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Title: History For Ready Reference, Volume 7
Recent History (1901 to 1910)
Author: J. N. Larned
Release date: May 16, 2024 [eBook #73639]
Language: English
Original publication: Springfield, Mass: C. A. Nichols Co, 1895
Credits: Don Kostuch
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY FOR READY REFERENCE, VOLUME 7 ***
[Transcriber's notes.
This work is derived from:
https://archive.org/details/historyforreadyr07larn
To provide some "foresight" on the many international
conflicts mentioned in this work, I suggest reading a review
of World War I, which commences four years after the
publication of this work. For example:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_War_I
These modifications are intended to provide
continuity of the text for ease of searching and reading.
1. To avoid breaks in the narrative, page numbers (shown in curly
brackets "{1234}") are usually placed between paragraphs. In this
case the page number is preceded and followed by an empty line.
To remove page numbers use the Regular Expression:
"^{[0-9]+}" to "" (empty string)
2. If a paragraph is exceptionally long, the page number is
placed at the nearest sentence break on its own line, but
without surrounding empty lines.
3. Blocks of unrelated text are moved to a nearby break
between subjects.
5. Use of em dashes and other means of space saving are
replaced with spaces and newlines.
6. Subjects are arranged thusly:
---------------------------------
MAIN SUBJECT TITLE IN UPPER CASE
Subheading one.
Subheading two.
Subject text.
See CROSS REFERENCE ONE.
See Also CROSS REFERENCE TWO.
_John Smith,
External Citation Title,
Chapter 3, page 89._
---------------------------------
Main titles are at the left margin, in all upper case
(as in the original) and are preceded by an empty line.
Subheadings (if any) are indented three spaces and
immediately follow the main title.
Text of the article (if any) follows the list of subtitles
(if any) and is preceded with an empty line and indented
three spaces.
References to other articles in this work are in all upper
case (as in the original) and indented six spaces. They
usually begin with "See", "Also" or "Also in". "See" is
followed by either "(in this Volume)" or the Volume number
of one of the preceding six Volumes.
Citations of works outside this book are indented six spaces
and in italics (as in the original). The bibliography in
Volume 1, APPENDIX F on page xxi provides additional details,
including URLs of available internet versions.
----------Subject: Start--------
----------Subject: End----------
indicates the start/end of a group of subheadings or other
large block.
To search for words separated by an unknown number of other
characters, use this Regular Expression to find the words
"first" and "second" separated by between 1 and 100 characters:
"first.{1,100}second"
A list of all words used in this work is found at the end of
this file as an aid for finding words with unusual spellings
that are archaic, contain non-Latin letters, or are spelled
differently by various authors. Search for:
"Word List: Start".
I use these free search tools:
Notepad++ — https://notepad-plus-plus.org
Agent Ransack or FileLocator Pro — https://www.mythicsoft.com
Several tables are best viewed using a fixed spacing font such
Courier New.
End Transcriber's Notes.]
{i}
HISTORY
FOR READY REFERENCE
FROM THE BEST
HISTORIANS, BIOGRAPHERS, AND SPECIALISTS
THEIR OWN WORDS IN A COMPLETE
SYSTEM OF HISTORY
FOR ALL USES, EXTENDING TO ALL COUNTRIES AND SUBJECTS, AND
REPRESENTING FOR BOTH READERS AND STUDENTS THE
BETTER AND NEWER LITERATURE OF HISTORY
IN THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE
BY
J. N. LARNED
WITH NUMEROUS HISTORICAL MAPS FROM ORIGINAL STUDIES
AND DRAWINGS BY
ALAN C. REILEY
REVISED AND ENLARGED EDITION
IN SEVEN VOLUMES
Volume VII.—RECENT HISTORY
(1901 TO 1910)
A to Z
SPRINGFIELD, MASS.
THE C. A. NICHOLS CO., PUBLISHERS
1910
{ii}
Copyright, 1910,
BY J. N. LARNED.
_The Riverside Press, Cambridge, Mass., U. S. A._
Printed by H. O. Houghton & Company
{iii}
PREFACE TO THE SEVENTH VOLUME
In the preface to the Sixth Volume of this work, published in
the spring of 1901, it was remarked that the last half-dozen
years of the Nineteenth Century, which that Volume covered,
had been filled with events so remarkable and changes so
revolutionary in political and social conditions that many
people had asked for an extension of my work to report them.
The years then reviewed disclosed only the beginnings of what
the decade since has been developing, in movements and
achievements so varied, so numerous, in such rapid succession,
with effects so profound and so problematical, that their
appeal to our interest seems the strongest that has come to us
yet from human history. That the interest in them justifies
this further extension of my compilation of "recent history"
has been made clear to me by the frequency of the suggestions
of another Volume which have come to the publisher and to
myself. In the new Volume I have striven to make a clear
exhibit of all these strangely pregnant evolutionary and
revolutionary movements of the present time, which are
traversing all divisions and institutions of all society,
occidental and oriental, along all the lines of its
organization,—international, national, municipal, political,
industrial, intellectual, moral,—leaving nothing in life
untouched.
A few indications of the subjects dealt with most extensively
in the Volume may convey some idea of its scope, and of the
aims pursued in its preparation. For example: "Railways" and
"Combinations" ("Trusts"), treated mainly as the subjects of
regulative governmental action, occupy 38 pages in all. "Labor
Organization" fills 25 pages with the incidents of its trade
unions, labor parties, strikes, mediations, arbitrations and
industrial agreements. "Labor Protection" receives 6 pages,
for the account of what has been done in various countries in
the matters of employers’ liability, industrial insurance,
hours of work, etc. "Labor Remuneration" receives 9 pages, for
the reporting of experiments in cooperation, profit-sharing,
wages-regulation, pensions, etc. Various dealings with the
problems of "Poverty and Unemployment" are set forth in 8
pages; similarly the problems of "Crime and Criminology"
receive nearly 6; those of the Liquor Traffic 9; those of the
Opium evil, 3. The development of organized work for "Social
Betterment" is traced in 5 pages; that of reform in "Municipal
Government" in 12. The "Race Problems," which are troubling
many countries and people, are depicted in 15 pages.
Twenty-six pages are given to the Educational history of the
last decade; recent "Science and Invention" are reported in
16. "Children under the Law" are the subject of 8 interesting
pages on recent legislation touching the young.
The contradictory states of temper in the world on the subject
of War are depicted under two contrasted headings—"War, The
Preparations for" and "War, The Revolt against," in
particulars which fill 35 pages. Of the one great war of the
period, between Japan and Russia, and the triumph of mediation
which brought it to a close, the narrative, in about 20 pages,
is full. The story of the late revolution in Turkey is told
authentically in 9 pages, and that of Persia in 10. The
abortive attempts at revolution in Russia, and the sham of
constitutional government conceded, have their history in 18
pages. The signs of wakened life in China are described in 12.
The discontent of India and Lord Morley’s measures of reform
in the
{iv}
British-Indian government, enlarging the native representation
in it, are set forth broadly in 15. Generally, as concerns the
British Empire, the interesting conditions that have arisen in
it very lately, adding South Africa to the group of unified
Colonial Dominions, which are young British nations in the
making, and drawing them all into a league with the "Mother
Country" for organized imperial defense, are amply portrayed.
So, too, are the agitations in recent British politics at
home, which have arisen from an increasing antagonism between
popular interests represented in the House of Commons and
class interests intrenched in the House of Lords. In American
politics, the remarkable invigoration and freshening of spirit
which characterized the administration of President Roosevelt
are made apparent in a broad exhibit of their many effective
results.
As was said of Volume VI., it can be said, I think, with even
more truth of this, that it presents "History in the
making,—the day by day evolution of events and changes as they
passed under the hands and before the eyes and were recorded
by the pens of the actual makers and witnesses of them."
As an appendix to the present Volume, a new feature, related
to the whole work, has been introduced. It offers a
considerably extensive series of systematic courses for
historical study and reading, the literature for which is
supplied in the seven Volumes of "History for Ready
Reference." This has been prepared in response to many
requests which the publishers have received. Even for casual
investigations it will be found serviceable to every possessor
and user of the work.
J. N. L.
Buffalo, New York, May, 1910.
{v}
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I am indebted to the following named authors and publishers
for permission kindly given me to quote from books and
periodicals, all of which are duly referred to in connection
with the passages borrowed severally from them:
The publishers of
The American Catholic Quarterly Review,
The American Monthly Review of Reviews,
The Associated Prohibition Press,
The Atlantic Monthly Magazine,
The Boston Transcript,
The Century Magazine,
The Contemporary Review,
The Fortnightly Review,
The New York Evening Post,
The New York State Journal of Medicine,
The Nineteenth Century Review,
The North American Review,
The Outlook,
The Times (London),
Messrs. T. & T. Clark, Edinburgh,
Messrs. Doubleday,
Page & Co.,
Messrs. E. P. Dutton & Co.,
Messrs. Harper & Brothers,
Messrs. Henry Holt & Co.,
Messrs. Houghton Mifflin Company,
Messrs. John Lane Company,
Messrs. Charles Scribner’s Sons;
Professors Joseph H. Beale and Bruce Wyman (as joint authors);
Mr. Frederick H. Clark, Head of History Department,
Lowell High School, San Francisco;
Mr. George Iles, author of "Inventors at Work",
Dr. James Brown Scott, Solicitor of the U. S. Department of State.
I am much indebted, furthermore, to the courtesy of many
societies and persons from whom I have received reports and
other documents that were essential to my work; and especially
do I owe much to the helpfulness of many on the staff of the
Buffalo Public Library.
{1}
HISTORY FOR READY REFERENCE
ABD EL AZIZ, Sultan of Morocco.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1903, and 1907-1909.
ABDUL HAMID II., Sultan of Turkey.
His forced restoration of the Constitution of 1876 .
His faithlessness to it.
His deposition.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (July-December.),
and 1909 (January-May).
ABDULLA MOHAMMED, The Mullah.
See (in this Volume)
Africa: Somaliland.
ABDURAHMAN,
Ameer of Afghanistan: Death, 1901.
See (in this Volume)
AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1901-1904.
ABERDEEN, The Earl of: Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.
ABERDEEN, Lady.
See (in this Volume)
WOMEN, INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL OF.
"ABIR," or A. B. I. R. COMPANY, The.
See (in this Volume)
CONGO STATE: A. D. 1903-1905.
ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902 .
The French in favor.
Their railway building and plans.
"Through Abyssinia the French hope to establish a line of
trade across Africa from east to west in opposition to our
Cape to Cairo railway from north to south. In this they have
already achieved some success. They have settled themselves
along the Gulf of Tadjoura, on the south of which they hold
the magnificent Bay of Djibouti, while on the north their flag
waves over the small port of Obok. But their real triumph in
these regions has been the establishment of a lasting
friendship with Abyssinia by judicious consignments of arms
and ammunition—which were used against Italy in the war of
1896. Finally, they are now in the act of building a French
railway from Djibouti to Addis Abeba, the capital of
Abyssinia. This railway will completely cut out the British
port of Zeila, for in the concession granted by Menelik it is
stipulated that no company is to be permitted to construct a
railroad on Abyssinian territory that shall enter into
competition with that of M. Ilg and M. Chefneux. …
"At Menelik’s capital, Addis Abeba, there is, to use the
expression of M. Hugues le Roux, a silent duel in progress
between the representatives of the various nationalities. We
are represented by Colonel Harrington. But, although Menelik
is wise enough to extend a friendly greeting to all, there is
no reason to suppose that we should enjoy as great a share of
favour as other nations. Although throughout the war we
preserved a strict neutrality, we are regarded as a powerful
and aggressive neighbour, and as the ally of Italy, whereas
the French have been the truest friends of Abyssinia. The
Russians are also in communication with the Negus, and their
efforts are, of course, seconded by France. As for the
Italians, their position seems now to be as good as that of
any European nation."
_G. F. H. Berkeley,
The Abyssinian Question and its History
(Nineteenth Century, January, 1903)._
ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.
Treaty with Great Britain.
A treaty between Great Britain and the Emperor Menelek, of the
kingdom of Ethiopia (Abyssinia), signed on the 15th of May,
1902, defines the boundaries between the Soudan and Ethiopia,
and contains the following important provisions:
"Article III.
His Majesty the Emperor Menelek II., King of Kings of
Ethiopia, engages himself towards the Government of his
Britannic Majesty not to construct, or allow to be
constructed, any work across the Blue Nile, Lake Tsana, or the
Sobat, which would arrest the flow of their waters into the
Nile, except in agreement with his Britannic Majesty’s
Government and the Government of the Soudan.
Article IV.
The Emperor Menelek engages himself to allow his Britannic
Majesty’s Government and the Government of the Soudan to
select in the neighborhood of Itang, on the Baro River, a
block of territory having a river frontage of not more than
2000 metres, in area not exceeding 400 hectares, which shall
be leased to the Government of the Soudan, to be administered
and occupied as a commercial station, so long as the Soudan is
under the Anglo-Egyptian Government. It is agreed between the
two high contracting parties that the territory so leased
shall not be used for any political or military purpose.
Article V.
The Emperor Menelek grants his Britannic Majesty’s Government
and the Government of the Soudan the right to construct a
railway through Abyssinian territory to connect the Soudan
with Uganda. A route for the railway will be selected by
mutual agreement between the two high contracting parties."
ACCIDENTS TO WORKMEN:
In the United States.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR PROTECTION.
ACHINESE, Dutch hostilities with the.
See (in this Volume)
NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1904.
ACRE DISPUTES, The:
Claims on the region by Brazil, Peru, and Bolivia.
Its final partition.
A considerable territory of much richness in the southwestern
part of the Amazon Valley, around the upper waters of the
Madeira, the Aquiry, and the Purus tributaries, was long in
dispute between Brazil, Bolivia, and Peru, and became a cause
of serious quarrel between the two first named in 1903. The
then Brazilian President, Rodriguez Alves, in his first annual
message, May, 1903, stated the situation from the Brazilian
standpoint as follows:
"Our former relations of such cordial friendship with Bolivia
have suffered a not insignificant strain since the time when
the Government of that sister Republic, unable to maintain its
authority in the Acre region, inhabited exclusively, as you
know, by Brazilians who, many years previously, had
established themselves there in good faith, saw fit to deliver
it over to a foreign syndicate upon whom it conferred powers
almost sovereign. That concession, as dangerous for the
neighboring nations as for Bolivia itself, encountered general
disapproval in South America As the most immediately
interested, Brazil, already in the time of my illustrious
predecessor, protested against the contract to which I refer,
and entered upon the policy of reprisals, prohibiting the free
transit by the Amazon of merchandise between Bolivia and
abroad.
{2}
Neither that protest nor the counsels of friendship produced
at that time the desired effect in La Paz, and, far from
rescinding the contract or making the hoped-for modifications
therein, the Bolivian Government concluded an especial
arrangement for the purpose of hurrying the entrance of the
syndicate into the possession of the territory.
"When I assumed the government that was the situation, and in
addition the inhabitants of the Acre, who had again proclaimed
their independence, were masters of the whole country,
excepting Puerto Acre, of which they did not get possession
until the end of January. Although since January negotiations
have been initiated by us for the purpose of removing amicably
the cause of the disorders and complications which have had
their seat of action in the Acre ever since the time when for
the first time the Bolivian authorities penetrated thither, in
1899, yet the Government of La Paz has nevertheless thought
proper that its President and his minister of war should march
against that territory at the head of armed forces with the
end in view of crushing its inhabitants and then establishing
the agents of the syndicate."
The Brazilian President proceeded then to relate that he had
notified the Bolivian Government of the intention of Brazil to
"defend as its boundary the parallel of 10° 20' south," which
it held to be the line indicated by the letter and the spirit
of a treaty concluded in 1867; and that Bolivia had then
agreed to a settlement of the dispute through diplomatic
channels. "Upon the Bolivian Government agreeing to this," he
continued, "we promptly reestablished freedom of transit for
its foreign commerce by Brazilian waters. Shortly after this
the syndicate, by reason of the indemnity which we paid it,
renounced the concession which had been made it, eliminating
thus this disturbing element."
In conclusion of the subject, President Alves reported: "To
the Peruvian Government we have announced, very willingly,
since January, that we will examine, with attention, the
claims which in due time they may be pleased to make upon the
subject of the territories now in dispute between Brazil and
Bolivia."
The result of the ensuing negotiations between Brazil and
Bolivia was a treaty signed in the following November and duly
ratified, the terms of which were summarized as follows in a
despatch from the American Legation at La Paz, December 26:
"Three months after exchange of ratifications Brazil is to pay
an indemnity of £1,000,000 and in March, 1905, £1,000,000. A
small strip of territory, north Marso, Brazilero, embracing
Bahia Negra and a port opposite Coimbra, on Paraguay River,
are conceded, and all responsibilities respecting Peruvian
contentions are assumed. The disputed Acre territory is
conceded by Bolivia. A railroad for the common use of both
countries is to be built from San Antonio, on Madeira River,
to Cuajar Ameren, on Mamore River, within four years after
ratification. Free navigation on the Amazon and its Bolivian
affluents is conceded. A mixed commission, with umpire chosen
from the diplomatic representation to Brazil, will treat all
individual Acre claims."
Subsequently it was determined in Bolivia that the entire
indemnity received from Brazil should be expended on
railroads, with an additional sum of £3,500,000, to be raised
by loan.
For the settlement of the remaining question of rights in the
Acre territory, between Bolivia and Peru, a treaty of
arbitration, negotiated in December, 1902, but ratified with
modifications by the Bolivian Congress in October, 1903,
provided that "the high contracting parties submit to the
judgment and decision of the Government of the Argentine
Republic, as arbitrator and judge of rights, the question of
limits now pending between both republics, so as to obtain a
definite and unappealable sentence, in virtue of which all the
territory which in 1810 belonged to the jurisdiction or
district of the Ancient Audience of Charcas, within the limits
of the viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres, by acts of the ancient
sovereign, may belong to the Republic of Bolivia; and all the
territory which at the same date and by acts of equal origin
belonged to the viceroyalty of Peru may belong to the Republic
of Peru."
The case was pending until July, 1909, when judgment favorable
to the claims of Peru was pronounced by the President of the
Argentine Republic, Señor Figueroa Alcorta. According to the
award, as announced officially from Peru, the line was drawn
to "follow the rivers Heath and Madre de Dios up to the mouth
of the Toromonas and from there a straight line as far as the
intersection of the river Tehuamanu with meridian 69. It will
then run northwards along this meridian until it meets the
territorial sovereignty of another nation."
The Bolivians were enraged by the decision against them, and
riotous attacks were made on the Argentine Legation at La Paz,
the Bolivian capital, and on Argentine consulates elsewhere.
Worse than this in offensiveness was a published declaration
by President Montes of Bolivia that the arbitration award
respecting the frontiers of Bolivia and Peru had been given by
Argentina without regard to Bolivia’s petition that an actual
inspection of the territory should be made in case the
documents and titles submitted were unsatisfactory. "Had this
been done," said the President of Bolivia, "the arbitrator
would have been convinced of the respective possessions of the
two countries. It is inexplicable how the arbitrator, after
examining the titles and documents, could give such a
decision. He passed over the elementary principles of
international rights in awarding to Peru territory which had
never been questioned as belonging to Bolivia. As a
consequence Bolivia rejects the award."
The insulted Government of Argentina demanded explanations;
diplomatic relations between the two countries were broken
off, and war seemed imminent. Fortunately the term of
President Montes was near its close, and a man of evidently
cooler temper, Elidoro Villazon, succeeded him in the
Presidency on August 12th. The new President, in his message
to Congress next day, while characterizing the award as
unjust, said: "We must proceed circumspectly, and be guided by
international rights and the customs of civilized nations in
similar cases. I consider it right to avail ourselves of the
means offered by diplomacy to obtain a rectification of the
new frontier line given by arbitration, thus saving the
compromised possessions of Bolivia."
{3}
With this better spirit entering into the controversy, Bolivia
was soon able to arrange with Peru for a concession from the
latter which made her people willing to recognize the award.
This agreement was effected on the 11th of September, and its
terms, as made known in a despatch from Rio de Janeiro, were
as follows:
"Peru surrenders to Bolivia a very small extent of territory
lying between the Madre de Dios River and the Acre, traversed
by the rivers Tahuamano and Buyamaro, which together form the
river Orton, an affluent of the Beni River. This territory,
with an area of about 6,500 square kilometres, was discovered
and colonized by Bolivians, who to-day are in possession of
numerous prosperous industries there. Peru gets possession of
all the upper course of the Madre de Dios, from its head
waters to its confluence with the river Heath. Such a slight
modification as the foregoing from the decision reached by the
arbitrator in no way disturbs the Argentine Republic."
As between Peru and Brazil the boundary question was settled
by a treaty signed at Rio de Janeiro on the 8th of September,
three days before the Bolivian pacification.
This probably closes a territorial dispute which has troubled
four countries in South America for many years, and brought
quarrelling couples to the verge of war a number of times.
ADANA, Massacres at.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (January-May), and (April-December).
ADDIS ABEBA, Capital of Abyssinia.
See (in this Volume)
ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.
ADULTERATIONS, Laws against.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH: PURE FOOD LAWS.
AEHRENTHAL, Baron.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.
AERONAUTICS.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT.
AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1901-1906.
Death of Abdurahman.
Succession of his son, Habibullah.
Signs of a progressive spirit in the new Ameer.
The late Ameer, Abdurahman, died in October, 1901, and was
succeeded by his eldest son, Habibullah. Early in the third
year of his reign the new Ameer began to show signs of a wish
to have his country move a little on the lines of European
progress, in the march which so many of his Asiatic neighbors
were joining. His undertakings were disturbed for a time by
trouble with his half-brother, Omar Jan, and with the latter’s
mother, the Bibi Halima or Queen of the Harem; but he brought
the trouble to an end which does not seem to have been
tragical, and that, in itself, is a notable mark in his favor.
The Russo-Japanese War interested him immensely, and he
established a daily post between Khyber and Cabul to bring
speedy news of events. He then read the reports in public,
with expositions, to make the listening people understand the
bearing of what was happening on their own interests, and the
lessons they should learn from what the Japanese were doing.
He is said to have done much in the way of improving
agriculture and horse-breeding in Afghanistan; he has a desire
to establish a Chiefs’ College, with the English language as
the basis of instruction, but has met with strong opposition
in this undertaking; and he has introduced electric lighting,
with probably other luxuries of modern science, in Cabul. Such
things in Afghanistan mark a highly progressive man. His
political intelligence is proved by the cordiality of his
relations with the British Indian Government. An interesting
account of conditions in the Ameer’s country in 1904 was given
by Mr. D. C. Boulger, in the Fortnightly Review of December,
that year, under the title of "The Awakening of Afghanistan."
AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1905.
The Ameer becomes King.
In a new treaty between the Government of Great Britain and
the Ameer of Afghanistan, the latter was recognized as King.
AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1907.
Convention between Great Britain and Russia relative to
Afghanistan.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).
AFRICA:
Its Colonizability by white peoples.
The regions habitable by Europeans.
"There are three obstacles to the white race from Europe
overrunning and colonising the continent of Africa as it has
overrun and colonised the two Americas and Australasia. The
first is the insalubrity of the well-watered regions and the
uninhabitability of the desert tracts; the second is the
opposition of strong indigenous races; and the third, of quite
recent growth, is a growing sentiment which is increasingly
influencing public opinion, in Europe more especially, and
which forbids the white man to do evil that good may come:
namely, to displace by force of arms pre-existing races in
order that, the white man may take the land they occupy for
his own use. It is probable that the second and third reasons
combined may in future prove the more effective checks.
Deserts, to be made habitable and cultivable, only need
irrigation, and apparently there is a subterranean water
supply underlying most African deserts which can be tapped by
artesian wells. The extreme unhealthiness of the well-watered
parts of Africa is due not so much to climate as to the
presence of malaria in the systems of the Negro inhabitants.
This malaria is conveyed from the black man to the white man
by certain gnats of the genus _Anopheles_—possibly by
other agencies. But the draining of marshes and the
sterilisation of pools, together with other measures, may
gradually bring about the extinction of the mosquito; while,
on the other hand, it seems as though the drug (_Cassia
Beareana_) obtained from the roots of a cassia bush may act
as a complete cure for malarial fever. …
"For practical purposes the only areas south of the Sahara
Desert which at the present time are favourable to white
colonisation are the following. In West Africa there can be no
white colonisation under existing conditions; the white man
can only remain there for a portion of his working life as an
educator and administrator. … In North-East Africa,
Abyssinia and Eritrea will suggest themselves as white man’s
countries—presenting, that is to say, some of the conditions
favourable to European colonisation. The actual coast of
Eritrea is extremely hot, almost the hottest country in the
world, but it is not necessarily very unhealthy. The heat,
however, apart from the existence of a fairly abundant native
population, almost precludes the idea of a European
settlement. But on the mountains of the hinterland which are
still within Italian territory there are said to be a few
small areas suited at any rate to settlement by Italians, who,
by-the-by, seem to be getting on very well with the natives in
that part of Africa. But a European colonisation of Abyssinia,
possible as it might be climatically, is out of the question
in view of the relatively abundant and warlike population
indigenous to the Ethiopian Empire. …
{4}
"Then comes Central Africa, which may be taken to range from
the northern limits of the Congo basin and the Great Lakes on
the north to the Cunenc River and the Zambesi on the south.
British East Africa and Uganda offer probably the largest
continuous area of white man’s country in the central section
of the continent. The Ankole country in the southwest of the
Uganda Protectorate and the highlands north of Tanganyika,
together with the slopes of the Ruwenzori range, offer small
tracts of land thoroughly suited to occupation by a white race
so far as climate and fertility are concerned; but these
countries have already been occupied, to a great extent, by
some of the earliest forerunners of the Caucasian (the
Bahima), as well as by sturdy Negro tribes who have become
inured to the cold. To the northeast of the Victoria Nyanza,
however, there is an area which has as its outposts the
southwest coast of Lake Rudolf, the great mountains of
Debasien and Elgon, and the snow-clad extinct volcanoes of
Kenia and Kilimanjaro. This land of plateaux and rift valleys
is not far short of 70,000 square miles in extent, and so far
as climate and other physical conditions are concerned is as
well suited for occupation by British settlers as Queensland
or New South Wales. But nearly 50,000 square miles of this
East African territory is more or less in the occupation of
sturdy Negro or Negroid races whom it would be neither just
nor easy to expel. …
"The only portion of German East Africa which is at all suited
to European settlement lies along the edge of the
Nyasa-Tanganyika Plateau. Here is a district of a little more
than a thousand square miles which is not only elevated and
healthy, but very sparsely populated by Negroes. A few patches
in the Katanga district and the extreme southern part of the
Congo Free State offer similar conditions.
"In British Central Africa we have perhaps 6,000 square miles
of elevated, sparsely populated, fertile country to the
northwest of Lake Nyasa and along the road to Tanganyika.
There is also land of this description in the North-East
Rhodesian province of British Central Africa, in Manikaland,
and along the water-parting between the Congo and the Zambesi
systems. Then in the southernmost prolongation of British
Central Africa are the celebrated Shire Highlands, which,
together with a few outlying mountain districts to the
southwest of Lake Nyasa, may offer a total area of about 5,000
square miles suitable to European colonisation. A small
portion of the Mozambique province, in the interior of the
Angoche coast, might answer to the same description. Then
again, far away to the west, under the same latitudes, we
have, at the back of Mossamedes and Benguela, other patches of
white man’s country in the mountains of Bailundo and Shclla.
"In South Africa, beyond the latitudes of the Zambesi, we come
to lands which are increasingly suited to the white man’s
occupation the further we proceed south. Nearly all German
South-West Africa is arid desert, but inland there are
plateaux and mountains which sometimes exceed 8,000 feet in
altitude, and which have a sufficient rainfall to make
European agriculture possible. … About two-thirds of the
Transvaal, a third of Rhodesia, a small portion of southern
Bechuanaland, two-thirds of the Orange River Colony,
four-fifths of Cape Colony, and a third of Natal sum up the
areas attributed to the white man in South Africa. The
remainder of this part of the continent must be considered
mainly as a reserve for the black man, and to a much smaller
degree (in South-East Africa) as a field for Asiatic
colonisation, preferentially on the part of British Indians.
"Counting the white-skinned Berbers and Arabs of North Africa,
and the more or less pure-blooded, light-skinned Egyptians, as
white men, and the land they occupy as part of the white man’s
share of the Dark Continent, we may then by a rough
calculation arrive (by adding to white North Africa the other
areas enumerated in the rest of the continent) at the fol-
lowing estimate: that about 970,000 square miles of the whole
African continent may be attributed to the white man as his
legitimate share. If, however, we are merely to consider the
territory that lies open to European colonisation, then we
must considerably reduce our North African estimate."
_H. H. Johnston,
The White Man's Place in Africa
(Nineteenth Century, June, 1904)._
AFRICA:
Agreements between England and France concerning Egypt,
Morocco, Senegambia, and Madagascar.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).
AFRICA:
British, German, and Congo frontier agreement.
The following was telegraphed to the Press from Berlin,
November 29, 1909:
"An agreement was signed in Berlin during the summer, Reuter’s
representative learns, whereby various questions affecting the
frontier lines between British Uganda and German East Africa
and the Congo, which have been under discussion for years,
were definitely settled. The agreement is understood to be
satisfactory to both parties, but the details are not to be
published as yet."
AFRICA:
French Central: A Land-locked Empire.
"Since 1898, successive expeditions have converged from the
French Niger Territories, from South Algeria, and from the
French Congo towards Lake Tchad, which has ever exercised a
mystic charm over the minds of explorers. Rabah, the usurper
of Bornou, has been killed, and his son Fadel’allah recently
met the same fate, so that all the belt of black countries
stretching from the north of Sokoto, the north of Bornon and
Baghirmi to the confines of Wadaï, the most easterly limit of
the French sphere, are now occupied in a military sense. …
Even if we consider the French as now firmly settled in these
countries, peopled with timid blacks from whom little is to be
feared, the succeeding problem, what to do with them, presents
no seductive outlook.
"The key to the situation is the question of transport, for
here we have a vast land-locked empire, the roads to which are
long, complicated, and difficult. For the present the question
of a great Trans-Saharan railway may be left out of account,
and in all probability more mature consideration will convince
the French of the futility of such a scheme. Three roads
running through French territory are available; from the
east by the Niger, from the south by the French Congo, and
from the north, Tunis or Algeria, across the great Sahara.
{5}
Of the three, the only one which can be made of practical
utility for a long time to come is that across the Sahara.
From the centre of Africa there are several well-known caravan
routes, all capable of being commercially used, provided the
intervening tribes can be brought to acquiesce in the French
domination. All these terminate in Turkish territory."
_E. J. Wardle,
The French in Central Africa
(Contemporary Review, October, 1902)._
AFRICA:
Subjugation of Hausa Land and occupation of Sokoto.
Early in 1903 the High Commissioner of Nigeria, Sir F. Lugard,
sent an expedition against the Emir of Kano, in the northern
part of the Nigerian Protectorate, within the Sultanate of
Sokoto, which had never been made submissive to the rule which
Great Britain claimed. Kano was reached and taken by assault
on the 3d of February, the Emir and his horsemen escaping
toward Sokoto. The expedition then proceeded against Sokoto,
where feeble resistance was offered, and the seat of the
Sultanate was taken on the 15th of March. These conquests are
believed to have effected a firm establishment of British
ascendancy throughout the Niger territory, from the coast to
the Saharan sphere of the French. The possession of Kano is
important, as it is the starting point of caravan routes
eastward and northward and the chief commercial town of the
Western Sudan.
AFRICA:
Rapid development of the railway system.
See (in this Volume)
Railways: Nigeria.
AFRICA:
French Mauretanie.
See Morocco: A. D.1909.
AFRICA:
French Western: Eradication of Yellow Fever.
See PUBLIC HEALTH: A. D. 1901-1905.
AFRICA:
German Colonies: Cost to Germany.
Small number of German Colonists.
See GERMANY: A. D. 1903.
AFRICA:
Unpopularity of the Colonial Policy in Germany.
See GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.
AFRICA:
Wars with the Natives.
In the German Parliament, on the 12th of January, 1905, it was
stated by the Director of the Colonial Department, Dr. Stübel,
that up to that date 11,000 German troops had been employed
against the Hereros and Witbois in Southwest Africa, and that
the campaign of 1904 had cost 42,000,000 marks (about
$10,500,000). The military estimate for 1905 was 60,000,000
marks. General von Trotha, Governor of the colony, who had
been in command of operations, and who had set a price on the
heads of Morenga and other insurgent chiefs, and had
threatened the whole tribe with extermination, was to be
superseded; but the Emperor, notwithstanding, conferred on him
the Order "Pour le Merite." A similar conflict with the
natives in German East Africa was opened in August, 1905, by
the murder of Bishop Spiers and four missionaries and Sisters
of Mercy. The Wangonis are of the Zulu race, mustering about
30,000 warriors, and reinforcements of the German troops had
to be sent out.
AFRICA:
Opening of Diamond Fields.
Diamond discoveries in German Southwest Africa began to
acquire importance in 1908. As stated in a lecture on the
subject by Herr Dernburg, the German Colonial Secretary, at
Berlin, in January, 1909, these diamond deposits lie in
crescent form around Lüderitz Bay, beginning to the south of
Elizabeth Bay and extending northwards to the sea-coast in the
vicinity of Anischab. The full extent of the stretch of
diamond-bearing sand can only be ascertained by careful
measurement, but it is even now permissible to describe the
deposits as very considerable. The diamonds, which are found
mixed with small agates and other half-precious stones, vary
from one-fifth to three-quarters of a carat—the average not
exceeding one-third of a carat. They are almost perfect
octahedrons of good water. The regular exploitation may be
said to have begun in September, 1908, the total recovered
before that date only amounting to 2,720 carats. In September
the amount was 6,644 carats, in October 8,621, in November
10,228, and in December 11,549, or in all 39,762, the price of
which would be about £55,000. The administrative regulations
introduced stipulate, first, that half the net profit shall go
to the Southwest African Treasury; secondly, that measures
shall be taken to secure an adequate market for the new supply
and to prevent depreciation; thirdly, that suitable conditions
shall be established for the working of the mines; and,
fourthly, that their exploitation shall be mainly reserved for
German capital, and that increased work shall be provided for
the German diamond-cutting industry.
AFRICA: Portuguese: A. D. 1905-1908.
Continued existence of slavery.
General F. Joubert-Pienaar, one of the prominent Boer leaders
in the Boer-British War, is the authority for startling
statements concerning the continued maintenance of slavery in
Portuguese Africa. He attempted to become a settler in that
region, and related subsequently what he saw and heard during
his stay in it. Of an experience at the Island Principe he
said: "The English director of the cable office took me to
some of the cocoa plantations, with which the slopes of the
hills are covered. He told me that it was a terribly unhealthy
place to live, and that Europeans could not exist there for
more than a couple of months at a time, and that frequent
changes have to be made, therefore, in the telegraph
department. He told me, further, that the year before the
whole original population of the island had died from malarial
fever, and that the following year they imported five hundred
slaves, men and women, to repopulate the island. That was ten
months before my visit. Pointing to five women walking on the
street, he said: 'There are all that are left of the women
imported, and only about a dozen men remain.' I asked him how
they carried on the work of the plantations. He said it was
done by simply importing slaves, from time to time, to replace
those who had died."
General Joubert-Pienaar declares that he never heard of a
single case where one of these slaves had returned to his own
country, while in the coast towns the abnormal proportion of
native women and children noticeable is due to the fact that
the men have been sent as slaves to the islands. The method of
obtaining the slaves and of making the pretense of a contract
with them is thus described: "When any slaves are wanted in
the islands, the plantation owner informs the slave-traders on
the mainland. The slave-trader goes to a strong chief, inland,
and bargains with him for the number of slaves he requires,
generally paying him in rifles and ammunition.
{6}
This chief will not send any of his own men to the islands,
but, calling his braves, he goes to some weaker tribe, attacks
it, and annihilates the tribe, taking the men, women,
children, and cattle captive. The men, and as many
women as are necessary, he hands over to the
slave-trader, the rest of the women and the cattle he
keeps for himself and his people, and the children he
sells to colonists for slaves. On these slave-hunting
expeditions the most terrible cruelties are enacted and
the most gruesome atrocities perpetrated. … Arriving at
the coast, these men—and sometimes women when they are
required—are brought before an officer appointed for the
purpose. He reads the contract to them in Portuguese; and
after the contract has been read to these people, who do not
understand one word of the language, a black man, who is
stationed there for the purpose, shouts to these slaves to say
‘Yes!’ Of course they all repeat the ‘Yes’ after him, and the
Portuguese official then certifies that these men have all
agreed to go and work on the islands under the terms of the
contract read to them. He then takes a little tin box, in
which a copy of the contract is placed, and ties it around the
neck of each of the slaves."
AFRICA:
Somaliland: Troubles with the Mullah.
In 1902 the British in their Somali Coast Protectorate began
to be harassed by raids from the bordering desert region led
by a religious agitator who had assumed the character known as
that of a Mullah. Three years previously the British Consul at
Berbera had reported to London the appearance of this
personage, Muhammad Abdullah by name, in the Dolbahanta
country, and that he was said to be "collecting arms and men
with a view to establishing his authority over the
southeastern portion of the Protectorate." He had made several
pilgrimages to Mecca, and had attached himself there to a sect
which "preaches more regularity in the hours of prayer" and
"stricter attention to the forms of religion." He had begun
the use of force to compel the tribes of his region to join
his sect, and was evidently gaining power to make trouble. The
trouble was realized in due time, and became serious in 1902,
when, in October, Colonel Swayne, with a native levy of
troops, having driven the Mullah’s raiders back into the
desert, followed them thither, and suffered a serious reverse.
He was attacked and compelled to retreat, with a loss of two
officers and 70 men killed and two officers, with about 100
men wounded. Troops were then sent to the Protectorate from
India and careful preparations were made for dealing with the
Mullah in a more effectual way. He, meantime, sent demands for
political recognition and for the cession to him of a port.
Early in 1903 operations against the Mullah were renewed, with
strongly increased forces from India and from African native
levies; but the results were again disastrous. A detachment
from a column which pursued the Mullah into his own region
ventured too far in the advance and was overwhelmed, losing
nearly 200 officers and men. There appears to have been no
success during the year to counterbalance this reverse.
AFRICA:
Peace with the Mullah.
The Mullah was brought at last to an agreement with Great
Britain and Italy which established comparative peace for the
time being in Somaliland, with the promise of freedom in
trade.
Notwithstanding the pacific agreement with the Mullah,
effected in 1905, troubles on the Somali border have
continued, because of his attacks on friendly tribes. Early in
1909 it was announced that the British forces in Somaliland
were to be increased, but that there was no intention to
embark on any expedition against the Mullah. A despatch from
Bombay, India, on the 3d of January, said: "Further operations
against the Somaliland Mullah are strongly deprecated. It is
impossible to conduct a successful campaign, owing to the
difficulty of obtaining supplies, unless a light railway 200
miles long is built to Bohotle. The Mullah, who is an able
man, is not believed to be anxious to engage in fresh
hostilities with the British, but he is determined to dominate
the Hinterland. Experts consider that no new movement on the
lines of the last campaign would produce a satisfactory
result. The Mullah’s strength is unknown, but it is probably
great, as his camp sometimes covers ten square miles. His
mobility is astonishing, and he can always elude our troops.
Our present advanced outpost is Burao, 80 miles from Berbera,
where there is a small force of the King’s African Rifles. The
country is practically worthless, and the best course,
probably, is to hold the coast and to leave the far interior
severely alone. The friendly tribes cannot be further
effectively protected without permanently employing a large
force. Minor operations are now merely a waste of money."
AFRICA:
Sudan: Suppression of a new Mahdi.
A new Mahdi proclaimed himself in Southern Kordofan in
November, 1903. He was a native of Tunis, named Mahomed El
Amin, who had twice made the pilgrimage to Mecca. Colonel
Mahon, the Deputy-Governor of the Sudan, on hearing of
Mahomed’s proclamation, started instantly from Khartoum, with
200 cavalry, sending orders to El Obeid for 200 infantry, with
Maxims, to meet him near Tagalla. With this force, after a
five days march, through the desert toward the Tagalla
mountains, he caught the Mahdi, took him to El Obeid and tried
and hanged him straightway.
AFRICA:
Population.
Lord Cromer, in his annual report, 1904, estimated the
population of the Sudan, within the British-Egyptian
Condominium, at no more than 1,870,000, to which number it had
been reduced by war and disease from former estimates of
8,525,000, prior to the Mahdi domination.
See, also, ALGIERS, CONGO, EGYPT, MOROCCO,
RHODESIA, SOUTH AFRICA, etc.
AGLIPAY, Padre Gregorio:
His secession from the Roman Catholic Church in the Philippines.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902.
AGRAM TRIALS, The.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.
AGRARIAN INTEREST, in Germany:
Its triumph in 1909.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.
AGRARIAN LAW, The Russian.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (APRIL).
AGRICULTURAL CRISIS IN RUSSIA.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905.
AGRICULTURE:
Coöperative and other unions among farmers.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909;
AND LABOR REMUNERATION: COÖPERATIVE ORGANIZATION.
AGRICULTURE:
Dry Farming.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION: AGRICULTURE.
{7}
AGRICULTURE:
Germany: Decrease of agricultural population.
See GERMANY: A. D. 1907.
AGRICULTURE:
Increasing cooperative organization in Great Britain.
See LABOR REMUNERATION: COÖPERATIVE ORGANIZATION.
AGRICULTURE: International Institute:
Its origin and purpose.
Created under the auspices of the King of Italy.
Forty nations associated in its membership.
Its seat near Rome.
The idea of an international organization for systematizing
the agricultural production of the world and regulating the
markets of food products, by constant and authentic knowledge
of crops and conditions, was conceived some years ago by Mr.
David Lubin, of California. It was first expressed by him
publicly at Budapest in 1896, but was the growth of thirteen
years of thought preceding that date. As the result of Mr.
Lubin’s efforts to interest governments and peoples in the
project, King Victor Emmanuel III., of Italy, became its
hearty patron in 1903, and took the initiative step toward
effecting an organization as wide as the civilized world, by
inviting all nations to take part in a convention of delegates
for the purpose, at Rome, in May, 1905. The invitation, as
addressed to the Government of the United States by the
Italian Ambassador at Washington, on the 26th of February,
1905, was in these words: "By order of my government, I have
the honor to inform your excellency that His Majesty the King,
my august sovereign, has taken the initiative in the formation
of an international institute of agriculture to be composed of
representatives of the great agricultural societies of the
various countries and of delegates from the several
governments. This institute, being devoid of any political
intent, should tend to bring about a community of interests
among agriculturists and to protect these interests in the
markets of the world. It will study agricultural conditions in
the different countries, periodically indicating the supply
and the quality of products with accuracy and care, so as to
proportion production to demand, increase and distribute the
various crops according to the rate of consumption, render the
commerce of agricultural products less costly and more
expeditious, and suitably determine the prices thereof. Acting
in unison with the various national bureaus already existing,
it will furnish accurate information on conditions regarding
agricultural labor in various localities, and will regulate
and direct the currents of emigration. It will favor the
institution of agricultural exchanges and labor bureaus. It
will protect both producers and consumers against the excesses
of transportation and forestalling syndicates, keeping a watch
on middlemen, pointing out their abuses, and acquainting the
public with the true conditions of the market. It will foster
agreements for common defense against the diseases of plants
and live stock, against which individual defense is less
effectual. It will help to develop rural cooperation,
agricultural insurance, and agrarian credit. It will study and
propose measures of general interest, preparing international
agreements for the benefit of agriculture and the agricultural
classes.
"Carrying out the intention of His Majesty, the Italian
Government appeals to all friendly nations, each of which
ought to have its own representatives in the institute,
appointed to act as the exponents of their respective
governments, as organs of mutual relations, and as mediums of
reciprocal influence and information. It accordingly now
invites them to participate through their delegates in the
first convention, which is to be held at Rome next May for the
purpose of preparing rules for the new institute.
"The King’s Government trusts that the United States will be
willing to cooperate in the enterprise, the first inspiration
of which is due to an American citizen, and that, accepting
the invitation to the conference at Rome, it will send thither
a delegation commensurate with its importance as the foremost
agricultural nation in the world."
Gratifying responses to the invitation were made by most, if
not all, of the governments addressed, and the Conference at
Rome was held at the appointed time. It concluded its sessions
on the 7th of June by attaching the signatures of the
delegates of the Powers represented to a final Act, which
embodies the resolutions on which they had agreed. This Act of
organization was as follows:
"Article 1.
There is hereby created a permanent international institute of
agriculture, having its seat at Rome.
"Article 2.
The international institute of agriculture is to be a
government institution, in which each adhering power shall be
represented by delegates of its choice. The institute shall be
composed of a general assembly and a permanent committee, the
composition and duties of which are defined in the ensuing
articles.
"Article 3.
The general assembly of the institute shall be composed of the
representatives of the adhering governments. Each nation,
whatever be the number of its delegates, shall be entitled to
a number of votes in the assembly which shall be determined
according to the group to which it belongs, and to which
reference will be made in article 10.
"Article 4.
The general assembly shall elect for each session from among
its members a president and two vice-presidents. The sessions
shall take place on dates fixed by the last general assembly
and according to a programme proposed by the permanent
committee and adopted by the adhering governments.
"Article 5.
The general assembly shall exercise supreme control over the
international institute of agriculture. It shall approve the
projects prepared by the permanent committee regarding the
organization and internal workings of the institute. It shall
fix the total amount of expenditures and audit and approve the
accounts. It shall submit to the approval of the adhering
governments modifications of any nature involving an increase
in expenditure or an enlargement of the functions of the
institute. It shall set the date for holding the sessions. It
shall prepare its regulations. The presence at the general
assemblies of delegates representing two-thirds of the
adhering nations shall be required in order to render the
deliberations valid.
"Article 6.
The executive power of the institute is intrusted to the
permanent committee, which, under the direction and control of
the general assembly, shall carry out the decisions of the
latter and prepare propositions to submit to it.
{8}
"Article 7.
The permanent committee shall be composed of members
designated by the respective governments. Each adhering nation
shall be represented in the permanent committee by one member.
However, the representation of one nation may be intrusted to
a delegate of another adhering nation, provided that the
actual number of members shall not be less than fifteen. The
conditions of voting in the permanent committee shall be the
same as those indicated in article 3 for the general
assemblies.
"Article 8.
The permanent committee shall elect from among its
members for a period of three years a president and a
vice-president, who may be reelected. It shall prepare
its internal regulations, vote the budget of the
institute within the limits of the funds placed at its
disposal by the general assembly, and appoint and remove
the officials and employees of its office. The general
secretary of the permanent committee shall act as
secretary' of the assembly.
"Article 9.
The institute, confining its operations within an
international sphere, shall—
(a) Collect, study, and publish as promptly as possible
statistical, technical, or economic information concerning
farming, both vegetable and animal products, the commerce in
agricultural products, and the prices prevailing in the
various markets:
(b) Communicate to parties interested, also as promptly as
possible, all the information just referred to;
(c) Indicate the wages paid for farm work;
(d) Make known the new diseases of vegetables which may appear
in any part of the world, showing the territories infected,
the progress of the disease, and, if possible, the remedies
which are effective in combating them;
(e) Study questions concerning agricultural coöperation,
insurance, and credit in all their aspects; collect and
publish information which might be useful in the various
countries in the organization of works connected with
agricultural coöperation, insurance, and credit;
(f) Submit to the approval of the governments, if there is
occasion for it, measures for the protection of the common
interests of farmers and for the improvement of their
condition, after having utilized all the necessary sources of
information, such as the wishes expressed by international or
other agricultural congresses or congresses of sciences
applied to agriculture, agricultural societies, academies,
learned bodies, etc.
All questions concerning the economic interests, the
legislation, and the administration of a particular nation
shall be excluded from the consideration of the institute.
"Article 10.
The nations adhering to the institute shall be classed in five
groups, according to the place which each of them thinks it
ought to occupy. The number of votes which each nation shall
have and the number of units of assessment shall be
established according to the following gradations:
Groups of nations. Numbers of votes Units of assessment.
I 5 16
II 4 8
III 3 4
IV 2 2
V 1 1
In any event the contribution due per unit of assessment shall
never exceed a maximum of 2,500 francs. As a temporary
provision the assessment for the first two years shall not
exceed 1,500 francs per unit. Colonies may, at the request of
the nations to which they belong, be admitted to form part of
the institute on the same conditions as the independent
nations.
"Article 11.
The present convention shall be ratified and the ratifications
shall be exchanged as soon as possible by depositing them with
the Italian Government."
In communicating this Act of the Conference to the Government
of the United States, the Italian Ambassador at Washington
wrote August 9, 1905: "The final act of the conference was
signed by the delegates under reservation of the approval of
their respective governments, nor could it be otherwise. After
this approval the convention, which constitutes the essential
part of the act, shall, if approved (as the King’s Government
does not doubt it will be), assume the character of an
obligation on the part of the nations which shall have adhered
to it through the signature of plenipotentiaries appointed for
the purpose."
On March 27, 1906, he was able to announce that "the States
which were represented at the Conference of last year at Rome
… have now all sanctioned by the signature of their
plenipotentiaries the Convention drafted at that Conference."
As appears from a copy transmitted, the Convention had been
signed by the plenipotentiaries of forty nations, including
twelve American republics besides the United States. To this
gratifying announcement the Ambassador from Italy added the
following:
"His Majesty the King at the council of January 28 last signed
a decree, a few copies of which I have the honor to inclose,
by which a royal commission is established, and whose precise
duty is to carry into effect, as soon as it becomes operative,
the convention which will soon be referred to the several
contracting governments for ratification."
At the second general meeting of the Institute at Rome,
December 12, 1909, more than 100 foreign delegates were
present.
"His Majesty the King, desiring again to prove how much he has
at heart the contemplated international institute, has ordered
that the net income of the royal domains of Tombelo and
Coltano, amounting yearly to 300,000 lire, shall be turned
over to the above-mentioned royal commission from the 1st of
July next until the day when, the international institute of
agriculture being legally constituted, the administration and
usufruct of the said domains shall, in accordance with the
announcement made to the international conference at its
session of June 6, 1905, be transferred to the institute
itself.
"In obedience to His Majesty’s interest, the royal commission
has decided to apply the sum graciously placed at its disposal
for the aforesaid period to the construction of a palace,
where the international institute will have its headquarters,
and which will therefore be solely due to the munificence of
the sovereign. The new building that is to stand on the
village Umberto I., near the Porta Pinciana, and will cover
10,000 square meters of public property, will, it is fully
expected, be completed about the end of next year, which is
the time when the permanent committee of the institute will
likely be convened at Rome. This munificent act of His Majesty
the King, whereby the erection of quarters worthy of the
international institute of agriculture is provided for, thus
begins the execution of the convention of June 7, 1905."
{9}
Transmitting to the American Ambassador at Rome the
President’s ratification of the Convention, on the 11th of
July, 1906, Secretary Root made known that Congress had
appropriated $4800 as the quota of the United States to the
support of the International Institute of Agriculture for the
fiscal year 1907, and $8000 for the travelling expenses of the
delegates to be appointed to the grand assembly of the
Institute, and for the salary of one member of the permanent
committee; and to this he added: "In pursuance of the
authority thus conferred, Mr. David Lubin, of Sacramento,
California, has been selected to represent this Government on
the permanent committee, it being understood that he is
willing to serve without salary."
_Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the United
States, 1905 and 1906_
AGUINALDO Y FAMY, Emilio.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.
AHMED RIZA.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).
ALASKA: A. D. 1903.
Settlement of the boundary question.
Dissatisfaction in Canada dissipated by better knowledge
of the facts.
The Alaska boundary question (see in Volume VI. of this work,
under ALASKA BOUNDARY QUESTION) was brought to a settlement in
1903 by an arrangement which submitted it to a Commission of
six, three representing the United States and three acting for
Great Britain and Canada. The American Commissioners were the
Honorable Elihu Root, Secretary of War, and senators Henry C.
Lodge and George Turner, of Massachusetts and the State of
Washington respectively. The British and Canadian members were
the Lord Chief Justice of England, Lord Alverstone, Sir Louis
Jette, of Quebec, and A. B. Aylesworth, of Toronto, Ontario.
The Commission, meeting in London, arrived at its decision in
October, signing, on the 20th, an agreement on all the
questions submitted. "By this award," said President
Roosevelt, in his subsequent Message to Congress, "the right
of the United States to the control of a continuous strip or
border of the mainland shore, skirting all the tide-water
inlets and sinuosities of the coast, is confirmed; the
entrance to Portland Canal (concerning which legitimate doubt
appeared) is defined as passing by Tongass Inlet and to the
northwestward of Wales and Pearse islands: a line is drawn
from the head of Portland Canal to the fifty-sixth degree of
north latitude: and the interior border line of the strip is
fixed by lines connecting certain mountain summits lying
between Portland Canal and Mount St. Elias and running along
the crest of the divide separating the coast slope from the
inland watershed, at the only part of the frontier where the
drainage ridge approaches the coast within the distance of ten
marine leagues stipulated by the treaty as the extreme width
of the strip around the heads of Lynn Canal and its branches.
While the line so traced follows the provisional demarcation
of 1878 at the crossing of the Stikine River, and that of 1899
at the summits of the White and Chilkoot passes, it runs much
farther inland from the Klehine than the temporary line of the
later _modus vivendi_, and leaves the entire mining
district of the Porcupine River and Glacier Creek within the
jurisdiction of the United States. The result is satisfactory
in every way. It is of great material advantage to our people
in the Far Northwest. It has removed from the field of
discussion and possible danger a question liable to become
more acutely accentuated with each passing year. Finally it
has furnished a signal proof of the fairness and good will
with which two friendly nations can approach and determine
issues involving national sovereignty, and by their nature
incapable of submission to a third power for adjudication."
_Message of President Roosevelt,
December 7, 1903._
In Canada the feeling was very different from that expressed
by President Roosevelt. There, the dissatisfaction was
intense. The two Canadian Commissioners had opposed the award,
while Lord Alverstone cast his vote with the three Americans,
which provoked the accusation that his decision had been
given, at the instigation of the British Government, not
judicially, but diplomatically, for the pleasing of the United
States, at the sacrifice of Canadian interests and rights. The
groundlessness of such defamatory suspicions became plain when
Lord Alverstone made public the reasons for his vote. A recent
historian of Canada ends his account of the matter with the
following remarks:
"In vain did students and experts declare that they had felt
before the tribunal met that Canada had, in very many
respects, a weak case. It was pointed out that some of the
Canadian surveys gave the line as the Americans claimed it,
that Americans had by long occupation got a hold upon and a
right of possession to various ports and sections, and that
against this occupancy there had been no British protest
whatever. Finally one distinguished citizen reminded the
Canadians that if they had been allowed to select one man as
sole arbitrator they would have been glad to accept Lord
Alverstone. Lord Alverstone was really the one arbitrator and
judge. Had he decided against the Americans, the case would
have been deadlocked for years. In time Canadians came to a
more sober and reasonable attitude on the subject. They came
to see that Lord Alverstone could not have been prejudiced and
that his decision was really the only one that was fair and
unbiased. Some came also to see that the American case was
much the stronger, and that in this light the decision was a
just one. But they were not and are not ready to believe that
the whole scheme was anything but one contrived at Washington
to get the contest settled to the advantage of the Americans."
_F. B. Tracy,
Tercentenary History of Canada,
Volume 3, page 1044
(Macmillan Co., New York, 1908)._
A full account of the arbitration with the correspondence
preceding it, and the opinions written by the arbitrators
severally, is given in the British Parliamentary
_Papers by Command
(United States, Number 1, 1904), Cd. 1877._
ALASKA: A. D. 1906.
Convention to provide for final establishment
of the boundary line.
Final proceedings for establishing the boundary line of Alaska
were provided for in a Convention between the United States
and Great Britain, signed April 21, 1906. The need and object
of the Convention were set forth in its preamble as follows:
{10}
"Whereas by a treaty between the United States of America and
His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, for the cession of
the Russian possessions in North America to the United States,
concluded March 30, 1867, the most northerly part of the
boundary line between the said Russian possessions and those
of His Britannic Majesty, as established by the prior
convention between Russia and Great Britain, of February 28/16
[sic] 1825, is defined as following the 141st degree of
longitude west from Greenwich, beginning at the point of
intersection of the said 141st degree of west longitude with a
certain line drawn parallel with the coast, and thence
continuing from the said point of intersection, upon the said
meridian of the 141st degree in its prolongation as far as the
Frozen Ocean.
"And whereas, the location of said meridian of the 141st
degree of west longitude between the terminal points thereof
defined in said treaty is dependent upon the scientific
ascertainment of convenient points along the said meridian and
the survey of the country intermediate between such points,
involving no question of interpretation of the aforesaid
treaties but merely the determination of such points and their
connecting lines by the ordinary processes of observation and
survey conducted by competent astronomers, engineers and
surveyors;
"And whereas such determination has not hitherto been made by
a joint survey as is requisite in order to give complete
effect to said treaties."
To make such determination it was agreed that each Government
should "appoint one Commissioner, with whom may be associated
such surveyors, astronomers and other assistants as each
Government may elect."
ALASKA: A. D. 1906.
Election of a delegate to Congress.
An Act to authorize the election of a Delegate to Congress
from the Territory of Alaska was approved by the President May
7, 1906.
ALASKA COAL FIELDS.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.
ALASKA-YUKON-PACIFIC EXPOSITION.
See (in this Volume)
SEATTLE: A. D. 1909.
ALBANIA: A. D. 1904.
Hostility to the Mürzsteg programme.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.
ALBERT, King of Belgium.
See (in this Volume)
BELGIUM; A. D. 1909 (DECEMBER).
ALBERT, Marcellin:
Leader of the winegrowers revolt in France.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1907 (MAY-JULY).
ALBERTA:
Organized as a province of the Dominion of Canada.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1905.
ALCOHOL PROBLEM.
ALCOHOL: Austria: A. D. 1903.
Resolution of the National Convention of the Social
Democratic Party against alcoholic drinks.
At a convention of the Social Democracy of the Austrian
Empire, held at Vienna, in November, 1903, Dr. Richard
Frohlich read an elaborate report against the use of
intoxicating liquors, concluding with an earnest appeal, in
these words; "We want to create a new social order: to give
the world a new face! To lay the foundations for the new
society is the task of political and industrial organization—
and there is no greater deterrent to the accomplishment of
that task than alcohol. In building the new mansion of the
future we think also of the men who are to dwell in it. Does
it not bring a blush of shame to our cheeks merely to imagine
that the men of the future society will be contented because
they are _intoxicated!_ Contentment in that new order
will arise from a sound brain and the satisfaction of the
rational desires which proceed from it. We have enough
retarding forces to contend with in our struggle for this
ideal of the future generation. One such force we are able
to-day to overcome if we will. That is alcoholism, the last
refuge of philistinism and stupid conservatism. If we really
want the new world, we must provide the new men to make it.
The program of total abstinence does not set new ideals for
us, but it gives us a new weapon, sharp and effective for the
conquest of our old ideals. The responsibility is upon us to
use this weapon. Let us do it!"
In response, the Convention adopted the following resolution:
"The convention of the party recognizes in alcohol a serious
detriment to the physical and mental power of the working man,
and a great hindrance to all efforts of organization in the
social democracy. Every means should be employed to remove the
evils which have come from it.
"The first aim in this struggle must be the economic
betterment of the proletariat. And that must be accomplished
by a clear teaching of the effects of alcohol, and by the
removal of the common toleration of drinking.
"The convention of the party, therefore, recommends that all
the party groups and brotherhoods lend their support to the
crusade against alcohol, and declares that the first step in
this direction must be the abolishment of compulsory drinking
in all of the meetings of the organization. Members of the
party who are converted to total abstinence are recommended to
form total abstinence clubs, to continue the propaganda and to
see to it that their members are true to the political and
economic duties of the party organization."
ALCOHOL: CANADA: A. D. 1906-1908.
The Canada Temperance Act.
Under what was known as the Scott Act, of 1878, the privilege
of local option had been given to counties and cities in
Canada, and had been brought into exercise by nine cities and
seventy-three counties, which prohibited the sale of
intoxicating liquors within their limits; but in most of these
the supporters of the law were gradually overcome and the
prohibition removed. In all the provinces except Quebec, a
referendum vote taken in 1898 showed majorities in favor of a
Dominion Prohibition Law; but the vote cast was so light and
the adverse majorities in cities was so large that the
government did not feel warranted in bringing forward a Bill.
In 1906, however, the demand for local option in the matter of
permitting alcoholic liquors to be sold had become strong
enough to extort from Parliament the desired legislation. As
amended in 1908, Part II. of this Canada Temperance Act (Part
I. having prescribed the proceedings for bringing Part II.
into force) provides that "from the day on which this Part
comes into force and takes effect in any county or city, and
for so long thereafter as, and while the same continues or is
in force therein, no person shall, except as in this Part
specially provided, by himself, his clerk, servant or agent,—
{11}
(a) expose or keep for sale, within such county or city, any
intoxicating liquor; or,
( b ) directly or indirectly on any pretense or upon any
device, within any such county or city, sell or barter, or, in
consideration of the purchase of any other property, give to
any other person any intoxicating liquor; or,
(c) send, ship, bring or carry or cause to be sent, shipped,
brought, or carried to or into any such county or city, any
intoxicating liquor; or,
(d) deliver to any consignee or other person, or store,
warehouse, or keep for delivery, any intoxicating liquor so
sent, shipped, brought or carried."
But these last two subsections are not to "apply to any
intoxicating liquor sent, shipped, brought or carried to any
person or persons for his or their personal or family use,
except it be so sent, shipped, brought or carried to be paid
for in such county or city to the person delivering the same,
his clerk, servant, or agent, or his master or principal, if
the person delivering it is himself a servant or agent."
To bring Part II. of the Act into force in any county or city,
not less than one-fourth of the total number of electors
therein must petition the Governor in Council for a poll of
votes on the question, and when the vote is taken there must
be an affirmative majority; failing which no similar petition
can be put to vote in the same community for three years.
On the 2d of May, 1909, the following announcement of the
operation of the law in the province of Ontario was made: "May
Day, 1909, will long be remembered by the advocates of local
option in Ontario. One hundred and forty-two bars passed out
of existence yesterday, and of the 807 municipalities in the
province 334 are now without a single license in force. The
Toronto commissioners have cut off 40 licenses, leaving only
110 in a city of nearly 400,000 people."
ALCOHOL:
Casual occurrences of saloon suppression, showing what goes
with it.
Communities in which the liquor traffic is ordinarily favored
are sometimes compelled by exigencies of circumstance to
suppress it temporarily, and are forced then to see how much
of crime and disorder goes with it. During the weeks in which
military authority cleared saloons from San Francisco, after
the calamity of 1906, every observer made note of the
conspicuous freedom of the city "from all kinds of violence
and crime," though the whole organization of life was upset.
One trustworthy journal reported conditions six months after
the calamity as follows: "During the two months and a half
after April 18 San Francisco was probably the most orderly
large city in the United States. Violence and crime were
practically unknown. During that time the saloons and liquor
stores of the city were closed tight. About the middle of July
the saloons were permitted to open again. This action of the
city government was accompanied by the expectation on the part
of many citizens of an outbreak of violence and disorder.
Clergymen, and it is said even the police, advised men and
women to carry firearms for their own protection. For the past
three months San Francisco has been living under a reign of m.
In eighty days eighty-three murders, robberies, and assaults
were registered on the police records. A despatch to
Ridgway’s, the new weekly periodical, reports the sale in San
Francisco during one week in October of over six thousand
revolvers."
When Stockholm, in the summer of 1909, was undergoing the
trials of the great general strike, and by general consent of
all concerned the sale of liquors was stopped, the same report
went out, that magistrates and police had little to do. And
that is the standing account of things from the Panama Canal
Zone, about which an English visitor, Sir Harry Johnston,
wrote in April, 1909:
"The whole of the canal zone (ten miles on either side of the
canal banks) is ‘teetotal,’ except in the actual towns of
Panama and Colon. No alcohol is sold by the Canal Commission
at its hotels or boarding-houses. And the general result of
these stern measures—the improvement in health and the absence
of crime—amply justifies this anti-alcohol policy. … There is
singularly little serious crime throughout the canal zone. One
has the sensation of being perfectly safe anywhere at any time
of day or night. Petty dishonesty among the lower classes is
common, especially at the railway stations, where one is
liable to lose small articles of baggage if they are left
unguarded. Panama in this respect is worse than the other
towns of the Isthmus, new or old. But there is no open shock
to any one’s prejudices or sentiments in the way of flagrant
immorality (as at New Orleans, for example)."
So easily can communities solve half, at least, of their most
troublesome problems, and cure half, at least, of their worst
social maladies, if they will!
ALCOHOL: ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 .
Passage of an amended licensing law.
A moderate reform.
A Licensing Bill, moderately in the interest of temperance
reform, was discussed and passed in Parliament during the
summer of 1902. It made publicans more strictly responsible
for drunkenness incurred on their premises; strengthened the
prohibition of liquor-selling to habitual drunkards; improved
measures for the suppression of public drunkenness; subjected
licenses to tradesmen for the sale of liquors off their
premises to the unqualified discretion of justices, and
facilitated the separation of husbands and wives from a
drunken mate.
ALCOHOL: A. D. 1904.
Passing of a new Licensing Bill, providing compensation for
the withdrawal of licenses on grounds of public policy.
An agitation in Great Britain which almost equalled for a time
that produced in the same period by Mr. Chamberlain’s campaign
for a preferential tariff was stirred up by a new Licensing
Bill, introduced as a Government measure on the 20th of April,
1904. The bill provided for compensation to be made, at the
expense of the liquor trade, for the taking of a license away
from any public house, on grounds of public policy, no matter
how briefly the license had been held. A fund for the
compensations was to be raised by assessment on all engaged in
the trade. Authority to refuse the renewal or transfer of
licenses on any ground other than ill conduct or character was
withdrawn from local magistrates and exercised by the courts
of quarter sessions (composed of the justices of the peace in
each county) only. When a public house was thought to be
superfluous by local magistrates they were required to report
the case to quarter sessions, where a hearing upon it would be
given.
{12}
If the Bench of quarter sessions decided to extinguish the
license, it must specify the grounds of its decision in
writing, and award a compensation, based on the estimated
difference between the value of the licensed premises and the
value of the same premises without a license. If no agreement
on this basis could be reached, the Inland Revenue
Commissioners should determine the sum.
The Bill was advocated in the interest of temperance, as being
calculated to reduce the number of public houses, and to raise
their character. Mr. Balfour upheld it as "a great temperance
measure." It should be the aim of Government, he argued, to
"encourage respectable persons to keep public houses, and with
that object they should make the trade secure." On the other
side it was opposed with exceeding bitterness as a measure
that had the backing and was in the interest of the brewers
and the whole liquor trade; that created vested interests in
the trade, rooting it to a new depth; that tended to add value
to the low class of public houses, and obstructed future
temperance reform. Repeated attempts to introduce a limit of
years after which the awarding of compensation for the
withdrawal of license would cease were defeated, and the Bill
passed both Houses in August, substantially as it came into
Parliament four months before.
ALCOHOL: A. D. 1907.
Drink in its relation to crime.
Testimony of judges.
"The following is from a newspaper report of a speech by Judge
Rentoul, delivered in the Guildhall, Cambridge, on the 15th of
October, 1907. He happened to be one of the judges of the
chief criminal courts of this country, and he said to them on
that platform that 90 per cent. of the cases that came to the
Central Criminal Court of England came directly through drink.
The late Lord Brampton, formerly Sir Henry Hawkins, perhaps
the greatest criminal judge during the past century, had also
put the figures at 90 per cent. Lord Coleridge, speaking at
one Assizes, said, ‘Every single case in my present list comes
from the use of strong drink.’ ‘If it were not,’ said his
Honour, ‘for alcohol, three fourths of our criminal courts
would be closed in this country and closed forever.’"
_H. A. Giles,
Opium and Alcohol in China
(Nineteenth Century, December, 1907)._
ALCOHOL: A. D. 1908.
Passage of a new Licensing Bill by the Commons and its
rejection by the Lords.
Nothing contributed more to the defeat of the Conservative
Ministry in the British Parliamentary elections of 1905 than
the moral repugnance of the country to the Licensing Bill of
1904 (described above); and the Liberal Government came to
power with no commission from the people more positive than
was in the demand for an amendment of that law. In 1908 it
brought into Parliament and passed through the House of
Commons a Bill which answered the demand, asserting the right
and the need and the power in Government to put limitations on
the granting of licenses for the sale of intoxicating liquors,
without treating them as vested interests under a sacred
guard. The limitation, in fact, was made definite and
mandatory by the first provision of the Bill, which declared;
"Licensing justices shall, in accordance with this Act, reduce
the number of on-licenses in their district so that at the end
of a period of fourteen years from the fifth day of April
nineteen hundred and nine the number of those licenses in any
rural parish or urban area in their district shall not exceed
the scale set out in the First Schedule to this Act as applied
to that parish or area under the provisions of that schedule."
The schedule referred to was as follows:
Persons per acre.
2 or less
Exceeding 2 but not exceeding 25
Exceeding 25 but not exceeding 50
Exceeding 50 but not exceeding 75
Exceeding 75 but not exceeding 100
Exceeding 100 but not exceeding 200
Exceeding 200
Number of on-licenses.
1 to 400 persons or part of 400
1 to 500 persons or part of 500
1 to 600 persons or part of 600
1 to 700 persons or part of 700
1 to 800 persons or part of 800
1 to 900 persons or part of 900
1 to 1,000 persons or part of 1,000
The Bill provided further for local option in the matter of
granting new licenses, permitting a majority of voters in any
licensing district to prohibit further grants; and introduced
other changes of law in the interest of temperance, but not
going to any extreme. When the measure went to the House of
Lords it suffered there the same fate that had been meted out
to the Education Bill of 1906. How serious an issue between
the Commons and the Lords was raised by that occurrence is
intimated in one passage of a speech made by the Liberal Prime
Minister, Mr. Asquith, in July, 1909. He was reviewing some of
the significant incidents of recent political history, and
when he came to the Licensing Bill there was more feeling in
his remarks than he had shown before. "That," he said, "was a
Bill, as you know, which was debated for weeks and for months
and passed through the House of Commons with sustained and
unexampled majorities. When it reached ‘another place,’ what
was its fate? It was rejected without even any pretence of
consideration of its details, it was rejected in pursuance of
a preconcerted party resolution, it was rejected with every
circumstance of contumely and contempt. I will not pause to
dwell upon, certainly not to praise, the provisions of the
Licensing Bill, which, I may say, was to some extent my own
handiwork. But in regard to its rejection I will say that it
has made two things—that rejection and the circumstances
preceding, following, and attending it have made two
things—abundantly plain. The first is that it has ruined the
prospects of any really effective temperance reform on
anything like a large and comprehensive scale during the
lifetime of the present Parliament. I will say next the
circumstances of that rejection have brought into greater
prominence than ever before the fact that our constitutional
system is not, or at least that it can be made not to be, the
embodiment, but the caricature of a representative and
responsible Government. And the question of the relations
between the two Houses of Parliament must be for us Liberals,
at any rate, as I described it at the time, the dominant issue
in our programme."
{13}
The requirement of the Act of 1904 that compensation should be
paid to every license-holder whose license was withdrawn for
public reasons, put so narrow a limit on the reductions made,
that the 138,011 licensed houses in England and Wales in 1904
had only been diminished by about 3000 in 1908; whereas the
country demanded a great cutting down of the excessive number.
ALCOHOL: A. D. 1908.
Provisions of The Children Act for the Protection of Children.
See (in this Volume)
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS DEPENDENTS, &C.
ALCOHOL: A. D. 1909.
Taxation of the Liquor Trade proposed in the Budget.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).
ALCOHOL: A. D. 1909.
The Decreased Consumption of Whiskey caused by increased tax.
Speaking in Parliament of the increased whiskey tax in his
Budget, on the 29th of October, some months after it had gone
into effect and its yield was being shown, the Chancellor of
the Exchequer, Mr. Lloyd-George, acknowledged that he had
greatly overestimated the revenue it would produce. He said:
"The whole point was to what extent would an addition of a
halfpenny a glass deter a man from taking his usual share of
drink. I could no more estimate that than any other member of
the House. I made a very liberal allowance for decrease in
consumption, so liberal that nobody either in or out of the
House agreed with it. Many said it was absurd. … I assumed
that people who could afford it would not regard the halfpenny
at all; that they would buy exactly the same quantity of
whisky as before. The working classes I assumed would probably
purchase a smaller quantity. Supposing a man says, I spend 2s.
6d. on drink; he would not spend more; therefore he would
consume less.
"I made a rough calculation upon such information as I had how
that would affect the consumption of whisky as a whole, but I
find the change has gone beyond that, and my information now
is not merely that there are thousands of people who drink a
percentage which is, in proportion to the increase, less, but
some of them drop it altogether. Some of them are barely
drinking half what they were before. Altogether a most
extraordinary effect has been produced upon the habits of the
people. I am not here to apologize for that at all. In some
districts, I am told, the drinking of spirits has gone down by
70 percent, in Ireland, I think. I hear that there are
districts in Scotland where it has gone down 50 per cent. I
have a communication in regard to the whisky distillers of
Glasgow saying that the decrease in Glasgow during September
has been 36 per cent.
"People have not even been driven to the consumption of beer.
It is really almost unaccountable. People have not been driven
from one form of alcohol to another, but have been driven from
alcohol altogether. The fact is very extraordinary, and has
gone beyond anything I have anticipated. … Our anticipations
now are that the consumption of spirits, both of foreign and
home manufacture, will go down by something between 20 and 25
per cent. That means that a smaller quantity of spirits will
be consumed in this country during this year by eight or nine
million gallons.’’
ALCOHOL: A. D. 1909.
Organization of "The True Temperance Association."
Its aim and appeal.
Under the name of "The True Temperance Association," a London
organization headed by Lord Halsbury made the following appeal
to the English public, in May, 1909: "Let us take what is to
hand—the publichouse; the regulated refreshment house of the
people. Let us transform that out of its present condition of
a mere drink-shop into a house of general, reasonable, and
reputable entertainment—a place where there will be other
things to consume besides beer and whisky, and other forms of
recreation besides mere drink. We should imitate the model of
the Continental café and German _bierhaus;_ the White
City and other exhibitions have shown us that they would not
be exotics in this country; and those exhibitions with their
wonderful record of sobriety also show us that there is every
ground to expect that England, with transformed publichouses,
would be as sober, and withal as bright as are Continental
countries."
ALCOHOL: A. D. 1900:
England, United States, France, and Germany.
Comparative statement of the consumption of alcoholic drink.
"The consumption of alcoholic drink in the above countries,
per ten of population, was in the year 1900 as follows:
Drink-consumption per 10 of population.
Country. Beer, spirits, Beer. Spirits. Wine.
and wine.
Gallons. Gallons. Gallons. Gallons.
France 336 62 20 254
United Kingdom 332 317 11 4
Germany 309 275 19 15
United States 147 133 11 3
"Some years agone, the late P. G. Hamerton in his book
_French and English_ mentioned the increase of drinking
in France, and we see that French drink-consumption per head
is now greater than British consumption. The French drink more
spirits, more wine, and have a larger total consumption per
head than any of these three other nations.
"The most striking fact in the above statement is the low
drink-consumption per head in the United States. The American
total per head is less than one-half of the total consumption
per head in any of the three other countries. The superior
sobriety of the American workman as compared with the
Englishman has often been noticed, and observation in social
grades higher than that of the artizan tends to show that
American superiority in this respect is a general superiority
not confined to workmen only. The developed alertness and
prompt energy of the American may, it is quite likely, be due
in some part to this relative abstinence from alcoholic drink
which is now illustrated.
"Looking back over the fifteen years 1886-1900, for the
purpose of observing the increase or the decrease in
drink-consumption per head of population, the following
results have been obtained;—
Country. Average yearly drink-consumption,
per head of population, during
1886-1890. 1891-1895. 1890-1900.
Gallons. Gallons. Gallons.
France 26.5 31.5 32.3
United Kingdom. 29.4 31.1 33.1
Germany 24.4 26.6 29.9
United States 11.8 14.3 14.2
The drink-consumption per The drink-consumption per
head during 1886-1890 head during 1896-1900 was
being taken at 100
per cent. per cent.
France 100 122
United Kingdom. 100 113
Germany 100 123
United States 100 120
{14}
"In each country the drink-consumption per head of population
has increased since 1886-1890, and, with the exception of the
United States, there has been an increase during each
five-yearly period observed,
"Comparing the period 1896-1900 with the period 1886-1890, we
see that the percentage of increase per head of population in
drink-consumption was smaller in the United Kingdom than in
any of the three other countries. Germany and France have had
the largest relative increases per head of population.
"In the United States, the increase of 20 per cent in the
drink-consumption per head of population is due to an increase
in beer-drinking—the consumption per head of wine and of
spirits has declined."
_J. H. Schooling,
Drink: in England, the United States, France, and Germany
(Fortnightly Review, January, 1902)._
ALCOHOL: France: A. D. 1907.
Revolt of the Wine Growers of Southern France against wine
adulteration.
See (in this Volume )
FRANCE: A. D. 1907 (MAY-JULY).
ALCOHOL: Germany:
Temperance requisite in railway employees.
The dangers to the traveling public that are attendant on the
use of alcoholic stimulants by railway employees were
discussed very seriously not long since by a writer in the
_Deutsche Monatsschrift_. "The constantly growing demands
upon transit service for safety and speed," he observed, "call
for an increasingly higher efficiency of the personnel, not
only as regards prudence, judgment, decision, and
clearsightedness, but a sense of duty, all which qualities
are, it has been proved, vitiated by nothing so readily and to
such a degree as by indulgence in alcoholic drinks. The chief
danger, moreover, consists not so much in excessive drink
resulting in drunkenness, which is easily recognized, as in
the more moderate but habitual use of liquor, which is harder
to control, and the after-effects of heavy drinking.
Scientific investigation has established the fact that even a
moderate use of alcoholic beverages impairs the acuteness of
sight and hearing, including the power of distinguishing
colors. Most of the violations of discipline and duty in the
German transportation service are due to indulgence in drink,
besides leading to misery and want in the home."
The writer alludes to an association of German railway
officials started by himself, whose object it is to enlighten
the public regarding the worthlessness of alcoholic drinks as
a tonic and how they may be dispensed with as a means of
refreshment. This society, he states, has been most
encouragingly successful in its efforts. He adds the important
statement that the Prussian Government, owing to recent
serious accidents, has issued an order prohibiting all railway
employees from taking any beverage containing alcohol while on
duty.
ALCOHOL: A. D. 1902.
Resolution of Socialist Congress.
The subject in Prussian schools.
The German Socialist Congress, sitting at Munich in September,
1902, adopted a resolution which warned the working classes
against the dangers from immoderate indulgence in alcoholic
drinks, but declined to make total abstinence a condition of
party membership. In the previous March the Prussian minister
of education had given instructions to the school authorities
mm of the kingdom which aimed at the enlightening of the
people as to the deleterious effects, both physical and
economical, of an excessive use of alcoholic liquors. The same
subject had been agitated in the Prussian parliament, and
there was discussion of measures of more strict regulation of
public houses.
ALCOHOL:
International Congress on Alcoholism.
For twenty-four years an International Congress on Alcoholism
has held biennial meetings in different European cities,
beginning at Antwerp in 1885, steadily demonstrating a growth
of opposition—especially of scientific opposition—even in
Continental Europe, to the use of alcoholic liquors. The
meeting of 1905 was at Budapest; that of 1907 at Stockholm;
that of 1909 at London. The delegates to the latter numbered
about 1300, coming from nearly every European country, and
from the United States, Canada, and South Africa. Of the
strong character of the discussions at the London meeting the
New York _Evening Post_ said after its adjournment:
"Men and women from every country, representing varying
conditions of society, offered evidence tending to show, by
actual figures of loss, the bad effects of drinking. From the
standpoint of education, science, medicine, society,
economics, efficiency, and law, the speakers all reached the
same conclusion, bringing strong testimony in support.
Efficiency was the keynote of papers representing public
service on the part of the post office, the railroad, the
navy, and the army of Great Britain."
An interesting figure at the Congress, it was said by an
American newspaper correspondent, was Judge William J.
Pollard, of St. Louis, who went as a representative of the
United States Government, and who was known widely as the
originator of the pledge instead of prison method of dealing
with drunkards. When he spoke on that subject he was given a
double allowance of time, on the motion of a delegate from
France, and, although under the constitution of the congress
no resolution could be put, a declaration in favor of the plan
was signed by practically every delegate in the hall. The
declaration reads as follows:
"We, the undersigned members and delegates attending the
International Congress on Alcoholism assembled in Loudon,
July, 1909, desire to record our gratification at the
recognition in statute law by Great Britain, Vermont, United
States of America, and Victoria (Australia) of the principle
of reforming drunkards by the probation on pledge method,
commonly known as the Pollard plan. The possibilities of this
wise and beneficent policy are so great that we desire to
commend its adoption throughout the world."
"Judge Pollard’s plan, established in the Saint Louis police
court nine years ago, consists in giving the drunkards a
chance of reform. Instead of sentencing them to prison or
fining them, Judge Pollard requires persons charged before him
with drunkenness to take the pledge. If they do so he suspends
sentence on them, and if the pledge is kept for a certain
period they hear no more about the matter. If it is broken the
fine or sentence is enforced."
One of the results of the Congress was the organization of a
"World’s Prohibition Confederation," "to better amalgamate the
forces in various countries working along their respective
lines towards the one common aim of the total suppression of
the liquor traffic."
{15}
Two sessions were held and the Conference finally decided by
unanimous vote upon the following outline of the purposes and
methods of the new Confederation:
"(1) Name—
The name of this association shall be 'The International
Prohibition Confederation (Confederation Prohibitioniste
Internationale—Internationaler Verbaud fuer Alkoholverbot).'
"(2) Object—
(a) To amalgamate the forces in various countries working
along their respective lines towards the one common aim of the
total suppression of the liquor traffic,
(b) To obtain notes of progress, information, and news from
all parts of the world, and send such information to all
organizations joining the Confederation and other applicants.
"(3) Membership—
The membership shall consist of representatives of temperance
organizations in all countries approving of the objects and
such officers as may be elected by the Confederation.
"(4) Finances—
The financial support shall be gained from such contributions
as the various affiliated societies and individual associate
members may subscribe."
ALCOHOL: New Zealand: A. D. 1896-1908.
Twelve years of Local Option.
Increasing majorities against the liquor traffic.
The vote of women.
Under the operation of a local option law since 1896, New
Zealand has been steadily narrowing the liquor traffic, with
what seems to be a fair prospect of extinguishing it entirely.
The law provides for the taking of a vote in each
parliamentary electoral district once in three years on three
propositions, as follows:
"1. That the number of licensed houses existing in the
district shall continue.
"2. That the number shall be reduced.
"3. That no licenses whatever shall be granted.
"Electors may vote for one of these proposals or for two of
them. The prohibitionists strike out the top line, and thus
vote for a reduction of the number of licenses, and also for
total prohibition in their district. Those who oppose
prohibition usually strike out the second and third lines, so
as to vote for the continuance of existing licensed houses;
while there are others, again, who strike out the first and
third issues, with a view simply to a reduction in the number
of licensed houses. An absolute majority of the votes carries
reduction; but it requires a three-fifths majority to carry
'no-license.' If reduction is carried the licensing committee
must then reduce the publicans’ licenses in the district by
not less than 5 per cent. or more than 25 per cent, of the
total number existing."
The local option vote has now been taken five times, with a
slow but steady increase of majorities given against the
liquor traffic, either to restrict or to end it,—as the
following table shows:
Continuance. Reduction. No-license. Valid votes.
1896 139,500 94,500 98,300 259,800
1899 142,400 107,700 118,500 281,800
1902 148,400 132,200 151,500 318,800
1905 182,800 151,000 198,700 396,400
1908 186,300 161,800 209,100 410,100
The figures here entered of the vote in 1908 are not official,
but are said to be close to accuracy.
The New Zealand correspondent of the London Times, from whose
report the above is taken, adds these particulars: "The result
of the local option poll taken in December, 1905, was to carry
'no license' in three new districts and reduction in four
districts. In 36 of the other districts a majority of the
votes polled was for ‘no license,’ though the three-fifths
majority necessary to carry the proposal was not obtained. The
results of the recent poll were very striking. In six new
districts ‘no-license ’ was carried, and in some others
‘no-license’ and ‘reduction’ were only lost by narrow margins.
The rapid advance made by the ‘no license’ party is certainly
remarkable.
"While the proportion of votes cast for continuance is
steadily declining, the proportion for ‘no-license’ is
increasing at an accelerated rate. Already there is a bare
majority of the total votes in favour of prohibition; while if
we had national instead of local option the chances are that
in a comparatively short period the necessary three-fifths
majority to secure total prohibition in the country might be
obtained. There are now indications that the ‘no-license’
party will make a bold bid, not only for a bare majority vote
on the no-license issue, but also for national option. In this
event they will alienate the sympathies of the great majority
of the moderates who now vote with them, so that the
‘no-license’ cause may receive, at least, a temporary check.
"Three important suggestions have been made to save the
trade—viz., reform from within, State control, and
municipalization. Judging from past experience, the first idea
seems hopeless. The trade has had its lessons, but has not
taken sufficient heed. State control will scarcely be
tolerated, since most people realize that the liquor trade in
the hands of a Government might be a dangerous political
engine, besides which there would always be the temptation
ever present to a Government to use it for revenue purposes.
Without very necessary reform from within, therefore, the only
chance for the liquor trade would seem to lie in the direction
of municipalization. Under municipal control, with the
abolition of the open bar in favour of the cafe system, with
better liquor, and with a thorough system of inspection and
analysis, the liquor trade in New Zealand might obtain a new
lease of life. Under the present system there is every
indication that its doom is sealed."
The importance of the vote of women, on this question
especially, appears in the following statements: "In 1902,
138,565 women, or 74.52 per cent. of those on the rolls,
voted; in 1905, 175,046, or 82.23 per cent. of those on the
rolls, voted. The proportion of females to males voting at
successive general elections also shows a gradual increase
from 69.57 per cent. in 1893 to 78.99 in 1905. Then there is
the gradual increase in the proportion of females to males in
the population of a young country to be considered. At the
foundation of the colonies the males, naturally, largely
outnumbered the females; but eventually the sexes will become
more nearly equal in number. Thus, while in 1871 the
proportion of females to males in the colony was only 70.52,
in 1906 it was 88.65. Furthermore, women are taking a keener
interest than ever in politics. They are beginning to
appreciate the franchise and to exercise it intelligently in
ever-increasing numbers."
{16}
The warning and alarming effect of the local option vote of
December, 1908, on the New Zealand liquor dealers was made
apparent by their action taken soon after, as reported in the
following Press despatch from Wellington, January 18, 1909:
"As a result of the large 'moderate' vote cast at the recent
poll on the question of total prohibition or reduction of
facilities for obtaining drink, it was unanimously resolved
to-day, at a meeting of the Auckland Brewers and Licensed
Victuallers’ Association, representing all the wholesale and
nearly every member of the retail trade, to abolish barmaids,
to abolish private bars, and to raise the age-limit of youths
who may be supplied with liquor from 18 to 20. No woman will
be supplied with liquor for consumption on the premises unless
she is boarding in the house.
"In an interview, the Mayor of Auckland, who is himself a
brewer, stated that since the trade has to ask the public
every three years for the continuance of its existence, it is
necessary for it to be conducted on lines approved by the
public at large."
ALCOHOL: United States: A. D. 1904-1909.
The progress of State, County, and Town Prohibition in the
five years.
The following exhibit of the status of state and local
prohibition in every State of the United States, on the 1st of
November, 1909, compared with the same in 1904, is reproduced,
with permission, from the latest leaflet published at the time
of this writing (January 1, 1910) by the Associated
Prohibition Press, located at 92 La Salle Street, Chicago:
"The record at Prohibition National Headquarters, Chicago,
shows that during the past four years the amount of
Prohibition territory has been doubled and 20,000,000 people
added to those living in Prohibition cities, counties and
states, making an aggregate of over 40,000,000 now by their
own choice in saloon-free districts.
"The figures below show that nearly two-thirds of the
territory and nearly one-half of the people are under
Prohibition protection:
"17,000,000 people in the South under Prohibition in 1904.
"25,000,000 people in the South under Prohibition in 1909.
"There are to-day 375 Prohibition cities in the United States,
having a population of over 5,000 each, with a total
population of more than three million and a half.
"In 1904 there were scarcely 100 Prohibition cities of 5,000
or over; there are now 90 Prohibition cities of 10,000 or
over. There are fifty-five industrial centers in fourteen
different states of 20,000 population and over, with an
aggregate of 2,000,000 population, now under Prohibition law.
"The Prohibition party is organized and at work in practically
every state in the Union.
"In 1904 the National Liquor League of the United States was
organized at Cincinnati, January 7th and 8th, to put the 'lid'
on the apparent beginnings of a Prohibition renaissance. Five
years of the 'National Liquor League of the United States' has
resulted in 20,000,000 people being added to the Prohibition
population of the country; 250 new Prohibition cities; 6 new
Prohibition states, hundreds of new Prohibition counties, and
thousands of new Prohibition towns and villages in all the
rest of the country.
"One of the most striking contrasts between 1904 and 1909 is
seen in the transformation which has been wrought in the
attitude of the daily and secular press towards the
Prohibition question. Since 1904 leading daily papers in all
parts of the country have begun to exclude liquor advertising
from their columns.
"The daily press of America is to-day giving ten times more
attention to and far more friendly treatment of the
Prohibition issue than was the case in 1904.
"On November 1st, 1909, the record of state and local
Prohibition territory in the United States, at National
Prohibition Headquarters, was as follows:
The Situation by States.
State. 1904. November 1, 1909.
Alabama 20 Prohibition State Prohibition;
counties. enforcement legislation
11 Dispensary. enacted by Legislature,
35 License. August, 1909.
Data shows business prospers,
crime decreasing.
Popular vote on Constitutional
Prohibition November 29, 1909.
Arizona No Prohibition New county Prohibition law bare
territory. two-thirds requirement.
Two-thirds Four-fifths of Territory "dry"
majority required. in 12 months is prediction.
Arkansas 44 Prohibition 57 Prohibition counties.
counties. State certain in next
29 License. Legislature.
2 Partially
license.
California 175 Prohibition 250 "dry" towns.
towns. Sentiment rapidly growing
for State Prohibition.
Colorado Few Prohibition towns. 100 towns "dry."
No local-option law. Stricter law enforcement.
Prohibition sentiment growing.
Connecticut Half of State Large increase in no-license
local Prohibition. vote. Legislature passed
several important restrictive
measures.
Delaware Few small Two-thirds of State Prohibition.
Prohibition towns.
{17}
District of
Columbia Apathy dominant. New high license law.
Sentiment for Prohibition
organizing.
Stricter enforcement.
Florida 30 Prohibition 35 counties "dry."
counties. Popular vote State
Prohibition November, 1910.
Georgia 104 Prohibition State Prohibition.
counties out Supporting sentiment grows.
of 134. Atlanta elects law-enforcement
Large cities Mayor. Crime largely decreasing.
all license.
Idaho No Prohibition County law passed.
territory. Seven vote "dry."
"Wide-open" State. State Prohibition campaign on.
Illinois 8 Prohibition 36 "dry" counties.
counties. 2500 "dry" towns.
500 Prohibition 23 "dry" cities.
towns. No license fight on in Chicago.
"Wide open" Sunday.
Indiana 140 Prohibition 70 Counties "dry."
townships. "Net Prohibition majority 67,025.
Three-fourths of the
State population under Prohibition.
Sentiment for State Prohibition
very active;
1,780,839 or 65 per cent of
State population in "dry"
territory;
32 "dry" cities (5,000 and over).
Iowa 25 License counties. Campaign for State Prohibition
Lax enforcement developing great enthusiasm.
of law.
Kansas STATE PROHIBITION. Legislature passed 1909
Lax enforcement. important additions to
Law enforcement State law.
crusade at Kansas The sale of alcohol in any
City, Kan., form absolutely prohibited.
a "fizzle." Strict enforcement the rule.
Kentucky 47 Prohibition 96 Prohibition counties;
counties. 1,541,613 or 66 per cent of
Legislature defeated total population in "dry"
very moderate territory.
local option bill. State Prohibition campaign
launched in earnest.
Louisiana 20 Prohibition Prohibition sentiment grows.
parishes out of 54. Local Prohibition proves
notable success in
33 "dry" parishes.
Maine STATE PROHIBITION. Move for resubmission
Lax enforcement. emphatically defeated
by State Legislature.
Sentiment for law enforcement
growing steadily.
Maryland 15 Prohibition Some locals gains.
counties. New high-license
law for Baltimore.
Massachusetts. 250 Prohibition Some local gains.
towns and cities. Twenty-five thousand
State majority against license.
Definite campaign for State
Prohibition;
261 towns "dry" out of 321;
20 cities "dry" out of 33;
26,297 State majority
against license.
Michigan 2 Prohibition Thirty Prohibition counties.
counties. Important new restrictive
400 Prohibition towns. legislation took effect
September 1, 1909.
State Prohibition campaign on.
Minnesota 400 Prohibition 1,611 "dry" towns.
towns. State wide union
of Prohibition forces.
Mississippi 65 Prohibition Enforcement of State-wide
counties. law passed February, 1908.
Legislature defeated Governor Noel a vigorous
State Prohibition prohibitionist.
amendment.
Missouri 3 Prohibition 77 'dry' counties.
counties 1905. State Prohibition
campaign definitely under way.
Vote November, 1910.
Montana No Prohibition Prohibition sentiment
territory. growing with notable increase
of party vote in several
districts.
Nebraska 200 Prohibition 26 Prohibition counties.
towns. Many local gains.
State capital Lincoln, 50,000,
voted "dry."
State Prohibition campaign on;
48 "dry" county seats.
Nevada No Prohibition Sentiment against gambling
territory. and liquor selling growing.
State Prohibition of gambling
effective October 1, 1910.
New Hampshire. State Prohibition 183 "dry" towns.
repealed 1903.
New Jersey "Wide-open" State. Whole year of 1909 filled
with agitation.
Law-defying Atlantic City
ring provokes widespread
public sentiment.
County option expected.
{18}
New Mexico Nothing. Prohibition forces very
active at legislative
session. Strong sentiment for
State Prohibition growing.
New York 285 Prohibition towns. Few changes. Concerted State
Cities all license wide campaign on in 300 local
by State law. Prohibition contests.
North Carolina. Local-option passed 1903. Success of State
Raleigh, capital, had Prohibition shown by
dispensary run by church official statistics.
deacons. In force January, 1908.
North Dakota STATE PROHIBITION. Same law. Sentiment
Lax enforcement in back of Prohibition
some sections. law overwhelming
throughout State.
Strong supplementary
legislation passed 1909.
Ohio First State 61 counties "dry."
local-option law Campaigns in largest
passed. cities, and State
Prohibition scheduled
for near future.
Net Prohibition majority
in 70 county contests,
66,132.
Oklahoma Few Prohibition towns. Enforcement of State
Prohibition law
steadily growing success.
Governor Haskell heartily
supporting it.
Prohibition Party
organized September 27,
1909.
Oregon No Prohibition State Prohibition vote
territory. November, 1910.
No local-option law. 21 counties "dry."
Pennsylvania Prohibition sentiment County option defeated
apathetic. 1909 but sentiment
rapidly growing.
Confident of advanced
legislation at next
session.
Rhode Island 20 Prohibition towns. Little change
South Carolina State dispensary. 37 Prohibition counties
(Abolished 1908.) out of 42.
Sweeping Prohibition
victories August 17, 1909.
State campaign definitely on.
South Dakota Scattering Prohibition Few local changes.
towns. Sentiment for State
Prohibition campaign
developing.
Tennessee* 8 License cities. State Prohibition passed
Liquor men threatened January, 1909.
repeal of Adams Effective July 1, 1909.
local-option law. Liquor manufacture
prohibition.
Law effective
January 1, 1910.
Remarkably beneficial
effects of Prohibition
immediately shown in
Nashville and other
cities.
* A proposal to embody state-wide prohibition in a constitutional
amendment was voted down heavily in Tennessee on the 29th of
November, 1909.
Texas 140 Prohibition 154 Prohibition counties.
counties. State Prohibition
referendum narrowly
defeated by Legislature,
only increased agitation
for that object.
Vote expected within
two years.
Utah No Prohibition County Prohibition and
territory. State referendum
defeated in Legislature,
expected at next session.
Vermont Prohibition 216 towns "dry."
repealed 1903. Demand for resubmission
138 Prohibition of State Prohibition growing.
towns out of Prohibition majority
240 in 1904. of 8,819 in whole State.
Virginia Local-option law 71 Prohibition counties.
passed 1903. Democratic primary being
fought out on Prohibition
issue.
Washington Few Prohibition towns. Compromise local
Prohibition law,
passed Legislature, 1909.
Prohibition sentiment
growing. Alaska-Yukon
Exposition, Seattle,
first big "dry" exposition.
West Virginia. 40 out of 54 Some local gains.
counties "dry" Charleston, state capital
"dry" since July 1.
Only three wholly "wet"
counties.
State campaign on.
Wisconsin 300 Prohibition towns 789 towns "dry."
Prohibition sentiment
growing rapidly;
4,000 business men
cheer argument for
Prohibition in great
debate at Milwaukee
March, 1909.
Wyoming No Prohibition New law effective
territory. January, 1910, puts
whole State under
Prohibition outside
of incorporated towns.
{19}
ALCOHOL: A. D. 1908-1909.
Diminished consumption of whiskey and beer.
According to the annual report of the Commissioner of Internal
Revenue for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1909, there were
about 5,000,000 less gallons of whiskey contributing to the
Federal revenue than in the fiscal year preceding, and
something like 2,500,000 fewer barrels of beer and ale. "This
seems clearly to mirror the effect of the prohibition movement
which has lately gained such headway in certain sections of
the South and West. Ordinarily, the consumption of spirits and
malt liquor is fairly steady in times of depression; and when
an industrial revival is under way, their use increases and
reflects itself in larger revenue returns. The absolute
shrinkage in consumption in the past fiscal year, therefore,
is doubly significant."
----------ALCOHOL: End--------
ALCORTA, Jose Figueroa:
President of Argentine Republic.
See (in this Volume)
ACRE DISPUTES.
ALDERMAN, Edward Anderson:
President of the University of Virginia.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.
ALDRICH, Nelson W.:
Work on the Payne-Aldrich Tariff.
