of Nations arrangement would secure her an outlet
to the sea by means of international railways, while the Elbe and Danube
would also form important trade routes. Bohemia would become an
intermediary between the Baltic and Adriatic as well as between East
and West.
Also the future relations of Bohemia with the British colonies are not
without importance. More than half the trade of Austria with the British
colonies was transacted by the Czechs, and Austria-Hungary exported to
British colonies £3,500,000 and imported from them £10,500,000 worth of
goods annually.
5. One of the most important reasons why the Czecho-Slovaks, when
independent, will be able to render such valuable services to the Allies,
is the high degree of their civilisation. Despite all efforts of the
Austrian Government to the contrary, the Czechs have nevertheless been able
to attain a high standard of education, and they also excel in literature,
music and the arts.
The Czechs are not only the most advanced of all Slavs, but they are even
the most advanced of all nations of Austria-Hungary. In Austria as a whole
6.7 per cent. of the children do not attend school; in Bohemia only 1-1/2
per cent. The standard of education of the Czechs compares with that of the
Austrian-Germans and Magyars, according to the _Monatschrift für Statistik_
of 1913, as follows:
Czechs. Austrian Magyars.
Germans.
Persons knowing how to write
and read 95-1/2% 92% 40%
Persons knowing how to read
only 3% 1% 4%
Illiterates 1-1/2% 7% 56%
The Czechs have accomplished this by their own efforts, as is shown by the
fact that 151 Czech schools are kept up by a private Czech society. These
151 schools have altogether 287 classes and 522 teachers, and are attended
by more than 15,000 children. The unjust treatment of the Czechs in regard
to schools is further shown by the fact that 9,000,000 Germans in Austria
had five universities, 5,000,000 Poles two universities, while 7,000,000
Czechs had only one. The German University in Prague had 878 students in
1912, the Czech University 4713. The Germans in Prague number some 10,000
(_i.e._ 1-1/2 per cent.), yet they have their public schools and even a
university; while the Czechs in Vienna, numbering at least some 300,000
(_i.e._ over 15 per cent.), are deprived even of elementary schools, to say
nothing of secondary schools and universities.
The Slovaks of Hungary were, of course, in an absolutely hopeless position
in view of the terrible system of Magyar oppression. The Magyars consider
the schools as the most effective means for magyarisation. In the 16
counties inhabited by the Slovaks there are only 240 Slovak schools, and
even in those schools Magyar is taught sometimes fully 18 hours a week. The
number of Slovak schools has been systematically reduced from 1921 in 1869
to 440 in 1911, and 240 in 1912, and these are attended by some 18,000
children out of 246,000, _i.e._ 8 per cent. The Slovaks opened three
secondary schools in the early seventies, but all three were arbitrarily
closed in 1874. They have, of course, no university. Thus they were
deprived of intellectual leaders and are doomed to complete
denationalisation, unless liberated and united with the Czechs in an
independent Bohemia.
In literature the Czechs may rightly range themselves side by side with the
great nations of Western Europe. Practically all the most important works
of foreign literature have been translated into Czech. The Czechs have many
good dramas, novels, and much excellent poetry which can be fully
appreciated only by those knowing their language. They are also very
musical, and their composers such as Dvorák, Smetana, Novák or Suk, singers
such as Emmy Destinn, and violinists such as Kubelík, are known all over
the world. They are also developed in all other arts, and their folk-songs,
peasant arts and industries, especially those of the Slovaks, bear ample
testimony to their natural talents and sense for beauty and art.
6. It is obvious that the cause of Bohemia is of very great importance to
the very existence of the British Empire. If Germany succeeded in
preserving her grip on Austria-Hungary, the Balkans and Turkey, she would
soon strike at Egypt and India, and thus endanger the safety of the British
Empire. Germany would control vast resources in man-power and material
which would enable her to plunge into another attempt at world-domination
in a very short time. On the other hand, when the non-German nations of
Central Europe are liberated, Germany will be absolutely prevented from
repeating her present exploits, Great Britain will be no more menaced by
her, and a permanent peace in Europe will be assured. Thus with the cause
of Bohemia the cause of Great Britain will either triumph or fall. Bismarck
truly said that the master of Bohemia would be the master of Europe.