See (in this Volume)
TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.
ALEXANDER, King of Servia:
His murder.
See (in this Volume)
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.
ALEXEIEFF, Admiral:
Appointed Viceroy in Manchuria, 1903.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.
ALFARO, General Elroy:
Made President of Ecuador by a revolution.
See (in this Volume)
ECUADOR: A. D. 1905-1906.
ALFONSO XIII.:
His Coronation.
See (in this Volume)
SPAIN: A. D. 1901-1904.
ALFONSO XIII.:
Marriage.
Attempted assassination.
See (in this Volume)
Spain: A. D. 1905-1906.
ALGECIRAS CONFERENCE, and Act.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906, and
MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.
ALGIERS: A. D. 1896-1906.
Encroachments on the Moroccan boundary.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1895-1906.
ALIENS ACT, The English.
See (in this Volume)
IMMIGRATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.
ALIENS, Rights of:
Pan-American Convention.
See (in this Volume)
American Republics.
ALI RIZA PASHA.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).
ALL INDIA MOSLEM LEAGUE.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1907 (DECEMBER), and 1907-1909.
ALLIANCES:
Franco-Russian.
Effect of Russo-Japanese War.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.
ALLIANCES:
Great Britain with Japan.
See Japan: A. D. 1902, and 1905 (August).
ALLIANCES:
The Triple Alliance.
See TRIPLE ALLIANCE.
ALMENARA, Dr. Domingo.
See (in this Volume)
PERU.
ALSOP CLAIM, The.
See (in this Volume)
CHILE: A. D. 1909.
ALVERSTONE, Sir Richard Everard Webster, Lord Chief Justice:
On the Alaska Boundary Commission.
See (in this Volume)
ALASKA: A. D. 1903.
ALVES, Rodriquez.
See (in this Volume)
ACRE DISPUTES.
AMADE, General d’:
Operations in Morocco.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909, and 1909.
AMADOR, Manuel:
President of Panama.
See (in this Volume)
PANAMA.
AMALGAMATED ASSOCIATION, of Iron, Steel, and Tin Plate Workers:
Its strike in 1901.
See (in this Volume)
Labor Organization, &c.: United States: A. D. 1901.
AMALGAMATED SOCIETY OF RAILWAY SERVANTS, British:
In Taff Vale case.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION, &c.: ENGLAND: A. D. 1900-1906.
AMALGAMATED SOCIETY OF RAILWAY SERVANTS, British:
In strike of 1907
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION, &c.: ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.
AMARAL, Admiral Ferreira do.
See (in this Volume)
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.
AMBAN, Chinese.
See (in this Volume)
TIBET: A. D. 1902-1904.
AMERICAN CIVIC ASSOCIATION.
See (in this Volume)
SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES.
AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION, &c.: UNITED STATES.
"AMERICAN INVASION" OF CANADA, The.
See (in this Volume) CANADA: A. D. 1896-1909.
----------AMERICAN REPUBLICS: Start--------
AMERICAN REPUBLICS:
The South and Central American nations:
Their recent rapid advance in character, dignity, and importance.
Among the astonishing. changes that have come upon the
political face of the world within a few years past, producing
new arrangements of rank or standing and new distributions of
influence in the great family of nations, the emergence of the
South American republics from generally chronic disorder and
obscure unimportance to a position, almost suddenly
recognized, of present weight and dignity and great promise to
the future, is far from the least.
In 1890, when Mr. Blaine, as Secretary of State, opened the
first well-planned endeavor of our government to put itself
into such relations with them, of friendly influence, as the
elder and stronger in the family of American republics ought
to hold, there was little appreciation of the importance of
the movement. Even Mr. Blaine did not seem to be fully earnest
and fully sanguine in it, or else his chief and his colleagues
in the government were not heartily with him; for his
admirable scheme of policy was almost wrecked in the second
year of its working, by the unaccountable impatience and
harshness with which President Harrison wrung humiliating
apologies from Chili for a trifling offense in 1892. The
seeming arrogance of power then manifested cast a reasonable
suspicion on the motives with which the great republic of
North America had made overtures of fraternity to the
republics of the South, and it freshened an old distrust in
their minds.
{20}
Happily, however, Mr. Blaine, in 1890, had brought about the
creation of a harmonizing and unifying agency which needed
only time to effect great results. This was the Bureau of the
American Republics, established at Washington, by a vote of
the delegates from eighteen North, South, and Central American
governments, at an International American Conference, held in
that city in March of the year named. Its immediate purpose
was the promotion of commercial intercourse; but the
information spread with that object, through all the countries
concerned, has carried with it every kind of pacific
understanding and stimulation. The common action with common
interests thus organized must have had more than anything else
to do with the generating of a public spirit, lately, in the
Spanish-American countries, very different from any ever
manifested before. It has wakened national ambitions in them
and sobered the factious temper which kept them in political
disorder so long.
Ten years ago, the Central and South American republics had so
little standing among the nations that few of them were
invited to the Peace Conference of 1900, and the invitation
was accepted by none. Spanish America was represented by
Mexico alone. At the conference of 1907 at The Hague there
were delegates from all, and several among their delegates
took a notably important part, giving a marked distinction to
the peoples they represent. It was by a special effort on the
part of our then Secretary of State that they were brought
thus into the council of nations.
Mr. Root has had wonderful success, indeed, in realizing the
aim of the policy projected and initiated by Mr. Blaine. He
has cleared away the distrust and won the confidence of our
fellow Americans at the middle and south of the continent,
bringing them to a friendly acceptance of the leading which
goes naturally with the power and the experience of these
United States. The resulting weight in world politics of what
may be called the Concert of America, paralleling the Concert
of Europe, is one of the greater products of the present
extraordinary time.
AMERICAN REPUBLICS:
Their Second International Conference, at the City of
Mexico, in 1901-1902.
Its proceedings, conventions, resolutions, etc.
The First International Conference of American Republics was
held at Washington in the winter and spring of 1889-1890,
attended by delegates from eighteen Governments of the New
World.
See, in Volume VI. of this work,
American Republics.
On the suggestion of President McKinley, ten years later, and
on the invitation of President Diaz, of Mexico, a second
Conference was convened at the City of Mexico, on the 23d of
October, 1901. The sessions of this Conference were prolonged
until the 31st of January, 1902. It was attended by delegates
from every independent nation then existing in America, being
twenty in number; but the delegation of Venezuela was
withdrawn by the Government of that State on the 14th of
January, and the withdrawal was made retroactive to and from
the preceding 31st of December. The delegation from the United
States was composed of ex-United States Senator Henry G.
Davis; Mr. William I. Buchanan, formerly Envoy Extraordinary
and Minister Plenipotentiary to the Argentine Republic; Mr.
John Barrett, formerly Minister Resident of the United States
to Siam; and Messrs. Charles M. Pepper and Volney W. Foster.
The following account of the work of the Conference and its
results is compiled from the report made by the delegates of
the United States to the Department of State:
"Señor Raigosa, chairman of the Mexican delegation, was chosen
temporary president, and the Conference then preceded to its
permanent organization by the election of his excellency Señor
Lic. Don Ignacio Mariscal, minister of foreign affairs of
Mexico, and Honorable John Hay, Secretary of State of the
United States, honorary presidents; Senor Lic. Don Genaro
Raigosa, of Mexico, president; Senhor Don José Hygino Duarte
Pereira, of Brazil, first vice-president, and Señor Doctor Don
Baltasar Estupinian, of Salvador, second vice-president. …
Under the rules adopted 19 committees were appointed and the
work of the conference was apportioned among them. …
"Discussion between the representatives of the Republics that
would constitute the conference began months previous to its
opening upon the subject of arbitration, and while every
desire was manifested then and thereafter by all to see a
conclusion reached by the conference in which all might join,
unsettled questions existed between some of the Republics that
would participate in the conference of a character that made
their avoidance difficult in any general discussion of the
subject. … This difficulty became more apparent as the
conference proceeded with its work. … It was tacitly agreed
between delegations, therefore, that the discussion of the
subject should be confined, so far as possible, to a
committee. … There was at no time any difficulty with regard
to securing a unanimous report favoring a treaty covering
merely arbitration as a principle; all delegations were in
favor of that. The point of discussion was as to the extent to
which the principle should be applied. Concerning this, three
views were supported in the conference:
(a) Obligatory arbitration, covering all questions pending or
future when they did not affect either independence or the
national honor of a country;
(b) Obligatory arbitration covering future questions only and
defining what questions shall constitute those to be excepted
from arbitration; and
(c) Facultative or voluntary arbitration, as best expressed by
The Hague convention. …
"A plan was finally suggested providing that all delegations
should sign the protocol for adhesion to the convention of The
Hague, as originally suggested by the United States
delegation, and that the advocates of obligatory arbitration
sign, between themselves, a project of treaty obligating their
respective governments to submit to the permanent court at The
Hague all questions arising or in existence, between
themselves, which did not affect their independence or their
national honor. Both the protocol and treaty were then to be
brought before the conference, incorporated in the minutes
without debate or action, and sent to the minister of foreign
relations of Mexico, to be officially certified and
transmitted by that official to the several signatory
governments. After prolonged negotiations this plan was
adopted and carried out as outlined above, all of the
delegations in the conference, excepting those of Chile and
Ecuador, signing the protocol covering adherence to The Hague
convention before its submission to the conference.
{21}
These, after a protracted debate on a point of order involving
the plan adopted, later accepted in open conference a solution
which made them—as they greatly desired to be, in another
form than that adopted—parties to the protocol. The project of
treaty of compulsory arbitration was signed by the delegations
of the Argentine Republic, Bolivia, Santo Domingo, El
Salvador, Guatemala, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, and
Venezuela. …
"By the above plan the conference attained the highest
possible end, and for the first time each of the American
Republics, as a result of that action, takes her place by the
side of the other countries of the world in favor of
international arbitration; more than this, by the unanimous
acceptance thus of The Hague convention on the part of the 19
Republics represented in the conference, it is given that
force and character which places it to-day as the formal
expression of the governments of the entire civilized world in
favor of peace. The delegates of the United States believe,
hence, that substantial progress and a noteworthy and historic
step in advance has been taken in the interests of peace, and
that means have been provided by which wars will be rendered
less frequent, if not wholly avoided, between the countries of
the Western Hemisphere. The opening of the doors of the
permanent tribunal of The Hague to all of the Republics of
America, as this protocol has done, is of itself an
achievement of the greatest importance. As a result of this
action the American Republics now have at their command the
machinery of that great international body for the pacific
settlement of any dispute they may desire to refer to
arbitration. Beyond this the obligations imposed by their
adhesion to the convention to have recourse, as far as
circumstances allow, to the good offices or mediation of any
one or more friendly powers, and to permit these offers to be
made without considering them unfriendly, is certainly a point
of great value gained by all.
"In addition to accepting The Hague convention the conference
went further. It accepted the three Hague conventions as
principles of public American international law, and
authorized and requested the President of the Mexican
Republic, as heretofore explained, to enter upon negotiations
with the several American Governments looking toward the most
unrestricted application of arbitration possible should the
way for such a step appear open. In addition to the protocol
and treaty referred to, another step was taken in the
direction of the settlement of international controversies by
the adoption and signing, on the part of every country
represented in the conference, of a project of treaty covering
the arbitration of pecuniary claims. Under this the several
republics obligate themselves for a period of five years to
submit to the arbitration of the court at The Hague all claims
for pecuniary loss or damage which may be presented by their
respective citizens and which cannot be amicably adjusted
through diplomatic channels, when such claims are of
sufficient importance to warrant the expense of arbitration.
Should both parties prefer that a special jurisdiction be
organized, according to article 21 of the convention of The
Hague this may be done, and if the permanent court of The
Hague shall not be open to one or more of the signatory
republics for any cause, they obligate themselves to stipulate
then in a special treaty the rules under which a tribunal
shall be established for the adjustment of the matter in
dispute and the form of procedure to be followed in such
arbitration. As a supplement to the protocol and treaty above
referred to, this project of treaty is of great importance and
will most certainly be of wide benefit to the good relations
and intercourse between the United States and her sister
republics of this Hemisphere." …
"Among the most important recommendations made by the First
International American Conference, held in Washington in
1889-1890, with a view to facilitating trade and communication
between the American Republics, was that looking to the
construction of an intercontinental railway, by which all of
the republics on the American continent would be put into rail
communication with each other. In pursuance of the
recommendations of that conference, an international railway
commission was organized, and under its direction surveys were
made which showed that it would be entirely practicable, by
using, as far as possible, existing railway systems and
filling in the gaps between them. … The report of the
intercontinental railway commission showed that the distance
between New York and Buenos Ayres by way of the proposed line
would be 10,471 miles, of which a little less than one-half
had then been constructed, leaving about 5,456 miles to be
built. Following up the work of the first conference and the
intercontinental railway commission, the present conference
adopted a strong report and a series of carefully considered
recommendations on this subject. …
"The resolution … providing for the meeting of an
international American customs congress in the city of New
York within a year, to consider customs administrative
matters, is one of the subjects on which early action should
be taken by our Government if the success of the congress is
to be assured. The governing board of the International Bureau
of the American Republics is to fix the date for the meeting
of this congress. … This congress will have nothing whatever
to do with the subject of tariff rates in any of the countries
represented. Its functions … briefly stated, are to consider
means for bringing about, as far as may be practicable, the
adoption by the several republics of uniform and simple
methods of custom-house procedure and a uniform and simple
system of port regulations and charges; measures to secure the
adoption and use in customs schedules and laws of a common
nomenclature of the products and merchandise of the American
republics, to be issued in English, Spanish, Portuguese, and
French, and that it may become the basis for the statistical
data of exports and imports; to provide for the organization
of a permanent customs committee or commission, composed of
persons having technical and expert knowledge, which, as a
dependency of the International Bureau of the American
Republics, or otherwise, shall be charged with the execution
of the resolutions and decisions of the congress and the study
of the customs laws of the American republics, in order to
suggest to the several governments the adoption of laws and
measures which, with regard to custom house formalities, may
tend to simplify and facilitate mercantile traffic. …
{22}
"Another resolution which contemplates that early action must
be taken by the several Governments is that regarding
quarantine and sanitary matters. In dealing with this subject
the object of the conference was to make sanitation take the
place of quarantine. When the ideal had in view by the
conference shall have been realized, the cities of the Western
Hemisphere will have been put in such perfect sanitary
condition that the propagation of disease germs in them will
be impossible and quarantine restrictions upon travel and
commerce, with their vexations and burdensome delays and
expenses, will be unnecessary.
"The conference fully recognized the value and importance to
all the Republics of the International Bureau of the American
Republics, which was established in Washington in pursuance of
the action of the First International American Conference. …
With a view to rendering the Bureau still more useful to all
the countries represented in its administration, and making it
still more valuable in establishing and maintaining closer
relations between them, the conference adopted a plan of
reorganization, or rather of broadening and expanding the
existing organization. … The new regulations adopted provide
that the Bureau shall be under the management of a governing
board to be composed of the Secretary of State of the United
States, who is to be its chairman, and the diplomatic
representatives in Washington of all the other governments
represented in the Bureau. This governing board is to meet
regularly once a month, excepting in June, July, and August of
each year. …
"In order that the archæological and ethnological remains
existing in the territory of the several Republics of the
Western Hemisphere might be systematically studied and
preserved, the conference adopted a resolution providing for
the meeting of an American international archæological
commission in the city of Washington, D. C., within two years
from the date of the adoption of the resolution. …
"The conference gave its most hearty indorsement to the
project for the construction of an interoceanic canal by the
Government of the United States." …
"The recommendation of the conference that there be
established in New York, Chicago, San Francisco, New Orleans,
Buenos Ayres, or any other important mercantile center, a bank
with branches in the principal cities in the American
republics, is in line with the similar resolution adopted by
the First International American Conference in Washington in
1889-1890."
"In addition to the protocol for the adhesion of the American
Republics to the Convention of The Hague, the treaty of
compulsory arbitration signed by nine delegations, and the
treaty for the arbitration of pecuniary claims, the Conference
agreed to and signed a treaty for the extradition of
criminals, … including a clause making anarchy an extraditable
offense when it shall have been defined by the legislation of
the respective countries; a convention on the practice of the
learned professions, providing for the reciprocal recognition
of the professional diplomas and titles granted in the several
Republics; a convention for the formation of codes of public
and private international law; … a convention on literary and
artistic copyrights; … a convention for the exchange of
official, scientific, literary, and industrial publications; …
a treaty on patents of invention, etc.; … and a convention on
the rights of aliens." The treaty on patents and the
convention on the rights of aliens could not be signed by the
delegates of the United States, for reasons set forth in their
report.
"The delegates desire especially to express their most
grateful appreciation of the courtesy extended by the Mexican
Government in preparing for the comfort of delegates and in
all the arrangements for the conference. Every convenience at
the command of that Government was placed at the disposal of
delegates to assist them in the discharge of their labors. …
"It is the belief of the delegates of the United States that
the results of the Second International American Conference
will be of great and lasting benefit to the nations
participating in its deliberations. … That the relations
between the American Republics have been improved as a result
of the conference cannot be doubted. The intimate daily
association for nearly four months, of leading men from every
American Republic of itself tended toward this result.
Delegates learned that, while existing international relations
made differences of opinion inevitable between the
representatives of some of the countries, they all had many
interests in common. As a result, toleration for the opinions
of others was shown by delegates to a marked degree, and the
sessions of the conference were remarkably free from
acrimonious debates and reflections on the policies of
delegations or their Governments."
_57th Congress, 1st Session 1901-1902,
Senate Document 330._
AMERICAN REPUBLICS:
Their Third International Conference,
at Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, in 1906.
Proceedings, conventions, resolutions.
The Third International Conference of American Republics was
held at Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, from July 21st to August 26th,
1906. It was attended by delegates from each of the 21
American Republics, excepting only Hayti and Venezuela. The
delegates from the United States of America were the Honorable
William I. Buchanan, chairman, formerly Envoy Extraordinary
and Minister Plenipotentiary to the Argentine Republic; Dr. L.
S. Rowe, Professor of Political Science, University of
Pennsylvania; Honorable A. J. Montague, ex-Governor of
Virginia; Mr. Tulio Larrinaga, Resident Commissioner from
Porto Rico in Washington; Mr. Paul S. Reinsch, Professor of
Political Science, University of Wisconsin; Mr. Van Leer Polk,
ex-Consul-General; with a staff of secretaries, etc., from
several departments of the public service at Washington.
The Conference was attended also by the Secretary of State of
the United States, the Honorable Elihu Root, incidentally to
an important tour through many parts of South America which he
made in the months of that summer. In the course of his
journey he visited, on invitation, not only Brazil, but
Uruguay, Argentina, Chile, Peru, Panama, and Colombia; and, as
stated in the next annual Message of President Roosevelt, "he
refrained from visiting Paraguay, Bolivia, and Ecuador only
because the distance of their capitals from the seaboard made
it impracticable with the time at his disposal. He carried
with him a message of peace and friendship, and of strong
desire for good understanding and mutual helpfulness; and he
was everywhere received in the spirit of his message."
{23}
In the instructions to the delegates from the United States,
prepared by Secretary Root, this wise admonition was
conveyed:—
"It is important that you should keep in mind and, as occasion
serves, impress upon your colleagues, that such a conference
is not an agency for compulsion or a tribunal for
adjudication; it is not designed to compel States to make
treaties or to observe treaties; it should not sit in judgment
upon the conduct of any State, or undertake to redress alleged
wrongs, or to settle controverted questions of right. A
successful attempt to give such a character to the Conference
would necessarily be fatal to the Conference itself, for few
if any of the States represented in it would be willing to
submit their sovereignty to the supervision which would be
exercised by a body thus arrogating to itself supreme and
indefinite powers. The true function of such a conference is
to deal with matters of common interest which are not really
subjects of controversy, but upon which comparison of views
and friendly discussion may smooth away differences of detail,
develop substantial agreement and lead to coöperation along
common lines for the attainment of objects which all really
desire. It follows from this view of the functions of the
Conference that it is not expected to accomplish any striking
or spectacular final results; but is to deal with many matters
which, not being subjects of controversy, attract little
public attention, yet which, taken together, are of great
importance for the development of friendly intercourse among
nations; and it is to make such progress as may now be
possible toward the acceptance of ideals, the full realization
of which may be postponed to a distant future. All progress
toward the complete reign of justice and peace among nations
is accomplished by long and patient effort and by many
successive steps; and it is confidently hoped that this
Conference will mark some substantial advancement by all the
American States in this process of developing Christian
civilization. Not the least of the benefits anticipated from
the Conference will be the establishment of agreeable personal
relations, the removal of misconceptions and prejudices, and
the habit of temperate and kindly discussion among the
representatives of so many Republics."
The following account of the Conference and its action is
derived from the subsequent official report of the Delegates
of the United States:—
"The sessions of the Conference were held in a spacious and
ornate building, erected especially for this purpose by the
Brazilian Government, and situated on the superb new boulevard
that for nearly four miles follows the shore of the Bay of
Rio, and at the end of the new Avenida Central. The building
is a permanent one, reproduced in granite and marble from the
plans of the palace erected by Brazil at the Louisiana
Purchase Exposition, at St. Louis. It is surrounded by an
exquisite garden, and, facing as it does the entrance to the
wonderfully beautiful Bay of Rio, the building is a notable
landmark. It was christened 'The Monroe Palace' by special
action of the Brazilian Government. The Brazilian Government
installed in the palace a complete telegraph, mail, and
telephone service, and telegrams, cables, and mail of the
different delegations and of individual delegates were
transmitted free. Recognition is due in this connection to the
governments of the Argentine Republic, Paraguay, Uruguay, and
Chili, which officially extended, through the director of
telegraphs of Brazil, the courtesy of free transit for all
telegrams sent by delegates over the telegraph lines of their
respective countries. This marked courtesy on the part of
Brazil and of the Republics mentioned was greatly appreciated
by the delegates. In connection with the work of the
Conference, the Brazilian Government organized and maintained
at its expense an extensive and competent corps of
translators, stenographers, and clerical assistants, whose
services were at all times at the command of the delegates. A
buffet lunch, for the convenience and comfort of delegates and
their guests, was maintained in the palace throughout the
period of the Conference. The palace was elaborately lighted
and was the center of attraction day and night for great
crowds of people, and nothing in connection with its equipment
and administration or that concerned the comfort or
convenience of delegates was left undone by the Brazilian
Government. The Monroe Palace now becomes a national meeting
place for the people of Brazil. It will remain as an adornment
of the splendid new Rio that has risen from the old city during
the past two or three years, and as an evidence of the
progress and energy of the Brazilian people.
"The Conference was formally opened in the presence of a large
and distinguished audience on the evening of July 23, 1906, by
His Excellency the Baron do Rio Branco, the distinguished
Brazilian minister for foreign affairs. The approaches to the
palace were lined with troops, the public grounds and avenues
of the city brilliantly illuminated and packed with people. …
The Conference unanimously chose as its president, His
Excellency Señor Dr. Joaquim Nabuco, the Brazilian Ambassador
to the United States; as honorary vice-presidents, His
Excellency the Baron do Rio Branco, and the Honorable Elihu
Root, Secretary of State of the United States, and as its
Secretary-General, His Excellency, Señor Dr. J. F. de
Assis-Brasil, the Brazilian envoy extraordinary and minister
plenipotentiary to the Argentine Republic. The latter selected
as his assistants one of the most competent and distinguished
groups of men that has served any of the preceding
conferences. … These officers left nothing undone toward
aiding and facilitating the work of delegates, and to them the
United States delegation feels greatly indebted for the many
courtesies and the great kindness extended on all occasions.
"The conference was attended by delegates from each of the 21
American Republics, with the exception of Haiti and
Venezuela." …
{24}
"The distinguishing note of the Conference was the
extraordinary session convened to receive the Secretary of
State of the United States, Honorable Elihu Root, who, as
stated earlier in this report, had been named one of the two
honorary presidents of the Conference. The reception accorded
the Secretary of State by the Conference was one of the most
notable political events that has taken place in our relations
with Central and South America, and manifested the feeling of
good fellowship and sympathy that exists between the American
Republics. We believe the visit of the Secretary of State to
South America has resulted in greater good to our relations
with Central and South America than any one thing that has
heretofore taken place in our diplomatic history with them.
The extraordinary session of the Conference to receive the
Secretary of State was held on the evening of July 31 and was
one of great brilliancy. In introducing the Secretary of State
to the Conference, His Excellency Dr. Joaquim Nabuco, the
Brazilian Ambassador to the United States and President of the
Conference, delivered a notable address, to which the
Secretary of State replied."
It was, indeed, a notable utterance of pregnant and impressive
thought which Mr. Root addressed to this important congress of
the American Republics, and it well deserved the distinction
that was accorded to it by the President of the United States,
when he appended it to his Message to Congress the following
December. A considerable part of the brief but richly filled
address may fitly be quoted here:
"I bring from my country," said the Secretary, "a special
greeting to her elder sisters in the civilization of America.
Unlike as we are in many respects, we are alike in this, that
we are all engaged under new conditions, and free from the
traditional forms and limitations of the Old World in working
out the same problem of popular self-government.
"It is a difficult and laborious task for each of us. Not in
one generation nor in one century can the effective control of
a superior sovereign, so long deemed necessary to government,
be rejected and effective self-control by the governed be
perfected in its place. The first fruits of democracy are many
of them crude and unlovely; its mistakes are many, its partial
failures many, its sins not few. Capacity for self-government
does not come to man by nature. It is an art to be learned,
and it is also an expression of character to be developed
among all the thousands of men who exercise popular
sovereignty.
"To reach the goal toward which we are pressing forward, the
governing multitude must first acquire knowledge that comes
from universal education, wisdom that follows practical
experience, personal independence and self-respect befitting
men who acknowledge no superior, self-control to replace that
external control which a democracy rejects, respect for law,
obedience to the lawful expressions of the public will,
consideration for the opinions and interests of others equally
entitled to a voice in the state, loyalty to that abstract
conception—one’s country—as inspiring as that loyalty to
personal sovereigns which has so illumined the pages of
history, subordination of personal interests to the public
good, love of justice and mercy, of liberty and order. All
these we must seek by slow and patient effort; and of how many
shortcomings in his own land and among his own people each one
of us is conscious!
"Yet no student of our times can fail to see that not America
alone but the whole civilized world is swinging away from its
old governmental moorings and intrusting the fate of its
civilization to the capacity of the popular mass to govern. By
this pathway mankind is to travel, whithersoever it leads.
Upon the success of this our great undertaking the hope of
humanity depends. Nor can we fail to see that the world makes
substantial progress towards more perfect popular
self-government. …
"It is not by national isolation that these results have been
accomplished or that this progress can be continued. No nation
can live unto itself alone and continue to live. Each nation’s
growth is a part of the development of the race. There may be
leaders and there may be laggards, but no nation can long
continue very far in advance of the general progress of
mankind, and no nation that is not doomed to extinction can
remain very far behind. It is with nations as with individual
men; intercourse, association, correction of egotism by the
influence of others' judgment, broadening of views by the
experience and thought of equals, acceptance of the moral
standards of a community the desire for whose good opinion
lends a sanction to the rules of right conduct—these are the
conditions of growth in civilization. …
"To promote this mutual interchange and assistance between the
American republics, engaged in the same great task, inspired
by the same purpose, and professing the same principles, I
understand to be the function of the American Conference now
in session. There is not one of all our countries that cannot
benefit the others; there is not one that cannot receive
benefit from the others; there is not one that will not gain
by the prosperity, the peace, the happiness of all. …
"The association of so many eminent men from all the
Republics, leaders of opinion in their own homes; the
friendships that will arise among you; the habit of temperate
and kindly discussion of matters of common interest; the
ascertainment of common sympathies and aims; the dissipation
of misunderstandings; the exhibition to all the American
peoples of this peaceful and considerate method of conferring
upon international questions—this alone, quite irrespective of
the resolutions you may adopt and the conventions you may
sign, will mark a substantial advance in the direction of
international good understanding.
"These beneficent results the Government and the people of the
United States of America greatly desire. We wish for no
victories but those of peace; for no territory except our own;
for no sovereignty except the sovereignty over ourselves. We
deem the independence and equal rights of the smallest and
weakest member of the family of nations entitled to as much
respect as those of the greatest empire, and we deem the
observance of that respect the chief guaranty of the weak
against the oppression of the strong. We neither claim nor
desire any rights, or privileges, or powers that we do not
freely concede to every American republic. We wish to increase
our prosperity, to expand our trade, to grow in wealth, in
wisdom, and in spirit, but our conception of the true way to
accomplish this is not to pull down others and profit by their
ruin, but to help all friends to a common prosperity and a
common growth, that we may all become greater and stronger
together.
{25}
"Within a few months, for the first time the recognized
possessors of every foot of soil upon the American continents
can be and I hope will be represented with the acknowledged
rights of equal sovereign states in the great World Congress
at The Hague. This will be the world’s formal and final
acceptance of the declaration that no part of the American
continents is to be deemed subject to colonization. Let us
pledge ourselves to aid each other in the full performance of
the duty to humanity which that accepted declaration implies;
so that in time the weakest and most unfortunate of our
republics may come to march with equal step by the side of the
stronger and more fortunate. Let us help each other to show
that for all the races of men the liberty for which we have
fought and labored is the twin sister of justice and peace.
Let us unite in creating and maintaining and making effective
an all-American public opinion, whose power shall influence
international conduct and prevent international wrong, and
narrow the causes of war, and forever preserve our free lands
from the burden of such armaments as are massed behind the
frontiers of Europe, and bring us ever nearer to the
perfection of ordered liberty. So shall come security and
prosperity, production and trade, wealth, learning, the arts,
and happiness for us all."
The fruits of the Conference were embodied in four conventions
and a number of important resolutions. The text of a
convention agreed to, which establishes between the States
signing it the status of naturalized citizens who again take
up their residence in the country of their origin, will be
found elsewhere in this Volume, under the subject-heading
Naturalization. Another, which amends and extends the
operation of a treaty signed at the Second Conference, at
Mexico, in 1902 (see above) is as follows:—
"Sole article.
The treaty on pecuniary claims signed at Mexico January
thirtieth, nineteen hundred and two, shall continue in force,
with the exception of the third article, which is hereby
abolished, until the thirty-first day of December, nineteen
hundred and twelve, both for the nations which have already
ratified it, and for those which may hereafter ratify it."
The third Convention signed was a modification and extension
of another of the agreements of the Second Conference, at
Mexico, having relation to patents of invention, literary
property, etc. The fourth Convention provides for an
"international Commission of Jurists, composed of one
representative from each of the signatory States, appointed by
their respective Governments, which Commission shall meet for
the purpose of preparing a draft of a code of Private
International Law and one of Public International Law,
regulating the relations between the nations of America." The
more important of the resolutions adopted were the following:
"To ratify adherence to the principle of arbitration; and, to
the end that so high a purpose may be rendered practicable, to
recommend to the Nations represented at this Conference that
instructions be given to their Delegates to the Second
Conference to be held at The Hague, to endeavor to secure by
the said Assembly, of world-wide character, the celebration of
a General Arbitration Convention, so effective and definite
that, meriting the approval of the civilized world, it shall
be accepted and put in force by every nation."
"To recommend to the Governments represented therein that they
consider the point of inviting the Second Peace Conference, at
The Hague, to examine the question of the compulsory
collection of public debts, and, in general, means tending to
diminish between Nations conflicts having an exclusively
pecuniary origin."
Other resolutions of the Conference were directed to a
broadening of the work and an enlargement of the influence of
the International Bureau of the American Republics; to the
erection of a building for that Bureau and for the
contemplated Library in Memory of Columbus; to the creation in
the Bureau of a section having "as its chief object a special
study of the customs legislation, consular regulations and
commercial statistics of the Republics of America," with a
view to bringing them into more harmony, and to securing the
greatest development and amplification of commercial relations
between American Republics; to promote the establishment and
maintenance of navigation lines connecting the principal ports
of the American continent; to bring about more effective
cooperation in international sanitary measures; to advance the
construction of lines that shall form, connectedly, the
desired Pan-American Railway, extending through the two
continents.
The time and place of future conferences are to be determined
by the Governing Board of the Bureau of American Republics.
AMERICAN REPUBLICS: The International Bureau:
Its increased efficiency.
The gift of a building to it by Mr. Carnegie.
The International Bureau of the American Republics, instituted
at Washington in 1890 (see in Volume VI. of this work),
assumed larger functions and increased importance in 1906,
after the return of Mr. Root, United States Secretary of
State, from his tour of visits to the South American States.
The Honorable John Barrett, who had successively represented
the Government of the United States in Panama, in Argentina
and in Colombia, as well as at the Second Pan-American
Conference, in Mexico, was made Director of the Bureau, and
entered upon its duties with an exalted belief in the
possibilities of good to be done in the American hemisphere by
an energetic promotion of more intimate relations between its
peoples. At the same time a new dignity was given to the
International Union of the American Republics, embodied in the
work of the Bureau, by the provision of a stately building for
its use. Mr. Root had persuaded Congress to appropriate
$200,000 for the site and building of such a home, to be
offered to the Union, and this inadequate sum was supplemented
by a generous private gift. It was easy to interest Mr. Andrew
Carnegie in a project which bore so directly on the promotion
of international friendliness and peace, and he offered an
addition of $750,000 to the fund for the Pan-American
Building.
The site secured for the structure is that of the old Van Ness
mansion, about half-way between the State, War and Navy
Building and the Potomac River. It covers a tract of five
acres, facing public parks on two sides. There the corner
stone of a central seat of Pan-American coöperations and
influences was laid in May, 1908, in the presence of official
representatives from twenty-one American republics, and under
their assembled flags.
{26}
AMERICAN SCHOOL PEACE LEAGUE, The.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1908.
AMERICAN SOCIETY OF EQUITY.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION, &c.:
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909.
AMERICAN SUGAR REFINING COMPANY (the "Sugar Trust").
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907-1909, and 1909.
AMSTERDAM: A. D. 1907.
Meeting of International Woman Suffrage Alliance.
See (in this Volume)
Elective Franchise: Woman Suffrage.
AMUNDSEN, Roald: Arctic Exploration.
Magnetic Pole Researches.
See (in this Volume)
POLAR EXPLORATION.
ANAM: Deposition of the King.
Toward the end of 1906, France asserted sovereignty over Anam,
which had been a French Protectorate for many years, by
adjudging its king to be insane, placing him in confinement,
and thus ending his reign. He was accused of almost incredible
atrocities, in torturing and murdering his wives and other
subjects within his reach. Even cannibalism was included among
his alleged crimes.
ANARCHISM IN INDIA.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908, and 1907-1909.
ANATOLIAN RAILWAY.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1909.
ANDERSON, Judge A. B.:
Acquittal of the Standard Oil Company.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.
ANDRASSY, Count.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.
ANGELL, James Burrill:
Retirement from Presidency of University of Michigan.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.
ANGLE HILL, Capture of.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).
ANJUMAN,
ENJUMEN.
A term which seems to signify in Persia either a local
assembly or a political association of any nature.
See (in this Volume)
PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
ANNUITIES, for Workingmen.
See POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF.
ANTARCTIC EXPLORATION.
See POLAR EXPLORATION.
ANTHRACITE COAL:
The Railroad Monopoly.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.
ANTHRACITE COAL STRIKES.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.
ANTI-REBATE LEGISLATION.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1870-1908,
and 1903 (FEBRUARY).
ANTI-SEMITIC DEMONSTRATIONS.
See (in this Volume)
JEWS.
ANTI-TRUST, or Sherman Act, of 1890 .
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1890-1902.
ANTI-TRUST DECISIONS, in United States Courts.
See (in this Volume)
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES.
ANTUNG: Opened to Foreign Trade.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1903 (MAY-OCTOBER).
ANTUNG-MUKDEN RAILWAY QUESTION, between Japan and China.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1905-1909
APOSTOLIC CONSTITUTION OF THE CURIA.
See (in this Volume)
PAPACY: A. D. 1908.
APPALACHIAN MOUNTAIN FORESTS, Preservation of the.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.
APPONYI, Count Albert.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904; 1905-1906; 1908-1909.
ARABIA: A. D. 1903-1905.
"Holy War" with the Sultan opened by the Sheik Hamid
Eddin, of the Hadramaut, claiming the Caliphate.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1905.
ARBITRATION, INDUSTRIAL.
See LABOR ORGANIZATION.
ARBITRATION, INTERNATIONAL:
General Treaties, since the First Peace Conference, of 1899.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1899-1909.
ARBITRATION, SPECIAL:
Of the Pious Fund Dispute between Mexico and the
United States.
See (in this Volume)
MEXICO: A. D. 1902 (MAY).
ARBITRATION, OF CLAIMS AGAINST VENEZUELA.
See (in this Volume)
VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.
ARBITRATION, Of Alaska Boundary, between the United
States and Great Britain.
See (in this Volume)
ALASKA: A. D. 1903.
ARBITRATION, Of Brazil and British Guiana:
Boundary Dispute.
See (in this Volume)
BRAZIL: A. D. 1904.
ARBITRATION, Of Great Britain and Russia:
The Dogger Bank Incident.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).
ARBITRATION, Of Fisheries Questions between the United
States and Great Britain.
See (in this Volume)
NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.
ARBITRATION, Central American Court of Justice.
See (in this Volume)
CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1907.
ARBITRATION, Of Casablanca Incident, between Germany and France,
at The Hague.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.
ARCTIC EXPLORATION.
See (in this Volume)
POLAR EXPLORATION.
ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1901-1906.
Participation in Second and Third International Conferences
of American Republics, at Rio de Janeiro.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1902.
Noble ending of naval rivalries with Chile.
A model arbitration treaty.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1902.
ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1903.
The Foreign Population.
"Statistics of 1903 showed 1,000,000 foreigners in Argentina
in a total of 5,000,000. Of these 500,000 were Italians,
200,000 Spaniards, 100,000 French, 25,000 English, 18,000
Germans, 15,000 Swiss, 13,000 Austrians, and the remainder of
many nationalities. The number of Americans did not exceed
1,500, although many are coming now, to go into cattle-raising
and farming in the country or into all kinds of business in
Buenos Ayres. English influence is very strong, especially in
financial circles, with the Germans almost equally active."
_John Barret,
Argentina
(American Review of Reviews, July, 1905)._
ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1904.
Inauguration of President Quintana.
Dr. Manuel Quintana, elected President of the Republic, was
inaugurated on the 12th of October, 1904, and entered on an
administration which promised much good to the country.
{27}
ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1905.
A revolutionary movement promptly suppressed.
A revolutionary undertaking, in Buenos Aires and several
provinces, had its outbreak on the 4th of February, but was
suppressed so promptly that the public disturbance by it was
very brief. Particulars of the affair were reported by the
American Minister at Buenos Aires, Mr. Beaupré, as follows:
"On the afternoon of the 3d instant rumors of an intended
movement subversive of the established government of this
country came to the Federal authorities from various parts of
the Republic. These rumors were at first discredited, but
finally proved so persistent that the President and heads of
the various departments of the government proceeded to take
measures of precaution. In the early hours of the morning of
the next day, the 4th instant, the anticipated outbreak came
simultaneously in the capital, Rosario, Mendoza, Cordoba, and
Bahia Blanca, these being the largest cities of the Republic
and the principal political and military centers.
"In the capital the plan of the revolutionists seems to have
been to attack the police stations and military arsenal, with
a view perhaps of forcing the police of the capital into their
ranks and of supplying themselves with arms and munitions. At
the arsenal, by a simple stratagem of the minister of war, the
malcontents were lured into the building and arrested. About
the police stations there was some fighting, particularly at
Station No. 14; but the insurgents proved unprepared and
insufficiently organized, so that by dawn the movement had
completely failed in this city. Except that many of the shops
remained closed throughout the day of the 4th, and except for
the presence of armed police in the streets, there were no
evidences of any revolutionary effort. Some half dozen
fatalities are reported.
"The prompt and effective suppression of the revolution in
this city is due in large measure to the energy and judgment
displayed by the President and his ministers, who spent the
entire night in the Government House in council. Following up
the precautionary measures of the 3d instant and the active
measures of the night of the 3d and 4th, the President
proceeded at 8 A. M. of the 4th to declare the Republic in a
state of siege for a period of thirty days, to call out the
reserves and to establish a censorship of the press and of the
telegraph service.
"The movement in Rosario was about as brief and unsuccessful
as that in the capital, so that by the forenoon of the 4th it
was known to have failed in the two principal cities of the
Republic. Here there was also some blood shed.
"In the meantime the real center of the movement was the city
of Cordoba, while serious trouble seemed in view in the city
of Mendoza, where the revolutionists were said to be in a
strong position, and in the province of Buenos Aires, where
troops and marines were already in movement from Bahia Blanca
upon the capital."
Forces despatched to those points made as quick an ending of
the revolt there as at the capital. "The revolutionary forces
at Cordoba had made prisoners of the vice-president of the
Republic, Dr. Figueroa Alcorta, and other prominent citizens.
These prominent men they are reported to have proposed putting
in their vanguard unless concessions were made to them. This
and the conditions of the revolutionists the vice-president
telegraphed to the Executive, who did not allow himself to be
moved by threats or even by sympathy for his colleague.
Consequently the revolutionists, finding threats and
resistance vain, fled yesterday before the government troops
arrived. With the failure of the movement in Cordoba the
revolution is considered at an end and the country has
returned to its former condition of peace and tranquillity."
ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1906.
Death of its President.
Dr. Manuel Quintana, the much esteemed President of the
Argentine Republic, died in March, 1906, and was succeeded by
the Vice-President, Dr. Figuero Alcorta, who will fill the
office until 1910.
ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1908.
Dreadnought building.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.
ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1909.
Assassination of Colonel Falcon.
As Colonel Falcon, Prefect of Police at Buenos Ayres, was
returning from a funeral, with his secretary, on the 14th of
November, a bomb was thrown into the carriage and exploded,
with fatal effects to both. The assassin, a youth of nineteen
years, was captured. The murder had been preceded by a number
of bomb explosions in the past six months, all attributed to
anarchists from Europe, of whom large numbers were said to
have been collected in Buenos Ayres.
ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1909.
Chief food supply to Great Britain.
"How many readers of _The Times_ (said a special
correspondent of the _London Times_ writing from Buenos
Aires, October 15, 1909), if asked to name the country which
supplied the United Kingdom last year with the largest
quantity of wheat, of maize, and of refrigerated and frozen
cattle, would unhesitatingly award the first place to the
Argentine Republic? How many English people realize that this
South American Republic is changing places with the North
American Republic in the exporting of these and other food
products to the United Kingdom? The Argentine Republic last
year occupied, and may in the future occupy, the first, whilst
the United States may have to be content with the second,
place in the exportation of foodstuffs. The change is partly
due to the shortage of meat in America, and partly to the fact
that with their increasing population the United States will
have less and less surplus provisions with which to supply the
world. Last year, the Argentine Republic sent England three
times more maize than the United States did, something like
four and a half million cwt. more wheat, and considerably over
twice the amount of refrigerated and frozen cattle. The
shipments of meat are considerably heavier for the first nine
months of 1909, so the proportion shipped by the Argentine
Republic is not likely to be less for the present year."
ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1909.
Arbitration of the Acre boundary dispute between
Bolivia and Peru.
See (in this Volume)
ACRE DISPUTES.
ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1909.
Building of the Transandine Railway Tunnel.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: ARGENTINA-CHILE.
ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1910.
Agreement with Uruguay concerning the River Plate.
The following message came from Buenos Ayres on the 6th of
January, 1910: "A burning question between Argentina and
Uruguay, which for two years was seemingly insoluble and
possibly involved Brazil, has been settled by Señor Roque
Saenz-Peña.
{28}
As Argentine Plenipotentiary he signed a Protocol at
Montevideo yesterday, of which the following is a summary:
Recognizing the reciprocal desire for friendly relations,
fortified by the common origin of the two nations, the parties
agree to declare that past differences are not capable of
being regarded as a cause of offence and shall not be allowed
to continue. The navigation and use of the waters of the River
Plate will continue as heretofore without alteration, and
differences which may arise in the future will be removed and
settled in the same spirit of cordiality."
ARICA-LA PAZ RAILWAY.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: CHILE-BOLIVIA.
ARICA QUESTION.
See (in this Volume)
CHILE: A. I). 1907.
ARID LANDS, Reclamation of.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.
ARIZONA:
Refusal of statehood in union with New Mexico.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.
ARMENIANS: A. D. 1903-1904.
Incursions of Armenian revolutionists from Russia and Persia.
Exaggerated accounts of massacre.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.
ARMENIANS: A. D. 1905.
Massacre by Tartars in the Caucasus.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).
ARMENIANS: A. D. 1909.
Massacre at Adana and vicinity.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY) and (APRIL-DECEMBER).
ARMAMENTS.
Armies.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATION FOR.
ARMOUR & CO.,et al.,
The case of the United States against.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL:
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.
ARMOUR PACKING COMPANY:
Decision against in rebating case.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908.
ARMSTRONG, Vice-Consul J. P.:
Reports on affairs in the Congo State.
See (in this Volume)
CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.
ARMSTRONG INVESTIGATION COMMITTEE.
See (in this Volume)
INSURANCE, LIFE.
ARNOLDSEN, K. P.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
ARRHENIUS, SVANTE AUGUST.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
ARYA SAMAJ, The:
This is "an organization founded in Bombay more than 30 years
ago by a devout Gujerati Brahmin who was born in Kathiawar. So
far as I am aware, it has few followers in Bombay nowadays:
but in the last few years it has waxed very strong in the
Punjab. Originally it was a purely religious movement, based
upon the teaching of the Vedas. It promotes the abolition of
caste and idolatry, condemns early marriages, and permits the
remarriage of widows. At the same time it is violently hostile
to Christianity. There can be no question that large numbers
of members of the Arya Samaj are only concerned with its
spiritual side; but there can be equally no question that the
organization, as a whole, has developed marked political
tendencies subversive of British rule. …
"In the United Provinces it is believed that there are now
about 40,000 members of the Arya Samaj. I have entirely failed
to secure any trustworthy estimate of the number of its
members in this province [the Punjab], but there are
flourishing branches of the Samaj in every large town and in
many of the important villages, and proselytism is being
actively pursued with marked success. The members of the Samaj
strenuously deny that their organization has a political side.
The literature of the sect, and particularly the writings of
their founder, the ardent ascetic Dayanand Saraswati, who came
from Kathiawar, show no trace of any interest in mundane
politics. Dayanand was an enthusiast who denounced the
idolatrous tendencies of modern Hinduism, and advocated a
return to the earlier, purer faith. … Dayanand’s clarion call
of "Back to the Vedas" produced a complete revulsion of
feeling, and he made the Punjab a stronghold of the new creed.
For that reason, the Arya Samaj is to this day the bitterest
opponent of Christianity in India; and Punjabi Mahomedans
declare that it is also their most formidable foe."
_India correspondence of The Times._
ASHOKAN RESERVOIR.
See (in this Volume)
NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905-1909.
ASIATIC IMMIGRATION:
The resistance to it in South Africa, Australia,
America, and elsewhere.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS.
ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry, Chancellor of the Exchequer.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (DECEMBER), and 1905-1906.
ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry:
On the German attitude toward an international reduction of
naval armaments.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.
ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry:
Address at the Imperial Conference of 1907
on Preferential Trade.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.
ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry:
Prime Minister.
See
ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (APRIL).
ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry:
On the rejection of the Licensing Bill by the House of Lords.
See (in this Volume)
Alcohol Problem: England: A. D. 1908.
ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry:
On the Budget of 1909.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).
ASIA:
The Asiatic future of Russia as it appeared at the beginning
of the twentieth century.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA.
ASSAM:
United with Eastern Bengal.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1905-1909.
ASSASSINATIONS:
Of King Alexander, Queen Draga, and others of the Servian
Court.
See (in this Volume)
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.
ASSASSINATIONS:
Of Count Alexei Ignatief.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.
ASSASSINATIONS:
Of Ali Akbar Khan, the Atabek Azam.
See (in this Volume)
PERSIA: A. D. 1907.
ASSASSINATIONS:
Of Ashutosh Biswas.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908.
ASSASSINATIONS:
Of the Atabeg-i-Azam.
See (in this Volume)
PERSIA: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY-SEPTEMBER).
ASSASSINATIONS:
Of General Beckman.
See (in this Volume)
DENMARK: A. D. 1909 (JUNE).
ASSASSINATIONS:
Of Governor-General Bobrikoff.
See (in this Volume)
FINLAND: A. D. 1904.
ASSASSINATIONS:
Of M. Bogoliepoff, Russian Minister of Instruction.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A D. 1901-1904.
ASSASSINATIONS:
Of King Carlos I. and Crown Prince Luiz Felipe.
See (in this Volume)
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.
ASSASSINATIONS:
Of Sir Curzon-Wyllie.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1909 (JULY).
ASSASSINATIONS:
Of Premier Delyannis.
See (in this Volume)
GREECE: A. D. 1905.
{29}
ASSASSINATIONS:
Of Colonel Falcon.
See (in this Volume)
ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D). 1909.
ASSASSINATIONS:
Of Fehim Pasha.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER),
and 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).
ASSASSINATIONS:
Of Prince Ito.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).
ASSASSINATIONS:
Of Colonel Karpoff.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (DECEMBER).
ASSASSINATIONS:
Of President McKinley.
See (in this Volume)
BUFFALO: A. D. 1901;
and UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901 (SEPTEMBER).
ASSASSINATIONS:
Of General Min.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST).
ASSASSINATIONS:
Of M. Plehve.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.
ASSASSINATIONS:
Of General Sakharoff.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.
ASSASSINATIONS:
Of Count Schouvaloff.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).
ASSASSINATIONS:
Of Grand Duke Sergius.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.
ASSASSINATIONS:
Of Shemsi Pasha.
See TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).
ASSASSINATIONS:
Of M. Sipiagin.
See RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.
ASSASSINATIONS:
Of ex-Governor Steunenberg, of Idaho.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES. A. D. 1899-1907.
ASSASSINATIONS:
Of D. W. Stevens.
See KOREA: A. D. 1905-1909.
ASSASSINATIONS:
Attempted murder of Minister Stolypin.
See RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST).
ASSINIBOIA:
Absorbed in the Province of Saskatchewan.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1905.
ASSIS-BRAZIL, Dr. J. F.:
Secretary-general of Third International Conference of
American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
ASSOCIATIONS, Law: French.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (APRIL-OCTOBER), and 1903.
ASSOCIATIONS, Law: German.
See GERMANY: A. D. 1908 (APRIL).
ASSUAN DAM, Completion of.
See (in this Volume)
EGYPT: A. D. 1902 (DECEMBER).
ASTRONOMY OF THE INVISIBLE.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION.
ATABEG-I-AZAM: Premier of Persia.
His assassination.
See (in this Volume)
PERSIA: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY-SEPTEMBER).
ATABEGS,
ATABEKS.
See (in this Volume)
Persia: A. D. 1905-1906.
ATCHINESE, Dutch hostilities with the.
See (in this Volume)
NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1904.
ATHABASCA:
Absorbed in the Provinces of Alberta and Saskatchewan.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1905.
ATLANTA: A. D. 1906.
Anti-Negro Riot.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.
ATWATER, Professor W. O.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.
AUSGLEICH, Austro-Hungarian.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903, and 1907.
----------AUSTRALIA: Start--------
AUSTRALIA:
The Race Problem.
Reasons for dread of Asiatic immigration.
The demand for a white Australia.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS.
AUSTRALIA:
Woman Suffrage.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.
AUSTRALIA:
Government ownership of railways.
Disconnecting gauges in the several states.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: AUSTRALIA.
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1901-1902.
The Tariff Question in the First
Parliament of the Commonwealth.
Issue between the Senate and the Representative Chamber.
"The tariff originally proposed by the government was framed
on lines of extreme protection, with special reference to the
languishing industries of Victoria; it was inevitable that the
opposition, mainly representing New South Wales, should fight
tooth and nail to prevent its becoming law. The result of the
struggle, which lasted almost without a serious interruption
for nine months, has been a compromise which leaves the tariff
of the commonwealth neither one thing nor the other. There can
be little doubt that in debating power and political
generalship the victory lay generally with the opposition; but
after all the result, so far as it was a victory for the party
of free trade, was due to the action of the Senate.
"To many, and apparently not least to the cabinet, the prompt
and effective interference of the Senate in a question of
taxation, which was generally supposed to be practically
placed by the constitution almost as much beyond their control
as custom has placed it beyond that of the House of Lords in
England, was a great surprise, and as the first test of the
respective powers of the two chambers of the legislature it
can hardly fail to be of great political importance. It was
provided by the constitution not only that all bills involving
the taxation of the people, directly or indirectly, should, as
in this country, originate in the representative chamber of
the legislature, but further that such bills should not be
altered or amended in their passage through the Senate. As a
concession to the less populous states, it was agreed when the
constitution was framed that while only the chamber, elected
on a strict basis of population, should impose or control
taxation, the Senate, in which all the states enjoy, as in
America, equal representation, should have the right to
suggest, for the consideration of the other chamber, any
amendments it thought desirable in any money bill sent on for
its assent. This provision, mild and inoffensive as it was
supposed to be, has now been used in a way to upset the policy
of the government, and practically to compel the assent of the
representative chamber to the views of a Senate majority. The
tariff bill as passed by the government majority was subjected
to an exhaustive criticism by the Senate, and finally fully
fifty items of the schedule imposing duties were referred back
to the representative chamber, with a request for their
reconsideration and reduction or excision.
{30}
"The government attempted to meet the difficulty by agreeing
to a few trifling amendments on the lines suggested, and got
the chamber peremptorily to reject all the others, sending the
bill back in effect as it was. To this the Senate replied by
calmly adhering to the views it had already expressed, and
sending the bill back again for further consideration,
allowing it to be pretty plainly understood that, in the event
of their views being ignored, they would place their reasons
on record and reject the bill altogether, thus preventing any
uniform tariff being established during the session. Face to
face with so grave a difficulty the cabinet gave way, and
agreed to a compromise which they would not have dreamed of
doing but for the action of the Senate, with its free-trade
majority of two votes. The immediate result of the long
struggle has been the passing of a tariff act which pleases
neither party, but will apparently raise the required revenue
of $40,000,000, needed to meet the wants of the federal and
state governments."
_Hugh H. Lusk,
The First Parliament of Australia
(American Review of Reviews, March, 1903)_.
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902.
The "States Rights" temper.
Question of constitutional relations between Commonwealth
and States in external affairs, as raised by South Australia.
Decision of the Imperial Government.
"State-rights" questions and the provincialistic spirit behind
them made a prompt appearance in the Australian Commonwealth
after its federation was accomplished. One of the first
wrangles to occur between the General Government and that of a
State was appealed necessarily to the Imperial Government at
London, because it arose out of a call from the latter, in
September, 1902, for information about an incident which
concerned a Dutch ship. The request for information went from
London to the Commonwealth Government, and from the latter to
the Government of South Australia, where the incident in
question occurred, involving some act of its officials. The
South Australian Ministry declined to pass the desired
information through the channel of the Commonwealth Ministry,
but would give it to the British Colonial Office, direct. A
long triangular argumentative correspondence ensued, in the
course of which much that seems like a repetition of the early
history of the United States of America appears. Such as this,
for example, in one of the letters of the Acting Premier of
South Australia to the Lieutenant-Governor of that State: "The
importance to the States, especially to the smaller States, of
strictly maintaining the lines of demarcation between
Commonwealth and State power is manifest. Already a movement
has begun to destroy the Federal element in the Constitution.
A remarkable indication of this may be gathered from a speech
made by Sir William Lyne, the Commonwealth Minister for Home
Affairs, at Kalgoorlie, in Western Australia, on the 2nd day
of the present month. Speaking of the Constitution, Sir
William Lyne said: 'If the population increased in the States
as he expected, he did not think three of the larger States
would still consent to be governed by four of the smaller
ones. He hoped that when the time came there would not be
bloodshed, but that things would settle themselves in a manner
worthy of the records of the first Parliament.’
"Believing, as Ministers do, that the peaceful and successful
working of the Constitution depends upon the strict
maintenance of the lines of demarcation between the powers of
the Commonwealth and those of the States, and that that line
is drawn clearly in the Constitution, they cannot agree to the
opinions of the Right Honourable the Secretary of State for
the Colonies, which increase, by implication, the power of the
Commonwealth, and which seem to Ministers to tend to
Unification, and to a sacrifice of the Federal to the National
principle."
This communication, transmitted to London, drew from the then
Colonial Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain, an unanswerable reply,
addressed to the Lieutenant-Governor and dated April 15, 1903,
in part as follows:
"Your Ministers contend ‘that the grant of power to the
Commonwealth, notwithstanding the general terms of Section 3
of the Act, is strictly limited to the Departments
transferred, and to matters upon which the Commonwealth
Parliament has power to make laws and has made laws,’ and that
‘in the distribution of legislative and consequently of
executive power, made by the Constitution, all powers not
specifically ceded to the Commonwealth remain in the States.’
"They are unable to agree ‘with the contention that there does
not appear to be anything in the Constitution to justify this
limitation,’ and argue that the validity of any claim of the
Commonwealth to any particular power, should be tested by
enquiring:—Does the Constitution specifically confer the
power?
"The view of the Act which I take is that it is a Constitution
Act, and creates a new political community. It expressly
declares that ‘the people of New South Wales, Victoria, South
Australia, Queensland, and Tasmania, and also, if Her Majesty
is satisfied that the people of Western Australia have agreed
thereto, of Western Australia, shall be united in a Federal
Commonwealth under the name of the Commonwealth of Australia.’
The object and scope of the Act is defined and declared by the
preamble to be to give effect to the agreement of the people
of New South Wales, Victoria, South Australia, Queensland, and
Tasmania 'to unite in one indissoluble Federal Commonwealth
under the Crown of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Ireland, and under the Constitution hereby established.’
"The whole Act must be read in the light of this declaration
and the provisions of Section 3. So far as other communities
in the Empire or foreign nations are concerned, the people of
Australia form one political community for which the
Government of the Commonwealth alone can speak, and for
everything affecting external states or communities, which
takes place within its boundaries, that Government is
responsible. The distribution of powers between the Federal
and State Authorities is a matter of purely internal concern
of which no external country or community can take any
cognizance. It is to the Commonwealth and the Commonwealth
alone that, through the Imperial Government, they must look,
for remedy or relief for any action affecting them done within
the bounds of the Commonwealth, whether it is the act of a
private individual, of a State official, or of a State
government. The Commonwealth is, through His Majesty’s
Government, just as responsible for any action of South
Australia affecting an external community as the United States
of America are for the action of Louisiana or any other State
of the Union.
{31}
"The Crown undoubtedly remains part of the constitution of the
State of South Australia and, in matters affecting it in that
capacity, the proper channel of communication is between the
Secretary of State and the State Governor. But in matters
affecting the Crown in its capacity as the central authority
of the Empire, the Secretary of State can, since the people of
Australia have become one political community, look only to
the Governor-General, as the representative of the Crown in
that community."
The published correspondence ends with this, and it is to be
assumed that South Australia had no more to say.
_Correspondence respecting the Constitutional Relations
of the Australian Commonwealth and States in regard to
External Affairs
(Parliamentary Papers, Cd. 1587)._
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902.
British Colonial Conference at London.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE.
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902.
The Governor-Generalship.
The office of Governor-General was resigned by Lord Hopetoun
in the summer, and he was succeeded by Lord Tennyson.
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902-1909.
Undertakings of irrigation and forestry.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: AUSTRALIA.
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903.
The Governor-Generalship.
In August, Lord Northcote, previously Governor of the
Presidency of Bombay, was appointed Governor-General of
Australia, succeeding Lord Tennyson.
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904.
Resignation of Premier Barton.
The Deakin Ministry.
Four months of power for the Labor Party.
Its influence in the Commonwealth.
Sir Edmund Barton, who had been the Prime Minister of the
Australian Commonwealth since its Union in 1900 (see Australia
in Volume VI. of this work), resigned in 1903 to accept a
place on the bench of the High Federal Court, and was
succeeded by Mr. Alfred Deakin, previously Attorney-General in
the Federal Cabinet. The most important occurrence of the year
in the Commonwealth was the election of a new House of
Representatives in the Federal Parliament and of one third of
its Senate. These were the first federal elections occurring
since those of 1900 which constituted the original Parliament,
opened in May, 1901, and the first in which women went to the
polls. The main issue in the elections was between the Labor
Party and its opponents, and the rising power of the former
was shown by its gain of six seats in each House, four from
the Ministry and two from the opposition in the Senate, and
all six from the Ministry in the lower House. This threw the
balance of power into its hands in both branches of
Parliament. Naturally, in these circumstances, labor questions
became dominant in Australian politics, with Socialistic
tendencies very strong.
The Deakin Ministry was defeated in April, 1904, on an
industrial arbitration bill which excluded State railway
employés and other civil servants from its provisions,
contrary to the demands of the Labor Party. The adverse
majority was made up of 23 Labor representatives, 13 opponents
of the protectionist policy of the Government, and 4 from the
ranks of its own ordinary supporters. The ministry resigned,
and the leader of the Labor Party, Mr. J. C. Watson, a young
compositor by trade, was called to form a Government, which he
did, drawing all but its Law Officer from the Labor Party. It
is creditable to the capability of this Labor Ministry that,
with so precarious a backing in the House, it should have held
the management of Government, with apparently good
satisfaction to the public, for about four months. It was
defeated in August on another labor question, and gave way to
a coalition Ministry of Free Traders and Moderate
Protectionists, formed under Mr. George Houston Reid.
An account of the Labor Ministry and its leader, from which
the following facts are taken, was given by _The Review of
Reviews for Australasia_ at the time of its ascendancy: The
average age of the members is only forty-three years, while in
England sixty is the average age at which corresponding rank
is attained. The nationalities of the members are as follows:
One, the prime minister, is a New Zealander, two are
Australian-born, two are Irish, two are Scotch, and one is
Welsh. There is not one who was born in England.
Mr. John Christian Watson, the premier, is but thirty-seven
years of age. He was born in Valparaiso, where his parents
were on a visit, but was only a few months old when they
returned to New Zealand. At an early age he began his
apprenticeship as a compositor, joining the Typographical
Union. When nineteen, he came to Sydney and joined the
composing staff of the _Star_. Then he became president
of the Sydney Trades and Labor Council, and president of the
Political Labor League of New South Wales. In 1894, he was
returned to a New South Wales Parliament, and took the leading
place among the Labor members. In 1901, he was returned to the
first federal Parliament. He was selected to lead the Labor
party in the federal House, and has won golden opinions in
that position. He is a born leader of men, and has rare tact.
He overcame the apprehension caused by his youth. He curbed
the extremists of his party. Power came to him at once. He
seized the advantage of leading a third party between two
opponents. It was he, rather than Sir Edmund Barton or Mr.
Deakin, who decided what should pass and what not.
The situation developed in this period is described by an
American writer, whose sympathies are ardently with the Labor
Party, as follows:
"Protectionists and Free Traders (so called) were so divided
in the Australian Parliament that neither could gain a
majority without the Labor Party. A succession of governments
bowled over by labor votes drove this hard fact into the
political intelligence. The Labor Party was then invited to
take the government. For five months men that had been
carpenters, bricklayers, and painters administered the
nation’s affairs. No convulsion of nature followed, no
upheavals and no disasters. It is even admitted that the
government of these men was conspicuously wise, able, and
successful. But having a minority party, their way was
necessarily precarious, and on the chance blow of an adverse
vote they resigned. Some scene shifting followed, but in the
end the present arrangement was reached, by which the
government is in the hands of the Protectionists that follow
Mr. Deakin, and the ministry is supported by the Labor Party
on condition that the Government adopt certain legislation.
And that is the extent of the ‘absolute rule of the Labor
gang.’ The Deakin Government does not greatly care for the
Labor Party, nor for the Labor Party’s ideas, but it rules by
reason of the Labor Party’s support, and in return therefor
has passed certain moderate and well-intentioned measures of
reform.
{32}
Indeed the sum-total of the ‘revolutionary, radical, and
socialistic laws’ passed by the Labor Party, directly or by
bargaining with the Deakin or other ministries, indicates an
exceedingly gentle order of revolution. It has done much in
New South Wales and elsewhere to mitigate the great estate
evil by enacting graduated land taxes; it has passed humane
and reasonable laws regulating employers’ liability for
accidents to workmen and laws greatly bettering the hard
conditions of labor in mines and factories. It has passed a
law to exclude trusts from Australian soil. It has stood for
equal rights for men and women. In New South Wales it has
enormously bettered conditions for toilers by regulating hours
of employment even in department and other stores and by
instituting a weekly half-holiday the year around for
everybody. It has tried with a defective Arbitration and
Conciliation Act to abolish strikes. To guard Australia
against the sobering terrors of the race problem that
confronts America, it has succeeded in keeping out colored
aliens. It has agitated for a Henry George land tax and for
the national ownership of public services and obvious
monopolies. And with one exception this is the full catalogue
of its misdeeds." [The "one exception" is the abolition of
coolie labor.]
_Charles E. Russell,
The Uprising of the Many,
chapter 24
(Doubleday, Page and Company, New York, 1907)._
See, also, (in this Volume)
Labor Organization: Australia.
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906.
Mr. Deakin’s precarious ministry.
Power of the Labor Party without responsibility.
Its principles and its "Fighting Platform."
Important legislation of 1905.
The Federal Capital question.
General election of 1906.
Mr. Reid, the Free Trade Premier, had taken office on an
agreement with Mr. Deakin, the Protectionist leader, that the
tariff question should not be opened during the term of the
existing Parliament. But the truce became broken early in
1905, each party attributing the breach to the other, and the
Reid Ministry, beaten on an amendment to the address replying
to the Governor-General’s speech, resigned. The
Protectionists, in provisional alliance with the Labor Party,
then came back to power, with Mr. Deakin at their head.
Of the political situation in 1905 it was said by a writer in
one of the English reviews: "The Labour Party can dictate
terms to the Ministry, and ensure that its own policy is
carried out by others. It is strongest whilst it sits on the
cross benches. During the few months it was in office it was
at the mercy of Parliament; it left most of the planks of its
platform severely alone, and it had, during that time, less
real power than it has had either before or since. It is not
likely again to take office, unless it can command an absolute
majority of its own members to give effect to its own ideas,
and, indeed, it perhaps would be better for Australia that it
had responsibility as well as power, rather than as at present
power without responsibility. However, if not at the next
general election, the party is bound ere long to get the clear
Parliamentary majority it seeks. Under these circumstances,
great importance attaches to its aims and organisation. …
"To quote from the official report of the decisions of the
last Triennial Conference of the Political Labour
organisations of the Commonwealth, which sat in Melbourne last
July, the objective of the Federal Labour party is as follows:
"(a) The cultivation of an Australian sentiment, based upon
the maintenance of racial purity, and the development in
Australia of an enlightened and self-reliant community,
(b) The security of the full results of their industry to all
producers by the collective ownership of monopolies, and the
extension of the industrial and economic functions of the
State and Municipality. The Labour party seek to achieve this
objective by means of a policy that they invariably refer to
as their platform. The planks of what is called the ‘Fighting
Platform’ are as follows:
"(1) The maintenance of a white Australia.
(2) The nationalisation of monopolies.
(3) Old age pensions.
(4) A tariff referendum.
(5) A progressive tax on unimproved land values.
(6) The restriction of public borrowing.
(7) Navigation laws.
(8) A citizen defence force.
(9) Arbitration amendment."
_J. W. Kirwan,
The Australian Labour Party
(Nineteenth Century, November, 1905)._
A strike in one of the coal mines of New South Wales during
1905 brought the Arbitration Act of that province to an
unsatisfactory test. The dispute, concerning wages, went to
the Arbitration Court and was decided against the miners. They
refused to accept the decision, abandoning work, and the
court, when appealed to by the employers, found itself
powerless to enforce the decision it had made. The judge
resigned in consequence, and there was difficulty in finding
another to take his seat.
The Labor Party secured the passage of an Act which gives the
trades-union label the force of a trade mark. Another
important Act of 1905 modified the Immigration Restriction
Act, so far as to admit Asiatic and other alien students and
merchants, whose stay in the country was not likely to be
permanent, and which, furthermore, permitted the introduction
of white labor under contract, subject to conditions that were
expected to prevent any lowering of standard wages.
The location of a federal capital became a subject of positive
quarrel between the Government of the Commonwealth and that of
New South Wales. By agreements which preceded the federation,
the Commonwealth capital was to be in New South Wales, but not
less than a hundred miles from Sydney. This hundred-mile
avoidance of Sydney was considerably exceeded by the Federal
Government when it chose a site, to be called Dalgety, about
equidistant from Sydney and Melbourne. New South Wales
objected to the site and objected to the extent of territory
demanded for it. Mr. Deakin proposed a survey of 900 square
miles for the Federal District. New South Wales saw no reason
for federal jurisdiction over more than 100 square miles.
Ultimately Dalgety was rejected and a site named
Yass-Canberra, or Canberra, was agreed upon and the choice
confirmed by legislation. It is in the Murray district, about
200 miles southwest of Sydney.
A general election in the Commonwealth, near the close of
1906, gave the Protectionists a small increase of strength in
Parliament, and the Labor Party gained one seat, raising its
representation from 25 to 26. The losers were the so-called
Free Traders, or opponents of protective tariff-making. Their
leader, Mr. Reid, in the canvass, dropped the tariff issue and
made war on the State Socialism of the Labor Party. He held in
the new Parliament a considerably larger following than the
Protectionist Premier, Mr. Deakin, could muster, but it
contained more Protectionists than Free Traders.
{33}
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1906.
Developing the water supply.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: AUSTRALIA.
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1907.
The "New Protection," under the Tariff Excise Act.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR REMUNERATION: THE "NEW PROTECTION."
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1907.
Statistics of state schools.
See EDUCATION: AUSTRALIA.
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1907 (April-May).
Imperial Conference at London.
See BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1908 (December).
Population of the Commonwealth.
According to a letter to the London _Times_, from Sydney,
"the population of Australia on December 31, 1908, was
estimated at 4,275,304 (exclusive of full-blooded blacks),
showing an increase of 509,965, or of 13.5 per cent. in the
eight years of federation. That," said the writer, "is not a
satisfactory expansion, and we should have fared better. New
South Wales gained 231,367, or 17 per cent. and Western
Australia 87,143, or 48.4 per cent. but all the other States
fared indifferently. There is reason to hope that in the
change of fashion, Australia will again grow into some favour
with the emigrant from home."
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1908.
Change of Ministry.
Late in the year, the Ministry of Mr. Deakin lost the
provisional support of the Labor party, which had kept it in
control of the Government for nearly four years, and suffered
a defeat in Parliament which threw it out. For the second time
a short-lived Labor Ministry was formed, under Mr. Andrew
Fisher.
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1908.
The Governor-Generalship.
After five years of service as Governor-General, Lord
Northcote returned to England in the fall of 1908 and was
succeeded by Lord Dudley.
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909.
Attitude of the people toward immigration.
Land-locking against settlement.
See (in this Volume)
Immigration: AUSTRALIA.
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909.
A summary of sixty years of growth and progress.
Sir John Forrest, Treasurer of the Commonwealth of Australia,
in his Budget Speech to the Federal House of Representatives,
in August, 1909, surveyed the position of Australia as part of
the British nation,—a continent, he observed, containing two
billion acres, with a coast line of 12,000 miles, no other
nation having right or title to any part of this splendid
heritage of the Southern Hemisphere, which was another home
for the British race. Sixty years ago, said Sir John, the
population of Australia was 400,000 and there were no
railways. Now the inhabitants numbered nearly four-and-a-half
millions, of whom 96 per cent were British. They had
£112,000,000 deposited in banks and deposits in savings banks
to the amount of over £46,000,000, the depositors in these
being one-third of the entire population. They had produced
minerals to the value of £713,000,000. Ten million acres were
under crop. During last year Australia had produced 62,000,000
bushels of wheat. It had exported butter of the value of
£2,387,000 and wool of the value of £23,000,000. Australia had
90,000,000 sheep, 10,000,000 cattle, and 2,000,000 horses. The
oversea trade in 1908 represented £114,000,000.
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909.
Proposed federalization of state debts.
On the 8th of September, 1909, the Government introduced a
Bill in the House of Representatives for the amendment of the
Constitution so as to enable the Commonwealth to federalize
the State debts incurred since the inauguration of the
Commonwealth, in addition to those then existing. The Premier
urged that if the agreement was carried out the Commonwealth
would be freed financially, and if the debts were taken over
the per capita payments would be appropriated to meet the
interest on the debts, the States making up any deficiency.
The Bill was passed by the House on the 7th of October.
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909.
Federal acquisition of the Northern Territory.
A Bill providing for the transfer to the Commonwealth of the
vast unpopulated Northern Territory of the Australian
Continent was before the Parliament of the Commonwealth during
the last summer. In advocating its passage, the Minister for
External Affairs explained that "the area to be transferred
under the Bill was equal to France, Germany, Belgium,
Switzerland, and Italy together. Port Darwin was nearer to
Hongkong than to Sydney, and while the Northern Territory
remained unpeopled it was a perpetual menace to Australia. The
military authorities, Sir George Le Hunte, formerly Governor
of South Australia, and Lord Northcote, formerly
Governor-General of the Commonwealth, had all strongly urged
its effective occupation, and Mr. Roosevelt had advised the
Commonwealth to fill its ‘empty north.’
"By the terms of the agreement the Commonwealth would assume
responsibility for the debt of the territory, amounting to
£2,725,000, and the accumulated deficit of the past
administration, amounting to £600,000. The measure provided
for the taking over of the Port Augusta-Oodnadatta Railway at
a price of £2,240,000, and for the Commonwealth to undertake
the construction of a trans continental line connecting the
territory with South Australia, at an estimated cost of
£4,500,000. The latest reports showed that the interior of the
territory was a fertile and well-watered white man’s country,
the healthiest in the tropical world, and that it was capable
of carrying a large population."
_Despatch from Melbourne to The Times, London._
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (May-June).
Opening of the session of Parliament.
Programme of business proposed.
The political situation.
Coalition under Mr. Deakin against the ministry.
Its success.
Resignation of Premier Fisher and Cabinet.
Return of Mr. Deakin to power.
His programme.
The Federal Parliament was opened at Melbourne on the 26th of
May. In the speech of the Governor-General, Lord Dudley, as
reported to the English Press, he stated that "notwithstanding
a decrease in the Customs and postal revenue, arrangements had
been made to pay old-age pensions from July 1. Large financial
obligations would be incurred in the near future and would
demand careful attention. Parliament would be invited to
consider the financial relations between the Commonwealth and
the States, with a view to an equitable adjustment of them.
Proposals would be submitted for the establishment of a
Commonwealth silver and paper currency.
{34}
"The Governor-General went on to refer to the coming Imperial
Defence Conference and the establishment of a General Staff
for the Empire. Engagements had, he said, been entered into
for the building of three destroyers, and Parliament would be
asked to approve a policy of naval construction including the
building of similar vessels in Australia and the training of
the necessary crews. A measure providing for an effective
citizens’ defence force would be introduced at an early stage.
"It being recognized that the effective defence of Australia
required a vast increase in the population, it was proposed to
introduce a measure of progressive taxation on unimproved land
values, leading to a subdivision of large estates, so as to
offer immigrants the inducement necessary to attract them in
large numbers.
"Proposals would be submitted for the amendment of the
Constitution, so as to enable Parliament to protect the
interests of the consumer while ensuring a fair and reasonable
wage to every worker to extend the jurisdiction of Parliament
in regard to trusts and combinations, and to provide for the
nationalization of monopolies."
See (in this Volume),
LABOR REMUNERATION: THE ‘NEW PROTECTION’.
In an editorial article on the situation at this juncture in
Australia, which was, it remarked, "as interesting as it is
obscure," the London _Times_ rehearsed the main facts of
it as follows:
"It will be remembered that towards the close of last year the
withdrawal of its support by the Labour party led somewhat
unexpectedly to the defeat and resignation of Mr. Deakin’s
Cabinet. A Labour Ministry was subsequently formed, and was
enabled by Mr. Deakin’s refusal to combine with the Opposition
against it to prorogue Parliament and get into recess. It has
since elaborated a programme, announced by Mr. Fisher, the
Prime Minister, to his constituents at Gympie, a few weeks
ago, and recapitulated yesterday in the Governor-General's
speech, which strongly resembles in most particulars the
national policy advocated by Mr. Deakin when in power, and
includes besides one or two additional proposals, such as ‘the
nationalization of monopolies,’ more exclusively the property
of the Labour party itself. These latter aspirations are
probably more pious than practical, and are certainly not the
issues on which the Labour Ministry is now to stand or fall.
It will stand or fall by its proposals for the readjustment of
the financial relations between the Commonwealth and the
States, the establishment of a local flotilla designed for
coastal defence, the creation of a citizen army based on
universal training, and the imposition of a progressive land
tax calculated to bring about the subdivision of large
estates.
"This latter proposal is the only one in which the Labour
party cannot claim to be carrying out the spirit, if not the
letter, of Mr. Deakin’s own programme; but, curiously enough,
it does not seem to be the question on which Mr. Deakin has
taken immediate issue with them. He is taking issue, we
gather, first and foremost on the question of defence. The
Labour Ministry is to be censured for refusing to make the
offer of the Australian Dreadnought in the name of the
Commonwealth. In taking this line Mr. Deakin has already made
it clear that he has not in any way modified his previous
views on the necessity of providing immediately for the
creation of an Australian flotilla, but he considers that this
necessity should in no way prevent Australia from adding in
emergency to the strength of the British fleet. Speaking at
Sydney last month, he said: ‘Our defence needs not only our
own flotilla but a fleet on the high seas as well. It is for
us to recognize that by joining New Zealand and making our
offer of a Dreadnought for the Imperial Navy … the
Commonwealth must do its share to prove the reality of
Australia’s federal unity, to prove the unity of the Empire,
to stand beside the stock from which we came.’
"On this point there is no obscurity. It presents a clear
difference of view dividing Mr. Deakin and the two sections of
the Opposition with which he has now coalesced from the policy
of the Ministry in power. But while it provides a rallying
ground from which the coalition may defeat the Ministry, it
provides no subsequent line of united advance. The terms on
which the coalition has been formed seem indeed to contemplate
no definite policy at all."
The coalition against the Ministry of Mr. Fisher, referred to
in the above, accomplished its purpose on the day after the
opening of Parliament, by carrying a vote of adjournment which
the Ministry accepted as a vote of want of confidence, and
resigned. The former Premier, Mr. Deakin, then resumed the
reins of Government, with a following that does not seem to
have been expected to hold together very long. On the
reassembling of Parliament, June 23, the Prime Minister made a
statement of the business to be submitted to the House,
including along with other measures the following: "A Bill
would be introduced establishing an inter-State commission
which, in addition to the powers conferred by the
Constitution, would undertake many of the functions of the
British Board of Trade. It would also undertake the duties of
a Federal Labour Bureau, which would comprise the study of the
question of unemployment and a scheme for insurance against
unemployment. The commission would also assist in the
supervision of the working of the existing Customs tariff. …
An active policy of immigration would be undertaken, it was
hoped with the cooperation of all the States. … The
appointment of a High Commissioner in London with a
well-equipped office was necessary to take charge of the
financial interests of the Commonwealth, to supervise
immigration, and to foster trade and commerce. … The Old Age
Pensions Act was to be amended in the direction of simplifying
the conditions for obtaining the pensions. … The policy of the
Government in the matter of land defence would be founded on
universal training, commencing in youth and continuing towards
manhood. A military college, a school of musketry, and
probably a primary naval college would be established to train
officers. The counsel of one of the most experienced
commanders of the British Army would be sought for with regard
to the general development and disposition of Australia’s
adult citizen soldiers.
"In view of the approaching termination of the ten year period
of the distribution of the Customs revenue provided for in the
Constitution, a temporary arrangement was being prepared,
pending a satisfactory permanent settlement of the financial
relation between the State and the Commonwealth."
{35}
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (June).
Federal High Court decision on Anti-Trust Law.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: AUSTRALIA.
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (July-September).
The Imperial Defense Conference.
Defense Bill in Parliament.
Proposed compulsory military training.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY AND NAVAL.
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (September).
Coal Miners strike in New South Wales.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1909.
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (September).
Meeting at Sydney of Empire Congress of Chambers of Commerce.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER).
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1910.
The last year of a troublesome Constitutional Requirement.
Article 87 of the Constitution of the Commonwealth of
Australia (see in Volume VI. of this work), reads as follows:
"During a period of ten years after the establishment of the
Commonwealth, and thereafter until the Parliament otherwise
provides, of the net revenue of the Commonwealth from duties
of custom and of excise not more than one fourth shall be
applied annually by the Commonwealth towards its expenditure.
The balance shall, in accordance with this Constitution, be
paid to the several States, or applied toward the payment of
interest on debts of the several States taken over by the
Commonwealth." This, which has been known as the Braddon
section, has imposed a serious handicap on the Federal
Government. As its working was described recently by an
English Press correspondent, "it made the Commonwealth raise
four pounds whenever it wanted to spend one. It made the
States begrudge the Commonwealth every penny it spent, even
out of its own quarter—for every penny saved out of that
quarter was an extra penny for the States. And it prevented
every State Treasurer from knowing, until the Federal
Treasurer had delivered his Budget speech, how much money he
was likely to get from Federal sources for his own spending."
At the end of the year 1910 the requirement of the Article
will cease to be obligatory, and the Federal Parliament will
be free to make a different appropriation of the revenue from
customs and excise. Meantime the subject is under discussion,
and in August, 1909, it was announced that a conference of the
State Governments had come to an agreement—subject to
ratification by the Federal Government—which provides for the
annual per capita payment of 25s. in lieu of the three-fourths
of the Customs revenue which has hitherto been returned to
them. Western Australia to receive a special extra
contribution of £250,000, decreasing by £10,000 annually until
it ceases. Until the arrangement becomes operative, the
Commonwealth may deduct from the statutory payments to the
States £600,000 annually towards the cost of old-age pensions.
The readjustment of State shares in the Customs revenue is
said to involve an annual loss to New South Wales of
£1,000,000. According to a London newspaper correspondent,
"the main effects to the Commonwealth are the abolition of the
book-keeping system between the States, the power to issue
Australian stamps, telegrams, &c., and the securing of about
£2,300,000 a year, or more, additional revenue. The States
lose revenue to a similar amount, but there is a transfer of
old-age pensions to the amount of nearly £1,000,000, of which
they are relieved. In three of the States, all of which suffer
little by the change, the pensions are new, and a considerable
boon to the people. But more than half the money sacrifice
falls upon New South Wales, and it goes to relieve her less
prosperous neighbours. Well, that is true Federation!
Naturally the Southern States would have nothing but a _per
capita_ distribution from the Commonwealth, and the New
South Wales Ministers agreed to it with their eyes open. At
present the Commonwealth Government secures the further
revenue needed. But whether this agreement will so distinctly
suit that Government as the State populations grow is another
matter."
A Bill for the required amendment of the Federal Constitution
was introduced in the House of Representatives by the Prime
Minister, Mr. Deakin, on the 8th of September. On the 4th of
November, in opposition to the Government, an amendment to the
Bill, limiting the duration of the agreement, instead of
giving it force in perpetuity, was carried in committee of the
whole by the casting vote of the chairman. On the 1st of
December the Bill had its third reading in the Senate.
----------AUSTRALIA: End--------
----------AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: Start--------
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1870-1905.
Increase of population compared
with other European countries.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902 (June).
Renewal of the Triple Alliance.
See (in this Volume)
TRIPLE ALLIANCE.
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903.
Notice by Austria of intention to end, in 1904, the
Customs Union which formed part of the Ausgleich, or
Federation Compact of 1867.
Language struggle in Austria.
The difficulties between Austria and Hungary, concerning a
renewal of the Ausgleich, or federation compact of 1867, which
created the dual empire,—some account of which is given in
Volume VI. of this work,—were compromised in 1900 by an
agreement which extended the Ausgleich temporarily until 1907.
See, in Volume VI.
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1899-1900.
It was stipulated, however, in the agreement, that if no
permanent settlement of the questions involved should have
been reached by the end of the year 1902, either party to the
_Ausgleich_ should be free to dissolve the Customs Union
that formed part of it after 1904, provided that said party
should have formally denounced the compact prior to January 1,
1902. The formal notice or denunciation was given accordingly
by Austria, whose government gave notice that it would end the
Customs Union unless better terms from Hungary could be
secured. In Hungary the Independence party led by Ferencz
Kossuth, the son of Louis Kossuth, was eager for the break,
desiring no union with Austria beyond that of the two crowns
on one head. The tariff question seemed insoluble, because
Hungary wanted protection for its agriculture, which Austria
believed to be greatly disadvantageous to herself.
{36}
The prime ministers of the two Governments came to an
agreement which was submitted to the two parliaments early in
1903, but obstruction in both bodies prevented any effective
action. On other questions the antagonism was no less
pronounced. The Hungarian Independence party was resolute in
determining to separate the Hungarian from the Austrian army,
making it distinctly Hungarian, under Hungarian officers and
using the Hungarian word of command. This drew from the
Emperor, in September, a public announcement that he must and
would hold fast to the existing organization of the army. At
length, in December, Kossuth agreed, for his party, to abandon
obstruction on condition that Parliament should proclaim, as a
principle, that "in Hungary the source of every right, and in
the army the source of rights appertaining to the language of
service and command, is the will of the nation as expressed
through the legislature." But though obstruction from the
Independence party ceased then it was continued by a Catholic
party, on grounds of personal hostility to the Protestant
Premier, Count Tisza, and the Government, deprived of
authority to recruit the army, kept in service the men whose
term had expired.
An almost equal deadlock of legislation prevailed in Austria,
where the struggle over language questions between Czechs and
Germans went fiercely on; while Croatia was full of rebellious
spirit, excited by the Magyarizing policy of its Hungarian
governor.
Twice, during 1903, the Hungarian administration underwent a
change, the Szell Ministry giving way in June to one headed by
Count Kuen Hedervary, he, in turn, being displaced by Count
Tisza in October. The latter was a son of Koloman Tisza, who
had formerly held the reins in Hungary for many years.
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1903-1904.
Concert with Russia in submitting the Mürzsteg Programme
of reform in Macedonia to Turkey.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904.
Paralysis of Government in both divisions of the dual empire.
Legislation in both Austria and Hungary was paralyzed
throughout 1904 by obstructive oppositions which nothing could
pacify. In Austria it was the battle of Czech against German
for language rights; but, in the end, the German Premier, Dr.
Körber, lost the support of his own race, by allowing Italian
law-classes to be formed in the University at Innsprück, with
a faculty of their own. He resigned on the last day of the
year, and was succeeded by Baron Gautsch.
In Hungary the obstruction was maintained by a combination of
three parties,—the Independence Party of Ferencz Kossuth,
which is irreconcilable in its repudiation of the union with
Austria, the Liberal-Conservative Separatists, so-called, led
by Count Apponyi, and a Catholic People’s Party, under Count
Zichy. The extraordinary attitude of these practical
anarchists, as they would seem to be, is indicated by a
performance at the opening of the session of the Hungarian
Parliament on the 13th of December, 1904, which is described
in the _Annual Register_, as follows:
"They entered the House before the usual time of meeting,
assaulted the police when they endeavored to prevent some of
the members from mounting the President’s platform, tore down
the woodwork, destroyed the furniture, and finally had
themselves photographed, with the ex-Premier Baron Banffy at
their head, in the midst of the ruin they had wrought. This
extraordinary scene was described by M. Kossuth as ‘a symbol
of the political maturity of the Magyars, who, after asserting
their rights, refrain from excesses;’ and by Count Apponyi as
‘an evidence of the importance attached to continuity of legal
right in Hungary.’ When the broken furniture was removed and
the House was restored to something like its former
appearance, the members returned; but all the attempts of the
Government to speak were howled down by the Opposition." The
Opposition which accomplished this paralysis of Government in
Hungary numbered, in its three divisions, only 190 members,
out of 451.
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904-1909.
Effects in Europe and on the Triple Alliance of the
Russo-Japanese War.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905.
Action with other Powers in forcing financial reforms
in Macedonia on Turkey.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905.
Hostility to the Serbo-Bulgarian Customs Union.
See (in this Volume)
BALKAN STATES: BULGARIA AND SERVIA: A. D. 1902.
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.
Continued deadlock, seated mainly in Hungary.
Resignation of Count Tisza.
The Fejervary Ministry.
Dissolution of the Hungarian Parliament.
Kossuth and his allies take office.
Universal male suffrage adopted in Austria.
The deadlock of political forces in the Dual Empire was
prolonged through another year, Hungary being the main seat of
the block. Elections for the Hungarian Diet, in January, went
heavily against the Ministry of Count Tisza and strongly in
favor of that section of the Opposition which bore the name of
the Independence Party and which was led by Ferencz Kossuth.
Count Tisza resigned, and the Emperor-King endeavored to make
terms with Kossuth, Apponyi, and Andrassy under which the
Government might be carried on with parliamentary support.
This proved impracticable, especially by reason of the
insistent demand of the Opposition for a separation of the
Hungarian from the Austrian part of the imperial army, and the
determination of the sovereign not to yield to that demand.
Count Tisza and his colleagues were kept in office until June,
despite a heavy vote of censure in the Diet, and then the
Emperor appointed as Premier General Baron Fejervary, who
commanded no more support than his predecessor had done. The
majority in the representative chamber denounced the Ministry
as unconstitutional, and issued a manifesto, calling on the
people to withhold taxes and military service from this
simulacrum of Government, which had no lawful claim to either.
This was accepted as good counsel by great numbers of people,
and grave embarrassments resulted from the non-payment of
taxes.
{37}
In the August number (1905) of _The American Review of
Reviews_ Count Albert Apponyi, leader of one of the parties
united more or less in the Hungarian Opposition, gave the
Hungarian side of the political issues with Austria. In part,
he wrote: "The writer had the honor of delivering at St.
Louis, at the Arts and Science Congress of last year, a short
historical account of our relation with the Austrian dynasty.
There are to be found the chief facts, which show:
(1) That our forefathers called that dynasty to the Hungarian
throne, not in order to get Hungary absorbed into an Austrian
or any other sort of empire, but, on the contrary, under the
express condition of keeping the independence and the
constitution of the Hungarian kingdom unimpaired;
(2) that this condition has been accepted and sworn to by all
those members of the dynasty (Joseph II. alone excepted) who
ascended the Hungarian throne;
(3) that, nevertheless, practical encroachments on our
independence, followed by conflicts and reconciliations, have
been at all epochs frequent;
(4) but that a juridical fact never occurred which could be
construed into a modification of that fundamental condition of
the dynasty’s title to Hungary. …
The physical person of the ruler is, in truth, the same in
both countries, but the juridical personality of the King of
Hungary is distinct and, as to the contents of its
prerogative, widely different from the juridical personality
of the Emperor of Austria. Hungary is the oldest
constitutional country on the European Continent. The royal
prerogative in her case is an emanation of the
constitution,—not prior to it,—and consists in such rights as
the nation has thought fit to vest in her king. In Austria, on
the other hand, the existing constitution is a free gift of
the Emperor, and has conferred on the people of Austria such
rights as the Emperor has thought fit to grant to them. The
title of ‘Emperor of Austria-Hungary’ … [sometimes used] is
simply nonsense. The time-hallowed old Hungarian crown has not
been melted into the brand-new Austrian imperial diadem. That
imperial title does not contain, to any extent, the Hungarian
royal title. The Emperor of Austria, as such, has just as much
legal power in Hungary as the President of the United States
has. He is, juridically speaking, a foreign potentate to us.
"On these fundamental truths, no Hungarian—to whatever party
he may belong—admits discussion. … The Liberal party,
vanquished at the last elections, does not in the least differ
from the victorious opposition as to the principles laid down
in these pages; it only advocated a greater amount of
forbearance against the petty encroachments which practically
obscured them. That policy of forbearance became gradually
distasteful to the country; seeing it shaken in the public
mind, the recent prime minister, Count Tisza, formed the
unhappy idea of gaining a new lease of power on its behalf by
a parliamentary _coup d’état_. The rules of the House
were broken, in order to prevent future obstruction, chiefly
against military bills. This brought matters to an acute
crisis. The parliament in which that breach of the rules had
taken place became unfit for work of any sort, the country had
to be consulted, and down went the Liberal party and the
half-hearted policy it represented with no hope for revival.
"The army question, with its ever-recurring difficulties, is a
highly characteristic feature of the chronic latent conflict
between the Austrian and the Hungarian mentality. It amounts
to this, that, as we are a nation, we mean to have an armed
force corresponding to our national individuality, commanded
in our language, and serving under our flags and emblems. It
would be unnatural for any nation, and would be, in fact, an
abdication of the title of ‘nation,’ to renounce such a
national claim. The Austrians, on the other hand,—and,
unhappily, their influence is still prevalent in this
question,—not yet having abandoned the idea of a pan-Austrian
empire, uncompromisingly adhere to the present military
organization, which makes the German language and the imperial
emblems prevalent throughout the whole army, its Hungarian
portion included."
In September, 1905, the Emperor-King summoned the chiefs of
the opposing coalition to Vienna and renewed his endeavor to
make terms with them; but his own conditions, relative to the
army, to the language of command and service in it, to the
tariff relations between Austria and Hungary, and to other
matters of dispute, were apparently as uncompromisable as
theirs, and only intensified the bad feeling in the country.
A little later the Fejervary Ministry announced a programme of
policy which offered concessions and many excellent measures,
but all save one of them were scorned. That one was a proposal
of universal suffrage, with direct secret balloting, which in
both Hungary and Austria had now become a subject of wide
popular demand. The agitation for it became clamorous in the
later months of the year, especially in the Austrian towns.
But the leaders of the Hungarian Opposition were supposed to
be personally hostile to universal suffrage. "As
representatives of the most educated, wealthy, and powerful
race in the kingdom, they have long enjoyed absolute political
control. But universal suffrage," says a contemporary
journalist, "would so increase the non-Magyar elements in
Parliament as to deprive the Magyar leaders of much of their
ascendency. At present these leaders are strong enough to
defeat the King’s magnificent programme, announced by Baron
Fejervary. But such a defeat would place them in an
embarrassing position. They would have definitely assumed an
attitude which belies their name of Liberal."
The Fejervary programme was well planned to be troublesome to
the opponents of the Government. While not surrendering to
their demand for the Magyar language of command in the
Hungarian part of the Imperial army, it proposed that the men
who do not speak that language should be trained in it as far
as possible. And it included a number of other most important
measures: for compulsory free education; for compulsory
insurance of workmen; for small farm grants to the peasantry;
for the conversion of mortgage debts that weigh on small
landowners, and for various taxation reforms. Evidently the
Opposition endeavored to keep public attention and public
feeling focused on the claim for a distinct Hungarian army,
with the Magyar language for its word of command. Kossuth, the
dominating leader of the coalition against the Government,
defined the argument for this claim. No mention, he said, is
made of any common army in the agreement on which the Dual
Empire is founded. The Hungarian Constitution vests in the
Emperor of Austria, as King of Hungary, "all those things
which refer to the commanding and administration … of the
Hungarian army."
{38}
But the Constitution does not hint that the Hungarian army
should be commanded in German. It has not specifically
forbidden such a thing, but in another part of the
Constitution it is provided that the language of public
services in Hungary shall be Hungarian. And is not the army a
"public service"? he asked. Besides, he explained: "A century
ago the Hungarian magnates, generally, paid for their own
soldiers, and ours was not, in the beginning, a State army.
When the combination with Austria came about, the officers
were of all nations, and the Austrians brought in many of
their own. To tell the truth, our own Hungarians were too
lazy—there is no other word for it—to take the trouble to
reorganize and start a Hungarian army, so they left it to the
Austrians for the time being. It was for this reason, and with
the consciousness of this defect, that Article XI. expressly
left the language of command to be determined,
constitutionally, later. But we also expressly confined it
within the limits of our own Constitution … and we spoke of a
Hungarian army, not a common one."
The year 1906 opened with the discords of the situation in
Hungary rather heightened than lessened, and on the 19th of
February the Emperor dissolved the Hungarian Parliament,
announcing that he did so for the reason that the parties of
the Opposition had "persistently refused to take over the
Government on an acceptable basis without violating the Royal
rights as by law guaranteed." Disturbances on the occasion
were prevented by strong forces of soldiery and police. Two
days later the Austro-Hungarian tariff and a commercial
treaty, both of which had been refused ratification in
Hungary, were promulgated as of force, pending future action;
and by various other arbitrary measures the Emperor-King
assumed the right to prevent a governmental collapse. This
attitude on the part of the sovereign appears to have produced
a change of attitude among his opponents; for early in April
M. Kossuth and Count Andrassy entered into an arrangement with
him for the formation of a Ministry by themselves and their
associates of the Coalition, with the understanding that the
army question should be put aside until after the election of
a new Parliament, to meet in May. At that session they
promised to pass the budget, the new international commercial
treaties, to maintain in every way the existing condition of
things between Austria and Hungary, to permit the passage of a
bill providing for universal manhood suffrage, and then for
Parliament to terminate its labors, allowing the election of a
new one under the universal suffrage system, the Cabinet to be
re-formed conformably to the desires of the parliamentary
majority. Thereupon the Emperor-King requested Dr. Alexander
Wekerle, a former Hungarian Prime Minister, to form a Cabinet,
including in it Kossuth, Apponyi, Andrassy, and Zichy. At the
election, held soon after, the Independence party won about
250 out of 400 seats. The new Parliament was opened on the 22d
of May.
In Austria, the grand event of 1906 was the franchise reform,
which extinguished the whole system of class representation
and established a representative Parliament on the broad basis
of a manhood vote. "Every male citizen who had completed his
twenty-fourth year and was not under any legal disability was
entitled to be registered as a voter after one year’s
residence. Every male, including members of the Upper House,
who had possessed Austrian citizenship for at least three
years and had completed his thirtieth year, was eligible for
election as a deputy; but members of the Upper House elected
to the Lower could not sit in both at once. Voting was to be
direct in all provinces. In Galicia, however, every
constituency would return two deputies, each voter having one
vote, so as to permit of the representation of racial
minorities, the population being composed of Poles and
Ruthenians. Voting was to be obligatory under penalty of a
fine wherever a provincial Diet should so decide. This Bill
was passed, in the face of the opposition of the Conservative
and aristocratic members of both Houses and of the extreme
representatives of the various nationalities, mainly through
the influence of the Emperor. He regarded it as the only way
to get rid of Parliamentary obstruction, and the best means of
stimulating loyalty to the dynasty."
Two changes of Ministry occurred in Austria during 1906, Baron
Gautsch, as Premier, giving way to Prince Hohenlohe in April,
and the latter resigning in June, to be succeeded by Baron
Beck. Count Goluchowski, who had been Austro-Hungarian
Minister of Foreign Affairs since 1895, resigned in October,
because of ill-feeling against him in Hungary, and was
succeeded by Baron Aehrenthal.
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1906 (January-April).
At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco question.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1907.
Effects of universal and equalized suffrage in Austria.
Elections were held in Austria a few months after the passage
of the law which introduced equal and universal male suffrage,
and the character and disposition of the elected Reichsrath,
which met in June, 1907, afforded indications of some
remarkable effects from the extension and equalizing of the
franchise. It was expected, of course, to popularize the
Reichsrath, and break the domination of the upper classes in
that body; but, according to reports, it has done much more.
Prior to 1896, the members of the Abgeordncten or lower house
of the Reichsrath, then numbering 353, were all divided into
four sections, elected by four classes of people, as follows:
85 elected by the owners of large landed estates, 22 by
chambers of commerce and manufactures; 115 by town taxpayers
assessed for five florins of annual tax, and by doctors of
universities; 131 by country taxpayers assessed for five
florins yearly. In that year the membership was enlarged by an
addition of 72, who were to be representatives of the whole
people, elected by universal male suffrage, while the old
classified representation remained as before. The new law has
swept away the whole system of a classified representation,
and the representative house is now leveled to one footing, as
a body of deputies from the people at large.
The most conspicuous effect of this in the elections appears
to have been a sudden break of the power which the German
element in the much-mixed population of the Austrian dominion
has been able to exercise hitherto. Hence, it must be the fact
that the Germans hold far more than their proportion of the
property which the old system represented, and derived from
that, formerly, a weight in the Reichsrath which their numbers
cannot give them on the equalized vote.
{39}
Altogether, in the various Cisleithan states—the two Austrias
proper, Bohemia, Moravia, Galicia, Silesia, Salzburg, Tyrol,
Styria, Carinthia, Carniola, Istria, Dalmatia—they form a
little more than one third of the total population, the other
two thirds being mainly Slavonic, in many divisions,
principally Czech, Polish, and Slovene.
Ten years ago the Austrian Reichsrath was offering a spectacle
of factious disorder so violent that it drew the attention of
the world, and was made entertaining as well as interesting by
Mark Twain, then a resident for some months at Vienna and
writing descriptions of the scenes of tumult that went on
before his eyes.
See in Volume VI. of this work
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).
The specially bitter race quarrel was over a language question
between the Germans and the Czechs. The Czechs had succeeded
in forcing the government to give their own tongue its
rightful public use in Bohemia, where the German had displaced
it officially for along time past. The determination of the
Germans in the Reichsrath to undo this change practically
paralyzed that legislature for a number of years, and seemed
to be driving the realm of the House of Austria to inevitable
wreck.
Indeed, some factions of the Germans made no concealment of
their wish for such a wreckage, out of which the German Kaiser
at Berlin might pick the pieces that it pleased him to take.
They have never doubted the sympathy and countenance of their
kinsmen in the neighboring empire, and that has emboldened
them to an attitude which a minority, in other circumstances,
would hardly take.
Within the last few years there has been a quieting of the
antagonism; but most observers of the state of things in
Austria have looked for serious troubles to arise, whenever
the great personal influence of the present Emperor is
withdrawn by his death. The imperial dominion of the Austrian
archdukes could not be dissolved and its parts redistributed
without subjecting the peace of Europe to such a trial as it
never yet has gone unbrokenly through. If the Germans lose
disturbing power in the Reichsrath, as the late elections are
said to indicate that they will, and if racial factions give
place to political parties, as a consequence of the equalized
and universalized suffrage, then Austria may possibly be
welded into a nation, and her neighbors may not be tempted to
quarrel over her dismembered remains.
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1907.
Final negotiation of a new financial Ausgleich.
Adjustment of the vexed questions of tariff, joint debt,
and revenue quotas.
The long struggle toward a readjustment of the
_Ausgleich_ or Agreement of 1866 between Austria and
Hungary, on its financial side, was brought to a close on the
8th of October, 1907, by the signing of a new agreement that
day. It continued the common customs arrangement until 1917,
and provided that commercial treaties concluded with foreign
powers must be signed by the representatives of both Austria
and Hungary—a concession by Austria to Hungary. Hitherto the
Austrian Minister of Foreign Affairs had conducted such
negotiations. On its part, Hungary made the minor concession
of conforming its stock exchange laws to those of Austria.
Previously, excise duties had been common to both states;
henceforth they were to be left to each state to be determined
and levied. In the joint fiscal burden, Hungary’s contribution
was increased from 34.4 per cent to 36.4 per cent. Provision
was made for a court of arbitration, composed of four Austrian
and four Hungarian members, who must chose a ninth member as
chairman.
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.
Hungarian politics.
The State Bank question.
Split in the Independence party.
M. de Justh, a new party leader.
Attitude of M. Kossuth.
Deadlock returned.
The complete deadlock of legislation in Hungary from 1904 into
1906 was overcome but partially, and not for long, by the
patched-up coalition which started the wheels of Government
anew, under Dr. Wekerle, in April, 1906, as related above. In
the course of the next two years the Wekerle Ministry
accomplished some useful legislation, besides achieving the
ratification of the important tariff and commerce agreement
which settled long-troublesome disputes with Austria; but its
very slight coherent energy was exhausted soon,—too soon for
its promise of universal suffrage to be fulfilled.
Practically, it seems to have been at the end of its
capabilities for some time before the spring of 1909, when, in
April, it resolved to resign, and began an effort to escape
from office which went on through the year without success.
The Crown could induce no one to take from Dr. Wekerle the
impossible task of government, and kept that unfortunate
gentleman in his powerless place.
In Austro-Hungarian politics a new contention had now been
developed, which divided the Independence party, led hitherto
by M. Kossuth and Count Apponyi, so that it acquired on the
new question a third more extreme sectional chief, in the
person of the President of the Chamber, M. de Justh. The
followers of M. de Justh were demanding the transformation of
the existing joint State Bank into two autonomous banks,
connected in operation, but distinctly Hungarian in one
organization and Austrian in the other. This demand was
opposed in Austria as determinedly as the obnoxious demand for
army use of the Hungarian language in Hungarian regiments, and
the Crown would give sanction to neither. Apparently, neither
Kossuth nor Apponyi would act with M. de Justh on the bank
question, and the Independence party lost, consequently, its
advantage as the largest of the various parties in the
Chamber.
In November, when a test of numbers occurred at a conference
of the party, the following of M. de Justh was found to be
largely in the majority. A resolution demanding the separate
Hungarian State Bank was adopted by 120 votes against 74,
despite a declaration by M. Kossuth that he would quit the
party if it took that stand. According to a Press report of
what occurred at the conference, the burden of Kossuth’s
speech to the conference was "that without his name and his
leadership the party would never have obtained the majority,
and that many of those who were about to vote against him owed
their seats in Parliament to his recommendation. His speech
was indeed a scarcely-veiled threat that when deprived of the
support of his name his opponents would find themselves
forsaken by their constituents. The defeated minority
proceeded forthwith to constitute itself as the ‘Independence,
1848, and Kossuth party,’ as distinguished from the
‘Independence and 1848 party,’ over which M. de Justh now
reigns supreme."
{40}
Immediately after his triumph at the party conference M. de
Justh resigned the presidency of the Hungarian Chamber and
presented himself for reelection. In that test he suffered
defeat, the combined forces of the Andrassy Liberals, the
Clerical People’s party, and the Kossuth group casting 201
votes against 157. The Croatian Deputies abstained, owing, it
is said, to a promise made to them by Dr. Wekerle that, if
they remained neutral, he would deliver Croatia from the
oppressive rule of the Ban, Baron Rauch. The political
situation in Hungary was thus more than ever confused.
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.
The "Greater Servia Conspiracy."
Alleged treasonable movement of Servians in Croatia.
The Agram trials.
The following telegram to the newspaper press, from Agram,
Austria, October 5, 1909, reported the conclusion and the
result of a long prosecution which had drawn wide attention
and excited deep feeling in many parts of Europe for a full
year:
"After a trial lasting seven months, sentences were handed
down to-day in the cases of fifty-two school teachers,
priests, and other persons charged with connection with what
is known as the ‘Greater Servia conspiracy.’ The prisoners
were accused of high treason in participating in a movement
for the union of Croatia, Slavonia, and Bosnia to Servia, even
carrying the propaganda among the troops of the
Austro-Hungarian army. Thirty of the accused are condemned to
terms of rigorous imprisonment varying from four to twelve
years, and twenty-two were acquitted. The persons condemned
have given notification of appeal."
On the 31st of December it was announced from Vienna that all
but two of the condemned had been set at liberty pending their
appeal, this being consequent on the revelations of forgery in
the documents on which they were convicted.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH)
at close of article.
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.
Arbitrary annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Violence to the Treaty of Berlin.
The European disturbance and its settlement.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1808-1809 (OCTOBER-MARCH).
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1909.
The language quarrel in Austria.
"Amid deafening uproar from the Czech Radicals, the Austrian
premier has submitted to the Chamber [February 3, 1909] two
bills for the regulation of the Bohemian language question.
The bills, which in present circumstances appear to have
little chance of becoming law, divide Bohemia into 239
judicial and 20 administrative districts. Of the former, 95
are German, 138 Czech, and the remainder mixed, while of the
administrative districts five are German, 10 Czech, and five
mixed. In the German districts German is to be the predominant
language, and in the Czech districts Czech, while in the mixed
districts, which include Prague, the two languages are placed
on an equal footing. Provision is, however, made for the use
of either language if necessary throughout the whole
province."
NEW YORK EVENING POST.
A telegram to the same journal from Vienna, March 10,
reported:
"The Lower House of the Austrian Parliament, which closed on
February 5, after a scene of extraordinary turbulence arising
from old racial ill-feeling between the Germans and the
Czechs, reopened to-day with every promise of a continuance of
the disorders. The galleries of the House were crowded with
partisans of the two factions, and as soon as the ministers
appeared hostile shouts came from the Czech and radical
benches, drowning the cheers of the members of the Left party
and the Poles.
"Premier von Bienerth, amid an incessant tumult, declared the
nineteenth session opened, saying he hoped the work would be
crowned with success and the proceedings not disturbed. His
statement sounded ironical in face of the unbroken uproar."
The following is a later Press despatch, November 2, from
Vienna:
"The Emperor has accepted the resignations of the two Czech
Ministers in the Austrian Cabinet, and has sanctioned the laws
adopted by the Diets of Upper and Lower Austria, Salzburg and
Vorarlberg, to establish the unilingual German character of
those provinces. In the name of the Czech people the Czech
National Council addressed yesterday a telegram to the Emperor
begging that the laws might not be sanctioned, since, runs the
telegram, they affect the honour of the Czech people and must
cause constant racial strife both in the provinces and in
Vienna, ‘which is not only the capital of Lower Austria, but
is also the capital of the whole empire and of all its races.
These laws are a dangerous beginning of constitutional changes
in your Majesty’s glorious empire.’ A copy of the telegram was
sent to the Polish leader, Dr. Glombinski, with an 'expression
of the deepest regret that members of the Polish party should
have supported as Ministers these anti-Slav laws.’"
A revival of turbulent obstruction to legislative proceedings
in the lower house of the Austrian Reichsrath led, at last, in
December, to the enactment of rules which so enlarge the
powers of the speaker as to enable him to suppress factious
obstruction and to suspend deputies who outrage the decencies
of behavior in the Chamber. The measure was limited in its
operation to a year, but is expected to be prolonged.
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1909 (December).
Alleged plan of a Federated Triple Monarchy.
"There has been circulated in Paris a curious document, full
of figures, supposed to be based on authentic information.
This document relates to the plan attributed to Prince Lentur
and Count d’Aehrenthal to change the dual monarchy of
Austria-Hungary into a triple monarchy. Croatia,
Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Dalmatia, according to the scheme,
would be united into an independent and constitutional
kingdom, corresponding to the old Illyria. The double state,
Austria-Hungary, would be changed into a three-fold
Austria-Hungary-Illyria. A Slav nation would thus stand side
by side with the Teutonic nation of Austria and the Magyar
nation of Hungary. Its extent would be a good deal smaller, a
little more than one-third, of the other two, and its
population about a quarter of the Hungarian and one-sixth of
the Austrian. According to this document, which is declared to
have strong claims to be considered authentic, this change
would no doubt be followed by a further one. Bohemia and
Moravia would also want home rule. The monarchy would thus
become a kind of Federal state. Hungary alone would remain
standing strong and united as the centre and leader of this
federation."
_New York Evening Post,
December 29, 1909._
{41}
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1909-1910.
The Hungarian situation.
Late in December, Dr. de Lukacs, who had served in the former
Szell Ministry, was persuaded by the Crown to undertake the
formation of a Government which might hope to secure some
measure of parliamentary support, and on the 4th of January he
was formally appointed Prime Minister; but his undertaking
ended on the 11th, when he resigned, and Count Khuen Hedervary
was heroic enough to accept the apparently hopeless task. The
Hedervary Ministry suffered defeat on the 28th of January,
when a vote of no confidence was carried by M. de Justh, and
the King thereupon prorogued the chamber until March 24. A
majority of the members, however, remained in session until
they had adopted a resolution declaring the Government to be
unconstitutional and forbidding the payment of taxes to it.
Such is the Hungarian situation at the time this record of
events goes to print—February, 1910.
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1910.
The Archduke Franz Ferdinand,
Heir Apparent to the thrones.
Since the tragically mysterious death (January 30, 1889) of
the Emperor’s only son, Rudolph, the heir apparent to the
several Hapsburgh crowns has been the Archduke Franz
Ferdinand, son of the Emperor’s brother, the late Archduke
Karl Ludwig. In order to contract a morganatic marriage, some
years ago, he renounced the right of his children to the
imperial and regal succession; but it is believed that he will
force the regularizing of his marriage and the annulling of
his renunciation, as he is reputed to be a man of strenuous
will. According to report, also, he is strongly
anti-democratic and reactionary, and extremely likely to give
trouble as a sovereign to this democratic generation.
----------AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: End--------
AUTOCRAT:
Title denied to the Czar by the Third Duma.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1906-1907.
AZAD-UL-MULK.
See (in this Volume)
PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.
AZEFF:
The Russian police spy and agent provocateur.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-JULY).
AZUL, Party of the.
See (in this Volume)
PARAGUAY.
B.
BABISM.
See (in this Volume)
PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
BACON, Robert:
Secretary of State.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1909.
BADEN: A. D. 1906.
Introduction of universal suffrage.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.
BAEYER, Adolf von.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
BAGDAD RAILWAY, The.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1909.
BA HAMED, Late Grand Wazeer of Morocco.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1903.
BAHIA HONDA:
Coaling and naval station leased to the United States.
See (in this Volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1903.
BAHIMA, The.
See (in this Volume)
AFRICA: ITS COLONIZABILITY.
BAILEY, L. H.:
On Country Life Commission.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909 (AUGUST-FEBRUARY).
BAKHMETIEFF, Madame:
Her humane work in Macedonia.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1902-1903.
BAKHTIARI, The.
See (in this Volume)
PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
BAKU: Destruction of Oil Industry.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).
BALDWIN ARCTIC EXPEDITION.
See (in this Volume)
Polar Exploration.
BALFOUR, Arthur J.:
Becomes Prime Minister of England.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JULY).
BALFOUR, Arthur J.:
His puzzling attitude on Mr. Chamberlain’s declaration for
preferential trade with the Colonies.
Correspondence on Mr. Chamberlain’s resignation.
See ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (MAY-SEPTEMBER).
BALFOUR, Arthur J.:
In the "Dreadnought" debate of 1909.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.
BALFOUR MINISTRY:
Its resignation.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.
----------BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Start--------
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1903-1907.
Complaint of European non-action by Christian subjects
of Turkey.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1907.
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Bosnia: A. D. 1908.
Arbitrary annexation to Austria-Hungary.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Bulgaria:
The influence of Robert College.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: TURKEY, &c.
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1901.
The Bulgarian committee which directs revolutionary operations
and assassinations in Macedonia.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1901.
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1903.
Alleged promotion of revolt in Macedonia.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1902-1903.
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.
Barbarities of Bulgarian bands in Macedonia.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1908.
The race struggle in Macedonia.
See TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (MARCH).
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.
Independence of Turkey declared and won.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1909.
Prince Ferdinand assumes the title of King.
On the acquisition of complete Bulgarian independence, Prince
Ferdinand was said at first to be intending to assume the
title of Tsar; but that intention, if it had been formed, was
changed, and he took the title of King.
{42}
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Bulgaria and Servia: A.D. 1905.
Customs Union Convention between the two States.
Anger and Hostility of Austria.
Dictatorial demands on Servia.
The frontier closed to trade.
"Servia and Bulgaria, in July, 1905, signed a Customs
Convention, creating a customs union and breaking down the
tariff barriers between the two countries. The age is the age
of union in business, in finance, in every department in life.
… Not only has the Customs Convention between the two
countries, which is, after all, but the first step towards a
real zollverein, demonstrated the trend of international
development, but it has enabled the world to see clearly the
relations existing between the small Balkan States—unprotected
by any guarantee of neutrality—and their great neighbours. It
has been made clear that, despite all the many protestations
in Vienna of goodwill to the Balkan States, Austria does not
wish to see real progress in that part of Europe. And what is
true of Austria is true also of Russia. …
"True to her unvarying policy, Austria no sooner heard of the
Customs Convention than she set to work to destroy it,
claiming that it damaged her commercial interests. By her
unjust attempts at coercion, plain and undisguised, Austria
brought into being a political bond between Bulgaria and
Servia which was not in existence at the time of the signature
of the Customs Convention. …
"In the past Servia has fallen more and more completely under
the domination of Austria; her geographical position and her
internal troubles made her an easy prey for Vienna, and had it
not been for the desire of Russia to share the dainty morsel,
Servia would in all probability have gone ere this to join the
Servian provinces of Bosnia and Hersegovina as an integral
part of the Austrian Empire. Her commerce is almost solely
with Austria or Hungary, and her finances are under the
control of a French-Austrian syndicate. It might therefore
well seem incredible that the small State, bound thus hand and
foot to the oppressor, should dare to oppose her desire for
liberty to the Austrian desire for gain, political,
commercial, or financial. But just as under the Turkish rule
the Servians began to fight for freedom in small bands, so the
Customs Convention with Bulgaria represents the first blow for
economic and political freedom. … While the Convention
represents an effort on Servia’s part to free herself from the
thrall of Austria, it was not directed against that country.
It seeks rather to open up new markets and new means of
export, for which there was sufficient reason in the fact that
there was no increase in the export of Servian goods to
Austria during the last few years, some of which even showed a
decrease. Commercial development demanded that new markets
should be sought and a new route via Bulgaria to the Black Sea
ports be opened up. …
"On January 8th the Austrian Minister in Belgrade presented a
note from his Government making it a condition that in order
that the negotiations for a commercial treaty should not be
suspended, the Servian Government should engage not to bring
the Customs Union before the Skouptchina before the conclusion
of the treaty. At the same time he indicated the disastrous
results of refusal on Servia’s part. The Servian Cabinet
accepted the Austrian proposals as to the postponement of the
presentation of the Customs Union to the Skouptchina, and
promised also to consider the modification of the Convention
in so far as these modifications were not contrary to the
nature of the Customs Union. The Austrian Minister recommended
a change of the reply, because his Government would not accept
it as it stood. On the Servians refusing to make any change,
he gave them till the afternoon of the next day to repent,
with the alternative that the treaty negotiations would be
broken off and the frontiers closed. … Servia insisted upon
maintaining her dignity as a nation, while expressing her
readiness to meet Austria in every possible economic way.
Furious at the Servian refusal, the Viennese authorities
ordered the closing of the frontiers to Servian cattle, pigs,
and even fowls. This last restriction was contrary to the
existing treaty of commerce between the two countries which
does not expire till March 1st, 1906. The cattle and pigs were
excluded under the arbitrary veterinary convention, it having
been found that a pig had died of ‘diplomatic swine fever,’ a
contagious disease, prevalent when Servia opposes Austrian
desires. The cool indifference with which Austria ignored her
treaty obligations with Servia led to a profound feeling that
it was hardly worth making sacrifices in order to obtain a new
commercial treaty, which could be as equally well ignored.
Patriotic fervour waxed great in Servia, and the people
prepared to make a good fight for their liberty. But it was
never overlooked that the relations with Austria were of great
and vital importance."
_Alfred Stead,
The Serbo-Bulgarian Convention and its Results
(Fortnightly Review, March, 1906)._
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Herzegovina: A. D. 1908.
Annexation to Austria.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Montenegro: A. D. 1905.
Prince Nicholas’s Constitution, and his operation of it.
"When Prince Nicholas heard that the Czar had promised his
people a Constitution, he, disciple of Russia in all things,
determined to outdo Nicholas II., and, as a matter of fact,
granted his little country [December, 1905] a more liberal
Constitution than that which Russia enjoys. In Russia certain
things were not to be discussed in the Duma. In Montenegro,
everything could be discussed. When this principle began to be
put in practice, however, although in the most loyal and
respectful manner, the Prince took offence and began to
imprison politicians who dared to ask for information about
the financial condition of the principality. As a consequence,
he made himself unpopular among what in Russia would be called
the ‘intelligencia,’ but, being a man of far stronger
personality and more striking genius than the Czar of Russia,
he is still feared and obeyed. He is, in fact, an old soldier
with all the old soldier’s preference for barrack discipline
as the only method of rule, and in thinking that he understood
what is meant by the words ‘constitutional government’ he
deceived himself, for he does not understand, and being an old
man surrounded by flatterers, he is perhaps less able to
understand now than he would have been thirty years ago.
"If he had been more adaptable, and had taken greater pains to
instruct his people in the methods of parliamentary
government, the constitutionalist movement might have been a
success, but unfortunately he withdrew from Cettinje in a
‘huff’ when the Skupschina passed some criticisms on the
government, and declined to coöperate with the deputies,
though they were all very anxious to have his advice. It is
stated, on the other hand, however, that the Skupschina
interpreted in too large a sense the Constitution that had
been granted to them."
_Special Correspondent New York Evening Post,
Cettinje, December 15, 1908._
{43}
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.
With Servia against Austrian annexation of Bosnia
and Herzegovina.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1809 (OCTOBER-MARCH).
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Roumania: A. D. 1866-1906.
Development of the country under King Charles I. and
his admirable Queen.
"The efforts of King Charles have been principally devoted
towards internal improvement. Railways have increased and
improved since the State purchased them in 1886, at an outlay
of 237,500,000 francs. Then there were 1,407 kilometres; in
1903 these had increased to 3,177. In the Dobrudja, given to
Roumania after the war with Turkey, the King has created a
great commercial port at Constantza, whence the grain and
petroleum of Roumania can flood the market. From here will
radiate a Roumanian merchant marine, which will bear the
Roumanian flag to all parts of the world. Agriculture has been
carefully cherished, and to-day the country is one of the
principal grain-exporting countries of the world, and the lot
of the peasant, formerly so low, has been improved. An
educational system has sprung into being, owing much to the
direct support and inspiration of the Royal family. The
finances have been put on a stable footing, and although the
nation has already acquired a sufficiency of debt, the future
is not at all dangerously beset. Thanks to the discovery of
extensive petroleum fields, Roumania has been strengthened and
raised from the position of a country relying solely on the
rain and sun for its prosperity; while thanks to the King’s
indefatigable efforts and unceasing watchfulness, the
petroleum industry has been protected from becoming the
monopoly either of the ruthless Standard Oil Trust or of the
politically guided and government-supported German Bank. Had
King Charles done nothing else for Roumania, his determined
and wise action in this question would have earned him all
praise. But whether it be in the question of the Danube, with
its international Commission, or of the transformation of the
twelve enormous Crown lands, dispersed over the kingdom, into
national and social models, to see and follow—a work due
principally to M. Kalindero—the King’s interest in all things
which directly or indirectly touch Roumania is unabated.
"And what manner of man is this, who has thus created a
European State out of the remnants of a land cursed by a
Turkish rule and Phanariot sway? First and foremost he is
always a Hohenzollern, swayed by his obedience to duty, and
based upon that Hohenzollern saying: 'It is not enough to be
born a prince, you must show that you are worthy of the
title,' and second, he is ever a true Roumanian, who has
caught much of the inspiration of those great former Roumanian
leaders and warriors. His youth was one of discipline and
healthy education, while the influence of his father on his
character can never be overestimated. Every inch a king, he
never forgets that he is always also a man—personal
animosities never cloud his national judgment. An
indefatigable worker and on an organised plan tending towards
definite ends, King Charles devotes his whole time to his
never-ceasing task. By his marriage to Princess Elizabeth of
Wied’ [known in literature as Carmen Sylva] ‘a marriage so
non-political as to make it a political event of the first
importance,’ he brought to Roumania a queen who made herself
beloved of all, and speedily became the centre of all
charitable ideas and works."
_Alfred Stead,
King Charles I. of Roumania
(Fortnightly Review, July, 1906)._
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1902.
Oppression of the Jews.
Appeal of the United States to the signatories
of the Treaty of Berlin.
On the 11th of August, 1902, Mr. John Hay, Secretary of State
in the Government of the United States, addressed a
communication to the American Ambassadors and Ministers in
Great Britain, France, Germany, Austria-Hungary, Russia,
Italy, and Turkey, whose governments were parties to the
Berlin Treaty of 1878, directing that it be read to the proper
ministers in the governments of those countries. The
communication related to the treatment of the Jews in
Roumania, which had long been a matter of deep concern to the
United States, not only from sympathy with the persecuted
people, but also because of the state in which it drove them
as emigrants to this land. An abridgment of Secretary Hay’s
despatch, published at the time, renders its substance as
follows:
"As long ago as in 1872 this country protested against the
oppression of these Jews under Turkish rule. The Treaty of
Berlin it was supposed would cure this wrong by the provisions
of its forty-fourth article, which prescribed that ‘in
Roumania the difference of religious creeds and confessions
shall not be alleged against any person as a ground for
exclusion or incapacity in matters relating to the enjoyment
of civil and political rights, admission to public
employments, functions and honors, or the exercise of the
various professions and industries in any locality whatsoever.
These prescriptions, however, have, in the lapse of time, been
rendered nugatory as regards the native Jews of Roumania.
Apart from the political disabilities of the Jews in that
country, and their exclusion from the liberal professions,
they are denied the inherent rights of man as a breadwinner in
the ways of agriculture and trade. They are prohibited from
owning land or from cultivating it as common laborers; they
are debarred from residing in the rural districts, and many
branches of petty trade and manual production are closed to
them in the cities. They have become reduced to a state of
wretched misery. The experience of the United States shows
that the Jews possess in a high degree the qualities of good
citizenhood. No class of immigrants is more welcome to our
shores when coming equipped in mind and body, but when they
come as outcasts, made doubly paupers by physical and mental
oppression in their native land, their migration lacks the
essential conditions which make alien immigration either
acceptable or beneficial. Many of these Roumanian Jews are
forced to quit their native country, and the United States is
almost the only refuge left to them. They come hither unfitted
by the conditions of their exile to take part in the new life
of this land, and they are objects of charity for a long time.
Therefore the right of remonstrance against the acts of the
Roumanian Government is fairly established in favor of this
Government. This Government cannot be a tacit party to what it
regards as an international wrong. It is constrained to
protest against the treatment to which the Jews of Roumania
are subjected. The United States is not a signatory to the
Treaty of Berlin, and cannot, therefore, appeal
authoritatively to the stipulations of that treaty, but it
does earnestly appeal to the principles consigned therein,
because they are the principles of international law and
eternal justice."
{44}
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1907.
Agrarian and anti-Semitic riots.
Serious riotings of the peasants of Roumania, in both Moldavia
and Wallachia, occurred in April, 1907. Before the rising
could be suppressed more than 100,000 troops were employed;
the capital, Bucharest, was in a state of siege, and martial
law was proclaimed throughout the country. At first the
character of the uprising seems to have been purely agrarian.
The peasants demanded land at low prices and tried to throw
off the yoke of the middlemen, who are mostly Jews. As the
revolt spread, villages, farms, and even some towns were
plundered and destroyed by wholesale. Hundreds of peasants
were killed, and in several sections a state of real war
existed for more than a week. King Charles issued a
proclamation to his people promising the redress of their
grievances. The Conservative ministry resigned on March 24 and
a Liberal government was at once formed under the presidency
of Dr. Sturdza.
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Servia: A. D. 1901-1903.
Royal Constitution-making and unmaking.
The character of the Servian monarchy, and the value to the
nation of its king-made Constitution, may be judged from the
following report, May 12, 1903, to the State Department of the
United States Government, by its Minister at Athens, who has
the care of American interests at Belgrade: "The Servian
constitution now in force is that which was granted the
country by King Alexander on April 6-19, 1901. Under this
constitution the influence of the radical party had gradually
increased to such an extent that the King thought it was
dangerous to the welfare of the country. For some time there
were rumors to the effect that a new constitution was in
contemplation and would probably be put into force on the
anniversary of its predecessor. More or less excitement was
caused by these reports, and in consequence the King
determined to act at once.
"On the afternoon of March 24—April 6 last [1903] a royal
proclamation was issued to the Servian people, explaining the
King’s views of the situation, suspending the constitution
referred to above, annulling the ukase of April 6, 1901, and
all subsequent ukases relating to the election of senators,
retiring all the members of the council of state, dissolving
the Skupshtina (national chamber of deputies), annulling the
election of all senators chosen for the period 1901-1906,
annulling various laws relating to the liberty of the press,
the election of deputies, etc., and putting into force certain
laws which had previously been repealed.
"The next morning a second proclamation was issued, putting
the same constitution in force again, and directing the life
senators to elaborate a provisional law for the election of
senators and deputies, who should hold office, respectively,
until September, 1909, and May, 1907.
"The date for the elections has been fixed for the first part
of June. It is considered probable that the Radical members of
the Government (four ministers, I believe) will soon withdraw
from the cabinet."
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1903.
The murder of King Alexander, Queen Draga, her brothers,
and two ministers of state.
The military plot.
King Alexander, who received the Servian crown, as a mere boy,
by the abdication of his father, the erratic King Milan, in
1889, began his reign autocratically, but attempted twelve
years later, to propitiate popular favor by the grant of a
liberal constitution, in 1901.
See, in Volume I. of this work,
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1879-1889.
This failed, however, to win the good will of his subjects,
and he annulled it in April, 1903, with much of the
legislation it had produced. This intensified public feeling
against him, and against his unpopular Queen,—the former
lady-in-waiting at his mother’s court, Madame Draga Maschin.
This marriage in 1900 is related in:
See in Volume VI. of this work
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.
There were fears of an intention to force recognition of Queen
Draga's brother as heir apparent to the crown, and feeling in
the army became especially bitter against both king and queen.
The outcome was an awful tragedy of murder on the night of
June 11, 1903, when a party of officers broke into the palace
and slew, with barbaric ferocity, the King, the Queen, the
Queen’s brothers, the Prime Minister, and the Minister for
War. The following account of the horrible tragedy appeared in
the next issue of _The Contemporary Review:_
"All traces of the midnight carnage in the palace of Belgrade
have been cleared away. The Pretender for whose benefit it was
perpetrated comes in. First proclaimed in the midst of the
still warm corpses, the title of military acclamation has been
ratified by a National Assembly, convened by the Pretorians
almost simultaneously with the massacre to meet three days
after that event, and in the palace where Colonel Maschine and
his lieutenants, acting in the names of outraged national
dignity and social purity, put to shame human nature,
Karageorgevich, whose career as a Pretender in some points
resembles that of Louis Napoleon, accepts the proffered crown.
The telegraphic agencies have informed us that order reigns at
Belgrade, and that Peter I. has entered his capital amid
demonstrations of public joy. The representatives of the Press
of Europe, numbering about a hundred, were, through the
civility of a palace official who witnessed the nocturnal
invasion, taken through the theatre of one of the most
revolting crimes of modern history. They were minutely
informed of the circumstances connected with it, saw the
smashed doors and floors where dynamite tubes had exploded,
the pistol shots in walls and ceilings; the timepieces shaken
by the explosion had stopped at five minutes past one on the
morning of the 12th June. The palace official took them into
the little wardrobe room in which the King and Queen had
hidden themselves, and, when found, met their doom, unshriven,
offering no resistance. …
{45}
"Officers who had studied in the Zurich Polytechnic school
knew how to use dynamite without injury to themselves when
they wanted to break in doors massive as those of a church.
Those who had been told off to cut the electric wires
communicating with lamps had indiarubber gloves. They searched
by the light of composite candles they had brought in their
pockets for the hiding-place of the King and Queen. When they
discovered the fugitives, some of the officers held high the
candles for their comrades to lay on and not spare the
unfortunate pair. There was no attempt to resist. All
Alexander wanted was ‘to die with Draga,’ and this elevated
him into the region of romance. It may hereafter furnish a
theme to Servian bards. Another modern circumstance makes
one’s flesh creep. The bodies, flung out of a window, lay on a
garden walk until dawn, when a soldier received an order to
wash them there with a fireman’s hydrant, and when they had
been cleansed to lay them on the tables of the palace kitchen
for dissection. The surgeons had been requisitioned to come
there at five o’clock. …
"At the post-mortem in the palace kitchen at Belgrade, the
surgeons counted in the body of Alexander six revolver wounds,
each deadly, and forty-two sword wounds. Draga received two
pistol balls and sixty-two sword cuts and slashes. She had
been cut to pieces, but they left her face unmutilated.
And—still more frightful—her corpse bore black and blue marks
that testified to a merciless pounding with strong fists. The
regicides gave so many conflicting accounts of their adventure
that one did not know what to believe. It is now certain that
the King and Queen were defenceless, that they at once on
being aroused by the dynamite took refuge in her wardrobe
room, and that they never sought to escape by the roof, and
did not run through a long suite of rooms, slamming the doors
after them. They had not a moment’s time to utter a prayer.
"Draga’s brothers received a five minutes’ respite to make
their souls. Nicodemus, the eldest, for whom Mademoiselle Pach
mourns in Brussels, asked for cigars and for leave to embrace
his brother. He and Nicholas faced unflinchingly a firing
party, casting away the cigar ends as they stood before a
wall. …
"Colonel Maschine, who figures as the ringleader in the
conspiracy, had been in the inner circle of King Milan, who
thought him a valuable officer. Milan, a man with considerable
ability and without his match in playing an intricate and
difficult diplomatic game, had been educated in his mother’s
fast set in Vienna, and at a Paris lycée. … Military force as
a means of government recommended itself to his barbarous
mind. It may be that he saw in Maschine a man suitable for
_coup d’état_ work. An ostensible reason for taking him
into favour was Maschine’s bravery in the campaign against
Bulgaria and his personal fidelity to Milan, as twice evinced
in saving his life. The partiality of the King buoyed up
Maschine’s hopes of a brilliant military career. Death
overtook Milan, who so often had escaped poison and assassin’s
bullets, on his way to Belgrade, where he was to have set
Alexander aside and remounted the throne. His unexpected
decease blighted the colonel’s prospects, inasmuch as Draga
gained thereby uncontrolled influence over the King. She and
the Maschines had long kept up a bitter feud. Barbarians like
to brood over their grievances, real or imaginary. Colonel
Maschine could not forget or forgive, and his pride prevented
him from trying to propitiate her when she let him know that
he thought her more intractable than she really was. He had
set about the slander that she poisoned her first husband, and
then made believe he committed suicide. This story had been
told by the Colonel to Milan. Alexander, when his father
repeated it to him, called it a ‘machination,’ the name he
ever after gave to slanders and libels that came to his
knowledge about Draga. He refused to hear calumnious tales,
but could not prevent anonymous letters passing into the hands
of his secretary, and spoke of the Court of Russia as being
stupidly turned against his wife by ‘machinations.’ One can
understand from this why Colonel Maschine became the soul of
the horrible conspiracy, and bent his whole mind to carry out
a plan which has succeeded, through his perfect generalship as
to _ensemble_, the minutest attention to details, the
widest prescience, the coolest head and an utter
unscrupulousness."
_Ivanovich,
The Servian Massacre
(Contemporary Review, July, 1903)._
In the same issue of _The Contemporary_, Dr. Dillon
wrote: "A graphic version of one scene of the tragedy, which
was given to me by one of the murderers, Adjutant N., is as
follows:
‘We were wild with passion, trembling with excitement,
incapable of receiving any impressions from the things and
people around us. Hence we cannot say who shot the King in the
head, who in the heart. But I have a vivid recollection of
some things. I remember turning out the electric light and
going to fetch candles to light my comrades on the way. That
done I remained together with them to the end. I remember our
breaking into the King’s bedroom, finding it empty, and then
looking into the Queen’s wardrobe room, where we found the
pair. Who fired first? I don’t know; nobody knows. At first we
did not fire at all. We drew our sabres and cut off the
fingers of the King and Queen; four fingers were hewn from the
King’s hand. Then we fired.’"
_E. J. Dillon,
Servia and the Rival Dynasties
(Contemporary Review, July, 1903)._
The hideous crime which ended the reign of King Alexander
excited horror everywhere except in Servia. There it seemed to
be approved and rejoiced over universally, even the head of
the national Servian Church, the Metropolitan of Belgrade,
officiating at a thanksgiving service and commending the army
for what it had done. Senators and Deputies of the Skupstchina
filled the vacant throne by the election of Prince Peter
Karageorgievitch, descendant of Kara Georg (Black George), the
primary hero of the later struggle of the Servians with the
Turk. King Alexander had been of the house of Milosh
Obrenovitch, founder of the Obrenovitch dynasty, which
supplanted that of Kara Georg.
See in Volume I. of this work,
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES:
14TH-19TH CENTURIES: SERVIA.
Prince Peter, then in exile at Geneva, accepted the
blood-stained crown, and was welcomed at Belgrade on the 24th
of June. Foreign governments, except those of Russia and
Austria-Hungary, gave no recognition to the new sovereign for
some time; but, said a writer in _The Fortnightly Review_
of the next month, "no thrill of horror has been manifested by
the ‘dear brothers ’ and ‘cousins’ of the royal victims; on
the very day of the holocaust, when the mangled corpses of a
King and Queen were being exposed to the outrages of frenzied
fiends, there was never a pause in the pomp and circumstance
and revelry of European Courts.
{46}
But the ghastly details of the deed have appealed to the
melodramatic instincts of the vulgar, arousing a morbid
indignation throughout every land. What honest person could
fail to be stirred by the story of the conspirators, sitting
over their wine under the verandah of the Srbski Kruna,
uproariously urging the gipsy band to play Queen Draga’s March
before they sallied forth to hack her to pieces with their
swords; by the airy apologies of the baffled murderers when
they roused a citizen for axes and candles, wherewith to track
down their victims in the sleeping palace; by the thought of
the ill-starred young Sovereigns lying in their own gardens,
riddled with bullets, sighing through the small hours for the
long-delayed relief of death? In the pages of ancient or
mediaeval history, even in sensational fiction, such hellish
horrors could not fail to arouse intense emotion; in the cold
glare of the twentieth century they are brought home so
vividly that we are almost eye-witnesses."
_Herbert Vivian,
A ‘Glorious Revolution’ in Servia
(Fortnightly Review, July, 1903)._
A general election in September gave the Radicals a decisive
majority in the Skupstchina, and a Radical Ministry under
General Gruiteh was formed.
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1904.
Coronation of King Peter.
King Peter was anointed and crowned with due ceremony, at
Zicha, on the 9th of October, 1904. Representatives of all the
Powers in Europe except Great Britain did honor to the
occasion by their presence; thus condoning the foul crime
which smeared the new King’s crown with blood. The officers
who committed the crime had been dismissed from their palace
posts, but rewarded by military promotion.
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.
Attitude toward Austria on the annexation of Bosnia and
Herzegovina.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.
The alleged "Greater Servia Conspiracy."
The Agram Trials.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1909.
Renunciation of the crown by the Crown Prince.
The following note was addressed to the Prime Minister of
Servia by the Crown Prince, George, on the 25th of March,
1909: "Driven by unjustified insinuations based on an
unfortunate occurrence, I beg in defence of my honour, as well
as of my conscience, to declare that I renounce all claims to
the Throne, as well as any other privileges to which I am
entitled. I beg you to take note of this, and to take the
necessary steps that this action may receive the necessary
sanction. I place my services as a soldier and citizen at the
disposal of my King and Fatherland, ready to give my life for
them.
—George."
The "unfortunate occurrence" alluded to was the death of one
of the Prince’s servants from injuries which the Prince was
believed by the public to have inflicted, as he was reputed to
have a brutal temper.
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Servia and Bulgaria: A.D. 1905.
Customs Union Convention.
See above:
BULGARIA AND SERVIA.
----------BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: End--------
BALLINGER, Richard A.:
Secretary of the Interior, United States.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).
BALLINGER, Richard A.:
Action against Water Power Monopoly.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.
BALLOONS, Dirigible.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT.
BALTIC FLEET, The Russian:
Its voyage and destruction.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).
BALTIC PROVINCES:
Peasant insurrection.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).
BALTIMORE: A. D. 1904.
Destructive fire.
Next to that at Chicago in 1871, the most destructive fire
among the many that have devastated the cities of the United
States occurred at Baltimore on February 7th and 8th, 1904. It
burned for thirty hours, in the heart of the city, the center
of its business, destroying some 2600 buildings and consuming
property to the estimated value of $75,000,000.
BAMBAATA.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: NATAL: A. D. 1906-1907.
BANNARD, Otto T.:
See (in this Volume)
NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1909.
BARCELONA: A. D. 1902.
General strike and battle with soldiery.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: SPAIN.
BARCELONA: A. D. 1909.
Revolutionary outbreak.
Trial and execution of Professor Ferrer.
See (in this Volume)
SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.
BARCELONA: A. D. 1909.
Riotous hostility to war in Morocco.
See MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.
BARGE (ERIE) CANAL, The.
See (in this Volume)
NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1898-1909.
BARNATO, Harry.
Bequest for cancer research.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH.
BARRETT, Charles Simon:
President of the National Farmers’ Union.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909.
BARRETT, John.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS, INTERNATIONAL BUREAU OF.
BARRETT, John.
Delegate to Second International Conference of
American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
BARTHOLDT, Richard.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904-1909, and 1907.
BARTON, Sir Edmund:
Premier of Australia.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904.
BAST, The taking of.
See (in this Volume)
PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.
BASUTOLAND:
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1904, and 1909.
BAVARIA: A. D. 1906.
Introduction of direct voting.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.
BEATIFICATION OF JOAN OF ARC.
See (in this Volume)
PAPACY: A. D. 1909 (APRIL).
BECHUANALAND: A. D. 1904.
Census.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1904, and 1909.
BECK, Baron.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.
BECQUEREL, Henri.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE, RECENT: RADIUM;
also, NOBEL PRIZES.
"BEEF TRUST," The:
Investigations and prosecutions by the U. S. Government.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES:
A. D. 1901-1906; 1903-1906; and 1910.
{47}
BEERNAERT, M.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES
BEHRING, Emil Adolf von.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
BEIRUT:
Joy over the restored constitution of Turkey.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D). 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).
----------BELGIUM: Start--------
BELGIUM: A. D. 1870-1905.
Increase of population compared with other European countries.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.
BELGIUM: A. D. 1900-1904.
Municipal systems of insurance against unemployment.
See (in this Volume)
POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: UNEMPLOYMENT.
BELGIUM: A. D. 1902.
Popular opposition to the plural vote.
Demand for constitutional revision defeated.
General strike in the country.
Substantially universal but not equal suffrage is given to the
male citizens of Belgium by the Constitution of the kingdom as
revised in 1893.
See in Volume I. of this work,
CONSTITUTION OF BELGIUM.
All have one vote, but certain classes of persons, qualified
by property ownership, tax-payments, education, office-holding
or professional dignity, are given one or two supplementary
votes. Opposition to this political inequality had been
growing from the first, until it united the Socialist and
Liberal parties in a demand for the revision of the
Constitution, not only to abolish the plural suffrage, but to
introduce proportional representation and compulsory
education. The agitation attending this demand brought about,
in April, a general strike throughout the country of workmen
in all departments of industry, to the extent of 350,000. The
Government resisted the demand, maintaining that the system of
plural voting had not been sufficiently tried, and the bill
for constitutional revision was defeated in the Chamber of
Representatives, after a bitter debate, by 84 votes to 64.
The situation was described as follows by Mr. Townsend, the
American Minister to Belgium, in a despatch of April 19:
"The struggle between labor and capital in Belgium has become
extremely acute in the past few years. A large industrial
population, confined to a small superficial area, with long
hours of labor and small wages, have combined to produce a
feeling of discontent among the working classes, who, perhaps
unjustly, blame the existing Government for a condition of
affairs which may be due to economic conditions rather than
political. This is a factor which may be largely responsible
for the rapid growth of Socialism in Belgium during the past
few years. Liberals and Socialists have combined to fight for
universal suffrage, and have raised the cry ‘one man one vote’
as a panacea for the existing ills.
"The Clericals maintain that the existing system of plural
voting meets the present requirements of the country; that it
places a premium on education, and acts as a check to the
power of the ignorant, who are prone to resort to violence and
disorder. The more moderate Liberals in the House of
Representatives expressed a willingness to accept a compromise
in the shape of a total abolition of the triple vote, granting
one vote at 25 years and a second vote to married men of 35 or
40 years, with legitimate issue. The Clericals, however, would
not consider a compromise and opposed revision in any form.
"During the past fortnight, while the debates on the subject
of revision were being held in the House of Representatives,
the socialists and workingmen have held nightly meetings at
the Maison du Peuple, and have frequently paraded the streets
shouting for universal suffrage and ‘one man one vote.’ The
Liberal members, as well as some of the socialist leaders in
the House, have cautioned the paraders to be calm, to avoid
violence and disorder. But the ranks of the paraders have been
swelled by the addition of the representatives of the very
lowest and criminal classes of the population, the result
being a conflict with the police followed by the breaking of
windows and other damages to property. Shots were exchanged
between the gendarmes and rioters, several of the latter being
killed and wounded. Similar scenes were at the same time
enacted in other towns in Belgium, consequently the Government
called out the troops. Order has been restored, but the
streets of Brussels, as well as the large towns, are lined
with soldiers. A general strike has taken place in all the
industrial centers of Belgium, with the avowed object of
forcing the Government to grant universal suffrage, but
without success. The feeling of unrest is very general all
over the country."
_Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of
the United States, 1902, page 85._
BELGIUM: A. D. 1903.
Enactment to compensate workmen for injurious accidents.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: BELGIUM: A. D. 1903.
BELGIUM: A. D. 1903.
Agreement for settlement of claims against Venezuela.
See (in this Volume)
VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.
BELGIUM: A. D. 1903-1905.
King Leopold’s administration of the Congo State.
See (in this Volume)
CONGO STATE: A. D. 1903-1905.
BELGIUM: A. D. 1904.
Liberal gains in the elections, at the expense of the
Catholics and Socialists.
Belgian elections, in May, reduced the majority by which the
Clericals still retained control of the Government, and took
six seats in the representative chamber from the Socialists,
adding in all nine to the representation of the Liberal party.
The latter continued, with no success, its demand for a
revision of the Constitution, especially for the abolition of
the plural vote, which gives the Church party its majority in
Parliament, while its voters are an actual minority of the
nation.
Belgian feeling on the subject of the charges of brutal
oppression in the Congo Free State was deeply stirred, and its
current ran strongly against the accusers of the King. The
public in general appears to have been fully persuaded that
interested motives were actuating the whole criticism of Congo
administration, and that the stories of inhumanity to the
natives were wholly false.
BELGIUM: A. D. 1906.
At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco question.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.
BELGIUM: A. D. 1908.
North Sea and Baltic agreements.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1908.
BELGIUM: A. D. 1908 (October).
Annexation of the Congo State.
See (in this Volume)
CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.
BELGIUM: A. D. 1909.
New military law.
Compulsory service with no substitution.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: BELGIAN.
BELGIUM: A. D. 1909 (October).
The Government’s programme of reforms in the Congo State.
See CONGO STATE: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).
{47}
BELGIUM: A. D. 1909 (December).
Death of King Leopold.
Accession of King Albert.
On the 17th of December, 1909, King Leopold died. He was
succeeded on the throne by Prince Albert, son of his brother,
the Count of Flanders. Of the new King, who was born in 1875,
it was said by The Times, of London: "The happiest
expectations are cherished in Belgium for the new King’s
reign. He has shown, together with his gracious Consort, that
desire to identify himself with the interests of the humblest
of his subjects which we are accustomed to admire among the
characteristic merits of our own Royal Family. He was
naturally precluded by his position from taking any part in
the controversies connected with the Congo, but it may
reasonably be thought that if his uncle’s life had been less
prolonged the constitutional difficulties raised by the ‘Congo
question’ would have been avoided. He is known to have been
painfully impressed by the need of reform during his recent
visit to the colony."
----------BELGIUM: End--------
BELL, Richard:
Secretary of the Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.
BENEDICTINES: Forbidden to teach in France.
See (in this Volume)
France: A. D. 1908.
BENGAL: A. D. 1905.
Partition of the Province.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1905-1909.
BEQUESTS.
See GIFTS.
BERESFORD, Admiral Lord Charles:
On the "Dreadnought."
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: DREADNOUGHT ERA.
BERKELEY, California:
Perfect example of the "Commission Plan" of Government.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: CALIFORNIA.
BERLIN: A. D. 1903.
Sweeping victory of Socialists in Imperial election.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1903.
BERLIN: A. D. 1905.
Strike in electrical industries.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: GERMANY.
BERLIN TREATY OF 1878, Violations of the.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).
BETHMANN-HOLLWEG, Dr. von:
Appointed Chancellor of the German Empire.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909, AND 1909 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).
"BIG SIX," The.
See (in this Volume)
Combinations, Industrial: United States: A. D. 1903-1906.
The "Beef Trust."
BIRRELL, Augustine,
President of the Board of Education.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (DECEMBER), and 1905-1906.
BIRRELL, Augustine,
Chief Secretary for Ireland.
Proposed Councils Bill for Ireland.
See (in this Volume)
IRELAND: A. D. 1907 (MAY).
BISWAS, Ashutosh, Assassination of.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908.
BITUMINOUS COAL STRIKES.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.
BJORNSON, Bjornstjerne.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
BLACK HAND, The.
See (in this Volume)
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.
BLERIOT, Louis.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.
BLIND, Karl:
On the "Young Turks."
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).
"BLOC," Chancellor Bülow’s:
Incongruous coalition in the German Reichstag.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.
Its break.
See GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.
"BLOODY SUNDAY."
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.
BOARDS OF CONCILIATION.
See Labor Organization:
GERMANY: A. D. 1905-1906.
BOBRIKOFF, Governor-General of Finland:
His assassination.
See (in this Volume)
FINLAND: A. D. 1904.
BOER-BRITISH WAR, Last year of the.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.
BOERS, The:
Repatriation and resettlement.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1903.
BOERS, The:
Active in movement for South African Union.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.
BOGOLIEPOFF, M.,
Assassination of.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.
BOLIVIA: A. D. 1901-1906.
Participation in Second and Third International Conferences
of American Republics, at Rio de Janeiro.
See (in this Volume)
American Republics.
BOLIVIA: A. D. 1901.
Broad Treaty of Arbitration with Peru.
See (in this Volume)
ARBITRATION, INTERNATIONAL: A. D. 1902 (NOVEMBER).
BOLIVIA: A. D. 1903-1909.
Boundary disputes in the Acre region with Brazil and Peru.
See (in this Volume)
ACRE DISPUTES.
BOMBAY PRESIDENCY, The Bubonic Plague in.
See (in this Volume)
Public Health: Bubonic Plague.
BONAPARTE, Charles J.:
Secretary of the Navy and Attorney-General.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1909.
BOND, Sir Robert: Premier of Newfoundland.
Negotiation of the Hay-Bond Reciprocity Treaty.
See (in this Volume)
NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1902-1905.
BOND, Sir Robert:
At the Imperial Conference of 1907.
See (in this Volume)
British Empire: A. D. 1907.
BOND, Sir Robert:
Resignation and defeat at election.
See (in this Volume)
NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.
BONHAM, Captain W. F.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1903.
BONILLA, General Manuel:
Revolutionary President of Honduras.
See (in this Volume)
CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1903, and 1907.
BONUS SYSTEM, The.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR REMUNERATION: THE BONUS SYSTEM.
"BOODLERS," so called, in municipal government.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
BORSTAL SYSTEM, The.
See (in this Volume)
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: PREVENTIVE DETENTION.
BOSHIN CLUB.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1909.
BOSNIA.
See (in this Volume)
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.
BOSTON: A. D. 1904.
International Peace Congress.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904.
BOSTON: A. D. 1909.
New plan of city government chosen by popular vote.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
{49}
BOTHA, GENERAL LOUIS:
In the closing year of the Boer-British War.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.
BOTHA, GENERAL LOUIS:
Premier of the Transvaal.
At the Imperial Conference of 1907.
See BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.
BOTHA, GENERAL LOUIS:
Leader in movement for South African Union.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.
BOURGEOIS, Leon:
President of the French Chamber of Deputies.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1902. (APRIL-OCTOBER).
BOURGEOIS, Leon:
President of Chamber of Deputies.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1903.
BOURGEOIS, Leon:
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
See FRANCE: A. D. 1906.
BOURSE LAW, German:
Revision of it.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1908.
BOURSES DU TRAVAIL.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: France: A. D.1884-1909.
BOXER OUTBREAK, The:
Penalty paid by China for it.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.
BOXER OUTBREAK, The:
Recurrence of.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1902.
BOYCOTTING: In China:
The boycotting of the United States in 1905.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.
BOYCOTTING: In India.
See INDIA: A. D. 1905-1906.
BOYCOTTING: In Ireland:
The recent practice.
See IRELAND: A. D. 1902-1908.
BOYCOTTING: In Turkey, of Austrian commodities.
See EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).
BOYCOTTING: In the United States:
By Trade Unions.
Decisions of courts.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.
BRADDON SECTION, The.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1910.
BRANCO, Baron do Rio.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS: THIRD INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE.
BRAUN, Ferdinand.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
BRAZIL: A. D. 1901-1902.
Participation in Second International Conference of
American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
BRAZIL: A. D. 1902.
Inauguration of President Alves.
Dr. Rodriguez Alves was inducted in office as President of the
United States of Brazil on the 15th of November, 1902,
succeeding Dr. Campos Salles.
BRAZIL: A. D. 1903.
Settlement of boundary dispute with Bolivia.
See (in this Volume)
ACRE DISPUTES.
BRAZIL: A. D. 1904.
An impromptu Revolt that became a comedy of errors.
"To the American who is under the impression that all South
America is continually in the throes of one or another
revolution it will come as a surprise to learn that this vast
district, comprising one half the territory and almost two
thirds the population of the whole continent, has known no
revolution since the founding of the Republic. The revolts of
1893, 1897, and 1904, menacing in varying degree, were
outbursts fostered by a centralization of national vitality
which inspired the belief in each insurrectionist that it was
but necessary to strike the head,—the body would lie dormant.
The justification of this belief lay in the historical fact
that the vast majority of successful revolts throughout South
America have consisted merely in _coups d'état_. The
masses _have_ lain dormant, and the fighting, if any, has
generally come after the somersault.
"The revolt of November of last year in Brazil was so typical
of South American revolutions, and so elementary, that it
affords a lucid illustration. Owing to the prompt and
efficient measures taken by the government to suppress true
reports of the disturbance, and owing, too, to its signal
failure, this revolt was scarcely mentioned by the American
press. Nevertheless, it missed by little causing international
commotion. …
"A great epidemic of smallpox led the government to require of
Congress a law making vaccination compulsory. Long and heated
debate on the constitutionality of the measure went on, while
the epidemic assumed alarming proportions. The Executive’s
patience being worn out, arbitrary pressure was brought to
bear, and the law passed. This intervention brought down the
general censure of the press, and the opposition seized the
handle with disproportionate avidity. On the eleventh of
November a mass meeting was held in one of the central squares
of Rio Janeiro. … The mounted police broke up the meeting with
the flat of the sword: no lives were lost. On the following
day the scene was duplicated, several people injured, and a
life lost. By night riots had broken out in various parts of
the city.
"Up to the fourteenth of November, revolution was not even
rumored. … Toward evening city and government were genuinely
surprised by the news that General Travassos, who was to have
commanded a battalion in the review, immediately upon the
announcement of its postponement had proceeded to the Military
Academy on the outskirts of the city, and, before the student
body, had demanded of the officer in charge transfer of his
command. Frightened by the attitude of the cadets, the
commanding officer made a puerile protest, and surrendered. He
and his staff were allowed to withdraw, and carried the news
of the revolt to the city. It was soon confirmed: the cadets
were advancing on the President’s palace, under the leadership
of General Travassos. …
"The shortest line of march was along the bay front, and to
repulse the attack were sent by land a battalion of the line
reinforced by police, and by sea two gunboats under the play
of searchlights from an armored cruiser. The cadets marched
under the assurance that no soldier of the line would fire on
them, as the army was back of the movement. … They were met by
an armed force, indistinguishable owing to the destruction of
all the lamps by rioters. The force was the advancing
battalion, and it is generally believed that it fired on the
cadets, mistaking them for the returning body of police which
had followed the water front. Brisk fighting ensued, when
suddenly the cry arose among the cadets that they had been
betrayed, and were attacked by soldiers of the line. They
broke and made a disorderly retreat to the Academy. Almost
simultaneously the soldiers learned their mistake, and that
they had opposed a commanding officer; and they turned in
precipitous flight. General Travassos was mortally wounded in
the engagement. …
{50}
"Meanwhile the detachment of police dispatched from the city
had advanced along the bay front to the stone quarry, where
they awaited the rebels. Drawn up at this spot under close
formation, they were mistaken by the gunboats for the cadets,
and were made the target of a disastrous hail of bullets from
quick-firing guns. Their retreat also was precipitous.
"Such was the comedy of errors which will be known as the
Revolt of 1904. Its net results were a rude but salutary
recall of the government to watchfulness; added prestige
abroad for the government, vouched by a rise in its bonds;
and, most significant of all, spontaneous and immediate
support of the Chief Executive from neighboring states. And
yet the credit was not due to the government, which avowedly
had been caught napping, but to the Goddess of Chance, the
arbiter of every _coup d'état._"
_G. A. Chamberlain,
The Cause of South American Revolutions
(Atlantic Monthly, June, 1905)._
BRAZIL: A. D. 1904.
Settlement of boundary between Brazil and British Guiana.
By the decision of the King of Italy, to whom the boundary
question in dispute between Brazil and British Guiana had been
referred, the line separating the territories of the two
states was defined, as drawn by Nature, along the watershed,
starting from Mount Yakontipu and running easterly to the
source of the river Mahu, thence down that river to the Tacuta
and up the latter to its source, where it touches the boundary
already determined. Both countries to have free navigation of
the rivers in question.
BRAZIL: A. D. 1906.
Presidential Election.
The quadrennial presidential election occurring in Brazil in
the spring of 1906 raised Dr. Alfonso Moreira Penna from the
Vice-Presidency to the Presidency of the Republic, with no
disturbance of its quiet.
BRAZIL: A. D. 1906.
German Colonies.
"Already 500,000 Germans, emigrants and their offspring, are
resident in Brazil. The great majority of them, it is true,
have embraced Brazilian citizenship, but their ideals and ties
are essentially and inviolably German. In the south, where
they are thickest, they have become the ruling element. German
factories, warehouses, shops, farms, schools and churches dot
the country everywhere. German has superseded Portuguese, the
official language of Brazil, in scores of communities. Twenty
million pounds of vested interests—banking, street railroads,
electric works, mines, coffee-plantations, and a great variety
of business undertakings—claim the protection of the Kaiser’s
flag. A cross-country railway and a still more extensive
projected system are in the hands of German capitalists. The
country’s vast ocean traffic, the Amazon river shipping, and
much of the coasting trade are dominated by Germans.
"Over and above this purely commercial conquest, however,
looms a factor of more vital importance to North American
susceptibilities—namely, the creation of a nation of Germans
in Brazil. That is the avowed purpose of three German
colonising concerns, which have become lords and masters over
8,000 square miles of Brazilian territory, an area
considerably larger than the kingdom of Saxony, and capable of
dwarfing half-a-dozen German Grand Duchies. It is the object
of these territorial syndicates to people their lands with
immigrants willing to be ‘kept German’—a race of transplanted
men and women who will find themselves amid conditions
deliberately designed to perpetuate ‘Deutschthum,’ which means
the German language, German customs, and unyielding loyalty to
German economic hopes."
_F. W. Wile,
German Colonisation in Brazil
(Fortnightly Review, January, 1906)._
"The talk about German exploitation of Brazil for colonization
purposes is pure buncombe. The writer has visited the southern
Brazilian provinces of Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catharina, and
Parana, where most of the Germans reside, and he has seen no
more reason for Brazil to fear ulterior purposes on the part
of Germany than has the United States because Germans form a
large percentage of the population of New York, Chicago, and
Milwaukee. The Germans make excellent Brazilian citizens,
while loving the Fatherland from association and respecting
the Emperor for his great personality."
_John Barrett,
The United States and Latin America
(North American Review, September 21, 1906)._
See (in this Volume), also,
GERMANY: A. D. 1904.
BRAZIL: A. D. 1906.
Third International Conference of American Republics
at Rio de Janeiro.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
BRAZIL: A. D. 1907.
Adoption of obligatory military service.
By a law enacted in 1907 military service was made obligatory.
BRAZIL: A. D. 1908.
Dreadnought building.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.
BRAZIL: A. D. 1908-1909.
Increasing immigration.
See (in this Volume)
IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION.
BRAZIL: A. D. 1909.
Frontier agreements and demarcations.
The Message of President Penna to Congress, May 3, 1909,
contained the following announcements:
"On September 15 last, a treaty between Brazil and Holland was
finally approved at The Hague, to determine the limits of our
frontier with the Colony of Surinam or Dutch Guiana. The
demarcation of the new frontier line between Brazil and
Bolivia in Matto Grosso is now completed, and awaits only the
approval of the two Governments interested. The same mixed
commission to which was intrusted this survey will now proceed
to reconnoitre the head-waters of the Rio Verde. The
Government of the French Republic proposes the appointment of
a mixed commission for the demarcation of the common boundary
established on December 1, 1900, by arbitration of the Swiss
Federal Council. An agreement will shortly be arrived at with
Great Britain to determine the frontier of Brazil with British
Guiana."
BRAZIL: A. D. 1909.
Death of President Penna.
Accession of the Vice-President.
Dr. Alfonso Penna, President of Brazil, died suddenly on the
14th of June, 1909, and was succeeded in the office by the
Vice-President, Señor Nilo Pecanha, who will fill out the
presidential term, ending November 15, 1910. Meantime an
active canvass of candidates for the succeeding term has been
in progress, the names most discussed being those of General
Hermes de Fonseca, Baron Rio Branco, Minister of Foreign
Affairs, and Señor Ruy Barbosa, a prominent advocate.
----------BRAZIL: End--------
BRENNAN MONO-RAIL SYSTEM.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION: RAILWAYS.
BRIAND, Aristide:
in the Ministry of France as Minister of Public
Instruction and Public Worship.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1906.
{51}
BRIAND, Aristide:
Prime Minister of France.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (JULY).
BRIAND, Aristide:
On the French secular or neutral schools and the clerical
attack on them.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909.
BRENT, Bishop:
Service on International Opium Commission and on
Philippine Committee.
See (in this Volume)
Opium Problem.
BRITISH CENTRAL AFRICA:
Its parts suitable for European Settlement.
See (in this Volume)
AFRICA.
BRITISH COLUMBIA: A. D. 1901-1902.
Census.
Increased representation in Parliament.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.
BRITISH EAST AFRICA:
Its habitability by whites.
See (in this Volume)
AFRICA.
----------THE BRITISH EMPIRE: Start--------
THE BRITISH EMPIRE:
A Census of the Empire.
In March, 1906, a "Census of the British Empire"—the first
ever undertaken—was published as a Parliamentary Blue Book.
Its preparation had been proposed by Mr. Chamberlain, who
suggested, while Colonial Secretary, that the figures of the
census of the United Kingdom in 1901 should be collated with
those of other portions of the empire, to be analyzed,
tabulated, and published as a whole. A full realization of the
plan of collation had been found impracticable, owing to the
wide differences of circumstance and of the forms of
census-taking in different parts of the Empire; but many
summings up of highly interesting and important facts were
obtained.
The territory covered by the British Empire was shown to be
11,908,378 square miles, being an increase of 40 per cent.
since 1861, and embracing more than a fifth of the land
surface of the globe. This exceeds the area of the Russian
Empire (European and Asiatic) by more than three millions of
square miles. It is nearly three times the area of the Chinese
Empire, and more than three times that of the United States
and their exterior possessions. An exact count of population
in all regions of the Empire was impossible, but the estimated
total is 400,000,000, of which 300,000,000 is assigned to Asia
and 43,000,000 to Africa. The United Kingdom contains
41,500,000, British America 7,500,000, Australasia, 5,000,000,
the Mediterranean possessions 500,000, and there are 150,000
in the Channel Islands and the Isle of Man. Classified by
religion, there 208,000,000 Hindus, 94,000,000 Mohammedans,
58,000,000 Christians, 12,000,000 Buddhists, and 23,000,000 of
other religions—Parsees, Confucians, Jews, Sikhs, and Jains,
over whom Edward VII. of England reigns as Emperor or King.
His Asiatic subjects alone are three-fourths as many as the
Emperor of China is supposed to rule, and considerable more
than twice the number that live within the whole sweep of the
scepter of the Tsar.
THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1902.
Conference at London with the Prime Ministers
of the self-governing Colonies.
Address of the Colonial Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain.
Results of the Conference.
Taking advantage of the presence in London of the Prime
Ministers of the various self-governing colonies of Britain,
on the occasion of the coronation of King Edward VII., a
Conference with them, touching questions of general interest,
was arranged by the Secretary of State for the Colonies, Mr.
Chamberlain, in meetings which extended from June to August,
1902. The proceedings were confidential, and no report of
discussions made public; but the resulting resolutions,
together with the opening address of the Colonial Secretary,
and certain statements on subjects considered, are printed in
a Parliamentary paper (Cd. 1299) from which the following
account of the Conference is derived:
Mr. Chamberlain in his address argued strongly and with
feeling for a political federation of the Empire. He said: "I
may be considered, perhaps, to be a dreamer, or too
enthusiastic, but I do not hesitate to say that, in my
opinion, the political federation of the Empire is within the
limits of possibility. I recognize as fully as any one can do
the difficulties which would attend such a great change in
our constitutional system. I recognise the variety of
interests that are concerned: the immense disproportion in
wealth and the population of the different members of the
Empire, and above all, the distances which still separate
them, and the lack of sufficient communication. These are
difficulties which at one time appeared to be, and indeed
were, insurmountable. But now I cannot but recollect that
similar difficulties almost, if not quite as great, have been
surmounted in the case of the United States of America. And
difficulties, perhaps not quite so great, but still very
considerable, have been surmounted in the federation of the
Dominion of Canada. … We have no right to put by our action
any limit to the Imperial patriotism of the future; and it is
my opinion that, as time goes on, there will be a continually
growing sense of the common interests which unite us, and
also, perhaps, which is equally important, of the common
dangers which threaten us. At the same time I would be the
last to suggest that we should do anything which could by any
possibility be considered premature. We have had, within the
last few years, a most splendid evidence of the results of a
voluntary union without any formal obligations, in the great
crisis of the war through which we have now happily passed.
The action of the self-governing Colonies in the time of
danger of the motherland has produced here a deep and a
lasting impression. … I feel, therefore, in view of this it
would be a fatal mistake to transform the spontaneous
enthusiasm which has been so readily shown throughout the
Empire into anything in the nature of an obligation which
might be at this time unwillingly assumed or only formally
accepted. The link which unites us, almost invisible as it is
sentimental in its character, is one which we would gladly
strengthen, but at the same time it has proved itself to be so
strong that certainly we would not wish to substitute for it a
chain which might be galling in its incidence. And, therefore,
upon this point of the political relations between the
Colonies and ourselves. His Majesty’s Government, while they
would welcome any approach which might be made to a more
definite and a closer union, feel that it is not for them to
press this upon you. The demand, if it comes, and when it
comes, must come from the Colonies. If it comes it will be
enthusiastically received in this country.
{52}
"And in this connection I would venture to refer to an
expression in an eloquent speech of my right honorable friend,
the Premier of the Dominion of Canada—an expression which has
called forth much appreciation in this country, although I
believe that Sir Wilfrid Laurier has himself in subsequent
speeches explained that it was not quite correctly understood.
But the expression was, ‘If you want our aid call us to your
councils.’ Gentlemen, we do want your aid. We do require your
assistance in the administration of the vast Empire, which is
yours as well as ours. The weary Titan staggers under the too
vast orb of its fate. We have borne the burden for many years.
We think it is time our children should assist us to support
it, and whenever you make the request to us, be very sure that
we shall hasten gladly to call you to our councils. If you are
prepared at any time to take any share, any proportionate
share, in the burdens of the Empire, we are prepared to meet
you with any proposal for giving to you a corresponding voice
in the policy of the Empire. And the object, if I may point
out to you, may be achieved in various ways. Suggestions have
been made that representation should be given to the Colonies
in either, or in both, Houses of Parliament. There is no
objection in principle to any such proposal. If it comes to
us, it is a proposal which His Majesty’s Government would
certainly feel justified in favourably considering, but I have
always felt myself that the most practical form in which we
could achieve our object would be the establishment or the
creation of a real council of the Empire, to which all
questions of Imperial interest might be referred, and if it
were desired to proceed gradually, as probably would be our
course—we are all accustomed to the slow ways in which our
Constitutions have been worked out—if it be desired to
proceed gradually, the Council might in the first instance be
merely an advisory council. But, although that would be a
preliminary step, it is clear that the object would not be
completely secured until there had been conferred upon such a
Council executive functions, and perhaps also legislative
powers, and it is for you to say, gentlemen, whether you think
the time has come when any progress whatever can be made in
this direction."
Turning naturally from this to the subject of imperial
defence, Mr. Chamberlain gave the substance of a paper which
would be submitted to the Conference, exhibiting comparatively
the naval and military expenditure of the United Kingdom and
of the different self-governing colonies. The cost of the
armaments of the United Kingdom had increased enormously since
1897, and "that increase," he said, "is not entirely due to
our initiative, but it is forced upon us by the action of
other Powers who have made great advances, especially in
connection with the Navy, which we have found it to be our
duty and necessity to equal. But the net result is
extraordinary. At the present moment the estimates for the
present year for naval and military expenditure in the United
Kingdom—not including the extraordinary war expenses, but the
normal estimates—involve an expenditure per head of the
population of the United Kingdom of 29s. 3d. per annum. In
Canada the same items involve an expenditure of only 2s. per
head of the population, about one-fifteenth of that incurred
by the United Kingdom. In New South Wales—I have not the
figures for the Commonwealth as a whole, but I am giving those
as illustrations—and I find that in New South Wales the
expenditure is 3s. 5d.; in Victoria, 3s. 3d.; in New Zealand,
3s. 4d.; and in the Cape and Natal, I think it is between 2s.
and 3s. Now, no one, I think, will pretend that that is a fair
distribution of the burdens of Empire. No one will believe
that the United Kingdom can, for all time, make this
inordinate sacrifice. … I think, therefore, you will agree
with me that it is not unreasonable for us to call your
serious attention to a state of things which cannot be
permanent. We hope that we are not likely to make upon you any
demand that would seem to you to be excessive. We know
perfectly well your difficulties, as you probably are
acquainted with ours."
The speaker passed next to the question of commercial
relations between the mother land and its colonies. "Two
salient facts" he set with emphasis before his colonial
audience. "The first is this. That if we chose—that is to say,
if those whom we represent chose—the Empire might be
self-sustaining. It is so wide; its products are so various;
its climates so different, that there is absolutely nothing
which is necessary to our existence, hardly anything which is
desirable as a luxury, which can not be produced within the
borders of the Empire itself. And the second salient fact is
that the Empire at the present time, and especially the United
Kingdom—which is the great market of the world—derives the
greater part of its necessaries from foreign countries, and
that it exports the largest part of its available produce
—surplus produce—also to foreign countries. This trade might
be the trade, the inter-imperial trade, of the Empire. It is
at the present time, as I say, a trade largely between the
Empire and foreign countries. Now, I confess, that to my mind
that is not a satisfactory state of things, and I hope that
you will agree with me that everything which can possibly tend
to increase the interchange of products between the different
parts of the Empire is deserving of our cordial encouragement.
What we desire, what His Majesty’s Government has publicly
stated to be the object for which they would most gladly
strive, is a free interchange. If you are unable to accept
that as a principle, then I ask you how far can you approach
to it? If a free interchange between the different parts of
the Empire could be secured it would then be a matter for
separate consideration altogether what should be the attitude
of the Empire as a whole or of its several parts towards
foreign nations? …
"Three proposals have been made for the consideration of the
present Conference, on the initiative of New Zealand. The
first and the most important one is that a preferential tariff
should be arranged in favour of British goods which are now
taxable in the respective Colonies and in the United Kingdom.
And although no proposal comes to us from Canada, I am, of
course, aware that similar questions have been recently
specially discussed very actively and very intelligently in
the Dominion, and that a strong opinion prevails there that
the time is ripe for something of this kind."
{53}
Thereupon Mr. Chamberlain examined the results of the Canadian
preferential tariff, showing that England derived very little
commercial benefit from it, and continued: "I think the very
valuable experience, somewhat disappointing and discouraging
as I have already pointed out, but the very valuable
experience which we have derived from the history of the
Canadian tariff, shows that while we may most readily and most
gratefully accept from you any preference which you may be
willing voluntarily to accord to us, we cannot bargain with
you for it; we cannot pay for it unless you go much further
and enable us to enter your home market on terms of greater
equality."
On the subject of imperial defence, the result of the
Conference was an agreement from Australia and New Zealand to
increase their contribution towards an improved Australasian
squadron and the establishment of a branch of the Royal Naval
Reserve to £200,000 a year for the former and £40,000 for the
latter; an agreement from Cape Colony and Natal to contribute
£50,000 and £35,000 per annum respectively toward the general
maintenance of the Navy, and a pledge from Newfoundland of
£3000 per annum toward a branch of the Royal Naval Reserve.
From Canada no agreement was reported. In a "Memorandum by the
First Lord of the Admiralty" of interviews held with the
several Premiers it is said: "Sir Wilfrid Laurier informed me
that His Majesty’s Government of the Dominion of Canada are
contemplating the establishment of a local Naval force in the
waters of Canada, but that they were not able to make any
offer of assistance analogous to those enumerated above."
Concerning preferential trade, the following resolutions were
adopted:
"1. That this Conference recognises that the principle of
preferential trade between the United Kingdom and His
Majesty’s Dominions beyond the seas would stimulate and
facilitate mutual commercial intercourse, and would, by
promoting the development of the resources and industries of
the several parts, strengthen the Empire.
"2. That this Conference recognises that, in the present
circumstances of the Colonies, it is not practicable to adopt
a general system of Free Trade as between the Mother Country
and the British Dominions beyond the seas.
"3. That with a view, however, to promoting the increase of
trade within the Empire, it is desirable that those Colonies
which have not already adopted such a policy should, as far as
their circumstances permit, give substantial preferential
treatment to the products and manufactures of the United
Kingdom.
"4. That the Prime Ministers of the Colonies respectfully urge
on His Majesty’s Government the expediency of granting in the
United Kingdom preferential treatment to the products and
manufactures of the Colonies either by exemption from or
reduction of duties now or hereafter imposed.
"5. That the Prime Ministers present at the Conference
undertake to submit to their respective Governments at the
earliest opportunity the principle of the resolution and to
request them to take such measures as may be necessary to give
effect to it."
The Prime Ministers of the Colonies also stated the extent to
which they were prepared to recommend to their several
Parliaments a preferential treatment of British goods: The
Premier of Canada would propose to continue the existing
preference of 33 1/3 per cent., and an additional preference
on lists of selected articles—
(a) by further reducing the duties in favor of the United
Kingdom;
(b) by raising the duties against foreign imports;
(c) by imposing duties on certain foreign imports now on the
free list.
In New Zealand the recommendation would be of a general
preference by 10 per cent., or an equivalent in respect of
lists of selected articles on the lines proposed by Canada. At
the Cape and Natal a preference of 25 per cent. would be
advised, or its equivalent given by increasing duties on
foreign imports. The recommendation in Australia would be of a
preferential treatment not yet defined.
A resolution was adopted favoring future Conferences at
intervals not exceeding four years. Other resolutions
recommended that a preference be given to products of the
Empire in all Government contracts, Imperial or Colonial; that
the privileges of coastwise trade within the Empire be refused
to countries in which the corresponding trade is confined to
ships of their own nationality; that a mutual protection of
patents within the Empire be devised; that the principle of
cheap postage between the different parts of the Empire on all
newspapers and periodicals published therein be adopted; that
the metric system of weights and measures be adopted
throughout the Empire. These were the mainly important
conclusions derived from the Conference, and it was difficult
to regard them as quite satisfactory.
THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1903.
Mr. Chamberlain’s declaration for preferential trade
with the Colonies.
Its political effects in Great Britain.
His resignation from the Cabinet.
Disclosures of the correspondence.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (MAY-SEPTEMBER).
THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.
Conference of Imperial and Colonial Ministers at London.
Formulation of the Constitution of the Conference, to be
known as the Imperial Conference.
Discussion of preferential trade, imperial defence,
and other subjects.
Resolutions adopted.
According to the resolution adopted by the Colonial Conference
of 1902, the next Conference should have been held in 1906,
but by agreement of all parties it was deferred until the
following year. In the interval, a protracted correspondence
occurred between the Colonial Office and the Governments of
the several States federated in the Commonwealth of Australia,
each of which claimed representation in the Conference by its
own Ministers, and protested against the sufficiency of the
representation that would be given to it by the General
Government of the Commonwealth. The "State Rights" doctrine
received no encouragement, however, and only the Premier of
the Commonwealth, Mr. Deakin, and one of the members of his
Cabinet, took part in the Conference, which held its first
meeting in London on the 15th of April and its final one on
the 14th of May.
{54}
At the first meeting there were present, as representatives of
the Imperial Government, the Prime Minister, Sir Henry
Campbell-Bannerman, the Secretary of State for the Colonies,
the Earl of Elgin, in the Chair, and several other Members of
the Cabinet and officials of the Administration. The Premiers
of the self-governing colonies, excepting Sir Robert Bond, of
Newfoundland, who arrived a few days later, were all in
attendance,—namely, Sir Wilfrid Laurier, of Canada, the
Honorable Alfred Deakin, of Australia, the Honorable Sir J. G.
Ward, of New Zealand, Dr. L. S. Jameson, of Cape Colony, the
Honorable F. R. Moor, of Natal, and General Louis Botha, of
the Transvaal. The Conference was first addressed by the Prime
Minister, and responses to his remarks were made by the
several colonial premiers. It was then agreed that the
constitution of the Conference and the question of military
defence should be the subjects first considered. Before ending
this preliminary sitting it was decided, as one ruling on the
constitution of the Conference, that any Ministers
accompanying their Prime Ministers, should be at liberty to
attend its meetings.
At the second session of the Conference resolutions brought
forward by the Governments of Australia and New Zealand,
proposing to give the character of an Imperial Council to the
Conference, and a resolution from the Government of Cape
Colony on the subject of Imperial Defence, together with a
draft resolution concerning the constitution of the Conference
which the Chairman, Lord Elgin, submitted, were discussed,
without action taken. The discussion was continued at the
third and fourth meetings, and the resolution proposed by the
Secretary of State for the Colonies, being amended in some
particulars, was adopted at the end, as follows:
"That it will be to the advantage of the Empire if a
Conference to be called the Imperial Conference is held every
four years at which questions of common interest may be
discussed and considered as between His Majesty’s Government
and his Governments of the self-governing Dominions beyond the
seas. The Prime Minister of the United Kingdom will be _ex
officio_ President, and the Prime Ministers of the
self-governing Dominions _ex officio_ members of the
Conference. The Secretary of State for the Colonies will be an
_ex officio_ member of the Conference and will take the
chair in the absence of the President. He will arrange for
such Imperial Conferences after communication with the Prime
Ministers of the respective Dominions.
"Such other Ministers as the respective Governments may
appoint will also be members of the Conference—it being
understood that, except by special permission of the
Conference, each discussion will be conducted by not more than
two representatives from each Government, and that each
Government will have only one vote.
"That it is desirable to establish a system by which the
several Governments represented shall be kept informed during
the periods between the Conferences in regard to matters which
have been or may be subjects for discussion, by means of a
permanent secretarial staff charged under the direction of the
Secretary of State for the Colonies with the duty of obtaining
information for the use of the Conference, of attending to its
resolutions, and of conducting correspondence on matters
relating to its affairs.
"That upon matters of importance requiring consultation
between two or more Governments which cannot conveniently be
postponed until the next Conference, or involving subjects of
a minor character or such as call for detailed consideration,
subsidiary conferences should be held between representatives
of the Governments concerned specially chosen for the
purpose."
On the subject of Imperial Defence, which was then taken up,
and in the discussion of which the Secretary of State for War
took part, the following resolutions were approved:
"That the Colonies be authorized to refer to the Committee of
Imperial Defence through the Secretary of State for advice any
local questions in regard to which expert assistance is deemed
desirable.
"That whenever so desired, a representative of the colony
which may wish for advice should be summoned to attend as a
member of the Committee during the discussion of the questions
raised.
"That this Conference welcomes and cordially approves the
exposition of general principles embodied in the statement of
the Secretary of State for War, and, without wishing to commit
any of the Governments represented, recognizes and affirms the
need of developing for the service of the Empire a General
Staff, selected from the forces of the Empire as a whole,
which shall study military science in all its branches, shall
collect and disseminate to the various Governments military
information and intelligence, shall undertake the preparation
of schemes of defence on a common principle, and without in
the least interfering in questions connected with command and
administration, shall at the request of the respective
Governments advise as to the training, education, and war
organization of the military forces of the Crown in every part
of the Empire."
At subsequent meetings the following resolutions were adopted
or accepted:
On the subject of Emigration: "That it is desirable to
encourage British emigrants to proceed to British colonies
rather than foreign countries. That the Imperial Government be
requested to cooperate with any colonies desiring immigrants
in assisting suitable persons to emigrate."
On the subject of Judicial Appeals: The Conference "agreed to
the following finding: The resolution of the Commonwealth of
Australia, ‘That it is desirable to establish an Imperial
Court of Appeal,’ was submitted and fully discussed.
"The resolution submitted by the Government of Cape Colony was
accepted, amended as follows:
‘This Conference, recognizing the importance to all parts of
the Empire of the appellate jurisdiction of His Majesty the
King in Council, desires to place upon record its opinion—
"‘(1) That in the interests of His Majesty’s subjects beyond
the seas it is expedient that the practice and procedure of
the Right Honourable the Lords of the Judicial Committee of
the Privy Council be definitely laid down in the form of a
code of rules and regulations.
"‘(2) That in the codification of the rules regard should be
had to the necessity for the removal of anachronisms and
anomalies, the possibility of the curtailment of expense, and
the desirability of the establishment of courses of procedure
which would minimize delays.
{55}
"‘(3) That, with a view to the extension of uniform rights of
appeal to all colonial subjects of His Majesty, the various
Orders in Council, instructions to Governors, charters of
justice, ordinances and proclamations upon the subject of the
appellate jurisdiction of the Sovereign should be taken into
consideration for the purpose of determining the desirability
of equalizing the conditions which gave right of appeal to His
Majesty.
"‘(4) That much uncertainty, expense, and delay would be
avoided if some portion of His Majesty’s prerogative to grant
special leave to appeal in cases where there exists no right
of appeal were exercised under definite rules and
restrictions.’
"The following resolutions, presented to the Conference by
General Botha and supported by the representatives of Cape
Colony and Natal, were accepted:
"‘(1) That when a Court of Appeal has been established for any
group of colonies geographically connected, whether federated
or not, to which appeals lie from the decisions of the Supreme
Courts of such colonies, it shall be competent for the
Legislature of each such colony to abolish any existing right
of appeal from its Supreme Court to the Judicial Committee of
the Privy Council.
"‘(2) That the decisions of such Court of Appeal shall be
final, but leave to appeal from such decisions may be granted
by the said Court in certain cases prescribed by the statute
under which it is established.
"‘(3) That the right of any person to apply to the Judicial
Committee of the Privy Council for leave to appeal to it from
the decision of such Appeal Court shall not be curtailed.’"
And now, at last, on the 30th of April, the Conference came to
the discussion of the question which had been dominant in all
minds from the first,—the question of preferential trade.
Essentially it was a settled question already,—settled, that
is, by the voters of the United Kingdom a year and a half
before, when they took the administration of their Government
away from the party which had approved the fiscal proposals of
Mr. Chamberlain. The commercial negotiation of the colonies
now was with a Ministry that stood pledged against the
preferential tariff arrangements they desired. On their side
they had committed their fortunes to the stimulant working of
protective tariffs, against which the judgment and experience
of England was still firm. The preferential tariffs which
preferential trade involved were in the line of their policy,
but directly antagonistic to hers. How impossible this made an
arrangement of reciprocity on that line was intimated gently
by the Prime Minister when he spoke to the Conference at its
first sitting, but set forth later in plain words by the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Asquith, and by the President
of the Board of Trade, Mr. David Lloyd-George. "If the
Colonies," said Mr. Asquith, "thought it their duty to foster
industries by protective tariffs their action would not evoke
remonstrance or even criticism from him. He noted that various
self-governing Colonies gave preference to the Mother Country,
but it was a fact that these preferential tariffs did not
admit the manufactures of the Mother Country to compete on
equal terms with the local product. Doubtless the Colonies
held this to be vital to their interests, and in the same way
His Majesty’s Government held that free trade was vital in the
interests of the United Kingdom. Reference had been made to
the fact that Cobden advocated free trade here as a part of a
universal system of free trade, but the official author of the
policy, Sir Robert Peel, defended it on the ground of its
necessity to this country alone. His Majesty’s Government held
that it was more necessary now than it was in his day. He
pointed out the position now existing. We had a population of
44,000,000 bearing the whole weight of an enormous debt
largely contracted in building up the Empire, and of the cost
of Imperial diplomacy and Imperial defence. That population
was dependent for food and raw materials on external sources
of supply. This is the essential point for consideration. He
asked how the supremacy of Great Britain was maintained. He
thought it must be attributed to our special productive
activity, to the profits which we obtain from keeping the
biggest open market in the world, and to the enormous earnings
of our shipping. All these were based in the long run on
keeping our food and our raw materials on the same basis and
as nearly as possible at the same price. Free trade was no
shibboleth, but a principle maintained because it was a matter
of vital national interest. He drew attention to the tariff
reform campaign, and observed that, after the fullest
examination and discussion, the people of England had declared
in favour of free trade by a majority of unexampled size. As
spokesman for the people, His Majesty’s Government could not
accept any infringement of that policy, even by way of such an
experiment as Dr. Jameson had suggested. It was necessary to
state that fact fully and frankly at the outset. …
"For these reasons His Majesty’s Government, speaking for the
people of this country, could not accept the principle of
preferential trade by way of tariff preference. He thought,
however, that the discussion had thrown light on other methods
by which inter-imperial trade relations might be improved.
Reference had been made to the improvement of means of
communication, especially steamer services, to the increase in
the number of commercial agents in the Colonies, to the
desirability of removing or reducing the Suez Canal dues, and
of establishing mail communication with the Australasian
Colonies via Canada. All these were matters on which His
Majesty’s Government would be fully ready to consider and
cooperate with any practical proposals, and he said this the
more earnestly as he felt that in the performance of his duty
it had been necessary for him to enunciate a general policy
which was not in accord with the views of the Colonial
representatives."
Mr. Lloyd-George was equally plain spoken. "He had hoped," he
said, "it might have been possible for those present,
acknowledging the limitations imposed on them by the
convictions they respectively held on fiscal issues, to see
whether it might not be possible to find other means of
attaining the object in view. The Colonies regard a tax on our
foods as necessary both for raising revenue and also for the
protection of their own industries. Mr. Deakin acknowledged
that the late election in Australia was fought on the issue of
protection and preference. It was open for the representatives
of the Imperial Government to have ignored the mandate given to
Mr. Deakin and to have endeavoured to commit their colleagues
here to a policy of free trade within the Empire, to which
those colleagues would not assent without being false to the
trust reposed in them by their own people. Sir William Lyne
the other day had urged the commercial union of the whole
Empire, quoting the consolidation of the United Kingdom, the
United States, and the Federation of South Africa and
Australia. In these cases all tolls and tariffs were removed.
{56}
"Had a free-trade resolution been pressed by His Majesty’s
Government and refused, it might have been said by the Press
that the Colonies had refused to listen to the appeal of the
Mother Country to be put on equal terms with her children, and
later that the door had been slammed in the old mother’s face
by her ungrateful progeny. His Majesty’s Government had not
taken this course, recognizing the unfairness of ignoring
local conditions and exigencies. They were not here to attempt
to manoeuvre each other into false positions, but to discharge
the practical business of the Empire. They were in perfect
accord as to the objects they could strive to promote. His
Majesty’s Government were in favour of any scheme for the
development of inter-imperial trade which did not inflict
sacrifices on any individual community so as to create a sense
of grievance deep enough to introduce the elements of
discontent and discord, and thus impair the true unity of the
Empire. …
"He agreed that this federation of free commonwealths is worth
making some sacrifice for. He differed only on ways and means.
He was convinced that to tax the food of our people is to cast
an undue share of sacrifice on the poorest part of the
population, and that a tax on raw material would fetter us in
the severe struggle with our foreign competitors. This,
therefore, was a sacrifice which would weaken our power to
make further sacrifices, and we ought not to be called upon to
make it. In Mr. Deakin’s resolution the Government were asked
to do what no protectionist country in the world would
do—viz., to tax necessaries of either life or livelihood which
we cannot produce ourselves, and of which the Colonies cannot
supply us with a sufficiency for many years.
"He wished to acknowledge the considerable advantage conferred
upon the British manufacturer by the preference recently given
to him in colonial markets. The Canadian tariff had produced a
satisfactory effect on our export trade, and apparently had
also benefited Canada, for our purchases from Canada had also
increased. The South African and New Zealand tariffs had not
yet been put to, the test by much actual experience, but would
no doubt have a similarly happy result. The same applied to
Australia, and Great Britain felt grateful, not merely for the
actual concessions, but for the spirit of comradeship and
affection which inspired the policy. But it was said, ‘What
are you prepared to do in return?’ His first answer was that
Great Britain was the best customer the Colonies have got for
their products. To illustrate this he gave the following
figures: In 1905, the last year for which the information was
available, the exports from the self-governing Colonies to all
foreign countries only amounted to 40½ millions, while the
exports to the United Kingdom amounted to 65¾ millions,
exclusive of bullion and specie (21¾ millions)."
The outcome of the discussion was a simple reaffirmation of
the five resolutions on the subject that were adopted at the
Conference of 1902, and which will be found in the report of
that Conference, preceding this. Before putting those
resolutions to vote Lord Elgin stated that His Majesty’s
Government could not assent to them so far as they implied
that it is necessary or expedient to alter the fiscal system
of the United Kingdom. They were agreed to, subject to that
reservation. Sir Wilfrid Laurier, who moved their readoption,
said in doing so: "Free trade within the Empire had been
suggested, just as there was free trade within the boundaries
of the United States, Germany, and France. For the British
Empire this was impossible for two reasons—the United Kingdom
was not prepared to limit free trade to the Empire, and the
Colonies were not prepared to accept free trade even within
its boundaries. In Canada the policy of free trade within the
Empire was impracticable, as it was necessary for her to have
Customs duties as a main source of revenue. Canada had given
the British preference deliberately, and had no cause to
regret it; she had from time to time increased it, and in the
last tariff had maintained it generally at the increased
amount of 33 1/3 per cent. Canadian opinion had been almost
unanimous in favour of preference, for Canada felt that she
would as a result of the preference sell more to Great Britain
and buy more from her. Mr. Asquith had not given Canada all
the credit to which he thought she was entitled in making a
comparison which showed no great advantage to British goods.
He dwelt on the effect of the proximity of a nation like the
United States, of their own stock, enormous in numbers, and
most enterprising in trade; it was not a matter for surprise
that their trade with that country had increased. But, so far
as they could, they had done everything to keep trade within
the Empire. They had built canals and railways from east to
west of Canada, and they had taken care to assist the
principle of mutual trade so far as legislation could do it. …
He explained that in the recent revision of the Canadian
tariff they had adopted a new principle in providing an
intermediate tariff for negotiation. They were prepared to
negotiate with nations like France or Italy on the basis of
that tariff, but their lower preference tariff remained
reserved for the British Empire."
Other resolutions adopted or accepted during the last two
sessions of the Conference were as follows:
"That it is desirable that the attention of the Governments of
the Colonies and the United Kingdom should be called to the
present state of the navigation laws in the Empire, and in
other countries, and to the advisability of refusing the
privileges of coastwise trade, including trade between the
Mother Country and its Colonies and possessions, and between
one colony or possession and another, to countries in which
the corresponding trade is confined to ships of their own
nationality, and also to the laws affecting shipping, with a
view of seeing whether any other steps should be taken to
promote Imperial trade in British vessels." (This was voted by
the representatives of the Colonies only, "His Majesty’s
Government dissenting.")
{57}
"That it is desirable that His Majesty’s Government, after
full consultation with the Colonies, should endeavour to
provide for such uniformity as may be practicable in the
granting and protection of trade marks and patents."
"That it is desirable, so far as circumstances permit, to
secure greater uniformity in the trade statistics of the
Empire, and that the Note prepared on this subject by the
Imperial Government be commended to the consideration of the
various Governments represented at this Conference."
"That it is desirable, so far as circumstances permit, to
secure greater uniformity in Company Laws of the Empire, and
that the memorandum and analysis prepared on this subject by
the Imperial Government be commended to the consideration of
the various Governments represented at this Conference."
"That, in view of the social and political advantages and the
material commercial advantages to accrue from a system of
international penny postage, this Conference recommends to His
Majesty’s Government the advisability, if and when a suitable
opportunity occurs, of approaching the Governments of other
States, members of the Universal Postal Union, in order to
obtain further reductions of postage rates, with a view to a
more general and if possible a universal adoption of the penny
rate."
"That, with a view to attain uniformity so far as practicable,
an inquiry should be held to consider further the question of
naturalization, and in particular to consider how far, and
under what conditions, naturalization in one part of His
Majesty’s dominions should be effective in other parts of
those dominions, a subsidiary conference to be held, if
necessary, under the terms of the resolution adopted by this
Conference on April 20 last."
"That in the opinion of this Conference the interests of the
Empire demand that in so far as practicable its different
portions should be connected by the best possible means of
mail communication, travel, and transportation; That to this
end it is advisable that Great Britain should be connected
with Canada, and through Canada with Australia and New Zealand
by the best service available within reasonable cost; That for
the purpose of carrying the above project into effect such
financial support as may be necessary should be contributed by
Great Britain, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand in equitable
proportions."
THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909.
The total of its prospective Military Strength when present
Imperial plans are carried out.
In a speech made in March, 1909, Mr. Haldane, Minister for
War, summed up the total of defensive military strength which
the Empire might count on when recent plans for Imperial
defence are carried out. He said: "With the divisions between
the Cape and Malta and those which Lord Kitchener had in
India, the Regular Army had for overseas work 16 divisions,
equivalent to eight army corps, which was larger than any
other nation had for overseas work, the reason being that we,
unlike others, were responsible for 12 million square miles
and 400 millions of human beings. The second line, what one
might call the local line of home defence, consisted of the 14
divisions of the Territorial Army. Supposing Canada, the
population of which was very rapidly increasing, were to build
on the foundations laid at the Conference, by the new
proposals which Canada had accepted she might easily add five
or six Territorial divisions of her own. Those would be for
her own defence, but they knew that in 1899, when a supreme
emergency arose, she did not scruple to send forth her
strength to help the Mother Country. In Australia there was a
remarkable movement for the organization of the forces of the
Crown, which might easily produce five Australian Territorial
divisions. New Zealand might produce another division, and
South Africa could rapidly produce four or five. … If they
could add to the 14 second line divisions at home 16 for the
second line Army of the Empire there would be 30 divisions
altogether, and these, added to the 16 Regular first line
divisions for use overseas, would give us an army for war
conceivably and practicably of 46 divisions, equivalent to 23
army corps. The army of Germany had 23 army corps, and no
other army in the world had an organization so great. He was
speaking of possibilities."
THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (June).
The Imperial Press Conference in England.
Among the many endeavors of late years in England to draw the
distant peoples of the great British Empire into closer
relations with its sovereign Mother Country, and into the
feeling of stronger ties of unity among themselves and with
her, none seems to have been wiser or more surely of effect
than that which brought about the Imperial Press Conference of
June, 1909. It assembled sixty representatives of the
Newspaper Press of every part of the Empire and of every shade
of political opinion. It entertained them delightfully and
impressively for three weeks. It made all England and its
colonies and dependencies listen to their discussion of many
questions, all bearing on the fundamental desire to make the
most and best that can be made of the great political organism
which extends its law to every continent and its influence to
all the world. It brought before them its most distinguished
and eloquent men to address them at meetings and feasts. It
assembled at Spithead its stupendous central fleet of
battleships, to pass it in review before them. It filled their
minds with an undoubtedly new realization of what the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland—the sovereign, the seat,
the center of greatness in their Empire—is to it; and they
went back to Canada, to Australia, to South Africa, to New
Zealand, even to India, to propagate that realization in other
minds.
A Western Australian editor, speaking at one of the banquets
of the Conference, referred to this result, saying: "The
influence that had been brought to bear upon the overseas
delegates could not fail to have very great effects upon their
writings in the future. Coming as they did from isolated parts
of the Empire, it was an agreeable surprise to them to find
that they had all been thinking Imperially, and thinking in
much the same way. While the spirit of nationalism was growing
up very strongly, they felt that the spirit of nationalism was
in no way out of harmony with the true spirit of Imperialism;
and it had been a revelation to the delegates to find the
unanimity that existed, not only among the English-speaking
people of the Empire, but among those who came from different
races. They had been helped to strengthen that feeling of
Imperial unity in the certain hope that eventually the highest
ideals of the best form of Imperialism would be realized. That
form of Imperialism was not associated with a policy of
aggrandisement, but was associated with the policy that would
tend to promote the peace of the world, and the prosperity and
the betterment of humanity generally."