Bohemia has many traditions in common with England, and she will become her
natural ally and friend. In the Czecho-Slovaks, the most democratic,
homogeneous and advanced nation of Central Europe, Great Britain will find
a true ally and fellow-pioneer in the cause of justice, freedom and
democracy.
APPENDIX OF SOME RECENT DOCUMENTS
THE CZECHO-SLOVAK RESOLUTION OF SEPTEMBER 29, 1918
The following is the text of the resolution passed by the Czecho-Slovak
National Council in Prague, in conjunction with the Union of Czech
Deputies, on September 29, 1918, and suppressed by the Austrian censor:
"Our nation once more and with all possible emphasis lays stress on the
fact that it firmly and unswervedly stands by the historical
manifestations of its freely elected representatives, firmly convinced
of the ultimate success of its highest ideals of full independence and
liberty. _Our silenced and oppressed nation has no other answer to all
attempts at a change of the constitution than a cool and categorical
refusal_, because we know that these attempts are nothing except
products of an ever-increasing strain, helplessness and ruin. _We do
not believe to-day in any more promises given and not kept_, for
experience has taught us to judge them on their merits. The most
far-reaching promises cannot blind us and turn us away from our aims.
The hard experiences of our nation order us imperatively to hold firm
in matters where reality is stronger than all promises. _The Vienna
Government is unable to give us anything we ask for_. Our nation can
never expect to get its liberty from those who at all times regarded it
only as a subject of ruthless exploitations; and who even in the last
moment do not shrink from any means to humiliate, starve and wipe out
our nation and by cruel oppression to hurt us in our most sacred
feelings. _Our nation has nothing in common with those who are
responsible for the horrors of this war_. Therefore there will not be a
single person who would, contrary to the unanimous wish of the nation,
deal with those who have not justice for the Czech nation at heart and
who have also no sympathy with the Polish and Yugoslav nations, but who
are only striving for the salvation of their present privileged
position of misrule and injustice. _The Czech nation will follow its
anti-German policy, whatever may happen, assured that its just cause
will finally triumph, especially to-day when it becomes a part of the
great ideals of the Entente, whose victory will be the only good
produced by this terrible war_."
CZECH LEADERS REFER THE AUSTRIAN GOVERNMENT TO THE CZECHO-SLOVAK GOVERNMENT
AS THEIR AUTHORISED REPRESENTATIVES
Speaking in the Reichsrat, deputy Stanek declared in the name of the Union
of Czech Deputies on October 2, 1918:
"This terrible war, started against the will and despite the warnings
of the Czecho-Slovaks, has now reached the culminating point. Two
worlds have been struggling in this war. One of them stood for the
Middle Ages and has with daring impudence inscribed upon its banner
'Might is Right.' Inspired by this watchword, the spirit of German
Imperialism believed it had a mission to rule the whole world, and it
was voluntarily joined by the rulers of Austria-Hungary in the mad
desire of enslaving the whole world.
"It was not difficult to guess which side would win unless civilisation
were to be thrown back for centuries. On one side stood the mediaeval
spirit of autocracy; on the other, pure love of liberty and democracy.
And we who have been oppressed by Austria for centuries and who have
tasted Austrian 'education' have naturally not formed voluntary legions
on the side of Austria. In fact _the Czecho-Slovaks have not
voluntarily shed a single drop of blood for the Central Powers_. But
our compatriots abroad, remembering the centuries-old Austrian
oppression, have _formed voluntary legions in all the Allied armies_.
They are shedding their blood for the most sacred rights of humanity
and at a moment of the greatest danger for the Allies they saved the
situation. In Russia, too, they are fighting for democracy. Nobody will
succeed in arresting the triumphant progress of true democracy, not
even the Austrian and German Governments, nor any diplomacy, nor any
peace notes or crown councils. The world will not be deceived again and
nobody takes the Central Powers and their governments seriously any
more.
"Your peace offensives will avail nothing to you, nobody will speak
with you again. _Even the Austrian peoples refuse to negotiate with
you, knowing the value of your words. We have no intention of saving
you from destruction_. Your aim is still the German-Magyar hegemony and
the oppression of Slavs and Latins. You must look elsewhere for
support. The fateful hour for you and the Magyars has come sooner than
we expected.
"And the dynasty? Look at the electoral reform in Hungary sanctioned by
the emperor! This reform is intended to destroy completely the
political and national existence of the non-Magyars in Hungary. This is
how the emperor keeps his word.
"In view of these events we must ask ourselves: Are there any moral
guarantees in this empire? We do not see them and therefore we declare
that we _reject all community with the political system of this empire.
We want a single front of three Slav States extending from Gdansk
(Dantzig) via Prague to the Adriatic._ We protest against any partial
solution of the Czecho-Slovak question. The Czecho-Slovak State which
must also include the Slovaks of Hungary is our minimum programme. We
again emphasise our solidarity with our Yugoslav brethren, whether they
live in Belgrade, Sarajevo, Mostar or Lubljana, and we ask for the
removal of those statesmen who wish to subjugate the remainder of the
Bosnian population. _A free Yugoslavia, an independent Greater Poland
and the Czecho-Slovak State_ are already in process of formation,
closely allied to each other, not only by the knowledge of common
economic interests, but also on the ground of the moral prerogatives of
international right.
"Peace is in sight. We wanted to be admitted to peace negotiations with
representatives of other nations. The Germans refused and replied: 'If
you insist you will be hanged.' Of course the Germans never kept their
word except when they promised to hang some one! But the Entente
replied by deeds recognising the Czecho-Slovak army as an Allied and
belligerent army. Thereupon _the Austrian Government asked us, Czech
leaders in Austria, to protest against it. But of course we refused._ I
said so openly to the Premier, and if you like, I will tell it to the
Austrian Emperor himself. _You would not admit us to the peace
negotiations with Russia, and now you will have to negotiate with Czech
leaders after all_, whether you like it or not. _These leaders will be
representatives of the same Czecho-Slovak brigades which Count Hertling
called rascals_ ('_Gesindel_'). _You will have to negotiate with them,
and not with us_, and therefore we will not speak with you. Our
question will not be solved in Vienna. If you accept President Wilson's
terms, if the German people, and not the German bureaucrats, accept
them, then you can have peace at once and save humanity from further
bloodshed. There is no other way out, and _we therefore advise you
honestly and frankly to surrender to the Allies unconditionally_,
because in the end nothing else will be left to you.
"In agreement with the whole Yugoslav nation, in agreement with Polish
representatives, voicing the will of the Polish people, the
Czecho-Slovaks declare before the whole world:
'Forward in our struggle for liberty and for a new life in our own
liberated, restored state!'"
PRESIDENT WILSON'S REPLY TO THE AUSTRIAN PEACE OFFER
In reply to the Austro-Hungarian proposal for an armistice of October 7,
1918, Mr. Robert Lansing addressed the following communication from
President Wilson to the Austrian Government through the medium of the
Swedish Legation in Washington on October 18, 1918:
"The President deems it his duty to say to the Austro-Hungarian
Government that he cannot entertain the present suggestion of that
government because of certain events of the utmost importance which,
occurring since the delivery of his address of January 8 last, have
necessarily altered the attitude and responsibility of the Government
of the United States.
"Among the fourteen terms of peace which the President formulated at
that time occurred the following:
"'The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we
wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest
opportunity of autonomous development.'
"Since that sentence was written and uttered to the Congress of the
United States, the Government of the United States has recognised that
a state of belligerency exists between the Czecho-Slovaks and the
German and Austro-Hungarian Empires, and that the Czecho-Slovak
National Council is a _de facto_ belligerent government, clothed with
proper authority to direct the military and political affairs of the
Czecho-Slovaks.
"It has also recognised in the fullest manner the justice of the
nationalistic aspirations of the Yugo-Slavs for freedom.