{58}
A writer in _The Times_, reviewing the Conference after
it closed, quoted the above and added: "The speaker just
quoted travelled for seven days across Australia before he
reached the capital of the State where he joined his
fellow-delegates from the Commonwealth. The Australian party,
when once it had left Sydney, was three weeks on the ocean
before it reached the Pacific coast of Canada. A Canadian
delegate, speaking at a banquet in Glasgow, declared that when
at home he was as remote from one of his Canadian colleagues
as Egypt is from London, and as remote from another, in the
opposite direction, as London is from Russia. It might have
been supposed that distances like those just indicated would
have had the effect of causing some estrangement between men
so widely separated; but the contrary proved to be the case.
The Australians, following the All-Red route, which was
defined as the official route, were greeted on their arrival
on Canadian soil with an enthusiasm which both surprised and
touched them. Wherever they went they found themselves among
friends, anxious and eager to exchange views and ideas on all
sorts of subjects affecting the common interests of the two
peoples. They were banqueted by many representative men, from
the Governor-General downwards, and, having been welcomed with
the utmost heartiness at Victoria on the Pacific coast, were
given a not less hearty ‘God-speed’ from Quebec on the St.
Lawrence.
"Among the indirect results of the Conference must be
mentioned the knowledge gained from such experiences. When in
Canada the Australians were able to see how far their own
trade interests were identical with those of the people among
whom they had come, how the Canadians are facing the same
problems both of politics and material development, of
commerce and agriculture. And when, the feastings over, they
found themselves on board the steamer with their Canadian
fellow-delegates, a community of interests was at once
established, and lasting friendships were formed.
"Similarly, when the delegates had all assembled in England
there arose a spirit of comradeship which subsisted without a
jarring note from the beginning of the Conference to the end.
Nor must it be forgotten that the men who formed part of this
company of editors and writers of the overseas Press were not
wholly of British race. From Canada came representatives of
the French-Canadians, from South Africa some of Boer and Dutch
extraction, from India one delegate at least of Indian blood.
The welding together of all these men in a spirit of loyalty
to the Empire in which they as well as we have a share has
been one of the most significant features of the Conference."
The practical object for which the Press Conference strove
most earnestly was a cheapening of telegraphic communication,
by cable or wireless, between the distant parts of the Empire,
to the end that there may be an ampler publication of news
from each division of it in every other. It received strong
assurances of coöperation from the Imperial Government in its
efforts to accomplish this end. To a deputation which waited
on him, the Premier, Mr. Asquith, said: "Your Conference, if I
may venture to say so, has very wisely appointed a standing
committee to deal with that matter. The Post Office and other
Government departments concerned will be anxious to assist and
to keep themselves in touch with this committee by information
and intercommunication and in all other ways that may be
practicable. I think it will be the solid and substantial
result of your deliberations on this very great Imperial
necessity that in regard to the development of electric
communication between different parts of the Empire we shall
now have on the side of the Press a body formally organized
and constantly existing with which we can enter into necessary
communication, and by mutual discussion and reference, having
regard to the various considerations to which I have already
adverted, we may accelerate the developments of what we all
agree to be one of the first requisites of an Empire such as
ours—a cheap, a certain, a constant, a convenient, and a
universally accessible system of electric communication."
THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (July-August).
Imperial Defence Conference.
See (in this Volume)
War, The Preparations for: Military and Naval.
THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (September).
Congress of Empire Chambers of Commerce.
A Congress of Chambers of Commerce, representing all parts of
the Empire, which was assembled at Sydney, New South Wales, on
the 14th of September, 1909, gave much of its discussion to
the proposition that the several parts of the Empire should
afford preferential treatment to each other in their several
markets, on a basis of reciprocity, and adopted resolutions to
the effect that the Congress "urges upon the Governments of
the Empire that they should treat this matter as of present
practical importance, and that the organizations represented
at this Congress pledge themselves to press their respective
Governments to take such action at the next Imperial
Conference as will give effect to the principle advocated in
this resolution." This was carried on individual voting, by 81
votes to 31. On voting by chambers, the resolution was passed
with 60 for, 8 against, and 11 neutral.
Among the other resolutions of the Congress were the
following: "That this Congress urges upon his Majesty’s
Government and upon the Governments of the Colonies the
appointment of an Advisory Imperial Council to consider
questions of Imperial interest, especially those tending to
promote trade between the various parts of the Empire."
"That the settlement in adequate Volume of the Anglo-Saxon
race in the British Dominions is deserving of the constant
solicitude of the Home and Colonial Governments, who are
hereby urged to consider what further or better steps than
those at present existing should be taken to elaborate a
general State-aided scheme at reduced rates to encourage
emigration of suitable settlers under well-considered
conditions."
"This Congress is of opinion that it is desirable to complete
the Imperial route between the Motherland, Canada, Australia
and New Zealand by State-owned electric communication across
Canada to Great Britain and that the postal departments of the
various Governments of the Empire should be requested to frame
a combined scheme of substantial reductions in telegraphic
rates."
{59}
BRITISH GUIANA: A. D. 1904.
Settlement of Brazilian boundary dispute.
See (in this Volume)
Brazil: A. D. 1904.
BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA.
See SOUTH AFRICA
BROWNSVILLE AFFAIR, The.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906 (August).
BRYAN, William Jennings:
Suggestion at the Peace Congress in New York.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.
BRYAN, William Jennings:
Nominated for President of the United States.
See UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908(April-November).
BROTHERHOODS OF LOCOMOTIVE FIREMEN AND OF RAILWAY TRAINMEN.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.
BRUSSELS: A. D. 1902-1907.
Sugar Bounty Conference and Convention, 1902,
and Additional Act, 1907.
See (in this Volume)
SUGAR BOUNTY CONFERENCE.
BRYCE, James:
Chief Secretary for Ireland.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.
BUBONIC PLAGUE.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH.
BUCHANAN, William I.:
Delegate to Second and Third International Conferences
of American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
BUCHANAN, William I.:
Diplomatic Service in Venezuela.
See VENEZUELA: A. D. 1907-1909.
BUCHANAN, William I.:
Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.
BUCHANAN, William I.:
Death, October 16, 1909.
BUCHNER, Eduard.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
BUCKS STOVE COMPANY CASE.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.
BUDGET OF 1909, The British.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (April-December).
BUFFALO: A. D. 1901.
The Pan-American Exposition.
Assassination of President McKinley.
Vice-President Roosevelt becomes President of the United States.
In Volume VI. of this work, which went to press in the spring
of 1901, an account was given of the plan and preparations
made for the Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo, then just at
the point of being opened, on the 1st of May. The following
characterization of the Exposition by a visitor is sufficient
to add what was then said of it:
"They have staged electricity at Buffalo this summer, and they
call it the Pan-American Exposition. It took a rectangle of
350 acres for the stage, and over $10,000,000 for the
settings. The result, baldly stated, is the most glorious
night scene the world has ever had the fortune to witness. The
staging of Niagara is the one unforgettable thing about the
affair. The Pan-American is, however, much more than this. …
"It may be well to say that the original generic scheme for
the Exposition, that of joining the three Americas in a
unified attempt to show one another their trade resources,
seems to be in results far less prominent than was hoped at
first. For one reason or another,—I have heard European
influences in South America given as a chief cause,—the Latin
Americas did not cooperate as was expected. The great trade
idea upon which the Pan-American was originally based
gradually faded, and gave place to the idea of an electrical
beatification—for which the spectator will perhaps be
thankful. There are exhibits, to be sure, from most of the
South American countries, but the United States occupies
industrially foreground, background, and middle distance. The
other countries fill in the odd corners. The ardent patriot
will see no lack of proportion in this; and as there is a hint
of Mexico and the Argentine, and very creditable exhibits by
Chile and Honduras, we have enough of the sister continent to
justify the name. Most of the southern republics are
represented in one way or another. It is hard, however, to
explain the insufficiency of Canada’s exhibit. It is upon much
too small a scale to do credit to her great resources. It is
worthy of note that when the other countries realized the
importance and beauty of the Pan-American, they set about
vigorously to retrieve themselves.
"So the staging of electricity was undertaken. There was
Buffalo to start with, and Buffalo is backed in the great race
of American cities by the power of Niagara and the commerce of
the Lakes. It is delightfully accessible and pleasing. Here
was the psychological place. It was also the psychological
moment,—a period of general prosperity, a time when America
had set about her great task of making commercial vassals of
the Old World countries. The psychological idea came with
electricity, and under this happy triad of influences
conspiring for success the work was begun.
"The managers took a big rectangle of unused land to the north
of a beautiful park, and welded with it the most attractive
portion of that park for their groundwork. Then they charted
an effect. They put millions into an attempt to please, and
did more, for they have both pleased and startled,—an effect
peculiarly delightful to Americans."
_E. R. White,
Aspects of the Pan-American Exposition
(Atlantic Monthly, July, 1901)._
The Pan-American Exposition may be said to have been paralyzed
in the first week of its fifth month by the awful tragedy of
the wanton murder of President McKinley, while it entertained
him as its guest. Mr. McKinley, with Mrs. McKinley, had
arrived in Buffalo on the 4th of September, for a long planned
visit to the Exposition, and had accepted the hospitality of
its President, Mr. John G. Milburn. On the afternoon of the
6th he held a public reception in the Temple of Music, on the
Exposition grounds, and it was there that the brutal assassin
found his opportunity for the deed. The following graphic
narrative of the tragedy is from the pen of Mr. Walter Wellman
in the American Review of Reviews:
"Usually a secret-service agent is stationed by the
President’s side when he receives the public, but on this
occasion President Milburn stood at the President’s left.
Secretary Cortelyou was at his right, and a little to the
rear. Opposite the President was Secret-Service Officer
Ireland.
{60}
Eight or ten feet away was Officer Foster. When all was ready,
the line of people was permitted to move, each one pausing to
shake the hand of the President. He beamed upon them all in
his courtly way. When one stranger timidly permitted himself
to be pushed along without a greeting, the President called
out, smilingly, ‘Hold on, there; give me your hand.’ Mr.
McKinley would never permit any one to go past him without a
handshake. He was particularly gracious to the children and to
timid women. Here, as we have often seen him in Washington and
elsewhere, he patted little girls or boys on the head or cheek
and smiled at them in his sweet way. A woman and a little girl
had just passed, and were looking back at the President, proud
of the gracious manner in which he had greeted them. Next came
a tall, powerful negro—Parker. After Parker, a slight, boyish
figure, a face bearing marks of foreign descent, a smooth,
youthful face, with nothing sinister to be detected in it. No
one had suspected this innocent-looking boy of a murderous
purpose. He had his right hand bound up in a handkerchief, and
this had been noticed by both of the secret-service men as
well as by others. But the appearance in a reception line of
men with wounded and bandaged hands is not uncommon. In fact,
one had already passed along the line. Many men carried
handkerchiefs in their hands, for the day was warm.
"So this youth approached. He was met with a smile. The
President held out his hand; but it was not grasped.
Supporting his bandaged right hand with his left, the assassin
fired two bullets at the President. The first passed through
the stomach and lodged in the back. The second, it is
believed, struck a button on the President’s waistcoat and
glanced therefrom, making an abrasion upon the sternum. The
interval between the two shots was so short as to be scarcely
measurable. As the second shot rang out, Detective Foster
sprang forward and intercepted the hand of the assassin, who
was endeavoring to fire a third bullet into his victim. The
President did not fall. He was at once supported by Mr.
Milburn, by Detective Geary, and by Secretary Cortelyou.
Before turning, he raised himself on tiptoe and cast upon the
miserable wretch before him, who was at that moment in the
clutches of a number of men, a look which none who saw it can
ever forget. It appeared to say, ‘You miserable, why should
you shoot me? What have I done to you?’ It was the indignation
of a gentleman, of a great soul, when attacked by a ruffian. A
few drops of blood spurted out and fell on the President’s
waistcoat. At once the wounded man was led to a chair, into
which he sank. His collar was removed and his shirt opened at
the front. Those about him fanned him with their hats.
Secretary Cortelyou bent over his chief, and Mr. McKinley
whispered, ‘Cortelyou, be careful. Tell Mrs. McKinley gently.’
"A struggle ensued immediately between the assassin and those
about him. Detective Foster not only intercepted the arm of
the murderer, and prevented the firing of a third shot from
the revolver concealed in the handkerchief, but he planted a
blow square upon the assassin’s face. Even after he fell,
Czolgosz endeavored to twist about and fire again at the
President. Mr. Foster threw himself upon the wretch. Parker,
the colored man, struck him almost at the same instant that
Foster did. Indeed, a half-dozen men were trying to beat and
strike the murderer, and they were so thick about him that
they struck one another in their excitement. A private of the
artillery corps at one moment had a bayonet-sword at the neck
of Czolgosz, and would have driven it home had not Detective
Ireland held his arm and begged him not to shed blood there
before the President. Just then the President raised his eyes,
saw what was going on, and with a slight motion of his right
hand toward his assailant, exclaimed: ‘Let no one hurt him.’"
As soon as possible, the wounded President was removed to the
Exposition Hospital, and surgeons were quickly in attendance.
The medical director of the Exposition, Dr. Roswell Park,
President of the American Society of Surgeons, chanced to be
absent, at Niagara Falls, where he was performing an operation
at the time. The necessary operation upon the President was
performed by Dr. Matthew D. Mann, assisted by Dr. Herman
Mynter, Dr. Eugene Wasdin, of the Marine Hospital service, and
others. The one fatal bullet of the two that were fired was
found to have passed through both walls of the stomach, and
its further progress was not traced. Dr. Park arrived on the
scene before the operation was finished and took part in the
subsequent consultations.
From the hospital Mr. McKinley was removed to Mr. Milburn’s
house, where Mrs. McKinley, being an invalid, had remained
that day. There he received all possible care during the eight
days in which the nation hoped against hope that he might be
saved. Dr. Charles McBurney was called from New York to join
the attending physicians and surgeons, and approved all that
had been done. For a week there seemed good ground for
believing that the sound constitution of the President would
defeat the assassin’s attempt; but on Friday the 13th the
signs underwent a rapid change, and at fifteen minutes past
two o’clock of the morning of Saturday he breathed his last.
Vice-President Theodore Roosevelt, who was then at a camp in
the Adirondacks, was summoned at once, and arrived in the city
that afternoon. At the house of Mr. Ansley Wilcox (whose guest
he became), in the presence of the members of the late
President’s cabinet and of a few friends and newspaper
correspondents, he took the oath of office as President,
administered by Judge Hazel, of the United States District
Court. Before taking the oath he said: "I wish to say that it
shall be my aim to continue, absolutely unbroken, the policies
of President McKinley for the peace, the prosperity, and the
honor of our beloved country."
The assassin, who called himself Nieman at first, was
identified as Leon Czolgosz, a Pole, having reputable parents
at Cleveland, Ohio. He had come under anarchist influences and
been taught to believe that all heads of government were
enemies of the people and ought to be slain. There was no
other motive discoverable for his crime. He was arraigned in
the County Court, before Justice Emory, on the 17th of
September, three days after his victim’s death, and, having no
counsel, two former Justices of the Supreme Court of the
State, Loran L. Lewis and Robert C. Titus, consented to be
assigned for his defence.
{61}
On the 23d he was tried in the Supreme Court, Justice Truman
C. White presiding, the only defence possible being that on
the question of sanity, and his guilt was pronounced by the
verdict of the jury. On the 26th he was sentenced to be
executed, in the State Prison at Auburn, within the week
beginning October 28.
See, also, (in this Volume) under
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901 (SEPTEMBER).
BU HAMARA, the Mahdi.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1903-1904, and 1909.
BULGARIA.
See (in this Volume)
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.
BÜLOW, Bernhard, Count von: Chancellor of the German Empire:
Action on the Morocco question.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.
BÜLOW, Bernhard, Count von:
On German Navy-building.
See WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.
BÜLOW, Bernhard, Count von:
Defeat in the Reichstag on attempted financial reform.
His resignation.
See GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.
BUREAU OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLICS, INTERNATIONAL.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: NEW YORK CITY.
BURGER, SCHALK W.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.
BURLEY TOBACCO SOCIETY.
See (in this Volume)
KENTUCKY: A. D. 1905-1909.
BURNS, John:
President of the Local Government Board.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906, 1905-1909, and 1909.
BURNS, William J.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO.
BURTON, Joseph R.:
United States Senator.
Convicted of having received $2500 from a fraudulent concern,
which had been debarred from using the United States mails, in
return for his efforts to have embargo removed; sentenced to a
fine of $2500 and nine months imprisonment, May, 1909.
BUTLER, Charles Henry:
Technical delegate to the Second Peace Conference.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.
BUTLER, Edward:
Political "Boss" of St. Louis, as seen in the confessions of
Charles F. Kelly.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
BUTLER, Nicholas Murray:
President of Columbia University.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.
BUTLER, Nicholas Murray:
Arrangement of professorial interchanges
with German universities.
See EDUCATION: INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES.
BUXTON, Sidney C.:
Postmaster-General (British).
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.
C.
CACERES, Ramon.
See (in this Volume)
SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1907.
CADETS, Russian.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.
CAJAL, Ramon y.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
CALABRIA:
Destructive earthquake in 1905.
See (in this Volume)
EARTHQUAKES.
CALAMITIES, Recent extraordinary.
See (in this Volume)
EARTHQUAKES, FAMINES, FIRE, FLOODS, VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS.
CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1900-1909.
Growth.
Industries.
Products.
Railway facilities, etc.
"Within the past decade numerous events have tended to direct
the attention of the United States and of the world to the
importance of the Pacific ocean and the lands bordering upon
it, as the field of great activities in the near future. The
Spanish-American war, and particularly the voyage of the
battleship Oregon around South America hastened the movement
for an inter-oceanic canal. The development of the Alaskan
gold fields gave a great impetus to shipping and trade in
staple supplies in Pacific coast cities. The war between
Russia and Japan revealed the maritime enterprise and
established the naval prestige of Japan.
"Since the earliest days of American occupation California has
been steadily filling up with people. These later movements in
Pacific coast history, together with the steady development of
natural resources, have greatly accelerated the advance in
population, especially in cities as the centers of industrial
and commercial activity. The census of 1900 showed a total
population of 1,485,053. At the beginning of 1909 the number
is estimated by the State Board of Trade at 2,564,363. The
growth of cities in the same period is shown by the following
instances,—the first figure being the population by the
census of 1900, the second the State Board of Trade estimate
for 1909.
1900. 1909.
Alameda 16,464 25,000
Berkeley 13,214 40,000
Fresno 12,470 32,000
Los Angeles 102,479 305,000
Oakland 66,960 200,000
Sacramento 29,282 55,000
San Francisco 342,782 500,000
San Jose 21,500 45,000
Stockton 17,506 25,000
"Two features characterize the recent development of
California agriculture,—the increased value of the products,
and a greater variety of crops. Originally wheat was the
staple crop, but now sugar beets, hops, beans, alfalfa, and
garden seeds must be added to the common cereals to make the
list of staples. In 1908 the wheat crop was valued at
$18,894,961, and the barley at $26,841,394.
"Orchards and vineyards furnish one of the best records of
advancing wealth. Shipments out of the state by rail and by
sea are given by the State Board of Trade as follows:
1898. 1908.
Tons. Tons.
Green Deciduous Fruits 69,732 161,224
Citrus Fruits 180,658 399,094
Dried Fruits 76,662 133,846
Raisins 47,796 29,601
Nuts 5,815 10,887
Canned Fruits 52,219 85,135
{62}
"About ninety per cent of all the citrus fruits go from the
southern part of the State (south of Tehachapi mountains) and
substantially all the fresh deciduous fruits go from the
northern and central portions, Sacramento being one of the
largest shipping points. Nearly all the dried fruits, raisins,
canned fruits, wine and brandy, go from the northern and
central portions. Most of the walnuts are grown in the south,
and most of the almonds in the northern and central parts of
the state. Olives are grown in about equal quantities, north
and south. General farming, including stock raising, is much
more widely pursued north of Tehachapi than south, and the
same is true of the mining industry. The principal forests of
the state are in the Sierra region and in the Coast Range
Mountains north of Sonoma county.
"Formerly wool was an important product of California. The
industry reached its maximum about thirty years ago,—the wool
clip of 1876 amounting to 56,550,973 pounds. Since that date
the wool product steadily declined till 1906, when the total
amount was 24,000,000 pounds. Since 1906 the decline has been
swift, as shown by the total of 15,000,000 pounds for 1908.
"In the production of the precious metals the record of
California is very steady in recent years,—the gold output for
1900 being valued at $15,863,355, and for 1907 at $16,727,928.
On the other hand the oil industry shows a marvelous advance.
The output of petroleum from California oil wells was
4,000,000 barrels in 1900, and 48,300,758 barrels in 1908.
Since 1906 the oil product of California has amounted to over
twenty-five per cent of the total production of the United
States. California petroleum now exceeds in value the output
of her gold mines.
"For a long time the high cost of fuel retarded the growth of
manufactures in California. Recently, however, the production
of fuel oil and the introduction of electrical power developed
from the water power in the streams of the Sierras have given
a great impetus to manufacturing industries. The use of
electricity is certain to be greatly increased in the near
future and for this reason the people of California are
tremendously interested in the policy of the federal government
in the preservation of the mountain streams and in the
disposition of water-power sites. The value of the products of
manufacturing enterprises in the state for 1908 is estimated
at about $500,000,000, of which the sum of $175,000,000 is
credited to San Francisco, $62,000,000 to Los Angeles,
$52,000,000, to Oakland, with Sacramento, San Jose, Stockton
and Fresno following in the order of naming.
"California is a state of magnificent dimensions and it is
quite in keeping with the size of the state to find that in
1907, with but two per cent, of the total population of the
United States she had three per cent. of the total railway
mileage of the country. New construction was almost entirely
suspended in 1908, but has been resumed in 1909. The most
important new road is the Western Pacific which enters the
state by the Beckwith Pass to the north of the line of the
Central Pacific route, from Sacramento to Ogden, and with the
advantage of crossing the Sierras at 2000 feet less elevation.
It reaches the Sacramento Valley by the canyon of the Feather
River and opens up a large area of rich country to railway
communication. It will be completed through to San Francisco
in 1910, and will be the fifth trans continental line
terminating on San Francisco Bay.
"Another great work of railway construction in progress in
1909 is the rebuilding upon an improved grade of the Central
Pacific road through the Sierras. The extreme elevation of the
present road at the summit of the range (7000 feet) is to be
diminished by a lengthy tunnel. Other work of construction
soon to be brought to completion is the extension of the
Northwestern Pacific, a coast road north from San Francisco
Bay to Eureka on Humboldt Bay, and the extension of the Ocean
Shore Railway south along the coast to Santa Cruz.
"The records of the State Railroad Commission show in 1909 a
total mileage in the state of 6744.54 miles.
"The lines operated by the principal companies measure up as
follows:
MILES.
Southern Pacific System. 3,582
Santa Fé System. 978
Northwestern Pacific. 404
San Pedro, Los Angeles and Salt Lake. 341
Western Pacific. 237
Yosemite Valley Railroad. 79
"Suburban electric railways have reached a high stage of
development and utility in Southern California, in the Santa
Clara Valley, connecting numerous cities and towns in the
vicinity of San Francisco Bay, and in the Sacramento Valley.
The increase of electric power by the further utilization of
the water power of the Sierra Nevada streams will certainly
bring about in the near future a great extension of electrical
transportation for freighting as well as in passenger
traffic."
_Frederick H. Clark,
Head of History Department,
Lowell High School, San Francisco._
CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1900-1909.
Constitutional changes.
"Amendments to the state constitution originate with the
legislature, and are placed before the voters of the state at
the biennial state elections. Dissatisfaction with parts of
the state constitution is manifested by an increasing number
of proposed amendments. So long as property interests are not
antagonized, the voters show a willingness to make changes by
ratifying a large majority of the amendments proposed. Among
the important subjects upon which amendments have been adopted
within the past ten years are the following:
authorization of legislation for the control of
primary elections;
providing for the use of voting machines;
the establishment of a system of state highways;
increasing the salaries of judges and of state
executive officers;
changing the pay of members of the legislature from
$8.00 per diem for a period not to exceed 60 days to
the sum of $1000 for the regular session;
authorizing the legislature to provide a state tax for the
support of high schools;
permitting exemption from taxation of various forms of
property, such as buildings used exclusively for religious
purposes and the endowments of the Leland Stanford Junior
University, the California School of Mechanical Arts,
and the Cogswell Polytechnical College,
—also personal property at the will of the owner
to the amount of $100;
eight hours made a legal day’s work on all public work
throughout the state;
authorization for the depositing of public funds in banks.
{63}
An important change in the state judiciary was made in 1904 by
the creation of district courts of appeal for the relief of
the congested condition of the business of the State Supreme
Court. The state was divided into three judicial districts, in
each of which was established a court of appeal consisting of
three judges elected from within the district for a term of
twelve years.
"A plan for the reorganization of the revenue system of the
state was placed before the voters in 1908, but failed of
adoption. The proposed amendment was the outcome of a movement
that began in 1905 with the appointment of a special
commission on taxation. This commission employed expert
assistance and made a thorough study of the subject of public
revenues. Its work was placed before the next meeting of the
legislature from which came the proposed amendment. Its
central object was to discover new sources of revenue for the
state treasury, leaving the direct property tax for the
maintenance of local government alone."
_Frederick H. Clark, Head of History Department,
Lowell, High School, San Francisco._
CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1904-1909.
Anti-Japanese agitation.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.
CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1906.
The earthquake of April 18.
Destruction at San Francisco by fire following the shock.
Cause of the occurrence.
See (in this Volume)
SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1906.
CALIPHATE, The Mohammedan:
The Turkish Sultan’s title disputed.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1905.
CAMPBELL, H. W.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION: AGRICULTURE.
CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN, SIR HENRY:
Prime Minister of the British Government.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.
CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN, SIR HENRY:
Address at Colonial Conference.
See BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.
CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN, SIR HENRY:
DEATH, April 22, 1908.
----------CANADA: Start--------
CANADA: A. D. 1896-1909.
The interchange of people between Canada and the United States.
The "American Invasion."
Rapid settlement of the Canadian Northwest.
Immigration in the last decade.
"Nature is healing the schism of the race by her own slow but
efficacious methods. Hundreds of families of the United Empire
stock have gone back to the United States, in some instances
to the very place of their origin. Upwards of a million native
Canadians are now living in the States, the great majority as
naturalised Americans; whilst American farmers, attracted by
cheap land and good laws, are entering the Canadian North-West
at the rate of 50,000 a year. The exodus, as migration across
the line is called, is a heavy drain on Canada; like an
ancient conqueror, it sweeps away the flower of both sexes,
leaving the unfittest to survive. During the last 30 years we
have spent $10,000,000 on immigration work in Europe, yet our
population has not held its natural increase, has not, that
is, grown as fast as the population of an old and over-crowded
country like England. The Canadian lad thinks no more of
transferring himself to Buffalo or Chicago than a Scotch youth
of going up to London, perhaps not so much. On the other hand,
American tourists, ‘drummers,’ lecturers, sportsmen and
investors come and go in Canada precisely as if this were a
State of the Union. When we produce a champion athlete, a
clever journalist or eloquent divine, they annex him and
advertise him next day as a Yankee. Marrying and giving in
marriage is going on without the slightest regard for the
doctrines of the Loyalists. There are said to be 200 college
professors of Canadian birth in the United States. I am
acquainted with some of them, and in their opinion, whatever
it may be worth, Canada can best serve herself by becoming
politically independent, and could best serve England by
joining the American Union, where her presence and vote would
offset the Anglophobia latent or active in other elements.
"The influence of the Canadian-Americans, to say nothing of
that of the Americans proper, is visible on every side in
English Canada; they are constantly visiting the old home, in
many cases paying the interest of the mortgage on it. The
French Canadians in New England have taught those in Quebec
that the priest has no business to interfere unduly in
elections, or to make war on Liberalism; that the Press ought
to be free, and the State, not the Church, supreme within the
sphere she defines as her own. Every day the French Canadian
papers publish columns of correspondence from the French
settlements in the factory towns across the line, but of
British affairs editors and readers know little, and,
apparently, care less. I mention this not to sneer at the
French Canadian Press, but to show those Englishmen who urge
us to cultivate the Imperialist spirit how difficult it would
be for Mrs. Partington to keep out the Atlantic.
"In English Canada, our newspapers supply us with British news
filtered through American channels; we read American books,
are interested in American politics, frequent their
watering-places and race tracks, imitate their tariffs, play
baseball and poker, live under local institutions fashioned
after theirs, think like them, speak like them, eat like them,
dress like them; when we visit England, we find ourselves
taken for them and treated well in consequence, better than if
we confessed ourselves Colonials."
_E. Farrer,
Canada and the new Imperialism
(Contemporary Review, December, 1903)._
"Some ten years since there began to trickle into the vast
wastes of the West the tiny rivulet of immigration which has
now become a great stream. Many influences have gone toward
widening this current of immigration, but the initial impulse
which set it in motion came from the courage of one man. In
1896 Clifford Sifton, a young man, thirty-five years of age,
who had already played a considerable _rôle_ in the
politics of Manitoba, became Minister of the Interior in the
Dominion Government. He was equipped with a genius for
organization, an almost unequaled capacity for persistent hard
work, and, above all, a faith in the West which knew neither
wavering nor questioning.
{64}
He threw himself with immense energy into the task of
advertising the Canadian West to the world and inducing
immigration. His conception of the problem and its solution
was Napoleonic; for he saw what others could not see and even
scouted as absurd, that the people who could be induced most
easily to lead the procession into the vacant prairies lived
in the adjoining States of the American Union. A new
generation had grown up in these States on the farms secured
as free grants by their fathers in the ’70's, and he saw that
when they looked for lands for themselves there would be none
available at all comparable with those of Western Canada.
Therefore, he argued, to acquaint them with the opportunities
and possibilities of the new land to the north would be to
insure such a migration as he desired, and if the stream once
began flowing it would widen by its own velocity. This was the
great idea which, given effect to by an organization called
into being by first-class executive talent, operating with
limitless resources, broke forever the great silence of the
prairies and made them the Mecca of the world’s landless folk.
"There had been for years Canadian immigration agencies at
various places in the United States, but they had been
administered in a spirit of perfunctory hopelessness. These
offices were reorganized; new ones opened; tens of thousands
of dollars were expended in advertising and in the
distribution of printed literature; enterprising drummers were
sent abroad throughout the Western States to preach up the
opportunities of Western Canada; representative farmers were
induced to take trips through the Canadian West, all expenses
paid by the government,—in fact, everything that trained
business talent could suggest was done.
"The result? In the first year of the new order of things 2412
Americans came to Canada, and thereafter the number mounted
yearly. By 1899 the figures had reached 11,945; 1901, 17,987;
1902, 26,388; 1903, 49,473; 1904, 45,171; 1905, 43,652; 1906,
57,919. During the ten years ending June 30, 1906, no less
than 272,609 persons left the United States to become
residents of Western Canada. These people came from all parts
of the United States. The government homestead records for
1906 show applications from persons coming from every State
and Territory of the United States, including the District of
Columbia and Alaska. North Dakota led in the applications,
with Minnesota a close second; then came Iowa, Michigan,
Washington, Wisconsin, Illinois, tapering to two from Alabama
and one from Georgia. …
"It has given Canada over a quarter of a million of settlers
with the highest average of efficiency. They, almost without
exception, have sufficient capital to make a good start, a
most important consideration in a new country where money is
scarce and dear. Akin to the Canadians in race, language,
political and social customs, they become a part of the
community just as naturally as one stream flows into another
at the same level. These settlers have also brought with them
fifty years’ experience in prairie farming, and by their
example have enormously affected agricultural methods. …
"More important, however, was the advertisement which the
‘American invasion’ gave Western Canada. It was precisely what
the country needed—indeed there could have been no substitute
for it in effectiveness. The Eastern Canadian was rather out
of conceit with his own West; and if a migratory instinct
drove him onward he went to the United States. In Great
Britain Western Canada could get no hearing at all,—her
emigrants went to Australia, the United States, New Zealand,
or even to alien lands in preference to Canada. It is doubtful
whether any possible exertions by the Government could have
turned the attention of these people to Canada had not the
influx of Americans to the prairies, loudly announced by all
controllable agencies of publicity, challenged their attention
and pricked their national pride. Once the fact was driven
into their consciousness they began to hold that if Western
Canada was good enough for ‘Yankees’ it was good enough for
them. British newspapers in particular showed a belated but
very real interest.
"The result has been a heavily increasing immigration from the
British Isles, until it now exceeds by many thousands every
year the arrivals from the United States. For the ten-year
period specified above there were 311,747 immigrants from
Great Britain, compared with 272,609 from the United States;
with 248,250 from ‘other countries,’ chiefly continental
Europe. The Scandinavian, Teutonic, and Slavic peoples are all
strongly represented in Western Canada. The most numerous
non-British people are the Ruthenians, or little Russians. In
addition there is a large yearly influx of Canadian settlers
from the older provinces, of whom there is no record excepting
in the homestead applications. These figures showed that out
of 41,869 applications for homesteads last year 27 per cent.
were Canadians, 29 per cent. Americans, 20 per cent. from the
British Isles, while the remaining 24 per cent. comprised
persons of eighteen different nationalities. These statistics
show that Western Canada is overwhelmingly English-speaking."
_John W. Dafoe,
Western Canada: Its Resources and Possibilities
(American Review of Reviews, June, 1907)._
Writing from Toronto, June 24, 1909, the regular Correspondent
of the London _Times_ took the subject of Canadian
immigration, especially that from the United States, for
extended treatment. Part of his remarks were as follows:
"So long as the American States had free, fertile lands, it
was natural that population should flow into the Republic.
America, in the mind of Europe, was the land of promise and
the home of freedom, and the United States was America. Canada
was but a fringe of inhospitable British territory, where the
spring came late and summer was brief, and winter was long and
stern. The first great impulse to settlement came with the
construction of the Canadian Pacific Railway, but an even more
material factor in Canadian development was the comparative
exhaustion of the free land of the Western States and the
increasing reputation of the Canadian West as a wheat-growing
country. If the 20th century belongs to Canada, as Sir Wilfrid
Laurier has said, it is primarily because the American
Republic has become a far less formidable competitor for
British and European immigration, and because thousands of
American farmers have discovered that they can sell their
improved farms at good prices and secure lands of equal value
in Canada for themselves and their sons with a very small
investment of capital.
{65}
"The total immigration since 1901 is estimated at 1,200,000.
In that year it was 49,149. It rose in 1902 to 67,379. Thence
there was a steady increase until 1907, when the figures were
262,469. In 1908 the total immigration was between 140, 000
and 142,000, and for this year the estimate is 200,000.
British immigrants began to come in considerable Volume in
1901, when there were 17,269 arrivals. The best year was 1907,
when the number reported was 120,182, as compared with 83,975
from the Continent of Europe and 58,312 from the United
States. The decline in 1908 was chiefly in British and
European immigration. Between 50,000 and 55,000 came from
across the border, which was a greater number than came from
either Britain or Europe. This year it is estimated that
70,000 Americans will come into the country. They will take up
between 20,000 and 25,000 homesteads, and as it is considered
that they bring property to the average value of $1,000 each
this would give a total new capital of $70,000,000. In 1907,
the year in which we had our greatest Volume of immigration,
there were 178,500 British and Americans as compared with
84,000 from the Continent of Europe. For the last year there
were 100,000 British and Americans and not a third as many
from Europe.
"It is apparent that, even with the best business management
the Empire can apply to the direction of its population, the
American immigration to Canada will continue to exceed that
from Great Britain. One of the most careful and soberminded of
our public men with whom I talked a few days ago, a man who
knows the West and for years has had intimate official
knowledge of the movements of population on both sides of the
border, believes that in the next ten or twelve years five
millions of Americans will come into Canada. Upon this I
pronounce no opinion, save to agree that the overflow from the
United States is bound to increase in Volume. Naturally there
are those amongst us who regard ‘the American invasion’ with
uneasiness, and fear the ultimate effect upon our institutions
and upon the relation of Canada to the Empire. In this
connexion I can only say that for some years I have been at
pains to consult men from all parts of the West who should
know the mind of these American settlers and their general
disposition towards the social and political institutions of
the country, and as yet I have not found a single Western
Canadian to express apprehension. They all agree that, while
the Americans have a natural affection for ‘Old Glory’ and as
yet may confuse the Fourth with the First of July, they pay
ready allegiance to the flag under which they have come to
live, and very generally agree that the impartial and
inflexible administration of justice in Canada is in itself
sufficient reason for the permanence of the British allegiance
and an honest loyalty to Canadian institutions. What may be
hidden in the womb of the future, when many of these Americans
sit in the Legislatures and in the Federal Parliament, and
become powerful in moulding public policy, we cannot know, but
at least it is seldom that the seeds of revolution thrive
amongst a prosperous agricultural population.
"But it is to one particular phase of the movement of
population that I desire chiefly to call attention. The
migration to the West has had a marked effect on the older
Canadian provinces. Many farms in the long settled districts
have been almost deserted. The old remain; the young have
gone. The only compensation is that the sons prosper in the
West."
According to a despatch from Ottawa in September, 1909, "the
annual Immigration Report states that the total arrivals in
Canada during the last fiscal year were 146,908. For the first
time in Canadian history immigrants from the United States
exceeded those from the United Kingdom; the figures are
respectively 59,832 and 52,901. The total immigration during
the 13 years which the present Government has been in office
was 1,366,658. American immigrants in that period have brought
to Canada £12,000,000 in cash and effects. Immigration from
France and Belgium declined last year and Japanese immigration
fell off by 7,106. Only six Hindus entered Canada, compared
with 2,623 in the previous year; 3,803 immigrants were
rejected at ocean ports, of whom 1,748 were deported. The
total deportations since 1902, when the system was first
inaugurated, were 3,149, of whom 2,607 were English."
Two months later it was reported from Ottawa that during the
first six months of 1909 "homestead entries were made by
27,296 bona fide settlers, representing free grants of
Dominion lands of 4,367,360 acres. This is an increase of 939
entries and of 150,200 acres as compared with the
corresponding period of 1908. In September the total number of
homestead entries was 2,902; of these 926 were American, 325
English, 109 Scotch, 54 Irish, 336 Canadians from Ontario, and
83 Canadians from Quebec."
Previously, in August, it had been stated that "German
capitalists have interested Toronto men in a big plan to
colonize the lands of Alberta and Saskatchewan on a
time-payment system. The scheme includes advances to settlers
for the purchase of implements and for help in house building.
The expectation is that 20,000 Germans will avail themselves
of the scheme."
CANADA: A. D. 1898-1903.
German retaliation for the tariff discrimination
in favor of British goods.
See (in this Volume)
TARIFFS.
CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.
The Census of the Dominion.
New apportionment of parliamentary representation.
The census of the Dominion, taken in 1901, showed
a total population of 5,370,000,
of which
Ontario contained 2,182,947;
Quebec, 1,648,898;
Nova Scotia, 459,574;
New Brunswick, 331,120;
Manitoba, 254,947;
British Columbia, 177,272;
Prince Edward Island, 103,259;
The Northwest Territories,
Yukon included, 211,649.
The new distribution of parliamentary representation,
determined this year, gave the House of Commons a total
membership of 214, apportioned as follows; Quebec 65 (as
guaranteed by the Confederation Act); Ontario 86; Nova Scotia
18; New Brunswick 13; Manitoba 10; British Columbia 7;
Northwest Territories 10; Prince Edward Island 4; the Yukon 1.
The basis was one representative for each 2500 people. Ontario
lost 6 seats, Nova Scotia 2, New Brunswick and Prince Edward
Island 1 each; all the other provinces gained, British
Columbia to the extent of 7 seats, the Northwest Territories
4, and Manitoba 3.
CANADA: A. D. 1902.
Colonial Conference at London.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE.
{66}
CANADA: A. D. 1903.
Discovery of the cobalt silver mines in Ontario.
Ore bodies carrying values in silver, cobalt, nickel, and
arsenic were discovered in 1903, during the building of the
Temiskaming and North Ontario Railway near the town of
Haileybury, at a distance of about 103 miles from North Bay.
The railway line ran over the most important vein that has
been found, and signs of the latter were noticed in the spring
of the year named. Prospecting was begun in the fall with
quick results of important discovery, and the rapid attraction
of a large mining population to what has become famous as the
Cobalt District. The production of silver in the district
increased from $111,887 in 1904 to $9,500,000 in 1908. The
ores are said to be unique among those of North America.
_16th Annual Report of Ontario Bureau of Mines._
CANADA: A. D. 1903 (May).
Adoption of "Empire Day" in Great Britain.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (May).
CANADA: A. D. 1903 (October).
Settlement of the Alaskan boundary question.
See (in this Volume)
ALASKA: A. D. 1903.
CANADA: A. D. 1903-1904.
Measures to establish sovereignty over land and sea
of Hudson Bay region.
"The agreement by Britain and America to arbitrate at The
Hague the Newfoundland Fishery Question will probably pave the
way for a similar solution of another entanglement, as
threatening and complicated as that respecting the Alaskan
Boundary, apparently now imminent between Canada and the
United States over the sovereignty of Hudson Bay. This has a
special relation to the Newfoundland problem, being also based
on the treaty of 1818. The Canadian Government in August,
1903, despatched the Newfoundland sealing steamer ‘Neptune’
(one of the type of wood-built ships suited for the work) to
the region, with an official expedition whose three-fold
object was:
(1) to reassert British sovereignty over all the land and seas
there;
(2) to expel or subject to Canadian authority the United
States whalers who fish there, illegally, it is held; and
(3) to secure further data tending to determine the
navigability of the waters for an ocean grain route and
justify subsidising or discouraging the construction of
railways from the north-west to the shores of Hudson Bay.
"In the summer of 1904, in anticipation of the ‘Neptune’s’
return, the Canadian Government purchased from Germany the
Antarctic exploring steamer ‘Gauss,’ re-named her the
‘Arctic,’ and sent her to Hudson Bay as an official cruiser,
she conveying also Major Moodie, of the North-West Mounted
Police, who was commissioned as ‘Governor of Hudson Bay ’ and
was accompanied by a body of that famous force, to assist him
in the administration of this extensive province, they to
build posts there and establish themselves at the most
important points. … The undisguised purpose of the Dominion is
to take all possible steps to prevent the United States from
securing any advantage, territorial or diplomatic, which would
enable her to put forward pretensions such as have been
advanced by her with respect to the Alaskan Boundary.
"The similarity of this question to that of the Alaskan
Boundary is quite striking. Geographically, the Hudson Bay
region is to the Northeastern portion of the continent what
Alaska is to the North-western. In the variety and value of
natural resources both have much in common. The development of
the Hudson Bay region, while not as advanced as that of
Alaska, seems destined to be much accelerated in the near
future in every department of industrial endeavour. The United
States whalers, voyaging from New Bedford into Hudson Bay, and
from San Francisco into Alaskan seas, penetrate to the very
confines of the Arctic zone itself. To proceed against them
now, after their having enjoyed for over seventy years an
unrestricted access to Hudson Bay, whether entitled thereto or
not, is a step which may provoke a repetition of the
difficulties which were recently experienced over the Alaskan
Boundary. …
"[Canada] contends that from the entrance to Hudson Strait,
which she says is in a line drawn from Cape Chidley, the
northern projection of Labrador, to Resolution Island, the
southern extremity of Baffin Land, all the waters and lands to
the west, including the numerous islands of Arctic America,
are her exclusive possession. She bases this contention on the
following grounds:—
"1. Discovery (the waters, coastline and hinterland having
been discovered and charted by British explorers).
"2. Occupation (the region having been occupied only by the
Hudson Bay Company).
"3. Treaty cession (the British rights to the region having
been admitted by the French in 1713).
"4. Acquiescence (the United States having acknowledged the
Hudson Bay Company’s rights in 1818).
"5. Purchase (Canada having bought out the Company in 1870).
"But Americans are indisposed to acquiesce in any such
conclusion as regards the waters of the Bay. They contend that
the British had originally no rights beyond the three-mile
limit, that the French in 1713 could cede them no more, and
that the American concurrence in 1818 could apply only to the
same territorial waters. In other words, they question the
right of the British Monarch to grant such a Charter as he
did, and it may be observed here that the same point has
frequently been made in England also in the past by opponents
of the Company and by legal critics."
_P. T. McGrath,
The Hudson Bay Dispute
(Fortnightly Review, January, 1908)._
CANADA: A. D. 1903-1905.
Attitude of the Canadian Manufacturers’ Association toward
Great Britain and the United States on the Tariff question.
"The attitude of the Canadian Manufacturers’ Association
toward both the United States and Britain has been very
frequently misrepresented by opponents of tariff reform in
Canada and England. … The views of the Association were
clearly set forth in the recommendations made by the Tariff
Committee at the annual meeting in September, 1903, and
adopted by the Association after full discussion. The
attendance was very large, and the meeting was practically
unanimous, only one member dissenting. The resolutions were as
follows:
{67}
"'(1) That we reaffirm the tariff resolution passed at the
last annual meeting in Halifax, as follows: Resolved, That in
the opinion of this Association, the changed conditions which
now obtain in Canada demand the immediate and thorough
revision of the tariff, upon lines which will more effectually
transfer to the workshops of our Dominion the manufacture of
many of the goods which we now import from other countries;
that, in any such revision, the interests of all sections of
the community, whether of agriculture, mining, fishing, or
manufacturing, should be fully considered, with a view, not
only to the preservation, but to the further development, of
all these great natural industries; that, while such a tariff
should primarily be framed for Canadian interests, it should
nevertheless give a substantial preference to the Mother
Country, and also to any other part of the British Empire with
which reciprocal preferential trade can be arranged,
recognizing always that under any conditions the minimum
tariff must afford adequate protection to all Canadian
producers.
(2) That, except in very special cases, we are opposed to the
granting of bounties in Canada as a substitute for a policy of
reasonable and permanent protection.
(3) That we are strongly opposed to any reciprocity treaty
with the United States affecting the manufacturing industries
of Canada.
(4) We recommend that the Dominion Government establish in
Canada a permanent tariff commission of experts, who shall
have constant supervision of tariff policy and changes, and
shall follow closely the workings of the Canadian tariff with
a view to making such recommendations to the Government as
will best conserve and advance the interests of the Dominion.’
"These resolutions were reaffirmed at the annual conventions
in 1904 and 1905, meeting with no opposition."
_Watson Griffin,
Canadian Manufacturers' Tariff Campaign
(North American Review, August, 1906)._
CANADA: A. D. 1903-1909.
New transcontinental railway project.
The Grand Trunk Pacific.
"The project for a new transcontinental railway made the year
1903 industrially significant. The scheme when finally
presented to Parliament by Sir Wilfrid Laurier, on July 31st,
provided for the building of a new line from Moncton, New
Brunswick, through Quebec to Winnipeg and the Pacific Coast at
a terminus then not fixed, but now known to be Prince Rupert.
The road is to be divided into two parts; the Eastern from
Moncton to Winnipeg, which is to be built by the Government,
and the Western from Winnipeg to Prince Rupert, to be built by
the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway Company. Provision was made
for a lease of the Eastern section by the company and its
purchase after fifty years. This company is practically the
same as the Grand Trunk Railway Company. Sir Wilfrid estimated
the cost at $13,000,000. There were provisions for Government
assistance in the guaranteeing of the bonds of the new
company."
_F. B. Tracy,
Tercentenary History of Canada,
Volume 3, page 1034 (Macmillan Company, New York, 1908)._
At the half yearly meeting of the Grand Trunk Company in
London, October 21, 1909, the President, Sir C. Rivers Wilson,
who had recently returned from Canada, spoke of the present
state and prospects of the transcontinental line, partly as
follows:
"They were, he remarked, under an obligation to complete their
road through to Prince Rupert by December 1, 1911, but, owing
to the want of labour, he feared there was very little chance
of their succeeding in doing so. … They had built through to
Winnipeg on the one hand and to Lake Superior on the other,
but there remained an unfortunate link of 245 miles to
complete their junction with Lake Superior. … After what had
happened he was very chary of making any prediction, but he
should think that, after all that had taken place, and after
the great pressure which was now being put on the contractors,
the road would be finished by next summer. Their great object,
of course, was to link up the west with their eastern system.
That would be done during the summer by the road coming down
to Lake Superior, which would enable them to communicate by
water with their Georgian Bay port, and during the winter,
when navigation was closed, by way of land north of Lake
Superior by the line the Government was to build to a place
called Cochrane, about 540 miles distant, where they would
obtain communication with North Bay and put themselves in
contact with their own Ontario road."
CANADA: A. D. 1904.
General Election.
Continuance of the Laurier Ministry.
The Earl of Minto succeeded as Governor-General by Earl Grey.
The general election in 1904 resulted in a parliamentary
majority of 64 for the Liberals, thus firmly reseating the
Laurier Ministry. The Conservatives carried Ontario, but were
beaten heavily in the Maritime Provinces, in Quebec, and in
the West. The general prosperity of the country gave a backing
to the Liberals which no political criticism could overcome.
The Earl of Minto was succeeded as Governor-General, in 1904,
by Earl Grey, grandson of the Earl Grey who, as Prime Minister
of England in 1832, carried through the first Reform of
Parliament, extinguishing the "rotten boroughs," transferring
political power from the land-owning aristocracy to the middle
class of English people, and beginning the democratizing of
government, which two later reforms have made nearly complete.
"There can be no doubt," said a Canadian correspondent of one
of the London journals lately, "that the present
Governor-General is more widely popular in Canada than any of
his predecessors in that high office were, or could have been.
Happy in his personality, happier still in his opportunities,
he is known and liked by all sorts and conditions of Canadians
in every part of the country; whereas more than one of those
who have represented the Sovereign there since the creation of
the Canadian Confederacy were regarded as august functionaries
forming the ‘dignified part’ of the constitutional mechanism
(to use Bagehot’s phrase), and as sedulously avoiding close
contact with the people at large."
Within the past year it has been announced officially from
Ottawa that Lord Grey will fill out his full period of six
years in the office of Governor-General, expiring in December,
1910.
CANADA: A. D. 1904.
Creation of the Board of Railway Commissioners.
Its large regulative powers.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: CANADA.
CANADA: A. D. 1904-1909.
Race problems.
Restriction of Chinese Immigration.
Labor hostility.
Riotous attacks on Japanese, Chinese, and Hindu laborers.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: CANADA.
{68}
CANADA: A. D. 1905.
New Provinces created.
Alberta and Saskatchewan.
Revival of the Separate School controversy.
The compromise settlement.
By Bills brought into the Dominion Parliament by the Premier,
Sir Wilfrid Laurier, on the 21st of February, 1905, and
subsequently passed, the four Northwest Territories ceded to
the Dominion by Great Britain in 1870 were reorganized as two
provinces, and admitted to membership in the Canadian Federal
Union, bearing the names of Alberta and Saskatchewan, with
Edmonton for the capital of the former and Regina for the
latter.
See, in Volume IV. of this work,
NORTHWEST TERRITORIES OF CANADA.
Saskatchewan includes the territories of Saskatchewan,
Assiniboia, and one-half of Athabasca, and Alberta the
territory of Alberta and the remainder of Athabasca. The
entire area of the two provinces is 550,345 square miles, and
it extends from Manitoba west to the 110th meridian, and from
the United States boundary to 60 north latitude. The
population of each province was reckoned at 250,000, and was
rapidly increasing. The Dominion Government retains control of
the public lands. Each of the new provinces received at the
beginning five representatives in the Dominion House of
Commons and four in the Senate. A single Legislative Chamber
of twenty-five members was provided for each; each has a
Lieutenant-Governor, with a Cabinet of responsible Ministers.
The Dominion Treasury contributes $250,000 yearly to the
revenue of each.
A provision in these bills for conceding separate schools to
religious minorities revived the controversy which raged in
Canada for many years, after the Province of Manitoba, in
1890, had abolished denominational schools and established a
free, compulsory, unsectarian school system.
See, in Volume VI. of this work,
CANADA: A. D. 1890-1896, and A. D, 1898 (JANUARY).
The Government was forced to amend the provision, devising a
compromise which cannot be said to have satisfied either party
to the dispute, but which saved the Government from a probable
defeat. This affords a half hour of religious teaching, by
denominational teachers, at the end of school hours, the
denominational character of the instruction determined by the
majority in attendance, and its reception to be optional. As
explained at the time by a writer in The Outlook, the working
of the system is as follows. "The half-hour is the only
noteworthy feature of the separate schools. They are liable
for no other school taxation than that which is necessary to
support those schools. In all other respects, in every detail
of government control and oversight, they are exactly like the
schools of the majority. From nine o’clock in the morning
until three o’clock in the afternoon the order of lessons is
the same for all; so are the textbooks, the standards of
efficiency, and the qualifications of the teachers. There
cannot be any control of the school by any clerical or
sectarian body. There cannot be any sectarian teaching between
nine o’clock in the morning and three o’clock in the
afternoon. The Normal schools of the new provinces will give a
uniform normal training for all teachers, and there will be
uniform curricula and courses of study for all schools of the
same grade. There will be complete and absolute control of all
schools as to their government and conduct by the central
school authority created by the new provincial Legislature.
The distribution of the legislative grant to all schools will
be according to educational efficiency, a wise provision which
did not apply to separate schools of the old type. To
recapitulate, all the schools are alike, except that where the
trustees are Protestant there is Protestant religious teaching
from half-past three to four, and where the trustees are Roman
Catholic there is Roman Catholic teaching during the
half-hour. That is the only distinction, and neither
Protestant nor Roman Catholic children, when they are in the
minority, need remain to hear any religious teaching against
their parents’ wishes."
CANADA: A. D. 1906.
Dominion Forest Reserves Act.
See (in this Volume)
Conservation of Natural Resources.
CANADA: A. D. 1906.
Passage of the "Lord’s Day Act."
See (in this Volume)
SUNDAY OBSERVANCE.
CANADA: A. D. 1906.
Prisons and Reformatory Act.
See (in this Volume)
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.
CANADA: A. D. 1906 (May).
Departure of the last British garrison.
On the 1st of May, 1906, the last British garrison in the
Dominion was withdrawn from Esquimault, in British Columbia,
under an arrangement which leaves the Canadian Government in
undivided control of all military posts.
CANADA: A. D. 1906-1907.
Political experiments in Ontario.
Broadening the functions of government.
The Canadians of their Middle West, who used to be the most
conservative of Britons, have manifested lately a new spirit,
wafted, perhaps, from adventuresome New Zealand, and are
trying governmental experiments that would stagger
Oklahoma,—trying them, too, with what looks like success.
For the development of the rich cobalt and silver mining
region on its eastern border, and for the encouragement of
colonization farther northward on the same border, the Ontario
Government has not hesitated to construct and own and operate
officially an important line of railway, the Temiskaming and
Northern Ontario, which is reported to have been profitable
from the start. The road may possibly be extended to James
Bay, the southward projection of Hudson Bay.
The progressive government of Ontario has also undertaken to
work for its own benefit the mines in a large lately opened
block of the Cobalt mining territory, covering about 100
square miles. In somewhat the same line of economic policy, it
determined in 1906 to control the development and transmission
of electric power at and from Niagara Falls, and accomplished
its purpose by a contract with the Ontario Power Company,
which secures power to municipalities in Ontario at an
extremely reasonable rate.
This adventurous policy in economic directions is less
surprising, however, than an absolutely novel experiment in
the officializing of political parties, as agencies in
representative government, which has been put on trial in
Ontario during two parliamentary sessions. For the first time
in constitutional history, the opposition leader in a
legislature has been made a recognized functionary and
salaried by the Government to the extent of $7,000 a year.
Theoretically, the importance of an effectively critical
opposition to the majority party in a legislature is always
acknowledged. Is there not good sense, then, theoretically at
least, in a policy of government which aims to increase the
efficiency of that criticism and give it a responsible
character, in the mode which the Ontarians are trying?
{69}
After between two and three years trial of this last named
experiment, with a salaried leader of the Opposition, the
Toronto correspondent of the London _Times_ wrote, in
June, 1909, to that paper as follows:
"This is an experiment in Parliamentary government which has
not been attempted elsewhere. It has both advantages and
disadvantages. There are few men of wealth or leisure in
Canadian public life, and generally a private party fund has
been provided for the support of the leader of the Opposition.
The charge was commonly made that as this fund was likely to
be provided by the few wealthy men of the party they would
exact compensation in the form of official appointment or
legislative favour when the Opposition leader became the head
of the Government. It was decided, therefore, to give a
salary, equal to the emoluments of a Minister of the Crown, to
the leader of the Opposition. Mr. Borden [leader of the
Opposition in Ontario for some time past] sanctioned this
legislation and accepted the remuneration provided. It was
argued that he thus became a pensioner on the Government, and
that a servile consideration for his salary would affect his
independence and restrain his criticism of the paymasters on
the Treasury benches. Mr. Borden, while disposed more than
once to relinquish the salary, felt that this criticism was
unjust, and, knowing the grave financial distresses which some
of his predecessors had experienced, waited patiently for the
attack to exhaust itself and for opportunity to prove that he
was not a dependent of the Treasury. At length his course
seems to be justified, and the appropriation of a salary for
the leader of the Opposition seems likely to become a settled
feature of the Canadian Parliamentary system. The real test
will come, however, if the system of Parliamentary groups
should ever replace the established two-party system in
Canada. But for the time the experiment has been justified,
and under the conditions which so often obtain in Canada it
may even be said that the official salary enhances the
independence and dignity of the Opposition leader in
Parliament."
CANADA: A. D. 1906-1908.
The Canada Temperance Act.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM: CANADA.
CANADA: A. D. 1907.
The founding of Macdonald College.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: CANADA: A. D. 1907.
CANADA: A. D. 1907 (March).
The "Industrial Disputes Investigation Act," to aid in the
prevention and settlement of Strikes and Lockouts.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: CANADA: A. D. 1907-1908.
CANADA: A. D. 1907 (April-May).
Imperial Conference at London.
See (in this Volume)
British Empire: A. D. 1907.
CANADA: A. D. 1907-1909.
Convention respecting commercial relations with France
and its amendment.
A Convention which greatly liberalized the tariff regulations
affecting trade between Canada and France was concluded
between the British and French Governments and signed at Paris
on the 19th of September, 1907. It gave "the benefit of the
minimum tariff and of the lowest rates of customs duty
applicable to like products of other foreign origin,"
reciprocally, in each country to certain enumerated products
of the other; with mutual pledges that every reduction granted
by either to any foreign country should apply to similar
products of the other.
In January, 1909, an amended Convention was negotiated which
liberalized still further this commercial agreement, enlarging
the schedules of favored products, especially the agricultural
schedules, giving important advantages to Canada in the French
market. The amended Convention was ratified in France on the
13th of July, and in Canada early in December.
CANADA: A. D. 1908.
Child Labor legislation.
See (in this Volume)
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS WORKERS.
CANADA: A. D. 1908.
Governmental undertaking of a railway to Hudson Bay.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: CANADA: A. D. 1908-1909.
CANADA: A. D. 1908 (April).
Convention for the preservation and propagation of Food
Fishes in waters contiguous to the United States and Canada.
See (in this Volume)
FOOD FISHES.
CANADA: A. D. 1908 (April).
Treaty respecting the demarcation of the International
Boundary between the United States and Canada.
A Treaty "providing for the more complete definition and
demarcation of the international boundary between the United
States and the Dominion of Canada," negotiated by Ambassador
Bryce and Secretary Root, appointed Plenipotentiaries of the
Governments of Great Britain and the United States,
respectively, was signed at Washington on the 4th of June,
1908. The Treaty provides for parcelling the boundary line in
eight sections, for the determination in each of which each
Government "shall appoint, without delay, an expert geographer
or surveyor to serve as Commissioner." Its first article
prescribes with minuteness the procedure to be followed and
the consideration to be given to former surveys and
determinations of the boundary line "in the waters of
Passamaquoddy Bay from the mouth of the St. Croix River to the
Bay of Fundy." The second article defines similarly the task
appointed to the Commissioners who shall determine the "line
drawn along the middle of the River St. Croix from its mouth
in the Bay of Fundy to its source." The third article
instructs the Commissioners who shall fix the line from the
source of the St. Croix to the St. Lawrence. The fourth deals
in like manner with the next section of the line, from "the
point of its intersection with the St. Lawrence River near the
forty-fifth parallel of north latitude, as determined under
articles I. and VI. of the Treaty of August 9, 1842, between
Great Britain and the United States, and thence through the
Great Lakes and communicating waterways to the mouth of Pigeon
River, at the western shore of Lake Superior." The fifth
pursues the line from "the mouth of Pigeon River to the
northwestern-most point of the Lake of the Woods." The sixth
traces the work to be done on the line from that point of the
Lake of the Woods to the summit of the Rocky Mountains. The
seventh relates to the section of boundary "along the
forty-ninth parallel of north latitude, from the summit of the
Rocky Mountains westward to the eastern shore of the Gulf of
Georgia, as defined in article I. of the Treaty of June 15,
1846, between Great Britain and the United States and as
marked by monuments along its course,"—for the renewing and
completing of which monuments commissioners were appointed by
concurrent action of the two Governments in 1902 and 1903. The
eighth article has to do with the western terminal section of
the task, carrying the boundary line "from the forty-ninth
parallel of north latitude along the middle of the channel
which separates Vancouver’s Island from the mainland and the
Haro Channel and of Fuca’s Straits to the Pacific Ocean, as
defined in article I. of the Treaty of June 15, 1846, between
Great Britain and the United States, and as determined by the
award made on October 21, 1872, by the Emperor of Germany as
arbitrator.
{70}
In articles one and two there are provisions for the
arbitration of disagreements; and the concluding article
contains the following:
"If a dispute or difference should arise about the location or
demarcation of any portion of the boundary covered by the
provisions of this Treaty and an agreement with respect
thereto is not reached by the Commissioners charged herein
with locating and marking such portion of the line, they shall
make a report in writing jointly to both Governments, or
severally each to his own Government, setting out fully the
questions in dispute and the differences between them, but
such Commissioners shall, nevertheless, proceed to carry on
and complete as far as possible the work herein assigned to
them with respect to the remaining portions of the line.
"In case of such a disagreement between the Commissioners, the
two Governments shall endeavor to agree upon an adjustment of
the questions in dispute, and if an agreement is reached
between the two Governments it shall be reduced to writing in
the form of a protocol, and shall be communicated to the said
Commissioners, who shall proceed to lay down and mark the
boundary in accordance therewith, and as herein provided, but
without prejudice to the special provisions contained in
Articles I and II regarding arbitration.
"It is understood that under the foregoing articles the same
persons will be appointed to carry out the delimitation of
boundaries in the several sections aforesaid, other than the
section covered by Article IV, unless either of the
Contracting Powers finds it expedient for some reason which it
may think sufficient to appoint some other person to be
Commissioner for any one of the above-mentioned sections."
CANADA: A. D. 1908 (July).
Tercentenary Celebration of the Founding of Quebec.
The three hundredth anniversary of the founding of Quebec by
Champlain was celebrated at that city in July, 1908, with
remarkable spirit and success. The Government of the Dominion
took an active and important part in the preparations,
nationalizing the battle-field of Wolfe’s victory over
Montcalm, on the Plains of Abraham, and converting it into a
park, where the principal pageants and ceremonies of the
occasion were performed. The Imperial Government interested
itself warmly in the undertaking, the Prince of Wales, Lord
Roberts, the Duke of Norfolk, and other distinguished
personages from Great Britain coming as guests of the
festivity and to bear a part. Living descendants of Wolfe and
Montcalm were also invited guests, and the Governments of
France and the United States were officially represented.
Battleships from the fleets of these nations and from Germany,
Italy, Spain, Japan and the Argentine Republic were brought to
a friendly concourse in the harbor of Quebec, for
participation in the brilliant spectacles of the féte. These
included a military representation of the armies of Wolfe and
Montcalm, on the field where they fought; a representation of
the landing of Champlain, from a ship which duplicated the
structure and equipment of his own, and a number of other
historical pageants, all admirably planned and executed, and
offering a rare entertainment to the many thousands of
visitors who were attracted to Quebec from all parts of the
Dominion and the United States.
The celebration began on the 19th of July and continued
through two weeks.
CANADA: A. D. 1908 (September).
Act to amend Civil Service Act.
See (in this Volume)
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: CANADA.
CANADA: A. D. 1909.
The projected Georgian Bay Canal.
Present state of the project.
"The scheme for a canal to give through transport for
ocean-going steamers from Montreal to the Great Lakes may now
be said to have emerged from the field of idealism into that
of practical politics, the need for such a waterway having
been generally recognized by Canadian politicians. In
commercial circles there is the strongest feeling that the
canal works should be put in hand at once, and at the end of
April last a powerful deputation representing 20 Canadian
Boards of Trade and 54 municipalities pressed this point of
view upon the Government. At the present time questions of
finance alone prohibit the practical adoption of the
enterprise. … When the work is started, it will probably be
found that the contract will be entrusted to private
enterprise under Government supervision.
… The present position of the negotiations between the
Government and the canal company is that the latter
corporation having matured its scheme, the Government
engineers have made a report, and a compromise has now to be
effected on those points where the recommendations of the
Government engineers differ from the scheme of construction
drawn up by the Georgian Bay Canal Company.
"The total distance of the route planned by the canal company
engineers between Georgian Bay on Lake Huron to Montreal, the
head of ocean navigation on the St. Lawrence River, is 440
miles. The project is essentially a river and lake
canalization scheme, and for the greater part of its course
the projected route follows the course of the French River and
the Ottawa. River and its lakes. From Georgian Bay to the
summit level it is proposed to utilize the middle channel of
French River to Lake Nipissing. From the northern side of this
lake to the summit level, a distance of over 80 miles from
Georgian Bay, it would be mainly an artificial waterway. From
the summit level, 677 ft. above sea level, there is a long
fall to Montreal, and the route proposed by the canal company
engineers is _via_ Trout and Turtle Lakes, the little
Mattawa River into Talon Lake to Sand Bay, a distance of 21
miles. A canal three miles long would carry the waterway to
the Mattawa River, 13 miles of which would be utilized, and a
short canal cut would give access to the Ottawa River, which
would then be followed for a distance of 293 miles. Thence the
St. Lawrence River or a branch of the Ottawa River, known as
the Back River, would form the new waterway for the last 25
miles. The difference in elevation of 659 ft. between Montreal
and the summit level, and 99 ft. between the summit and
Georgian Bay would be bridged by 27 locks, ranging in lift
from 5 ft. to 50 ft. These locks would be designed for a
length of 940 ft., with a width of 70 ft. and with 22 ft. of
water upon the lock sills, the proposed depth of the canal
being 24 ft.
{71}
The total length of canal cutting for the route is estimated
at from 28 to 34 miles, and in all about 108 miles out of the
total length of 440 miles would require excavation work for
lock approaches, canals, and submerged channels.
"The plans of the Government engineers, as embodied in a
report to the Department Of Public Works, do not differ
materially from those of the canal company. The latter
proposes a 24 ft. waterway, with 22 ft. upon the lock sills;
the Government plans provide for a 22 ft. waterway, which, it
is pointed out, would more than equal the conditions as they
exist to-day in the channels connecting the waters of the
Great Lakes, which govern the draught of boats on the Lakes. …
The opening up of the Great Lakes for the first time to
ocean-going traffic would be an event of the first commercial
magnitude. It is not generally recognized that the trade of
the Lakes is greater than the coasting trade of England, of
France, and of Germany put together. The statistical reports
of Lake commerce passing through the canals at Sault Ste.
Marie, Michigan and Ontario, show that the tonnage passing
through these canals increased during 1897 to 1907 from
18,982,755 to 58,217,214.
"Reference should also be made to the water powers which would
be created by the present plans for the construction of the
canal. The report of the Government engineers states that
nearly 1,000,000 h. p. could be secured along the Ottawa and
French rivers and it is estimated that 100,000 h. p. would be
available within almost a mile of the city of Montreal.
"The question yet to be decided is when can the country afford
to start the work. Sir Robert Perks, M. P., who has been
intimately associated with the scheme, recently submitted an
offer to the Government on behalf of the canal company, who
own the charter, to provide £5,000,000 at a 3 per cent.
guarantee, with ½ per cent. sinking fund, for the construction
of the French River section of the canal, a distance of about
86 miles, and to build docks and warehouses at North Bay on
Lake Nipissing. … It is estimated that it would take ten years
from the inception of the work before the canal would be open
for navigation, and that the total cost would be about
£20,000,000."
_Engineering Correspondence London Times,
August 18, 1909._
CANADA: A. D. 1909.
The Great Mackenzie Basin.
The Newest Canadian West.
A report on the agricultural possibilities of the great
Mackenzie Basin, prepared by a select committee of the
Dominion Senate, was made public in the summer of 1909.
"Basing their calculations upon the testimony of witnesses,
the Committee calculate that some two million square miles
between the northern limits of Saskatchewan and Alberta and
the Arctic Circle can be used for pasturage and for the
cultivation of wheat, barley, potatoes, and other vegetables.
Until a few years ago not only the Mackenzie basin but the
valley of Peace rivers were on account of their high latitudes
considered to be unfit for cultivation. The comparatively mild
climate, which, as the report shows, they in reality enjoy, is
said to be due to the proximity of large bodies of water such
as the Great Slave and Great Bear lakes and to the
_chinook_ wind, the warm current of air that blows across
the Rocky Mountains from the Pacific. The shortness of the
sub-Arctic summer appears to be offset by the proportionate
length of the days and by the clearness of the air. In regard
to the future of the district with which it deals the report
points out that in 1870 the representatives of the people of
Eastern Canada were anxious to obtain in regard to what is now
the prosperous province of Manitoba exactly the same
information as the Committee has been engaged in collecting
about Canada’s ‘newest west.’"
CANADA: A. D. 1909.
The opposition in Newfoundland to union with the Dominion.
See (in this Volume)
NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1909.
CANADA: A. D. 1909 (January).
The Waterways Treaty between the United States and Great
Britain, concerning the waters between the former and Canada.
Resulting from the labors of an International Waterways
Commission, appointed four years before, a Waterways Treaty,
having reference to the lakes and rivers that lie along the
boundary between Canada and the United States, was concluded
by Ambassador Bryce, on the part of the British Government,
and Secretary of State Root, on the part of the United States,
in January, 1909. The Treaty was ratified by the Senate of the
United States in the closing hours of the Congressional
session which ended March 4, but with a proviso, in the form
of a resolution attached. The following is a summary of the
provisions of the Treaty as it went to the Senate:
"A preliminary article defines the Canadian and American
boundary waters.
"Article I. enacts that the navigation of these waters,
including Lake Michigan and the canals connecting them, shall
for ever continue free and open for the purposes of commerce
to the inhabitants of both countries. Regulations affecting
canals in the territory of either country shall apply equally
to inhabitants of the other who may wish to make use thereof.
"Article II. reserves to the signatories and to the State and
provincial Governments exclusive control over the use,
diversion, &c., of such waters in their territory as flow into
the boundary waters or across the frontier. Any inhabitant of
either country injured by the use of this privilege will be
entitled to the legal remedies he would have if he were a
native of the defendant country. The contracting parties,
however, reserve the right of objection whenever navigation on
their own side of the boundary is imperilled by any diversion
of water across it.
"Articles III. and IV. provide that no works shall be
undertaken on either side of the line, if such works would be
likely to affect the level of the waters on the other side,
without agreement between the contracting parties and the
sanction of the Joint Commission. Pollution of the waters is
also forbidden.
"Article V., which relates to the diversion of the waters of
Niagara, the control of the level of Lake Erie, and the flow
of the Niagara River, has a clause which states that it is the
desire of both parties to accomplish these objects with the
least possible injury to the investments which have already
been made in the construction of power plants on the United
States side of the Niagara River under grants of authority
from the State of New York, and on the Canadian side of the
river under licenses authorized by the Dominion of Canada and
the Province of Ontario.
{72}
"Article VI. apportions the uses of the St. Mary’s and Milk
rivers and their tributaries in the west.
"Article VII. provides for the creation of an International
Joint Commission, consisting of three representatives of
Canada and three of the United States.
"Article VIII. provides that the Commission shall have
jurisdiction over, and shall decide all cases involving, the
waterways where, under articles III. and IV., their approval
is required, and gives principles for their guidance. The
contracting parties are to have equal and similar rights. The
uses of the water are to be considered in the following
order:—First, domestic and sanitary purposes; secondly,
purposes of navigation; third, purposes of power and
irrigation. The Commission is invested with some discretion
with regard to departure from the principle of equal division,
&c. In case of a tie vote each Commissioner is to make a
separate report to his Government; whereupon the two
Governments shall attempt to reach an agreement.
"The two following articles, IX. and X., requiring that all
disputes shall be referred to the Commission, stand out as the
most important provisions of the treaty. Article IX., after
stating that matters of difference shall be referred to the
Commission whenever either Government desires, goes on to
authorize the Commission in each case so referred to examine
into and report upon the facts and circumstances of the
particular questions referred, together with such conclusions
and recommendations as may be appropriate, subject, however,
to any restrictions or exceptions which may be imposed with
respect thereto by the terms of reference. Such reports of the
Commission are in no way to have the character of an arbitral
award. The Commission shall make joint report to both
Governments in all cases wherein all or a majority of the
Commissioners agree, and in case of disagreement the minority
may make joint report to both Governments, or separate reports
to their respective Governments. In case the Commission is
evenly divided upon any question referred to it, separate
reports shall be made by the Commissioners, one on each side
to their own Government.
"Article X. extends the powers of the Commission by providing
that other matters of difference affecting the rights of
either country may be referred to the Commission. In each case
so referred the Commission is authorized to examine into and
report upon the facts and circumstances of the particular
questions and matters referred, together with such conclusions
and recommendations as may be appropriate, subject, however,
to any restrictions or exceptions which may be imposed with
respect thereto by the terms of reference. A majority of the
Commission shall have power to render a decision or finding
upon any of the questions or matters so referred.
"In the event of a failure of the Commission to agree upon the
issues submitted to them for decision or report, the article
requires the Commissioners to make a joint report to both
Governments, or separate reports to their respective
Governments, showing the different conclusions arrived at with
regard to matters or questions so referred, which shall
thereupon be submitted for decision by the high contracting
parties to an umpire chosen in accordance with procedure
prescribed in the fourth, fifth, and sixth paragraphs of
Article XLV. of The Hague Convention for the pacific
settlement of international disputes, dated October 18, 1907.
Such umpire, the article concludes, shall have power to render
a final decision on matters whereon the Commission have failed
to agree."
The resolution attached to the Treaty by the Senate of the
United States related to the use of waters flowing at the
rapids of St. Mary’s River at Sault Ste. Marie, and was
introduced by Senator Smith of Michigan. It is as follows:
"Resolved—As part of this ratification, the United States
approves this treaty, with the understanding that nothing in
the treaty shall be construed as affecting or changing any
existing territorial or riparian right in the water, or the
rights of owners of lands under water, on either side of the
international boundary, at the rapids of St. Mary’s River at
Sault Ste. Marie, in the use of waters flowing over such
lands, subject to the requirements of navigation in the
boundary waters and of the navigation of canals, and without
prejudice to the existing right of the United States and
Canada, each to use the waters of St. Mary’s River within its
own territory; and that this interpretation will be mentioned
in the ratification of this treaty as conveying the true
meaning of the treaty, and will in effect form part of the
treaty."
This stipulation was objectionable to Canada, and the consent
of the Dominion Government to a ratification of the Treaty on
the part of Great Britain was withheld. It has been
understood, however, that the objection will be substantially
removed if the Government of the United States acquires
possession of the lands and riparian property concerned, which
was provided for by an Act of Congress passed in March. The
necessary proceedings will consume some time.
CANADA: A. D. 1909 (February).
The institution of a Department of External Affairs.
An Associated Press despatch from Ottawa, on the 18th of
February, 1909, made known that "the Canadian Government has
announced its intention of creating a portfolio of external
affairs. Heretofore all of the foreign business of Canada has
been carried on through the channel of the British colonial
and foreign office. Even after the external affairs branch is
created by Canada this will be the principal avenue for such
business. That method is cumbersome. In the case of
negotiations with the United States, papers have to cross the
Atlantic twice in passing from Washington to Ottawa, being
sent first to the colonial office and then back to Canada. The
process has been much criticised and both the prime minister
and the opposition leader have declared themselves in favor of
a modification. The creation of the external department is
regarded as the first step. The most radical proposal is the
intimation that in negotiations with the United States there
will hereafter be direct communication between Washington and
Canada, through the medium of the British Ambassador."
{73}
In the British Parliament, on the 4th of March, the Prime
Minister, Mr. Asquith, replied to a question on the subject,
as follows:
"It is understood that the Canadian Government propose to
establish a Department of External Affairs. This department is
merely intended—like the corresponding department of the Com
[Commonwealth?] wealth Government—to conduct correspondence
with the Secretary of State for the Colonies, and his
Majesty’s Ambassador at Washington, and with the several
departments of the Canadian Government. At present delay
occurs in dealing with the correspondence, as there is no
department to conduct the work. No suggestion has been made by
the Canadian Government for the increase of their powers in
dealing with external affairs."
CANADA: A. D. 1909 (February).
Participation in a North American Conference on the
Conservation of Natural Resources.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: NORTH AMERICA.
CANADA: A. D. 1909 (April).
Statistics of the Budget speech.
Revenue.
Trade.
No increase of taxation.
The following was reported in a despatch from Ottawa, April
20, 1909:
"Notwithstanding the financial stringency of the past year,
which reduced the revenue of Canada by $11,500,000, Mr.
Fielding, Minister of Finance, in his Budget speech today made
the gratifying announcement that there was a surplus of
$1,500,000 for the year ended March 31. The increase in the
net debt was $46,029,000, of which $32,000,000 was for the
National Transcontinental Railway and the Quebec Bridge. The
total trade of the country during the past year was
$553,737,000, a decrease of $97,000,000, principally in
imports. The estimated expenditures for the current year were
$80,078,624. In the judgment of the Government there was no
necessity for increased taxation, but the situation should be
met by a substantial reduction in expenditures."
CANADA: A. D. 1909 (June).
Important ruling by the Railway Commission affecting
American Railways.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: CANADA: A. D. 1909.
CANADA: A. D. 1909 (July-August).
Imperial Defence Conference.
Its agreements.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY AND NAVAL.
CANADA: A. D. 1909 (August).
Meeting of the British Association for
the Advancement of Science.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: PHYSICAL.
CANADA: A. D. 1909 (August).
Proposed union of the Maritime Provinces.
A Press despatch of August 19, from Ottawa, reported:
"At a conference of the Boards of Trade of the Maritime
Provinces at Charlottetown a resolution was adopted in favour
of the union of the Maritime Provinces. The Governments of
Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island were
asked to appoint a committee to draft terms of union. The
general opinion is that only union can avert the overwhelming
influence of the West in future."
CANADA: A. D. 1909 (December).
Convention relating to obstructions in the St. John River.
"Commissioners have been appointed on the part of the United
States to act jointly with commissioners on the part of Canada
in examining into the question of obstructions in the St. John
River, between Maine and New Brunswick, and to make
recommendations for the regulation of the uses thereof, and
are now engaged in this work."
_Message of the President of the United States to Congress,
December 6, 1909._
CANADA: A. D. 1909-1910.
As affected by the new tariff of the United States.
See (in this Volume)
TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.
CANADA: A. D. 1910.
Anti-Trust Bill in the Dominion Parliament.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: CANADA.
CANADA: A. D. 1910 (January).
Announcement of naval programme.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.
----------CANADA: End--------
CANADA STEEL CORPORATION.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: CANADA: A. D. 1909.
CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAY STRIKE, 1908.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: CANADA: A. D. 1907-1908.
CANAL ZONE.
See (in this Volume)
PANAMA CANAL.
CANALS.
See (in this Volume)
PANAMA, GEORGIAN BAY,
and (for Barge Canal) NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1898-1909.
CAMPANILE OF ST. MARK’S, at Venice.
Its fall.
See (in this Volume)
VENICE: A. D. 1902.
CANBERRA,
YASS-CANBERRA.
Chosen site of the Capital of Australia.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906.
CANCER RESEARCH.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH.
CANDAMO, PRESIDENT MANUEL.
See (in this Volume)
PERU.
CAPE COLONY.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA.
CAPITALISTIC COMBINATIONS.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.;
also RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES.
CAPUCHINS:
Forbidden to teach in France.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1903.
CARDUCCI, Giosue.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
CARLOS I., King of Portugal.
His assassination.
See (in this Volume)
Portugal: A. D. 1906-1909.
CARMEN SYLVA: Queen of Roumania.
See (in this Volume)
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: ROUMANIA: A. D. 1866-1906.
CARNEGIE, ANDREW:
Gift to Scottish universities and students.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: SCOTLAND: A. D. 1901.
CARNEGIE, ANDREW:
Gift of a building at Washington for the
Bureau of the American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS, INTERNATIONAL BUREAU OF.
CARNEGIE, ANDREW:
Gift of a court house and library for the Permanent Court of
Arbitration at The Hague.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1903.
CARNEGIE, ANDREW:
At Peace Congress in New York.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.
CARNEGIE FOUNDATION, FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF TEACHING.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.
CARNEGIE HERO FUNDS.
April 15, 1904, a letter from Andrew Carnegie was made public
announcing that he had set apart a fund of $5,000,000 to be
known as "The Hero Fund." In this letter Mr. Carnegie said:
"We live in an heroic age. Not seldom are we thrilled by deeds
of heroism where men or women are injured or lose their lives
in attempting to preserve or rescue their fellows; such are
the heroes of civilization.
{74}
The heroes of barbarism maimed or killed. I have long felt
that the heroes and those dependent upon them should be freed
from pecuniary cares resulting from their heroism and as a
fund for this purpose I have transferred to a commission
$5,000,000 of collateral 5 per cent bonds of the United States
Steel Corporation." Only such as follow peaceful vocations on
sea or land in the United States or Canada are eligible to
receive money or medals for heroic deeds. The commission which
has charge of the fund has its headquarters in Pittsburg,
Pennsylvania. A similar fund in Great Britain was created soon
afterward by Mr. Carnegie, and in May, 1909, he placed, for
the same purpose, $1,000,000 of the bonds of the United States
Steel Corporation in the hands of trustees in France, under
the sanction of the French Government.
CARNEGIE INSTITUTE, The, at Pittsburg:
Its enlargement and re-dedication.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.
CARNEGIE INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.
CARTAGO, COSTA RICA:
Institution of the Central American Court of Justice.
Gift of a building by Mr. Carnegie.
See (in this Volume)
Central America: A. D. 1908.
CARTELS.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL (IN GERMANY).
CASABLANCA:
Bombardment by French and Spanish fleets.
The Casablanca incident.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.
CASEMENT, ROGER: British consul in the Congo State.
His reports.
See (in this Volume)
CONGO STATE: A. D. 1903-1905.
CASTRO, CIPRIANO:
President of Venezuela.
See in this Volume)
VENEZUELA,
also COLOMBIA: 1898-1902.
CASTRO, Luciano de.
See (in this Volume)
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.
CATALONIA: A. D. 1902.
Disorders.
See (in this Volume)
SPAIN: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1907-1909.
CATHOLIC DISABILITIES, IN ENGLAND:
Majority vote in Commons for removing.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (May).
CATHOLIC PEOPLE’S PARTY.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904.
CATSKILL AQUEDUCT.
See (in this Volume)
NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905-1909.
CATTLE DRIVING.
See (in this Volume)
IRELAND: A. D. 1902-1908.
CAUCASUS, The:
Conflict of Tartars and Armenians.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (February-November).
CENSORSHIP.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1909.
CENSUS BILL, PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT’S VETO OF THE.
See (in this Volume)
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES.
CENSUS BUREAU, CREATION OF A PERMANENT.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902 (March).
CENTER, or CENTRUM PARTY.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.
----------CENTRAL AMERICA: Start--------
CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1906.
Participation of all the states in the Second and Third
International Conferences of American republics.
Their signature of an obligatory arbitration convention.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1902.
Treaty of compulsory arbitration and obligatory peace
between the five republics.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1902.
CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1903.
Honduras: Revolution, establishing General Bonilla
in the Presidency.
In the spring of 1903 a rising in Honduras against the
Government was reported to be in progress, under General
Bonilla. Early in March the situation was stated by the
American consular agent at Amapala as follows:
"A great part of the members of the Congress that was in
session in Tegucigalpa, amongst them the President of the
Congress, fled from the capital to the frontier of Salvador
the 30th of January, so that Congress was de facto dissolved
on that date. It seems that the council of ministers formed a
new Congress out of the remaining deputies and the substitutes
of the fugitives. The new Congress proclaimed Dr. Juan Angel
Arias president, and General Maximo B. Rosales vice-president
of the Republic. The new Government was recognized by
Nicaragua, but I do not know if it was recognized by the other
Central American Republics. In the meantime General Bonilla
has gone ahead with his military operations against the new
government. His forces have taken the fortified towns of
Ocotepeque, Santa Rosa, and Gracias, near the frontier of
Nicaragua. On the 22d of February General Bonilla was as
attacked in El Aceituno by General Sierra, the ex-president,
who was completely defeated and escaped with several hundred
men, the remainder of his troops, to the fortified town of
Nacaome, where he still is. General Bonilla has now an army of
about 4,500 men."
In despatches of the 15th and 24th of April, Minister Combs,
who represented the United States in transactions with both
Guatemala and Honduras, advised the State Department that
General Bonilla was in possession of Tegucigalpa; that
ex-President Arias was a prisoner; that peace was restored,
and that Bonilla should be recognized as President.
Accordingly the recognition was given.
CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1904.
Nicaragua, Honduras, Salvador, and Guatemala: Peace Conference.
A despatch, August 31, 1904, from the American Minister at San
José, Costa Rica, to the State Department at Washington, was
as follows:
"I have the honor to advise that on the 21st instant, at
Corinto, Nicaragua, the Presidents of Nicaragua, Honduras, and
El Salvador, and a special delegate representing the President
of Guatemala, held a conference ostensibly for the purpose of
securing the peace of Central America. … The parties holding
the conference have issued a lengthy manifesto, which
indicates nothing of interest to our Government except that
the four governments represented are controlled by parties who
will aid each other by military force, if necessary, in
maintaining the status quo, and that the peace of Central
America is thus reasonably assured by making revolutionary
efforts more difficult and less liable to achieve success."
{75}
CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1904. Nicaragua and Honduras:
Agreement to arbitrate boundary dispute.
In October, 1904, the United States Government was informed
that Nicaragua and Honduras had agreed to submit a boundary
dispute to the King of Spain.
CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1905. Nicaragua:
Treaty with Great Britain concerning the Mosquito Territory.
The following treaty between Great Britain and the Republic of
Nicaragua was signed at Managua, Nicaragua, April 19, 1905:
Article I.
The High Contracting Parties agree that the Treaty of Managua
of January 28, 1860, is and shall remain abrogated.
Article II.
His Britannic Majesty agrees to recognize the absolute
sovereignty of Nicaragua over the territory that constituted
the former Mosquito Reserve, as defined in the aforesaid
Treaty of Managua.
Article III.
In consideration of the fact that the Mosquito Indians were at
one time under the protection of Great Britain, and in view of
the interest that His Majesty’s Government and the Nicaraguan
Government take in their welfare, the Nicaraguan Government
agree to grant them the following concessions:
(a) The Government will submit to the National Assembly a law
exempting, for fifty years from the date of the ratification
of this Treaty, all the Mosquito Indians and the Creoles born
before the year 1894, from military service, and from all
direct taxation on their persons, property, possessions,
animals, and means of subsistence.
(b) The Government will allow the Indians to live in their
villages enjoying the concessions granted by this Convention,
and following their own customs, in so far as they are not
opposed to the laws of the country and to public morality.
(c) The Nicaraguan Government will concede a further period of
two years for them to legalize their rights to the property
acquired in conformity with the Regulations in force before
1894 in the Reserve. The Government will make no charge to the
said inhabitants either for the lands or the measurement
thereof, or for the grant of title-deeds. For this purpose the
title-deeds in the possession of the said Indians and Creoles
before 1894 will be renewed in conformity with the laws, and,
in cases where no such title-deeds exist, the Government will
give to each family, at their place of residence, eight
manzanas of land, if the members of the family do not exceed
four in number, and two manzanas for each person if the family
exceeds that number.
(d) Public pasture lands will be reserved for the use of the
inhabitants in the neighbourhood of each Indian village.
(e) In the event of any Mosquito Indians or Creoles proving
that the lands which they held in conformity with the
Regulations in force before 1894 have been claimed by and
allotted to other persons, the Government will indemnify them
by the grant of suitable public lands of approximate value as
near as possible to their present residences.
Article IV.
The ex-Chief of the Mosquito Indians, Robert Henry Clarence,
will be permitted by the Nicaraguan Government to reside in
the Republic of Nicaragua and to enjoy full protection so long
as he does not transgress the laws, and provided his acts do
not tend to incite the Indians against Nicaragua.
Article V.
The Mosquito Indians, and other inhabitants of the former
Reserve, will enjoy the same rights as are secured by the laws
of Nicaragua to other Nicaraguan citizens.
CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1906. Honduras, Guatemala, and Salvador:
War, ended by mediation of the United States and Mexico.
Neither the Convention of Peace and Compulsory Arbitration
signed at Corinto in 1902 by the presidents of all five of the
Central American republics, nor the peace agreement between
four of them two years later, sufficed to prevent an outbreak
of war in 1906 which involved the three states of Honduras,
Guatemala, and Salvador. President Roosevelt, in his annual
Message to Congress that year, referred to the war as having
arisen from "trouble which had existed for some time"; but
does not indicate the nature of the "trouble"; nor is any
light thrown on it in a long diplomatic correspondence between
the parties to it and the governments of the United States and
Mexico, which appears in the American report of Foreign
Relations for 1906. Probably nobody outside of the
belligerents ever learned definitely why they felt called upon
to fight, or what they had to settle when peace was made.
Seemingly Honduras was the aggressor; but the affair seems
hardly worth the trouble of any deep investigation. Its chief
importance is in the successful mediation that was undertaken
jointly by the governments of the United States and Mexico, of
which President Roosevelt made report in the Message referred
to above:
"The thoroughly good understanding which exists between the
United States and Mexico," said the President, "enabled this
Government and that of Mexico to unite in effective mediation
between the warring Republics; which mediation resulted, not
without long-continued and patient effort, in bringing about a
meeting of the representatives of the hostile powers on board
a United States warship as neutral territory, and peace was
there concluded; a peace which resulted in the saving of
thousands of lives and in the prevention of an incalculable
amount of misery and the destruction of property and of the
means of livelihood. The Rio Conference passed the following
resolution in reference to this action:
"‘That the Third International American Conference shall
address to the Presidents of the United States of America and
of the United States of Mexico a note in which the conference
which is being held at Rio expresses its satisfaction at the
happy results of their mediation for the celebration of peace
between the Republics of Guatemala, Honduras, and Salvador.’
"This affords an excellent example of one way in which the
influence of the United States can properly be exercised for
the benefit of the peoples of the Western Hemisphere; that is,
by action taken in concert with other American republics and
therefore free from those suspicions and prejudices which
might attach if the action were taken by one alone."
{76}
The resulting "General Treaty of Peace and Amity, Commerce,
etc., between the Republics of Costa Rica, Salvador,
Guatemala, and Honduras," signed September 25, 1906, involved
solemn engagements in its first four articles, as follows:
"ARTICLE 1.
There shall be perpetual peace and a frank, loyal, and sincere
friendship among the Republics of Costa Rica, Salvador,
Guatemala, and Honduras, each and every one of the aforesaid
Governments being in duty bound to consider as one of their
principal obligations the maintenance of such peace and the
preservation of such friendship, by endeavoring to contribute
every means to procure the desired end, and to remove, as far
as lies in their power, any obstacles, whatever their nature,
which might prevent it. In order to secure such ends they
shall always unite when the importance of the case demands it,
to foster their moral, intellectual, and industrial progress,
thus making their interests one and the same, as it becomes
sister countries.
"ARTICLE 2.
In the event, which is not to be expected, that any of the
high contracting parties should fail to comply with or cause
any deviation from any of the subjects agreed to in the
present treaty, such event, as well as any particular
difficulty which may arise between them, shall necessarily be
settled by the civilized means of arbitration.
"ARTICLE 3.
The Governments of Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras, in
conformity with the stipulations of the treaty executed on
board the _Marblehead_, hereby appoint as umpires, Their
Excellencies the Presidents of the United States of America
and of the United Mexican States, to whom all particular
difficulties arising among said Governments shall be submitted
for arbitration.
"For the purpose of agreeing on the manner to effect such
arbitration, the above-mentioned Republics shall accredit, at
the latest within three months from this date, their
respective legations near the Governments of the United States
of America and Mexico, and in the meanwhile arbitration shall
be ruled according to the stipulations of the treaty of
compulsory arbitration concluded in Mexico on the 29th of
January, 1902.
"ARTICLE 4.
Guatemala not having subscribed to the Corinto convention of
January 20, 1902, Costa Rica, Salvador, and Honduras do hereby
respectively declare, that said Corinto convention is to
continue in force, and that any particular difference which
may arise among them shall be settled in conformity with the
aforesaid convention and with the regulations established by
the Central American court of arbitration on the 9th of
October of that year."
Notwithstanding these grave pledges to each other, three of
the parties to this treaty were at war the next year.
CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1907.
Nicaragua, Honduras, and Salvador: War.
Mexican and American Mediation.
The Washington Peace Conference.
General Treaty of Peace and Amity.
Central American Court of Justice.
In February, 1907, a fresh outbreak of Central American war
occurred, originally between Nicaragua and Honduras, but
involving Salvador, presently, in alliance with Honduras. The
arbitration convention of 1904 had not accomplished a specific
settlement of the boundary disputes between Honduras and
Nicaragua, and President Zelaya, of the latter republic,
accused the former of encroachments. Mexico and the United
States had endeavored to pacify the disputants before
hostilities began, but without success. The quarrel was fought
out, and a complete victory won by Nicaragua, whose forces
captured the Honduran capital and drove President Bonilla from
the country. A provisional government was established in
Honduras and terms of peace arranged, April 24th. Then the
good offices of President Roosevelt and President Diaz were
employed again, with the result which the former communicated
to Congress in his Message of December 3, 1907, as follows:
"The effort to compose this new difficulty has resulted in the
acceptance of the joint suggestion of the Presidents of Mexico
and of the United States for a general peace conference
between all the countries of Central America. On the 17th day
of September last a protocol was signed between the
representatives of the five Central American countries
accredited to this Government agreeing upon a conference to be
held in the City of Washington 'in order to devise the means
of preserving the good relations among said Republics and
bringing about permanent peace in those countries.’ The
protocol includes the expression of a wish that the Presidents
of the United States and Mexico should appoint
‘representatives to lend their good and impartial offices in a
purely friendly way toward the realization of the objects of
the conference.’ The conference is now in session and will
have our best wishes and, where it is practicable, our
friendly assistance."
The first regular session of the Conference was held on the
14th of November, the place of meeting being the building of
the International Bureau of the American Republics. In
addition to the delegates present from the States of Costa
Rica, Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua, the
Republic of Mexico designated Señor Don Enrique C. Creel,
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the United
States, and the United States designated Honorable William I.
Buchanan, as representatives from Mexico and the United States
at the conference. The Honorable Elihu Root, Secretary of
State of the United States, was present, also, at the first
session, over which he presided until the organization of the
Conference had been effected. His opening address to the
Conference included these wise and impressive remarks:
"We cannot fail, gentlemen, to be admonished by the many
failures which have been made by the people of Central America
to establish agreement among themselves which would be
lasting, that the task you have before you is no easy one. The
trial has often been made and the agreements which have been
elaborated, signed, ratified, seem to have been written in
water. Yet I cannot resist the impression that we have at last
come to the threshold of a happier day for Central America.
"It would ill become me to attempt to propose or suggest the
steps which you should take, but I will venture to observe
that the all-important thing for you to accomplish is that
while you enter into agreements which will, I am sure, be
framed in consonance with the most peaceful aspirations and
the most rigid sense of justice, you shall devise also some
practical methods under which it will be possible to secure
the performance of those agreements.
{77}
The mere declaration of general principles, the mere agreement
upon lines of policy and of conduct are of little value unless
there be practical and definite methods provided by which the
responsibility for failing to keep the agreement may be fixed
upon some definite person, and the public sentiment of Central
America brought to bear to prevent the violation. The
declaration that a man is entitled to his liberty would be of
little value with us in this country were it not for the writ
of _habeas corpus_ that makes it the duty of a specific
judge, when applied to, to inquire into the cause of his
detention, and set him at liberty if he is unjustly detained.
The provision which declares that a man should not be deprived
of his property without due process of law would be of little
value were it not for the practical provision which imposes on
specific officers the duty of nullifying every attempt to take
away a man’s property without due process of law.
"To find practical definite methods by which you shall make it
somebody’s duty to see that the great principles you declare
are not violated, by which if an attempt be made to violate
them the responsibility may be fixed upon the guilty
individual—those, in my judgment, are the problems to which
you should specifically and most earnestly address
yourselves."
The address of Secretary Root was followed by one of excellent
counsel from the Mexican Ambassador, and a reply to both was
made, on behalf of the Conference, by Señor Don Luis Anderson,
Minister of Foreign Affairs of Costa Rica. The Conference then
elected its officers, choosing Minister Anderson for its
President, and proceeded to the transaction of business.
Fourteen sessions were held between November 14 and December
20, resulting from which eight conventions were agreed to and
signed on the latter date. These conventions are:
General Treaty of Peace and Amity;
Additional Convention to the General Treaty;
Establishing a Central American Court of Justice;
Extradition;
On Future Conferences (Monetary);
On Communications;
Establishing an International Central American Bureau;
and Establishing a Pedagogical Institute.
The essential provisions of the General Treaty of Peace and
Amity are in the following articles:
"ARTICLE I.
The Republics of Central America consider as one of their
first duties in their mutual relations, the maintenance of
peace; and they bind themselves to always preserve the most
complete harmony, and decide every difference or difficulty
that may arise amongst them, of whatsoever nature it may be,
by means of the Central American Court of Justice, created by
the Convention which they have concluded for that purpose on
this date."
"Article III.
Bearing in mind the central geographical position of Honduras
and the facilities which this circumstance has afforded in
order that its territory should have been most often the
theatre of Central American conflicts, Honduras declares from
now on its absolute neutrality in any event of conflict
amongst the other Republics; and the latter, in their turn,
provided such neutrality be observed, bind themselves to
respect it and in no case to violate the Honduranean
territory.
"ARTICLE IV.
Bearing in mind the advantages which must be gained from the
creation of Central American institutions for the development
of their most vital interests, besides the Pedagogical
Institute and the International Central American Bureau which
have been established according to the Conventions celebrated
to that end by this Conference, the creation of a practical
Agricultural School in the Republic of Salvador, one of Mines
and Mechanics in that of Honduras, and another of Arts and
Trades in that of Nicaragua, is especially recommended to the
Governments.
"ARTICLE V.
In order to cultivate the relations between the States, the
contracting parties obligate themselves each to accredit to
the others a permanent Legation.
"ARTICLE VI.
The citizens of one of the contracting parties, residing in
the territory of any of the others, shall enjoy the same civil
rights as nationals, and shall be considered as citizens in
the country of their residence if they fulfill the conditions
which the respective constituent laws provide. Those that are
not naturalized shall be exempt from obligatory military
service, either by sea or land, and from every forced loan or
military requirement, and they shall not be obliged on any
account to make more contributions or ordinary or
extraordinary imposts than those which nationals pay."
"ARTICLE X.
The Governments of the contracting Republics bind themselves
to respect the inviolability of the right of asylum aboard the
merchant vessels of whatsoever nationality anchored in their
ports. Therefore, only persons accused of common crimes and by
order of the competent judge, after due legal procedure, can
be taken from them. Those prosecuted on account of political
crimes or common crimes in connection with political ones, can
only be taken therefrom in case they have embarked in a port
of the State which claims them, whilst they may remain in its
jurisdictional waters, and after the requirements hereinbefore
exacted in the case of common crime have been fulfilled."
"ARTICLE XIV.
Public instruments executed in one of the contracting
Republics shall be valid in the others, provided they shall
have been properly authenticated and in their execution the
laws of the Republic whence they proceed shall have been
observed."
"ARTICLE XVI.
Desiring to prevent one of the most frequent causes of
disturbances in the Republics, the contracting Governments
shall not permit the head men or principal chiefs of political
emigrations, nor agents thereof, to reside in the departments
fronting on the countries whose peace they might disturb.
"Those who may have been actually established in a permanent
manner in a frontier department shall be able to remain in the
place of their residence under the immediate surveillance of
the Governments affording them an asylum, but from the moment
when they become a menace to public order they shall be
included in the rule of the preceding paragraph.
"ARTICLE XVII.
Every person, no matter what his nationality, who, within the
territory of one of the contracting parties, shall initiate or
foster revolutionary movements against any of the others,
shall be immediately brought to the capital of the Republic,
where he shall be submitted to trial according to law."
"ARTICLE XIX.
The present Treaty shall remain in force for the term of ten
years counted from the day of the exchange of ratifications.
Nevertheless, if one year before the expiration of said term,
none of the contracting parties shall have given special
notice to the others concerning its intention to terminate it,
it shall remain in force until one year after such
notification may have been made."
{78}
The "Additional Convention to the General Treaty "is in three
articles, as follows:
"ARTICLE I.
The Governments of the High Contracting Parties shall not
recognize any other Government which may come into power in
any of the five Republics as a consequence of a coup d’Etat,
or of a revolution against the recognized Government, so long
as the representatives of the people, freely elected, have not
constitutionally reorganized the country.
"ARTICLE II.
No Government of Central America shall in case of civil war
intervene in favor of or against the Government of the country
where the struggle may take place.
"Article III.
The Governments of Central America, in the first place, are
recommended to endeavor to procure by the means at their
command a constitutional reform in the sense of prohibiting
the reëlection of the President of a Republic, where such
prohibition does not exist, in the second place to adopt all
measures necessary to effect a complete guarantee of the
principle of alternation in power."
The "Convention for the Establishment of a Central American
Court of Justice" contains thirty-eight articles, with a
"Provisional Article" and an "Annexed Article" appended. The
more important provisions are in the following:
"ARTICLE I.
The High Contracting Parties agree by the present Convention
to constitute and maintain a permanent tribunal which shall be
called the ‘Central American Court of Justice,’ to which they
bind themselves to submit all controversies or questions which
may arise among them, of whatsoever nature and no matter what
their origin may be, in case the respective Departments of
Foreign Affairs should not have been able to reach an
understanding.
"ARTICLE II.
This Court shall also take cognizance of the questions which
individuals of one Central American country may raise against
any of the other contracting Governments, because of the
violation of Treaties or Conventions, and other cases of an
international character; no matter whether his own Government
supports said claim or not; and provided that the remedies
which the laws of the respective country provide against such
violation shall have been exhausted and that a denial of
justice shall be shown.
"ARTICLE III.
It shall also take cognizance of the cases which by common
accord contracting Governments may submit to it, no matter
whether they arise between two or more of them or between one
of said Governments and individuals.
[Footnote: After signing the treaties an omission was
discovered in this Article. An additional protocol was
thereupon signed by all the delegates adding to this Article,
and to be considered as an integral part of the Convention,
the following words:
"It shall also have jurisdiction over cases arising between
any of the contracting Governments and individuals, when by
common accord they may have been submitted to it.]
"Article IV.
The Court may likewise take cognizance of the international
questions which by special agreement any one of the Central
American Governments and a foreign Government may have
determined to submit to it.
"ARTICLE V.
The Central American Court of Justice shall sit at the City of
Cartago in the Republic of Costa Rica, but it shall be
authorized to transfer its residence to another point in
Central America when it may deem it proper to do so for
reasons of health, of guaranteeing the exercise of its
functions, or of the personal security of its members.
"ARTICLE VI.
The Central American Court of Justice shall consist of five
Justices named, one from each Republic and selected from among
the jurists who possess the qualifications which the laws of
each country may exact for the exercise of high judicial
functions, and enjoy the highest consideration, not only
because of their moral character but also on account of their
professional ability. The vacancies shall be filled by
substitute Justices, named at the same time and in the same
manner as the regular ones and who shall unite the same
qualifications as the former. The attendance of the five
Justices who constitute the Tribunal is indispensable in order
to have a legal quorum in the judgments of the Court.
"ARTICLE VII.
The legislative power of each one of the five contracting
Republics shall name one regular and two substitutes as their
respective Justices. The salary of each Justice shall be eight
thousand dollars, gold, per annum, which shall be paid by the
Treasury of the Court. The salary of the Justice of the place
where the Court resides shall be designated by the respective
Government. Besides, each State shall contribute two thousand
dollars, gold, annually for the ordinary and extraordinary
expenses of the Tribunal. The Governments of the contracting
Republics bind themselves to include their respective
contributions in their budgets of expenses and to remit
quarterly in advance to the Treasury of the Court the
proportion which corresponds to them on account of such
expenditures."
"ARTICLE XIII.
The Central American Court of Justice represents the national
conscience of Central America, wherefore the Justices who
compose the Tribunal shall not consider themselves prohibited
from the exercise of their functions because of the interest
which the Republics, whence they derive their appointment, may
have in any case or question. With regard to implications and
challenges, the rules of procedure which the Court may fix
shall make proper provision."
"ARTICLE XXII.
The Court is authorized to determine its jurisdiction,
interpreting the Treaties and Conventions germane to the
matter in dispute, applying the principles of international
law.
"ARTICLE XXIII.
Every final or interlocutory decision shall be rendered in
accordance with the agreement of at least three of the
Justices of the Court. In case of disagreement, one of the
substitute Justices shall be chosen by lot, and if still a
majority of three be not obtained other Justices shall
continue to be chosen by lot until three votes in the same
sense shall have been obtained.
"ARTICLE XXIV.
The decisions must be in writing and shall contain a statement
of the reasons upon which they are based. They must be signed
by all the Justices of the Court and countersigned by the
Secretary. Once they have been published they cannot be
altered on any account; but, at the request of any of the
parties, the Tribunal may decide the interpretation which must
be given to its judgment.
{79}
"Article XXV.
The judgments of the Court shall be communicated to the five
Governments of the Contracting Republics. The interested
parties solemnly bind themselves to submit to said judgment;
and they all agree to lend every moral support that may be
necessary in order that they may be properly fulfilled, in
this manner constituting a real and positive guarantee of
respect for this Convention and for the Central American Court
of Justice."
"Article XXVII.
The High Contracting Parties solemnly declare that for no
motive nor in any case will they consider the present
Convention as lapsed; and that, therefore, they will consider
it as being always in force during the term of ten years
counted from last ratification. In the event that the
political entity of one or more of the Contracting Republics
is changed or altered, the attributes of the Central American
Court of Justice created by this Convention shall be suspended
_ipso facto_; and a conference to adjust the constitution
of said Court and the new order of things shall be forthwith
convoked by the respective Governments; in case they do not
unanimously agree the present Convention shall be considered
as rescinded."
"PROVISIONARY ARTICLE.
As a recommendation of the five Delegations an Article is
annexed which contains an amplification of the Central
American Court of Justice, in order that the Legislatures that
may deem it proper may see fit to include it upon ratifying
this Convention."
"ANNEXED ARTICLE.
The Central American Court of Justice shall also have
jurisdiction over the conflicts which may arise between the
Legislative, Executive and Judicial Powers, and when as a
matter of fact the judicial decisions and congressional
resolutions are not respected."
CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1908.
Inauguration of the Central American Court of Justice.
Gift of a building for its use by Mr. Carnegie.
The Central American Court of Justice, contemplated in the
treaty of 1907, quoted above, was formally instituted, at
Cartago, Costa Rica, with appropriate ceremony, in the last
week of May, 1908. The Honorable William I. Buchanan, in
attendance as Commissioner from the United States, added
interest to the occasion by announcing the proffer of a gift
of $100,000 by Mr. Andrew Carnegie, for the erection of a
building to be dedicated to the exclusive use of the Court.
CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909.
Financial undertakings in New York.
Honduras, Costa Rica, and Guatemala.
In the summer of 1909 various financial undertakings by great
banking houses in New York were announced, involving some
handling of the debts of Honduras, Costa Rica, and Guatemala.
It was thought that these operations were in line with efforts
of the State Department at Washington and the Bureau of
American Republics to bring about the establishment of a chain
of American banking houses in the Latin-American countries,
for the advancement of American trade and the promotion of
more intimate Pan-American relations.
CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909.
Nicaragua.
Establishment of a colony of Sioux Indians from
the United States.
A dispatch to the Press from Boston, November 17, 1909, made
the following statement:
"To save the remnant of the Sioux tribe of Indians from
extinction by consumption and other diseases, a colony of the
Indians will be established in Nicaragua early in the new
year. Chief Little Bison, a full-blooded Sioux, sailed from
Boston on the steamship Esparta to-day for Nicaragua, where he
will receive the deeds to 16,000 acres of land granted by the
Nicaraguan government for the establishment of the colony. The
project is supported financially by F. S. Dellenbaugh, head of
the American Geographical Society, and several wealthy New
York people. The emigration of the Indians is expected to
begin in January."
CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909.
President Zelaya a menace to peace.
His conduct trying the patience of the United States.
In the early spring of 1909 the disturbing attitude and
conduct of the Nicaraguan President, Zelaya, not only towards
his near neighbors of Salvador and Honduras, but also in the
relations of his Government with that of the United States,
had caused the latter to enter again into consultation with
the Mexican Government, as to joint action to preserve peace.
For some years the United States had been trying to bring
about the settlement of a claim against the Nicaraguan
Government preferred by an American company. This Emery claim,
as it was known, arose in connection with a concession granted
in 1898 for cutting and exporting mahogany. The concession
provided that any differences which should arise between the
Government and the company should be arbitrated by a tribunal
of three members, one to be selected by the Government, one by
the company, and the third by these two arbitrators. In 1903
an accusation of smuggling was brought against the company,
and the questions raised were submitted to the stipulated
tribunal. This decided that, inasmuch as the company had paid
taxes to the Government three years in advance, amounting to
$30,000, the concession could not be annulled, as President
Zelaya wished to have done. Nevertheless Zelaya declared it
annulled, and caused proceedings to be instituted for stopping
the company’s exportations. This led the American Government
to interpose. Under instructions from Washington, its Minister
at Managua, Mr. Merry, addressed the following note to the
Nicaraguan Minister of Foreign Affairs, December 15, 1906:
"I have the honor to inform you that I have received
instructions from my Government to make an urgent and firm
request that your Excellency’s Government will settle the
Emery company controversy by an international arbitration, and
that until a decision has been given thereby, your
Excellency’s Government will restore to the Emery company all
its property, dismissing all legal prosecutions in the case,
and permitting the company to resume its work under its
concession, as if no controversy had arisen."
This communication secured a promise of the desired
international arbitration, and the stopping meantime of
proceedings of interference with the company’s business. But
when the protocol of arbitration was to be drawn the
Nicaraguan Government refused to have any question of damages
to the company included. On this contention the settlement was
blocked for more than two years, and the patience of the
Washington Government was about worn out. In just what
wrappings of diplomatic language it made that fact apparent
has not yet been disclosed to the public; but evidently the
understanding of Señor Zelaya was duly penetrated.
{80}
On the 26th of May last (1909) his representative at
Washington signed a protocol which provided that the questions
at issue between the Government of Nicaragua and the Emery
Company should be submitted to arbitration, unless the parties
could make their own settlement within four months.
This, however, did not end troubles with Nicaragua,—or,
rather, with its presidential dictator. Revolutionary attempts
in the republic to unseat him gave rise to new offenses on his
part against the United States, which President Taft, in his
Message to Congress, December 6, 1909, recounted as follows:
"Since the Washington conventions of 1907 were communicated to
the government of the United States as a consulting and
advising party, this government has been almost continuously
called upon by one or another, and in turn by all of the five
Central American republics, to exert itself for the
maintenance of the conventions. Nearly every complaint has
been against the Zelaya government of Nicaragua, which has
kept Central America in constant tension or turmoil. The
responses made to the representations of Central American
republics, as due from the United States on account of its
relation to the Washington conventions, have been at all times
conservative and have avoided, so far as possible, any
semblance of interference, although it is very apparent that
the considerations of geographic proximity to the Canal Zone
and of the very substantial American interests in Central
America give to the United States a special position in the
zone of these republics and the Caribbean Sea.
"I need not rehearse here the patient efforts of this
government to promote peace and welfare among these republics,
efforts which are fully appreciated by the majority of them
who are loyal to their true interests. It would be no less
unnecessary to rehearse here the sad tale of unspeakable
barbarities and oppression alleged to have been committed by
the Zelaya government. Recently two Americans were put to
death by order of President Zelaya himself. They were officers
in the organized forces of a revolution which had continued
many weeks and was in control of about half of the republic,
and as such, according to the modern enlightened practice of
civilized nations, they were entitled to be dealt with as
prisoners of war.
"At the date when this message is printed this government has
terminated diplomatic relations with the Zelaya government,
for reasons made public in a communication to the former
Nicaraguan chargé d’affaires, and is intending to take such
future steps as may be found most consistent with its dignity,
its duty to American interests, and its moral obligations to
Central America and to civilization. It may be necessary for
me to bring this subject to the attention of the Congress in a
special message."
Some days previous to the date of the President’s Message, the
Secretary of State, Mr. Knox, had addressed a letter of
extreme severity to the Nicaraguan Chargé d’Affaires at
Washington, Mr. Rodriguez, reviewing the conduct of the
Nicaraguan Government, and saying: "In these circumstances the
President no longer feels for the government of President
Zelaya that respect and confidence which would make it
appropriate hereafter to maintain with it regular diplomatic
relations, implying the will and the ability to respect and
assure what is due from one State to another." The conclusion
of the letter was as follows: "To insure the future protection
of legitimate American interests, in consideration of the
interests of the majority of the Central American republics,
and in the hope of making more effective the friendly offices
exerted under the Washington conventions, the government of
the United States reserves for further consideration at the
proper time the question of stipulating also that the
constitutional government of Nicaragua obligate itself by
convention for the benefit of all the governments concerned as
a guarantee for its future loyal support of the Washington
conventions and their peaceful and progressive aims.
"From the foregoing it will be apparent to you that your
office of charge d’affaires is at an end. I have the honor to
enclose your passports for use in case you desire to leave
tins country. I would add at the same time that, although your
diplomatic quality is terminated, I shall be happy to receive
you as I shall be happy to receive the representative of the
revolution, each as the unofficial channel of communication
between the government of the United States and the de facto
authorities to whom I look for the protection of American
interests pending the establishment in Nicaragua of a
government with which the United States can maintain
diplomatic relations."
President Zelaya at once protested against this arraignment,
telegraphing to Secretary Knox that his sources of information
had been prejudiced, and asking that the United States send a
commission of investigation, proposing to resign if his
administration was shown to be detrimental to Nicaragua.
Receiving no reply, he resigned the presidency of Nicaragua on
the 16th of December, announcing the fact by cable to
President Taft in these words:
"To avoid harm to my country, and desiring that it shall renew
friendly relations with the United States, I have to-day sent
my resignation to Congress. As my opponents consider my
presence a disturbing factor, I propose to show my good faith
by leaving Nicaragua. I stand ready to account for my acts."
The vacant presidential office was filled by the Congress of
Nicaragua, which elected Dr. Madriz, the choice having been
dictated, it was believed, by Zelaya. The revolutionists with
whom Zelaya had been contending since October, and who had, on
their part, elected and proclaimed their leader, General Juan
Estrada, Provisional President of Nicaragua, refused to
recognize this Congressional election, and continued, against
the government of Madriz, the revolt they had organized
against Zelaya, determined to secure for Estrada the power to
order a presidential election by the people.
On Christmas Eve Zelaya left Nicaragua for Mexico, being
conveyed by a Mexican gunboat from Corinto to Salina Cruz. A
few weeks later he migrated to Europe and is understood to
have taken up his residence in Belgium.
The revolt led by General Estrada is still in progress at the
time this writing goes into print (early in March, 1910), but
the latest reports do not warrant expectations of its success.
----------CENTRAL AMERICA: End--------
{81}
CENTRAL AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
See, (in this Volume) also,
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
CENTRAL BANK QUESTION.
See (in this Volume)
FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909-1910.
CENTRO CATOLICO.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.
CHAFFEE, Major-General Adna R.:
Military Governor of the Philippines.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.
CHAFIN, Eugene W.:
Nominated for President of the United States.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).
CHAMBERLAIN, Austen:
Postmaster-General in the English Ministry.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JULY).
CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:
Address at opening of Colonial Conference of 1902.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE.
CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:
On a State-rights question in Australia.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902.
CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:
Declaration for Preferential Trade with the Colonies.
His resignation from the Cabinet.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (MAY-SEPTEMBER).
CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:
Visit to South Africa.
Views on the Labor question.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903-1904.
CHAMPLAIN TERCENTENARY CELEBRATION.
See (in this Volume)
NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909.
CHANG CHIH-TUNG:
Measures as viceroy to check the use of opium.
See (in this Volume)
OPIUM PROBLEM.
CHANTABUN:
Restored to Siam.
See (in this Volume)
SIAM: A. D. 1902.
CHANUTE, OCTAVE.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.
CHARITIES.
See (in this Volume)
POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF; SOCIAL BETTERMENT; and
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW.
CHARLES I., King of Roumania.
What he has done for his kingdom.
See (in this Volume)
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: ROUMANIA.
CHARLES, Prince, of Denmark:
Election to the Norwegian Throne.
Assumes the name of Haakon VII.
See (in this Volume)
NORWAY: A. D. 1902-1905.
CHARLESTON: A. D. 1901.
The "South Carolina and Interstate and West Indian
Exposition."
Under this name, a very beautiful and successful exhibit of
the progress of Southern industry and art, and of the
possibilities of West Indian and Spanish-American trade, was
opened at Charleston on the 1st of December, 1901. The site of
the exposition was a tract of one hundred and sixty acres of
ground, only two and a half miles from the business section of
the city, embracing the famous old Lowndes estate, with its
historic mansion, which the present owner permitted to be used
as the Women’s Building of the occasion. Fine taste and a high
public spirit entered into the making of this very interesting
Fair.
CHARTREUX MONKS.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1904 (June-July).
CHEMULPHO.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY) and (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).
CHICAGO: A. D. 1896-1909.
Institution and work of the Municipal Voters’ League.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: CHICAGO.
CHICAGO: A. D. 1899.
Institution of the first Juvenile Court.
See (in this Volume)
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.
CHICAGO: A. D. 1903.
The burning of the Iroquois Theater.
Chicago has now two of the most painful memories of fire that
are in the past of any city. The second was added on the
afternoon of December 30, 1903, when 588 people perished in
the burning of the Iroquois Theater. The audience was made up
principally of women and children, many of whom belonged to
prominent families. The whole city was plunged in grief, and
the whole world shared in the sorrow and manifested its
sympathy. The theater was a new one, and was regarded as the
best of any in the city in its method of construction. But
inquiry soon proved that it was defective in its provisions
for safety. Further examination, moreover, showed a similar
condition in other places of assembly, with the result that
all the theaters, with many churches and halls in Chicago,
were closed by order of the mayor, pending their compliance
with certain provisions of the law.
CHICAGO: A. D. 1905.
Strike of the Teamsters’ Union.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905 (APRIL-JULY).
CHICAGO: A. D. 1905-1908.
Struggle for a better charter.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
CHICAGO: A. D. 1906.
Packing-House Investigation.
See (in this Volume)
Public Health: PURE FOOD LAWS: UNITED STATES.
CHICAGO: A. D. 1907.
National Conference on Trusts.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.
CHICAGO: A. D. 1909.
Population, and race mixture.
The City Statistician of Chicago, in his manual for 1909,
gives the number of the inhabitants of the city as 2,572,835,
of whom 699,554 are Americans or persons whose parents are not
foreign born. The Germans rank second, with a population of
563,708; the Irish third, with a population of 240,560. Next
come the Poles, with 173,409; the Swedes, with 143,307; the
Russians, with 123,238; the Bohemians, with 116,549. Thirty
other foreign countries given are all below the 100,000 mark.
The Chinese population is given as 1,801, the Japanese as 257.
The Albanians are the lowest, with a population of 39.
CHICAGO: A. D. 1909.
"The Chicago Plan."
Systematizing the future development.
"Early in 1906 the Merchants’ Club, comprising a group of the
younger business and professional men of the city, arranged
for the preparation of a complete project for the future
development of Chicago. The next year the Merchants’ Club was
merged with the Commercial Club under the name of the latter
organization, and the city-planning work was continued under
the auspices of that body." The resulting "Plan of Chicago"
was reported in the course of the summer of 1909. "The report
represents about thirty months’ work by men whose thoughts for
years have dwelt upon the subject of city building and
beautification. The work was in charge of Daniel H. Burnham,
chief architect and director of works of the World’s Columbian
Exposition of 1893, who gave his services to his city without
compensation for the purpose of this report. Even so, the
expense of preparing and publishing the report has
approximated $75,000, all raised by voluntary subscriptions
from the business men of Chicago."
_George C. Sikes,
The New Chicago
(The Outlook, August 28, 1909)._
{82}
CHICAGO: A. D. 1909 (May).
The Second National Peace Congress.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.
CHICAGO, MILWAUKEE AND ST. PAUL TRANSCONTINENTAL LINE.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.
CHI-KUAN-SHAN, Fort, Capture of.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).
----------CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: Start--------
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW:
As Dependents:
England: The Poor Law Children.
The following is from a speech in Parliament June 17, 1909, by
Mr. John Burns, President of the Local Government Board, which
administers the Poor Laws and the Public Health Laws:
"In England and Wales there were 235,000 children supported by
the rates either inside or outside Poor Law institutions, and
of these 70,000 were in cottage homes, barrack schools,
scattered homes, and similar institutions. The cost per child
maintained in cottage homes varied from 12s. 9d. to 25s. 2d.
per week, and in scattered homes from 8s. 6d. to 11s. 2d. At
this moment the number of children in workhouse schools, which
in 1870 was 29,000, was only from 500 to 600; 19,000 of the
Poor Law children were being educated in elementary schools
outside. … With regard to sick children he was delighted to
hear the almost unanimous chorus of appeal that the Local
Government Board should do a great deal by administration.
They had, in fact, transferred 1,000 out of the 2,500 sick
children from the London workhouses and infirmaries to an
institution on the healthy and breezy downs of Surrey at
Carshalton, where they could be better treated, and where they
would recover much more quickly than in any of the workhouses
and infirmaries in London. If he could find more buildings or
institutions available he would transfer more children. He
should not rest until all the sick children throughout the
country were transferred from workhouses and infirmaries to
institutions in the country where they would recover health
more rapidly."
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW:
United States: Proposed Federal Child Bureau.
Transmitting to Congress, on the 5th of February, 1909, the
proceedings of a conference held at Washington on the care of
dependent children, President Roosevelt accompanied it with a
message, in which he urged the establishment of a Bureau in
one of the Departments of the Federal Government, to
centralize attention to the subject; with the enactment of
such legislation as will bring the laws and practices in
regard to the care of dependent children in all Federal
territory into harmony, and certain legislation in behalf of
dependent children in the District of Columbia. The President
maintained that such legislation is important not only for the
welfare of the children immediately concerned, but "as setting
an example of a high standard of child protection by the
National Government to the several States of the Union, which
should be able to look to the nation for leadership in such
matters."
Statistics showing the large number of dependent children in
the country were presented by Mr. Roosevelt. "Each of these
children, he said, represents either a potential addition to
the productive capacity and the enlightened citizenship of the
nation, or, if allowed to suffer from neglect, a potential
addition to the destructive forces of the community. The ranks
of criminals and other enemies of society are recruited in an
altogether undue proportion from children bereft of their
natural homes and left without sufficient care. The interests
of the nation are involved in the welfare of this army of
children no less than in our great material affairs."
In urging a Children’s Bureau, one of whose duties will be to
investigate and report upon all matters pertaining to the
welfare of children and child life, the President pointed out
that "the National Government is the only agency which can
effectively conduct such general inquiries as are needed for
the benefit of all our citizens."
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW:
As Dependents and as Offenders:
England: The Children Act of 1908.
Infant Life Protection.
Reformatory and Industrial Schools.
Treatment of Youthful Criminals.
No death-sentence for them.
Special "Places of Detention."
Juvenile Courts.
An act entitled The Children Act, passed by the Parliament of
the United Kingdom in December, 1908, and which came into
effect April 1, 1909, has such importance that it has been
described as "The Children’s Charter." According to its full
title it is "An Act to consolidate and amend the Law relating
to the Protection of Children and Young Persons, Reformatory
and Industrial Schools and Juvenile Offenders, and otherwise
to amend the Law with respect to Children and Young Persons."
It gathers into one great enactment nearly everything in which
the guardianship of Law can be specially extended to them,
except the matters of education and child labor, which are
subjects of distinct legislation. It repeals wholly twenty-one
previous enactments and amends more or less seventeen more. It
contains 134 sections and fills a so-called Parliamentary
"White Book" of 93 pages.
As used in the Act, the word "child" means a person under 14
years; the expression "young person" means one above that age,
but under sixteen.
The Act is divided into six parts, which are concerned with
the following main subjects:
(1) Infant Life Protection.
(2) The Prevention of Cruelty to Children and Young Persons.
(3) Juvenile Smoking.
(4) Reformatory and Industrial Schools.
(5) Juvenile Offenders.
(6) Miscellaneous and General.
The provisions for "infant life protection" have to do mainly
with the supervision of "baby-farming." Foster parents are
forbidden to insure the life of a nurse-child and insurance
companies are forbidden to accept any such insurance.
Juvenile smoking is dealt with very drastically, the penalties
for selling cigarettes or the material for making them to
persons under sixteen years of age being sharp, and both
policemen and park-keepers in uniform being empowered to take
such materials from the persons of Juvenile smokers.
{83}
The part of the Act which relates to reformatory and
industrial schools enables the Courts to deal effectively with
youthful offenders without subjecting them to the prison
taint. Boys or girls between the ages of 12 and 16 who are
convicted of offences punishable in the case of adults with
penal servitude or imprisonment may be sent to a certified
reformatory school. In certain defined cases, children may be
taken from depraved or drunken parents and consigned to a
certified industrial school. In these cases the child may be
brought before the Court by any person in order that the
provisions of the Act may be set in force. Parents who are
unable to control their children may themselves take advantage
of the Act, and in these cases the Court may place the
children under the supervision of a probation officer instead
of sending them to an industrial school. In all cases of
children who are liable to be consigned to an industrial
school, there is given to the Courts the alternative power of
committing them to the care of relatives or other fit persons
with or without the supervision of the probation officer.
The most important part of the Act, perhaps, is that relating
to juvenile offenders. It allows no young person under sixteen
years of age to be sentenced to death. "Sentence of death,"
says this Law, "shall not be pronounced on or recorded against
a child or young person, but in lieu thereof the Court shall
sentence the child or young person to be detained during his
Majesty’s pleasure."
In future, also, no child may be sentenced to imprisonment or
penal servitude for any offence, or committed to prison in
default of payment of a fine, damages, or costs. No young
person may be sentenced to penal servitude for any offence,
nor may he be sentenced to imprisonment or committed to prison
in default of payment of a fine or costs, unless the Court
certifies that he is of so unruly a character or so depraved
that it is not desirable to send him to a "place of detention"
provided under the Act. These provisions relating to the
substitution of "detention" for imprisonment did not come into
force until January 1, 1910.
This part of the Act makes elaborate arrangements for the
treatment of youthful criminals, both before and after trial.
Special "places of detention" are to be opened in all petty
sessional divisions. Here children will be placed on arrest
(if for some special reason they cannot be released on a
recognizance), or after being remanded or committed for trial.
Here they may be kept in custody instead of being lodged in
gaol if they are sentenced to terms of imprisonment of less
than one month. Persons under 16 years of age must also be
tried in special "juvenile Courts," unless they are charged
jointly with adult offenders. A "juvenile Court" must sit
"either in a different building or room from that in which the
ordinary sittings of the Court are held, or on different days
or at different times from those at which the ordinary
sittings are held." Only the Court officials, those directly
interested in the case, and the representatives of the Press
may be admitted to these Courts, unless the special leave of
the magistrate is obtained. Every effort is to be made, both
before and after trial, to prevent the association of children
with adult criminals. Finally, parents and guardians are to be
required to attend the hearing of charges against their
children or wards, and may be ordered to pay any fines,
damages, or costs imposed.
The miscellaneous provisions of the Act include a number of
importance, to prevent the giving of intoxicating liquors to
children, to exclude them from drinking places, to safeguard
them at entertainments, and to make the Act applicable to
Scotland and Ireland.
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: As Offenders:
Canadian provision for Separate Detention,
Reformatory Imprisonment, etc.
The Canadian Prisons and Reformatory Act of 1906 provides
that—"Young persons apparently under the age of sixteen years
who are,
(a) arrested upon any warrant; or,
(b) committed to custody at any stage of a preliminary inquiry
into a charge for an indictable offence; or,
(c) committed to custody at any stage of a trial, either for
an indictable offence or for an offence punishable on summary
conviction; or,
(d) committed to custody after such trial, but before
imprisonment under sentence;
shall be kept in custody separate from older persons charged
with criminal offences and separate from all persons
undergoing sentences of imprisonment, and shall not be
confined in the lock-ups or police stations with older persons
charged with criminal offences or with ordinary criminals."
Other sections of the Act confer discretionary authority on
courts and magistrates to sentence convicted offenders whose
age does not exceed sixteen years, and whose offence is
punishable by imprisonment, to reformatory prisons, for not
less than two nor more than five years; also, in certain
cases, to commit such offenders to a certified industrial
school, from which they may sometimes be permitted to be taken
for apprenticeship to any respectable and trustworthy person.
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW:
The George Junior Republic.
Much attention has been turned from many directions, within
the last few years, upon the reformatory experiment which
bears the name of The George Junior Republic. From an ordinary
undertaking to give a few summer weeks of country fresh air to
a group of neglected, roughly-bred boys, out of the slums of
the City of New York, it has grown into a unique institution,
which remolds character and refashions life for hundreds of
the young of both sexes, who had been given wrong startings in
the world by the circumstances into which they were born. It
has done this by the simple method of organizing them into a
self-governing community,—a republic in which they are
citizens, invested with all the responsibilities, duties, and
cares that go with republican citizenship in its larger
spheres. They make and administer its laws, conduct its public
business and its politics, manage its institutions, generate
and have experience of its public opinion. The moral and
social influence of this training has now been proved by more
than a decade of success.
This remarkable organization was not framed up by its
architect, Mr. William R. George, on the lines of a
preconceived theory, but took its shape slowly from
suggestions of experience as they came.
{84}
He began in 1890 to take companies of boys of the hoodlum
class from New York City to his place of summer residence, at
Freeville, a few miles from Ithaca and not far from Auburn,
New York. He found it hard to rule them, and no satisfactory
corrections of wrong-doing and bad behavior could be devised.
Physically they were bettered by their summer outings, but he
could not see much gain in other ways. This continued for some
seasons before his experiments with them began. The first to
be applied was a rule that such articles of clothing and the
like as had formerly been given to the boys must be paid for
in work. At the outset they resented the idea; but before the
summer was over they were all cheerfully at work, and the tone
of the party was much improved. In the next year culprits, who
robbed orchards and committed other misdemeanors, were
arraigned before the whole community, for a hearing and a
public verdict as to their guilt. Hard labor at stone-breaking
and the building of a road now became the penalty for
wrong-doing, and, presently, there was a boy constable to see
that they did their work.
So, step by step, from year to year, the fabric of
self-government and self-supporting industry was constructed,
until the Junior Republic emerged, with its President and
other executive officers, its representative legislature, its
courts, its police, its own monetary system and bank,—a
political and industrial commonwealth of boys and girls (for
both sexes have been included), taken out of a derelict class
for treatment by this simple inoculation with social
responsibilities. Writing of the George Junior Republic in
1908, Dr. Lyman Abbott said:
"It now has as a territory a hundred and fifty acres of land
owned by the Board of Trustees, and the practical use of a
hundred and fifty more belonging to Mr. George and some other
friends of the Republic who have made their home here because
such residence affords them an opportunity to give guidance
and inspiration to the boys and girls. The citizens, i. e. the
boys and girls in the Republic, number upwards of a hundred
and fifty. They are in some cases signed over to the Republic
by the parents, in other cases practically committed on
suspended sentences by the courts. They are extraordinarily
free within the territory, but are not free to leave it.
Laundry, baking, carpentry, and printing are the principal
trades indoors; road-making and land improvement the principal
industries out-of-doors. There are two jails, one for the
boys, one for the girls; a library, a school-house, a chapel,
bank, and a well-organized banking and currency system. There
is a court, and there is a judge, who is elected every year by
the citizens. From this court an appeal lies in certain cases
to a Supreme Court chosen by the boys from the Board of
Trustees, but this court only passes on the regularity of the
proceedings in the court below, that is, on what might be
regarded as equivalent to constitutional and jurisdictional
questions. There are a President, a Vice-President, a
Secretary of State, and a Secretary of the Treasury, all of
whom are elected annually; the three latter officers
constituting the Police Commissioners, the Board of Health,
and the President’s Cabinet. There are both a girl and a boy
District Attorney, who are appointed by the President, and
certain police officers and prison keepers. All citizens of
the Republic, both boys and girls, over fourteen years of age,
are voters; no one can remain a citizen after twenty-one. The
legislature has been abolished by the citizens themselves, and
all laws are made in town meeting, which is held once a month.
…
"The Republic has been in existence long enough to give the
experiment a fair trial, and the results justify the
expectations of its friends. In round numbers, about five
hundred have gone out from the Republic into life, most of
them taken from the class of boys and girls whose environment
was fruitful of crime and whose tendency was toward a criminal
career. Of these five hundred two or three are known to have
returned to crime, and five or six have disappeared entirely.
But of these eight or ten failures not one was in the Republic
more than a few months—not long enough to get the benefit of
the training. The other four hundred and ninety are known to
be earning an honest livelihood by honorable labor; and of
these four hundred and ninety, twenty have either graduated
from college, are now in college, or are just preparing to
enter college. At this writing two new Republics are about
being organized, one in Georgia and one in California, and a
movement is on foot for the organization of a National
Association."
Some months later than the above account of the Junior
Republic there were reported to be kindred organizations
modelled upon it in Connecticut and Maryland, with movements
to the same end in Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and New
Jersey, as well as in some countries abroad. Mr. Thomas M.
Osborne, of Auburn, who has been from an early day the chief
supporter of Mr. George in his work, said recently in a
published letter:
"I believe that the success of the Junior Republic idea, as we
have worked it out during the last fourteen years, is no
longer dependent upon Mr. George, its originator, or upon any
one man. Its established principles will now live on into the
far future, and work the sure righting of thousands of
youngsters gone wrong in every section of the greater
republic."
But it may work much more than "the sure righting of thousands
of youngsters gone wrong." It may, if its working widens and
roots itself among the institutions of the future, as it seems
likely to do, have a very potent and positive political
influence in the world. If men and women representative of a
class that is now troublesome to democracy, politically as
well as otherwise, should by and by be brought in large
numbers yearly from graduation in the Young Republic training
schools of imitative citizenship, to be joined with their
elders in larger spheres of more entire self-government, are
they not likely to introduce a profounder change in the
operation of republican institutions than can now be foreseen?
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: Juvenile Courts.
Their origin and development.
A collection of reports on "Children’s Courts in the United
States," prepared for the International Prison Commission and
edited by Mr. Samuel J. Barrows, Commissioner for the United
States, was published in 1904 as House Document No. 701 of the
58th Congress, 2d Session. The following account of the origin
of the now widely established Juvenile Courts of America and
Europe, and of their development in the United States during
the first four years of their existence, is derived from those
reports.
{85}
Commissioner Barrows opens his introduction to the collected
reports with the following remarks:
"If the question be asked, 'What is the most notable
development in judicial principles and methods in the United
States within the last five years?’ the answer may
unhesitatingly be, ‘The introduction and establishment of
juvenile courts.’ Never perhaps has any judicial reform made
such rapid progress. Beginning in Chicago in 1899, this
institution has sprung up in city after city and State after
State until it is now established in eight States and eleven
large cities. This progress has been made not merely by
changes in procedure or legal technique, nor by the
introduction of a new method; it is most of all by the
introduction of a new spirit and a new aim. … It must not be
supposed that the juvenile court is only a smaller court for
smaller offenders or simply a court holding separate sessions
for such offenders; it represents an altogether different
principle. The juvenile court is a life-saving institute in
society.
"It is scarcely necessary to say that child-saving methods,
institutions, and organizations have long flourished in the
United States. The Northern States have regarded juvenile
reformatories as a part of their correctional equipment, and
the courts have served as vestibules for such institutions;
but they have only been incidentally a part of the process. We
have not before realized what the court might be and do before
resorting to institutions. The children’s court still
maintains relations with the reform school, but it represents
in itself active and vital forces and invokes a whole range of
influence and motives which are personal and formative. It
appeals to the reform school not as the first, but only as the
last resort. The juvenile court has discovered that the child
is a child, and, as Judge Hurley says, ‘The child should be
treated as a child. Instead of reformation, the thought and
idea in the judge’s mind should always be formation. No child
should be punished for the purpose of making an example of
him.’ …
"The methods of children’s courts, or juvenile courts, as they
are termed in some States, differ in different places. In some
States the judge is detailed from some other court; in some
courts but one judge is assigned to this work. In New York
several judges from the court of special sessions act
successively in turn as judges of the children’s court. In
Maryland and Indiana the judges of the children’s courts
exercise this function only, and it is claimed that it is
better than the method of rotation, since the judge who
confines himself to juvenile court cases becomes a specialist
in this work. In Colorado Judge Lindsey is not only judge of
the juvenile court, but also of the county court. He finds
advantage in the fact that in his first capacity he can
protect the child, while as judge of the county court he can
also sentence the guardian or parent who is responsible for
the child’s delinquency.
"An essential feature of every juvenile court is the probation
system and probation officers. Their duty is to investigate
the case before trial, and, if the child is placed on
probation, to exercise watchcare over them until the period of
probation is closed. It is in this way that the parental care
of the State is exerted."
The City of Chicago and the Legislature of Illinois have the
honors of the origination of the Children’s Court as a
distinct creation of law. The Visitation and Aid Society of
Chicago had been laboring since 1891 to secure various
measures of advanced legislation bearing on child-saving,
without much success, until, as related in a report by Mr.
Hurley, of that Society, the Bar Association of Chicago took
the matter in hand, in 1899, and appointed a committee to
press it. This committee drafted the first juvenile court law
ever planned distinctly to that end and secured its enactment
by the Legislature of the State. The law went into force on
the 1st of July, 1899. The Court was soon opened, and Judge
Tuthill, of the Circuit Court of Illinois, who presided in it
from the first, has stated the principles of its constitution
and action in these following words:
"The basic principle of the law is this: That no child under
16 years of age shall be considered or be treated as a
criminal; that a child under that age shall not be arrested,
indicted, convicted, imprisoned, or punished as a criminal. It
of course recognizes the fact that such children may do acts
which in an older person would be crimes and be properly
punishable by the State therefor, but it provides that a child
under the age mentioned shall not be branded in the opening
years of its life with an indelible stain of criminality, or
be brought, even temporarily, into the companionship of men
and women whose lives are low, vicious, and criminal.
"The law divides children into two classes, the ‘dependent’
and the ‘delinquent.’ A dependent child, in the language of
the law, is a child—‘who for any reason is destitute or
homeless or abandoned, or has not proper parental care or
guardianship, or who habitually begs or receives alms, or who
is found living in any house of ill fame or with any vicious
or disreputable person, or whose home, by reason of neglect,
cruelty, or depravity on the part of the parents, guardian, or
other person in whose care it may be, is an unfit place for
such a child.’ A ‘delinquent child’ is defined to be—‘any
child under the age of 16 who violates any law of this State
or any city or village ordinance, or who is incorrigible, or
who knowingly associates with thieves, vicious, or immoral
persons, or who is growing up in idleness or crime, or who
knowingly frequents a house of ill fame, or who knowingly
patronizes any policy shop or place where any gaming device is
or shall be operated.’
"The law places its enforcement upon the judges of the circuit
court, who are required to select one of their number to
perform these duties as a part of the judicial work of such
judge. … The circuit court is a court of original and
unlimited jurisdiction, the highest in the State, and the duty
of holding the juvenile court was placed in the circuit court
(which for convenience is designated the ‘juvenile court’) as
an indication by the legislature of the importance to the
State of the work to be done.
"The case of each child brought into court, whether dependent
or delinquent, becomes of record, and every step taken in the
case is shown upon the court record."
Interest in the Illinois Law was awakened quickly in many
parts of the country, and requests for copies of it, says Mr.
Hurley in his historical sketch, "began to pour in from all
directions. These requests were promptly answered and copies
of the Juvenile Court Record, published by the Visitation and
Aid Society, containing the necessary information, were sent
to applicants.
{86}
Agitation began in other States for a law similar to the one
passed in Illinois, and those who helped to form the Illinois
law were invited to visit other States to explain the measure
and the method of administering the law in Cook County.
"The Illinois law proved so satisfactory that many judges
throughout the country, not wishing to await the action of a
legislature, established branches in their several courts for
children cases only, and in the treatment of the cases applied
the probate and chancery powers of the court. This was the case
especially in Denver, Colorado, where Judge Ben D. Lindsey had
a complete and well-equipped juvenile court and probation
system before the legislature took any action whatever. A like
court was subsequently adopted in Indianapolis by George W.
Stubbs. The two latter courts were carried on practically in
the same way that they have been since laws were adopted by
these States. In most of the States the probation officers are
volunteers."
Judge Lindsey, of Denver, has won celebrity among the
presiding magistrates of the Juvenile Courts by the kindly
shrewdness of the methods by which he has won the confidence,
the admiration and devotion of the boys and girls of his city,
within the classes with which he has to deal. The scene which
his court-room presents on the appointed days when the
delinquents on probation come in a body to report to him and
to be talked to by him has been often described, and it seems
to exemplify a kind of influence that would go farther than
any other in resistance to the vitiating conditions which
surround masses of the young in all cities. Judge Lindsey’s
extended report of his work and experience in the Denver
Juvenile Court, published in the collection referred to above,
is a paper of remarkable interest.
As stated already, the Juvenile Court is now an established
institution in nearly every part of the United States, and in
many countries abroad. It was established in Great Britain by
the notable "Children Act" of 1908 (see above), and was
instituted that year in several of the German cities. A Press
despatch from Berlin, March 15, 1909, reported the opening of
a congress in that city, under the auspices of the German
Association for the Care of the Young, which aims at the
extension of this important reform. "The labors of the
society," says the despatch, "seem to have been stimulated by
the passing of the English Children Act of 1908, a German
translation of which has been distributed to members of the
congress. The movement for the establishment of special Courts
for juvenile offenders was taken up in Germany later than in
some other countries, but has recently made rapid progress.
The first children’s Courts were established on January 1,
1908, at Cologne, Stuttgart, and Breslau, and there are now 26
such Courts in Prussia. Official statistics, however, indicate
that in recent years the total number of juvenile offenders in
Germany has grown about three times as fast as the total
number of offenders of all ages. During 1906, 55,211 persons
under the age of 18 were sentenced, as compared with 51,232 in
1905 and 49,993 in 1904."
At the meeting of the International Prison Commission, at
Lausanne, Switzerland, in 1907, it was significant of the deep
interest which the children’s court has awakened in Europe
that nineteen societies in France, including the Academy of
Moral and Political Sciences, the General Society of Prisons,
and the faculties of law of Paris, Lille, and Montpellier, and
several of the most prominent tribunals in France, asked to
have the whole subject of the organization of children’s
courts elucidated and discussed. A similar interest was shown
in Switzerland and Germany.
In an extended letter to the London _Times_, published
August 19, 1909, Miss Florence Davenport-Hill traced the
origin of children’s courts to Massachusetts, and gave the
following account of their introduction from that source of
suggestion into Australia, and thence, to some extent, into
Great Britain. Miss Davenport-Hill’s statements on the subject
are, in part, as follows:
"Although we hear little now from our earliest exemplar,
Massachusetts—possibly because she has, I believe, cleared
away the class to be dealt with—it is desirable to remember it
was she who evolved the then new principle of absolute
separation of child from adult, and devised its potent
supporter, the probation system—a system affording watchful
and kindly help to strong and maybe wilful weaklings. Thus did
Massachusetts become a noble example, making the way plain for
her successors. Mr. Joseph Sturge, attracted early in the
eighties by reports of the ‘plan,’ visited Boston to
investigate its methods. He describes in a pithy narrative
subsequently published how his highest expectations were
fulfilled; and it is interesting to learn from his pen that
‘the probation system by which juvenile offenders are saved
from imprisonment has been so successful, economically and
morally, that the city of Boston now employs a probation agent
to deal with suitable adult cases in a corresponding manner.’
"A copy of Mr. Sturge’s narrative reached, by good fortune,
the Chief Justice of South Australia, then presiding at a
Royal Commission of inquiry concerning adult and juvenile
dependents on the State. He recognized, and in his forthcoming
report expounded, the value of the Massachusetts plan in its
application to children. The result was the creation by the
South Australian Government of a department, entitled the
State Children’s Council, consisting of 12 ladies and
gentlemen nominated by the State as honorary members, to deal
with erring and neglected children on the lines of that plan.
…
"Nineteen years ago the Children’s Court was opened in
Adelaide, and in October, 1903, thanks, Sir, to your
sympathetic courtesy, the reproduction in _The Times_ of
a letter describing it in the _Melbourne Argus_ from Miss
Alice Henry made known among us its scope, methods, and
success. Gradually Benches of Magistrates in various parts of
Great Britain and of Ireland who led the way tried the
experiment, which was then discovered to be already existing
among us here and there, and in a more or less developed form,
as at Greenwich, Hull, &c."
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: As Workers:
Canada: Child Labor Legislation.
"There is not in any province a comprehensive act dealing with
the subject of child labor as a whole, and even in Ontario,
which has its Factories Act, its Shops Act, its Mines Act, its
Municipal Act, its Truancy Act—all bearing on the matter more
or less directly—it is still possible for young children to be
kept at work by their parents for mercilessly long hours under
sweat-shop conditions.
{87}
Prince Edward Island, Saskatchewan, and Alberta have neither
Shops nor Factories Acts. Ontario, Nova Scotia, Manitoba, and
British Columbia have both; Quebec and New Brunswick have
Factories Acts, and six of the provinces have Mines Acts. The
several Factories Acts resemble one another closely. In
general, they prohibit the employment of girls under eighteen
and boys under sixteen in factories where the work is
dangerous or unhealthy; forbid the employment of children
under fourteen in any manufacturing establishment (except
canning factories) in three provinces; limit the hours of
labor for women and children to ten hours a day and sixty
hours a week; and specify the amount of overtime permissible
for these classes of workers. The Shops Acts, upon the whole,
allow greater latitude to the employers of children; thus the
hours of labor are longer and the conditions often not less
injurious than those in factories. Except in Ontario, no age
limit is set under which a child may not begin work in a shop.
Again by the Mines Acts of British Columbia, children of
twelve may be employed above ground, and by those of
Saskatchewan and Nova Scotia boys of twelve may work under
ground. The enforcement of the laws restricting child labor
has, from various causes, proved somewhat inadequate. For
instance, Nova Scotia has had a Factories Act since 1901, but
no inspector of factories till the present year; while
Ontario, with a Truancy Act that, if enforced, would prevent
many children from engaging in unsuitable labor, has vested
the appointment of truancy officers in the municipalities, and
these, in many instances, have neglected to make
appointments."
_The Outlook,
November 14, 1908._
Recent changes in child labor laws in Canada are as follows:
In Ontario the Factories Act limits the working time of boys
under sixteen to ten hours, forbids the employment of children
under twelve within doors, and restricts the privileges
extended to canning factories. The Shops Act is amended by
raising the age limit from ten to twelve years. Manitoba
forbids the employment of minors as bartenders. Alberta has
raised the age limit of children employed in mines from twelve
to sixteen years. British Columbia prohibits the employment of
boys under fourteen and girls under fifteen except in the
canning of fish.
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: England:
The Employment of Children Act, 1903.
An Act "to make Better Provision for Regulating the Employment
of Children" became law in August, 1903. Most of the
responsibility for a proper protective regulation of child
labor was imposed by this enactment on the local authorities
of the Kingdom. Among its provisions were the following:
"1. Any local authority may make byelaws—
(i) prescribing for all children, or for boys and girls
separately, and with respect to all occupations or to any
specified occupation,—
(a) the age below which employment is illegal; and
(b) the hours between which employment is illegal; and
(c) the number of daily and weekly hours beyond
which employment is illegal:
(ii) prohibiting absolutely or permitting, subject to
conditions, the employment of children in any specified
occupation.
"2. Any local authority may make byelaws with respect to
street trading by persons under the age of sixteen. …
"3.
(1) A child shall not be employed between the hours of nine
in the evening and six in the morning: Provided that any
local authority may, by byelaw, vary these hours either
generally or for any specified occupation.
(2) A child under the age of eleven years shall not be
employed in street trading.
(3) No child who is employed half-time under the Factory
and Workshop Act, 1901, shall be employed in any other
occupation.
(4) A child shall not be employed to lift, carry, or move
anything so heavy as to be likely to cause injury to the
child.
(5) A child shall not be employed in any occupation likely
to be injurious to his life, limb, health or education,
regard being had to his physical condition. …
"4.
(1) A byelaw made under this Act shall not have any effect
until confirmed by the Secretary of State, and shall not
be so confirmed until at least thirty days after the local
authority have published it in such manner as the
Secretary of State may by general or special order direct. …
"13. In this Act—The expression ‘child’ means a person under
the age of fourteen years:
"The expression ‘guardian,’ used in reference to a child,
includes any person who is liable to maintain or has the
actual custody of the child:
"The expression ‘employ’ and ‘employment,’ used in reference
to a child, include employment in any labour exercised by way
of trade or for the purposes of gain, whether the gain be to
the child or to any other person: …
"The expression ‘street trading’ includes the hawking of
newspapers, matches, flowers, and other articles, playing,
singing, or performing for profit, shoe-blacking, and any
other like occupation carried on in streets or public places."
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: Germany:
Child Labor Legislation and its operation.
The Reichstag, in 1903, passed a new law for the protection of
children, concerning the operation of which a well known
English student of social conditions in Germany wrote as
follows in 1908:
"Several significant facts may be noted in relation to the
protection of childhood in Germany. The legal age of admission
to full employment in factories and workshops is fourteen
years, though on the production of efficiency certificates
children may be employed for not more than six hours daily at
the age of thirteen, yet of the 5,607,657 industrial workers
subject to inspection in 1905 only 10,245, or under 0.2 per
cent., were below fourteen years, and in some States there
were none. To show the progress which has been made in this
respect it may be stated that in 1875 10 per cent. (88,000 out
of a total of 880,500) of the factory workers were between
twelve and fourteen years of age. … At the same time there is
reason to believe that a serious exhaustion of juvenile
strength takes place in the unregulated home industries of
Germany. Further, from the age of six the child of the people
attends the primary school for seven or eight years, and in
many cases he is required to attend a continuation school
several years longer. In most of the large towns the scholar
from first to last receives free systematic medical care at
the hands of the school doctors. It begins with a thorough
examination on admission, and the health record thus opened is
continued throughout the whole period of school life, so that
the child is under constant medical supervision until it
reaches the working age. Many towns have gone further, and
have established dental surgeries, and attached eye and ear
specialists to the primary schools."
_W. H. Dawson,
The Evolution of Modern Germany,
page 327 (Unwin, London; Scribner’s, New York)_.
{88}
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: United States:
Child Labor Laws of the several States in 1908,
and as amended since.
The requirements of an effective child labor law are set forth
in Pamphlet No. 60 of the National Child Labor Committee as
resting "primarily upon certain definite prohibitions, among
which are the following:
Labor is prohibited (1) for all children under the age of
fourteen years;
labor is prohibited (2) for all children under sixteen years
of age who do not measure sixty inches and weigh eighty pounds;
labor is prohibited (3) for all children under sixteen years
of age who cannot read fluently and write legibly simple
sentences in the English language;
labor is prohibited (4) for all children under the age of
sixteen years, between the hours of 7 p. m. and 7 a. m. or
longer than eight hours in any twenty-four hours, or longer
than forty-eight hours in any week;
labor is prohibited (5) for all children under the age of
sixteen years in occupations dangerous to life, limb, health
or morals."
Further prescriptions of the Committee relate to the
regulations and agencies of authority requisite to an
effective enforcement of the Law.
In Bulletin Number 62 of the United States Bureau of Labor
published in January, 1906, there is published a compilation
of the laws relating to child labor in each State of the
Union, as amended and in force at the close of the year 1905.
An examination of them shows that the proposed standard had
not then been measured up to in any State, or approached even
nearly by more than a few. In not one had the law prescribed a
test by weight or measure of the bodily development of a child
that should mark Nature’s consent to his employment in any
kind of work.
Thirteen States, namely, California, Connecticut, Delaware,
Indiana, Kansas, Minnesota, New Jersey, Ohio, Oregon,
Pennsylvania, Tennessee, West Virginia, and Wisconsin,
prohibited in general terms the employment of children under
fourteen years in mechanical, manufacturing or mercantile
establishments, or to that apparent effect. New York did the
same, with the proviso that children over twelve might have
employment during school vacation times. Rhode Island,
likewise, excepted the vacation time for children under
fourteen. The State of Washington allowed certain judges to
make exemptions from a similar prohibition, for the needed
support of helpless parents. Maine, Michigan, New Hampshire,
North Dakota, Texas, Vermont, Virginia, West Virginia, and
Wisconsin fixed the age under which no child may be employed
in wage-earning labor at twelve. Louisiana appointed it at
twelve for a boy and fourteen for a girl. Colorado placed it
at twelve for labor in mines only. Florida raised it to
fifteen, but only as prohibitory without consent of "those
having legal control" of the child. Alabama and Nebraska had
it lowered to ten years. South Carolina had kept it at ten
until 1903, at eleven until 1904, and at twelve until May,
1905. In the Massachusetts law no absolute prohibition of
child labor within any age line appeared.
Educational requirements, conditioning the employment of
children, were in most of the State laws, as they stood at the
end of 1905, and many of them satisfied the third rule
propounded by the National Child Labor Committee, as given
above.
In the next three years after the Bureau of Labor’s
compilation of child labor laws, great reforms in them were
brought about, as shown by comparison with the "Handbook 1908"
of "Child Labor Legislation" compiled by Josephine Goldmark
for the National Consumers’ League, and published originally
as a Supplement to the Annals of the American Academy of
Political and Social Science, May, 1908. Some statements from
this are given below:
"The age below which child labor is prohibited varies from
sixteen to ten years. The number of employments prohibited
also varies greatly—from all employment during school hours to
mine work only. … Eleven states prohibit work to the sixteenth
birthday in either mines or specific occupations injurious to
health, or both. These are, for mines, New York, Oklahoma,
Pennsylvania (inside anthracite mines), Texas; for specific
occupations, Kentucky, Minnesota, Missouri, Ohio, Wisconsin;
for both, Illinois and Montana."
The fifteen year age limit is prescribed in only one State,
South Dakota, which forbids it in mines, factories, hotels,
laundries, theatres, bowling alleys, elevators, messenger
service, or places where liquors are sold.
The age limit of fourteen years is prescribed differently in
different States. With various qualifications, employment
below that age in factories, stores, offices, laundries,
hotels, theatres, bowling alleys, is prohibited in California,
Idaho, Illinois, Iowa, Indiana, Kentucky, Michigan, Missouri,
Nebraska, New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin.
In factories or stores it is forbidden in Connecticut,
Massachusetts, North Dakota, Oregon, Rhode Island, and
Washington.
In factories it is not permitted in Arkansas, Colorado,
Delaware, Kansas, Louisiana, Maine, Minnesota, New Jersey,
Tennessee, Texas, Wisconsin.
In messenger service it is made unlawful in California, Idaho,
Illinois, Kentucky, Maryland, Michigan, Missouri, Nebraska,
New York, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Vermont, Washington,
Wisconsin.
Children under this age are excluded from mines in Arkansas,
Colorado, Idaho, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Minnesota,
Missouri, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Tennessee,
Utah, Washington, Wisconsin, Wyoming.
In all the prohibitions above cited many and various
exceptions are allowed in the laws of different States—as for
school-vacation periods, for children of widows and disabled
fathers, etc. In like manner, the following State laws which,
on general principles, forbid all employment of children under
fourteen years during school hours, provide for numerous and
different exceptional circumstances: California, Colorado,
Connecticut, District of Columbia, Idaho, Illinois, Kentucky,
Massachusetts, Minnesota, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, New
Hampshire, New York, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, South Dakota,
Vermont, Washington, West Virginia, Wisconsin.
{89}
The thirteen year age limit is fixed only in North Carolina,
which excepts apprentices.
The twelve year limit is applied (with exceptions for the
vacation months) to factories or stores in California, to most
descriptions of regular employment in Maryland, and to
factories in West Virginia. It is applied to factories, with
varied exceptions, in Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana,
Mississippi, New Hampshire, North Dakota, South Carolina, and
Texas. It applies to factories, quarries, railroads, and
messenger service in Vermont, and to factories, stores, and
mines in Virginia. To mines distinctly it applies in Alabama,
Florida, Maryland (if the twelve-year child is not wholly
illiterate), North Carolina, North Dakota (in school hours),
Pennsylvania (in bituminous mines only), South Carolina,
Virginia, West Virginia (vacation excepted).
The ten year old limit for labor to be lawful was only in
Georgia factories, with exceptions for the babes of widows and
disabled fathers.
As to hours of labor, "six states limit employment to 9 hours
in one day and 54 in one week:—California, Delaware, Florida,
Idaho, Missouri, and New York (applying to children under 16
in stores and as messengers).
"Twenty-four states restrict work to 10 hours in one day and
either 55, 58 or 60 hours in one week.
"Five states, Alabama, Georgia, North Carolina, Pennsylvania
and Tennessee allow more than 10 hours work in one day," in
the hours per week they permit.
"Those states which fail to restrict the hours of labor
allowed in one _week_ as well as in one _day_ invite
the possibility of seven days’ labor. In Washington, for
example, women and girls may not only work ten hours at night,
they may do this every night, including Sunday.
"Work at night is effectively restricted to the 16th birthday
in 18 states. Twelve states set an early closing hour for
children under 16 years, New York fixing 5 p. m.; Michigan,
Ohio, Oregon and Wisconsin 6 p. m., and Alabama, Idaho,
Illinois, Kentucky, Minnesota, Missouri and New Jersey (in
stores) fixing 7 p. m. Of these, the Ohio law is the most
comprehensive, since it includes girls to the 18th birthday."
"Children have no positive immunity from night work unless the
hours are explicitly stated between which it is unlawful to
employ them. … The District of Columbia, 4 territories and 20
states fail to prohibit work at night after a definite closing
hour. The sinister feature of this list is the presence of
Connecticut, Delaware, Indiana, Louisiana, Maine, Maryland,
New Hampshire, Tennessee and West Virginia, all of them
important manufacturing states having industries in which
children are employed."
Since the compilation of the above several states have made
important changes in or additions to their child labor laws,
as follows:
In Kentucky the age limit is raised to 14 years during school
terms, children between 14 and 16 not to be employed without
certificate from school authorities. The hours of labor are
limited to ten hours a day and sixty hours a week, and night
work is prohibited for children under 16 years.
In Louisiana a fourteen-year age limit is established, with a
9 hour working day, and night work is prohibited for boys
under 16 and girls under 18 years.
Mississippi has established a twelve-year limit, applicants
under sixteen being required to furnish a certificate of age
and educational advantages, and one from county health officer
showing physical condition. The time limit is ten hours daily,
58 hours a week.
"New Jersey enacted a compulsory education law, requiring
school attendance of all children between the ages of seven
and seventeen, except that children of fifteen who have
completed the grammar grades and are regularly employed may be
excused. This places the age limit for employment during the
school period at fifteen years.
"In New York a law was passed transferring the enforcement of
the mercantile child labor law from local boards of health in
cities of the first class to the State Labor Department, and
providing for the creation of a bureau of mercantile
inspection. This law became effective October 1st, 1908." It
made important changes, affecting dangerous employments, which
became effective October 1st, 1909.
"In Ohio an important measure was passed limiting the hours
for boys under sixteen and girls under eighteen to eight per
day and forty-eight per week."
_National Child Labor Committee
(General Secretary’s Annual Report)._
An act to regulate the employment of child labor in the
District of Columbia was passed by Congress on May 28, 1908.
This law prescribes an age limit of fourteen years, and
prohibits employment during school hours. Exceptions may be
made for children in the service of the Senate, or for those
whose labor is necessary for the support of a disabled or
widowed parent. Street trades are forbidden to boys under ten
and girls under sixteen years of age. The time limit for
children under sixteen is eight hours a day and forty-eight
hours a week.
The report of the National Child Labor Committee, for the year
ending September 30, 1909, gives the following additional
changes: In South Carolina a system of factory inspection was
adopted. The hours of labor, however, were changed from 10 to
11 hours a day. In Maine an educational test was adopted, and
the hours reduced from 60 to 58 per week. Rhode Island reduced
the hours for women and children from 60 to 56 per week.
Pennsylvania enacted a law requiring adequate proof of age of
children seeking employment, and requiring school certificate.
Hours of labor have been reduced in the following States:
Michigan to 54 hours a week for all women and for males under
18; Kansas, Oklahoma, North Dakota to 8 hour day and 48 hour
week; Delaware to 9 hour day and 54 hour week; Maine to 10
hour day and 58 hour week for boys under 16, and girls under
18; Rhode Island to 56 hour week for minors under 16 and all
women.
Night work has been prohibited in the following additional
States: Delaware, Kansas, North Dakota, Michigan, Oklahoma,
California.
Compulsory education laws have been passed in Arkansas and
Tennessee, and revised and improved in New Jersey, New York,
and Missouri.
See, also.
LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.
----------CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: End--------
{90}
CHILDREN, Public Playgrounds for.
See (in this Volume)
PLAYGROUND MOVEMENT.
CHILDS, RICHARD S.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES.
----------CHILE: Start--------
CHILE: A. D. 1901-1906.
Participation in Second and Third International Conferences
of American Republics, at Rio de Janeiro.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
CHILE: A. D. 1902.
Noble Peace Agreements between Chile and the Argentine
Republic.
Treaty for Arbitration of all Disputes.
Limitation of Armaments.
See (in this Volume)
War, The Revolt against: A. D. 1902.
CHILE: A. D. 1903.
Sale of war vessels to Great Britain.
Pursuant to her Convention with Argentina, for the reduction
of armaments, Chile, in this year, sold two newly built war
vessels to Great Britain.
CHILE: A. D. 1906.
Installation of President Montt.
His prospective difficulties.
Don Pedro Montt, elected President of Chile in June, 1906,
was installed in office on the 10th of September following—the
anniversary of Chilean independence. United States Minister
Hicks, reporting the ceremony to his Government, added the
following remarks on the political situation:
"The new President takes office while enjoying great personal
popularity. He is the son of Don Manuel Montt, who was
President of Chile from 1851 to 1862. His reputation is that
of a calm, well-balanced man, of unimpeachable integrity,
strong and self-reliant, but conciliatory and far-seeing. He
begins his career with many difficulties on his hands. One
question left over from the last administration—that of the
rectorship of the university—is already causing considerable
trouble. Under the law the President appoints the rector from
three persons named by the doctors of the university itself.
Señor Letelier has been so named, but as he is said to be a
liberal and even a freethinker, the church party and the
conservatives generally are fighting him. The new President
selected a cabinet last week entirely different from the one
now in office, but owing to the rectorship question and some
other things it failed and a new one had to be appointed
hurriedly.
"Among other difficulties to be met by the new President is
the opposition of the Senate. It is understood that there is a
majority in that body against him, and it is liable to operate
unfavorably to him. Still his friends have full confidence that
he will succeed in quieting opposition and will retain the
unlimited confidence of the people.
"Under the Chilean constitution much of the power delegated to
the President under the American Constitution is retained by
Congress. That body really dictates to the President the
appointment or removal of his cabinet and thus his functions
are quite different from those of the President of the United
States."
CHILE: A. D. 1906.
Destructive earthquake.
See (in this Volume)
EARTHQUAKES: CHILE.
CHILE: A. D. 1907.
Diplomatic relations with Peru reestablished.
Diplomatic relations with Peru were reestablished in 1907; but
the old sore question between the two countries, concerning
the interpretation of the peace treaty of Ancón (1884),
relative to the provinces of Tacna and Arica, which Chile took
from Peru in the preceding war, remains open.
See (in Volume VI.)
CHILE.
CHILE: A. D. 1909.
Contract given for the Arica-La Paz Railway.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: CHILE-BOLIVIA.
CHILE: A. D. 1909.
Arbitration of the Alsop Claim of the United States.
"Many years ago diplomatic intervention became necessary to
the protection of the interests in the American claim of Alsop
and Company against the government of Chili. The government of
Chili had frequently admitted obligation in the case, and had
promised this government to settle it. There had been two
abortive attempts to do so through arbitral commissions, which
failed through lack of jurisdiction. Now, happily, as the
result of the recent diplomatic negotiations, the governments
of the United States and Chili, actuated by the sincere desire
to free from any strain those cordial and friendly relations
upon which both set such store, have agreed by a protocol to
submit the controversy to definitive settlement by his
Britannic Majesty, Edward VII."
_Message to Congress of President Taft,
December, 1909._
The claim referred to is that of "the Alsop Company of New
York and Connecticut which advanced large sums of money to the
Bolivian government in exchange for the right to valuable
guano deposits in that country and other concessions. The
government contracted further to return a part of the loan
from the receipts of customs at the port of Arica. Before her
contract could be fulfilled Bolivia lost Arica and the
adjoining districts to Chili in war. In 1885, following
representations by the American State Department, Chili agreed
to assume the obligations of Bolivia to the Alsop Company. She
has never, however, made good her promise, and the matter has
been the subject of diplomatic negotiations ever since. The
claim now amounts to more than $1,500,000."
CHILE: A. D. 1909.
Building of the Transandine Railway Tunnel.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: ARGENTINA-CHILE.
CHILE: A. D. 1909 (October).
Naval plans.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL: CHILEAN.
----------CHILE: End--------
----------CHINA: Start--------
CHINA: A. D. 1887-1907.
Increase of Christian Mission Schools.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: CHINA.
CHINA: A. D. 1900-1905.
Sudden and rapid upspringing of newspapers.
"Without giving actual statistics, it may be mentioned that
Peking, which had no newspaper up to the time of the Boxer
rising—except a short-lived weekly started by the Peking
Reform Club and suppressed by the Empress Dowager—has now
three daily newspapers and two fortnightly ones, some of these
being partly illustrated. Tientsin has at least three dailies,
one of these, the _‘Ta-kung Pao’_ ('The Impartial’),
having the very respectable circulation of twenty thousand.
The official organ which calls itself the ‘Times’ (the
_‘Shih Pao’_), although not so widely circulated, is well
written under European auspices and has considerable
influence.
{91}
In Shanghai there are now sixteen daily papers (price, eight
to ten _cash_ each), some of which have circulations of
as much as ten thousand, and besides these there are many
journals published there. Further south (at Foochow, Soochow,
and Canton), there are in all some six or seven daily papers,
and at Hong-Kong five, while Kiaochow has one, which is
supported by the local German government. In addition to
these, several papers are now published in the interior, but
the majority, for various reasons, flourish in the treaty
ports."
_A. R. Colquhoun
The Chinese Press of To-day
(North American Review, January, 1906)._
CHINA: A. D. 1900-1906.
Progressive tariff and internal taxation measures to check
the consumption of opium.
See (in this Volume)
OPIUM PROBLEM.
CHINA: A. D. 1901-1902.
The Russian grip on Manchuria.
Coercive negotiations with China.
Protests from other Powers.
The Manchurian Treaty of 1902 and its impotence.
Early in December, 1901, the American Minister to China, Mr.
Conger, reported to Secretary Hay, at Washington, an impending
treaty which Russia seemed likely to force on the Chinese
Government, which would practically secure to that aggressive
Power, through a prolonged agreement of China with the
Russo-Chinese Bank, exclusive railway and mining concessions
in Manchuria, and which would protract the Russian evacuation
of that country through three years. England and Japan were
using all their influence at Peking to prevent the signing of
the treaty, and Mr. Hay entered a vigorous protest on the part
of the Government of the United States, "animated now, as
heretofore, by the sincere desire to insure to the whole world
full and fair intercourse with China on equal footing." The
pressure from Russia on China was so potent, however, that Mr.
Conger, on the 29th of January, 1902, reported to Mr. Hay that
Prince Ch’ing, who acted with authority from his Government in
the negotiation with Russia, had informed him "that the latter
has done the best he could and has held out as long as
possible, but that Russian possession of Manchuria has become
intolerable, and that China must at once sign the convention
or lose everything; that he has therefore agreed to sign the
convention [modified in some particulars] and will also sign
the separate agreement with the Russo-Chinese Bank, which
practically gives exclusive privileges of industrial
development in Manchuria." Nevertheless the consummation of
the Russian project of coercive diplomacy was delayed until
the 8th of April, and the terms of the treaty then signed were
considerably moderated from the original design. Its
provisions of interest to others than the contracting parties
were as follows:
"ARTICLE I.
His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, desiring to give a
fresh proof of his love of peace and his sentiments of
friendship for His Majesty the Emperor of China,
notwithstanding the fact that the first attacks upon the
peaceable Russian population were made from various points of
Manchuria, which is situated on the frontier, consents to the
reestablishment of the authority of the Chinese Government in
the aforesaid province, which remains an integral part of the
Empire of China, and restores to the Chinese Government the
right to exercise governmental and administrative powers there
as before its occupation by the Russian troops.
"ARTICLE II.
In resuming possession of governmental and administrative
powers in Manchuria, the Chinese Government confirms, as well
in regard to the terms as to all the other articles, the
engagement strictly to observe the stipulations of the
contract concluded with the Russo-Chinese Bank on the 27th of
August, 1896, and assumes, according to article 5 of said
contract, the obligation to protect the railroad and its
personnel by every means, and also pledges itself to guarantee
the security in Manchuria, of all Russian subjects in general
who reside there and the enterprises established by them. The
Russian Government, in view of the assumption of this
obligation by the Emperor of China, consents on its part, in
case there shall be no agitations of any sort, and if the
action of the other powers shall offer no obstacle thereto,
gradually to withdraw all its troops from Manchuria so as
(_a_) To withdraw, in the course of six months from the
signing of the convention, the Russian troops from the
southwest portion of the province of Moukden, as far as the
Liao-he River, and again to place China in control of the
railways;
(_b_) To withdraw, in the course of the six months
following, the Imperial Russian troops from the remaining
portion of the province of Moukden and the province of Kirin;
and
(c) To withdraw, in the course of the six months following,
the remainder of the Imperial Russian troops now in the
province of Hei-lung Kiang.
"ARTICLE. III.
In view of the necessity of obviating in future a repetition
of the disturbances of 1900, in which the Chinese troops
quartered in the provinces adjacent to Russia took part, the
Russian Government and the Chinese Government agree to order
the Russian military authorities and the dzian-dziuns, to come
to an understanding for the purpose of regulating the number
and determining the places of cantonment of the Chinese troops
in Manchuria until the Russian troops shall have been
withdrawn therefrom. The Chinese Government further pledges
itself not to organize any other troops above the number thus
agreed upon by the Russian military authorities and the
dzian-dziuns which shall be sufficient to exterminate the
brigands and to pacify the country. After the complete
evacuation of the country by the Russian troops, the Chinese
Government shall have the right to make an examination of the
number of troops in Manchuria which are subject to increase or
diminution, giving timely notice of such examination to the
Imperial Government, for the maintenance of troops in the
aforesaid province in superfluous numbers would manifestly
lead to the increase of the Russian military forces in the
adjacent districts, and would thus occasion an increase of
military expenses, to the great disadvantage of both
countries. For police service and the maintenance of internal
order in this region outside of the territory ceded to the
Chinese Eastern Railway Company, there shall be formed, near
the local dzian-dziun governors, a police force, both on foot
and mounted, composed exclusively of subjects of the Emperor
of China
"ARTICLE IV.
The Russian Government consents to restore to their owners the
railway lines of Shan-hai-kwan—Yin-kow—Simminting, which have
been occupied and protected by the Russian troops since the
end of the month of September, 1900. In consideration of this
the Government of the Emperor of China pledges itself:
{92}
"1. That in case it shall become necessary to insure the
security of the aforesaid railway lines it will itself assume
that obligation, and will not request any other power to
undertake or participate in the defense, construction, or
exploitation of these lines, and will not permit foreign
powers to occupy the territory restored by Russia.
"2. That the above-mentioned railway lines shall be completed
and exploited on the precise bases of the agreement made
between Russia and England April 16, 1899, and on those of the
contract concluded September 28, 1898, with a private company,
relative to a loan for the construction of the aforesaid
lines, and, moreover, in observance of the obligations assumed
by the company, especially: Not to take possession of the
Shan-hai-kwan—Yin-kow—Simminting line or to dispose of it in
any manner whatever.
"3. That if a continuation of the railway lines in the south
of Manchuria, or the construction of branch lines connecting
with them, and the construction of a bridge at Yin Kow or at
the transfer of the terminus of the Shan-hai-kwan Railroad,
which is situated there, shall hereafter be undertaken, it
shall be done after a previous understanding between the
Government of Russia and that of China."
_Papers relating to the Foreign Relations
of the United States, 1902, pages 271-281._
During the next two years Russia was accused from all sides of
infidelity to the engagements of this treaty, and her conduct,
which seemed especially menacing to Japan, gave rise to the
Russo-Japanese War.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.
CHINA: A. D. 1901-1902.
Edicts for educational reform.
Modernizing examinations for literary and military degrees.
Establishing universities, colleges, and schools.
Sending students abroad.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1901-1902.
CHINA: A. D. 1901-1904.
Persistent occupation of Manchuria by the Russians.
Remonstrances of the Japanese.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.
CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.
Settlement of the indemnity to be paid to fourteen Powers on
account of the Boxer Rising.
Remission of part of it by the United States.
In April, 1901, when the record of events connected with the
Boxer rising against foreigners in China was closed in Volume
VI. of this work, the Chinese government had promised
satisfaction and indemnity to the fourteen Powers whose
subjects had suffered from the barbarous attack and whose
forces had overcome it, and the measure of indemnity to be
paid was then being discussed. The discussion and the
reckonings involved were prolonged till September. The final
protocol was signed September 7, but it was not until the 30th
of that month that the formulated claims of the Powers
concerned were accepted by China, and the responsibility of
payment assumed by an imperial decree. The total was
450,000,000 taels, equivalent to $334,000,000, divided between
Austria-Hungary, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Great
Britain, Italy, Japan, Netherlands, Portugal, Russia, Spain,
Sweden, and the United States. The sum was not reckoned solely
for the covering of losses and expenses, consequent on the
Boxer outrages, but was intended to be, in some degree, a
penalty imposed on the Chinese nation; and some of the
claimant nations were said to be more exacting on this score
than others were.
The amount for which the United States stipulated was
$24,440,000, and the American government received an indemnity
bond for that sum. But when the expenses of the American
relief expedition had been accurately ascertained, and all
losses and destruction of property belonging to American
claimants had been settled, it was found that they would be
largely overpaid. It was possible, according to common
practice in international dealings, to regard the excess as
justly punitive; but a different view was dictated by the wish
to show friendliness to China, and a return of the overpayment
was proposed. Recommended by President Roosevelt, the
necessary sanction was given by Congress, and on the 11th of
July, 1908, the American Minister to China addressed the
following communication to the Prince of Ch’ing, President of
the Wai-Wu-Pu, or Board of Foreign Affairs, at Peking:
"_Your Highness:_
"It is with great satisfaction that I have the honor to inform
your Highness, under direction of the Secretary of State of
the United States, that a bill has passed the Congress of the
United States authorizing the President to modify the
indemnity bond given the United States by China under the
provisions of Article VI. of the final protocol of September
7, 1901, from twenty-four million, four hundred and forty
thousand dollars ($24,440,000), United States gold currency,
to thirteen million, six hundred and fifty-five thousand, four
hundred and ninety-two dollars and twenty-nine cents
($13,655,492.29), with interest at four per cent (4%) per
annum. Of this amount two million dollars ($2,000,000) are
held pending the result of hearings on private claims
presented to the Court of Claims of the United States within
one year. Any balance remaining after such adjudication is
also to be returned to the Chinese Government, in such manner
as the Secretary of State shall decide.
"The President is further authorized under the Bill to remit
to China the remainder of the indemnity as an act of
friendship, such payments and remissions to be made at such
times and in such a manner as he may deem just.
"I am also directed by the Secretary of State to request the
Imperial Government kindly to favor him with its views as to
the time and manner of the remissions.
"Trusting that your Imperial Highness will favor me with an
early reply to communicate to my Government, I avail myself of
this occasion to renew to your Highness the assurance of my
highest consideration
—W. W. ROCKHILL."
In his reply, after reciting the statements conveyed to him by
Mr. Rockhill, the Prince wrote (as translated) the following:
"On reading this despatch I was profoundly impressed with the
justice and great friendliness of the American government, and
wish to express our sincerest thanks.
"Concerning the time and manner of the return of the amounts
to be remitted to China, the Imperial Government has no wishes
to express in the matter. It relies implicitly on the friendly
intentions of the United States Government, and is convinced
that it will adopt such measures as are best calculated to
attain the end it has in view.
{93}
"The Imperial Government, wishing to give expression to the
high value it places on the friendship of the United States,
finds in its present action a favorable opportunity for doing
so. Mindful of the desire recently expressed by the President
of the United States to promote the coming of Chinese students
to the United States to take courses in the schools and higher
educational institutions of the country, and convinced by the
happy results of past experience of the great value to China
of education in American schools, the Imperial Government has
the honor to state that it is its intention to send henceforth
yearly to the United States a considerable number of students
there to receive their education. The Board of Foreign Affairs
will confer with the American Minister in Peking concerning
the elaboration of plans for the carrying out of the intention
of the Imperial Government.
"A necessary despatch.
"SEAL OF THE WAI-WU-PU."
Simultaneously with the note from Prince Ch’ing, the Wai-Wu-Pu
as a body addressed the following to Mr. Rockhill:
"_To his Excellency W. W. Rockhill,
American Minister, Peking_:
"Referring to the despatch just sent to your Excellency
regarding sending students to America, it has now been
determined that from the year when the return of the indemnity
begins, one hundred students shall be sent to America every
year for four years, so that four hundred students may be in
America by the fourth year. From the fifth year and throughout
the period of the indemnity payments a minimum of fifty
students will be sent each year.
"As the number of students will be very great, there will be
difficulty in making suitable arrangements for them.
Therefore, in the matter of choosing them, as well as in the
matters of providing suitable homes for them in America and
selecting the schools which they are to enter, we hope to have
your advice and assistance. The details of our scheme will
have to be elaborated later, but we take this occasion to
state the general features of our plan, and ask you to inform
the American Government of it. We sincerely hope that the
American Government will render us assistance in the matter.
"Wishing you all prosperity,
(Signed)
PRINCE OF CH’ING, YUAN-SHIH-K’AI,
NA-TUNG LIEN-FANG
LIANG-TUN-YEN."
The remittance of somewhat more than $10,000,000 of the
indemnity did not involve a repayment of that sum of money to
the Chinese government, for the reason that payments on the
original indemnity bond were to be in annual instalments,
running until 1940, certain revenues being pledged to secure
them. The remittance is effected, accordingly, by a
readjustment of those payments hereafter.
Writing in _The Outlook_ of this transaction, and of the
impression it has made in China, Mr. George Marvin, who has
been for some time in official connection with the Chinese
Government, says:
"In pledging itself to the American educational mission the
Chinese Government has given the fullest evidence of its
appreciation. According to estimates made in Peking last
summer, it was calculated that by and after the fourth year of
the proposed educational foundation the investment necessary
to finance the Chinese students in America would amount to
$500,000 annually, a sum nearly equivalent to the entire
yearly revenue remitted. Already, and quite apart from the
scheme proposed in the note of the Wai-Wu-Pu, there are
maintained in the United States by Imperial and Provincial
funds one hundred and fifty-five Chinese students, picked boys
and young men, sons of officials and prominent and wealthy
merchants, chosen often by competitive examinations. The
students now to be sent annually by the Imperial Government
will be still more carefully selected. These are the men
destined for positions of responsibility and influence in that
‘Awakening China’ of which we hear so much."
_G. Marvin, in _The Outlook_, November 14, 1908._
A Special Ambassador from China, bearing a letter of thanks
from the Emperor, presented it to the President on the 2d of
December, 1908.
CHINA: A. D. 1902.
Return to Peking of the Emperor, Empress-Dowager, and Court.
Receptions to foreign representatives.
Withdrawals of foreign troops.
Recurrence of Boxer outbreaks.
The Emperor, Empress Dowager, and their suite reentered Peking
on the 7th of January, 1902. On the 22d the foreign
representatives were admitted to audience with the Emperor; on
the 28th the Emperor and Empress-Dowager, together, gave a
reception to the diplomatic body, the Empress-Dowager being
throned on a higher seat than the Emperor; on the 1st of
February the Empress-Dowager entertained the ladies of the
foreign legations at a banquet, where presents of jewelry were
made to all the guests. Sorrow for the misdoings from which
the foreigners in China had suffered was expressed on all
these occasions, and there seemed to be an earnest desire to
make amends for them.
Foreign troops were withdrawn from Tien-tsin on the 15th of
August, 1902, and the city delivered to the Chinese Viceroy.
Many improvements in streets, bridges, and public grounds had
been made by the provisional government which the Allies
instituted in 1900. Shanghai was evacuated by the allied
forces at the end of the year 1902.
Some recurrence of Boxer movements and insurrections occurred
in different parts of the Empire during 1902. Several
missionaries and a number of native converts were murdered,
chapels were burned, and other outrages committed; but in
general there was a restoration of order in the country, and
considerable building of railways and forwarding of other
enterprises went on.
CHINA: A. D. 1902.
Russo-Chinese Treaty concerning Tibet.
See (in this Volume)
TIBET: A. D. 1902.
CHINA: A. D. 1902 (January).
Agreement respecting China between Great Britain and Japan.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1902.
CHINA: A. D. 1902 (February).
Wei-hai-wei found to be strategically worthless by the
British Government.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (FEBRUARY).
CHINA: A. D. 1902-1904.
The British opening of Tibet by force.
See TIBET: A. D. 1902.
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CHINA: A. D. 1903 (MAY-OCTOBER).
Treaty with the United States.
Opening of two ports in Manchuria.
Rights and privileges enlarged.
"In the protocol of September 7, 1901, China had agreed to
extend the scope of her commercial treaties with the powers.
_See, (in this Volume)
above, A. D. 1901-1908._
When the negotiation of a new treaty was begun by
Consul-General Goodnow at Shanghai, the United States demanded
that at least two new ports in Manchuria be opened to foreign
trade and residence. The Chinese commissioners declined to
discuss this subject, on the alleged ground that they had no
instructions to do so. It was evident that there was secret
opposition somewhere, and on May 7, 1903, Mr. Conger reported
that it came from the Russian charge d'affaires. Later he
secured a written acknowledgment from the Chinese government
that such was the case. … Mr. Hay then appealed with the
utmost directness to the Russian government. … On July 14 a
definite answer was at length received from Russia, in which
she declared that it had never entered into her views to
oppose the opening of certain cities in Manchuria to foreign
commerce, but that this declaration did not apply to Harbin,
one of the cities selected by the United States, which was
situated within the railway zone, and therefore was not under
the complete jurisdiction of China. A copy of this note was
shown to the Chinese government; which finally agreed to
insert in the treaty on October 8 (the date on which Russia
had agreed to completely withdraw from Manchuria) a provision
for the opening of two ports. The United States agreed to this
arrangement, and on October 8 the treaty was signed, and
Mukden and Antung named as the open ports."
_John H. Latané,
America as a World Power,
chapter 6 (Harper & Bros., New York, 1907)._
The further scope of the treaty was announced by President
Roosevelt in his Message to Congress, December 7, 1903, as
follows: "It provides not only for the ordinary rights and
privileges of diplomatic and consular officers, but also for
an important extension of our commerce by increased facility
of access to Chinese ports, and for the relief of trade by the
removal of some of the obstacles which have embarrassed it in
the past. The Chinese Government engages, on fair and
equitable conditions, which will probably be accepted by the
principal commercial nations, to abandon the levy of ‘liken’
and other transit dues throughout the Empire, and to introduce
other desirable administrative reforms. Larger facilities are
to be given to our citizens who desire to carry on mining
enterprises in China. We have secured for our missionaries a
valuable privilege, the recognition of their right to rent and
lease in perpetuity such property as their religious societies
may need in all parts of the Empire."
CHINA: A. D. 1904.
Railways and Chinese travel on them.
Unused British Concessions.
"It may not have passed out of the public mind that in
February, 1899, Mr. Balfour came down to the House of Commons
and paraded before it and the country the magnificent triumph
England had won in China in respect of Railway Concessions.
See, in Volume VI.,
CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER.).
They totalled up to 2,800 miles! The House cheered, the
country indulged in a fit of self-complacency, and the critic
who asked questions was an ignoramus or a nuisance. Well, five
years have gone by, and not one mile of those railways is in
existence except the Chinese Northern State Railway, which has
passed out of our hands. Of the rest the two great trunk
lines, one from Hankow to Canton, and the other in Yunnan,
have been abandoned, while among those of shorter length the
only one that still remains in active force is the subject of
this paper. …
"In more than one recently published consular dispatch
attention has been drawn to the fact that the Chinese,
backward or hesitating in the adoption of every other European
or Western innovation, have shown no reluctance to avail
themselves of improved means of locomotion. The Northern
Railway is used by several million passengers every year; the
sections already open of the German railway in Shantung and of
the Belgian in Shansi can complain of no lack of traffic. The
fears of an earlier period as to what the Chinese would do
with regard to railways have been dissipated by experience."
_D. C. Boulger,
The Shanghai-Nanking Railway
(Contemporary Review, June, 1904)._
CHINA: A. D. 1904.
The Russo-Japanese War in Manchuria.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY) and after.
CHINA: A. D. 1904-1909.
The Hankau Sze-chuen Railway Loan.
The question of American participation.
In 1904 the American Minister at Peking concluded an agreement
with the Chinese Government to the effect that, when loans for
the construction of a projected railway into the western
province of Sze-chuen, from Hankau, should be negotiated,
Americans should have an opportunity to subscribe to it.
Nearly five years passed before arrangements for the loan were
made, and then, in the spring of 1909, it was found that terms
had been concluded with a group of British, German, and French
bankers for the whole sum sought, of $27,500,000, while
American capitalists had not been given the promised
opportunity. On behalf of the latter the Government of the
United States intervened, claiming fulfilment of the agreement
of 1904. The matter was regarded as being both politically and
financially important. "A precedent is what we want to
establish," said Mr. Crane, the newly appointed Minister to
China, in an interview on the subject at New York. "The task
of this Government to maintain its position with the European
Powers in the East will be less difficult. We are looking
twenty years ahead." As the result of communications in July
from Washington to Peking, in which President Taft took part
personally, the loan arrangement was readjusted, and American
capitalists became participant in it to the extent of
one-fourth.
According to a despatch from Peking, August 17, the matter was
settled definitely that day, on the following terms: "The loan
to be increased from $27,500,000 to $30,000,000, and of this
latter amount American bankers to get one-quarter, the other
three-quarters going to British, French, and German interests.
Americans are to have equal opportunity with the other nations
to supply material for both the Sze-chuen and the Canton lines
and the branches; they will appoint subordinate engineers, and
they will have also one-half of all future loans of the
Sze-chuen Railroad and its branches with the corresponding
advantages."
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Subsequently, however, some difficulty in the readjustment of
business details in the matter arose, which delayed the final
settlement. The motives of the American Government in claiming
a participation in the enterprise were stated as follows by
President Taft in his Message to Congress, December 6, 1909:
"By the treaty of 1903 China has undertaken the abolition of
likin with a moderate and proportionate raising of the customs
tariff along with currency reform. These reforms being of
manifest advantage to foreign commerce as well as to the
interests of China, this government is endeavoring to
facilitate these measures with the needful acquiescence of the
treaty Powers. When it appeared that Chinese likin revenues
were to be hypothecated to foreign bankers in connection with
a great railway project, it was obvious that the governments
whose nationals held this loan would have a certain direct
interest in the question of the carrying out by China of the
reforms in question. Because this railroad loan represented a
practical and real application of the open-door policy through
coöperation with China by interested Powers, as well as
because of its relations to the reforms referred to above, the
Administration deemed American participation to be of great
national interest. Happily, when it was as a matter of broad
policy urgent that this opportunity should not be lost, the
indispensable instrumentality presented itself when a group of
American bankers, of international reputation and great
resources, agreed at once to share in the loan upon precisely
such terms as this government should approve. The chief of
those terms was that American railway material should be upon
an exact equality with that of the other nationals joining in
the loan in the placing of orders for this whole railroad
system. After months of negotiation the equal participation of
Americans seems at last assured. It is gratifying that
Americans will thus take their share in this extension of
these great highways of trade, and to believe that such
activities will give a real impetus to our commerce, and will
prove a practical corollary to our historic policy in the Far
East."
CHINA: A. D. 1905 (August).
New agreement respecting China between Great Britain and Japan.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (AUGUST).
CHINA: A. D. 1905 (December).
Treaty with Japan relative to Manchuria.
By a treaty with Japan, concluded December, 1905, China
consented to lease to Japan the Kwangtung peninsula, at the
southern extremity of which are Port Arthur and Dalny,
formerly held by Russia under lease from China, and concede to
Japan the control of the railway on the peninsula northward as
far as Changchin. China also conceded to Japan the right to
build a railway from Antung on the Yalu River to Mukden, the
ancient capital of Manchuria, provided, however, that at the
end of a certain period the road may be purchased by China.
More important is the fact that China agreed in the treaty to
open to the world’s commerce and trade sixteen principal ports
and cities in Manchuria, including Harbin, or Kharbin, the
modern Russian capital of the province and its most important
railway center.
CHINA: A. D. 1905-1908.
The stir of new ideas.
Imperial Commission to study Representative
Systems of Government.
Signs of fruit from it.
Reformative movements.
The Constitutional Programme set forth in August, 1908.
Nine years of approach to a Promised Constitution.
A significant token of the dawning in China of a changed state
of mind respecting the western world of Europe and America,
and its very different development of scientific knowledge and
of social institutions, was afforded in the fall of 1905, when
an imperial commission, headed by Prince Tsai-Tse, was sent
abroad to study representative systems of government. The
Commission returned in the following July, and in August a
committee of high dignitaries, with Prince Ch’ing for its
chairman, was appointed to consider the report it had
submitted on administrative reforms. The outcome, soon
afterwards, was an imperial edict which recognized a "lack of
confidence between the highest and the lowest, between the
throne and ministers and the masses," and went so far as to
say that "foreign countries become wealthy and powerful by
granting a constitution to the masses and allowing suffrage to
all." While intimating that China must look forward to a
similar admission of the masses to some voice in the
government, the edict set forth the prior need of many
reforms, in the official system, in the laws, in education, in
the finances, and in the army and police. To begin the
undertaking of such reforms, Prince Tsai-Tse was put at the
head of a committee for dealing with the official system, and
before the year closed there were several changes of
importance introduced, tending towards more simplicity of
methods in public business and more centering of
responsibilities. Examinations in Western subjects of
knowledge began to replace the old conventional examinations
in classic Chinese literature, as tests for admission and
promotion in official service, and eagerness was shown in the
opening of schools and colleges that approached the European
and American type. Simultaneously with these stirrings of a
new consciousness and purpose in China, a great moral reform
was taken in hand. This was no less than an attempt to rescue
the nation from its opium curse. Some account of the opium
edict issued in September, 1906, will be found elsewhere.
See, (in this Volume)
OPIUM PROBLEM.
That these reformative steps were actually taken with a view
to the ultimate granting of "a constitution to the masses and
allowing suffrage to all" was proved in the summer of 1908,
when a programme of gradual approach to constitutional
government, by stages which extend through the next nine
years, was promulgated at Peking on August 27th. According to
Western ideas the document lacks definiteness, but it is not
difficult to believe in the sincerity of its intent. There may
be great wisdom of sincerity in the serial planning of
successive measures that are to unfold and introduce a
constitution at the end of nine years.
The edict of August 27 was summarized and partially translated
in a communication to the New York _Tribune_, as follows:
"The preamble alone fills twenty large pages and is written in
an incongruous mixture of Chinese Classical terms and new
Japanese terminology invented to fit Western meanings. The
efforts of the authors have been aimed at conveying to the
Chinese mind an understanding of things hitherto beyond its
comprehension. The explanations often convey nothing to the
Western mind.
{96}
"The subject is approached in an almost prayerful attitude.
The fact that China obtains this constitution ‘by the imperial
will’ is reiterated again and again. It is set forth that the
imperial government, under the constitution, shall not be
criticised, on the principle that the ‘sacred majesty of the
sovereign may not be offended against,’ and that the leaders
of the political parties are to be appointed by the throne.
Full government under this constitution will become effective
at the end of nine years. While the proposed system is called
constitutional, it is far removed from Western constitutional
government.
"Broadly speaking, the document follows the constitution of
Japan. Some of its most striking clauses follow:
"‘We beg, as the condition of the country is perilous, and the
hearts of the people are uneasy—trouble within and calamity
from without, danger threatening, and no parliament at the
side to investigate matters—that urgent measures may be taken
to overcome half-heartedness and procrastination, that there
may be peace above and completion below.
"‘We have therefore laid down the general principles of the
constitution and the programme for the work of getting
everything in readiness in nine years. These may not be
changed in the least particular.
"‘There will be boundless daily improvement. May the "silken
sounds" descend to inform the empire and fix the road for ten
thousand years, comforting the hopes of the myriads who long
for peace.’
"Fourteen laws are then submitted, as follows:
"1. The Ta Ch’ing Emperor will rule supreme over the Ta Ch’ing
Empire for one thousand generations in succession, and be
honored forever.
"2. Majesty of the sovereign.
"3. Right of promulgating laws.
"4. Convocation, suspension, extension and dissolution
of parliament.
"5. Appointment, payment, promotion, degradation of officials.
"6. Command over army and navy.
"7. Power to make war, peace, treaties; to receive and appoint
ambassadors.
"8. Martial law.
"9. Rewards and pardons.
"10. Right over judges and the administration of laws.
"11. Injunction.
" 12. Right of raising funds when parliament is not in session.
"13. Right of fixing the expenses of the imperial household.
"14. Respecting authority over the imperial clan.
"‘We look to our Empress Dowager and Emperor and see that they
take the measure of heaven and earth as their measure and the
heart of the people as their heart. The officials and people
within the wide seas are reverently grateful.
"‘The people should earnestly fulfil all the duties without
selfish reservations, which would hinder the public welfare,
and without rash impatience, which would confuse the
regulation; not looking on the matter as too easy, so that the
deliberations become empty wrangling, not failing to
understand the limitation of powers, so as to make laws which
overstep authority.
"‘The sovereign has absolute power, which he exercises in
constitutional form.’
"It is then set forth that on the dissolution of parliament
the people shall be called on to elect a new parliament, and
the document continues:
"‘Mercy is from above; officials, below, may not arrogate it
to themselves.
"‘Officers and people who keep within the law will have
freedom of speech, of the press and of assembly. They shall
not be disturbed without cause in their possession of
property, nor interfered with in their dwellings; and they
have the obligation to pay taxes and render military service
and the duty of obedience to the law of the land.
"‘Members of parliament shall not speak disrespectfully of the
court or slander others. Violation of this law will be
punished.’
"The nine year programme is as follows:
"‘Thirty-fourth year of Kwang Hsu, or 1908—Local
self-government; rules for reorganization of finance; fusion
of the Manchu and Chinese military; revision of criminal code.
"‘Thirty-fifth year, or 1909—Election of provincial
assemblymen; election to constitutional commission; local
self-government bureaus established; census; provincial
budgets; determination of functions of Peking officials;
issuing of school books.
"‘Thirty-sixth year, or 1910—Provincial assemblies opened;
local self-government established; census reports; tax rate
fixed; organization of provincial officials; courts of law at
provincial capitals and treaty ports; publishing criminal
code; extension of schools; preparation for organization of
sub-prefecture; department and district police.
"‘Thirty-seventh year, or 1911—Local self-government
continued; public account; imperial budget; rules on imperial
taxation; rules governing appointments and salaries of civil
officials; extension of schools; codes of municipal and
commercial laws and civil and criminal procedure drawn up.
"‘Thirty-eighth year, or 1912—Completion of general
arrangement of urban self-government; census reports;
publication of taxation laws of empire; perfection of
arrangements for provincial and lesser courts; extension of
schools.