"The President therefore is no longer at liberty to accept a mere
'autonomy' of these peoples as a basis of peace, but is obliged to
insist that they, and not he, shall be the judges of what action on the
part of the Austro-Hungarian Government will satisfy their aspirations
and their conception of their rights and destiny as members of the
family of nations."
THE CONSTITUTION OF THE CZECHO-SLOVAK PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT
On October 14, Dr. E. Benes addressed the following letter to all the
Allied Governments:
"By the declaration of the Government of the United States of September
3, 1918, the Czecho-Slovak National Council, whose seat is in Paris,
has been recognised as a _de facto_ Czecho-Slovak Government. This
recognition has been confirmed by the following Allied Governments: by
Great Britain in her agreement with the National Council of September
3, 1918; by France in her agreement of September 28, 1918, and by Italy
in the declaration of her Premier on October 3,1918. I have the honour
to inform you that in view of these successive recognitions a
Provisional Czecho-Slovak Government has been constituted by the
decision of September 26, 1918, with its provisional seat in Paris and
consisting of the following members:
"_Professor Thomas G. Masaryk_, President of the Provisional
Government and of the Cabinet of Ministers, and Minister of
Finance.
"_Dr. Edward Benes_, Minister for Foreign Affairs and of the
Interior.
"General Milan R. Stefanik, Minister of War.
"The undersigned ministry has subsequently decided to accredit the
following representatives with the Allied Powers:
"_Dr. Stephan Osuský_. Chargé d'Affaires of the Czecho-Slovak
Legation in London, accredited with His Majesty's Government in
Great Britain.
"_Dr. Leo Sychrava_, Chargé d'Affaires of the Czecho-Slovak
Legation in Paris, accredited with the French Government.
"_Dr. Leo Borský_, Chargé d'Affaires of the Czecho-Slovak Legation
in Rome, accredited with the Royal Government of Italy.
"_Dr. Charles Pergler_, Chargé d'Affaires of the Czecho-Slovak
Legation in Washington, accredited with the Government of the
United States.
"_Bohdan Pavlu_, at present at Omsk, is to represent our Government
in Russia.
"Our representatives in Japan and Serbia will be appointed later.
"We have the honour to inform you that we have taken these decisions in
agreement with the political leaders at home. During the past three
years our whole political and military action has been conducted in
complete agreement with them. Finally, on October 2, 1918, the
Czecho-Slovak deputy Stanek, President of the Union of Czech Deputies
to the Parliament in Vienna, solemnly announced that the Czecho-Slovak
National Council in Paris is to be considered as the supreme organ of
the Czecho-Slovak armies and that it is entitled to represent the
Czecho-Slovak nation in the Allied countries and at the Peace
Conference. On October 9, his colleague, deputy Zahradník, speaking in
the name of the same union, declared that the Czecho-Slovaks are
definitely leaving the Parliament in Vienna, thereby breaking for ever
all their ties with Austria-Hungary.
"Following the decision of our nation and of our armies, we are
henceforth taking charge as a Provisional National Government for the
direction of the political destinies of the Czecho-Slovak State, and as
such we are entering officially into relations with the Allied
Governments, relying both upon our mutual agreement with them and upon
their solemn declarations.
"We make this declaration in a specially solemn manner at a moment when
great political events call upon all the nations to take part in
decisions which will perhaps give Europe a new political régime for
centuries to come.
"Assuring you of my devoted sentiments, believe me to remain, in the
name of the Czecho-Slovak Government,
_(Signed)_ "DR. EDWARD BENES,
Minister for Foreign Affairs."
CZECHO-SLOVAK DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE
"At this grave moment when the Hohenzollerns are offering peace in
order to stop the victorious advance of the Allied armies and to
prevent the dismemberment of Austria-Hungary and Turkey, and when the
Habsburgs are promising the federalisation of the empire and autonomy
to the dissatisfied nationalities committed to their rule, we, the
Czecho-Slovak National Council, recognised by the Allied and American
Governments as the Provisional Government of the Czecho-Slovak State
and nation, in complete accord with the declaration of the Czech
deputies in Prague on January 6, 1918, and realising that
federalisation and, still more, autonomy mean nothing under a Habsburg
dynasty, do hereby make and declare this our Declaration of
Independence:
"Because of our belief that no people should be forced to live under a
sovereignty they do not recognise and because of our knowledge and firm
conviction that our nation cannot freely develop in a Habsburg
confederation which is only a new form of the denationalising
oppression which we have suffered for the past three centuries, we
consider freedom to be the first pre-requisite for federalisation and
believe that the free nations of Central and Eastern Europe may easily
federate should they find it necessary.