"‘Thirty-ninth year, or 1913—Police registration; imperial
trial budget of variable expenses; Supreme Court; courts of
law in prefectures, sub-prefectures, departments and
districts; criminal code promulgated; urban self-government
established; rules for rural self-government; rules for urban
police.
"‘Fortieth year, or 1914—Imperial trial budget of fixed
expenses; publication of system of national accounts; rural
self-government established; rules for lower courts.
"‘Forty-first year, or 1915—Imperial household expenses fixed;
organization of the Banners’ controller’s office; public
accounting enforced; lower courts established; municipal and
commercial laws and civil and criminal procedure rules
established; police system complete.
"‘Forty-second year, or 1910—Promulgation of full constitution
and the laws of the imperial clan; parliamentary rules and
rules for parliamentary elections; budget for consideration of
parliament; reorganized official system; appointment of a
premier.’
"The document concludes with these words:
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"'In the forty-third year of Kwang Hsu, or 1917, China will
be, by following this plan, a parliamentary country like Japan
or Russia.'"
_China's Constitution
(New York Tribune, October 19, 1908)._
Prince Ito, the veteran statesman of Japan, regards the
constitutional experiment in China with more anxiety than
hopefulness. Speaking on the subject in August, 1909, he
expressed doubt of its success, and thought failure would
imperil peace in the Far East. His reasoning in brief was
this:
"First—the enormous area of the Empire and the defective
facilities for communication would greatly impede the
assembling of a Parliament, especially in time of emergency.
Secondly, the immovable character of Chinese conservatism
forbade a change even of the system of taxation,
notwithstanding the State’s urgent need of funds, and there
was, therefore, still greater difficulty in effecting the
radical alterations required by a constitutional system.
Thirdly, the Chinese were untrained in local administration,
the institution of which was an essential prelude to a
national Assembly. He said he was astonished at the silence of
Occidental publicists on this question so vital to the peace
of the Orient."
CHINA: A. D. 1905-1908.
Chinese Exclusion Laws of the United States.
Boycott of American goods in the Empire.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.
CHINA: A. D. 1905-1909.
Disputes with Japan.
The Fa-ku-menn Railway and the Antung-Mukden Railway questions.
Settlement of the latter by Japanese ultimatum.
It could hardly have been possible for cordially friendly
relations to be maintained between China and Japan, in the
circumstances which transferred to the latter the extensive
rights and privileges in Southern Manchuria, which Russia had
acquired in that Chinese province by treaty and lease. By a
protocol of December, 1905, after the closing of the
Russo-Japanese War, there was an attempt, between Peking and
Tokyo, to define the effects of the Treaty of Portsmouth,
especially in the bearings of that article of the Treaty which
ceded to Japan, "with the consent of the Government of China,
the lease of Port Arthur, of Talien, and of the adjacent
territories and territorial waters, as well as the rights,
privileges and concessions connected with this lease or
forming part thereof," and likewise, of "all the public works
and property within the territory over which the above lease
extends"; but misunderstandings and differences of opinion
were sure to arise. Whether it has been more by the fault of
Japan than of China that they arose and increased until, in
the past year, they became a serious estrangement, is a
question on which the judgment of foreign observers is
conflicting. The veteran representative of the London Times at
Peking, whose friendship for the Chinese is fast-fixed by long
residence among them, lays the greater weight of
responsibility on Japan, though he finds a lack of
reasonableness on both sides. Japan, he says (writing July 19,
1909), was welcomed in China with open arms after her
victorious war. "No nation ever had a greater opportunity, and
faulty must have been the policy which in so short a time has
wrought so great a change. Japan is now regarded with a
comprehensive distrust that is most disquieting.
Not long ago more than 1,000 Japanese of different classes
were employed in China, in schools and colleges, in the army
and police, in law and prison reform, in agriculture and
sericulture, in telephone and electric light companies, on
railways, and in many other capacities. At present there are
fewer than 400, 52 of whom are in Peking, and these numbers
will be further reduced as existing contracts expire. Similar
reductions are noted in the number of Chinese being educated
in Japan. Three years ago there were more than 20,000; last
year there were more than 10,000. The number now is 5,125, and
only yesterday it was arranged that in the case of a body of
300 Government students just returned to China, only 88 would
be sent to take their places."
"At present each country, through its Press, is protesting
against the unreasonableness of the other. Contradictory
statements on questions of fact are made on almost every point
at issue."
The main contention has related to the projected extension by
China of a railway to Fa-ku-menn from the terminus of an
existing line at Hsin-min-tun, west of Mukden. It was in the
agreement of December, 1905, that no railways in competition
with the South Manchurian line, which Japan took from Russia,
should be built. The Japanese assert that they had in view
this very Fa-ku-menn extension when that stipulation was
inserted. The Chinese declare that the negotiation on their
part had reference solely to the area east of the Liao River.
Japan made two alternative proposals for the settlement of
this question: "One that the Chinese should build a railway
from Fa-ku-menn to the South Manchurian Railway instead of to
Hsin-min-tun, or that the Japanese should build a railway from
the South Manchurian line to Fa-ku-menn and thence to the
North, in which case Japan would withdraw her objection to the
Fa-ku-menn-Hsin-min-tun railway, provided that China undertook
not to extend the line beyond Fa-ku-menn without a previous
agreement with Japan." China is said to have declined
discussion of these proposals, but offered arbitration of the
whole matter. Japan objected to arbitration without previous
discussion of her new proposals. And so the dispute seemed
deadlocked.
Another dispute turned on the interpretation of a clause in
the Agreement of December, 1905, which reads: "China agrees
that Japan has the right to improve the Antung-Mukden Railway
so as to make it fit for the conveyance of commercial and
industrial goods of all nations." Japan undertook, as a
necessary "improvement" of the road, to reconstruct it, with a
change of gauge to connect it with the standard gauge of the
South Manchuria and Korean roads. China denied that the
agreement gave a right to reconstruction. Several other
questions arising between the two peoples have helped to raise
hard feeling on both sides; but these have seemed to be at the
front.
At length on the 6th of August, 1909, Japan brought discussion
of the Antung-Mukden Railway question to a summary ending, by
a note to the Chinese Government which announced that "the
Imperial Government is now compelled to take independent
action, and to proceed to carry out the necessary work of
reconstruction and improvement according to treaty rights."
{98}
Before taking this decisive step, the Japanese Government is
said to have consulted Great Britain and other powers, and to
have had approval of her action from London, if not from
elsewhere. China yielded to the ultimatum, and this leading
cause of quarrel between the great nations of the East was
removed on the 4th of September by the signing, at Mukden, of
a memorandum of agreement, reported in substance as follows:
China agrees, first, not to construct the
Hsin-min-tum-Fa-ku-men Railroad without consulting Japan;
second, that half the capital required to extend the Kirin
Railroad shall be borrowed in Japan; third, that Japan will be
permitted to extend the Yinkow and improve and modernize the
Antung-Mukden Railroads, to which China was bitterly opposed;
fourth, that Japan may work the mines in the Fushun and Yentai
districts, and have joint exploitation of the mines reached by
the Antung and Manchurian Railroad lines.
In the Chientao boundary dispute Japan agrees to recognize
China’s sovereignty, while China agrees to open four trade
marts in the district.
In a letter to a London journal, a few days before this
settlement of the Antung-Mukden Railway question, Lord
Stanhope said:
"The Chinese have surely deeper reasons for opposing this
scheme than the mere fact of reconstruction. They well realize
that this railway, crossing narrow valleys, can have no
commercial future, but is virtually a strategic railway to
strengthen the Japanese grip on Manchuria."
CHINA: A. D. 1906.
A Commission sent to America and Europe for the study of
political and other institutions.
The new spirit astir in China was manifested in the early
months of 1906 by the sending of a large Commission of
carefully chosen men to the United States and Europe, for
observations that would be helpful toward reforms in their own
country. It was headed by two High Commissioners of
distinction, Tai Hung-chi and Tuan Fang, and they were
attended by thirty-five scholars and functionaries of note.
They received much attention during their stay of five weeks
in the United States, and were placed by the Government under
the special charge of Professor J. W. Jenks. Writing
subsequently of their mission Professor Jenks said:
"The purpose of the commission is, primarily, to make such a
study of the political institutions of the various countries
visited that they will be able, on their return, to offer
valuable suggestions for the improvement of their own. There
is even serious talk among the high officials in China of some
form of a constitution. In consequence, the commissioners are
as eager to learn regarding the working of some of our
institutions as regarding their form of organization. Inasmuch
as political reform necessarily involves social reform, even
as a condition precedent, the commission is devoting special
attention to the study of education, in universities and
schools, and to methods of social amelioration, in prisons and
asylums for the insane and the poor. They, however, are not
neglecting the study of our large manufacturing plants, and
have clearly in mind, also, the improvement of the industrial
conditions of China. It is a matter of peculiar interest that
the Empress-Dowager charged them to inquire especially into
the education of girls in the United States, since she hoped,
on their return, to be able to found a school for the
education of the daughters of the princes."
CHINA: A. D. 1906.
Sixty cities being opened to foreign settlement.
A memorandum on the subject of the foreign settlements at the
open ports of China, prepared by the Chinese Secretary of the
American Legation at Peking, was transmitted to the State
Department at Washington in December, 1906. It conveyed the
following information:
"In China proper and in Manchuria 46 cities and towns have
been thrown open already to foreign residence and
international trade. This does not include Dalny, in
Manchuria, leased to Japan; Wei-hai-wei, in Shantung, leased
to Great Britain; Kiaochow, in Shantung, leased to Germany;
Kowloon, in Kuangtung, leased to Great Britain; nor
Kuang-chou-wan, in Kuangtung, leased to France. Besides the
above, there are 3 cities in Tibet thrown open to trade,
making 49 ports in the Empire. In addition to these already
declared open, there are 13 cities whose opening in the
immediate future is arranged for, and 3 others whose opening
depends upon the acceptance by other treaty powers of the
provisions of Article VIII. of the last commercial treaty
between China and Great Britain. No account is taken of the
cities of Turkestan, Mongolia, and the Amur region, in which
Russian subjects have for many years enjoyed privileges of
trade and consular jurisdiction. It will be seen, therefore,
that in the immediate future foreigners will enjoy the right
of residence for purposes of trade at more than 60 cities of
the Chinese Empire."
CHINA: A. D. 1906.
Edict against the use of opium.
See (in this Volume)
OPIUM PROBLEM.
CHINA: A. D. 1906 (January).
Chinese students in Japan.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1906.
CHINA: A. D. 1906-1907.
Flood and famine in the region traversed by the Grand Canal.
One of the frequent destructive floods in China which produce
famine befell the region that is traversed by the Grand Canal
in the summer of 1906. Heavy rains covered its vast plains
with lakes of water, which drowned out the crops throughout an
area estimated at 40,000 square miles. From ten to fifteen
millions of people were reduced to famine, and could only be
kept alive until the harvests of another year by the
generosity of the outside world. It was not vainly appealed
to; but the suffering and death in the afflicted country were
appallingly great.
CHINA: A. D. 1906-1907.
Christian Missions.
See (in this Volume)
MISSIONS: CHINA.
CHINA: A. D. 1907-1909.
Restriction on Chinese immigration to Canada.
Labor hostility.
Riotous attacks.
Lately modified regulations.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: CANADA.
CHINA: A. D. 1908.
Expansion of the Postal Service.
According to a report from Peking on the working of the
Imperial Chinese Post Office in 1908, "the operations show an
unprecedented expansion." The postal routes cover 88,000
miles, of which 68,000 are courier lines. The number of post
offices open in 1901 was 176. There were 2,803 open in 1907,
and 3,493 in 1908. The number of postal articles handled in
1901 was 10,000,000. The number was 168,000,000 in 1907, and
252,000,000 in 1908. The number of parcels was 127,000,
weighing 250 tons, in 1901; 1,920,000, weighing 5,509 tons, in
1907; and 2,445,000, weighing 27,155 tons, in 1908.
CHINA: A. D. 1908.
Administration of the Department of Education.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1908.
{99}
CHINA: A. D. 1908.
Chinese students in the United States.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1908.
CHINA: A. D. 1908 (November).
Death of the Emperor, Kuang-hsu,
and of the Empress-Dowager, Tze-Hsi.
Accession of the child-Emperor, Hsuan-Tung (Pu-Yi).
The circumstances of the death, almost simultaneously, of the
late Emperor, Kuang-hsu, and of the Dowager-Empress, Tze-Hsi,
who had been the real ruler of the Empire, are involved in
considerable obscurity. The Emperor is said to have died on
the 14th of November, 1908, and the Empress on the following
day. The announcement of their decease was preceded by the
publication of two imperial edicts, one of which made Prince
Chun, of the royal family, Regent of the Empire, while the
other named Pu-Yi, the Prince’s son, three years old, as the
heir presumptive to the throne. As communicated later to
foreign governments, the Regent was given, by another imperial
rescript, full power over the civil and military departments
of government, and the entire appointment and dismissal of
officials. The promised creation of a Parliament was
anticipated in the prescription of his duties, among which
were the following:
"When a Parliament has been established the Prince Regent
shall attend the same in place of the Emperor, but he need not
attend the ordinary sessions. When the Constitutional
Commission meets, the Prince Regent shall likewise represent
the Emperor there.
"The Prince Regent shall have full authority in negotiating
treaties and in appointing representatives abroad.
"The Prince Regent shall enter and leave his chair at the
Ch’ien Ch’ing gate. The yamens, according to their duty, shall
draw up and report on regulations modelled on the precedent
established by Prince Jui-Chung regarding the equipage,
escort, and general preparations for movements of the Prince
Regent outside the palace.
"Every year the Board of Finance shall transfer to the
Department of the Imperial Household the sum of taels 150,000
for disbursement. When the Emperor comes of age, his studies
being completed, and his marriage takes place, the official
body shall unite in asking him to assume personal direction of
the government."
On the 21st of November the members of the Diplomatic Corps at
Peking were received in a body at the palace, to present the
condolences of the Governments they represent on the deaths of
the late Emperor and Empress. As reported to the Associated
Press, there were present on the occasion "every official or
member of the imperial family who recently has been reported
ill, dead by his own hand or estranged from the government,
and the desired impression of official stolidity at Pekin
which, it was most evident, this occasion was intended to
convey, was imparted successfully. This was the answer of the
government to the rumors of suicides and deaths current in
Pekin for the last week.
"Prince Ching, for the first time since the passing away of
their majesties, appeared officially as the head of the
foreign board. The heads of the various governmental
departments were present, with the members of the imperial
clan, and, in addition, several thousand minor officials, all
in white, had assembled at imperial command. At the conclusion
of the functions, in honor of the dead, the diplomats paid
homage to Prince Chun, the regent."
On the 2d of December the strict mourning observed at Peking
was suspended briefly, to permit the ceremonies attending the
ascension of the dragon throne by the child-Emperor, Pu-Yi,
who, as Emperor, took the name of Hsuan-Tung. The ceremonies,
described to the Associated Press, lasted but half an hour.
"The function began by the princes of the imperial family and
the high officials of the empire kowtowing to the memorial
tablets of their late majesties. After this they all kowtowed
in turn to Pu-Yi: Pu-Yi then offered a sacrifice before the
tablets of the Emperor and the Dowager Empress. After this he
was relieved of his dress of mourning and clad with much care
in a diminutive imperial garment, embroidered with the
imperial dragon. His nurses performed this duty with great
attention and care. Thus arrayed, the toddling Emperor
ascended the throne amid a fanfare of drums, bells and
firecrackers. He made his way alone and showed no need of the
assistance which willing hands would have given him had his
little feet faltered. From the throne Pu-Yi kowtowed to his
stepmother, the Dowager Empress Yiahonala. He then received
the kowtows, while still on the throne, of all the princes and
officials present. This over, he descended from the throne and
was again clad in his little dress of mourning.
"The ceremony took place in the throne hall of the Forbidden
City. The officials present were selected with great care and
were the highest men in the empire. According to an old
established custom, a number of humble coolies, men from the
lowest walks of life, were brought into the sacred precincts
of the Forbidden City to act as witnesses. The soldiery played
but an inconspicuous part in the proceedings."
Following the ceremony, an imperial edict proclaiming the
ascension was issued. This edict grants amnesty for certain
specified offences; rewards all the imperial princes,
princesses, and dukes; promotes all officials by one degree
and bestows honors on their parents; erases the demerits
entered against minor officials; advances the degree of
scholars; dismisses all pending petty criminal cases; excuses
certain liabilities, and grants bounties to the soldiers in
the service of the empire.
CHINA: A. D. 1908 (December).
Decree reaffirming the Constitutional Programme of the late
Empress Dowager.
An imperial edict reaffirming the determination of the new
government of China to carry out in its entirety the
Constitutional programme laid down by the late Empress Dowager
of China in August, 1908, was promulgated on the 4th of
December. A literal translation was made public at Washington
in January as follows:
"On the first day of the 8th moon (August 27, 1908), the late
Emperor reverently received the excellent decree of the late
great Empress Dowager strictly ordering the officials and
people of Peking and of the provinces to carry out completely
by the ninth year all the preparatory work, so that at the
appointed time the Constitution may be proclaimed. Also
proclamations for the members of Parliament to assemble, and
other decrees brightly manifested the sacred instructions, and
all between the seas applauded.
{100}
From ourselves down to the officials and people high and low
all must sincerely obey the excellent decree previously
issued. The eighth year of Hsuan T’ung [whose first year dates
from January 22, 1909] is the limit of time. Let there be no
‘reabsorption of sweat’ in this matter. Our hope is that this
will certainly be carried out. Let the officials of Peking and
the provinces on no account look idly on, and procrastinate,
delaying the opportune time. Let patriotism be shone forth.
Exert yourselves that constitutional government may be
established. And court and ‘wilds’ (people) may have peace;
and so we may comfort the spirits of the late great Empress
Dowager and the late Emperor in heaven, and make firm the
foundations of countless years of peaceful government."
CHINA: A. D. 1909.
Progress in the opium reform.
See (in this Volume)
OPIUM PROBLEM.
CHINA: A. D. 1909.
Progress in technical education.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1909.
CHINA: A. D. 1909.
Existing treaties with United States and existing laws in the
latter country relative to the admission of Chinamen.
The question of their consistency with each other.
Present status of the question.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: IN THE UNITED STATES.
CHINA: A. D. 1909 (January).
Abrupt dismissal of Viceroy Yuan Shih-kai from his offices.
Much disturbance of feeling and apprehension of a troublesome
reaction in Chinese policy was excited among the foreign
representatives in China, on the 2d of January, 1909, by the
sudden dismissal of the able and powerful Viceroy of Chi-li,
Yuan Shih-kai, from all his offices. He had been looked upon
as the great leader of progress in China,—the statesman to be
counted on for the most and best influence in the government
of the Empire for some years to come. He had the confidence of
foreign powers, and was supposed to have acquired a sure
footing in the councils at Peking. Latterly, however, it is
said to have become known in Peking that "a powerful Manchu
cabal was working for his downfall, led by Tieh-liang, the
Minister of War, and supported by the aged doctrinaire and
Chinese ex-Viceroy, Chang Chih-tung," and the stroke which
overthrew him at the beginning of the new year was ascribed to
that source. "The cabal has been successful," was the wired
message of the Peking correspondent of the London _Times_
to his paper; and he summarized the merits of the fallen
statesman thus: "No man in China deserved better of his
country. He has been in the forefront of progress, and is the
best administrator China has produced in this generation. When
Governor of Shantung in 1900 his action in resisting the Boxer
insurrection and in safeguarding foreigners really saved the
Empire from disruption. He created China’s modern army and was
the leader of the modern educational movement in China, and
his famous memorial of September 2, 1905, urging the summary
abolition of the antiquated system of literary examination was
epoch-making. Under his Viceroyalty the Metropolitan province
became the most advanced in the Empire. With Tang Shao-yi he
led the anti-opium movement. Since he entered the Ministry for
Foreign Affairs China has attained a measure of respect among
the Powers which was unknown before."
Some weeks after the blow had fallen, and when the peculiarly
Oriental manner of its infliction had been learned, a letter
from Peking to the New York _Evening Post_ told of it as
follows:
"At 11 a. m. on Saturday, January 2, the grand councillors
were summoned by the regent. Prince Ching had evidently heard
a whisper of what was to come, and he pleaded illness. The
other grand councillors answered the summons promptly, but
when Yuan reached the door of the council chamber he was told
that he was not wanted. Three grand councillors therefore went
in and found the regent awaiting them with the edict
dismissing Yuan Shih-kai already drawn up. ‘I want no
discussion. Sign this edict!’ said the regent. Chang Chih-tung
turned to reply. The regent repeated his words impressively,
and the edict was signed without further demur.
"Within the next hour, while Yuan Shih-kai was hastily making
plans for his personal safety, the news flew around Peking and
the city throbbed with excitement. Every one but his immediate
councillors was astounded at Prince Chun’s temerity. Never in
the history of China had such a man as Yuan been thrown out of
office at such short notice. To the Western mind, however,
there was nothing very harsh in the edict; it said simply:
"‘Yuan Shih-kai, a member of the Grand Council and president
of the Waiwupu, formerly received repeated offices and
advancement under the late Emperor. After our enthronement we
gave him great honors, because we considered that his talent
certainly was one that could be made use of, if he exerted
himself in the public service. Unexpectedly Yuan Shih-kai has
now contracted rheumatism in the foot, which makes it hard for
him to walk and difficult for him to attend to the duties of
his offices. Yuan Shih-kai, therefore, is ordered to vacate
his posts and return to his native place to nurse his
disorder. Thus is our great mercy to him manifested.’"
Yuan Shih-kai left Peking in haste, evidently in fear of his
life, and it was expected that his whole following of friends
and supporters would be swept out of their offices and
employments. But no such result followed, and credit began to
be given to the assurances of the Imperial Government that the
dismissal of Yuan meant no reversal of policy or reaction
whatever. He was distrusted, it was intimated, because he had
been disloyal to the late Emperor in 1898, when the latter
attempted great reforms.
See, in Volume VI. of this work,
CHINA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE-SEPTEMBER), and after.
Yuan Shih-kai was then the chief agent and instrument of the
Dowager-Empress in overcoming the well-meaning but weak
sovereign and annulling his reformative work. Hence, it was
claimed, the present Government’s distrust of him.
The Ministers of Great Britain and the United States had
ventured some questions as to the significance of the act, but
their colleagues did not join them, and no further discussion
of the matter diplomatically took place.
CHINA: A. D. 1909 (February).
Meeting of the International Opium Commission at Shanghai.
See (in this Volume)
OPIUM PROBLEM.
CHINA: A. D. 1909 (May).
New Russo-Chinese Agreement concerning the
Chinese Eastern Railway.
Municipalities on the Line.
The Kharbin question.
The Chinese Eastern Railway, so named, is the line which
Russia, by Convention with China in August, 1896, obtained
permission to construct, from a point on her Trans-Siberian
Railway, through Northern Manchuria, to Vladivostok.
{101}
Under that agreement the Russian authorities claimed a right
to institute certain organizations of municipal administration
at Kharbin and other towns of rising importance on the line.
This right was challenged in 1908 by the American Consul at
Kharbin (sometimes written Harbin), Mr. Fisher, who refused to
recognize some ordinances of the Russian administration, on
the ground that he was accredited to China, only, and could
know no other sovereignty in Manchuria than the Chinese. This
led to a new Russo-Chinese Agreement, signed at Peking on the
10th of May, 1909, distinctly authorizing the "organization of
municipalities on the lands" of the Chinese Eastern Railway.
The "sovereign rights of China" are "not to be prejudiced in
any way," says the new Agreement; but "municipal bodies are to
be established in the commercial centres of a certain
importance situated on the lands of the railway. The
inhabitants of these commercial centres, according to the
importance of the localities and the number of the residents,
shall elect delegates by vote, who shall choose an Executive
Committee; or else the residents themselves shall take part in
the business of the municipality and a representative shall be
elected from amongst them who will take upon himself to carry
out the resolutions decided upon by meeting of all the
residents.
"No difference shall be made on the lands of the railway
between the Chinese population and that of other
nationalities; all residents shall enjoy the same rights and
be subject to the same obligations.
"The right to vote shall belong to every member of the
community who owns real estate of a fixed value or who pays a
fixed annual rental and taxes."
Reading no farther in the Agreement than this, imperial Russia
and China would seem to have jointly planted a seed of
democratic municipalities in Manchuria; but that impression is
destroyed by qualifying provisions, such as this:
"The President of the Chiao-She-Chu [a Mixed Russo-Chinese
Court, formerly created] and the director of the railway,
occupying a position superior to the Presidents of the
assemblies of delegates and of committees, have a right of
control and personal revision, which they may exercise
whenever they think fit. … in the event of decisions by the
assembly of delegates not being approved by the President of
the Chiao-She-Chu or the director of the railway, these
decisions shall be returned to the assembly for further
consideration. If the original decision is adopted by a
majority of three-quarters of the members present, it becomes
binding."
The effect of the whole agreement would undoubtedly be to give
the Russian railway officials supreme authority in the
so-called municipalities. Remonstrances against it by the
Government of the United States have been supported by Great
Britain, Germany, and Austria. The question remains open and
troublesome. Dr. Morrison, of _The Times_, wrote of the
situation in November as follows:
"The situation in Manchuria is receiving close attention from
the Legations because of the increasing difficulty of the
problems created by Russian and Japanese claims to territorial
and administrative jurisdiction in connexion with their
respective railways, claims which conflict with China’s
unimpaired sovereignty and with the treaty rights of other
nations. A tentative proposal was recently submitted to the
consideration of the Diplomatic Body, with the approval of the
Wai-wu-pu and M. Korostovetz, to create an international
settlement at Kharbin on a separate site adjoining the railway
settlement. The proposal was unacceptable to the Powers
interested because it implied a fundamental discrimination in
favour of the railway company, leaving it to exercise, in an
important trade centre, powers which are incompatible with
treaties and which are not conferred by its charter. …
"The Chinese Government entirely fails to avail itself of its
opportunities at this juncture. The local authorities are
unable, and the Peking Government is unwilling, to take any
initiative. The Wai-wu-pu adheres to its policy of shifting
opportunism, as shown by its proposal to the Russian Minister
to cancel, in deference to the protests of the Powers, the
agreement with regard to the Kharbin municipal regulations
concluded on May 10, a proposal unaccompanied by any practical
alternative whereby political requirements might be reconciled
with the undeniable vested interests of the railway. In this
connexion it is interesting to note that, whereas England,
America, France, Germany, Italy, and Austria-Hungary refused
an unqualified assent to the Kharbin agreement, yet no
exception has been taken to the regulations of the Japanese
railway settlements, although, without any reference to China,
they confer the widest powers on the Japanese authorities,
including the right of arbitrary taxation and forcible
expulsion."
The Russian side of the question was presented in a
semi-official statement, made public in October, 1909, as
follows:
"The representatives of certain Powers which have trade
interests in China have, both in Peking and St. Petersburg,
expressed doubts as to the rights of authority exercised by
the Kharbin municipality. These representatives have
endeavoured, in notes presented to the Chinese and Russian
Governments on the matter, and in verbal communications, to
prove that certain paragraphs of the treaty which was signed
at Peking on May 10, 1909, violated the extra-territorial
rights granted to their nationals by treaty with China, and
further that some of the measures taken by the Kharbin
authorities were opposed to the regulations of the
international concession which, in their opinion, has been
recently established at Kharbin.
"It is easy to demonstrate that such a point of view is based
on a misunderstanding. Extra-territorial rights, so far as
they are secured by treaty, comprise exclusively the right of
every foreigner to be judged by his own Consul. They do not,
however, in any way exempt him from the obligation to pay town
and other taxes, or to submit to established regulations. The
difference between the pure Chinese open ports where there are
no foreign concessions and places which lie in the territorial
zone of the Chinese Eastern Railway, and are open to foreign
trade, consists solely in the fact that in the former the
Chinese authorities have the power to make administration
rules at their own discretion, while in places in the
territorial zone of the Eastern Railway the Chinese Government
has, by the concession agreement signed on August 28, 1896,
and the convention of May 10, 1909, transferred the rights of
administration to the Chinese Eastern Railway Company, as a
private concession, so that the company acts as the agent of
the Chinese Government in supervising the administration of
Kharbin and other places.
{102}
"Another misunderstanding has evidently given rise to the
statement that Kharbin has recently been converted into an
international concession. The contracting parties never had
any such intentions. By reason of legal acts, as well as of
traditions and conditions of a local character, under which
Kharbin originated, it is clear that this is a special kind of
concession, which is distinguished from other concessions by
its exceptionally liberal and exceedingly hospitable
regulations in regard to foreigners."
CHINA: A. D. 1909 (October).
Naval plans.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL: CHINESE.
CHINA: A. D. 1909 (October).
Opening of the Peking-Kalgan Line of Railway.
A purely Chinese undertaking.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: CHINA.
CHINA: A. D. 1909 (October).
Death of Chang Chih-Tung.
Chang Chih-Tung, Grand Councillor of the Empire of China, died
on the 4th of October, 1909, and Tai Hung-tze, President of
the Board of Justice, was appointed his successor in office.
CHINA: A. D. 1909 (October-November).
Election and opening of Provincial Assemblies.
Beginnings of the institution of Constitutional and
Representative Government.
The following, from the Peking reports to _The Times_,
London, narrates the actual beginning of the series of
proceedings planned and promised for the gradual institution
of representative constitutional government. The first is of
the date of October 14, 1909:
"To-day marks an era in the establishment of constitutional
government in China. In obedience to the Imperial decrees of
October 19, 1907, and of July 22, 1908, ordering the
establishment, within one year of the latter date, in each of
the 22 provinces of China proper and in Manchuria and the New
Dominion of provincial deliberative assemblies, elections have
been in progress for some time past, and the assemblies meet
in accordance with the regulations for the first time to-day,
the first day of the ninth moon. …
"The elections have taken place according to the regulations,
and halls have been erected for the assemblies to sit wherever
a Viceroy or a Governor has his seat. The number of members
varies from 140 in Chih-li, 114 in Che-kiang, to 30 each in
Kirin, Lchlun-chiang, and Hsin-kiang. The incomplete returns
which have been published show nearly 1,000 voters for each
representative.
"For weeks past reports have been coming in from provincial
authorities asking for instructions and information concerning
this new departure. An edict issued last night renews the
Imperial admonitions to members of the assemblies as to their
deliberations, and to Viceroys and Governors as to their
supervision of the deliberations, and exhorts all to display a
loyal patriotism so that the country may attain strength and
prosperity. The event may be one of great historical
importance."
The next was sent from Peking on the 6th of the following
November:
"Already, in the opening debates of these Provincial
Assemblies, one apprehends the coming chaos, one hears the
first whispering of the approaching storm. Peking, panoplied
in ignorance and petrified in medieval statecraft, trifles
with Demos at its doors, evidently hoping that the Assemblies
will consume their own smoke, and that the Mandarin may be
preserved by the time-honoured device of holding the balance
between contending classes. But the spirits which the
Vermilion Pencil has called from the Celestial deep, though
elected with all possible precautions of ‘silkcoated’
franchise, and under the close direction of Viceroys and
Governors, show signs of scant respect for the Central
Government and of little sympathy for its difficulties.
Already, within a fortnight of their birth, many of the
Assemblies have passed resolutions denouncing several of the
Government’s pet proposals—e. g., the opium monopoly, the
stamp tax, and the foreign loan for the Hankau-Canton and
Hankau-Szechuan Railways. In the case of the stamp tax, 15
provinces have expressed the opinion, and have induced the
local officials in many cases to endorse it, that the proposed
levy is impracticable, so that, in the words of the native
Press, 'its imposition is deferred and the Ministry of Finance
is at its wits’ end.’ Concerning the vexed question of the
railway loan, the Hupei Assembly is reported to have endorsed,
without a dissentient, their chairman’s declaration that the
Government’s scheme should be resisted ‘to the death.’
"The spirit which animates these Assemblies is evidently very
similar to that which speaks through the vernacular Press;
iconoclastic, patriotic—in the sense that it denounces
everything foreign—but lacking, so far, in intelligent
leadership and constructive policy. Their attitude towards the
Central Government is generally one of scarcely veiled
contempt. I cannot illustrate better its general tendency than
in the words of a native journalist who, in a recent criticism
of the Grand Council, congratulated these rulers of China on
their remarkable longevity, but observed that ‘there is little
hope of longevity for an Empire that is governed by such
incompetent survivals.’"
A few weeks later, after the forty days’ session of the new
Provincial Assemblies had ended, this writer had changed his
view. Writing on the 22d of December, he said: "A study of the
reports of the proceedings so far available of the first
session of the Provincial Assemblies supports the contention
that the Throne has been justified in granting the subjects of
the Empire a limited right of speech through their chosen
representatives. The programmes of debate have been strictly
in accordance with the Imperial edict, and the proceedings
have been marked with dignity and decorum. The net result
justifies the declaration made by a high authority, who has
been given special opportunity of forming a judgment, that the
‘members have fulfilled their appointed task of working in
harmony with the executive authorities in the interests of
their respective provinces.’"
CHINA: A. D. 1909-1910.
Proposal of the United States for the neutralization of
Manchurian Railways.
Proposed Chinchow-Aigun Railway.
Late in December, 1909, the United States Government submitted
to that of China, and to the interested Powers, a proposition
which contemplated the neutralization of the railways in
Manchuria, now partly under Russian and partly under Japanese
control, and which looked, also, to an international
undertaking of the construction of a Chinchow-Aigun line, to
tap the Russian Trans-Siberian road at Tsitshar.
{103}
In a published statement subsequently, the American Secretary
of State, Mr. Knox, explained that his Government, during the
recent railway loan negotiations, had pointed out to the
interested Powers that the greatest danger to the policy of
the open door in China and the development of her foreign
trade arose from disagreements among the great Western
nations, and had expressed the opinion that nothing would
afford so impressive an object-lesson to China and the world
as the spectacle of the four great capitalist nations—Great
Britain, Germany, France, and the United States—standing
together for equality of commercial opportunity. The American
Government believed that one of the most effective steps to
this end in order to secure for China the enjoyment of all
political rights in Manchuria and to promote the normal
development of the Eastern provinces was to take the
Manchurian railroads out of Eastern politics and to place them
under an economic and impartial administration by vesting in
China herself the ownership of the railways. Such a policy
would require the cooperation, not only of China, but of
Russia and Japan, both of whom it would enable to shift their
onerous responsibilities in connexion with those railways on
to the shoulders of the combined Powers, including themselves,
and would effect a complete commercial neutralization of
Manchuria.
The proposal of a neutralization of the existing Manchurian
railways was not received with favor in either Japan or
Russia, and the other Powers concerned have manifested a
disposition to defer to the view taken by those two
Governments, which are most immediately touched by it. The
position of the Japanese Government on the question was stated
publicly in an address to the Diet on the 27th of January by
Baron Komura, Minister for Foreign Affairs, who said:
"The United States government recently proposed a plan
regarding the neutralization of Manchurian railways. The
Imperial government, in view of the important Japanese
interests involved, and considering that the proposal came
from a friendly Power with which the empire was on terms of
close intimacy, submitted the question to the most careful
examination. While determined to adhere scrupulously to the
policy of the open door and equal opportunity, it should be
recognized that the realization of the proposed plan would
involve radical changes in the condition of affairs in
Manchuria which were established by the treaties of Portsmouth
and Peking. The change must be attended by serious
consequences. In the region affected by the South Manchurian
Railway numerous undertakings have been promoted in the belief
that the railway would remain in our possession. As a
consequence, the Imperial government, with regret, was obliged
to announce its inability to consent to the proposal. I trust
that the United States will appreciate our position and that
the other Powers will equally recognize the justice of Japan’s
attitude."
The Russian Government is understood to have taken
substantially the same ground, on the general question of a
neutralization of Manchurian railways. There and elsewhere,
however, there is said to be a readiness to consider the
incidental proposition of an internationally financed
Chinchow-Aigun road.
----------CHINA: End--------
CHINA EMERGENCY APPEAL COMMITTEE.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1909.
CHINCHOW-AIGUN RAILWAY, Proposed.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1909-1910.
CHINESE HIGHBINDER ASSOCIATIONS:
Their dangerous character.
See (in this Volume)
SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1902.
CHINESE IMMIGRATION:
The Resistance to it in America, Australia, and South Africa.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS.
CH’ING, Prince of.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.
CHOATE, Joseph H.:
Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.
CHRISTENSEN, Jens Christian.
See (in this Volume)
DENMARK: A. D. 1901, and 1905-1909.
CHRISTIAN IX., King of Denmark:
Death.
See (in this Volume)
DENMARK: A. D. 1906.
CHRISTIAN MISSIONS.
See (in this Volume)
MISSIONS, CHRISTIAN.
CHUN, Prince:
Regent of China.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).
CHURCH OF SCOTLAND:
Act of Parliament authorizing change of the Formula of
Subscription required from its ministers.
See (in this Volume and Volume 4.)
SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904-1905.
CHURCH, Roman Catholic.
See (in this Volume and Volume 4.)
PAPACY.
CHURCH AND STATE:
The French Separation Law and its execution.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906, 1906, and 1907;
also, PAPACY.
CHURCH AND STATE:
Russia: Emancipation of the Church urged by M. Witte.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (APRIL-AUGUST).
CHURCH SCHOOL CONTROVERSIES.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1903;
ENGLAND: A. D. 1902, and 1906;
CANADA: A. D. 1905.
CHURCHILL, Winston L.:
Under Secretary for the Colonies.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.
CHURCHILL, Winston L.:
President of the Board of Trade.
See ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (April).
CHURCHILL, Winston L.:
To the British Suffragettes.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.
CHURCHILL, Winston L.:
On the Budget of 1909 and the House of Lords.
See ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).
CITIZENSHIP, American:
Principles of Naturalization defined.
The New Law.
See (in this Volume)
NATURALIZATION.
CITY GOVERNMENT.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
CITY PLANNING.
See (in this Volume)
SOCIAL BETTERMENT;
also, CHICAGO: A. D. 1909.
CIVIC FEDERATION, The National.
See (in this Volume)
SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES;
also, NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION.
{104}
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: CANADA: A. D. 1908.
Introduction of Competitive Examinations and the Merit
System of appointment and promotion.
An "Act to Amend the Civil Service Act," which came into force
September 1, 1908, divides the Civil Service of the Dominion
into the Inside Service and the Outside Service, the former
embracing "that part of the public service in or under the
several departments of the Executive Government of Canada and
in the offices of the Auditor General, the Clerk of the Privy
Council, and the Governor-General’s Secretary, employed at the
City of Ottawa, or at the Experimental Farm Station or the
Dominion Astronomical Observatory near Ottawa." The employés
of this Inside Service are required to be classified according
to their salaries, in three divisions, and all appointments to
positions in it are (except as otherwise provided in the Act)
to "be by competitive examination, which shall be of such a
nature as will determine the qualifications of candidates for
the particular positions to which they are to be appointed,
and shall be held by the Commission from time to time in
accordance with the regulations made by it and approved by the
Governor in Council."
For the administration of the Act a Civil Service Commission
is created, consisting of two members appointed by the
Governor in Council, who are to have no other office or
employment, and who may employ necessary assistance for the
examinations they conduct. The following are provisions of the
Act:
"No person shall be admitted to such an examination unless he
is a natural-born or naturalized British subject, and has been
a resident of Canada for at least three years, and is, at the
time of the examination, of the full age of eighteen years and
not more than thirty-five years, and presents the required
certificates as to health, character and habits.
"Before holding any such examination the Commission shall
require each head of a department to furnish it with the
number of additional permanent officers or clerks likely to be
required in his department within the next six months.
"On this basis, and having regard also to the requirement of
the several departments for temporary services, a computation
shall be made by the Commission of the number of competitors
to be selected at the next ensuing examination.
"If there remain from a previous examination successful
competitors who have not received appointments, their number
shall be deducted in making the computation, and their names,
in the order of merit, shall be placed at [the top of the
list] to be prepared in accordance with section 17 of this
Act.
"Thereupon due notice of the examination shall be given by the
Commission, stating the character and number of the positions
to be competed for.
"Immediately after the examination the Commission shall make
out a list of the successful competitors thereat for each
position, in the order of merit, up to the number computed in
accordance with Section 15.
"From the said list the Commission, on the application of the
deputy head, with the approval of the head, of any department,
shall supply the required clerks, whether for permanent or
temporary duty. …
"The selections shall be, so far as practicable, in the order
of the names on the list, but the Commission may select any
person who in his examination shows special qualifications for
any particular subject. …
"The cause of the rejection shall be reported by the deputy
head to the Commission, who shall thereupon select another
person to take the place of the one rejected, and decide
whether the latter shall be struck off the list or allowed a
trial in another department.
"After a person so selected has served a probationary term of
six months, [he shall be deemed] to be permanently accepted
for the service. …
"The head of the department, on the report in writing of the
deputy head, may, at any time after two months from the date
of assignment, and before the expiration of six months, reject
any person assigned to his department. …
"Promotion, other than from the third to the second division,
shall be made for merit by the Governor in Council upon the
recommendation of the head of the department, based on the
report in writing of the deputy head and accompanied by a
certificate of qualification by the Commission to be given
with or without examination, as is determined by the
regulations of the Commission.
"Except as herein otherwise provided, vacancies in the first
division shall be filled by promotions from the second
division."
Regulations prepared by the Civil Service Commission appointed
under the Act require fees, ranging from $2 to $10 to be paid
by the candidates for examination.
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: United States: A. D. 1901-1909.
Progress of reform under President Roosevelt.
At the close of the administration of President Roosevelt, the
journal published by the National Civil Service Reform League,
entitled _Good Government_, bore the following testimony
to the fidelity with which the principles of the reform had
been upheld and promoted by the retiring executive:
"One of the first acts of President Roosevelt was the
reorganization of the civil service commission, which, under
the administration of President McKinley, had become lax and
ineffective. Since then the enforcement of the law and rules
by the commission has been sincere, vigorous and impartial.
Particularly strict has been the enforcement of the
prohibition against political assessments. Twice in the midst
of political campaigns has the President ordered the removal
of prominent officials for levying assessments on their
subordinates.
"During his administration President Roosevelt has extended
the scope of competition to many new and important offices.
Notable among these extensions have been the restoration of
the field service of the War Department (withdrawn by
President McKinley) and the classification of the rural free
delivery service (now numbering some 40,000), the forestry
service, deputy collectors of internal revenue, deputy
collectors of customs, deputy naval officers, and cashiers and
finance clerks in post offices. Prevented by the civil service
law from ‘classifying’ unskilled laborers, President
Roosevelt, under general executive authority, has prescribed a
system of examination for laborers in Washington and the
principal cities. By executive order of June 27, 1906, he
provided a system of examination and promotion for the
consular service which has done away with the more flagrant
evils of that service. His latest and most striking extension
has been the classification of over 15,000 fourth-class
postmasters, thereby taking them out of politics.
{105}
"He has prohibited the participation of competitive officials
in politics further than to vote as they please and to express
privately their opinions, and has made this prohibition
effective by incorporating it in the civil service rules, thus
giving to the commission the power to investigate. He has by
vetoing the Crumpacker census bill defeated the attempt by
Congress to obtain as spoils some 4,000 clerkships for the
next census.
"This is a brief record of President Roosevelt’s service to
civil service reform during his administration. In considering
the criticisms of his course which have been made from time to
time by the League and the press, this service should be kept
in mind and carefully weighed. For instance, against this
record of constant advancement, the suspension of the rules in
individual cases—in all about 370—although in our opinion
arbitrary and dangerous as precedents, are of comparatively
minor importance. A few have been made for political reasons;
the far greater number, however, were acts of charity or
personal impulse, and President Roosevelt himself realized the
danger in this practice and took steps to curtail it.
"In passing on the justice of the other criticisms of
President Roosevelt’s course regarding the civil service one
should keep in mind the distinction which he has so sharply
drawn between the classified and the unclassified service.
This is clearly set forth in a reply to a letter from the
civil service commission calling his attention to the omission
from the postal regulations of President Cleveland’s
‘pernicious activity’ order, and quoting a passage from the
11th report of the commission. President Roosevelt said:
‘I personally drew the paragraph which you quote. The
paragraph was drawn with a view to making a sharp line between
the activity allowed to public servants within the classified
service and those without the classified service—the latter
under our system are as a rule chosen largely with reference
to political considerations, and as a rule are, and expect to
be, changed with the change of parties. … It seemed to me at
the time, and I still think, that the line thus drawn was wise
and proper.’
"In considering such appointments to positions in the
unclassified service as that of James C. Clarkson as surveyor
of the Port of New York for instance, a just analysis must
take into account these frankly expressed views. President
Roosevelt drew a line between the classified and unclassified
service, and as to the latter recognized and availed himself
to some extent of existing conditions. He believed that so
long as positions remained in the unclassified service it was
impractical to eliminate political considerations and that any
attempt to do so led to hypocrisy. His remedy was to place the
positions in the classified service, wherever practicable. And
he has extended the line of the classified service higher than
ever before. The League does not believe this theory is ideal,
but in carrying it out the President has certainly not set the
reform back. Criticism based only on the fact that one who has
rendered great service to a cause has not accomplished all
that its ardent supporters wish to accomplish can be properly
set down as captious.
"In performing its duty to the public, the League has at
various times during his administration frankly criticised
certain acts of President Roosevelt, which in its opinion were
not in line with the best interests of the service. But this
does not prevent us from recognizing that during his entire
administration President Roosevelt has been loyal to the
reform with which he has been so prominently identified. We do
not believe that any act of his was intended to injure the
reform. Wherever he has thought it practicable to extend the
reform he has done so. A President less devoted to the reform
would not have been criticised for what President Roosevelt
has failed to do."
_Good Government,
March, 1909._
The following exhibit of the whole progress in civil service
reform, from its beginning to the end of 1908, was made in the
annual report of the Council of the National Civil Service
Reform League, presented at the meeting of the League, on the
17th of December in that year:
"The whole United States civil service, in 1883, consisted of
110,000 persons, and of these 14,000 were put under the civil
service law. Now the federal civil service has grown to
352,000 positions, and, including the last extension, those
under the competitive system have increased from 14,000 to
about 222,000. Not only in numbers but in proportion to the
total has the competitive service increased from 12.7% in 1883
to 63% now."
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1902-1903.
Extension of classification to the Rural Free Delivery Service.
Order concerning unclassified laborers.
"During the year ended June 30 [1903], 25,566 persons were
appointed through competitive examinations under the
civil-service rules. This was 12,672 more than during the
preceding year, and 40 per cent of those who passed the
examinations. This abnormal growth was largely occasioned by
the extension of classification to the rural free-delivery
service and the appointment last year of over 9,000 rural
carriers. A revision of the civil-service rules took effect on
April 15 last, which has greatly improved their operation. …
Executive orders of July 3, 1902; March 26, 1903, and July 8,
1903, require that appointments of all unclassified laborers,
both in the Departments at Washington and in the field
service, shall be made with the assistance of the United
States Civil Service Commission, under a system of
registration to test the relative fitness of applicants for
appointment or employment. This system is competitive, and is
open to all citizens of the United States qualified in respect
to age, physical ability, moral character, industry, and
adaptability for manual labor: except that in case of veterans
of the civil war the element of age is omitted. This system of
appointment is distinct from the classified service and does
not classify positions of mere laborer under the civil-service
act and rules. Regulations in aid thereof have been put in
operation in several of the Departments and are being
gradually extended in other parts of the service. The results
have been very satisfactory, as extravagance has been checked
by decreasing the number of unnecessary positions and by
increasing the efficiency of the employees remaining."
_President’s Message,
December 7, 1903._
{106}
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1906.
Excellent legislation in Pennsylvania.
See (in this Volume)
PENNSYLVANIA.
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1906-1909.
The Reform of the Consular Service.
A great and greatly needed reformation of the consular service
of the United States was begun in 1906, by the passage of an
Act of Congress, approved April 5, which provided for the
reorganization of the service, primarily by the classifying
and grading of the consuls-general and the consuls, and the
fixing of salaries in each class. Consuls-general were placed
by the Act in seven classes, with salaries as follows:
Class one, twelve thousand dollars.
London, Paris.
Class two, eight thousand dollars.
Berlin, Habana, Hongkong, Hamburg, Rio de Janeiro, Shanghai.
Class three, six thousand dollars.
Calcutta, Cape Town, Constantinople, Mexico City,
Montreal, Ottawa, Vienna, Yokohama.
Class four, five thousand five hundred dollars.
Antwerp, Barcelona, Brussels, Canton, Frankfort, Marseilles,
Melbourne, Panama, Saint Petersburg, Seoul, Tientsin.
Class five, four thousand five hundred dollars.
Auckland, Beirut, Buenos Ayres, Callao, Chefoo, Coburg,
Dresden, Guayaquil, Halifax, Hankau, Mukden, Munich,
Niuchwang, Rome, Rotterdam, Saint Gall, Singapore.
Class six, three thousand five hundred dollars.
Adis Ababa, Bogota, Budapest, Guatemala, Lisbon, Monterey,
San Salvador, Stockholm, Tangier.
Class seven, three thousand dollars.
Athens, Christiania, Copenhagen.
Consuls were divided among nine classes, receiving salaries
that range from $8000 in the first class and $6000 in the
second, down to $2000 in the ninth. The first and second
classes hold but one incumbent each, at Liverpool and
Manchester, respectively. There are eight places in the third
class, twelve in the fourth, and then the numbers mount
rapidly, up to the sixty-nine included in the ninth class.
All fees allowed to be collected for services rendered in
connection with the duties of the consular office (which the
President may prescribe) are directed by the Act to be
accounted for thereafter and paid into the Treasury of the
United States. All consular officers whose salaries exceed
$1000 are forbidden to be interested in or to transact any
business as a merchant, factor, broker, or other trader, or a
clerk or other agent of one, or to practice as a lawyer for
compensation, or to be interested in the fees or compensation
of any lawyer. The whole service is placed under inspection by
five inspectors, to be appointed from the members of the
consular service; and each consular office must be inspected
at least once in every two years.
In June following this important enactment, the Secretary of
State, Mr. Root, submitted to President Roosevelt the draft of
a recommended executive order, which prescribed new rules to
be followed in filling the consular offices, as classified by
the recent Act. In doing so, the Secretary made this
explanation: "The main features of the order were embodied in
the early forms of the Consular Reorganization Bill passed at
this session of Congress, but they were dropped out, largely
for the reason that their enactment by Congress would appear
to be an infringement upon the President’s constitutional
power to appoint consuls. Your adoption of these rules by
executive order will be free from that objection, and judging
from the very positive commendation which many members of both
Houses have expressed for the proposed change in the method of
appointing consuls, I do not doubt that the new system will
receive the hearty approval of the Senate and of Congress
whenever occasion may arise for an expression upon the
subject."
The recommended order was approved and issued by the
President. "Subject to the advice and consent of the Senate,"
it declared in substance as follows:
(1) Vacancies in the office of Consul-General and in the
office of Consul above class 8 (salary, $2500) shall be filled
by promotion from the lower grades of the service, based upon
"ability and efficiency, as shown in the service";
(2) vacancies in the office of Consul of these two remaining
classes, 8 and 9, are to be filled
(a) by promotion, "on the basis of ability and efficiency, as
shown in the service," of consular clerks, vice-consuls, and
consular agents, and
(b) by new appointments from candidates who have passed an
examination;
(3) officials in the service of the Department of State, with
salaries of $2000 or upward, shall be eligible for promotion,
always on the basis of ability and efficiency, as shown in the
service, to any grade of the consular service above the eighth
class;
(4) the board of examiners for admission to the service shall
consist of the Secretary of State (or such other officer of
the department as the President shall designate), the chief of
the Consular Bureau, and the chief examiner of the Civil
Service Commission (or such other officer, as this commission
shall designate);
(5) this board of examiners shall formulate the rules for
examinations;
(6) among the compulsory subjects shall be at least one modern
language other than English, the natural industrial and
commercial resources and commerce of the United States,
political economy, and the elements of international,
commercial, and maritime law;
(7) 80 per cent. shall be necessary for eligibility;
(8) candidates must be over twenty-one and under fifty years
of age, citizens of the United States, and of good character
and physique. They must also have been specially designated by
the President for examination.
Other significant provisions of the order are to the effect
that no promotion shall be made except for efficiency and
conduct, that "neither in the designation for examination or
certification or appointment will the political affiliations
of the candidate be considered"; and that "due regard should
be had to the rule that, as between candidates of equal merit,
appointments should be made so as to secure in the service
proportional representation of all the States and
Territories."
The first examination of candidates for appointment under this
order was held on the 14th and 15th of March, 1907, since
which time no one has entered the consular service of the
United States without satisfying that test.
In June, 1908, Secretary Root announced the promotion or
transfer of nearly sixty consular offices, setting in motion
the desirable advancement of these officials from post to
post, to make the best use of their proved capacity and
acquired experience. About a year later, Mr. Root’s successor,
Secretary Knox, made public the promotion of twenty-seven
incumbents of consular office, and the appointment of
twenty-three new recruits to the service from his eligible
list. So the long striven-for reform of the American consular
service may safely be said to have arrived.
{107}
A bill introduced in the Senate, providing for a permanent
consular service, based on competitive examinations, was
decided by the Committee on Foreign Relations to be
unconstitutional, for the reason that the Constitution itself
confers the power of appointment of consular officers upon the
President, and that Congress has no right to limit this power
in any way. President Taft, by an executive order, has
practically put the scope of the proposed bill into effect,
thereby, in part, limiting the power conferred upon himself.
This, in the opinion of the Senators, is all that can be done
legally.
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1908.
Extension of the Merit System to nearly one-third of the
Fourth Class Postmasters of the country.
In the Annual Report of the Council of the National Civil
Service Reform League, presented at the annual meeting of the
League in December, 1908, it was said:
"The great event of the year, which so aptly commemorates the
25th anniversary of the passage of the Pendleton bill, is the
extension of the competitive system to all fourth class
postmasters in the part of the country north of the Ohio and
east of the Mississippi, that is, in the New England States,
New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois,
Wisconsin, and Michigan. This is an extension covering more
positions than suggested by the civil service commission. It
is an extension large enough to be of present advantage, is
made in the more thickly settled portions of the country,
where it is easiest to carry it out, and yet it is not on so
large a scale as to invite mistakes or perhaps partial
failure. This extension covers about 15,000 positions. The
order of President Cleveland of May 26, 1896, covered about
31,000 places; and yet, from the point of political
significance, this present extension is the most important, we
believe, in the history of civil service reform since January
16, 1883, and when its purpose is fully carried out it will
include some 53,000 places."
_See, in Volume VI. of this work,
Civil Service Reform: United States._
The report then reviewed the efforts that had been in progress
since 1889, with the support of Presidents Cleveland and
Roosevelt, to bring about the inclusion of this class of
postmasters, at the least, under the rule of appointment
subject to competitive examination. President Roosevelt, in
his annual Message of 1907, had said:
"The fourth-class postmasters’ convention has passed a very
strong resolution in favor of placing the fourth-class
postmasters under the civil-service law. The Administration
has already put into effect the policy of refusing to remove
any fourth-class postmasters save for reasons connected with
the good of the service; and it is endeavoring so far as
possible to remove them from the domain of partisan politics.
It would be a most desirable thing to put the fourth-class
postmasters in the classified service. It is possible that
this might be done without Congressional action, but, as the
matter is debatable, I earnestly recommend that the Congress
enact a law providing that they be included under the
civil-service law and put in the classified service."
Congress refused the desired legislation. The law committee of
the League was unanimous in the opinion that the President
held authority already to make the change by Executive Order,
and Mr. Roosevelt gave a hearing on the subject to Messrs.
McIlhenny and Greene, of the National Civil Service
Commission, and the Honorable Richard Henry Dana, Chairman of
the Council of the League. Evidently he became persuaded that
his authority was sufficient, and was prepared to act
accordingly. About the middle of November, 1908, the National
League of Postmasters of the United States, which had been
organized in 1905, sent a Committee, with its President, Mr.
A. K. Hoag, of Orchard Park, New York, to present to the
authorities at Washington their claim to a footing of
non-political appointment under civil service rules. By good
fortune they met at Washington Mr. Dana and Mr. Goodrich, of
the National C. S. R. League, who were visiting the Capital on
the same errand, and the doubled appeal had quick success. In
an interview with President Roosevelt, the Committee of the
Postmasters’ League received assurances that he would issue an
order on the subject, provided that the President-elect, Mr.
Taft, would approve his taking that step. The Committee went
at once to the Hot Springs in Virginia, where the
President-elect was then sojourning, received his ready
endorsement of the plan, and conveyed it to the President in
power. A fortnight later, on the 1st day of December, the
memorable order was proclaimed. On the 1st of the following
February a plan of filling vacancies was put into effect.
It was wise, no doubt, to apply the extension of the reform in
post-office appointments to one large and important section of
the country, and obtain a showing of practical results, before
attempting to overturn the old system as a whole. That more
will follow in due time is reasonably sure. Mr. Hoag, the
President of the National League of Postmasters, in a private
note, remarks:
"It is already evident that the change is to redound to a
better service. Scores of new buildings, new quarters and new
equipments are being installed by the emancipated postmasters;
which shows that postmasters of this class dare, for the first
time, to invest their money in better equipment, feeling that
they are likely to remain postmasters long enough to make the
investment a paying one, now that their tenure of office does
not depend upon their relations to a political faction or
boss."
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1909.
The Census Bill.
Inveteracy of Spoils-seeking in Congress.
Veto of the bill in its first form by the President.
The Amended Bill which became law.
The greatness of the advance of civil service reform in the
United States, within the quarter century since its beginning,
is one of the most hopefully inspiring facts in recent
American history. But, by the side of it stands the warning
and shaming fact, that it has been achieved, from first to
last, by forces outside of Congress, and outside of all other
legislative bodies which supposedly represent the political
will of the people. Every measure of legislation that has
promoted it has been wrung from unwilling majorities in those
bodies,—yielded only when they feared to refuse. That
Congress, in both Houses, would wreck with eagerness, to-day,
if it dared, the bettered public service of the nation, to
recover for its members and their party henchmen the old
"spoils" of office and place, was shown unmistakably, within
the last year of this record, by its action on the bill to
provide for the taking of the Census of 1910.
{108}
The President, and every responsible official connected with
the Census Bureau, had borne testimony to the inefficiency and
wasteful costliness of previous census-taking under the old
system of appointment, and had besought Congress to provide in
the bill for an effective test of qualification for the
employment by competitive examination. Considerable majorities
in both House and Senate turned an equally deaf ear to all
considerations of public interest in the matter, and passed a
bill which enabled Senators and Representatives to parcel out
between themselves the large number of appointments to be
made.
President Roosevelt did not hesitate to veto the bill, and
gave it a thorough dissection in the Message which explained
his disapproval. In part, his comments on the Act offered to
him were as follows:
"Section 7 of the act provides in effect that appointments to
the census shall be under the spoils system, for this is the
real meaning of the provision that they shall be subject only
to non-competitive examination. The proviso is added that they
shall be selected without regard to political party
affiliations. But there is only one way to guarantee that they
shall be selected without regard to politics and on merit, and
that is by choosing them after competitive examination from
the lists of eligibles provided by the Civil Service
Commission. The present Director of the Census in his last
report states the exact fact about these non-competitive
examinations when he says:
‘A non-competitive examination means that every one of the
many thousands who will pass the examinations will have an
equal right to appointment, and that personal and political
pressure must in the end, as always before, become the
determining factor with regard to the great body of these
temporary employments. I cannot too earnestly urge that the
Director of the Census be relieved from this unfortunate
situation.’
"To provide that the clerks and other employés shall be
appointed after non-competitive examination, and yet to
provide that they shall be selected without regard to
political party affiliations, means merely that the
appointments shall be treated as the perquisites of the
politicians of both parties, instead of as the perquisites of
the politicians of one party. I do not believe in the doctrine
that to the victor belongs the spoils; but I think even less
of the doctrine that the spoils shall be divided without a
fight by the professional politicians on both sides; and this
would be the result of permitting the bill in its present
shape to become a law. Both of the last censuses, the eleventh
and the twelfth, were taken under a provision of law excluding
competition; that is, necessitating the appointments being
made under the spoils system. Every man competent to speak
with authority because of his knowledge of and familiarity
with the work of those censuses has stated that the result was
to produce extravagance and demoralization."
The veto went to Congress on the 5th of February, 1909, one
month before the expiration of President Roosevelt’s term of
office. His successor-to-be was well known to be in sympathy
with his views of the public service, and no attempt was made
either to pass the bill over the veto, or to proffer its
spoils-seeking provisions to the new occupant of the
Presidency when he came in. Congress was compelled, in this
case, as in many before, to surrender its cherished spoils of
salaried public employment to civil service reform, simply
because public interests and public sentiment are better
represented, as a rule, in the White House than in the
Capitol, which is not a pleasing fact.
During the extra session that was called by President Taft, in
March, an amended bill was passed which came near to
satisfying the demands of reform. It kept a little opening for
political favoritism, in a proviso, that the director of the
Census may, "when the exigencies of the service require," make
his selections from the list of eligibles, not by the
candidates’ rating, but on the ground of "immediate
availability" or previous experience in census work; but this
was so small a loophole that the President’s signing of the
bill was generally approved. "The act empowers the director of
the census to appoint special agents to whom will be assigned
principally the work of obtaining statistics from
manufacturing establishments, mines and quarries. While no
qualifying test is required by law for the appointment of
these agents, Director Durand has nevertheless provided for
their selection subject to a carefully worked out scheme of
_competitive_ examinations, to be conducted by the United
States civil service commission. In rating the candidates the
experience declaration and practical test are to be given
equal credit. All candidates who receive a combined rating of
70 will be placed on an eligible list, from which selection
will be made as the needs of the service require. Eligibility,
according to the instructions, ‘is not of itself a guarantee
of appointment, but selection will be made solely with
reference to equipment and availability for appointment.’"
_Good Government,
October, 1909._
CIVIL VETO, in Papal Elections.
See (in this Volume)
PAPACY: A. D. 1904.
CIVILISTAS, The.
See (in this Volume).
PERU.
CLANRICARDE ESTATE, Evicted tenants of the.
See (in this Volume)
IRELAND: A. D. 1907.
CLARION FELLOWSHIP.
See (in this Volume)
SOCIALISM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
CLARK, Edgar E.:
On the Anthracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commission.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.
CLEMENCEAU, Eugene:
In the Sarrien-Clemenceau Ministry, and as Prime Minister.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1906, and after.
CLEMENCEAU, Eugene:
Disclaims for France the desire to revenge the German
conquest of Alsace.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1908.
CLEMENCEAU, Eugene:
Triumph in the senatorial elections of 1909.
See FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).
CLEMENCEAU, Eugene:
His downfall from Premiership produced by an
intemperate speech.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE. A. D. 1909 (JULY).
CLERICAL PARTY.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1903;
BELGIUM: A. D. 1904;
GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.
CLEVELAND, Grover:
Trustee of stock controlling the
Equitable Life Assurance Society.
See (in this Volume)
INSURANCE, LIFE.
{109}
CLEVELAND, Ohio: A. D. 1901-1908.
The Farm Colony Experiment.
See (in this Volume)
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY, PROBLEMS OF.
COAL, Wasteful mining and use of.
See (in this Volume)
Conservation of Natural Resources.
COAL AND COKE CARTELS.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL (IN GERMANY).
COAL COMBINATION, Alleged Anthracite:
Proceedings of Government against it.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907-1909,
AND RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.
COAL MINES EIGHT HOURS ACT.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR: ENGLAND.
COAL MINING STRIKES.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION.
COBALT SILVER MINES.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1903, and 1906-1907.
COLLECTIVISM.
See (in this Volume)
SOCIALISM.
COLLEGES.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION.
COLOGNE:
Insurance against unemployment.
See (in this Volume)
POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: UNEMPLOYMENT.
COLOMBIA: A. D. 1898-1902.
Castro, of Venezuela, and the Liberals (Yellows) of Colombia.
How they helped one another.
The following passages are from an article in the _American
Review of Reviews_ on "South American War Issues," by Edwin
Emerson, Jr., who spent some time with the Colombian
insurgents in 1902 and acquired a good knowledge of the
troubled political conditions in that republic and its near
neighbors. It adds something to what is told in Volume VI. of
this work concerning the revolt started in 1899 by Rafael
Uribe-Uribe, and about its relation to the beginnings of the
career of Cipriano Castro, in Venezuela
See, in Volume VI,
COLOMBIA, and VENEZUELA).
"At the time when Spain was losing Cuba, the last Congress of
Colombia sat in Bogota. The Liberal party had but one
spokesman in the Congress—to wit, Rafael Uribe-Uribe. The
government majority championed the cause of Spain. Many of the
more ardent Liberals were fighting in the field for ‘Cuba
Libre.’ Uribe-Uribe was the only man in the Congress who spoke
for America as against Spain. He was hissed down. Next, the
Panama Canal question came up. The French concession was to be
extended for ten years. Again Uribe-Uribe spoke for America as
against France. The project was voted down. The Congress was
dissolved. President San Clemente, on his own motion, extended
the French concession. For this he is said to have received one
million dollars, cash. Then the revolution broke out, and
Uribe-Uribe took the field, in Santander, the richest
coffee-growing state of Colombia. He fell upon the town of
Cúcuta and took it, only to be driven out again after a
disastrous rout at Palo Negro. To make things worse for the
rebels, the Bishop of Santander ordered the excommunication of
those who would not renounce liberalism or all connection with
Liberals. It was a crushing blow, aimed at the wives and
daughters of the fighting insurgents.
"While affairs were thus disturbed in Santander, Cipriano
Castro, a Venezuelan exile living in Cúcuta, profited by the
occasion to lead a small band of Colombian Liberals into
Venezuela. They dashed across the border by night, and fell
into Castro’s native town, Capachio Viejo. Castro’s father and
five brothers, with other townsfolk, joined his standard and
helped him win his first battle over a small detachment of
Venezuelan government troops. Now the number of his adherents
grew, especially as he won battle after battle or bought over
his rival leaders. After a crushing defeat at Valencia,
President Andrade fled the country, and Castro entered Caracas
in triumph. His early Colombian adherents got Venezuelan
government jobs.
"All went well for a while, especially after the prompt
suppression of a counter-revolution, until Castro’s sympathies
with the Colombian Liberals in the field began to tell on his
foreign policy. Uribe-Uribe had been badly beaten in Colombia.
He was made welcome by Castro in Venezuela, and was intrusted
with the command of a division on the Colombian frontier. The
command was recruited from Colombians across the border. At
the same time, Castro arbitrarily stopped all navigation on
the Zulia and Catacumbo rivers, running from Colombian
Cordillera to the Lake of Maracaibo, in Venezuela. This was a
death-blow to the coffee industry of the Colombian state of
Santander, which has no other outlet to the sea. Cúcuta was
ruined. A German house failed for half a million dollars, an
American hacienda lost $200,000, and other foreign merchants
suffered in proportion. All commerce in Cúcuta and Maracaibo
coffee almost came to a standstill. Then it was that the
government forces in Santander, to bring relief to the
stricken district, tried to open the closed rivers by a sudden
armed invasion into that region. For the sake of appearances,
they were led by Ranjel Garbiras, a Venezuelan revolutionist.
They made for the prosperous town of San Cristobal, but
Uribe-Uribe had managed to gather his corps of insurgents, and
beat off the attack in a three days’ battle. Some two thousand
men fell on both sides. Uribe-Uribe promptly prepared a
counter invasion. He was aided in this by Castro, who
practically put all Venezuelan forces in the Cordillera at his
disposal.
"President Castro, who was furious at so overt an act of war
on the part of his old enemies, the Colombian Clericals,
furthermore sent another expedition across the Goajira desert
to aid his Colombian insurgent friends in that peninsula to
take the Colombian port of Rio Hacha. Venezuelan gunboats
appeared before Rio Hacha to do their part in the capture.
Unfortunately for the Liberal cause, the Venezuelan army in
the Goajira was taken unawares while on the march, and was all
but annihilated. The gunboats chose to retire without firing a
shot. Castro never recovered from this reverse. The expenses
of his various armed expeditions ate up all his ready
finances. When he could no longer maintain Uribe-Uribe’s
troops, Uribe cut loose and recrossed the border, to join
forces with other insurgent leaders in the interior of
Colombia. Uribe’s cousin proceeded to Panama, and the civil
war there broke out with fresh vigor. By their recent
brilliant stroke in the harbor of Panama, the Colombian
Liberals have won the command of the sea on the Pacific side.
To assist them in doing the same on the Atlantic side, Castro
has now supplied them with a torpedo-boat and a small
gunboat."
{110}
These last mentioned successes of Uribe-Uribe had no permanent
effectiveness, for his surrender, with 1300 men and 10 pieces
of artillery, was announced presently as having occurred on
the 25th of October, 1902. It seemed unfortunate that he did
not succeed in overthrowing the Conservatives, or "Blues," who
held the government, since most accounts of their rule
represented it as hopelessly bad; but a change for the better
came without revolution after no long time.
The state of civil war was closed by a treaty of peace, signed
on board the United States battleship Wisconsin, November 21.
COLUMBIA: A. D. 1901-1906.
Participation in Second and Third International Conferences
of American Republics, at Rio de Janeiro.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
COLUMBIA: A. D. 1903.
Rejection of Treaty with the United States for the
building of the Panama Canal.
Revolt and independence of Panama.
See (in this Volume )
PANAMA CANAL.
COLUMBIA: A. D. 1903-1906.
Feeling toward the United States.
Of the feeling in Colombia toward the United States,
consequent on what occurred in Panama, Mr. Barrett, American
Minister at Bogota, reported in 1906 as follows:
"The question is continually asked me: What is the attitude of
the Colombian Government and people toward Americans and
American interests on account of the Panama affair? Without
entering upon any political discussion, I wish, in answering
this pertinent inquiry, to take advantage of the opportunity
to pay a just and frank tribute to Colombia. Speaking in the
first place for myself as minister, I can truthfully say that,
ever since my arrival here seven months ago, I have been
treated with a generous kindness and sincere hospitality that
have made a deep impression on me and increased my respect for
Colombians in particular and Latin Americans in general. The
United States minister has been extended invitations official
and personal, and the United States legation in turn has been
continually frequented by leading men of all parties, as if
nothing had ever happened to mar the _entente cordiale_
of the two countries.
"In the granting of concessions and in the hearing of claims
the Government has treated Americans with as much
consideration as Europeans. During my stay here, and up to
this writing, there has not been one complaint lodged by
Americans in this legation of unkind treatment by Colombians
due to any political anti-American feeling. In my own travels
in various parts of the country, officials and peons alike
have everywhere accorded me polite and even gracious
attention. To let it be known that I was United States
minister has always led to extra courtesies rather than to any
lack of them.
"I could not, however, have it understood abroad that there is
not still strong feeling against the United States. It does
exist, but the passing of years, and generous, fair treatment
of Colombia and Colombians by the United States and its
citizens, in international relations and friendly social and
commercial intercourse, can effect its gradual disappearance.
Such feeling does not take the attitude of personal enmity
toward Americans. The Colombians, high and low, are too polite
and sensible for that. It is a feeling in the minds and
hearts, based on high political and patriotic grounds, which,
however, with commendable philosophy, recognizes the
inevitable and now turns to the future to bring blessings that
will counterbalance the losses and sorrows of the past. The
very courage and nobility of this attitude of Colombia is one
of the chief reasons why I predict for her a magnificent
future. Already this policy—if I may call it a policy—is
bearing fruit in the development of a greater and more
friendly and sympathetic interest throughout the United States
in Colombia, which is destined to lead to a mutually favorable
understanding and settlement of all differences in the near
future."
COLUMBIA: A. D. 1904.
Arbitration of boundary dispute with Equador.
A treaty for the arbitration of boundary questions with
Equador was concluded November 4, 1904 .
COLUMBIA: A. D. 1905.
Arbitration Treaties with Peru.
See (in this Volume)
PERU: A. D. 1905.
COLUMBIA: A. D. 1905-1906.
A New Era, under President Reyes.
"The New Era in Colombia" is the title of an article in the
_American Review of Reviews_, May, 1906, by Francis P.
Savinien, writing from the country in question.
"By judicious, if not generous, action," says the writer,
"President Rafael Reyes [who became President in the previous
year] has succeeded in harmonizing nearly all elements of the
population. His administration is neither Liberal nor
Conservative. It is Nationalist. Placed in power by
Conservatives and sustained by Liberals, his favors to the
former preserve order in the center of the country, and his
implicit trust in the latter insures peace on the frontiers.
He has made General Uribe-Uribe minister to Chile, Argentina,
and Brazil, and General Herrera commander along the Venezuelan
border, thus bestowing the highest diplomatic and military
honors on Liberals. From Conservatives he chose all his
ministers (except Dr. Modesto Garees, of the Department of
Public Works), the governor of the capital district, and other
high officials for the center of government. His government is
like that of Panama, the secession of which made a policy of
reconciliation predominant in both countries. … The Colombian
army has become a body of laborers. Troops are converted into
sappers and employed in building or improving ways of
communication. Idleness, as well as agitation, is beginning to
receive general condemnation. It is true that there is little
liberty. There is, however, less persecution than formerly.
Journals are abject and individuals mute. There is no free
speech or press. But there are few persons in prison or exile
for political reasons. The policy of the government has become
that of abstention rather than restraint."
General Reyes had represented Colombia at the Pan-American
Conference in the City of Mexico, in 1902, and had made a most
favorable impression on the delegates from the United States.
Referring to the occasion long afterwards, Mr. Sylvester
Baxter said of him: "It is notable that in that Conference
Colombia was represented by General Rafael Reyes, a high type
of man—gentleman by birth and education, of scientific
attainments, a natural leader, one of the strong characters of
Spanish America; a man whose existence makes things seem
hopeful when else they might look hopeless; a
soldier-statesman in whom many see the potentialities of a
second Diaz."
{111}
A similar expression of admiration appears in an interesting
special report, entitled "Colombia, a Land of Great
Possibilities," made in June, 1906, by the Honorable John
Barrett, then American Minister to Colombia, more recently the
Director of the International Bureau of American Republics.
"Great credit," wrote Mr. Barrett, "is due to General Rafael
Reyes, President of this Republic, for his untiring efforts to
restore the prosperity of his country to the position it
occupied before the last civil war and the loss of Panama. If
he succeeds, he will deserve a place in history like that of
President Diaz in Mexico. He has so far effectually stopped
revolutions, and, if his life and health are spared, Colombia
would seem to be assured of peace at least during his
administration."
COLUMBIA: A. D. 1905-1909.
Troubles with Venezuela over the navigation of rivers flowing
through both countries.
The arbitrary action begun by the ill-tempered and arrogant
Castro, of Venezuela, in 1902, when he stopped navigation on
the rivers which flow from Colombia to Lake Maracaibo, in
Venezuela, and thus open communication to the sea (see above),
was continued or resumed in subsequent years, and was a
distressing trouble to his Colombian neighbors.
In July, 1905, the Colombian Government appealed to that of
the United States for its good offices in maintaining the
principle of free navigation on rivers that are common to
neighboring countries. "From the time of the award which
decided the boundary dispute between the two countries," said
the Colombian Minister to the United States, in a
communication to the American Secretary of State, "the policy
of Venezuela in matters relating to the transit trade of
Colombia and the navigation of the common rivers, has been
marked by a conspicuous spirit of hostility. … Neither logical
arguments nor historic precedents, such as those submitted by
the Colombian chancellery to the Government of Venezuela for
the recognition by the latter of the principle of free trade
over the natural waterways placed by God at the disposal of
all nations, have availed."
The writer then reviewed at considerable length the arguments
with which the Government of the United States had contended
in the past with Spain and Great Britain for the free
navigation of the Mississippi and the St. Lawrence, and said
in conclusion: "It would be desirable, and I would ask that it
be done if this note were favorably received by the Government
of the United States, that the American minister at Caracas be
appropriately instructed in the sense of declaring on behalf
of the commercial interests of the citizens of the United
States his desire that the Government of Venezuela make the
navigation of the Zulia and Orinoco rivers free, and urging,
by persuasion, that the principle be solemnly consecrated in
its public treaties. My Government will join in such an
action, which comes within its traditional policy in the
matter, and will interpose no obstacle or delay to the meeting
of an international mixed commission for the framing of
regulations concerning the use of the above-named rivers
without detriment to the legitimate interests of the countries
through which they flow."
To this request the then Acting Secretary of State, Mr. Adee,
made a favorable reply, August 5, saying:
"The principle of the free navigation of rivers has been
advocated by the United States and maintained in its relations
with its neighbors for many years. This government is ready,
therefore, to use its good offices in the sense requested, and
Mr. Russell has been instructed upon arriving at his new post
in Venezuela to take advantage of fitting occasion to express
to the minister for foreign affairs the great satisfaction
with which the United States would view the adoption and
proclamation by Venezuela of the general principle of the free
navigation of rivers and fluvial arteries of communication
common to neighboring countries.
"It is of course to be understood that in touching upon this
matter this government does not seek to intervene or mediate
in any way in the relations between Colombia and Venezuela,
but is merely interested in the universal recognition of a
policy beneficial to the commerce of the world."
In the following December, the endeavor seemed promising; for
the American Minister to Colombia was able to report the
signing, at Bogota, of a protocol, preparatory to a new treaty
of amity, commerce, and navigation, to be concluded at
Caracas. Four months later, on the 27th of April, 1906,
Minister Russell, at Caracas, announced the arrival there of
the Colombian plenipotentiary, General Benjamin Herrera,
appointed for the negotiation of the treaty agreed upon, but
reported further that the Venezuelan Government had refused to
receive him, demanding that somebody else be sent. No
settlement of the matter could be obtained while Castro
controlled Venezuela. Since his elimination it has been
reported that President Gomez, his successor, has annulled his
decrees of hostility to Colombian commerce.
COLUMBIA: A. D. 1906-1909.
Efficient but arbitrary Government produces discontent.
Opposition to treaty with Panama and the United States.
Vacation of President Reyes which ends in resignation.
Revolt.
Elections.
While the Government organized under President Reyes was
undoubtedly efficient and effective in restoring order and
prosperity to the country, it was not satisfactory to the
people; and perhaps it speaks well for them that they showed
discontent. It was not a representative government, the
existing Congress not being an elective body, but a
provisional legislature made up by appointment. As admitted in
the quotation above from a friendly Colombian writer, the
citizens under it were tongue-tied subjects, having no free
speech or Press. The political situation and the differing
states of feeling produced by it were discussed in April,
1909, by a special correspondent of the New York Evening Post,
who wrote from Bogotá:
"It seems to be confessed by the great majority of the people
here that the country has not entered on that stage of
political development in which the people can govern
themselves by parliamentary methods. The history of their
nearly one hundred years of independent national life has been
that of almost continual civil strife, and of frequent civil
wars, which have interrupted and almost destroyed all efforts
at self-government; so that the present system of government
by executive decrees, to be ratified by an appointed
‘Constitutional and Legislative Assembly,’ is about the only
one that can preserve the peace and direct the country into
the line of prosperity and progress.
{112}
"Under this system of government the country has enjoyed
almost perfect internal peace during the year. This is the
political theory that is most widely accepted at the present
time in Colombia. Of course, there are those who do not agree
with this theory, which they consider as the natural action of
men who are more anxious to preserve order than they are to
establish truth and justice, and there are not lacking those
who say that in the long run it will be found to be a foolish
system.
"It is pointed out that the idea that grievances can be done
away with by forbidding men to complain, or that the
criticisms can be met by excommunicating the critics, or that
changes can be prevented by putting the troublers to silence,
is contradicted by the experience of the rest of the world.
The kind of effort that is being made in Colombia to prevent
the liberty of the press, of public speech, and of personal
opinion, is like the effort to prevent the escape of steam by
the safety valve, and is very likely to result in an
explosion."
The state of public feeling in Colombia became further
complicated, no doubt, when, early in January, 1909, a
tripartite treaty was negotiated, with Panama and the United
States, for the settlement of questions connected with the
secession of Panama in 1903. Panama, in this treaty, agreed to
pay Colombia the sum of $3,500,000, as her share of the
Colombian public debt, receiving recognition of her
independence in return. The treaty was submitted to the
Colombian Congress by President Reyes on the 24th of February,
with a special message of recommendation; but public feeling
was said to be bitterly against it, for the reasons that no
wrongfulness in the transaction was recognized and the
indemnity was insufficient. Disturbances which broke out at
Bogota and in the provinces about the middle of March were
attributed mostly to this cause of discontent. For some reason
of discouragement or disgust, the President was reported to
have resigned his office on the 13th, but was persuaded to
resume it next day.
It was now decided to suspend consideration of the tripartite
treaty, until it could be submitted to an elected National
Congress, the election for which would be held on the 20th of
the coming July. In June, a few weeks before the appointed
election, President Reyes made a sudden departure for Europe.
Rumors that he had gone because tired of political strife and
would not return were contradicted by the Colombian Consul at
New York, in a published note which said: "His departure, the
causes of which are well known throughout Colombia, was due to
the fact that after five years’ strenuous labor he desired a
rest, and last March to the National Assembly expressed his
desire to retire temporarily from the Presidency, but, owing
to the opposition of public sentiment and the strong desire of
the people to have him remain, he determined not to leave the
Presidency until elections to the coming Congress had been
made. To this Congress, about to be convened, and in which all
parties are represented, President Reyes confides many of the
cares of government, left by law under his jurisdiction until
Congress should assemble, and withdraws, temporarily only,
from the discharge of his Presidential duties, leaving in his
stead General Jorge Holguin, his most intimate friend and
former minister of war, who will continue to pursue in all
matters the same policy as that adopted by his predecessor.
General Reyes during his stay in Europe, whence he has gone,
will perfect plans for developing railroad and other
industries in Colombia. There is absolute peace and
tranquillity in all parts of the country."
But the "absolute peace and tranquillity" of the country was
shaken in the first week of July by a revolutionary outbreak
at Barranquilla, soon suppressed, and the resignation of
President Reyes was received soon thereafter, from abroad. The
election of his successor now devolved on the new National
Congress, elected by the people on the 20th of July. It gave
the office, for the remainder of the unfinished term (which
expires August 7, 1910) to Señor Gonzales Valencia, who had
been proclaimed by the Barranquilla revolutionists the month
before, though he disavowed their movement.
COLONIAL CONFERENCES, British.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE.
COLONIAL DOMINION, The passing of the age of.
See (in this Volume)
WORLD MOVEMENTS.
COLONIZATION: The colonizable regions of Africa.
See (in this Volume)
AFRICA.
COLORADOS.
See (in this Volume)
PARAGUAY: A. D. 1902.
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY:
Interchange of Professors with German and Scandinavian
universities.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES.
COMBES, Justin Louis Émile:
Head of French Ministry.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (April-October;
also 1903, and 1905-1906.
COMBES, Justin Louis Émile:
Vindication under scandalous charges.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1904 (JUNE-JULY).
--------COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL: Start------
COMBINATIONS: AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909.
Decision of the Federal High Court on the Anti-Trust Law.
Prosecutions by the Government.
"The first case brought under the Federal Anti-Trust Law ended
in June last in a decision of the High Court to the effect
that two important sections of the Act were ultra vires, as
the Constitution only empowered the Commonwealth to regulate
foreign and inter-State trade and gave it no authority to
interfere with trade within a State. The Federal Government is
now instituting proceedings against 27 firms which are alleged
to belong to a coal combine trading with other countries and
among the States of the Commonwealth. Each firm has been
called upon to answer certain questions under the Act in
question."
_Reuter Telegram,
Melbourne, September 27, 1909._
{113}
COMBINATIONS: Canada: A. D. 1909.
Merger of Dominion Iron, Steel, and Coal Companies.
Cement Combination.
The following is a Press despatch from Halifax, Nova Scotia,
November 13, 1909:
"The formation of the Canada Steel Corporation, the proposed
$70,000,000 merger of the Dominion Iron and Steel Company and
the Dominion Coal Company, was made possible by the agreement
of James Ross of Montreal, president of the Dominion Coal
Company, to transfer to a syndicate of Toronto capitalists a
portion of his holdings of the coal company stock. Final
arrangements regarding the stock transfer will be made here
to-day. President Ross owns coal company stock of a par value
of $5,000,000, and, although he does not dispose of all this,
he is to transfer enough to give control of the coal company
to the Toronto capitalists, who have already acquired a
controlling interest in the steel company. The plants of the
Dominion Iron and Steel Company and the Dominion Coal Company
are in Cape Breton, where they give employment to thousands of
men, and where they have caused little fishing villages to
spring up into flourishing cities."
Announcement of the completion of the merger was made in
December.
COMBINATIONS: CANADA: A. D. 1910.
Anti-Trust Bill in the Dominion Parliament.
A strongly constructed measure for controlling and regulating
commercial and industrial combinations, to check restraints of
trade and undue enhancement of prices, was brought into the
Dominion House of Commons on the 18th of January, 1910, by the
Minister of Labor, Mr. Mackenzie King, and its passage was
said to be assured. Mr King’s explanation of the Bill, as
summarized for the Associated Press, was as follows:
"The Bill, Mr. King stated, was not designed to interfere with
trade, but to protect the public from the operation of
monopolies. The bill provides that if six or more persons show
prima facie evidence to a superior court judge that a combine
exists, which has unduly enhanced the price of a manufactured
article, unduly limited the production of any commodity, or
unduly restricted trade in any way, the judge shall order the
minister of labor to have an investigation made. This shall be
done by a board of three, one member to be appointed by those
who complain, one by those complained against, and a chairman
by the first two, and if they fail to select the judge who has
heard the complaint shall act.
"This board has the full powers of a court to compel the
attendance of witnesses and the production of evidence. The
board must report to the minister and he must give the report
the fullest publicity.
"Two remedies are provided where a combination is reported to
exist. The government may withdraw the tariff protection from
the articles produced by the combine and bring the
manufacturers into competition with the world.
"The other remedy is a provision that if the combine persists
in its course after ten days there shall be a fine of $1,000 a
day imposed until the abuse is remedied. There is also
provision that when a patentee makes use of the protection of
the patent act to restrict trade or unduly enhance prices his
patent may be revoked.
"The act provides for its expeditious and thorough
enforcement, and all expenses of investigation are to be borne
by the government.
"Where question is raised as to the scope of the
investigation, the board shall make it as thorough and
complete as public interest requires. Boards are to conduct
their investigations in public and the decision of two members
shall be the decision of the board. Whenever the minister of
labor believes that counsel should aid the investigation, the
board may retain the services of a lawyer upon the consent of
the minister of justice. Witnesses are to be allowed the same
fees and traveling expenses allowed at the present in civil
suits. With the consent of the minister of labor a board may
employ experts to examine books and to report upon technical
questions."
COMBINATIONS: GERMANY:
Corporation Reform as the Germans have handled it.
"Thirty years ago the German people went through corporation
experiences much like our own. There, as here, the
corporation, as originally designed, was a mere shell. There,
as here, under the shelter of that shell, the property of the
country was being transferred from the German people at large,
even the little they had, to the few. There, thirty years ago,
as here now, great corporate scandals were exposed. And there,
as here, the human nature that is everywhere behind
civilization eventually began to recoil. It began there before
it began here, only because conditions reached a climax there
earlier than here, and because we as a people were too
prosperous and too busy to look even a little way beneath the
surface of things.
"But when the work of reform did come there, it was a genuine
reform. It did not content itself with indiscriminate
denunciation, or with mere lawsuits. Nor did it die out,
leaving the door still open to every character of corporation
the cunning of men might conceive. Before a corporation can be
organized in that country, it must prove, as in a court
proceeding, its rightful title to a corporate existence. In
the same way it must establish the amount and the character of
the capitalization it is allowed to put out. When property is
turned in, its value must be judicially ascertained. Upon
officers and directors is not conferred supreme power; in the
German corporation the shareholders’ meeting is the
counterpart of our New England town meetings—a genuine
assembly intended to do something more than pass resolutions
of approval. And every violation of trust, not merely to the
public, but to the shareholder as well, is quickly punished
with punishment that smarts. There is in the German
corporation no room for one to do, with impunity, in his
capacity as a corporation officer or promoter, what if done
individually would land him in the penitentiary."
_Judge Peter S. Grosscup,
The Corporation and the People
(The Outlook, January 12, 1907)._
COMBINATIONS: The Cartels.
Industrial combinations, quite as effective as the Trusts of
the United States, have been created in Germany on a wholly
different plan. The constituent organizations in them, of
capital and industry, are simply knitted or tied together by
hard and fast agreements, instead of being fused into huge
corporations, as the Trusts are. For the kind of covenant
which unites them a military term has been borrowed, and they
are called Cartels. The difference between the Cartel and
the Trust is described by a Scottish writer, D. H. Macgregor,
in his work on Industrial Combinations, as follows:
{114}
"The Cartel is an agreement for a time, the Trust is a
permanent structure; the former is therefore a factor in
industry full of speculative possibilities, both as regards
its actual operation, and because the 'residual' competition
of parties who break away at the end of the period is
considerably to be feared. … The principle of the pure Cartel
is compensatory action. It is an organization in which certain
producers deal with themselves, and exist for that purpose in
a double relation; they are producers of goods, and purchasers
of their own produce. What they stand to lose in one aspect
they stand to gain in the other. …
"The operation is broadly as follows. The members of the
Cartel, meeting as producers in general assembly, determine a
price for their product which covers cost of production, being
in fact practically a competitive price. This is the base or
normal price (_Richtpreis_). Thus they assure themselves, in
this capacity, of adequate remuneration. They then sell to the
Syndicate, that is to themselves as members of the Syndicate,
for what is called the ‘taking over’ or ‘accounting’ price
(_Verrechnungspreis_) which is usually on the average higher
than the base price, so that they have now created for
themselves as producers a ‘Cartel advantage.’ The Syndicate
then resells to the consumer, for a price which will be as
high as it can get, but which varies with the competition to
be met in different parts of the market; this price
(_Verkaufspreis_) may not in some cases be so high as the
taking-over price, or may not exceed it by more than the
margin necessary to cover the Syndicate’s expenses of
management. … It is the Syndicate which figures in the public
eye; and while it itself offers no sign of monopoly profit it
shelters the companies which gain by its handling of their
goods. It conceals monopoly dividends."
_D. H. Macgregor,
Industrial Combination
(G. Bell & Sons, London, 1906)._
COMBINATIONS: The Coal and Coke Cartels.
Their influence.
An elaborate history and description of the "Monopolistic
Combinations in the German Coal Industry," by Francis Walker,
was published for the American Economic Association in 1904.
These are treated as representative, because, says Mr. Walker,
"the most important and fundamental of all German castellated
industries" are those in mining and metallurgy. He traces
their development from a beginning in 1858, when an
association of the mining interests of the mining district of
Dormund was founded. In part, his conclusions as to the effect
of the coal cartels are as follows:
"The German coal cartels have not had an injurious influence,
in general, on the production of coal. More particularly they
cannot be accused, justly, of unduly limiting production among
themselves. Nor have they attempted to accomplish the same end
by crushing outside competition, by unfair methods. It would
be preposterous to say that they have hindered technical
progress. The cost of production, on the other hand, probably
has been somewhat increased by the preservation of weak and
costly mines through participation in the cartels. In regard
to prices, the policy of the coal cartels, on the whole, has
been moderate, taking circumstances into consideration, while
the policy of the coke cartel may be fairly pronounced
extortionate. The prices of coal have been more stable than
they would have been under free competition; during the
_hausse_ they were not screwed up so high as they might
easily have been, but, on the other hand, they have not
declined so quickly with the _baisse_. The like may be said of
the coke prices, but, at the same time, they were exorbitant
considered from the point of view of costs and profits. … The
_déroute_ of the iron industry was not due to the coal or
coke cartels in any important degree, i. e., even with low
prices, disaster to the iron industry would have been
inevitable. No other industry was affected so much as iron,
and it is at least very questionable whether the cartels in
general (excluding the coal cartels in particular) are to be
blamed for the crisis. … That they are to be blamed for the
ill-judged over-development of certain industries, which was
apparently the real cause of the crisis, does not seem to be a
just conclusion. On the other hand, the cartels may be
accused, with more probability of truth, of retarding the
convalescence of German industry by not reducing prices, and
if this is true, the coal and coke cartels are specially to
blame."
F. Walker,
Monopolistic Combinations in the German Coal Industry
(American Economic Association), 1904.
COMBINATIONS: Growing magnitude of companies.
Industrial concentration.
"The tendency to industrial concentration is shown by the
returns of public companies, which point to the growing
domination of large undertakings. Of 4,749 registered public
companies in 1895, 13.6 per cent. had a share capital not
exceeding £5,000, but in 1906, of 5,000 such companies, only
9.6 per cent. had a capital of that amount; the companies with
a capital of from £5,000 to £12,500 decreased from 14.0 to
10.4 per cent., and those with a capital of from £12,500 to
£25,000 decreased from 16.9 to 14.2 per cent. On the other
hand the companies with a capital of from £25,000 to £50,000
increased from 20.7 to 21.3 percent.; those with a capital of
from £50,000 to £250,000 increased from 28.5 to 35.0 per
cent.; those with a capital of from £250,000 to £500,000
increased from 3.4 to 5.4 per cent., and those with a capital
exceeding £500,000 increased from 2.9 to 4.1 per cent. In 1896
there were only two companies with a capital exceeding five
millions; in 1906 there were nine such companies, and their
combined capital was over seventy millions, having been more
than doubled since 1896. In spite of this tendency towards the
concentration of capital and the multiplication of large
undertakings, however, Germany is still an interesting
illustration of an industrial country which has not yet
entirely gone over to the factory system of production. The
handicrafts, the characteristic feature of which is the small,
independent master-workman, surrounded by his handful of
journeymen and apprentices, contend tenaciously, yet
unfortunately with only partial success, against the on-coming
tide of ‘great capitalism’ (private joint stock, and
cooperative), and the house industries continue to afford
employment to a multitude of workers of both sexes, estimated
at half a million."
_William H. Dawson,
The Evolution of Modern Germany,
pages 59-60 (Unwin, London; Scribner's, New York, 1909)._
{115}
"Among the home interests of the country nothing loomed up so
large last year [1904] as the subject of industrial
combinations. The process of consolidating industries and
banks into powerful organizations again made gigantic strides;
and the public mind, dazed and disquieted, is wondering what
will be its final outcome. All the largest steel manufacturers
have united in an association that shall have complete control
of the steel and iron products of the country; and it is
already effecting agreements with manufacturers of other
countries for parceling out the world’s markets. At the same
time the Coal Syndicate was reorganized to include all the
independent producers of the West; and in connection with it,
a great shipping and selling company was formed for the
purpose of controlling the retail trade and eliminating
recalcitrant dealers. These steel and coal combinations are
working in complete harmony, and no independent manufacturer
can exist against their will.
"In that great industrial region many large iron companies had
come into possession of coal mines. In order to induce these
to put their mines into the Syndicate, they were given the
right to produce, over and above their allotments, all the
coal that they might need for their own furnaces. A new
impetus was thus given to the process of consolidation. Strong
coal companies hastened to absorb iron establishments, in
order to earn larger profits by consuming their own coal in
indefinite quantities. Furthermore, as the allotments were
fixed absolutely for a long period, the strongest companies
proceeded to buy weaker, less economically worked collieries,
in order to shut them down and produce their allotments
elsewhere at lower cost. This movement assumed large
proportions. Miners by the thousand had to betake themselves
to other parts of the country, and entire communities were
threatened with depopulation. Industrial towns held
indignation meetings, to protest, and to demand the
nationalization of the mines; and excited operatives are still
holding conferences to discuss a general strike. The
Government has sent a commission to inquire into the movement;
and the Minister of Commerce has urged the coal magnates to
proceed as mildly as possible.
"This powerful concentric movement of industries has taken a
strong hold upon the thoughts of people and Government alike.
The public is deeply concerned at the growth of private
monopolies, and many persons who had hitherto favored letting
economic development take its own course now call for drastic
measures of prevention and repression. Country squires of the
most conservative type advocate the nationalization of all
coal deposits; and it is already asserted that a majority of
the Prussian Diet would vote for such a measure. This
convergence of the views of extreme Conservatism and radical
Socialism is certainly one of the oddest results of the
movement under discussion,—and one of the most instructive.
The natural trend of events is unquestionably in the direction
of some form of socialism. The Social Democracy clearly
perceives this, and so hails every industrial consolidation as
but another milestone on the way to state collectivism."
_W. C. Dreher,
Recent Events in Germany
(Atlantic Monthly, March, 1905)._
COMBINATIONS: International:
Of Transatlantic Shipping Companies.
Agreements with the British Government.
Announcement was made in October, 1902, of the incorporation
on the 1st of that month, under a New Jersey charter, of the
International Mercantile Marine Company, with a capital of
$120,000,000, and an issue of 4½ per cent. bonds to the amount
of $75,000,000. The combination included the American, the Red
Star, the White, the Atlantic Transport, the Leyland and the
Dominion lines. Both American and British capitalists were
represented in the board of directors, the former in the
majority. Several partners in the firm of J. Pierpont Morgan &
Company were included, and Mr. Morgan was understood to be the
architect of the combination; but he did not appear personally
in its organization.
The first step towards such a shipping combination had been
taken sixteen years before, when the British Inman steamship
line was taken over by the International Navigation Company,
made up of Americans, at the head of whom was Mr. Clement A.
Griscom, of Philadelphia. "The British Government promptly
withdrew the liberal subsidy which it had been paying to the
Inman liners; but Mr. Griscom and his comrades brought the
_New York_ and _Paris_ beneath the Stars and
Stripes, built the St. Louis and _St. Paul_, secured a
subsidy from the United States and gave the first-class
British lines a most formidable competitor. Indeed, commercial
rivalry in high grade ships on the North Atlantic soon became
too keen to permit of reasonable dividends and Mr. Griscom
found British ship-owners in a responsive mood when he
broached anew the great idea of an international combination.
"This union was made all the easier by the fact that meanwhile
another important British steamship concern, the Leyland line,
had been acquired by Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan in the spring of
1901. This line, itself the fruit of several consolidations,
controlled the largest British tonnage in the North Atlantic
trade. It owned no fast mail ships, no greyhounds. But it did
possess forty or fifty good, useful steamships of moderate
speed, many of them of large tonnage, and fit for passengers
as well as freight. The main Leyland service lay between
Boston or New York on this side, and Liverpool or London on
the other, and the business of the company had been so
profitable for a long term of years that its shares were
quoted at a handsome premium. Mr. Morgan paid a generous price
for his maritime investment. It is said that he gave £14 10s.
for each £10 share, or a bonus of 45 per cent. But amazement
at Mr. Morgan’s ‘liberality’ ceased when the next stage in the
great, far-sighted negotiation was unfolded.