"We make this declaration on the basis of our historic and natural
right: we have been an independent state since the seventh century, and
in 1526 as an independent state, consisting of Bohemia, Moravia and
Silesia, we joined with Austria and Hungary in a defensive union
against the Turkish danger. We have never voluntarily surrendered our
rights as an independent state in this confederation. The Habsburgs
broke their compact with our nation by illegally transgressing our
rights and violating the constitution of our state, which they had
pledged themselves to uphold, and we therefore refuse any longer to
remain a part of Austria-Hungary in any form.
"We claim the right of Bohemia to be reunited with her Slovak brethren
of Slovakia, which once formed part of our national state, but later
was torn from our national body and fifty years ago was incorporated in
the Hungarian State of the Magyars, who by their unspeakable violence
and ruthless oppression of their subject races have lost all moral and
human right to rule anybody but themselves.
"The world knows the history of our struggle against the Habsburg
oppression, intensified and systematised by the Austro-Hungarian
dualistic compromise of 1867. This dualism is only a shameless
organisation of brute force and exploitation of the majority by the
minority. It is a political conspiracy of the Germans and Magyars
against our own as well as the other Slav and Latin nations of the
monarchy.
"The world knows the justice of our claims, which the Habsburgs
themselves dare not deny. Francis Joseph in the most solemn manner
repeatedly recognised the sovereign rights of our nation. The Germans
and Magyars opposed this recognition, and Austria-Hungary, bowing
before the Pan-Germans, became a colony of Germany and as her vanguard
to the East provoked the last Balkan conflict as well as the present
world war, which was begun by the Habsburgs alone without the consent
of the representatives of the people.
"We cannot and will not continue to live under the direct or indirect
rule of the violators of Belgium, France and Serbia, the would-be
murderers of Russia and Rumania, the murderers of tens of thousands of
civilians and soldiers of our blood, and the accomplices in numberless
unspeakable crimes committed in this war against humanity by the two
degenerate and irresponsible dynasties of Habsburgs and Hohenzollerns.
We will not remain a part of a state which has no justification for
existence and which, refusing to accept the fundamental principles of
modern world organisation, remains only an artificial and immoral
political structure, hindering every movement towards democratic and
social progress. The Habsburg dynasty, weighed down by a huge
inheritance of error and crime, is a perpetual menace to the peace of
the world, and we deem it our duty towards humanity and civilisation to
aid in bringing about its downfall and destruction.
"We reject the sacrilegious assertion that the power of the Habsburg
and Hohenzollern dynasties is of divine origin. We refuse to recognise
the divine right of kings. Our nation elected the Habsburgs to the
throne of Bohemia of its own free will and by the same right deposes
them. We hereby declare the Habsburg dynasty unworthy of leading our
nation and deny all their claims to rule in the Czecho-Slovak land,
which we here and now declare shall henceforth be a free and
independent people and nation.
"We accept and shall adhere to the ideals of modern democracy as they
have been ideals of our nation for centuries. We accept the American
principles as laid down by President Wilson, the principles of
liberated mankind of the actual equality of nations and of governments,
deriving all their just power from the consent of the governed. We, the
nation of Comenius, cannot but accept those principles expressed in the
American Declaration of Independence, the principles of Lincoln and of
the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen. For these
principles our nation shed its blood in the memorable Hussite wars five
hundred years ago. For these same principles beside her Allies our
nation is shedding its blood to-day in Russia, Italy and France.
"We shall outline only the main principles of the constitution of the
Czecho-Slovak nation. The final decision as to the constitution itself
falls to the legally chosen representatives of the liberated and united
people. The Czecho-Slovak State shall be a republic in constant
endeavour for progress. It will guarantee complete freedom of
conscience, religion and science, literature and art, speech, the press
and the right of assembly and petition. The Church shall be separated
from the State. Our democracy shall rest on universal suffrage; women
shall be placed on an equal footing with men politically, socially and
culturally, while the right of the minority shall be safeguarded by
proportional representation. National minorities shall enjoy equal
rights. The government shall be parliamentary in form and shall
recognise the principles of initiative and referendum. The standing
army will be replaced by militia. The Czecho-Slovak nation will carry
out far-reaching social and economic reforms. The large estates will be
redeemed for home colonisation, and patents of nobility will be
abolished. Our nation will assume responsibility for its part of the
Austro-Hungarian pre-war public debt. The debts for this war we leave
to those who incurred them.
"In its foreign policy the Czecho-Slovak nation will accept its full
share of responsibility in the reorganisation of Eastern Europe. It
accepts fully the democratic and social principle of nationality and
subscribes to the doctrine that all covenants and treaties shall be
entered into openly and frankly without secret diplomacy. Our
constitution shall provide an efficient, national and just government
which will exclude all special privileges and prohibit class
legislation.
"Democracy has defeated theocratic autocracy, militarism is overcome,
democracy is victorious. On the basis of democracy mankind will be
reorganised. The forces of darkness have served the victory of light,
the longed-for age of humanity is dawning. We believe in democracy, we
believe in liberty and liberty for evermore.
"Given in Paris on the 18th October, 1918.
_(Signed)_ "PROFESSOR THOMAS G. MASARYK,
Prime Minister and Minister of Finance.
GENERAL DR. MILAN STEFANIK,
Minister of National Defence.
DR. EDWARD BENES,
Minister for Foreign Affairs and of the Interior."
BIBLIOGRAPHY
PAN-GERMANISM
CHÉRADAME, A.: _The Pan-German Plot Unmasked_. John Murray, London, 1916.
NAUMANN, F.: _Central Europe_. King & Son, London, 1916.
For complete survey of Pan-Germanism and Pan-German literature, see Prof.
Masaryk's articles in the first volume of the _New Europe_, as well as
various articles in _La Nation Tchèque_.
THE SLAVS
BAILEY, V.F.: _The Slavs of the War Zone_. Chapman & Hall, London, 1917.
LEGER, Louis: _Etudes slaves_. Leroux, Paris, 1875, 1880 and 1886.
----_Le monde slave_. Hachette, Paris, 1910.
MASARYK, T.G.: _The Slavs amongst Nations_. London, 1915.
NIEDERLE, L.: _La race slave_. Hachette, Paris, 1910.
TUCIC, S.: _The Slav Nations. Daily Telegraph_ War Books, London, 1914.
See also _Le Monde Slave_, a monthly review published in Paris by Prof.
Ernest Denis at 19-21 rue Cassette.
THE AUSTRIAN PROBLEM
BENES, EDWARD: _Le problème autrichien et la question tchèque_.
Girard-Brière, Paris, 1908.
----_Détruisez l'Autriche-Hongrie._ Delagrave, Paris, 1915.
COLQUHOUN, A.R.: _The Whirlpool of Europe_. Harpers, London, 1907.
CHÉRADAME, A.: _L'Europe et la question d'Autriche-Hongrie_. Paris, 1900.
DRAGE, GEOFFREY: _Austria-Hungary._ John Murray, London, 1909.
EISENMANN, L.: _Le compromis austro-hongrois._ Paris, 1904.
FOURNOL, E.: _Sur la succession de l'Autriche-Hongrie._ Paris, 1917.
GAYDA, V.: _Modern Austria_. Fisher Unwin, London, 1914.
GRIBBLE, F.J.: _The Emperor Francis Joseph_. Eveleigh Nash, London, 1914.
LEGER, Louis: _Histoire de l'Autriche-Hongrie._ Hachette, Paris, 1888.
----_La liquidation de l'Autriche-Hongrie._
MITTON, G.E.: _Austria-Hungary._ A. & C. Black, London, 1915.