"This was the dramatic uniting of the Leyland line with the
American and Red Star lines of the International Navigation
Company, and the Atlantic Transport line, another British
steam fleet owned by American capital. Later still it
transpired that the famous White Star line of fast mail,
passenger, and freight ships and the smaller but excellent
Dominion line were embraced in the huge consolidation. The
White Star was one of the two lines—the Cunard was the
other—which performed the British mail service between
Queenstown and New York. Its fleet included the great liners
_Oceanic_ and _Celtic_, the swift _Teutonic_
and _Majestic_, and the favorite _Britannic_ and
_Germanic_ which had held ocean records in their day,
together with a considerable number of large and efficient
freighters. The American purchase of the White Star line was
long disputed, and when it was finally confirmed, something
like consternation seized the British press and people, for
the White Star fleet had been regarded as distinctively a
British institution as the Bank of England. Its fast ships
received not only the mail pay of the post-office, but the
subventions of the Admiralty, and were enrolled on the
‘merchant cruiser’ list."
Winthrop L. Marvin,
The Great Ship "Combine"
(American Review of Reviews, December, 1902).
{116}
The anxieties with which the combination was regarded at first
in Great Britain were allayed materially by Mr. G. Balfour,
President of the Board of Trade, who made public, in a speech
at Sheffield, the terms of an arrangement that had been made
by the Government with the Cunard Company, on one hand, and
the Combination on the other. The Cunard Company, he said,
"pledged themselves to remain in every respect a British
company, managed by British directors—the shares not to be
transferred to any but British subjects. Their ships were to
be officered by British officers. They also engaged to
construct two vessels of twenty-four to twenty-five knots
which, as well as the entire Cunard fleet, the Admiralty would
have the right to charter or purchase at any time on terms
fixed in the agreement. The money for the construction of the
fast steamers would be advanced to the company at the rate of
2¾ per cent. interest, while in lieu of the present Admiralty
subvention—£28,000 a year for the contingent use of three
ships—the company would receive £150,000 a year. With Mr.
Pierpont Morgan, the head of the Shipping Combination, who had
shown the utmost readiness to meet the wishes of His Majesty’s
Government, it had been agreed that the British companies in
the Combination should remain British, not merely in name but
in reality. The majority of their directors were to be British
subjects. All their ships now flying the British flag were to
continue to fly it, and at least one-half of those hereafter
to be built for the Combination would likewise fly British
colours, be commanded by British officers, and manned in
reasonable proportion by British sailors. On the other hand,
the combined companies would continue to be treated, as
heretofore, on a footing of equality with other British
companies in respect of any services, whether postal, or
military, or naval, which His Majesty’s Government might
require from the British mercantile marine. It had been
further stipulated that in the event of the Combination
pursuing a policy hostile to our mercantile marine or to
British trade, the King’s Government should have the right to
terminate the agreement."
COMBINATIONS: United States: A. D. 1900.
Definition of the term Industrial Combination formulated
at the Census Bureau.
Statistics as collected in 1900.
"The officials of the Census Office, in order to prevent
misconceptions and insure consistency in the plan and system
of tabulation, formulated the following definition of the term
‘industrial combination’:
"‘For the purpose of the Census, the rule has been adopted to
consider no aggregation of mills an industrial combination,
unless it consists of a number of formerly independent mills
which have been brought together into one company under a
charter obtained for that purpose. We therefore exclude from
this category many large establishments comprising a number of
mills, which have grown up, not by combination with other
mills, but by the erection of new plants or the purchase of
old ones.’ …
"So far as can be ascertained from the data in the Census
Office, the number of these industrial consolidations is 183.
They control 2203 separate plants, scattered throughout the
United States, 2029 being active and 174 idle during the
census year. For 56 of the idle plants no returns could be
obtained, making the total number of reporting plants 2147.
The 183 combinations extend to almost all lines of industry,
producing articles of luxury, materials essential to the
upbuilding and growth of the country, and even the very
necessities of life. Fully 50 per cent. of these combinations
were chartered just prior to or during the census year; and it
is noteworthy that the epidemic of industrial consolidation,
as far as the so-called monopolies are concerned, has been
practically confined to the past four years. It is evident,
therefore, that the disease—if it be regarded as such—has
spread very rapidly.
"Naturally enough, iron and steel, with 69 combinations, heads
the list. The number of reporting plants engaged in this
industry is 469, and the capital invested, consisting of land,
buildings, machinery, tools and implements, and cash and
sundries, is valued at $348,000,000."
_W. R. Merriam,
"Trusts" in the Light of Census Returns
(Atlantic Monthly, March, 1902)._
COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1901-1903.
The question of Federal Control and Regulation.
Urgency of President Roosevelt for effective legislation.
In his first Message to Congress, three months after his
succession to the Presidency, President Roosevelt expressed
his mind frankly and clearly on the then increasing demand in
the country for more stringent measures of government, to
control and regulate the exercise of the power which great
aggregations of incorporated capital have created in recent
times. In part, he then said:
"The tremendous and highly complex industrial development
which went on with ever accelerated rapidity during the latter
half of the nineteenth century brings us face to face, at the
beginning of the twentieth, with very serious social problems.
The old laws, and the old customs which had almost the binding
force of law, were once quite sufficient to regulate the
accumulation and distribution of wealth. Since the industrial
changes which have so enormously increased the productive
power of mankind, they are no longer sufficient. The growth of
cities has gone on beyond comparison faster than the growth of
the country, and the up building of the great industrial
centers has meant a startling increase, not merely in the
aggregate of wealth, but in the number of very large
individual, and especially of very large corporate, fortunes.
… The process has aroused much antagonism, a great part of
which is wholly without warrant. It is not true that as the
rich have grown richer the poor have grown poorer. On the
contrary, never before has the average man, the wage-worker,
the farmer, the small trader, been so well off as in this
country and at the present time. There have been abuses
connected with the accumulation of wealth; yet it remains true
that a fortune accumulated in legitimate business can be
accumulated by the person specially benefited only on
condition of conferring immense incidental benefits upon
others. …
{117}
The captains of industry who have driven the railway systems
across this continent, who have built up our commerce, who
have developed our manufactures, have on the whole done great
good to our people. Without them the material development of
which we are so justly proud could never have taken place. …
It cannot too often be pointed out that to strike with
ignorant violence at the interests of one set of men almost
inevitably endangers the interests of all. … Much of the
legislation directed at the trusts would have been exceedingly
mischievous had it not also been entirely ineffective. In
accordance with a well-known sociological law, the ignorant or
reckless agitator has been the really effective friend of the
evils which he has been nominally opposing.
"All this is true; and yet it is also true that there are real
and grave evils, one of the chief being over-capitalization
because of its many baleful consequences; and a resolute and
practical effort must be made to correct these evils. There is
a widespread conviction in the minds of the American people
that the great corporations known as trusts are in certain of
their features and tendencies hurtful to the general welfare.
This springs from no spirit of envy or uncharitableness, nor
lack of pride in the great industrial achievements that have
placed this country at the head of the nations struggling for
commercial supremacy. … It is based upon sincere conviction
that combination and concentration should be, not prohibited,
but supervised and within reasonable limits controlled; and in
my judgment this conviction is right. … The first essential in
determining how to deal with the great industrial combinations
is knowledge of the facts—publicity. In the interests of the
public, the Government should have the right to inspect and
examine the workings of the great corporations engaged in
interstate business. …
"When the Constitution was adopted, at the end of the
eighteenth century, no human wisdom could foretell the
sweeping changes, alike in industrial and political
conditions, which were to take place by the beginning of the
twentieth century. At that time it was accepted as a matter of
course that the several States were the proper authorities to
regulate so far as was then necessary, the comparatively
insignificant and strictly localized corporate bodies of the
day. The conditions are now wholly different and wholly
different action is called for. I believe that a law can be
framed which will enable the National Government to exercise
control along the lines above indicated; profiting by the
experience gained through the passage and administration of
the Interstate-Commerce Act. If, however, the judgment of the
Congress is that it lacks the constitutional power to pass
such an act, then a constitutional amendment should be
submitted to confer the power."
_President’s Message to Congress,
December 3, 1901._
In the following summer, during a tour which he made through
some of the New England States the President gave prominence
to the same subject in his addresses, emphasizing the
necessity of federal legislation to arm the General Government
with more effective authority for regulating the action of
corporations engaged in interstate trade. In speaking at
Providence especially, his remarks caused a great stir of
feeling in the country, and seem to have signalled the
beginning of an open array of hostile corporate interests
against him. On that occasion he spoke partly as follows:
"Those great corporations containing some tendency to
monopoly, which we have grown to speak of rather loosely as
trusts, are the creatures of the State, and the State not only
has the right to control them, but is in duty bound to control
them wherever the need for such control is shown. There is
clearly a need of supervision—need to exercise the power of
regulation on the part of the representatives of the public,
wherever, as in our own country at the present time, business
corporations become so very strong, both for beneficent work
and for work that is not always beneficent. It is idle to say
that there is no need for such supervision. A sufficient
warrant for it is to be found over and over again in any of the
various evils resulting from the present system, or, rather,
lack of system.
"There is in our country a peculiar difficulty in the way of
exercising such supervision and control because of the
peculiar division of governmental power. When the industrial
conditions were simple, very little control was needed, and no
trouble was caused by the doubt as to where power was lodged
under the constitution. Now the conditions are complicated,
and we find it difficult to frame national legislation which
shall be adequate, while as a matter of practical experience
State action has proved entirely insufficient, and in all
human probability cannot or will not be made sufficient, to
meet the needs of the case. Some of our States have excellent
laws—laws which it would be well indeed to have enacted by
the national legislature. But the wide differences in these
laws, even between adjacent States, and the uncertainty of the
power of enforcement result practically in altogether
insufficient control.
"I believe that the nation must assume this power of control
by legislation, and if it becomes evident that the
constitution will not permit needed legislation, then by
constitutional amendment. The immediate need of dealing with
trusts is to place them under the real, not nominal, control
of some sovereign to which, as its creature, the trusts shall
owe allegiance, and in whose courts the sovereign’s orders may
with certainty be enforced. That is not the case with the
ordinary so-called 'trust’ to-day, for the trust is a large
State corporation, generally doing business in other States
also, and often with a tendency to monopoly. Such a trust is
an artificial creature not wholly responsible to or
controllable by any legislature, nor wholly subject to the
jurisdiction of any one court. Some governmental sovereign
must be given full power over these artificial and very
powerful corporate beings. In my judgment this sovereign must
be the national government. When it has been given full power,
then this full power can be used to control any evil
influence, exactly as the government is now using the power
conferred upon it under the Sherman Anti-Trust law.
"Even when the full power has been conferred it would be
highly undesirable to attempt too much or to begin by
stringent legislation. The mechanism of modern business is as
delicate and complicated as it is vast, and nothing would be
more productive of evil to all of us, and especially to those
least well off in this world’s goods, than ignorant meddling
with this mechanism, and, above all, if the meddling was done
in a spirit of class or sectional rancor.
{118}
It is desirable that this power should be possessed by the
nation, but it is quite as desirable that the power should be
exercised with moderation and self-restraint. The first
exercise of that power should be the securing of publicity
among all great corporations doing an interstate business. The
publicity, though non-inquisitorial, should be real and
thorough as to all important facts with which the public has
concern. The full light of day is a great discourager of evil.
Such publicity would by itself tend to cure the evils of which
there is just complaint, and where the alleged evils are
imaginary, it would tend to show that such is the case. When
publicity is attained it would then be possible to see what
further should be done in the way of regulation.
"Above all, it behooves us to remember not only that we ought
to try to do what we can, but that our success in doing it
depends very much upon our neither attempting nor expecting
the impossible. …
"I see no promise of a complete solution for all the problems
we group together when we speak of the trust question. But we
can make a beginning in solving these problems, and a good
beginning if only we approach the subject with a sufficiency
of resolution, of honesty and of that hard common sense which
is one of the most valuable, and, unfortunately, not one of
the most common, assets in the equipment of any people. I
think the national administration has shown its firm intention
to enforce the laws as they now stand on the statute books
without regard to persons, and I think that good has come from
this enforcement. I think, furthermore, that additional
legislation should be had, and can be had, which will enable
us to accomplish much more than has been accomplished along
these same lines."
_Theodore Roosevelt,
Address at Providence, August 23, 1902
(New York Tribune, August 24, 1902)._
In his next Message to Congress, President Roosevelt renewed
his urgency for the needed legislation. "No more important
subject can come before the Congress," he said, "than this of
the regulation of interstate business. This country cannot
afford to sit supine on the plea that under our peculiar
system of government we are helpless in the presence of the
new conditions, and unable to grapple with them or to cut out
whatever of evil has arisen in connection with them. The power
of the Congress to regulate interstate commerce is an absolute
and unqualified grant, and without limitations other than
those prescribed by the Constitution. The Congress has
constitutional authority to make all laws necessary and proper
for executing this power, and I am satisfied that this power
has not been exhausted by any legislation now on the statute
books."
_President’s Message to Congress,
December 2, 1902._
A year later, when the President addressed his Message to the
next Congress, at the opening of its first session, he was
able to say:
"The country is especially to be congratulated on what has
been accomplished in the direction of providing for the
exercise of supervision over the great corporations and
combinations of corporations engaged in interstate commerce.
The Congress has created the Department of Commerce and Labor,
including the Bureau of Corporations, with for the first time
authority to secure proper publicity of such proceedings of
these great corporations as the public has the right to know.
It has provided for the expediting of suits for the
enforcement of the Federal anti-trust law; and by another law
it has secured equal treatment to all producers in the
transportation of their goods, thus taking a long stride
forward in making effective the work of the Interstate
Commerce Commission."
_President’s Message to Congress,
December 1, 1903._
COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1901-1906.
A summary of governmental action against corporate
wrongdoers, by Elihu Root.
Legislation.
Litigation.
Court decisions.
"The act creating the bureau of corporations, the act
expediting the trial of trust cases, the anti-rebate act, the
act for the regulation of railroad rates, have made possible
redress which was impossible before. Under the direction of
two successive Attorney Generals of the first order of
ability, sincerity and devotion, in hundreds of courts,
incessant warfare has been waged and is being waged under the
federal laws against corporate wrongdoers.
"The Northern Securities Company, which sought to combine and
prevent competition between two great continental railroads,
has been forced to dissolve by the judgment of the Supreme
Court of the United States. The methods of the Beef Trust in
combining to suppress competition in the purchase of livestock
and the sale of meat have been tried and condemned, and the
trust has been placed under injunction to abandon these
practices by judgment of the Supreme Court. The combination of
paper manufacturers in the territory from Chicago to the Rocky
Mountains has been dissolved by the judgment of the Supreme
Court, and the combination has been abandoned, and the price
of white paper in that territory has gone down 30 per cent.
The Retail Grocers’ Association in this country has been
dissolved by decree of the court. The elevator combination in
the West has been dissolved in like manner. The salt
combination west of the Rocky Mountains has been dissolved by
decree of the court. The Wholesale Grocers’ Association in the
South, the meat combination and the lumber combination in the
West, the combination of railroads entering the city of St.
Louis to suppress competition between the bridges and ferries
reaching that city; the Drug Trust, which suppresses
competition all over the country, are being vigorously pressed
in suits brought by the federal government for their
dissolution. The salt combination has been indicted and
convicted and fined for failing to obey the judgment of
dissolution. The Beef Trust has been indicted for failing to
obey the injunction against them, and have been saved so far
only by a decision that they had secured temporary immunity by
giving evidence against themselves. One branch of the Tobacco
Trust is facing an indictment of its corporations and their
officers in the federal court in New York, and the other
branches are undergoing investigation. The lumber combination
in Oklahoma is under indictment. The Fertilizer Trust, a
combination of thirty-one corporations and twenty-five
individuals to support and fix prices, has been indicted, the
indictments have been sustained by the courts, and the
combination has been dissolved. The ice combination of the
District of Columbia is facing criminal trial. Special counsel
are investigating the coal combination, and special counsel
are investigating the Standard Oil combination.
{119}
"Three of the causes won in the Supreme Court of the United
States have furnished decisions of the utmost importance. In
the Tobacco Trust case of Hale agt. Henkel, the Supreme Court
denied the claim of the trust corporations to be exempt under
the Constitution from furnishing testimony against themselves
by the production of their books and papers before a federal
grand jury. Thus, the protection of secrecy for corporate
wrongdoing is beaten down. In the Northern Securities case the
Supreme Court held that a wrong accomplished by means of
incorporating in accordance with the express provision of the
New Jersey statute was just as much a violation of federal law
as if there had been no incorporation. Thus, the state rights
defence of protection from favoring state statutes is beaten
down. In the Beef Trust case the Supreme Court held that,
although the business of manufacture was carried on within the
limits of a single state, yet the purchase of the raw material
in different states and the sale of the finished product in
different states brought the business within the interstate
commerce clause of the Constitution and gave the federal
government authority over it. Thus, the defence that the state
alone can deal with manufacturing corporations, however
widespread their business, is beaten down.
"The obstacles to the enforcement of the federal anti-trust
act thus removed are obstacles which stood in the way of all
proceedings, and they had to be cleared away before any
proceedings of the same character against the same classes of
corporations could be successfully maintained. They have been
removed, not by newspaper headlines and denunciation, but by
skill, ability, and energy of the highest order.
"After the Elkins anti-rebate law was passed by Congress in
1903 it was supposed, and the Interstate Commerce Commission
reported, that the railroads had substantially abandoned
giving rebates. Their good resolutions do not seem, however,
to have lasted. The struggle for business enabled the shippers
soon to secure a renewal of rebates, or, by ingenious devices
advantages equivalent to rebates. Thereupon the Department of
Justice began active prosecutions for the enforcement of the
law. Fifty-three indictments have been found against hundreds
of defendants and covering many hundreds of transactions.
There have been fourteen criminal convictions. Fourteen
individuals have been fined, to the gross amount of $66,125.
Nine corporations have been fined to the amount of $253,000.
Thirty-five indictments are ready for trial in their regular
order upon the court calendar. The original statute provided
only for punishment by fine. Last winter it was amended by
providing for punishment by imprisonment, and, if the lines
imposed under the original law shall not prove to have stopped
the practice, we shall see whether fear of the penitentiary
under the amendment will not do so.
"Under this statute also it was necessary to sweep away
defences which stood as barriers to general prosecution, and
in the New York, New Haven & Hartford Railroad case, decided
by the Supreme Court February 19 of this year, and the
Milwaukee Refrigerator Transit case, decided in the Seventh
Circuit on May 31 of this year, the courts have held that the
substance and not the form is to control in the application of
the statute, and that, however the transaction may be
disguised, an unlawful discrimination can be reached and
punished. The way is therefore cleared for all other
prosecutions.
"The Railroad Rates act, which was the subject of such excited
discussion during the last session of Congress, has already
justified itself. Since the passage of the act, less than five
months ago, there have been more voluntary reductions of rates
by our railroads than during the entire nineteen years of the
previous life of the Interstate Commerce Commission. On the
single day of the 29th of August, 1906, two days before the
act went into force, over five thousand notices of voluntary
reduction of rates were filed with the Interstate Commerce
Commission by the railroads of the United States."
_Elihu Root,
Speech at Utica, November 1, 1906
(New York Tribune, November 2, 1906)._
COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1903-1906.
The "Beef Trust" suits and investigations.
The United States v. Swift & Co. et al.
Commissioner Garfield’s investigation.
Indictment of Armour & Co. and others.
Immunity decision of Judge Humphrey.
Fines for receiving rebates from railways.
In the case known as that of the United States v. Swift &
Company et al., the defendants were seven corporations, one
copartnership, and twenty-three other persons (commonly styled
"the Beef Trust"), charged with violations of the anti-trust
law, by combination in restraint of the trade which they
conducted, namely, the buying of live stock, slaughtering the
same in different states and selling the meats thus produced.
It was affirmed by the Government that they, together,
controlled about sixty per cent. of the total Volume of that
trade in the country, and that if the alleged combination
among them did not exist they "would be and remain in
competition with each other"; but that by such "unlawful
combination and conspiracy" they were directing and requiring
their agents
(1) not to bid against one another in the live-stock markets
of the different States;
(2) to bid up prices for a few days so as to induce cattlemen
to send their stock to the stock-yards;
(3) to fix prices at which they would sell, and hence, when
necessary, to restrict shipments of meat;
(4) to establish a uniform rule of credit to dealers and to
keep a blacklist;
(5) to make uniform and improper charges for cartage; and
(6) to obtain less than lawful rates from the railways to the
exclusion of all competitors.
The case, on motion for injunction, was tried first in the
Circuit Court of the Northern District of Illinois, Judge
Peter S. Grosscup. The Opinion of the Court, given April 18,
1903, held that, under the definition of the term by the
Supreme Court in the Trans-Missouri Freight Association Case
(see, in this Volume, Railways: United States: A. D.
1890-1902), "there can be no doubt that the agreement of the
defendants to refrain from bidding against each other in the
purchase of cattle is combination in restraint of trade: so
also their agreement to bid up prices to stimulate shipments,
intending to cease from bidding when the shipments have
arrived.
{120}
The same result," continued the judge, "follows when we turn
to the combination of defendants to fix prices upon and
restrict the quantities of meat shipped to their agents or
their customers. Such agreements can be nothing less than
restriction upon competition, and, therefore, combination in
restraint of trade; and thus viewed, the petition, as an
entirety, makes out a case under the Sherman Act. … The
demurrer is overruled, and the motion for preliminary
injunction granted."
On appeal, the case went to the Supreme Court, where it was
argued in January, 1905, and decided on the 30th of the same
month. The Opinion of the Court, rendered by Justice Holmes,
with no dissent, affirmed, but modified, the decree of
injunction issued by Judge Grosscup; the aim of the
modifications being to give more definiteness to the decree.
"The defendants," said Justice Holmes, for example, "cannot be
ordered to compete, but they properly can be forbidden to give
directions or to make agreements not to compete. The
injunction follows the charge. No objection was made on the
ground that it is not confined to the places specified in the
bill. It seems to us, however, that it ought to set forth more
exactly the transactions in which such directions and
agreements are forbidden. The trade in fresh meat referred to
should be defined somewhat as it is in the bill, and the sales
of stock should be confined to sales of stock at the
stock-yards named, which stock is sent from other States to
the stock-yards for sale or is bought at those yards for
transport to another State."
_Federal Anti-Trust Decisions, 1900-1906,
Volume 2, prepared and edited by James A. Finch,
by direction of the Attorney-General
(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1907)._
COMBINATIONS:
Investigation by the Commissioner of Corporations.
On the 7th of March, 1904, the House of Representatives
adopted a resolution requesting the Secretary of Commerce and
Labor to "investigate the causes of the low prices of beef
cattle in the United States since July 1st, 1903, and the
unusually large margins between the prices of beef cattle and
the selling prices of fresh beef, and whether the said
conditions have resulted in whole or in part from any
contract, combination, in the form of trust or otherwise, or
conspiracy, in restraint of commerce among the several States
and Territories or with foreign countries; also, whether said
prices have been controlled in whole or in part by any
corporation, joint stock company, or corporate combination
engaged in commerce among the several States or with foreign
nations; and, if so, to investigate the organization,
capitalization, profits, conduct and management of the
business of such corporations, companies, and corporate
combinations, and to make early report of his findings
according to law."
In compliance with this resolution, the Commissioner of
Corporations, Mr. James R. Garfield, went to Chicago in April
and began the requested investigation, which was prosecuted
throughout most of the ensuing year. "The inquiries of the
Bureau of Corporations were naturally concerned chiefly with
the six great concerns which, by the injunction of 1902, were
grouped together, and which were popularly considered as the
Beef Trust. The ‘Big Six,’ in the approximate order of their
magnitude as indicated by the number of animals slaughtered,
are: Swift & Company, with seven large plants; Armour &
Company, and the Armour Packing Company, which have the same
stockholders, and which together operate five packing-houses;
the National Packing Company, with eight comparatively large
plants and two or three minor ones; Morris & Company,
operating three plants; the Cudahy Packing Company, with three
plants in the middle West and a minor one at Los Angeles; and
the Schwarzschild & Sulzberger Company, operating three
plants. Nearly all of the important packing-houses of these
six companies are situated in the eight great live-stock
markets,—Chicago, Kansas City, South Omaha, East St. Louis,
South St. Joseph, Fort Worth, South St. Paul, and Sioux City."
As for the National Packing Company, it grew, apparently, out
of an abortive scheme for the consolidation of the other five
concerns which was rumored in 1902. "Shortly prior to the
formation of this company the Armour interests had acquired
control of the G. H. Hammond Company and the Omaha Packing
Company, the Swifts had secured the Anglo-American Provision
Company and the Fowler Packing Association, and the Morris
family had become dominant in the United Dressed Beef Company
of New York. The National Packing Company, organized in 1903,
took over the control of the various corporations thus
previously acquired by the three packing interests named, and
has since absorbed two or three other smaller concerns. The
directorate of the National Company consists almost wholly of
representatives of the Armour, Swift, and Morris companies.
Aside from this community of interest, the bureau finds that
there is no important inter-ownership of securities among the
six leading packing companies."
"The ‘Big Six’ are by no means the only slaughterers of cattle
in the United States. They, with a few minor affiliated
concerns, killed 5,521,697 cattle in 1903, while, from the
best available data, the Bureau of Corporations computes the
total slaughter of the country at about 12,500,000. But the
proportion of 45 per cent. thus indicated by no means measures
the full economic significance of the six great packers. Their
importance lies in the fact that they are the only concerns
which do an extensive business in shipping dressed beef. … The
‘Big-Six’ kill about 98 percent, of the cattle slaughtered at
the eight leading Western markets above named."
_Edward Dana Durand,
The Beef Industry and the Government Investigation
(American Review of Reviews, April, 1905)._
Early in March, 1905, just before the adjournment of Congress,
his report of it, in part, was transmitted by the President to
Congress. The following summary of important facts set forth
in the extended report was published in _The Outlook_ of
the following week:
"The report as sent to Congress deals with the prices of
cattle and dressed beef, the margins between such prices, and
the organization, conduct, and profits of the corporations
engaged in the beef-packing business. In some respects the
conclusions presented are distinctly favorable to the packers;
in others, quite as unfavorable. It appears that the profits
of the six great companies whose operations were covered by
the investigation were very much smaller during the years 1902
and 1903 than the public had been led to suppose,—that, in
fact, for a part of that period the business was conducted at
an actual loss.
{121}
The percentage of profit on the gross Volume of business
during the years 1902-1904 was comparatively low. That realized
by Swift & Company is placed at two per cent. This, however,
we repeat, is the percentage on total sales, which is a very
different thing from profit on the investment. It is a
well-known fact that the actual capitalization of the packing
companies is very much less than the annual Volume of
business. From statements made by the six companies to the
Bureau of Corporations it appears that their gross business is
not less than $700,000,000 per year, while their nominal
capitalization is only $88,000,000, exclusive of $5,000,000
bonds of Swift & Company. On the other hand, it is practically
impossible, as the report shows, to determine accurately just
what proportion of the total investment represents plants and
properties concerned with the beef industry exclusively.
Still, it is obvious that Swift & Company’s net profit of two
per cent. on their sales would amount to very much more than
two per cent, on their investment. The report makes an
approximate estimate of twelve per cent.
"On one other count the report is favorable to the companies.
It declares that they are apparently not overcapitalized. This
conclusion, it is true, is robbed of some of its exculpatory
force when the private-car system is taken into consideration.
It is shown that the companies’ profits on refrigerator cars,
derived from mileage paid by the railroads, has ranged from 14
to 22 per cent. The report gives clear and definite
information as to the trust’s field of operations. It shows
that the six companies slaughtered in 1903 only about 45 per
cent. of all the cattle killed in that year, but that these
companies slaughter nearly 98 per cent. of all the cattle
killed in the leading Western packing centers, and that they
control a large percentage of the trade in beef in many large
cities—75 per cent. in New York, 85 per cent. in Boston, 95
per cent. in Providence, and in a number of other important
cities from 50 to 90 per cent. In all these centers of
population the consumer is now paying more for meats than ever
before, while the cattle-grower on the Western plains is
receiving less for his beeves. These two facts are doubtless
capable of explanation, but the published results of the
investigation ordered by Congress throw little light on the
matter."
COMBINATIONS:
Case of the United States v. Armour & Company et al.
Soon after the publication of the report of the Bureau of
Corporations a special Federal Grand Jury at Chicago began the
investigation of charges brought by the Attorney-General of
the United States against five of the corporations engaged in
the meat-packing business and seventeen of their officials. An
indictment was returned by the Grand Jury on the 1st of July,
1905, charging, in a number of counts, persistent violation of
the injunction laid on these corporations and their officials
by Judge Grosscup with affirmation by the Supreme Court, and
continued combination in restraint of trade,—by requiring
their purchasing agents to refrain from bidding in good faith
against one another; by agreements that fixed the prices of
beef; by restricting sales to maintain prices, etc. On the
trial of the indictment, which was begun on the 29th of
January and concluded on the 21st of March, 1906, the
defendants claimed immunity, under that clause of the Fifth
Amendment to the Constitution of the United States which
reads:
"Nor shall any person be compelled in any criminal case to be
a witness against himself."
Their claim for immunity under this constitutional
prescription was founded on the fact that "upon the lawful
requirement of the Commissioner of Corporations" they "had
furnished evidence, documentary and otherwise, of and
concerning the matters charged in the indictment"; and that a
section of the Act creating the Department of Commerce and
Labor provides that persons testifying or producing evidence
before the Commissioner shall be entitled to the immunities
conferred by the Act in relation to testimony before the
Interstate Commerce Commission of February 11, 1893. Judge
Humphrey, of the United States District Court, before whom the
case was tried, sustained the plea in his charge to the jury,
so far as concerned the individual defendants, saying: "Under
the law of this case, the immunity pleas filed by the
defendants will be sustained as to the individual defendants,
the natural persons, and denied as to the corporations, the
artificial persons, and your verdict will be in favor of the
defendants as to the individuals, and in favor of the
Government as to the corporations."
COMBINATIONS:
Fines for accepting rebates.
The same Federal Grand Jury at Chicago which returned the
indictments dealt within the case mentioned above brought
another indictment against four men in the employ of one of
the meat-packing companies, who were accused of unlawfully
combining and agreeing to solicit rebates for their
corporation from the Michigan Central, the Chicago, Rock
Island and Pacific, the Grand Trunk Western, the Lehigh
Valley, the Boston and Maine, and the Mobile and Ohio
railroads. It was charged that the defendants conspired with
one another in presenting to the railroad companies pretended
claims for damages which were in fact claims for rebates. They
were brought for trial before Judge Humphrey in September,
1905, and pleaded guilty. The Judge then pronounced sentence
on them as follows:
"Punishment for this offense as fixed by Congress has a wide
range, giving the Court unusual latitude, ranging from a
nominal fine without imprisonment to a heavy fine and two
years’ imprisonment, all in the discretion of the Court. I am
disposed to consider this case with reasonable moderation. The
sentence of the Court in the case of the defendant Weil will
be a fine of $10,000 and costs, and commitment to the county
jail until the fine is paid, and in the cases of Todd,
Skipworth, and Cusey a fine of $5,000 and costs, with the same
provision in regard to payment."
COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1904-1909.
The Standard Oil Company.
Federal Government investigation of its methods of business.
Criminal prosecutions for violation of the law against
rebates.
The $29,000,000 fine and its annulment.
Acquittal of the Company.
After a dozen years or more of slight oil production in
Kansas, that state became quite suddenly, in 1904, one of the
important sources of petroleum supply. The Standard Oil
Company had taken care to be prepared for whatever development
might occur, and had organized its operations in this western
field under the name of the Prairie Oil and Gas Company, of
Kansas.
{122}
Its refineries were ready to furnish a market to the Kansas
producers of crude oil, and they had no other. Independent
enterprises in oil refining were made quite impossible, and
the Prairie Oil and Gas Company was complete master of the
situation. The Kansas oil producers were soon writhing under
its dictation of prices and rules of dealing, as the
Pennsylvanians had been years before, and the Kansas
Legislature came promptly to their rescue. In the winter of
1904-1905 it passed five vigorous acts; authorizing the
establishment of a State oil refinery; making pipe lines
common carriers within the State; placing them under the
jurisdiction of the State board of railroad commissioners;
fixing maximum rates for the transportation of oil by freight
or pipe line; and, finally, prohibiting discrimination between
localities in the sale of any commodities. Furthermore, the
anti-trust laws of the State were brought into action against
the Standard Oil Company and the railroads accused of giving
it special rates and privileges.
At the same time, the Kansas situation was brought to the
attention of Congress and the Federal Executive. On motion of
a Kansas representative, the lower House of Congress, in
February, adopted a resolution calling on the President for an
investigation of the methods of business pursued by the
Standard Oil Company. The desired investigation was conducted
in the following year by Commissioner Garfield, the head of
the Bureau of Corporations, and his report was communicated to
Congress on the 5th of May, 1906, with an accompanying special
message, by the President. Nothing of the detail of facts in
the report can be given here; but the conclusions drawn from
them by the Commissioner were summed up by him, as follows:
"Upon the request of its attorney, all the essential facts
discovered by this Bureau were presented to the company at the
close of the investigation, and an exhaustive statement
relating thereto was made by its chief traffic officer. There
was no denial of the facts found, but explanations of
particular situations were offered, and it was urged that the
facts did not show any violation by the Standard of the letter
or spirit of the interstate-commerce law. A most careful
review of the facts and the explanations leads to the
following conclusions:
"The Standard Oil Company has habitually received from the
railroads, and is now receiving, secret rates and other unjust
and illegal discriminations.
"During 1904 the Standard saved about three-quarters of a
million dollars through the secret rates discovered by the
Bureau of Corporations, and of course there may be other
secret rates which the Bureau has not discovered. This amount
represents the difference between the open rates and the rates
actually paid. Many of these discriminations were clearly in
violation of the interstate-commerce law, and others, whether
technically illegal or not, had the same effect upon
competitors. On some State business secret rates were applied
by means of rebates.
"These discriminations have been so long continued, so secret,
so ingeniously applied to new conditions of trade, and so
large in amount as to make it certain that they were due to
concerted action by the Standard and the railroads.
"The Standard Oil Company is receiving unjust discriminations
in open rates.
"The published rates from the leading Standard shipping points
are relatively much lower than rates from the shipping points
of its competitors. The advantage to the Standard over its
competitors from such open discriminations is enormous,
probably as important as that obtained through the secret
rates.
"If an unfair discrimination be obtained by one shipper
through a device which in itself is seemingly not prohibited
by law, that fact shows that the law is defective and should
be strengthened; it does not show that the discrimination is
proper or just.
"The following are a few of the most important discriminations
and the methods by which they were obtained:
"(1) For about ten years the New England territory has been in
control of the Standard Oil Company by reason of the refusal
of the New York, New Haven and Hartford road and of the Boston
and Maine road, on all but a few divisions, to pro-rate—i. e.,
to join in through rates—on oil shipped from west of the
Hudson River, and by means of the adjustment of published
rates. …
"(2) The Standard Oil Company has been able to absolutely
control for many years the sale of oil in the northeastern
part of New York and in a portion of Vermont by means of
secret rates from its refineries at Olean and Rochester. …
"The saving to the Standard during 1904 by the secret rate
from Olean to Rochester alone was $115,000. This and other
less important rates from Olean were unknown to the
independent refiners, and were not published on the ground
that they were wholly State rates; yet in fact they were used
for oil consigned to points beyond the State boundary of New
York. Furthermore, all shipments from Olean on these secret
rates were blind-billed—_i. e._, the rates were not shown
on the waybills.
"(3) The Standard Oil Company has maintained absolute control
of almost the whole section of the country south of the Ohio
River and east of the Mississippi by means of secret rates and
open discriminations in rates from Whiting, Indiana. …
"(4) The Standard Oil Company has for at least ten years
shipped oil from Whiting to East St. Louis, Illinois, at a
rate of 6 or 6¼ cents on three of the five railroads running
between those places, while the only duly published rate on
all roads has been 18 cents during all that period! This
discrimination saved the Standard about $240,000 in 1904. …
"Whiting is located in Indiana, about two miles from the
Illinois line. East St. Louis is in Illinois, just across the
river from St. Louis. The secret low rates were given by the
Chicago, Burlington and Quincy, Chicago and Alton, and Chicago
and Eastern Illinois railroads. They were not published, on
the ground that they were State rates. …
"(5) In the Kansas-Territory field there were some unfair open
rates. …
"(6) In California direct rebates, as well as discriminations
by the use of secret rates, have been given on oil. …
"(7) Open published rates from Whiting into a large part of
the United States have given the Standard Oil Company an
unfair advantage of from 1 to 20 cents per hundred pounds.
{123}
"This discrimination seriously limits independent refiners in
some markets, and shuts them out completely from other
markets. It is accomplished by the use of commodity rates—that
is, rates which apply only to petroleum and its products—and
by refusal to pro-rate."
_Report of the Commissioner of Corporations on the
Transportation of Petroleum,
May 2, 1906, Letter of Submittal, pages xxi-xxv.
(59th Congress, 1st Session House Document. number 812)._
Consequent on the information secured by this investigation,
criminal proceedings against the Standard Oil Company in its
various State organizations were instituted in 1906-1907. The
number and character of the indictments found in these cases
are set forth in tabular form, in an article on "The Oil Trust
and the Government," by Francis Walker, published in the
_Political Science Quarterly_, March, 1908. The following
statement of them is summarized from that table:
In the Northern District of Illinois, August 27, 1906, against
the Standard Oil Co. of Indiana, 1903 and 134 indictments on
shipments over the Chicago and Alton Railway, from Whiting,
Indiana, to East St. Louis, Illinois, and from Chappell,
Illinois, to St. Louis, Missouri.
In same District, same date, against same Company, 2124 and
220 indictments on shipments over the Chicago, Burlington and
Quincy Railway, from Whiting to East St. Louis and St. Louis.
In same District, same date, against same Company, 1318 and
597 indictments on shipments over the Chicago and Eastern
Illinois and the Evansville and Terre Haute railways, from
Whiting to Evansville.
In same District, same date, against same Company, 103
indictments, on shipments over the Chicago and Eastern
Illinois and the Evansville and Terre Haute railways from
Whiting, via Grand Junction, Tennessee, to various points in
the South.
In the Eastern Division of the Western District of Tennessee,
October 16, 1906, against the Standard Oil Company of Indiana,
1524 indictments, on shipments over the Illinois Central and
Southern railways, from Evansville, via Grand Junction, to
various points.
In the Eastern District of Missouri, November 18, 1906,
against the Waters-Pierce Oil Company, 76 indictments, on
shipments over the St. Louis, Iron Mountain and Southern
Railway, to various points.
In the Western District of Louisiana, January 28, 1907,
against the Waters-Pierce Oil Company, 32 indictments, on
shipments over the St. Louis, Iron Mountain. and S. Railway,
to various points.
In the Western District of New York, August 10, 1907, against
the Vacuum Oil Company, 23 indictments, on shipments from
Olean to Vermont.
In the Western District of New York, August 24, 1906, against
the Standard Oil Company of New York, 23 and 123 indictments,
on shipments from Olean to Vermont.
In same District, August 9, 1907, against same Company, 188
and 40 indictments, on shipments from Olean, New York, to
Burlington, Vermont, over New York Central and Rutland and
Vermont Central railways.
In same District, same date, against the Vacuum Oil Company,
188 and 40 indictments on shipments from Olean to Burlington
and to Rutland and Burlington.
In same District, September 6, 1907, against the Standard Oil
Company of New York, 54 indictments, on shipments from Olean
and Rochester to points in Vermont.
The most notable of these criminal prosecutions has been the
one described first in the list above. The opening chapter of
its history is sketched as follows by Mr. Walker, in the
article already referred to:
"The only important case which, up to December, 1907, had come
to trial, was the indictment against the Standard Oil Company
of Indiana for accepting a secret rate on shipments over the
Chicago and Alton Railway, from Whiting, Indiana, to East St.
Louis, Illinois, and from Chappell, Illinois, to St. Louis,
Missouri. The published rate on this traffic was eighteen
cents per hundred pounds (as far as East St. Louis, a bridge
toll of one and a half cents being added on shipments to St.
Louis); while the rate paid by the Standard Oil Company of
Indiana, during the period of about three years covered by the
indictment and for many years before, was only six cents per
hundred pounds. On this rate, the Standard had transported, as
charged in the indictment, 1903 carloads of oil, each carload
being made the subject of a distinct count and separate proof.
The trial of this case began in Chicago, on March 4, 1907.
"The defence not only exhausted every device of technical
objection and obstruction but also attacked the
constitutionality of the ‘Elkins’ law forbidding rate
discrimination, alleging the right of the railroads and
shippers to make private contract rates, an impudent assertion
which the court justly characterized as an ‘abhorrent heresy.’
The question of guilt in the matter of technical proof
depended to a large extent on the requirements of the law that
carriers must file rates, and the argument of the prosecution
was that shippers must be charged with the knowledge as to
whether such rates were lawfully filed or not. The defendant
pretended ignorance of the fact that the six-cent rate had not
been filed by the Alton and alleged that it was an
unreasonable requirement to charge it with such knowledge. On
this point the court said in rendering judgment:
"‘The honest man who tenders a commodity for transportation by
a railway company will not be fraudulently misled by that
company into allowing it to haul his property for less than
the law authorizes it to collect. For the carrier thus to
deceive the shipper would be to deliberately incriminate
itself, to its own pecuniary detriment, which it may safely be
trusted not to do. The only man liable to get into trouble is
he who, being in control of the routing of large Volumes of
traffic, conceives a scheme for the evasion of the law, and
connives with railway officials in its execution.’
"The jury returned a verdict of guilty on 1462 counts, on
April 14, 1907: a considerable number of counts, namely 441,
were thrown out on technical grounds. In the matter of
penalty, the Standard’s counsel argued
(1) that there were only three offences shown, namely, one for
each year in which the rate was in force;
(2) that there were only 36 offences shown, namely, one for
each monthly settlement of freight charges; and
(3) that each train load constituted a separate offence. The
court held, however, that the unlawful rate was made on a
carload basis, and that each carload unlawfully transported
constituted a distinct offence.
{124}
In considering the amount of the fine to be levied, the court
demanded information from the officials of the Standard Oil
Company regarding the net earnings and dividends of the chief
holding company of the trust—the Standard Oil Company of New
Jersey. Their attendance and testimony were obtained only by
writ of subpoena; and it was admitted that the net profits
during the years 1903 to 1905 (when these rebates existed)
amounted to $81,336,994, $61,570,110, and $57,459,356
respectively.
"In view of the fact that the counsel of the defendant openly
maintained the right of the railways and shippers to make
private contracts for rates, the court declared that it was
‘unable to indulge the presumption that in this case the
defendant was convicted of its virgin offence.’ The defendant
also claimed that, as there were no other shippers of oil over
the Chicago and Alton Railway, no one was injured by the
secret rate. On this matter the court said:
"‘It is novel, indeed, for a convicted defendant to urge the
complete triumph of a dishonest course as a reason why such a
course should go unpunished.
"‘Of course, there was no other shipper of oil, nor could
there be, so long as, by secret arrangement, the property of
the Standard Oil Company was hauled by railway common carriers
for one-third of what anybody else would have to pay.’
"Moved by these considerations, the court adjudged, on August
3, 1907, that the defendant should pay the maximum penalty and
fined the Standard Oil Company $20,000 for each offence, that
is, for each of the 1462 counts in the indictment upon which
conviction was obtained. The total fine, therefore, amounted
to $29,240,000."
_Francis Walker,
The Oil Trust and the Government
(Political Science Quarterly, March, 1908)._
On a writ of error the case went now to the United States
Circuit Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit, where it was
argued at the April session, 1908, and the opinion, by Judge
Peter S. Grosscup, Circuit Judge, delivered on the 22d of the
following July. In this opinion the District Court was held to
have erred in deciding that each single carload of oil was to
be dealt with as a separate offence, and that it reasoned
erroneously in determining the fine imposed. On this latter
point Judge Grosscup said:
"Did the court, in the fine imposed, abuse its discretion? The
defendant indicted, tried, and convicted, was the Standard Oil
Company, a corporation in Indiana. The capital stock of this
corporation is one million dollars. There is nothing in the
record, in the way of evidence, either before conviction, or
after conviction and before sentence, that shows that the
assets of this corporation were in excess of one million
dollars. There is nothing in the record, either before
conviction, or after conviction and before sentence, that
shows that the defendant, before the court, had ever before
been guilty of an offence of this character. It may,
therefore, be safely assumed, that but for the relation of the
defendant before the court to another corporation, not before
the court—a relation to be presently stated—the court would
have measured out punishment on the basis of the facts just
stated.
"That under such circumstances the punishment would have been
the maximum punishment, does not seem possible; for the
maximum sentence, put into execution against the defendant
before the court, would wipe out, many times, and for its
first offence, all the property of the defendant. …
"Briefly stated, the reason of the trial court for imposing
this sentence was because, after conviction and before
sentence, it was brought out, on an examination of some of the
officers and stockholders of the Standard Oil Company of New
Jersey, that the capital stock of the Standard Oil Company of
Indiana, the defendants before the court, was principally
owned by the New Jersey corporation, a corporation not before
the court—the trial court adding (upon no evidence however to
be found in the record, and upon no information specially
referred to) that in concessions of the character for which
the defendant before the court had been indicted, tried, and
convicted, the New Jersey corporation was not a ‘virgin’
offender.
"Is a sentence such as this, based on reasoning such as that,
sound? Passing over the fact that no word of evidence or other
information supporting the trial court’s comment is to be
found in the record, would the comment, if duly proven,
justify a sentence such as this—one that otherwise would not
have been imposed? Can a court, without abuse of judicial
discretion, wipe out all the property of the defendant before
the court, and all the assets to which its creditors look, in
an effort to reach and punish a party that is not before the
court—a party that has not been convicted, has not been tried,
has not been indicted even? Can an American judge, without
abuse of judicial discretion, condemn any one who has not had
his day in court?
" That, to our mind, is strange doctrine in Anglo-Saxon
jurisprudence. …
"The judgment of the District Court is reversed and the case
remanded with instructions to grant a new trial, and proceed
further in accordance with this opinion."
The Government failed in attempts to secure a rehearing before
the Appellate Court, as well as in an application for the
reviewing of the case by the Supreme Court.
On the new trial to which the case was remanded Judge Landis,
whose judgment had been set aside, declined to sit, and Judge
A. B. Anderson, of Indianapolis, was called to Chicago to
occupy his bench. The trial was opened on the 23d of February,
1909. On the 2d of March Judge Anderson sustained the motion
of the defence that the government must proceed on the theory
that there were thirty-six alleged offences—that is, that each
settlement on which an alleged rebate was paid instead of each
carload, constituted a separate offence. This made it
impossible to claim a penalty beyond $720,000, being at the
rate of $20,000 for each offence. But even that was put out of
the question by the ultimate decision of the Judge, that the
law, as laid down by the United States Court of Appeals,
required him to direct the jury to find the Standard Oil
Company not guilty on the charge of accepting rebates from the
Chicago and Alton Railroad. This instruction he gave on the
10th of March, thus bringing the case to an end.
{125}
The outcome in this case was said to mean that all but two of
the pending indictments against the Standard Oil Company of
Indiana, as recapitulated above, are void and would be
abandoned by the Government. The two cases not affected are
cases involving the shipment of 1915 carloads of oil from
Whiting, Indiana, to Evansville, Indiana, via Dolton Junction,
over the Chicago and Eastern Illinois Railroad.
On the 15th of March, five days after the acquittal of the
Company in Illinois, a fine of $20,000 was imposed upon it by
the United States District Court of the Western District of
New York, on one of the indictments founded on shipments from
Rochester and Olean to points in Vermont. Previously, the New
York Central Railroad had paid a heavy fine for granting
rebates on those shipments.
Numerous State prosecutions, under State laws in Missouri,
Texas, Minnesota, Ohio, and elsewhere, had been assailing the
monopolistic corporation simultaneously with the proceedings
of the General Government against it, and some of them with
greater seriousness of effect than the Federal prosecutors had
accomplished. The more important of these were in Texas,
against the subsidiary Waters-Pierce Oil Company of Missouri,
and in Missouri, against that Company in association with the
Standard of Indiana, and with another of the same Trust
family. The Texas suit, after making its slow way through the
State courts and to the United States Supreme Court, came to
its conclusion early in 1909, with the result of a fine of
$1,623,500, and the exclusion of the Company from business in
the State. The suit in Missouri, as decided at about the same
time by the Supreme Court of the State, resulted in an order
for the dissolution of the Waters-Pierce Company and for the
perpetual exclusion of the other companies, chartered
elsewhere, from operations within the State. The outcome of
this vindication of the law of the State is understood to have
been an arrangement under which the business of the
Waters-Pierce Company is taken over by a new company, the
stock of which is held by trustees approved by the Supreme
Court of the State and acting as officers of the Court.
COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1905-1906.
The Tobacco Trust Case of Hale v. Henkel.
Denial by the Supreme Court of the claim of corporations
to be exempt from the production of books and papers
before a Grand Jury.
A proceeding begun by the Government of the United States, in
the spring of 1905, to ascertain the lawfulness or
unlawfulness of the methods of business pursued by the
so-called Tobacco Trust, was embarrassed by the refusal of a
witness to give evidence for which he was summoned before the
grand jury of the Circuit Court of the United States for the
Southern District of New York. The case pending was between
the United States and the American Tobacco Company and
MacAndrews & Forbes Company. The witness, Hale, was secretary
and treasurer of the MacAndrews & Forbes Company. He refused
to answer any questions that were put to him concerning the
business of that company, or to produce any of the books,
accounts, contracts, correspondence, etc., that were demanded,
being advised by counsel that he was under no legal obligation
to do so, and that the evidence given or produced by him might
tend to incriminate himself. He was held to be in contempt of
Court and was committed to the custody of the United States
Marshal. Being then, on a writ of _habeas corpus_,
brought before another judge of the same Court, after a
hearing, the writ was discharged and he was remanded to
custody (June 18, 1905). An appeal to the Supreme Court
followed, which was argued in the early days of January, 1906,
and decided on the 12th of March following.
The decision of the Court, rendered by Justice Brown, was on
two issues which it found to be presented in the case: The
first involving "the immunity of the witness from oral
examination; the second the legality of his action in refusing
to produce the documents called for by the _subpœna duces
tecum_." The witness justified his refusal to answer questions,
"1st upon the ground that there was no specific ‘charge’
pending before the grand jury against any particular person;
2d that the answers would tend to criminate him." On the first
point the Court found it "entirely clear that under the
practice in this country, at least, the examination of
witnesses need not be preceded by a presentment or indictment
formally drawn up, but that the grand jury may proceed, either
upon their own knowledge or upon the examination of witnesses,
to inquire for themselves whether a crime cognizable by the
Court has been committed." As to the plea of an apprehended
self-incrimination, the Court held that the witness was
protected by the act which provides that no person shall be
prosecuted on account of anything concerning which he may
testify or produce evidence. But it was further insisted that
while the immunity statute may protect individual witnesses it
would not protect the corporation of which the appellant was
the agent and representative. "This is true," says the Court,
"but the answer is that it was not designed to do so. The
right of a person under the Fifth Amendment to refuse to
incriminate himself is purely a personal privilege of the
witness. It was never intended to permit him to plead the fact
that some third person might be incriminated by his testimony,
even though he were the agent of such person."
On the second issue in the case, the substance of the decision
is in the following passages from it:
"Having already held that, by reason of the immunity act of
1903, the witness could not avail himself of the Fifth
Amendment, it follows that he cannot set up that Amendment as
against the production of the books and papers, since in
respect to these he would also be protected by the immunity
act. … We are of the opinion that there is a clear distinction
in this particular between an individual and a corporation,
and that the latter has no right to refuse to submit its books
and papers for an examination at the suit of the State. … The
individual may stand upon his constitutional rights as a
citizen. He is entitled to carry on his private business in
his own way. … Among his rights are a refusal to incriminate
himself, and the immunity of himself and his property from
arrest or seizure except under a warrant of the law. … Upon
the other hand, the corporation is a creature of the State. It
is presumed to be incorporated for the benefit of the public.
… Its rights to act as a corporation are only preserved to it
so long as it obeys the laws of its creation. There is a
reserved right in the Legislature to investigate its contracts
and to find out whether it has exceeded its powers. … The
defense amounts to this: That an officer of a corporation,
which is charged with a criminal violation of the statute, may
plead the criminality of such corporation as a refusal to
produce its books.
{126}
To state this proposition is to answer it. While an individual
may lawfully refuse to answer incriminating questions unless
protected by an immunity statute, it does not follow that a
corporation, vested with special privileges and franchises,
may refuse to show its hand when charged with an abuse of such
privileges."
Taking note of the fact that the franchises of the corporation
in this case were derived from one of the States, the Court
proceeds to say:
"Such franchises, so far as they involve questions of
inter-State commerce, must also be exercised in subordination
to the power of Congress to regulate such commerce, and in
respect to this the General Government may also assert a
sovereign authority to ascertain whether such franchises have
been exercised in a lawful manner, with due regard to its own
laws. … The powers of the General Government in this
particular, in vindication of its own laws, are the same as if
the corporation had been created by an act of Congress."
Justices Harlan and McKenna dissented from some of the views
set forth in the opinion of the majority, as declared by
Justice Brown, but concurred in the final judgment, which
affirmed the order of the Circuit Court, remanding the
prisoner to the custody of the Marshal. Justice Brewer and the
Chief Justice dissented from the conclusions relative to
corporations, and from the judgment, holding that "the order
of the Circuit Court should be reversed and the case remanded
with instructions to discharge the petitioner, leaving the
grand jury to initiate new proceedings not subject to the
objections to this."
_Federal Anti-Trust Decisions, 1900-1906,
prepared and edited by
James A. Finch by direction of the Attorney-General,
Volume 2, page 874
(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1907)._
COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1906-1910.
The Standard Oil Company.
Suit of the Government for its dissolution.
Decree for its dissolution by the Circuit Court.
Appeal to the Supreme Court.
Entirely distinct from the criminal prosecutions of the
Standard Oil Company by the United States Government, as
reviewed above was a suit begun in November, 1906, in the
United States Circuit Court for the Eastern Division of
Missouri. The former actions were to penalize the Company for
violations of the Elkins Act, by the procuring of railway
rebates. The later suit was to dissolve the combination in
restraint of trade which the Company was alleged to be, and
therefore illegally existing, in the view of the Sherman
Anti-Trust Law. The complaint was directed against the parent
organization, known as the Standard Oil Company of New Jersey,
with its various subsidiary corporations. It was also directed
against seven individuals namely, John D. Rockefeller, William
Rockefeller, Henry M. Flagler, Henry H. Rogers (now deceased),
John D. Archbold, Oliver H. Payne, and Charles M. Pratt. The
main company, its branches, and these individuals were charged
in the complaint with having entered into an agreement,
combination, and conspiracy to restrain trade and commerce
among the several States, to monopolize the trade in
petroleum, both in its purchase and its shipment and
transportation by pipe-line, steamships and by rail, also in
the manufacture and refining of petroleum.
One of the evidences of its monopoly adduced by the Government
was the enormity of its earnings which were summarized thus:
The Standard Oil Trust and the Standard Oil Company, on an
investment of $69,024,480, had earned up to the end of 1906,
$838,783,783. Adding the estimated profits of 1907 and 1908,
we have substantially, the brief states, a billion dollars
earned by this company in twenty-seven years, with an original
investment of about $69,000,000.
The United States asked for a perpetual injunction, and for
the dissolution of the Standard Oil combination. Hearings were
held in New York, Washington, Chicago, Cleveland, and St.
Louis, about four hundred witnesses being examined. It was not
until the 5th of April, 1909, that the case reached the stage
of argument, before Judges Walter H. Sanborn, Willis Van
Devanter, William C. Hook and Elmer B. Adams, constituting the
United States Circuit Court at St. Louis. The decision of the
Court was announced on the 20th of the following November, the
four judges concurring in the opinion, written by Judge
Sanborn, which held the Standard Oil Company to be an illegal
corporation and decreed its dissolution. The character of the
decision appears from the syllabus of Judge Sanborn’s opinion,
which reads:
"Congress has power under the commercial clause of the
Constitution to regulate and restrict the use in commerce
among the several States, and with foreign nations, of
contracts, of the method of holding title to property and of
every other instrumentality employed in that commerce, so far
as it may be necessary to do so, in order to prevent the
restraint thereof denounced by the Anti-Trust Act of July 2,
1890 (26 Stat. 29).
"Test of the legality of a combination under this act is its
necessary effect upon competition in commerce among the States
or with foreign nations. If its necessary effect is only
incidentally or indirectly to restrict the competition, while
its chief result is to foster the trade and increase the
business of those who make and operate it, it does not violate
that law. But if its necessary effect is to stifle or directly
and substantially to restrict free competition in commerce
among the States, or with foreign nations, it is illegal
within the meaning of that statute.
"The power to restrict competition in commerce among the
several States, or with foreign nations, vested in a person or
an association of persons by a combination, is indicative of
the character of the combination, because it is to the
interest of the parties that such a power should be exercised,
and the presumption is that it will be.
"The combination in a single corporation or person, by an
exchange of stock, of the power of many stockholders holding
the same proportions, respectively, of the majority of the
stock of each of the several corporations engaged in commerce
in the same articles among the States, or with foreign
nations, to restrict competition therein, renders the power
thus vested in the former greater, more easily exercised, more
durable, and more effective than that previously held by the
stockholders, and it is illegal.
{127}
"In 1899 the stockholders of the Standard Oil Company of New
Jersey owned a majority of the stock of nineteen other
corporations in the same proportions that they owned the stock
of the Standard Company, and those twenty corporations
controlled by the owners of the majority of their stock or
otherwise many other corporations. Each of these corporations
was engaged in some part of the business of producing, buying,
refining, transporting, and selling petroleum and its
products, and they were conducting about 30 per cent. of the
production of the crude oil and more than 75 per cent. of the
business of the purchasing, refining, transporting, and
selling petroleum and its products in this country. Many of
them were engaged in commerce in these articles among the
several States and with foreign nations, and were naturally
competitive.
"During the ten years prior to 1879 the seven individual
defendants had acquired control of many corporations,
partnerships, and refiners that had been competing in this
business, had placed the majority of the stock of those
corporations and the interests in property in business thus
obtained in various trustees to be held and operated by them
for the stockholders of the Standard Oil Company, one of the
nineteen companies in which the individual defendants were
principal stockholders, and had thereby suppressed competition
among these corporations and partnerships.
"In 1879, they and their associates caused all the trustees to
convey their interests in the stock, property and business of
these corporations to five trustees, to be held, operated and
distributed by them for the stockholders of the Standard
Company of Ohio. From 1879, until 1892, they prevented these
corporations and others engaged in this business, of which
they secured control, from competing in this commerce by
causing the control of their operations and generally of a
majority of their stocks, to be held in trust for the
stockholders of the Standard Company of Ohio, and, from 1892,
until 1899, they accomplished the same result by a similar
stock-holding device, and by the joint equitable ownership of
the majority of the stocks of the corporations."
Appeal from the decree has been taken to the Supreme Court,
where it was preceded by the appeal of the Tobacco Trust from
a similar decree, involving substantially the same questions,
according to what seems to be the general view of the Bar. On
the 17th of January, 1910, the Supreme Court of the United
States granted the motion of the Government for the
advancement on the docket of the Standard Oil case, and set
the hearing for March 14.
COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1907.
The chief existing combinations.
Their operation through stock ownership.
"Passing the matter of railroad combinations, as to which it
may be said that through stock ownership the control of all
American lines is now concentrated in seven groups of parent
properties, we are chiefly concerned with the practical use
that has been made of the new corporate power by the largest
and strongest of our manufacturing and industrial enterprises.
"The United States Steel Corporation, organized under the laws
of New Jersey, with a capital stock of $1,100,000,000 owns a
majority of the stock of eleven subsidiary companies, and
controls industries scattered over the entire country under
different styles and corporate names. This corporation owns or
manages 213 manufacturing and transportation plants and
forty-one mines located in eighteen different States; it has
more than 1,000 miles of railroad tracks to ore, coke and
manufacturing properties, and a lake fleet of 112 vessels.
This stock ownership gives it control of hundreds of millions
of capital that is not represented by its own billion dollars
of stock.
"The Amalgamated Copper Company, incorporated in New Jersey,
has no asset whatever except the stocks of other corporations.
It owns all the stock of four operating companies and a
controlling interest in seven others, and has taken them over
by an issue of $155,000,000 of its own stock.
"The American Smelting and Refining Company, organized under
the laws of New Jersey, controls the business of thirteen
corporations, in which it either owns the entire stock or a
majority interest. Associated with it are the American Linseed
Company, the National Lead Company and the United Lead
Company, and they together control twenty-eight concerns and
ninety-three affiliated corporations.
"The Standard Oil Company, incorporated in New Jersey, with a
capital stock of $110,000,000, controls, directs and manages
more than seventy corporations through its possession of a
majority of their stock. Some of these companies own stock in
still other corporations, and all together the combine
operates more than 400 separate and distinct properties, thus
monopolizing 90 per cent, of the export oil trade and 84 per
cent. of the domestic trade. The market value of its
capitalization is about $650,000,000, and all this vast
property was brought together under one head without the
payment of a single dollar of cash, the whole consolidation
being effected through the issue of stock in the holding
company in payment of stock in the companies that are held.
"The United Gas Improvement Company, incorporated in
Pennsylvania, own stock in thirty corporations doing the
character of business for which it was organized, and in
addition to this is interested in numerous street railway
properties, including the New York City surface railways. With
it is allied the Public Service Corporation of New Jersey and
the Rhode Island Securities Company, which last named owns all
the stock of the Rhode Island Company, which again has leased
for 999 years several of the most important railroad companies
doing business in that State. The power of this corporation,
through this system of stock ownership, is scarcely
calculable, and the value of properties controlled would equal
hundreds of millions, although its own capital stock is but
$36,000,000.
"The American Tobacco Company, organized under the laws of New
Jersey, with a capital stock of $40,000,000, practically
controls the whole market through its ownership of the stock
of innumerable other corporations.
"The International Harvester Company, incorporated in New
Jersey, with a capital stock of $120,000,000, while probably
not a holding company, maintains most, if not all, the
corporations which it has bought out, and they are operated as
if they were distinct and competing concerns.
"The American Sugar Refining Company, incorporated in New
Jersey, with a common stock of $40,000,000, controls
fifty-three other corporations.
{128}
"The American Telegraph and Telephone Company, incorporated in
New York, with a capital stock of $250,000,000 controls,
through stock ownership, thirty-five subsidiary corporations.
"The Western Union Telegraph Company owns stock in twenty-four
other corporations; the Distillers’ Security Company owns 90
per cent. of the stocks of the Distilling Company of America,
and has acquired ninety-three plants, representing 60 per
cent. of the industry; the Philadelphia Rapid Transit Company
owns the stock of twelve elevated and street railway
companies; the Brooklyn Rapid Transit Company owns the stock
of seven others; the Metropolitan Securities Company of New
York owns the stock of many traction companies, and the
controlling interest in others; the Inter-State Railways of
New Jersey own all the stock of the United Power and
Transportation Company, which latter company controls the
capital and franchises of about forty other projected
companies in New Jersey and Pennsylvania; while the
International Mercantile Marine Company of New Jersey owns a
majority of the shares of many of the most important steamship
companies whose vessels cross the Atlantic Ocean.
"These are but a few instances of the promotion of
combinations through stock ownership."
_Wade H. Ellis,
Attorney-General of Ohio,
Paper read at National Conference on Trusts and
Combinations, Chicago, October 22, 1907._
COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1907.
National Conference on the Trust Question, invited
by the National Civic Federation.
A remarkably representative and impressive assembly at
Chicago, of delegates from all parts of the country, and
voicing all interests, was brought about by the invitation of
the National Civic Federation, in October, 1907, for a
thorough discussion of the questions which troubled the
country and confused its attitude toward Trusts and
Combinations, as subjects of regulation by law. There had been
a similar conference at Chicago in 1899, at the call of the
Civic Federation of that city; but no common ground of
agreement could then be found. The subject, as was afterwards
said, "was too new, too vaguely understood for men to be of
one mind in regard to it." But eight years later, in 1907, "it
appeared to the leaders of the National Civic Federation not
improbable that a new conference might lead to some definite
pronouncement of opinion. … Leaders of opinion in all walks of
life gave the project their hearty endorsement. … The matter
was taken up with great interest by the Governors of the
several States and by the presidents of commercial bodies, who
named delegates in response to the invitation of the National
Civic Federation. A significant evidence of this greater
interest is found in the larger number of delegations
appointed in 1907 than in 1899. The records show the
following:
Delegations. 1899. 1907.
Appointed by Governors 33 39
Appointed by national
and State organizations 22 33
Appointed by
labor organizations 7 14
Appointed by local
commercial bodies 33 58
Total 95 144
"Furthermore, the attendance of 492 delegates in 1907 might be
contrasted with that of 238 delegates at the earlier
conference.
"The conference of 1907, though larger in numbers, was much
more of a unit in sentiment. It developed at an early stage of
the discussion that there was no important element
antagonizing the trust and combination as such. There were few
speakers who failed to dwell upon the advantages which had
accrued to the nation from some combinations, and from the
spirit of association which, after all, cannot be separated
from them. On the other hand, there was no lack of emphasis in
dwelling upon the evils which had been disclosed among trusts
and combinations.
"The resolutions of the conference, adopted by a unanimous
vote, reveal these tendencies. They are a call for further
examination and more light, but a call for such examination
along certain pretty well-defined lines. They should receive
the attention of Congress as an expression of the popular will
on this pressing question."
The Conference held nine sessions, extending over four days,
focusing the thought of the best minds of the country, and the
counsels of the largest practical experience, on all points in
the many-sided problem before it. On all that appear most
important among those points it came to a full and clear
agreement in its conclusions, as embodied in the following
resolutions, which were adopted by unanimous vote, a committee
being appointed to present them to Congress and to the
President:
"After twenty years of Federal legislation as interpreted by
the courts, directed against the evils of trusts and
combinations, and against railroad rebates, beginning with the
interstate commerce act of 1887 and the anti-trust act of
1890, a general and just conviction exists that the experience
gained in enforcing these federal acts and others succeeding
them demonstrates the necessity of legislation which shall
render more secure the benefits already gained and better meet
the changed conditions which have arisen during a long period
of active progress, both in the enforcement of statute law and
in the removal of grave abuses in the management of railroads
and corporations. These changes now demanded are:
"First—Immediate legislation is required, following the
recommendation of President Roosevelt and the Interstate
Commerce Commission, permitting agreements between railroad
corporations on reasonable freight and passenger rates,
subject in all respects to the approval, supervision, and
action of the Interstate Commerce Commission.
"Second—The enforcement of the Sherman act and the proceedings
under it during the administrations of Presidents Harrison,
Cleveland, McKinley, and Roosevelt have accomplished great
national results in awakening the moral sense of the American
people and in asserting the supremacy and majesty of the law,
thus effectually refuting the impression that great wealth and
large corporations were too powerful for the impartial
execution of law. This great advance has rendered more secure
all property rights, resting, as they must, under a popular
government, on universal respect for and obedience to law. But
now that this work is accomplished, it has revealed the
necessity for legislation which shall maintain all that the
Sherman act was intended to secure and safeguard interests it
was never expected to affect.
{129}
"As the next step in executing the determination of the
American people to secure in all industrial and commercial
relations justice and equality of opportunity for all, with
full sympathy and loyal support for every effort to enforce
the laws in the past, we urge upon Congress without delay to
pass legislation providing for a non-partisan commission, in
which the interests of capital, of labor, and of the general
public shall be represented. This commission, like a similar
commission, which proved most successful in Germany in 1870,
shall consider the entire subject of business and industrial
combinations and report such proposals, as to the formation,
capitalization, management and regulation of corporations (so
far as the same may be subject to federal jurisdiction) as
shall preserve individual initiative competition, and the free
exercise of a free contract in all business and industrial
relations. Any proposed legislation should also include
modification of the prohibition now existing upon combinations
on the following subjects:
"1. National and local organizations of labor and their trade
agreements with employers relating to wages, hours of labor,
and conditions of employment.
"2. Associations made up of farmers, intended to secure a
stable and equitable market for the products of the soil free
from fluctuations due to speculation.
"3. Business and industrial agreements of combinations whose
objects are in the public interest as distinguished from
objects determined to be contrary to the public interest.
"4. Such commission should make a thorough inquiry into the
advisability of inaugurating a system of federal license or
incorporation as a condition for the entrance of certain
classes of corporations upon interstate commerce and also into
the relation to the public interest of the purchase by one
corporation of the franchises or corporate stock of another.
"On no one of these subjects must what has been gained be
sacrificed until something better appears for enactment. On
each, this conference recognizes differences between good men.
On all, it asks a national non-partisan commission to be
appointed next winter to consider the question and report at
the second session of the approaching Congress for such action
as the national legislature, in the light of this full
investigation, may enact.
"Third—The examination, inspection and supervision of great
producing and manufacturing corporations, already begun by the
Department of Commerce and Labor and accepted by these
corporations, should be enlarged by legislation requiring,
through the appropriate bureaus of the Department of Commerce
and Labor, complete publicity in the capitalization, accounts,
operations, transportation charges paid, and selling prices of
all such producing and manufacturing corporations whose
operations are large enough to have a monopolistic influence.
This should be determined and decided by some rule and
classification to be devised by the commission already
proposed.
"Fourth—The conflicts between State and Federal authorities
raised in many States over railroad rates being now under
adjudication and under way to a final and ultimate decision by
the Federal Supreme Court, this conference deems the
expression of an opinion on these issues unfitting, and
confidently leaves this great issue to a tribunal which for
118 years has successfully preserved the balance between an
indissoluble union and indestructible State, defining the
supreme and national powers of the one and protecting the
sovereign and individual powers of the other."
_Proceedings of the National Conference
on Trusts and Combinations,
Chicago, October 22-25, 1907
(New York: National Civic Federation, 1908)._
COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1907-1909.
Thievery of the Sugar Trust.
In the fall of 1907 disclosures were made to the Government
which led to an investigation of the methods whereby imports
of raw sugar for the American Sugar Refining Company, known
commonly as the Sugar Trust, were weighed for the payment of
Customs duties, at the Company’s docks in Williamsburgh and
Jersey City. The result of the investigation was to prove that
this enormously wealthy corporation, not satisfied with
extortions of profit from the public by its monopoly of the
vast sugar trade of the country, had stooped to practices of
systematic theft from the Government, by devices that would
almost shame the professional players of a thimble rigging
game. Several ingenious inventions of trickery with the
weighing scales had been employed at the sugar docks prior to
1904, but the crowning one appears to have been brought to use
in that year. "This," said the New York _Evening Post_ of
April 29, 1909, in a full rehearsal of the story of the Sugar
Trust larcenies, "consisted of a thin steel corset spring,
which was inserted through a hole drilled in the uprights or
stanchions supporting the scales. If inserted at a time when
there was a load on the platform, its pressure against the
walking beam of the scale resulted in creating a false
balance, and in making the load appear considerably lighter
than it really was. This little device proved to be so
satisfactory for the purposes for which it was designed that
it was fitted to all the seventeen government scales at the
Havemeyer & Elder refinery. Holes were drilled in the
stanchions of each of the scales—hence the ‘case of the
seventeen holes’ to which Mr. Stimson called attention. So
successful was the operation of this mechanism that it was
used constantly down to the very day, November 20, 1907, when
a United States Treasury agent found it in use.
"The method of use was simple. The scales were placed with the
stanchions in a dark corner, next to the wall, and close
beside this stanchion sat the company’s checker, whose
ostensible duty it was to record in a little book the weight
of each load as it was read off to him by the government
weigher standing at the other end of the scale. The checker’s
really important duty seems to have been, however, to
manipulate the steel spring through the hole in the stanchion,
so that on each truck load, the company which employed him was
saved the payment of duty on some fourteen pounds of sugar.
"Evidence was adduced at the subsequent trial to show that the
company considered this special service on the part of its
checkers worthy of additional compensation. For although there
were seventeen scales, all of which could be used for this
purpose, practically all the weighing was done on six, and the
six reliable checkers who, year in and year out, operated the
little steel springs, all received extra pay in their weekly
pay envelopes for this service."
{130}
Consequent on the discovery of these facts, "several
indictments were found against the Sugar Trust’s employees,
and with that discovery as a basis the government began to
work up its case. … When the government came to work up its
case and to fix approximately the amount out of which it had
been defrauded, it was found possible to present a piece of
evidence which so thoroughly clinched the case that defence,
when it came to be made, was so weak as to be negligible. This
evidence consisted of a tabulation comparing the weights of
sugar on which duty was paid and the weights for which the
company paid the planters between the time the first cargo of
sugar of December, 1901, arrived at the refinery and the
discovery of the fraud in November, 1907.
"It took a score or more of accountants working steadily for
six months to complete the tabulation, but when it was
finished the astonishing corroborative story it told made it
well worth all the time and trouble expended. Never was there
a better example of the deadly parallel. For every entry the
weights on which duties were levied was set alongside of the
weights for which the company paid the planters."
The first result of the proceedings of the Government against
the thievish Trust was a pecuniary settlement with it,
concerning which the following official statement was given
out at Washington, by Attorney-General Wickersham, on the 29th
of April, 1909:
"The Attorney-General, with the concurrence of the Secretary
of the Treasury, has just approved a settlement between the
American Sugar Refining Company and the United States
Government of all the claims which the latter has against it
arising out of the fraudulent weighing on the docks of its
refineries at Brooklyn and Jersey City. In making this
settlement the sugar company pays in full the recent judgment
for the penalty in the amount of $134,411.03, which was
awarded against it by the jury in the case tried in the
federal court last March, with interest, and agrees to take no
appeal from the judgment.
"In addition to this, it pays into the United States treasury
$2,000,000 more, representing the duties which have been
unpaid during the last twelve years, owing to the fraudulent
practices, $1,239,088.97 of this amount has already been paid
in under protest to Collector Loeb on his reliquidation, as a
result of the trial above mentioned, of the duties upon the
cargoes entered at the Havemeyer & Elder refineries between
the years 1901 and 1907, when the frauds were discovered.
"The sugar company abandons its protests on these payments and
gives up its right to appeal from Mr. Loeb’s reliquidation and
in addition to this pays into the United States treasury the
above judgment and over $760,000 more to cover the duties
unpaid at the Havemeyer & Elder docks prior to 1901 and at the
Jersey City refinery between 1896 and 1906.
"This settlement with the sugar company in nowise affects the
criminal prosecution of the individuals who are responsible
for the perpetration of these frauds, and such prosecutions
will be pressed to a finish by the government."
[Soon after this settlement with the Government by the Sugar
Trust for shortage in payment of duties, the firm of Arbuckle
Brothers made a similar settlement, paying $695,573.19.]
A few days after the above announcement of a pecuniary
settlement with the American Sugar Refining Company, the Grand
Jury of the Circuit Court in the New York District presented
indictments against Oliver Spitzer, who was superintendent on
the company’s docks, Thomas Kehoe, Eugene M. Voelker, Edward
A. Boyle, J. R. Coyle, J. M. Halligan, Jr., and Patrick J.
Hennessy.
In November, further indictments were found against these
employees of the company, and James F. Bendernagel, general
superintendent of the Williamsburgh refinery for many years
past, was arrested on an indictment found by the same grand
jury. The trial of the accused, in the United States District
Court, was opened on the 30th of November.
On the 17th of January, 1910, Charles R. Heike, secretary and
treasurer of the American Sugar Refining Company, was
arraigned before Judge Hough in the criminal branch of the
United States Circuit Court, charged with making false entries
and conspiring to defraud the government.
COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1907-1909.
Suit of the Government against the Tobacco Trust.
Decree of Circuit Court restraining the combined
companies from interstate and foreign trade.
On the 10th of July, 1907, the Government began suit at New
York against the so-called Tobacco Trust. The defendants in
the case included 65 corporations and 27 individuals, the
principals, however, being six companies, namely, the American
Tobacco Company, the British-American Tobacco Company, the
Imperial Tobacco Company, the American Snuff Company, the
American Cigar Company, and the United American Cigarette
Company. Of these the parent organization, dominating all the
others, is the American Tobacco Company, which began the
finally gigantic combination in a small way in 1890. The
object sought in the Government’s suit was an injunction to
restrain the combination as such from engaging in interstate
and foreign trade, or for the appointment of receivers to take
the management of the business concerned.
The case was argued before the Second Circuit Court of the
United States in May, 1908, and the decision of the Court was
announced on the 7th of November following, Judges Lacombe,
Noyes, and Coxe agreeing and Judge Ward dissenting. The Court
found that an injunction should issue against some, but not
all, of the principal defendants, to prevent the continuance
of their violation of the Sherman Anti-Trust Law. It acquitted
the Trust, however, of the charge of dishonest and oppressive
practices, and it denied the application for receiverships.
The final decree of the Court was filed on the 15th of
December, 1908.
Appeals to the Supreme Court of the United States were taken,
both by the Government and by the defendants, and the case was
pending in that Court at the close of the year 1909. Mean time
the decree has been in suspense.
{131}
COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1907-1909.
Suit to dissolve the alleged Anthracite Coal Combination.
The following statements were made in an Associated Press
despatch from Philadelphia, March 8, 1909:
"Testimony of the Government in its suit against the
anthracite coal-carrying railroads and several coal companies,
to dissolve a so-called Trust agreement, alleged to be
existing among them, has been filed in the Circuit Court of
the United States for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.
"Suit was begun here on June 12, 1907, and in the course of
three months all the defendants made answer, denying the
allegations of the Government. Subsequently, the court
appointed an examiner to take testimony, and a great part of
last year was taken up in hearing witnesses, sessions being
held mainly in Philadelphia and New York.
"The Government closed its case in New York several weeks ago,
having taken more than its allotted time, and the next move
will be for the Government to file a motion apportioning a
certain amount of time for the defendant companies to present
their witnesses for examination. Much of the testimony thus
far has been documentary, and it is believed this will be the
case with the defendants. After all the testimony is filed
with the court for review, arguments will be had on the case.
"It is impossible at this time to indicate when the case will
be ended, but it seems probable that a year or more will have
elapsed before it is legally decided whether a hard coal
monopoly, as alleged, exists in Pennsylvania."
See, also, proceedings under the "Commodities Clause" of
the Hepburn Act, and decision of United States Supreme
Court, in this Volume, under RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D.
1906-1909.
COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1908.
Declarations in Party Platforms on Trusts.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).
COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1908-1909.
Amending the Sherman Anti-Trust Law.
Action of the National Civic Federation.
The resolutions adopted at the great National Conference of
1907 on the Trust Question, as recited above, were duly
presented to Congress at its next session, and to the
President, with results which were stated at the annual
meeting of the National Civic Federation in December, 1908, by
its President, the Honorable Seth Low, as follows:
"When these resolutions were presented to the two Houses, the
Conference Committee was asked to submit a definite Bill in
legislative form to carry out its proposals. The Conference
itself had given no such authority to any Committee; but, in
view of the situation as it had developed, the Executive
Committee of the Federation took the matter up. The result of
its action was the preparation of a Bill, which was submitted
in due time to Congress, and which became the subject of
numerous hearings before the Judiciary Committees both of the
House and of the Senate, but especially of the House. The Bill
of last spring was based upon the belief that at that time,
and before the approaching Presidential election, it would be
impossible to change the substantive law as embodied in the
Sherman Anti-Trust Act. This being taken for granted, it
became impossible to do more than propose a method by which,
without changing the law, certain restraints of trade, if not
disapproved in advance by some government authority, might be
assured freedom from prosecution. The hearings before the
Congressional Committees made it evident that no relief from
the embarrassments caused by the Sherman Anti-Trust Law can be
looked for along this line of procedure. Perhaps it ought also
to be said that none ought to be looked for, because the
situation really calls for a change in the substantive
provisions of the law. Let no one imagine, however, that it is
an easy thing to say what such changes in the law ought to be.
Your Committee last spring began its work in the hope that it
would be able to submit a law which would command very large
support, not only from employers but also from organized
labor. After working upon the subject for many weeks, the Bill
which it actually presented commanded no large measure of
support from either. The mercantile classes favor amendments
to the law which, instead of forbidding all restraints of
trade, will forbid only unreasonable restraints of trade; and
which will provide amnesty for the past,
(1) on the theoretical ground that what has been done has
often been done without any realization that it was contrary
to the law; and
(2) on the practical ground that to attempt to rip up what has
already been done will destroy the industry of the country. The
representatives of organized labor, on the other hand, ask to
be omitted altogether from the provisions of the Sherman Act.
It is evident to your Committee that the changes desired by
the mercantile classes are going to meet with very serious
objection, unless they are combined with some positive
legislation which will provide some effective method of
assuring to the country, in the future, the power to protect
itself in advance from new combinations in the industrial
sphere, such as have been made in the past, and which
originally created the sentiment which placed the Sherman
Anti-Trust Law upon the statute books.
"In other words, precisely as a city may desire to limit the
height of buildings, for the future, without taking down those
that are already erected, so many persons believe that the
right to make commercial combinations, in the future, should
be under some sort of governmental control, even though those
already formed be left unmolested; and such persons, also,
believe that there is the same inherent right in the body
politic to do the one as the other. On the other hand, the
demand of organized labor to be exempted altogether from the
operations of this Act has been objected to in the past, and
is likely to be objected to in the future, as class
legislation of a kind that has no place on American soil,
because organized labor is believed to be capable of
exercising restraint of trade no less than commercial
corporations.
"These being the terms of the problem, it is apparent, on the
face of things, that the effort to amend the Sherman
Anti-Trust Law in any effective way is beset by difficulties
at every turn. … The whole subject is made infinitely
difficult by the Constitutional limitations upon the power of
Congress, which have led the United States Supreme Court to
decide, in effect, that Congress can regulate inter-State
commerce, but cannot regulate the corporation that does it;
because the corporation that does inter-State commerce is a
creature of the State and not of the United States. The
separate States, on the other hand, can regulate the
corporations that do inter State commerce, because they create
them; but the States cannot regulate the inter-state commerce
that is done, because under the United States Constitution,
inter-State commerce is under National control. It cannot be
too clearly apprehended that the effect of this situation is,
that neither sovereignty—neither the National sovereignty nor
the State sovereignty—can regulate both the agent that does
inter-State commerce and the inter-State commerce that is
done."
{132}
In the _National Civic Federation Review_ of March, 1909,
it was announced that "the Executive Council of the National
Civic Federation has appointed a committee to draft proposed
amendments to the Sherman Anti-Trust act. By request of the
lawyers upon the committee Seth Low will serve as chairman.
The other members are Frederick P. Fish, of Boston; Frederick
N. Judson, of St. Louis; Reuben D. Silliman, of New York, and
Henry W. Taft, of New York.
"No attempt will be made to submit anything to the present
session of Congress. It is proposed to draft a tentative bill
as soon as a careful study of the problems will permit. This
will then be submitted for examination and suggestion to
various representative bodies in all parts of the country, and
with the aid of the comments thus received the final draft of
the bill to be submitted will be prepared."
COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.
Report of the Commissioner of Corporations on the
Tobacco Combination, or so-called Trust.
Parts of an elaborate report on the organization of the
Tobacco Combination were published in February, 1909, by the
Commissioner of Corporations, Herbert Knox Smith. It showed
the combination to be composed of "the American Tobacco
Company and its three great subsidiary combinations, the
American Snuff Company, the American Cigar Company, and the
British-American Company, besides eighty two other subsidiary
concerns doing business in the United States, Porto Rico, and
Cuba. The combination represents a total net capitalization of
over $316,000,000. A very small group of ten stockholders
controls 60 per cent. of the outstanding voting stock of the
American Tobacco Company, through which company the entire
combination is controlled."
A list of the subsidiary companies controlled, "including over
twenty hitherto secretly controlled, so-called ‘bogus
independent concerns,'" is given in the report. It is shown
also that the combination is practically the only important
exporter of tobacco manufactures from this country. In 1891
the combination controlled 89 per cent. of the business of
cigarette manufactures, and this proportion practically is
maintained. In cigars its output increased from 4 per cent. of
the business in 1897 to 14.7 per cent, in 1906; while in
manufactured tobacco (chewing, smoking, fine-cut, and snuff)
"the combination’s output increased from 7 per cent. of the
total in 1891 to 77 per cent. in 1906. Finally, in 1906, the
combination controlled of these separate products,
respectively, plug, 82 per cent.; smoking, 71 per cent.;
fine-cut, 81 per cent., and snuff, 96 per cent." In the year
1906 the combination used in the manufacture of its various
products nearly 300,000,000 pounds of leaf tobacco. The report
adds:
"An idea of the absorption of competing plants and of the
changes through combination within the last decade may be had
from the fact that in 1897 the combination had ten plants,
each producing over 50,000 pounds of manufactured tobacco or
snuff per year, while there were 243 independent plants of the
same class. In 1906, on the other hand, the combination had 45
plants of this class, and independent manufacturers 140.
Especially conspicuous has been the absorption of the large
plants. In 1897 the combination had eight plants, each
producing over 1,000,000 pounds of these products per year,
while its competitors had forty-six such plants. In 1906 the
combination had thirty-four plants of this size, and
independent concerns only seventeen."
COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.
Merger of Telephone and Telegraph Corporations.
Announcement of one of the most important financial mergers of
recent years was made November 16, 1909, when the American
Telephone and Telegraph Company disclosed its acquirement of
control of the Western Union Telegraph Company. "The American
Telephone and Telegraph Company has obtained the control of a
substantial minority interest in the shares of the Western
Union Telegraph Company," was the wording of the official
statement, but it became known that sufficient voting rights
of other stock had been obtained to give the telephone
interests control of the telegraph company.
According to a statement issued on May 1, 1909, the total
capital and outstanding interest-bearing obligations of the
American Telephone and Telegraph Company and allied systems
was $592,475,400. This amount included capital stock
aggregating $361,636,800, subdivided as follows: American
Telephone and Telegraph Company, $208,393,500; associated
operating companies in the United States and Canada, about
thirty-five in number, $142,674,400; associated holding and
manufacturing companies, $10,668,900. "The Western Union has a
capitalization of $125,000,000 in stock and $40,000,000 in
bonds.
COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.
Threatened combination to control the Water Power of the
country.
Speaking at the National Irrigation Congress, convened at
Spokane, Washington, in August, 1909, the National Forester,
Gifford Pinchot, declared that, notwithstanding the
contradictions issued by the parties in interest, a gigantic
combination was forming to seize the sources of the country’s
water power, and be in a position later to dominate all
industry.
"There could be no better illustration," he said, "of the
eager, rapid, unwearied absorption by capital of the rights
which belong to all the people than the Water Power Trust, not
yet formed, but in rapid progress of formation. This statement
is true, but not unchallenged. We are met at every turn by the
indignant denial of the water power interests. They tell us
that there is no community of interest among them, and yet
they appear year after year at these Congresses by their paid
attorneys, asking for your influence to help them remove the
few remaining obstacles to their perpetual and complete
absorption of the remaining water powers. They tell us it has
no significance that the General Electric interests are
acquiring great groups of water powers in various parts of the
United States, and dominating the power market in the region
of each group. And whoever dominates power, dominates all
industry. … The time for us to agitate this question is now,
before the separate circles of centralized control spread into
the uniform, unbroken, nation-wide covering of a single
gigantic Trust. There will be little chance for mere agitation
after that. No man at all familiar with the situation can
doubt that the time for effective protest is very short."
{133}
The same warning has been given by others who are in a
position to speak with knowledge, and heed has been given to
them by the Government. The annual report of the Secretary of
the Interior, the Honorable Richard A. Ballinger, made public
November 28, 1909, contained the following important
announcement: "In anticipation of new legislation by Congress
to prevent the acquisition of power sites on the public domain
by private persons or corporations with the view of
monopolizing or adversely controlling them against the public
interest, there have been temporarily withdrawn from all forms
of entry approximately 603,355 acres, covering all locations
known to possess power possibilities on unappropriated lands
outside of national forests. Without such withdrawals these
sites would be enterable under existing laws, and their
patenting would leave the general government powerless to
impose any limitations as to their use.
"If the Federal government desires to exercise control or
supervision over water-power development on the public domain,
it can only do so by limitations imposed upon the disposal of
power and reservoir sites upon the public lands, the waters of
the streams being subject to State jurisdiction in their
appropriation and beneficial use. I would, therefore, advise
that the Congress be asked to enact a measure that will
authorize the classification of all lands capable of being
used for water-power development, and to direct their
disposal, through this department. …
"Unreasonable or narrow restrictions beyond the necessity of
public protection against monopoly, or extortion in charges,
will, of course, defeat development and serve no useful
purpose. The statute should, therefore, while giving full
protection against the abuses of the privileges extended, so
far as consistent, encourage investment in these projects; and
it must always be borne in mind that excessive charges for the
franchise will fall upon the consumer. Legislation of this
character proceeds upon the theory that Congress can impose
such contractual terms and conditions as it sees fit in the
sale or use permitted of government lands so long as such
limitations do not conflict with the powers properly exercised
by the State wherein they may be situated."
COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.
The Sugar Trust settles a conspiracy charge.
While the American Sugar Refining Company, in the spring of
1909, was being forced to make good to the Government its long
cheating of the Custom House, it was being compelled, at the
same time, to indemnify a competitor in business, whom it had
ruined by means which the Sherman Anti-Trust Law forbade. Its
victim was the Pennsylvania Sugar Refining Company, whose
refinery had been established by Mr. Adolph Segal, of
Philadelphia, in 1903. Segal became financially embarrassed,
and was lured into taking a loan of $1,250,000, from a person
who acted secretly in the transaction for the American Sugar
Refining Company. The loan was made on terms which gave the
lender control of a majority of the stock of the Pennsylvania
Sugar Refining Company, and Mr. Segal found, when too late,
that the real lender was the Sugar Trust. It used its power to
shutdown the plant, which was said to be the most perfect of
its kind, and the Pennsylvania Company was wrecked. It brought
a suit for damages to the amount of $30,000,000, inflicted
upon it in contravention of the Anti-Trust Law. Before the
trial ended, the defendants found so much reason to fear its
outcome that negotiations were opened which resulted (June 8,
1909) in a settlement of the claim outside of court. The
settlement was said to involve a cash payment by the American
Company to the Pennsylvania Company of $750,000, the
cancellation of the $1,250,000 loan made by the trust to
Adolph Segal, of Philadelphia, and the return of the
securities given by Segal as collateral for the loan.
Subsequently the Government procured indictments of certain of
the officials of the American Sugar Refining Company for their
participation in the conspiracy; but the prosecution was
blocked in October by a decision from Judge Holt, of the
United States Circuit Court, that the acts charged were
outlawed by the statute of limitations. Later, in November, it
was reported that the Government was preparing an appeal to
the Supreme Court.
COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.
Dissolution of a Paper-making Combination.
By a decree of the United States Circuit Court, Judge Hough,
at New York, in May, 1909, the Fiber and Manila Association, a
combination of 25 paper manufacturers, located in many parts
of the country, East and West, was adjudged to be an illegal
combination in restraint of trade, and perpetually enjoined
from further operations in such combination. The members were
enjoined further from fixing prices or the qualities that
shall be manufactured or to maintain any pool or fund made up
of contributions from its members. Counsel for the Association
announced that no appeal would be made.
COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.
Chartering of the United Dry Goods Companies.
"Details of the greatest dry goods combination ever attempted
in this country were available to-day for the first time since
the United Dry Goods Companies took out a Delaware charter
last Friday [April 21, 1909], The concern will control many of
the largest dry goods stores in this city and at important
commercial centres of the South and West, acting first as a
holding company and later possibly as an operating concern,
with headquarters here. John Claflin will be the head of the
combination. The present managers of the various absorbed
stores will be continued. J. P. Morgan & Co. are financing the
deal, and public announcement will be made immediately.
"The United Dry Goods Companies will have a capital of
$51,000,000. Of this only $20,000,000 will be immediately
issued in the form of $10,000,000 7 per cent. cumulative
preferred stock and $10,000,000 common stock. The preferred
stock has preference as to both assets and dividends. The new
combination will purchase $8,650,000 of the outstanding
$17,250,000 capital stock of the Associated Merchants’
Company. …
"John Claflin said this afternoon that the new company would
not buy any mills, as it was not the purpose of the
combination to control the sources of production. All the
stores—there are more than forty, which the United Companies
and its allies will own in whole or in part—will be free to
purchase from whatever interests they wish, without being
restricted to any one market or to the product of any special
mills. The general business will be directed from the city,
but resident directors at different centres will have full
charge of the detail work."
_New York Evening Post,
May, 25-26, 1909._
{134}
COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.
The illegality of a Trust invalidates a debt to it.
In a suit brought by the Continental Wall Paper Company to
recover a debt, payment of which was resisted on the ground
that the Company was an illegal combination in restraint of
trade, the Supreme Court of the United States, on the 1st of
February, 1909, affirmed a judgment of the Circuit Court of
Appeals which had dismissed the suit. The case was so decided
by a bare majority of one. The opinion of the majority,
delivered by Justice Harlan, held that a judgment in favor of
the Company would give effect to agreements constituting the
illegal combination. "Upon the whole case," said Justice
Harlan, "and without further citation of authority, we adjudge
upon the admitted facts that the combination represented by
the plaintiff in this case was illegal under the anti-trust
act of 1890; is to be taken as one intended, and which would
have the effect, directly to restrain and monopolize trade
among the several states and with foreign states; and that the
plaintiff cannot have a judgment for the amount of the account
sued on because such a judgment would, in effect, be in aid of
the execution of agreements constituting that illegal
combination. We consequently hold that the circuit court of
appeals properly sustained the third defense in the case and
rightly dismissed the suit."
In the dissenting opinion by Justice Holmes and others it was
set forth that "whenever a party knows that he is buying from
an illegal trust, and still more when he buys at a price that
he thinks unreasonable, but is compelled to pay in order to
get the goods he needs, he knows that he is doing an act in
furtherance of the unlawful purpose of the trust, which always
is to get the most it can for its wares. But that knowledge
makes no difference, because the policy of not furthering the
purposes of the trust is less important than the policy of
preventing people from getting other people’s property for
nothing when they purport to be buying it."
COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909-1910.
Morgan & Co. Banking Combination.
See (in this Volume)
FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES.
COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1910.
Special Message of President Taft
on Legislation touching "Trusts."
An important special Message, recommendatory of legislation on
the two subjects of interstate commerce and the combinations
called "Trusts," was addressed to Congress by President Taft
on the 7th of January, 1910. It had been expected that the
Executive would advise amendments to the Sherman Anti-Trust
Law, so-called, but he did not. On the contrary he favored the
policy of leaving that law untouched, on the ground that its
defects have been cured already to a great extent by judicial
decisions, and that it is safer and better for the business
interests of the country to trust the law to the gradual
molding which the courts are giving it, than to undertake
amendments which would start anew series of judicial
interpretations. But the President’s conclusions on this point
were supplemented by the advocacy of an enactment to provide
for the federal chartering of corporations engaged in
interstate commerce, as a means of substituting continuous
regulation of such organizations for the spasmodic and
disturbing investigations which the Government is now
compelled frequently to institute.
In part, the President’s discussion of these questions is as
follows:—
"The statute has been on the statute book now for two decades,
and the Supreme Court in more than a dozen opinions has
construed it in application to various phases of business
combinations and in reference to various subjects-matter. It
has applied it to the union under one control of two competing
interstate railroads, to joint traffic arrangements between
several interstate railroads, to private manufacturers engaged
in a plain attempt to control prices and suppress competition
in a part of the country, including a dozen States, and to
many other combinations affecting interstate trade. The value
of a statute which is rendered more and more certain in its
meaning by a series of decisions of the Supreme Court
furnishes a strong reason for leaving the act as it is, to
accomplish its useful purpose, even though if it were being
newly enacted useful suggestions as to change of phrase might
be made.
"It is the duty and the purpose of the Executive to direct an
investigation by the Department of Justice, through the grand
jury or otherwise, into the history, organization, and
purposes of all the industrial companies with respect to which
there is any reasonable ground for suspicion that they have
been organized for a purpose, and are conducting business on a
plan which is in violation of the Anti-Trust law. The work is
a heavy one, but is not beyond the power of the Department of
Justice, if sufficient funds are furnished, to carry on the
investigations and to pay the counsel engaged in the work. But
such an investigation and possible prosecution of corporations
whose prosperity or destruction affects the comfort not only
of stockholders, but of millions of wage-earners, employees,
and associated tradesmen, must necessarily tend to disturb the
confidence of the business community, to dry up the now
flowing sources of capital from its places of hoarding, and
produce a halt in our present prosperity that will cause
suffering and strained circumstances among the innocent many
for the faults of the guilty few. The question which I wish in
this message to bring clearly to the consideration and
discussion of Congress is whether in order to avoid such a
possible business danger something cannot be done by which
these business combinations may be offered a means, without
great financial disturbance, of changing the character,
organization, and extent of their business into one within the
lines of the law under Federal control and supervision,
securing compliance with the anti-trust statute.
"Generally, in the industrial combinations called ‘Trusts,’
the principal business is the sale of goods in many States and
in foreign markets; in other words, the interstate and foreign
business far exceeds the business done in any one State. This
fact will justify the Federal government in granting a Federal
charter to such a combination to make and sell in interstate
and foreign commerce the products of useful manufacture under
such limitations as will secure a compliance with the
Anti-Trust law. It is possible so to frame a statute that
while it offers protection to a Federal company against
harmful, vexatious, and unnecessary invasion by the States, it
shall subject it to reasonable taxation and control by the
States, with respect to its purely local business.
{135}
"Many people conducting great businesses have cherished a hope
and a belief that in some way or other a line may be drawn
between ‘good Trusts’ and ‘bad Trusts,’ and that it is
possible, by amendment to the Anti-Trust law, to make a
distinction under which good combinations may be permitted to
organize, suppress competition, control prices, and do it all
legally, if only they do not abuse the power by taking too
great profit out of the business. … Now, the public, and
especially the business public, ought to rid themselves of the
idea that such a distinction is practicable or can be
introduced into the statute. Certainly under the present
Anti-Trust law no such distinction exists. It has been
proposed, however, that the word ‘reasonable’ should be made a
part of the statute, and then that it should be left to the
court to say what is a reasonable restraint of trade, what is
a reasonable suppression of competition, what is a reasonable
monopoly. I venture to think that this is to put into the
hands of the court a power impossible to exercise on any
consistent principle which will insure the uniformity of
decision essential to just judgment. It is to thrust upon the
courts a burden that they have no precedents to enable them to
carry, and to give them a power approaching the arbitrary, the
abuse of which might involve our whole judicial system in
disaster.