McCURDY, C.A., M.P.: _The Terms of the Coming Peace_. W.H. Smith & Son,
1918.
STEED, HENRY WICKHAM: _The Habsburg Monarchy_. Constable, 1914 and 1916.
SETON-WATSON, R.W.: _The Future of Austria-Hungary._ Constable, London,
1907.
SETON-WATSON, R.W., and others: _War and Democracy._ Macmillan & Co., 1914.
TOYNBEE, A.: _Nationality and the War._ Dent & Sons, London, 1915.
----_The New Europe._ Dent & Sons.
HUNGARY AND THE SLOVAKS
CAPEK, THOMAS: _The Slovaks of Hungary._ Knickerbocker Press, New York,
1906.
DENIS, ERNEST: _Les Slovaques._ Delagrave, Paris, 1917.
SCOTUS-VIATOR: _Racial Problems in Hungary._ Constable, 1908.
SETON-WATSON, R.W.: _German, Slav and Magyar._ Williams & Norgate, London,
1916.
BOHEMIAN HISTORY
DENIS, ERNEST: _Huss et la Guerre des Hussites._ Leroux, Paris, 1878.
----_Les origines de l'unité des frères bohèmes._ Angers, Burdin, 1881.
----_Fin de l'indépendance bohème._ Colin, Paris, 1890.
----_La Bohème depuis la Montagne Blanche._ Leroux, Paris, 1903.
FRICZ: _Table de l'histoire de la Bohème._
GINDELY, A.: _History of the Thirty Years' War._ Translation from Czech.
Putnam's Sons, New York, 1884.
GREGOR, F.: _Story of Bohemia._ Hunt & Eaton, New York, 1895.
HANTICH, H.: _La révolution de_ 1848 _en Bohème._ Schneider, Lyon, 1910.
----_Le droit historique de la Bohème._ Chevalier, Paris, 1910.
LEGER, LOUIS: _La renaissance tchèque en_ XIXe _siècle._ Paris, 1911.
LÜTZOW, COUNT FRANCIS: _Bohemia._ A historical sketch. Everyman's Library.
Dent & Sons, London, 1907.
----_The Story of Prague._ Dent & Sons, London, 1902.
----_Life and Times of John Hus._ Dent & Sons, 1909.
MAURICE, C.E.: _The Story of Bohemia._ Fisher Unwin, 1896.
SCHWARZE, REV. J.: _John Hus._ The Revel Co., New York, 1915.
SCHAFF, DAVID: _John Huss._ George Allen & Unwin, London, 1915.
WRATISLAW, A.H.: _John Hus._ Young & Co., London, 1882.
BOHEMIAN LITERATURE
BOWRING, SIR JOHN: _Cheskian Anthology._ Rowland Hunter, London, 1832.
BAUDIS, PROF. JOSEPH: _Czech Folk Tales._ George Allen & Unwin, London,
1917.
FRICZ: _L'idée nationale dans la poésie et la tradition_ bohème.
GAMBERT, E.: _Poésie tchèque contemporaine._ Paris, 1903.
JELINEK, H.: _La littérature tchèque contemporaine_. Paris, 1912.
KOMENSKY, J.A.: _Labyrinth of the World_. Translated from Czech by Count
Lützow. Dent & Sons, London, 1900.
LÜTZOW, COUNT FRANCIS: _Bohemian Literature_. Heinemann, London, 1907.
MARCHANT, F.P.: _Outline of Bohemian Literature_. London, 1911.
MORFILL, W.R.: _A Grammar of the Bohemian (Cech) Language._ With
translations from Bohemian literature. Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1899.
----_Slavonic Literature_. London, 1883.
NEMCOVÁ, B.: _The Grandmother_. A novel translated from Czech. McClurg,
Chicago, 1892.
SELVER, PAUL: _Anthology of Modern Bohemian Poetry._ Drane, London, 1912.
BOHEMIAN CIVILISATION
BAKER, JAMES: _Pictures from Bohemia_. Chapman & Hall, London, 1904.
HANTICH, H.: _La musique tchèque_. Nilsson, Paris, 1910.
MONROE, W.S.: _Bohemia and the Cechs_. Bell & Sons, London, 1910.
PROCHAZKA, J.: _Bohemia's Claim for Freedom_. Chatto & Windus, London,
1915.
TYRSOVA, R., and HANTICH, H.: _Le paysan tchèque_. Nilsson, Paris.
ZMRHAL, J.J., and BENES, V.: _Bohemia_. Bohemian National Alliance,
Chicago, 1917.
----_Les pays tchèques_, published by the Ligue Franco-Tchèque, Paris,
1917.
BOHEMIAN POLITICS
BENES, EDWARD: _Bohemia's Case for Independence_. George Allen & Unwin,
London, 1917.
BOURLIER, JEAN: _Les Tchèques et la Bohème_. F. Alcan, Paris, 1897.
CAPEK, THOMAS: _Bohemia under Habsburg Misrule_. Chicago, 1915.
For reference _re_ the Czecho-Slovak movement, see its official organ _La
Nation Tchèque_, published at 18, rue Bonaparte, Paris. First two volumes
edited by E. Denis, the following by Dr. E. Benes.
Numerous useful articles on Bohemia and the Austrian problem from the pen
of H.W. Steed, R.W. Seton-Watson, L.B. Namier, Professor Masaryk, Dr.
Benes, V. Nosek and others will be found in the weekly review of foreign
politics, the _New Europe_, published by Messrs. Constable & Co., 10,
Orange Street, London, W.C.2.
The following list of some recent articles in the English (not American)
monthly and quarterly reviews is also recommended:
BARRY, The Very Rev. Canon WILLIAM: _Break Austria. Nineteenth Century_,
September, 1917.
----_How to Break Austria. Nineteenth Century_, November, 1917.
----_Shall England save Austria? Nineteenth Century_, June, 1918.
CHÉRADAME, A.: _How to Destroy Pan-Germany. National Review_, January,
1918.
----_The Western Front and Political Strategy_. _National Review_, July,
1918.
FORMAN, JOSEPH: _The Liberation of the Czecho-Slovaks. Nineteenth Century_,
March, 1917.
GRIBBLE, FRANCIS: _Czech Claims and Magyar Intrigues. Nineteenth Century_,
March, 1918.
----_The Passing of a Legend. Nineteenth Century_, October, 1917.
LANDA, M.J.: _Bohemia and the War. Contemporary_, July, 1915.
AN OLD MAZZINIAN: _Italy and the Nationalities of Austria-Hungary.
Contemporary_, June, 1918.
NOSEK, VLADIMIR: _The New Spirit in Austria_. A Reply to Mr. Brailsford.
_Contemporary_, October, 1917.
----_Bohemia as a Bulwark against Pan-Germanism. National Review_, July,
1918.
POLITICUS: _Austria's Hour of Destiny. Fortnightly_, August, 1917.
_Round Table_, Quarterly Review of the Politics of the Empire: No. 16
(September, 1914): _Origins of the War._
----No. 17 (December, 1914): _Racial Problems in Austria-Hungary._
----No. 26 (March, 1917): _Methods of Ascendancy: Bohemia_.
SELVER, PAUL: _Brezina's Poetry. The Quest_, January, 1916.
----_Modern Czech Poetry. Poetry Review_, May, 1918.
SETON-WATSON, R.W.: _Pan-Slavism. Contemporary_, October, 1916.
----_Austria-Hungary and the Federal System. Contemporary_, March, 1918.
STEED, HENRY WICKHAM: _The Quintessence of Austria. Edinburgh Review_,
October, 1915.
----_The Programme for Peace. Edinburgh Review_, April, 1916.
----_What is Austria? Edinburgh Review_, October, 1917.
TAYLOR, A.H.E.: _The Entente and Austria. Fortnightly_, May, 1918.
For a detailed and exhaustive list of all writings in the English language
on Bohemia and the Czecho-Slovaks, see _Bohemian Bibliography_, by Thomas
Capek and Anna Vostrovsky Capek, published by the Fleming H. Revell Co.,
Chicago, New York, Edinburgh and London, 1918.
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