"In considering violations of the Anti-Trust law, we ought, of
course, not to forget that that law makes unlawful, methods of
carrying on business which before its passage were regarded as
evidence of business sagacity and success, and that they were
denounced in this act, not because of their intrinsic
immorality, but because of the dangerous results toward which
they tended, the concentration of industrial power in the
hands of the few, leading to oppression and injustice. In
dealing, therefore, with many of the men who have used the
methods condemned by the statute for the purpose of
maintaining a profitable business, we may well facilitate a
change by them in the method of doing business. …
"To the suggestion that this proposal of Federal incorporation
for industrial combinations is intended to furnish them a
refuge in which to continue industrial abuses under Federal
protection, it should be said that the measure contemplated
does not repeal the Sherman Anti-Trust law, and is not to be
framed so as to permit the doing of the wrongs which it is the
purpose of that law to prevent, but only to foster a
continuance and advance of the highest industrial efficiency
without permitting industrial abuses. …
"A Federal compulsory license law, urged as a substitute for a
Federal incorporation law, is unnecessary except to reach that
kind of corporation which, by virtue of the considerations
already advanced, will take advantage voluntarily of an
incorporation law, while the other State corporations doing an
interstate business do not need the supervision or the
regulation of a Federal license and would only be
unnecessarily burdened thereby.
"The attorney-general, at my suggestion, has drafted a Federal
incorporation bill embodying the views I have attempted to set
forth, and it will be at the disposition of the appropriate
committees of Congress."
COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1910.
Renewed investigation of the Beef Trust.
A renewed investigation of the business methods of the great
meat-packing concerns at Chicago, by the grand jury of the
United States District Court, Judge K. M. Landis, was begun on
the 24th of January, 1910. It is understood to have special
reference to the causes of the rising prices of meats. The
firms against which the Government is thus preparing to
proceed are: Swift & Co., Armour & Co., and Morris & Co., who,
it is alleged, control the National Packing Company, for their
common benefit.
----------COMBINATIONS: End--------
COMMERCE AND LABOR, The United States Department of.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903 (FEBRUARY).
COMMERCIAL UNIVERSITIES, in Germany:
Their recent rise.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: GERMANY: A. D. 1898-1904.
"COMMISSION PLAN," of City Government.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
COMMITTEE OF ONE HUNDRED.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH.
COMMITTEE OF UNION AND PROGRESS.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.
COMMODITIES CLAUSE, of the Hepburn Act:
Supreme Court decision on.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.
COMMUNAL SYSTEM, Russian:
Its modification.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 AND 1909 (APRIL).
CONCENTRATION CAMPS.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.
CONCILIATION BOARDS, Canadian.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: CANADA: A. D. 1907-1908.
CONCILIATION COMMITTEE, of National Civic Federation.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902.
CONCORDAT OF 1802, The.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.
CONFÉDÉRATION GÉNÉRALE DU TRAVAIL.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1884-1909.
CONFERENCE OF STATE GOVERNORS.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.
CONFERENCES FOR EDUCATION IN THE SOUTH, Annual.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1898-1909.
CONGER, Edwin H.: U. S. Minister to China.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1903 (MAY-OCTOBER).
CONGESTED ESTATES.
See (in this Volume)
IRELAND: A. D. 1909.
{136}
----------CONGO STATE: Start--------
CONGO STATE:
How the natives have been enslaved and oppressed.
The "Domaine Privé."
"The Berlin Conference laid it down that no import dues should
be established in the mouth of the Congo for twenty years. But
in 1890 King Leopold, alleging the heavy expenses to which he
had been put by the campaign against the Arabs in the Upper
Congo, applied for permission to levy import duties. It was
the first disillusionment; and the British Chambers of
Commerce began to wonder whether their opposition to the
Anglo-Portuguese Convention had not been mistaken. The King’s
request was granted (the Powers merely reserving to themselves
the right to revert to the original arrangement in fifteen
years), but not without the bitter opposition of the Dutch,
who had very important commercial interests in the Congo,
backed by the British Chambers of Commerce and all the traders
in the Congo, irrespective of nationality. A representative
gathering was held in London on November 4th, 1900, presided
over by Sir Albert Rollit, to protest against the imposition
of import duties and to denounce the hypocrisy which
attributed to philanthropic motives the desire on the part of
the Congo State so to impose upon them. …
"They were able to show that … King Leopold, notwithstanding
his formal assurances to the commercial world that the Congo
State would never directly or indirectly itself trade within
its dominions, was buying, or rather stealing, ivory from the
natives in the Upper Congo and retaining the proceeds of the
sale on the European market. They proved that, profiting by
the silence of the Berlin Treaty on the subject of export
duties, the Congo State had already imposed taxes amounting to
17½ per cent. on ivory, 13 per cent, on rubber and 5 per cent.
on palm kernels, palm-oil and ground-nuts, the total taxation
amounting to no less than 33 per cent. of the value of the
whole of the trade. Finally they had no difficulty in
demonstrating that, with all his professed wish to stamp out
the slave-raiding carried on by the half-caste Arabs in the
Upper Congo, His Majesty was himself tacitly encouraging the
slave trade by receiving tribute from conquered Chiefs in the
shape of slaves, who were promptly enrolled as soldiers in the
State army. …
"Five months after the termination of the Berlin Conference
King Leopold issued a decree (July, 1885) whereby the State
asserted rights of proprietorship over all _vacant lands_
throughout the Congo territory. It was intended that the term
vacant lands should apply in the broadest sense to lands not
_actually occupied_ by the natives at the time the decree
was issued. By successive decrees, promulgated in 1886, 1887
and 1888, the King reduced the rights of the natives in their
land to the narrowest limits, with the result that the whole
of the odd 1,000,000 square miles assigned to the Congo State,
except such infinitesimal proportions thereof as were covered
by native villages or native farms, became _‘terres
domaniales.'_ On October 17th, 1889, the King also issued a
decree ordering merchants to limit their commercial operations
in rubber to bartering with the natives. This decree was
interesting merely as a forewarning of what came later,
because at that time the rubber trade was very small. In July,
1890, the same year as the Brussels Conference, the Congo
State went a step further. A decree issued in that month
confirmed all that was advanced in November of the same year
by the speakers at the London Conference held to protest
against the imposition of import duties by the State. By its
terms King Leopold asserted that the State was entitled to
trade on its own account in ivory—the first open violation of
his pledges. Moreover the decree imposed sundry extra taxes
upon all ivory bought by merchants from the natives, which,
since the State had become itself a trading concern,
constituted an equally direct violation of the Berlin Act, by
establishing differential treatment in matters of trade. Such
were the plans King Leopold made, preparatory to obtaining
from the Powers the power to impose import duties. Everything
was ready for the great _coup_, which should also
inaugurate the Fifth Stage of His Majesty’s African policy.
"The Brussels Conference met. The Powers with inconceivable
fatuity allowed themselves to be completely hoodwinked, and
within a year the greatest injury perpetrated upon the
unfortunate natives of Africa since the Portuguese in the XVth
century conceived the idea of expatriating them for labour
purposes had been committed, and committed too by a Monarch
who had not ceased for fifteen years to pose as their
self-appointed regenerator. On September 21st, 1891, King
Leopold drafted, in secret, a decree which he caused to be
forwarded to the Commissioners of the State in the
Uban-ghi-Welle and Aruwimi-Welle districts, and to the Chiefs
of the military expeditions operating in the Upper Ubanghi
district. This decree never having been published in the
official Bulletin of the State, its exact terms can only be a
matter of conjecture, but we know that it instructed the
officials to whom it was addressed ‘to take urgent and
necessary measures to preserve the fruits of the domain to the
State, especially ivory and rubber.’ By ‘fruits of the domain’
King Leopold meant the products of the soil throughout the
‘vacant lands’ which he had attributed to himself, as already
explained, by the decree of 1885. The King’s instructions were
immediately followed, and three circulars, dated respectively
Bangala, 15th December, 1891, Basankusu, 8th May, 1892, and
Yokoma, 14th February, 1892, were issued by the officials in
question. Circular Number 1 forbade the natives to hunt
elephants unless they brought the tusks to the State’s
officers. Circular Number 2 forbade the natives to collect
rubber unless they brought it to the State’s officers.
Circular Number 3 forbade the natives to collect either ivory
or rubber unless they brought the articles to the State’s
officers, and added that ‘merchants purchasing such articles
from the natives, whose right to collect them the State only
recognised provided that they were brought to it, would be
looked upon as receivers of stolen goods and denounced to the
judicial authorities.’ Thus did the Sovereign of the Congo
State avail himself of the additional prestige conferred upon
him by the Brussels Conference. …
{137}
"In theory, then, the decrees of September, 1891, and October,
1892, made of the native throughout the _Domaine Privé_ a
serf. In theory a serf he remained, for a little while. But as
the grip of Africa’s regenerator tightened upon the _Domaine
Privé_, as the drilled and officered cannibal army, armed
with repeating rifles, gradually grew and grew until it was
larger than the native forces kept up by any of the great
Powers of Europe on African soil, as the radius of the rubber
taxes was extended, as portions of the country began to be
farmed out to so-called 'Companies' whose agents were also
officials of the King, the native of the _Domaine Privé_
became a serf not in theory only but in fact, ground down,
exploited, forced to collect rubber at the bayonet’s point,
compelled to pay onerous tribute to men whose salaries depend
upon the produce returns from their respective stations—the
punishment for disobedience, slothfulness or inability to
comply with demands ever growing in extortion, being anything
from mutilation to death, accompanied by the destruction of
villages and crops."
_E. D. Morel,
The Belgian Curse in Africa
(Contemporary Review, March, 1902)._
CONGO STATE: A. D. 1903-1905.
The alleged oppressiveness, barbarity, and rapacity of its
administration under King Leopold.
Observations of Lord Cromer on the Nile border.
Reports of a British Consular Officer, and of King Leopold’s
Belgian Commission.
Action of the British Government.
Serious accusations of oppression and barbarity in the
exploiting of the natural wealth of the so-called Independent
Congo State, under the administration of its royal proprietor,
King Leopold, of Belgium, were beginning to be made a dozen
years ago, as will be seen by reference to the subject in
Volume VI. of this work. The King and the companies which
operated in the region under his grants were reputed to be
taking enormous profits from it. Of one of those
concessionaire companies, sometimes referred to as the A. B.
I. R. Co. and sometimes as "the Abir," it was stated in 1901
that its £40,000 of shares could have been sold for
£2,160,000, and that half of its profits went to Leopold. But,
as was said later by a member of the British Parliament, who
wrote on the subject in one of the reviews, "meanwhile Europe
was becoming aware of the price that was being paid in Africa
for these profits in Belgium. Travellers, missionaries of
various nationalities, administrators in the neighbouring
territories belonging to England and France, sent home graphic
reports of the cruel oppression that was being practised on
the helpless population. In England especially, through the
efforts of Sir Charles Dilke, of Mr. Fox-Bourne, the secretary
of the Aborigines Protection Society, of Mr. E. D. Morel and
of other disinterested men, public opinion was informed of the
truth. In May, 1903, a resolution, which I had the honor of
moving in the House of Commons, calling upon the Government to
take action with a view to the abatement of the evils
prevalent in the Congo Free State, was accepted by Mr. Balfour
and unanimously passed. A diplomatic correspondence ensued
between the two governments. The British Consul in the Lower
Congo, Mr. Roger Casement, was sent on a tour of inquiry into
the interior, and his lengthy and detailed report fully
confirmed—in some respect extending—the indictment that had
been drawn. A Congo Reform Association was founded, and
immediately secured influential support. … At last King
Leopold, pressed by the despatches of the British Government
and bowing to the storm of public opinion, yielded so far as
to authorise further inquiry into the charges that had been
made. The investigation by an International Commission, which
had been proposed, he rejected. He nominated three
Commissioners of his selection, one a legal officer in the
service of the Belgian Government, one a judge in the service
of the Congo State, and the third a Swiss jurist of repute. In
October, 1904, the Commission reached the Congo. It stayed for
five months and made an extended journey into the interior.
After an unexplained delay of eight months its report was
published on the 6th of November of this year [1905]. …
"Had the report embodied an acquittal of the Congo State it
would not, under the circumstances, have been surprising. The
Commissioners, however, have to a great degree risen superior
to their natural prepossessions. … It is most regrettable …
that they present no minutes of the evidence taken before
them—a circumstance which deprives the report of actuality
and force, and prevents outside observers from drawing their
own conclusions from the facts which had been ascertained. But
the inquiry was painstaking. The case was fairly tried. The
judgment is an honest judgment.
"Being honest, it is necessarily a condemnation. The Belgian
defenders of the Congo Government, who were led by a
conception of patriotic duty as profoundly false as that of
the anti-Dreyfusards in France to deny everything and to meet
the critics merely with unceasing torrents of abuse, now have
their answer. A tribunal, not of our choosing, selected by the
defendant in their cause, has shown that those who denounced
Congo misrule were in the right, that the atrocities were not
imaginary, that a cruel oppression of the natives has been
proceeding unchecked for years."
_Herbert Samuel,
The Congo State
(Contemporary Review, December, 1905)._
Before this report appeared many witnesses had testified for
and against the impeached Government and its commercial
monopoly of the Congo State. Atrocities of slaughter,
mutilation and flogging, committed by the soldiery, the
sentries and other extortioners of a labor tax from the
helpless natives, were asserted and denied. It is best,
perhaps, to drop these blackest counts from the Congo
indictment, because of the controversy over them; and enough
remains in the Report of the King’s own Commission of Inquiry,
and in general conditions which are flagrantly in evidence, to
convict King Leopold and his agents of soulless rapacity, in
their treatment of the vast African country that was entrusted
to him by the Conference of Powers assembled at Berlin in
1884-1885.
There is great weight of meaning, for example, in a few words
that were written, in January, 1903, by Lord Cromer, while
returning from a long trip up the Nile, in which his steamer
passed along about eighty miles of Congolese shore. Before
reaching that border of Leopold’s domain he had traversed 1100
miles of the country lately wrested by the British from
dervishes and slave dealers, where, he remarks, "it might well
have been expected that much time would be required to inspire
confidence in the intentions of the new Government." But,
"except in the uninhabitable ‘Sudd’ region," he wrote,
"numerous villages are dotted along the banks of the river.
{138}
The people, far from flying at the approach of white men, as
was formerly the case, run along the banks, making signs for
the steamer to stop. It is clear that the Baris, Shilluks, and
Dinkas place the utmost trust and confidence in the British
officers with whom they are brought in contact. …
"The contrast when once Congolese territory is entered is
remarkable. From the frontier to Gondokoro is about 80 miles.
The proper left, or western, bank of the river is Belgian. The
opposite bank is either under the Soudanese or the Uganda
Government. There are numerous islands, and as all these are
under British rule—for the thalweg which, under Treaty, is the
Belgian frontier, skirts the western bank of the river—I
cannot say that I had an opportunity of seeing a full 80 miles
of Belgian territory. At the same time, I saw a good deal, and
I noticed that, whereas there were numerous villages and huts
on the eastern bank and on the islands, on the Belgian side
not a sign of a village existed. Indeed, I do not think that
any one of our party saw a single human being in Belgian
territory, except the Belgian officers and men and the wives
and children of the latter. Moreover not a single native was
to be seen either at Kiro or Lado. I asked the Swedish officer
at Kiro whether he saw much of the natives. He replied in the
negative, adding that the nearest Bari village was situated at
some distance in the interior. The Italian officer at Lado, in
reply to the same question, stated that the nearest native
village was seven hours distant. The reason of all this is
obvious enough. The Belgians are disliked. The people fly from
them, and it is no wonder they should do so, for I am informed
that the soldiers are allowed full liberty to plunder, and
that payments are rarely made for supplies. The British
officers wander, practically alone, over most parts of the
country, either on tours of inspection or on shooting
expeditions. I understand that no Belgian officer can move
outside the settlements without a strong guard."
This is in line with some parts of the experience of Mr.
Casement, the British Consular Officer referred to in the
article quoted above, who travelled for about ten weeks on the
Upper Congo in 1903, and whose report of what he saw includes
such accounts as the following, of conditions around Lake
Matumba:
"Each village I visited around the lake, save that of Q. and
one other, had been abandoned by its inhabitants. To some of
these villages the people have only just returned; to others
they are only now returning, In one I found the bare and burnt
poles of what had been dwellings left standing, and at another
—that of R—the people had fled at the approach of my steamer,
and despite the loud cries of my native guides on board,
nothing could induce them to return, and it was impossible to
hold any intercourse with them. At the three succeeding
villages I visited beyond R., in traversing the lake towards
the south, the inhabitants all fled at the approach of the
steamer, and it was only when they found whose the vessel was
that they could be induced to return."
An incident related by Mr. Casement is this:
"Steaming up a small tributary of the Lulongo, I arrived,
unpreceded by any rumour of my coming, at the village of A. In
an open shed I found two sentries of the La Lulanga Company
guarding fifteen native women, five of whom had infants at the
breast, and three of whom were about to become mothers. The
chief of these sentries, a man called S—who was bearing a
double-barrelled shot-gun, for which he had a belt of
cartridges—at once volunteered an explanation of the reason
for these women’s detention. Four of them, he said, were
hostages who were being held to insure the peaceful settlement
of a dispute between two neighbouring towns, which had already
cost the life of a man. … The remaining eleven women, whom he
indicated, he said he had caught and was detaining as
prisoners to compel their husbands to bring in the right
amount of india-rubber required of them on next market day.
When I asked if it was a woman’s work to collect india-rubber,
he said, ‘No; that, of course, it was man’s work.’ ‘Then why
do you catch the women and not the men?’ I asked. ‘Don’t you
see,’ was the answer, ‘if I caught and kept the men, who would
work the rubber? But if I catch their wives, the husbands are
anxious to have them home again, and so the rubber is brought
in quickly and quite up to the mark.’ When I asked what would
become of these women if their husbands failed to bring in the
right quantity of rubber on the next market day, he said at
once that then they would be kept there until their husbands
had redeemed them."
_Parliamentary Papers, Africa,
Number 1 (1904), Cd. 1933._
But the facts which condemn the Congo administration most
conclusively are found in the report of the Commission of
Inquiry appointed by King Leopold himself,—especially in what
it represents of the heartless oppression of the labor tax, or
labor imposed on the natives, in their compulsory carrying of
goods or collection of rubber, food and wood, for the State
and for the companies that operate under the King’s grants. As
to the labor tax exacted in food, for example, the Commission
expresses itself as follows:
"The decree fixes at forty hours per month the work which each
native owes to the State. This time, considered as a maximum,
is certainly not excessive, especially if one takes account of
the fact that the work ought to be remunerated; but as in the
immense majority of cases … it is not precisely the work which
is demanded of the native, but rather a quantity of products
equivalent to forty hours of work, the criterion of time
disappears in reality and is replaced by an equivalent
established by the Commissioner of the district after diverse
methods. …
"_Chikwangue_ (kwanga)is nothing but manioc bread. … The
preparation of this food requires many operations: the
clearing of the forest, the planting of manioc, the digging up
of the root and its transformation into _chikwangue_,
which comprises the operations of separating the fibers and
stripping the bark, pulverizing, washing, making it into
bundles, and cooking it. All these operations, except clearing
the land, fall to the women. The _chikwangues_ so
prepared are carried by the natives to the neighboring post
and served for the food supply of the personnel of the
State—soldiers and laborers. … As the _chikwangue_ keeps
only a few days, the native, even by redoubling his activity,
cannot succeed in freeing himself from his obligations for any
length of time.
{139}
The requirement, even if it does not take all his time,
oppresses him continually by the weight of its recurrent
demands, which deprive the tax of its true character and
transform it into an incessant _corvée_. … Doubtless the
adage, ‘time is money,’ cannot be applied to the natives of the
Congo; it is none the less inadmissible that a taxpayer should
be obliged to travel over ninety-three miles to carry to the
place of collection a tax which represents about the value of
twenty-nine cents. …
"Natives inhabiting the environs of Lulonga were forced to
journey in canoes to Nouvelle-Anvers, which represents a
distance of forty to fifty miles, every two weeks, to carry
their fish; and taxpayers have been seen to submit to
imprisonment for delays which were perhaps not chargeable to
them, if we take into account the considerable distances to be
covered periodically to satisfy the requirements of the tax."
As applied to the collection of rubber, the so-called labor
tax was found by the commission to consume so much of the time
of the natives subjected to it that it practically made slaves
of them, and nothing less.
When the abused native is pretendedly paid for his labor or
its product, it is by some trifle in metal or flimsy woven
stuff, which costs the State and its tributary companies next
to nothing and is next to worthless to the recipient.
And not only does the State exercise over the unfortunate
subjects that were delivered to it an authority of Government
which appears to be little else than a power of extortion, but
it has taken all their lands from them, substantially, and
left them next to nothing on which to perform any labor for
themselves. It has decreed to itself the ownership of all land
not included in the native villages or not under cultivation.
Concerning which decree the Commission remarks:
"As the greater part of the land in the Congo has never been
under cultivation, this interpretation gives to the State a
proprietary right, absolute and exclusive, to almost all the
land, and as a consequence it can grant to itself all the
product of the soil and prosecute as robbers those who gather
the smallest fruit and as accomplices those who buy the same.
… It thus happens sometimes that not only have the natives
been prohibited from moving their villages, but they have been
refused permission to go, even for a time, to a neighboring
village without a special permit."
In the summer of 1903 the British Government was moved to
address a formal communication to all the Powers which had
been parties to the Act of the Berlin Conference of 1884-1885,
whereby the Congo State was created and entrusted to King
Leopold, asking them to consider whether the system of
government and of trade monopoly established in that State was
in conformity with the provisions of the Act. The British
Foreign Secretary, Lord Lansdowne, in his despatch (August 8,
1903), rehearsed at length the charges that were brought
against the Congo administration, concerning its extortion of
labor from the natives by a method "but little different from
that formerly employed to obtain slaves," saying: "His
Majesty’s Government do not know precisely to what extent
these accusations may be true; but they have been so
repeatedly made, and have received such wide credence, that it
is no longer possible to ignore them, and the question has now
arisen, whether the Congo State can be considered to have
fulfilled the special pledges, given under the Berlin Act, to
watch over the preservation of the native tribes, and to care
for their moral and material advancement."
At the same time, the dispatch called the attention of the
Powers to the question of rights of trade in the Congo,
saying: "Article I of the Berlin Act provides that the trade
of all nations shall enjoy complete freedom in the basin of
the Congo; and Article V provides that no Power which
exercises sovereign rights in the basin shall be allowed to
grant therein a monopoly or favour of any kind in matters of
trade. In the opinion of His Majesty’s Government, the system
of trade now existing in the Independent State of the Congo is
not in harmony with these provisions. … In these
circumstances, His Majesty’s Government consider that the time
has come when the Powers parties to the Berlin Act should
consider whether the system of trade now prevailing in the
Independent State is in harmony with the provisions of the
Act; and, in particular, whether the system of making grants
of vast areas of territory is permissible under the Act if the
effect of such grants is in practice to create a monopoly of
trade."
_Parliamentary Papers, Africa,
Number 14 (1903), Cd. 1809._
CONGO STATE: A. D. 1904.
Feeling in Belgium concerning the charges of oppression and
inhumanity to the natives.
See (in this Volume)
BELGIUM: A. D. 1904.
CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.
Reform Decrees and their small effect.
Continued reports of rapacious exploitation.
Concession secured by American capitalists.
Annexation of the State by Belgium.
Recognition of the annexation withheld by
Great Britain and the United States.
Apparently the endeavor of the British Government to set in
motion some action of the Powers which had been parties to the
creation of the Congo State, for the purpose of ascertaining
whether the provisions of the Berlin Act were being complied
with in the administration of that great trust, had no
practical result. During the next two years the Congo
Government was persistent in denying and attempting to refute
some parts of the reports sent home by British consular
officers in the Congo; but after the publication of the report
of its own investigating Commission, in 1905, there seems to
have been more reticence observed. In June, 1906, a series of
new decrees, supposed to embody the recommendations of the
Reforms Commission, was sanctioned by the King. But the
Consuls who reported to London from the Congo country do not
seem to have found the wretched natives much relieved by these
decrees. Vice-Consul Armstrong, writing from Boma December,
1907, after a prolonged journey through rubber-collecting
regions, declared his conviction that "the people worked from
twenty to twenty-five days a month" to satisfy their labor
tax. He added:
"The improvement that has been made by the application of the
Reform Decrees of June 1906 is solely in the withdrawal of
armed sentries, a reform which the serious decimation of the
population by the sentries demanded. … I saw nothing which led
me to view the occupation of this country in the light of an
Administration.
{140}
The undertakings of the Government are solely commercial, with
a sufficient administrative power to insure the safety of its
personnel and the success of its enterprise. … The
following is an estimate of the profits of the State on their
rubber tax. I take the village of N’gongo as being a large
one, and one of the few villages that supply the amount
actually assessed:—
Amount assessed yearly. 1,440 kilograms of rubber.
£ s. d.
1,440 kilograms of rubber at 10 fr. 576 0 0
Amount paid to natives at 50 c. per kilogram 28 16 0
"I calculate the rubber at 10 fr. per kilogram, the value
placed upon it by the State in the Commercial Report issued
this year. The market value in Antwerp is from 12 fr. to 13
fr. per kilogram. From this amount of 576£. must be deducted
the cost of transport, which cannot be more than 2 fr. per
kilogram rendered at Antwerp, so that the net profits derived
from this one village would be a little more than 456£. per
annum. One hundred and twenty natives, together with their
wives and children, which would bring the population of the
town to about 400 souls, share this amount of 28£ 16s., and as
this is paid in cloth at 7½d. per yard and salt at 1s. 7½d.
per kilogram, it is evident that they cannot receive very much
each, and that they complain of their remuneration."
These were not the only official witnesses now testifying to
the barbarities of commercial exploitation that were
perpetrated in the Congo country under pretences of
administering the Government of a State. Reports to the same
effect were coming to the Government of the United States from
its Consuls in the Congo. Consul-General C. R. Slocum wrote on
the 1st of December, 1906, to the Department of State at
Washington:
"I have the honour to report that I find the Congo Free State,
under the present regime, to be nothing but a vast commercial
enterprise for the exploitation of the products of the
country, particularly that of ivory and rubber. Admitted by
Belgian officials and other foreigners here, the State, as I
find it, is not open to trade in the intended sense of article
5 of the Berlin Act under which the State was formed."
A year later, the succeeding Consul-General of the United
States in the Congo State, Mr. James A. Smith, made a similar
report:
"In excluding the native," he wrote, "from any proprietary
right in the only commodities he possessed which would serve
as a trade medium—that is, the products of the soil—and in
claiming for itself and granting to a few concessionary
companies in which it holds an interest exclusive ownership of
these products, the Administration, in its commercial
capacity, has effectively shut the door to free trade and
created a vast monopoly in all articles the freedom of buying
and selling which alone could form a proper basis for
legitimate trade transactions between the native and
independent purchasers. Competition, by which alone can a
healthy condition of trade be maintained, has been entirely
eliminated. The Government is but one tremendous commercial
organization; its administrative machinery is worked to bar
out all outside trade and to absolutely control for its own
benefit and the concessionary companies the natural resources
of the country."
In the same report Mr. Smith gave details of an experiment he
had made, in conjunction with the _chef de secteur_ at
Yambata, to test the truth of the assertions made by the
natives as to the length of time necessary to gather the
rubber which they are compelled to furnish. The place for the
experiment was selected by the _chef de secteur_, and he
chose the five natives who were employed in the experiment,
and who were promised rewards as an incentive to do their
best. The men worked for four hours, and although Mr. Smith
vouches for the fact that they did not lose a minute, they
only succeeded in gathering 650 grammes. From this, as Mr.
Smith argues, the amount of time they would have to spend in
collecting the rubber tax works out at 93 hours a month, or,
counting eight hours a day, at 140 days a year. This did not
include the time spent in travelling to and from the
rubber-bearing districts.
Before this time, American interest in the Congo State had
become more than humanitarian, and more than a commercial
interest in the general opportunities of trade; for heavy
American capitalists had secured concessions from King Leopold
in a large territory for the development of railways, rubber
production and mines. The fact was announced in the fall of
1906, and the names of John D. Rockefeller, Jr., Thomas F.
Ryan, Harry Payne Whitney, Edward B. Aldrich and the Messrs.
Guggenheim were mentioned as prominent in the group to which
the grant was made.
Under the Convention of 1890 between King Leopold and the
Congo State, as one party, and the Kingdom of Belgium as the
other, it became the right of the latter, on the expiration of
ten years, in 1900, to annex the Congo State to itself.
See, in Volume VI. of this work,
CONGO STATE: A. D. 1900.
The right was not then exercised; but the question of taking
over the sovereignty of that great African domain came under
warm discussion in Belgium before many years, and, finally, in
1908, it reached the point of a keen negotiation of terms with
the King, attended by lively conflicts in the Belgian
Chambers. While the question was thus pending in Belgium, the
British Government took occasion to express its views to the
Belgian Government, as to the obligations which such an
annexation would involve. This was done on the 27th of March,
1908, in a despatch from the Foreign Minister, Sir Edward
Grey, communicating an extended "Memorandum respecting
Taxation and Currency in the Congo Free State." The language
of the despatch, in part, was as follows:
"His Majesty’s Government fully recognize that the choice of
the means by which the administration of the Congo may be
brought into line by the Berlin Act rests exclusively with
Belgium. Nevertheless, while disclaiming all idea of
interference, His Majesty’s Government feel that in fairness
they should leave the Belgian Government in no doubt that in
their opinion the existing administration of the Congo State
has not fulfilled the objects for which the State was
originally recognized, or the conditions of Treaties, and that
changes are therefore required, which should effect the
following objects:
1. Relief of the natives from excessive taxation.
2. The grant to the natives of sufficient land to ensure their
ability to obtain not only the food they require, but also
sufficient produce of the soil to enable them to buy and sell
as in other European Colonies.
3. The possibility for traders whatever their nationality may
be to acquire plots of land of reasonable dimensions in any
part of the Congo for the erection of factories so as to
enable them to establish direct trade relations with the
natives. …
{141}
"Taking the three points enumerated above in order, it appears
to His Majesty’s Government that—
"1. As regards the question of taxation in labour, the abuses
to which the system has given rise have only been rendered
possible by the absence of a proper standard of value. They
believe, therefore, that the only sure and efficacious means
of precluding the existence of such abuses in the future is
the introduction of currency throughout the State at the
earliest possible date. Both the Reports of the Commission of
Inquiry and the experience of His Majesty’s Consular officers
agree in the conclusion that the native has learnt the use of
money, and that currency would be welcomed by all classes,
native and European alike.
"2. The natives in the concessionary areas should not be
compelled, by either direct or indirect means, to render their
labour to the Companies without remuneration. The introduction
of currency should contribute greatly to the protection of the
native against the illicit and excessive exactions on the part
of private individuals. Such protection, however, cannot be
adequately secured unless the latter be compelled to pay the
native in specie at a fair rate to be fixed by law.
"3. They would urge that a large increase should be made in
the land allotted to the natives."
The exceptional failure of the Congo State, among African
colonies, to introduce the use of currency in transactions
with the natives, and the connection of this failure with the
state of things existing there, is discussed at length in the
Memorandum, with a practical summing up in these sentences:
"The Secretaries-General said the native in the Congo had no
specie. True, but why has he no specie? Because, as already
explained, during the twenty-three years that the Congo State
has been in existence no serious attempt, in spite of all
assertions to the contrary, has ever been made by the State to
introduce currency on a sufficiently large scale. In every
other European Colony in Africa has the native come to learn
the practical value of a medium of exchange. What are the
reasons that the Congo State should stand in an exceptional
position in this respect? They are unfortunately obvious
enough. The truth is that it is precisely owing to the absence
of a proper standard of value that the Congo Government and
the Concessionary Companies have been able to abuse the system
of taxation in labour, and realize enormous profits out of the
incessant labour wrung from the population in the guise of
taxation."
This communication from Great Britain to the Belgian
Government was followed soon (in April) by memoranda from the
Government of the United States, setting forth the hopes and
expectations of administrative reform with which it
contemplated the proposed annexation of the Congo State.
A few months later the treaty of annexation was agreed upon,
and the annexation consummated by an Act of the Belgian
Parliament, promulgated on the 20th of October, 1908. To an
announcement of the fact by the Belgian Minister at
Washington, Secretary Root replied at considerable length, in
a communication which bears the date of June 11, 1909: "The
Government of the United States," said the Secretary, "has
observed with much interest the progress of the negotiations
looking to such a transfer, in the expectation that under the
control of Belgium the condition of the natives might be
beneficially improved and the engagements of the treaties to
which the United States is a party, as well as the high aims
set forth in the American memoranda of April 7 and 16, 1908,
and declared in the Belgium replies thereto, might be fully
realized.
"The United States would also be gratified by the assurance
that the Belgian Government will consider itself specifically
bound to discharge the obligations assumed by the Independent
State of the Congo in the Brussels Convention of July 2, 1890,
an assurance which the expressions already made by the
Government of Belgium in regard to its own course as a party
to that convention leave no doubt is in entire accordance with
the sentiments of that Government. Among the particular
clauses of the Brussels Convention which seem to the United
States to be specially relevant to existing conditions in the
Congo region are the clauses of Article II., which include
among the objects of the convention:
"‘To diminish intestine wars between tribes by means of
arbitration; to initiate them in agricultural labour and in
the industrial arts so as to increase their welfare; to raise
them to civilization and bring about the extinction of
barbarous customs. …
"‘To give aid and protection to commercial enterprises; to
watch over their legality by especially controlling contracts
for service with natives; and to prepare the way for the
foundation of permanent centres of cultivation and of
commercial settlements.’
"The United States has been forced to the conclusion that in
several respects the system inaugurated by the Independent
State of the Congo has, in its practical operation, worked out
results inconsistent with these conventional obligations and
calling for very substantial and even radical changes in order
to attain conformity therewith." Moreover, it renders nugatory
the provisions of the successive declarations and conventions,
cited by the Secretary, which have given such rights in the
Congo State to citizens of the United States and others as
must be maintained.
"It should always be remembered," wrote Mr. Root, "that the
basis of the sovereignty of the Independent State of the Congo
over all its territory was in the treaties made by the native
Sovereigns who ceded the territory for the use and benefit of
free States established and being established there under the
care and supervision of the International Association, so that
the very nature of the title forbids the destruction of the
tribal rights upon which it rests without securing to the
natives an enjoyment of their land which shall be a full and
adequate equivalent for the tribal rights destroyed."
Referring to a statement made in the Belgian reply given to
his memorandum of April 16, which he quotes as in these
words:—
{142}
"When it annexes the possessions of the Independent State
Belgium will inherit its obligations as well as its rights; it
will be able to fulfil all the engagements made with the
United States by the declarations of April 22, 1884"—Mr. Root
closes his letter with these remarks:
"It would be gratifying to the United States to know that the
last clause of the statement just quoted is not intended to
confine the rights of the United States in the Independent
State to the declarations of the Commercial Association which
preceded the creation of the Congo State as a sovereign power,
but includes the conventional rights conferred upon the United
States by the treaty concluded with the Independent State
immediately after its recognition.
"In the absence of a fuller understanding on all these points,
I confine myself for the present to acknowledging your note of
November 4 last and taking note of the announcement therein
made."
Thus no recognition was given to the Belgian annexation.
Recognition was held in abeyance, awaiting further information
and evidence of reform in the administration of the Congo
State. And this is the attitude assumed by the British
Government, which waited long and with growing impatience for
assurances from Belgium, with proceedings that would give sign
of making them good. On the 24th of February, 1909, the
subject came up in Parliament, with assertions that
"oppression of the natives was still going on just as before
the annexation," and that "Great Britain had waited for months
while the cruelties against which she had protested still
continued." In the debate, Sir Charles Dilke referred to the
harmony of action in the matter by the United States and Great
Britain, and expressed his conviction that "the cooperation of
two such powerful Governments in the cause of humanity would
be irresistible." Sir Edward Grey, speaking for the Ministry,
said:
"I am glad that in the course of the debate it has been
emphasized that this attitude is not ours alone, but that the
United States has spoken with equal emphasis and taken up the
same position. I am sorry that no other Power has taken up the
same position so strongly; but as there is only one Power
which has declared itself so definitely on the question as
ourselves, I should like to say that I am glad it is the
United States."
Alluding to a remark made by one of the speakers in the
debate, that the Government might have prevented the
annexation of the State by Belgium, Sir Edward said:
"I do not think we should have prevented the annexation, but
in any case I should not have tried to prevent the annexation.
And for this reason among others—that if Belgium was not going
to take the Congo State in hand and put it right, who was? I
have never been able to answer that question. Certainly not
ourselves, because we have always denied the intention of
assuming any responsibility over an enormous tract of land
where we have sufficient responsibility already."
The Foreign Secretary concluded his speech by saying:
"If Belgium makes the administration of the Congo humane and
brings it into accord, in practice and spirit, with the
administration which exists in our own and neighbouring
African colonies, no country will more cordially welcome that
state of things than this or more warmly congratulate Belgium.
But we cannot commit ourselves to countersign, so to say, by
recognition a second time, the system of administration which
has existed under the old regime."
Again, in May, the question came up in Parliament, with
impatient criticism of the Government for not taking
peremptory measures to compel a reformation of Belgian rule in
the Congo State, one speaker suggesting a "peaceful blockade"
of the mouth of the Congo. Sir Edward Grey replied:
"If this question were rashly managed it might make a European
question compared to which those which we have had to deal
with in the last few months might be child’s play. Take, for
instance, the question of peaceful blockade. It is no good
talking of peaceful blockade. Blockade is blockade. It is the
use of force. If you are to have blockade you must be prepared
to go to war, and a blockade of the mouth of the Congo means
blockading a river which is not the property of the Congo or
Belgian Government. They have one bank of the river. It is a
river which by international treaty must be opened to
navigation, and if you are to blockade to any effect you must
be prepared to stop every ship going in or out of the Congo,
whether under the French, Belgian, German, or whatever flag it
is. Surely if you are going to pledge yourself to take steps
of that kind, and to accept the responsibility for them, it is
not too much to say that you must be prepared to raise a
European question which would be of the gravest kind. I do not
say there are not circumstances which might justify a question
of that kind, but do not let the House think that by smooth
words, such as by applying the adjective ‘peaceful’ to
blockade, you are going to minimize what will be the ultimate
consequences of the step you are taking."
CONGO STATE: A. D. 1909 (October).
Programme of reforms promised by the Belgian Government.
The programme of long promised reforms to be instituted by the
Belgian Government in its administration of the now annexed
Congo State was announced in the Belgian Chamber on the 28th
of October, 1909, by the Minister for the Colonies, M. Renkin.
"He repeated his solemn assurance that the charges of cruelty
or oppression made against the Belgian Colonial Administration
were false. He had questioned missionaries, officials, chiefs,
and other natives during his visit, and heard nothing to
justify the accusation. Individual breaches of the law might
possibly have occurred, but every abuse brought to the notice
of the authorities was immediately made the object of inquiry.
"It was useless, he said, to refer to the past; the situation
had been radically altered by the annexation. As regards the
land system, the assignment of vacant lands to the State was
juridically unassailable, but they must also have regard to
the development of the natives. The natives would therefore be
granted the right to take the produce of the soil in the
Domain. This would be accomplished in three stages. On July 1,
1910, the Lower Congo, Stanley Pool, Ubangi, Bangala, Kwango,
Kasai, Katanga, the southern portion of the Eastern Province,
Aruwimi, and the banks of the river as far as Stanleyville
would be opened to freedom of trade. On July 1, 1911, the
Domain of the Crown, and on July 1, 1912, the Welle district
would also be thrown open. Furthermore, the Government would
levy taxes in money, and the system of the provisioning of the
agents would be abolished."
{143}
M. Renkin said furthermore that in regard to the territories
held by _concessionnaires_ in the Congo the Government
would make an investigation with a view to ascertaining
whether it would not be advisable to make fresh arrangements
in agreement with the persons interested.
Writing from Brussels a mouth later, an English correspondent
represents the Belgian Reformers, who had most bitterly
denounced the atrocities of the Leopold regime in the Congo
State, as believing that M. Renkin's scheme is on the whole a
reasonable and satisfactory scheme, and above all a practical
scheme, that the Belgian Government are sincerely determined
to carry it through, and that, even if there were any
sufficient reason for doubting their sincerity, the Belgian
nation is in earnest and has the means of enforcing the
execution of the reforms by the exercise of the Parliamentary
control with which it is now for the first time invested over
the affairs of the Congo as a consequence of annexation.
On the other hand, English opinion, which had been roused to
much heat on the Congo question, is far from satisfied with
the Belgian proposals, and criticises them with a sharpness
which the Belgians resent.
----------CONGO STATE: End--------
----------CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Start--------
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Australia:
Undertakings of Irrigation and Forestry.
During a brief visit to the United States in 1902, Sir Edmund
Barton, then Premier of the Commonwealth of Australia,
contributed to _The Independent_ an article on "Australia
and her Problems," in which he wrote:
"Another great problem with which we are struggling is that of
irrigation, and a joint irrigation scheme is afoot for using
the waters of the Murray, our greatest river, to fertilize
lands in New South Wales and Victoria. The Murray forms the
boundary of those two States and afterward flows through South
Australia. It is to the interest of New South Wales and
Victoria to use the waters of the Murray for irrigation
purposes, and it is to the interest of South Australia to use
the Murray for navigation. We hope to harmonize those
interests and are working to that end.
"Just before I left Australia I attended a conference, held on
the border, between representatives of the various States as a
result of which each has appointed a hydraulic engineer to a
joint commission on irrigation. These will make an
investigation and report their opinion in regard to the best
practicable system for conserving, storing and distributing
the Murray’s waters without interfering with its navigation.
We have good reason to believe that by means of a system of
locks and weirs it is quite possible to irrigate a very large
extent of dry country by means of the Murray without injuring
its navigability. Later we will take up the problem of using
the waters of the Darling in a similar way. It is a very long
river, which during the rainy season sends an immense Volume
of water into the Murray.
"Another of our problems is in regard to forestry. We have
planted some trees but not nearly enough of them, and cannot
yet tell anything about results. Along with this tree
planting, also, denudation of our timber has been going on,
for Australian hard woods, being impervious to water, are now
used all over the world for street paving purposes. Great harm
has been done, and the waste is still going on, for our
national Government cannot interfere in the matter, and the
land owners are in many instances reckless. The remedy must
come from the common sense of the people."
Since the above was written, progress has been made in
carrying out the projects of irrigation, as was stated in a
speech by Lord Northcote after his return to England, in the
autumn of 1909, from five years of service as Governor-General
of Australia. "Both in New South Wales and Victoria," he said,
"very large irrigation works are in progress, and will be
completed in a very short time, adding enormously to the
acreage of land fit for cultivation."
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Canada:
The Dominion Forest Reserves Act.
Irrigation in the Northwest.
A Dominion Act of 1906, thus short-titled, provides as
follows:
"All Dominion lands within the respective boundaries of the
reserves mentioned in the schedule to this Act are hereby
withdrawn from sale, settlement and occupancy under the
provisions of the Dominion Lands Act, or of any other Act, or
of any regulations made under the said Act or any such Act,
with respect to mines or mining or timber or timber licenses
or leases or any other matter whatsoever; and after the
passing of this Act no Dominion lands within the boundaries of
the said reserves shall be sold, leased or otherwise disposed
of, or be located or settled upon, and no person shall use or
occupy any part of such lands, except under the provisions of
this Act or of regulations made thereunder."
The schedule referred to lists 21 Forest Reserves in British
Columbia, Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta. They are placed
under the management of the Superintendent of Forestry, for
the maintenance and protection of the growing timber, the
animals and birds in them, the fish in their waters and their
water supply, the Governor in Council to make the needed
regulations.
In a paper read before the Royal Colonial Institute at London,
England, in January, 1910, Mr. C. W. Peterson, Manager of the
Canadian Pacific Irrigation Colonization Company, gave the
following account of what is being done in the Arid Belt, so
called, near Calgary, in the Canadian Northwest:
"The irrigated land in Alberta and Saskatchewan nearly
equalled half of the total irrigated area of the United
States. In the year 1894 the Dominion Government withdrew from
sale and homestead entry a tract of land containing some
millions of acres located east of the city of Calgary, along
the main line of the Canadian Pacific Railway. The object of
that reservation was to provide for the construction,
ultimately, of an irrigation scheme to cover the fertile Bow
River Valley. The Canadian Pacific Railway Company undertook
to construct the gigantic irrigation system in question, and
selected as part of its land grant a block comprising three
million acres of the best agricultural lands. It had now been
opened for colonization, and this project—the greatest of the
kind on the American continent—was being pushed to its
completion. The tract had an average width of forty miles from
north to south, and extended eastwards from Calgary 150 miles."
{144}
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Egypt: A. D. 1909.
Completion of the Esneh Barrage.
An important addition to the irrigation works in Egypt,
supplementing the great dam at Assouan and the Assiout
barrage, was completed in February, 1909, when the Esneh
barrage was formally opened, on the 9th of that month. Esneh
is a town of some 25,000 inhabitants, situated in Upper Egypt,
on the west bank of the Nile, and the work now completed will,
even in the lowest of floods, ensure a plentiful supply of
water to a great tract of land in the Nile valley from Esneh
northwards. In deciding to undertake the construction of this
latest barrage, at a point about 100 miles north of the
Assouan reservoir, the Government were influenced by the great
success of the Assiout barrage, but that work differs from the
new barrage in being designed as a low-water summer regulator,
whereas the function of the Esneh barrage is to hold up the
water in low floods.
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Germany:
The work begun a century ago, and its result.
"Germany, a century ago, faced just such a situation as now
confronts us [the United States]. Then there began the work
which we must now undertake. New forests were planted,
wherever the land was unsuitable for other purposes. This
planting was done year after year, so that each year a new
tract would come to maturity. Forest wardens watched for
fires, and laws forbade careless hunters setting fires in the
woods. Timbermen were forced to gather and burn what twigs
from the slashings could not be used in the still or burned
for charcoal, and broad lanes were left through the forests as
stops for fires. In this way there arose those magnificent
German forests which now return the empire an average net
annual profit of two dollars and a half for each acre, on land
which is otherwise unusable; and, besides, give their services
free for the storage of water and for the retention of the
soil.
"In our own land something of this sort has already been done.
New York has nearly two million acres of land in forest
reserves which are being carefully tended. Pennsylvania has
half as much. Minnesota is already securing considerable
profit from the management of its white pine reserves and is
seeding down large areas; and the other lake states are also
moving, but all this is being done slowly, and lacks much of
the energy and cooperation which should accompany it."
_J. L. Mathews,
The Conservation of our National Resources
(Atlantic Monthly, May, 1908)._
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Great Britain:
Outline of undertakings by the Government in 1909.
Development and Road Improvement Act.
In his Budget speech to the House of Commons April 29, 1909,
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. David Lloyd-George, gave
a broad indication of undertakings contemplated by the
Government, in forestry work (afforestation, or
reafforestation) and on other lines directed toward a more
effective preservation and development of the natural
resources of the country. In the afforestation of the waste
lands of the country, he said, "We are far behind every other
civilized country in the world. I have figures which are very
interesting on this point. In Germany, for instance, out of a
total area of 133 million acres, 34 millions, or nearly 26 per
cent., are wooded; in France, out of 130 million acres, 17 per
cent.; even in a small and densely-populated country such as
Belgium, 1,260,000 acres are wooded, or 17 per cent. In the
United Kingdom, on the other hand, out of 77 million acres,
only 3 millions, or 4 per cent., are under wood. Sir Herbert
Maxwell, who has made a study of this question for a good many
years, and whose moderation of statement is beyond challenge,
estimates that, in 1906, ‘eight millions were paid annually in
salaries for the administration, formation, and preservation
of German forests, representing the maintenance of about
200,000 families, or about 1,000,000 souls; and that in
working up the raw material yielded by the forests wages were
earned annually to the amount of 30 millions sterling,
maintaining about 600,000 families, or 3,000,000 souls.’ The
Committee will there perceive what an important element this
is in the labour and employment of a country. Any one who will
take the trouble to search out the census returns will find
that the number of people directly employed in forest work in
this country is only 16,000. And yet the soil and the climate
of this country are just as well adapted for the growth of
marketable trees as that of the States of Germany. Recently we
have been favoured with a striking report of a Royal
Commission, very ably presided over by my honourable friend
the member for Cardiff. A perusal of the names attached to
that report will secure for it respectful and favourable
consideration. It outlines a very comprehensive and
far-reaching scheme for planting the wastes of this country.
The systematic operation which the Commission recommend is a
gigantic one, and, before the Government can commit themselves
to it in all its details, it will require very careful
consideration by a body of experts skilled in forestry. I am
informed by men whom I have consulted, and whose opinion on
this subject I highly value, that there is a good deal of
preliminary work which ought to be undertaken in this country
before the Government could safely begin planting on the large
scale indicated in that report. … I am also told that we
cannot command the services in this country of a sufficient
number of skilled foresters to direct planting. …
"I doubt whether there is a great industrial country in the
world which spends less money directly on work connected with
the development of its resources than we do. Take the case of
agriculture alone. Examine the Budgets of foreign countries—I
have done it with great advantage in other directions—examine
them from this particular point of view, and honourable
members, I think, will be rather ashamed at the contrast
between the wise and lavish generosity of countries much
poorer than ours and the short-sighted and niggardly parsimony
with which we dole out small sums of money for the
encouragement of agriculture in our country. …
"I will tell the House what we propose. There is a certain
amount of money, not very much, spent in this country in a
spasmodic kind of way on what I will call the work of national
development—in light railways, in harbours, in indirect but
very meagre assistance to agriculture.
{145}
I propose to gather all these grants together into one grant
that I propose to call a development grant, and this year to
add a sum of £200,000 to that grant for these purposes. … The
grant will be utilized in the promotion of schemes which have
for their purpose the development of the resources of the
country, and will include such objects as the institution of
schools of forestry, the purchase and preparation of land for
afforestation, the setting up of a number of experimental
forests on a large scale, expenditure upon scientific research
in the interests of agriculture, experimental farms, the
improvement of stock—in respect of which I have had a good
many representations from the agricultural community—the
equipment of agencies for disseminating agricultural
instruction, the encouragement and promotion of co-operation,
the improvement of rural transport so as to make markets more
accessible, the facilitation of all well-considered schemes
and measures for attracting labour back to the land by small
holdings or reclamation of wastes."
In realization of this programme an important "Development and
Road Improvement Funds Act" was introduced by Mr. Lloyd-George
in August, and passed, after considerable amendment of its
administrative details in Committee of the Commons and in the
House of Lords. It is divided into two parts, the first
dealing with development, or the aiding and encouraging of
agriculture and other rural industries, inclusive of forestry,
reclamation and drainage of land, improvement of rural
transport, construction and improvement of inland navigation
and harbors, and the development and improvement of fisheries.
The Act enables the Treasury to make free grants and loans,
from a Development Fund fed by an annual Parliamentary vote
and by a charge on the Consolidated Fund. An independent
Development Commission is to be appointed by the Treasury,
consisting of five members appointed for ten years, whose
recommendation for the rejection of applications shall be
final, though not that for their acceptance. The second part
of the Act sets up a Road Board to carry out schemes of road
improvement, either under its own direct control or through
the existing highway authorities.
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: North America:
International Conference of Delegates from Canada, Mexico,
and the United States.
The movement instituted in the United States for a better
conservation of the natural resources of the country was
broadened, early in 1909, into a continental and international
movement, by an invitation from President Roosevelt to the
Governments of Canada and Mexico to send delegates to a
general conference on the subject at Washington, for the
purpose of arranging some cooperative and harmonious plans of
action in the three countries. The invitation was cordially
accepted in both of the neighboring countries, and the
delegates sent were met, on the 18th of February, by many of
the leaders of the conservation movement in the United States,
including the National Conservation Commission. After being
received and addressed by the President at the White House, a
two days session of the Conference was held in the diplomatic
room of the State Department, with good results.
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Turkey: A. D. 1909.
Reclamation projects in the Tigris-Euphrates Delta.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: United States:
The Great Movement for an Arresting of Waste.
An organized National care-taking of Forests, Waters, Lands,
and Minerals.
Forest Service, Irrigation, Development of Waterways.
It is more than possible that the administration of Government
in the United States under President Roosevelt will be
distinguished, in the judgment of coming generations, most
highly by the impulse and the organization it gave to measures
for conserving the natural resources of the country, in woods,
water sources, mineral deposits and fertile or fertilizable
soils,—rescuing them from a hitherto unrestrained recklessness
of waste. The key-note of a new determination in governmental
policy, pointed to this end, was sounded by the President in
his first Message to Congress, on the 3d of December, 1901,
when he opened the subject largely and earnestly, saying,
among other things, this:
"The preservation of our forests is an imperative business
necessity. We have come to see clearly that whatever destroys
the forest, except to make way for agriculture, threatens our
well-being. At present the protection of the forest reserves
rests with the General Land Office, the mapping and
description of their timber with the United States Geological
Survey, and the preparation of plans for their conservative
use with the Bureau of Forestry, which is also charged with
the general advancement of practical forestry in the United
States. These various functions should be united in the Bureau
of Forestry, to which they properly belong. The present
diffusion of responsibility is bad from every standpoint. It
prevents that effective cooperation between the Government and
the men who utilize the resources of the reserves, without
which the interests of both must suffer. The scientific
bureaus generally should be put under the Department of
Agriculture. The President should have by law the power of
transferring lands for use as forest reserves to the
Department of Agriculture. He already has such power in the
case of lands needed by the Departments of War and the Navy. …
"The wise administration of the forest reserves will be not
less helpful to the interests which depend on water than to
those which depend on wood and grass. The water supply itself
depends upon the forest. In the arid region it is water, not
land, which measures production. The western half of the
United States would sustain a population greater than that of
our whole country to-day if the waters that now run to waste
were saved and used for irrigation. The forest and water
problems are perhaps the most vital internal questions of the
United States. …
"The forests alone cannot, however, fully regulate and
conserve the waters of the arid region. Great storage works
are necessary to equalize the flow of streams and to save the
flood waters. Their construction has been conclusively shown
to be an undertaking too vast for private effort. Nor can it
be best accomplished by the individual States acting alone.
Far-reaching interstate problems are involved; and the
resources of single States would often be inadequate. It is
properly a national function. at least in some of its
features. …
{146}
"The reclamation of the unsettled arid public lands presents a
different problem. Here it is not enough to regulate the flow
of streams. The object of the Government is to dispose of the
land to settlers who will build homes upon it. To accomplish
this object water must be brought within their reach. …
Whatever the Nation does for the extension of irrigation
should harmonize with, and tend to improve, the condition of
those now living on irrigated land. We are not at the
starting-point of this development. Over two hundred millions
of private capital have already been expended in the
construction of irrigation works, and many million acres of
arid land reclaimed. A high degree of enterprise and ability
has been shown in the work itself; but as much cannot be said
in reference to the laws relating thereto. The security and
value of the homes created depend largely on the stability of
titles to water; but the majority of these rest on the
uncertain foundation of court decisions rendered in ordinary
suits at law. With a few creditable exceptions, the arid
States have failed to provide for the certain and just
division of streams in times of scarcity. Lax and uncertain
laws have made it possible to establish rights to water in
excess of actual uses or necessities, and many streams have
already passed into private ownership, or a control equivalent
to ownership."
_President's Message to Congress,
December 3, 1901._
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
The Nationalizing of Irrigation Works.
The highest quality of statesmanship is represented by such
recommendations as these. So far as concerned the proposed
nationalization of irrigation works, to reclaim the arid lands
of the West, they bore fruit within a year, in the passage by
Congress of the Reclamation Act of June 17, 1902. It devoted
most of the proceeds of the sale of public lauds, in Arizona,
California, Colorado, Idaho, Kansas, Montana, Nevada, New
Mexico, North and South Dakota, Oklahoma, Utah, Washington,
and Wyoming, to a special Reclamation Fund in the Treasury,
for the creation and maintenance of irrigation works. This was
a measure for which the late Major John W. Powell, Director of
the United States Geological Survey, had labored incessantly
for many years. In his book on "The Lands of the Arid Regions"
he was the first to show the possibility of redemption for
most of the wide spaces of land then supposed to be hopeless
desert, and he pleaded with Congress, session after session,
for some national undertaking to store and distribute the
waters from the mountains that would give life to their soil.
In 1888 he succeeded so far as to win authority and means for
investigating the water supply for the region, and from that
time he had kept an efficient small corps of engineers at work
in the survey and measurement of streams, accumulating
information that was ready for immediate use when actual
constructive work was taken in hand. At once, on the passage
of the Reclamation Act, the Director of the Geological Survey,
acting under the Secretary of the Interior, began the
execution of plans already well matured, for irrigation in
Arizona and Nevada; and was able three years later to report
similar undertakings in progress within three of the ten
Territories and thirteen States.
In May, 1908, the following statement of the reclamation work
then in progress appeared in _The Outlook:_ "The work as
a whole rivals the Panama Canal in the labor and expense
involved. The employment of 16,000 men and the expenditure of
$1,250,000 every month are but incidents in the service.
Already the canals completed reach a total of 1,815 miles—as
far as from New York to Denver. Homes have been made for ten
thousand families where before was desert. In the past five
years $33,000,000 has been spent, and the enterprises already
planned will add more than a hundred millions to this sum. Nor
is this money spent in one locality. In New Mexico one of the
largest dams in the world is being constructed. In California
and Nevada great reservoirs and irrigation plants are being
built. In western Kansas the beet-sugar raisers are to have a
$250,000 plant for pumping the ‘underflow,’ or the sheet water
found a few feet beneath the top-soil, of the Arkansas River
Valley to the surface, that ditches may be filled and crops
made certain. On seven great projects, involving the
expenditure of $51,000,000 and the reclamation of over a
million acres, the benefit is directly to the Northwest. These
projects lie in North and South Dakota, Montana, and
Washington. In these States lands that have been considered as
worthless except for the coarsest kind of grazing are being
transformed into productive farms. In South Dakota the largest
earth dam in the world is being constructed, that ninety
thousand acres of land may be made fertile; while just east of
the Yellowstone Park is being built a solid wall of masonry
310 feet high to hold back the waters of the Shoshone River
until a reservoir of ten square miles, capable of irrigating a
hundred thousand acres, is formed. The production of these
irrigated lands is marvelous."
The latest official statistics that are available represent
the total of acres irrigated at the end of the year 1907 as
being 11,000,000, in 167,200 farms, at an average cost (of
constructive work) of $13.46 per acre.
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
A National Forest Policy.
Less promptitude of action followed the President's urging of
measures for forest preservation, and his warnings to Congress
and the country, against the consequences of this inaction,
were repeated from year to year. His Message of December,
1904, carried a specially urgent plea for legislation to unify
the national forest work.
"I have repeatedly," he said, "called attention to the
confusion which exists in Government forest matters because
the work is scattered among three independent organizations.
The United States is the only one of the great nations in
which the forest work of the Government is not concentrated
under one department, in consonance with the plainest dictates
of good administration and common sense. The present
arrangement is bad from every point of view. Merely to mention
it is to prove that it should be terminated at once. As I have
repeatedly recommended, all the forest work of the Government
should be concentrated in the Department of Agriculture, where
the larger part of that work is already done, where
practically all of the trained foresters of the Government are
employed, where chiefly in Washington there is comprehensive
first-hand knowledge of the problems of the reserves acquired
on the ground, where all problems relating to growth from the
soil are already gathered, and where all the sciences
auxiliary to forestry are at hand for prompt and effective
coöperation."
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During its following session Congress took the desired action,
and the whole forest service was transferred to the Department
of Agriculture in February, 1905.
Early in June of that year the efforts of the President to
waken attention to the seriousness of the forest destruction
in the country were greatly helped by a notable convention at
Washington of about twelve hundred men, having both interest
and knowledge in the matter, who came together to discuss the
problems involved. They were mostly practical foresters,
intelligent lumbermen, railway men, ranch-owners, engineers
and miners, and their urgency of a systematic conservative
treatment of the surviving forest wealth of the country
carried great weight. The convention was under the direction
of the Secretary of Agriculture, and was addressed by the
President.
During a journey through parts of the Southern States, in
October, 1905, the President took occasion, in some of his
speeches, to urge that a large part, at least, of the rapidly
disappearing forests on the Atlantic side of the country
should be nationalized, for preservation in the manner of the
forest reserves of the Far West. In his Message of 1906 he
submitted this to Congress, as a specific recommendation,
saying that the forests of the White Mountains and the
Southern Appalachian regions need to be preserved, and "cannot
be unless the people of the States in which they lie, through
their representatives in the Congress, secure vigorous action
by the National Government." This proposal encountered strong
opposition from selfish interests, and Congress was prevailed
upon with difficulty to authorize a survey of the forests of
the White Mountains and the Southern Appalachians, which
resulted in a recommendation by the Secretary of Agriculture
that 600,000 acres in the former region and 5,000,000 in the
latter be purchased for a National Reserve. A bill responsive
to this recommendation was passed by the Senate, but rejected
by the House, which appointed a commission, instead, to make
further investigations in the matter. Meantime, in the White
Mountains alone, busy slaughterers of the forests were said to
be stripping three hundred acres per day.
On the eve of the adjournment of Congress in March, 1907, the
President issued a proclamation adding some seventeen millions
of acres of forest lands to the National Forest Reserves
already established. This was just before he signed an Act of
Congress which abridged his authority to create reserves in
Colorado, Wyoming, Montana, Idaho, Oregon, and Washington. It
was a characteristic proceeding, for which the President had
ample power under a statute of 1891, and it simply held the
forests designated in safety from destruction until the
question of their treatment was more carefully considered. The
next Congress, or the next President, could give them up to
private ownership, in whole or in part, if the one or the
other found reason for doing so. Meantime they were sheltered
from the axeman, while undergoing study. As a matter of fact,
Mr. Roosevelt’s successor, President Taft, did conclude that
some of the lands reserved should be released for sale, and so
ordered soon after he entered the executive office.
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
The Inland Waterways Commission.
In his annual Message of December, 1907, the President
enlarged the range of considerations that connect themselves
with the question of economic forestry, by directing attention
to the importance of the waterways of the country and their
claim to a more systematic development. "For the last few
years," he said, "through several agencies, the Government has
been endeavoring to get our people to look ahead, and to
substitute a planned and orderly development of our resources
in place of a haphazard striving for immediate profit. Our
great river systems should be developed as National water
highways; the Mississippi, with its tributaries, standing
first in importance, and the Columbia second, although there
are many others of importance on the Pacific, the Atlantic and
the Gulf slopes. The National Government should undertake this
work, and I hope a beginning will be made in the present
Congress; and the greatest of all our rivers, the Mississippi,
should receive especial attention. From the Great Lakes to the
mouth of the Mississippi there should be a deep waterway, with
deep waterways leading from it to the East and the West. Such
a waterway would practically mean the extension of our coast
line into the very heart of our country. It would be of
incalculable benefit to our people. If begun at once it can be
carried through in time appreciably to relieve the congestion
of our great freight-carrying lines of railroads. …
"The inland waterways which lie just back of the whole eastern
and southern coasts should likewise be developed. Moreover,
the development of our waterways involves many other important
water problems, all of which should be considered as part of
the same general scheme. The Government dams should be used to
produce hundreds of thousands of horsepower as an incident to
improving navigation; for the annual value of the unused
water-power of the United States perhaps exceeds the annual
value of the products of all our mines. As an incident to
creating the deep waterway down the Mississippi, the
Government should build along its whole lower length levees
which taken together with the control of the headwaters, will
at once and forever put a complete stop to all threat of
floods in the immensely fertile Delta region. The territory
lying adjacent to the Mississippi along its lower course will
thereby become one of the most prosperous and populous, as it
already is one of the most fertile, farming regions in all the
world. I have appointed an Inland Waterways Commission to
study and outline a comprehensive scheme of development along
all the lines indicated. Later I shall lay its report before
the Congress."
The Inland Waterways Commission thus appointed by the
President in March, 1907, gave its attention first to the
project of a "Lakes-to-the-Gulf Deep Water Way," which had
been commanding wide interest in the Mississippi Valley for
some years. What the project, in its full magnitude,
contemplated, was stated as follows in the resolutions of a
great convention, of 4000 delegates, from 44 States, assembled
at Chicago in October, 1908:
"Any plan for the inland waterway development so imperatively
necessary to the material welfare of the valley should
comprise a main trunk line in the form of a strait connecting
Lake Michigan with the Gulf of Mexico by way of the Illinois
and Mississippi rivers.
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The development of this trunk line should begin at once. The
improvement of the branches of this main line, such as the
upper Mississippi, with its tributaries; the Ohio, with its
leading tributaries, including the Tennessee and Cumberland;
the Missouri, the Arkansas, the Red, the White, and other
rivers, and the interstate inland waterway of Louisiana and
Texas, should proceed simultaneously with the development of
the principal line.
"The deep waterway is practically complete from Chicago to
Joliet through the courage and enterprise of the single city
of Chicago, which has by the expenditure of $55,000,000
created a deep waterway across the main divide between the
waters of Lake Michigan and those of the Mississippi. A
special board of survey, composed of United States engineers,
reported to Congress in 1905 that the continuation of the deep
waterway from Joliet to St. Louis was feasible and would cost
only $31,000,000. The State of Illinois, assuming that the
Federal Government will take the responsibility of completing
the waterway to the Gulf, is about to cooperate to the extent
of $20,000,000."
The waterway here mentioned as being "practically complete from
Chicago to Joliet" is that known as the Chicago Drainage
Canal. The $20,000,000 with which the State of Illinois would
cooperate in carrying out the whole project was voted by that
State in November, 1908, for building an extension of the
Drainage Canal from Joliet to Utica, Illinois, sixty-one
miles, for a development of water power. The depth of these
channels is and is to be twenty-four feet, and the project of
the Lakes-to-the-Gulf Deep Waterway contemplated that depth
throughout. The Board of Engineers to which the project was
referred reported, however, in June, 1909, against the
desirability of a waterway of such depth. Its cost from St.
Louis to the Gulf is estimated to be $128,000,000 for
construction, and $6,000,000 yearly for maintenance. In the
judgment of the board, the present demands of commerce between
St. Louis and the Gulf will be adequately met by an eight-foot
channel from St. Louis to the mouth of the Ohio and a channel
of not less than nine feet in depth below the mouth of the
Ohio. The board’s belief is that an eight-foot channel from
Chicago to St. Louis corresponding with the eight-foot project
from St. Louis to Cairo is the least that would adequately
meet the demands of commerce. It adds that such a waterway
would be desirable, provided its cost is reasonable. Present
and prospective demands of commerce between Chicago and the
Gulf would be adequately served, the board reports, by a
through nine-foot channel to the Gulf.
In the States bordering on the Atlantic a "Deeper Waterways
Association" is pressing long-mooted plans for uniting the
bays, sounds, and navigable rivers along the Atlantic coast by
canals, thus affording safe deep-water communication from
Boston on the east to Florida at the far south.
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
Conference of Governors at Washington.
In all his endeavors to establish a national policy directed,
systematically and scientifically, to the arresting of waste
in the use and treatment of the natural resources of the
country, President Roosevelt was assisted very greatly by the
knowledge and the energetic public spirit of the chief of the
National Forest Service, Mr. Gifford Pinchot. It is understood
to have been on the initiative of Mr. Pinchot that the
crowning expedient for stirring and determining public feeling
on the subject was planned, early in the winter of 1908, when
the President invited the Governors of all the States and
Territories to a Conference in Washington, for considering the
whole question of an economic conservation of natural
resources and concerting measures to that end. It was said,
indeed, by the President, in addressing the meeting of
Governors, that if it had not been for Mr. Pinchot "this
convention neither would nor could have been called." The
invitation went to others than Governors,—to men of national
prominence in public life, in scientific pursuits, in business
experience, and to heads of great associations. The resulting
assembly at the White House, on the 13th, 14th, and 15th of
May, 1908, marked an epoch in American history. There were
Governors from forty of the forty-six States of the Union,
with the President and members of his Cabinet, the Justices of
the Supreme Court, many Senators and Representatives from the
Congress, and a distinguished gathering of such citizens as
William Jennings Bryan, Seth Low, James J. Hill, Andrew
Carnegie, John Mitchell and Samuel Gompers. All sides of the
national thriftlessness that needed correction were discussed
by men who could best describe the evils produced and best
indicate the methods of remedy. Before adjourning their
meeting the Governors present adopted with unanimity a
declaration in which they say:
"We agree that our country’s future is involved in this: that
the great natural resources supply the material basis upon
which our civilization must continue to depend, and upon which
the perpetuity of the nation itself rests. We agree, in the
light of the facts brought to our knowledge and from the
information received from sources which we cannot doubt, that
this material basis is threatened with exhaustion. …
"We declare our firm conviction that this conservation of our
natural resources is a subject of transcendent importance
which should engage unremittingly the attention of the nation,
the States, and the people in earnest cooperation. These
natural resources include the land on which we live and which
yields our food; the living waters which fertilize the soil,
supply power, and form great avenues of commerce; the forests
which yield the materials for our homes, prevent erosion of
the soil, and conserve the navigation and other uses of the
streams; and the minerals which form the basis of our
industrial life, and supply us with heat, light, and power. …
"We commend the wise forethought of the President in sounding
the note of warning as to the waste and exhaustion of the
natural resources of the country, and signify our high
appreciation of his action in calling this Conference to
consider the same and to seek remedies therefor through
cooperation of the nation and the States. …
"We agree in the wisdom of future conferences between the
President, Members of Congress, and the governors of States on
the conservation of our natural resources with a view of
continued coöperation and action on the lines suggested; and
to this end we advise that from time to time, as in his
judgment may seem wise, the President call the governors of
States and Members of Congress and others into conference.
{149}
"We agree that further action is advisable to ascertain the
present condition of our natural resources and to promote the
conservation of the same; and to that end we recommend the
appointment by each State of a commission on the conservation
of natural resources, to coöperate with each other and with
any similar commission of the Federal Government."
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
The National Conservation Commission and its Report.
The President acted with promptitude on the suggestion of a
National Commission on the Conservation of Natural Resources,
to coöperate with kindred State Commissions. Within a month he
announced the appointment of such a Commission, composed of
nearly fifty men of special qualification for the inquiries to
be pursued, the recommendations to be made, and the action to
be taken. All sections of the country are represented on the
Commission, including such authorities on waters as Professor
Swain, of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology; on
forests, as Professor Graves, of the Yale Forestry School, and
Mr. Charles Lathrop Pack, of New Jersey; on lands, as
Ex-Governor Pardee, of California, and Mr. James J. Hill, the
eminent railway president; on minerals, as Messrs. Andrew
Carnegie, of New York, John Hays Hammond, of Massachusetts,
and John Mitchell, of Illinois.
The Commission is divided into four sections, one to consider
forests, another waters, a third minerals, and the fourth
lands. Over these divisions is an executive committee, of which
Mr. Gifford Pinchot is chairman. In each section there are
representatives from the Senate and House of Representatives,
and officials of Government from the Department which has to
do with the subject referred to it.
State action on the lines commended by the Conference of
Governors had already been instituted in a number of States,
and in many others it was promptly set on foot; so that the
desired coöperative organization of effort was soon well under
way, and contributing to the first undertaking planned by the
Executive Committee of the National Commission, which was the
making of an inventory of the natural resources of the United
States. So effective was the work done in the summer and fall
of 1908 that a Second Conference of State Governors, jointly
with the State and National Commissions, was found desirable,
for consideration of the mass of facts collected as a basis
for definite plans. The Second Conference, like the First, was
in Washington, and it was opened on the 8th of December, under
the chairmanship of the then President-elect of the United
States, the Honorable William H. Taft. The draft of a report
prepared to be made by the National Conservation Commission to
the President of the United States was submitted
confidentially to this Conference, and was sent to Congress a
little later with its approval, as well as with that of the
President. The Conference adopted, furthermore, two important
resolutions, as follows:
"_Resolved_, That a joint committee be appointed by the
chairman, to consist of six members of state conservation
commissions and three members of the National Conservation
Commission, whose duty it shall be to prepare and present to
the state and national commissions, and through them to the
governors and the President, a plan for united action by all
organizations concerned with the conservation of natural
resources. (On motion of Governor Noel, of Mississippi, the
chairman and secretary of the conference were added to and
constituted a part of this committee.) "
"We also especially urge on the Congress of the United States
the high desirability of maintaining a National Commission on
the Conservation of the Resources of the Country, empowered to
coöperate with State Commissions, to the end that every
sovereign commonwealth and every section of the country may
attain the high degree of prosperity and the sureness of
perpetuity naturally arising in the abundant resources and the
vigor, intelligence and patriotism of our people."
In subsequently communicating to Congress, on the 22d of
January, 1909, the report of the National Conservation
Commission, the President said:
"With the statements and conclusions of this report I heartily
concur, and I commend it to the thoughtful consideration both
of the Congress and of our people generally. It is one of the
most fundamentally important documents ever laid before the
American people. It contains the first inventory of its
natural resources ever made by any nation."
The report of the Commission was prefaced by a brief
explanatory statement from the Chairman of its Executive
Committee, partly as follows:
"The executive committee designated in your letter creating
the commission organized on June 19 and outlined a plan for
making an inventory of the natural resources of the United
States. On July 1 work was undertaken, accordingly, with the
coöperation of the bureaus of the federal departments,
authorities of the different States, and representative bodies
of the national industries. The results of this coöperative
work are herewith submitted as appendices of the commission’s
report. … In its coöperation ‘with other bodies created for
similar purposes by States,’ the National Conservation
Commission has had most valuable assistance. Within the first
month after the creation of the commission, the governors of 5
States had appointed conservation commissions, and an equal
number of organizations of national scope had named
conservation committees. At the time of the recent joint
conservation conference 33 States and Territories had formed
conservation commissions. The number has now increased to 36,
with indications that nearly all of the remaining States will
soon take similar action. The number of national organizations
which have appointed conservation committees is 41."
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
An Inventory of Natural Resources.
From the report itself it is only possible, in this place, to
glean a few of its most impressive and significant disclosures
of fact. For example:
CONCERNING FORESTS.
"Forests privately owned cover three-fourths of the total
forest area and contain four-fifths of the standing timber.
The timber privately owned is not only four times that
publicly owned, but is generally more valuable. Forestry is
now practiced on 70 per cent. of the forests publicly owned,
and on less than 1 per cent. of the forests privately owned,
or on only 18 per cent. of the total area of forests.
"The yearly growth of wood in our forests does not average
more than 12 cubic feet per acre. This gives a total yearly
growth of less than 7,000,000,000 cubic feet.
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"We have 200,000,000 acres of mature forests, in which yearly
growth is balanced by decay; 250,000,000 acres partly cut over
or burned over, but restocking naturally with enough young
growth to produce a merchantable crop, and 100,000,000 acres
cut over and burned over, upon which young growth is lacking
or too scanty to make merchantable timber.
"We take from our forests yearly, including waste in logging
and in manufacture, 23,000,000,000 cubic feet of wood. We use
each year 100,000,000 cords of firewood; 40,000,000,000 feet
of lumber; more than 1,000,000,000 posts, poles, and fence
rails; 118,000,000 hewn ties; 1,500,000,000 staves; over
133,000,000 sets of heading; nearly 500,000,000 barrel hoops;
3,000,000 cords of native pulp wood; 165,000,000 cubic feet of
round mine timbers, and 1,250,000 cords of wood for
distillation.
"Since 1870 forest fires have destroyed a yearly average of 50
lives and $50,000,000 worth of timber. Not less than
50,000,000 acres of forest is burned over yearly. The young
growth destroyed by fire is worth far more than the
merchantable timber burned.
"One-fourth of the standing timber is lost in logging. The
boxing of long-leaf pine for turpentine has destroyed
one-fifth of the forests worked. The loss in the mill is from
one-third to two-thirds of the timber sawed. The loss of mill
product in seasoning and fitting for use is from one-seventh
to one fourth. Of each 1000 feet, which stood in the forest,
an average of only 320 feet of lumber is used.
"We take from our forests each year, not counting the loss by
fire, three and a half times their yearly growth. We take 40
cubic feet per acre for each 12 cubic feet grown; we take 260
cubic feet per capita, while Germany uses 37 and France 25
cubic feet.
"We tax our forests under the general property tax, a method
abandoned long ago by every other great nation. Present tax
laws prevent reforestation of cut-over land and the
perpetuation of existing forests by use.
"Great damage is done to standing timber by injurious forest
insects. Much of this damage can be prevented at small
expense.
"To protect our farms from wind and to reforest land best
suited for forest growth will require tree planting on an area
larger than Pennsylvania, Ohio, and West Virginia combined.
Lands so far successfully planted make a total area smaller
than Rhode Island; and year by year, through careless cutting
and fires, we lower the capacity of existing forests to
produce their like again, or else totally destroy them. …
"By reasonable thrift we can produce a constant timber supply
beyond our present need, and with it conserve the usefulness
of our streams for irrigation, water supply, navigation and
power. Under right management, our forests will yield over
four times as much as now. We can reduce waste in the woods
and in the mill at least one third, with present as well as
future profit. … We can practically stop forest fires at a
cost yearly of one fifth of the value of the merchantable
timber burned.
"We shall suffer for timber to meet our needs until our
forests have had time to grow again. But if we act vigorously
and at once, we shall escape permanent timber scarcity." The
report adds much of interest on this subject.
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
CONCERNING WATERS.
"Our mean annual rainfall is about 30 inches; the quantity
about 215,000,000,000,000 cubic feet per year, equivalent to
ten Mississippi rivers. Of the total rainfall over half is
evaporated; about a third flows into the sea, the remaining
sixth is either consumed or absorbed. These portions are
sometimes called, respectively, the fly-off, the run-off and
the cut-off. They are partly interchangeable. About a third of
the run-off, or a tenth of the entire rainfall, passes through
the Mississippi. The run-off is increasing with deforestation
and cultivation.
"Of the 70,000,000,000,000 cubic feet annually flowing into
the sea, less than 1 per cent. is restrained and utilized for
municipal and community supply; less than 2 per cent. (or some
10 per cent. of that in the arid and semi-arid regions) is
used for irrigation; perhaps 5 per cent, is used for
navigation, and less than 5 per cent, for power. …
"For irrigation it is estimated that there are $200,000,000
invested in dams, ditches, reservoirs, and other works for the
partial control of the waters; and that 1,500,000,000,000
cubic feet are annually diverted to irrigable lands,
aggregating some 20,000 square miles. Except in some cases
through forestry, few catchment areas are controlled, and few
reservoirs are large enough to hold the storm waters. The
waste in the public and private projects exceeds 60 per cent.
while no more than 25 per cent. of the water actually
available for irrigation of the arid lands is restrained and
diverted.
"There are in continental United States 282 streams navigated
for an aggregate of 26,115 miles, and as much more navigable
if improved. There are 45 canals, aggregating 2,189 miles,
besides numerous abandoned canals. Except through forestry in
recent years, together with a few reservoirs and canal locks
and movable dams, there has been little effort to control
headwaters or catchment areas in the interests of navigation,
and none of our rivers are navigated to more than a small
fraction even of their effective low-water capacity.
"The water power now in use is 5,250,000 horse power; the
amount running over government dams and not used is about
1,400,000 horse-power; the amount reasonably available equals
or exceeds the entire mechanical power now in use, or enough
to operate every mill, drive every spindle, propel every train
and boat, and light every city, town, and village in the
country. … Nearly all the freshet and flood water runs to
waste, and the low waters which limit the efficiency of power
plants are increasing in frequency and duration with the
increasing flood run-off. … The direct yearly damage by floods
since 1900 has increased steadily from $45,000,000 to over
$238,000,000. …
"A large part of that half of the annual rainfall not
evaporated lodges temporarily in the soil and earth. It is
estimated that the ground water to the depth of 100 feet
averages 16 2/3 percent, of the earth-Volume, or over
1,400,000,000,000,000 cubic feet, equivalent to seven years'
rainfall or twenty years’ run-off. This subsurface reservoir
is the essential basis of agriculture and other industries and
is the chief natural resource of the country. It sustains
forests and all other crops and supplies the perennial springs
and streams and wells used by four-fifths of our population
and nearly all our domestic animals. Its quantity is
diminished by the increased run-off due to deforestation and
injudicious farming."
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CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
CONCERNING LANDS.
"The total land area of continental United States is
1,900,000,000 acres. Of this but little more than two-fifths
is in farms, and less than one-half of the farm area is
improved and made a source of crop production. We have nearly
6,000,000 farms; they average 146 acres each. The value of the
farms is nearly one-fourth the wealth of the United States.
There are more than 300,000,000 acres of public grazing land.
The number of persons engaged in agricultural pursuits is more
than 10,000,000. …
"There has been a slight increase in the average yield of our
great staple farm products, but neither the increase in
acreage nor the yield per acre has kept pace with our increase
in population. Within a century we shall probably have to feed
three times as many people as now; and the main bulk of our
food supply must be grown on our own soil.
"The area of cultivated land may possibly be doubled. In
addition to the land awaiting the plow, 75,000,000 acres of
swamp land can be reclaimed, 40,000,000 acres of desert land
irrigated, and millions of acres of brush and wooded land
cleared. Our population will increase continuously, but there
is a definite limit to the increase of our cultivated acreage.
Hence we must greatly increase the yield per acre. The average
yield of wheat in the United States is less than 14 bushels
per acre, in Germany 28 bushels, and in England 32 bushels. We
get 30 bushels of oats per acre, England nearly 45, and
Germany more than 47. Our soils are fertile, but our mode of
farming neither conserves the soil nor secures full crop
returns. The greatest unnecessary loss of our soil is
preventable erosion. Second only to this is the waste, nonuse,
and misuse of fertilizer derived from animals and men."
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
CONCERNING MINERALS.
"The available and easily accessible supplies of coal in the
United States aggregate approximately 1,400,000,000,000 tons.
At the present increasing rate of production this supply will
be so depleted as to approach exhaustion before the middle of
the next century.
"The known supply of high-grade iron ores in the United States
approximates 3,840,000,000 tons, which at the present
increasing rate of consumption can not be expected to last
beyond the middle of the present century. In addition to this,
there are assumed to be 59,000,000,000 tons of lower grade
iron ores which are not available for use under existing
conditions.
"The supply of stone, clay, cement, lime, sand, and salt is
ample, while the stock of the precious metals and of copper,
lead, zinc, sulphur, asphalt, graphite, quicksilver, mica, and
the rare metals can not well be estimated, but is clearly
exhaustible within one to three centuries unless unexpected
deposits be found.
"The known supply of petroleum is estimated at 15,000,000,000
to 20,000,000,000 barrels, distributed through six separate
fields having an aggregate area of 8,900 square miles. The
production is rapidly increasing, while the wastes and the
loss through misuse are enormous. The supply can not be
expected to last beyond the middle of the present century.
"The known natural-gas fields aggregate an area of 9,000
square miles, distributed through 22 States. Of the total
yield from these fields during 1907, 400,000,000,000 cubic
feet, valued at $62,000,000, were utilized, while an equal
quantity was allowed to escape into the air. The daily waste
of natural gas—the most perfect known fuel—is over
1,000,000,000 cubic feet, or enough to supply every city in
the United States of over 100,000 population.
"Phosphate rock, used for fertilizer, represents the slow
accumulation of organic matter during past ages. In most
countries it is scrupulously preserved; in this country it is
extensively exported, and largely for this reason its
production is increasing rapidly. The original supply can not
long withstand the increasing demand. …
"The National Government should exercise such control of the
mineral fuels and phosphate rocks now in its possession as to
check waste and prolong our supply."
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
CONCERNING LIFE AND HEALTH
"Since the greatest of our national assets is the health and
vigor of the American people, our efficiency must depend on
national vitality even more than on the resources of the
minerals, lands, forests, and waters. …
"Our annual mortality from tuberculosis is about 150,000.
Stopping three-fourths of the loss of life from this cause,
and from typhoid and other prevalent and preventable diseases,
would increase our average length of life over fifteen years.
There are constantly about 3,000,000 persons seriously ill in
the United States, of whom 500,000 are consumptives. More than
half this illness is preventable. …
"The National Government has now several agencies exercising
health functions which only need to be concentrated to become
coordinated parts of a greater health service worthy of the
nation."
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
FINAL WORDS.
"The inventory of our natural resources made by your
commission, with the vigorous aid of all federal agencies
concerned, of many States, and of a great number of associated
and individual cooperators, furnishes a safe basis for general
conclusions as to what we have, what we use and waste, and
what may be the possible saving. But for none of the great
resources of the farm, the mine, the forest, and the stream do
we yet possess knowledge definite or wide enough to insure
methods of use which will best conserve them. … The pressing
need is for a general plan under which citizens, States and
Nation may unite in an effort to achieve this great end. The
lack of cooperation between the States and the Nation, and
between the agencies of the National Government, is a potent
cause of the neglect of conservation among the people. An
organization through which all agencies, state, national,
municipal, associate, and individual, may unite in a common
effort to conserve the foundations of our prosperity is
indispensable to the welfare and progress of the nation. To
that end the immediate creation of a national agency is
essential."
{152}
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
Beginnings of a General Organization of all
Conservation Agencies.
The Joint Committee which the Chairman of the Second
Conference of Governors was instructed to appoint, for the
preparation of "a plan for united action by all organizations
concerned with the conservation of natural resources," met at
Washington on the 5th of March, 1909, for its first
consultation. The Committee, of eleven members, consists of
six chairmen of State Conservation Commissions, and five who
are members of the National Conservation Commission. In
preparation for the meeting the various conservation bodies
which have been actively at work for several months are
sending in suggestions based on their own experience.
Action for the preservation and increase of forests has been
stimulated in many if not all of the States of the Union by
the national agitation of the subject in these late years.
Nowhere has the influence been more effective than in New
York, which has not only greatly enlarged its control and
improved its care and treatment of the extensive forest tracts
in the Adirondack region, but has done even more important
reforesting work in other parts of its territory. "James S.
Whipple, forest, fish and game commissioner, has not only
planted more trees in this State than have been planted in any
other State, or even by the national government, but this year
he has made another great advance in the reforesting movement.
The commission has sold to private land owners at cost
1,034,050 pine and spruce trees for reforesting land within
the State."
_New York Evening Post,
April 24, 1909._
These trees went to every county of the State, in numbers
ranging from 50 to 200,000.
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
Threatened Monopoly of Water Power.
See (in this Volume)
Combinations, Industrial, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
Withdrawal of Water Power Sites from Land Office Entry.
What is said to be the largest number of acres of land
withdrawn for temporary water power sites in the history of
the Interior Department was made August 13, 1909, when Acting
Secretary Wilson withdrew 87,360 acres along the Colorado
River, in Utah. The land in question was withdrawn to prevent
"monopolies," and with a view to procure legislation from
Congress to preserve them to the Government.
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
The National Conservation Association.
"Great significance," said a Press despatch from Washington,
September 16, 1906, "is attached here to-day to the
announcement from Chicago of the formation of the National
Conservation Association, with Charles W. Eliot, ex-president
of Harvard University, as president. Friends of conservation
interpret the launching of the new organization to mean that a
national organization of the widest possible membership and
the greatest possible scope is to supplant the American
Forestry Association in administration favor as the
educational branch of the conservation movement."
Not long after its formation the Association issued an earnest
appeal to the country to bring the pressure of its opinion on
Congress for needed legislation. The special subject of this
appeal was the vast coal field in Alaska, which can only be
saved from monopoly by speedy amendment of existing laws. "We,
therefore," said the Association, "appeal to the American
people to bring the urgent needs of the situation to the
attention of their representatives in Congress, in order that
comprehensive legislation upon this vital matter may be
enacted at the next session of Congress. To this end, every
individual citizen is urged to do his part, and to act at
once."
On the request of Dr. Eliot, Mr. Gifford Pinchot, after the
withdrawal of the latter from the office of Chief Forester of
the United States, was made President of the Association, in
January, 1910, but Dr. Eliot was named Honorary President.
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
Legislation recommended by President Taft.
Earnestly upholding the Conservation policy instituted by his
predecessor, President Taft, in a Special Message to Congress,
January 14, 1910, recommended several measures of legislation,
for which suggested bills had been drafted by the Secretary of
the Interior.
"One of the most pressing needs," said the Message, "in the
matter of public-land reform is that lands should be
classified according to their principal value or use. …
"It is now proposed to dispose of agricultural lands as such,
and at the same time to reserve for other disposition the
treasure of coal, oil, asphaltum, natural gas, and phosphate
contained therein. This may be best accomplished by separating
the right to mine from the title to the surface, giving the
necessary use of so much of the latter as may be required for
the extraction of the deposits. The surface might be disposed
of as agricultural land under the general agricultural
statutes, while the coal or other mineral could be disposed of
by lease on a royalty basis."
The importance of an enlargement of the undertakings of the
Government in the line of irrigation works, for reclaiming
arid lands, is urged by the President with great force, and he
recommends "that authority be given to issue not exceeding
$30,000,000 of bonds from time to time, as the secretary of
the interior shall find it necessary, the proceeds to be
applied to the completion of the projects already begun and
their proper extension, and the bonds running ten years or
more to be taken up by the proceeds of returns to the
reclamation fund, which returns, as the years go on, will
increase rapidly in amount."
The Message gives approval to a Bill which passed the lower
House of the late Congress, directing that "the national
government appropriate a certain amount each year out of the
receipts from the forestry business of the government to
institute reforestation at the sources of certain navigable
streams to be selected by the Geological Survey with a view to
determining the practicability of thus improving and
protecting the streams for Federal purposes."
Finally, on the subject of waterway improvement, the Message
recommends the project of dams in the Ohio River from
Pittsburg to Cairo, and in the Upper Mississippi from St. Paul
to St. Louis.
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: A. D. 1910.
Removal from office of Chief Forester Pinchot.
Investigation of charges against Secretary Ballinger.
Unfortunate differences between the Secretary of the Interior,
Mr. Ballinger, and the head of the Bureau of Forestry, Mr.
Pinchot, led to the removal of the latter from office early in
January, 1910. As a further result, formal charges of
unfaithfulness to public interests, in conducting national
measures of conservation, were brought against Secretary
Ballinger, and are undergoing investigation by a Congressional
Committee at the time of the passing of this matter to the
printers (March, 1910).
----------CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: End--------
{153}
CONSERVATIVE-UNIONIST PARTY:
Surrender of the Government in Great Britain.
Defeat in the Elections.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.
CONSPIRACY LAW, British, as affecting Trades Unions.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND A. D. 1906 (MARCH).
CONSTABULARY, The Philippine.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901-1902.
CONSTANTINOPLE: A. D. 1901.
Loss of political importance.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: THE ASIATIC FUTURE.
CONSTANTINOPLE: A. D. 1908-1909.
The Turkish Revolution.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.
CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA:
Proposed Amendments.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 and 1910.
CONSTITUTION OF BRITISH INDIAN GOVERNMENT:
The Indian Councils Act.
See (in this Volume )
INDIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
CONSTITUTION FOR CHINA:
Nine years of approach to it.
Promised for 1907.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1905-1908, 1908 (December),
and 1909 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).
CONSTITUTION OF ENGLAND:
Resolution of the Commons contemplating a change affecting
the Legislative Power of the House of Lords.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (APRIL-DECEMBER), and 1910.
CONSTITUTION OF GEORGIA:
Suffrage Amendment.
See (in this Volume)
GEORGIA: A. D. 1908.
CONSTITUTION OF MONTENEGRO.
See (in this Volume)
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.
CONSTITUTION OF OKLAHOMA.
Some of the more radical features of the Constitution under
which Oklahoma was admitted to the American Union are
summarized in the following:
"Legislative authority is vested in a legislature, but the
people reserve to themselves the power to propose laws and
amendments to the constitution and to enact or reject the same
at the polls independent of the legislature, and also reserve
power at their own option to approve or reject at the polls
any act of the legislature.
"Eight per cent of the legal voters have the right to propose
any legislative measure and 15 percent of the legal voters
have the right to propose amendments to the constitution by
petition. A referendum may be ordered, except as to laws
necessary for the immediate preservation of the public peace,
health or safety, either by petition signed by 5 per cent of
the legal voters or by the legislature as other bills are
enacted. The veto power of the governor does not extend to
measures voted on by the people. The powers of the initiative
and referendum are also reserved to the legal voters of every
county and district as to local legislation or action.
"Every railroad, car or express company is required to receive
and transport without delay or discrimination each other’s
cars, loaded or empty, and passengers under such regulations
as shall be prescribed by law or any commission created for
that purpose. All oil-pipe companies are made subject to the
reasonable control and regulation of the corporation
commission, to which telephone and telegraph lines are also
subject in the same manner. No public-service corporation may
consolidate with any other like corporation having under its
control a parallel or competing line except by enactment of
the legislature upon the recommendation of the corporation
commission. The legislature, however, shall never enact any
law permitting any public-service corporation to consolidate
with any other public-service corporation organized under the
laws of any other state or of the United States owning or
controlling a parallel or competing line in the state. The
giving of passes by railroad or transportation companies is
forbidden except in the case of employés and other specified
persons.
"A corporation commission is created, to be composed of three
persons, elected by the people for terms of six years. The
commission shall have power to supervise and control all
transportation and transmission companies in the state in all
matters relating to the performance of their public duties and
their charges therefor and of correcting abuses and preventing
unjust discrimination and extortion by such companies; and to
that end the commission shall from time to time prescribe and
enforce such rates, charges, classification of charges and
rules and regulations and shall require the companies to
establish and maintain until amended all such public service,
facilities and conveniences as may be reasonable and just.
"Railroads, other than street or electric roads, are forbidden
to charge more than 2 cents a mile for the transportation of
passengers. The corporation commission may, however exempt
those roads which submit proof that they cannot earn a just
compensation for the services rendered by them to the public
if not permitted to charge more than 2 cents a mile.
"No corporation may issue stock except for money, labor done
or property actually received to the amount of the par value
thereof and all fictitious increase of stock or indebtedness
shall be void.
"No corporation doing business in the state may be permitted
to influence elections or official duty by contributions of
money or anything of value.
"Every license issued or charter granted to a mining or public
service corporation, foreign or domestic, must contain a
stipulation that such corporation will submit any difference
it may have with employés in reference to labor to
arbitration.
"The selling by firms or corporations of commodities at a
lower rate in one locality than in another for the purpose of
creating a monopoly or for destroying competition is
prohibited.
"Municipal corporations may not be created by special but by
general laws, and every corporation now existing shall
continue with its present rights and powers until otherwise
provided by law. The powers of the initiative and referendum
are reserved to the people of every municipal corporation. No
municipal corporation may ever grant, extend or renew a
franchise without the approval of a majority of the qualified
electors residing within its limits, and no franchise may be
granted, extended or renewed for more than twenty-five years.
Women are qualified to vote at school-district elections only.
{154}
----------CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA: Start--------
A Constitution for Persia was signed by the Shah,
Muzaffer-ed-Deen, December 30, 1906, of which the following
is, in part, the text:
In the name of God the all Merciful! Whereas by our Firman of
the 5th August, 1906, we commanded the constitution of a
National Assembly [Medjliss] for the progress and welfare of
the State and nation, the strengthening of the foundations of
the kingdom, and the carrying out of the laws of Islam; and
whereas, in accordance with the clause by which it is provided
that, as each individual member of the State has a right to
take part in the superintendence and decision of public
affairs, we therefore have permitted the election and
appointment of Deputies on behalf of the nation; and whereas
the National Assembly has been opened through our gracious
benevolence, we have decreed the following Articles of
constitutional Regulations for the National Assembly,
including the duties and business of the Assembly and its
limitations and relations toward Government Departments:
THE INSTITUTION OF THE ASSEMBLY.
[Articles 1-14 declare the National Assembly to be "composed
of members elected at Tehran and in the provinces"; their
place of meeting to be at Tehran; their number 160, but may if
necessary be increased to 200; their term of service two
years: they are "representative of the whole Persian nation";
the Tehran deputies to have "the option of instituting the
Assembly and starting discussion and debates," and "their
decisions by majority during the absence of the provincial
deputies will be valid and are to be carried out." The
Assembly itself is given the right to fix the time of its
recess and its sitting; its members cannot be proceeded
against by any person; its proceedings must be public and open
to newspaper reporting, but false reporting shall be
punished.]
THE DUTIES OF THE ASSEMBLY, ITS LIMITATIONS AND RIGHTS.
Article 15.
The National Assembly has the right to discuss truthfully and
sincerely all matters it considers to be desirable in the
interests of the State and nation to investigate; and, subject
to the approval of a majority, to submit them, in the
enjoyment of the utmost safety and confidence, with the
approval of the Senate, to His Imperial Majesty the Shah,
through the first person of the Government, for His Majesty’s
signature, and to be then put into execution.
Article 16.
In general, all laws necessary for the strengthening of the
Government and kingdom, and the regulation of State affairs,
and for the Constitution of Ministries, must receive the
sanction of the National Assembly.
Article 17.
The necessary Bills for making new laws, or for the
alteration, amplification, or cancellation of existing laws,
will, when desirable, be prepared by the National Assembly to
be submitted to His Imperial Majesty the Shah for signature
with the approval of the Senate, and to be then put into
execution.
Article 18.
The regulation of financial matters, the modification of the
Budget, the alteration of the arrangement of taxation, the
refusal or acceptance of impositions, as well as the
inspections which will be undertaken by the Government, will
be done with the approval of the Assembly.
Article 19.
The Assembly will have the right, for the purpose of reforming
financial matters and facilitating the relations of the
Governors and the apportioning of the provinces of Persia, and
the reappointment of Governors, after the Senate has given its
approval, to demand from the Government authorities that the
decision arrived at should be carried out.
Article 20.
The Budget of each Ministry must be finished for the
succeeding year in the last half of each year, and must be
ready fifteen days before the 20th March.
Article 21.
Should it be necessary with regard to the constitutional laws
of the Ministries to make a new law, or to alter or cancel
existing laws, it will be done with the consent of the
National Assembly, whether its necessity be first pointed out
by the Assembly or by the responsible Minister.
Article 22.
Whenever a part of the revenue or property of the Government
or State is to be sold, or a change of frontier or border
becomes necessary, it will be done with the approval of the
National Assembly.
Article 23.
Without the approval of the National Assembly no concession
whatever for the formation of Companies or Associations shall
be granted by the Government.
Article 24.
Treaties, Conventions, the granting of concessions,
monopolies, either commercial, industrial, or agricultural,
whether the other party be a native or a foreigner, can only
be done with the approval of the National Assembly. Treaties
which it may be in the interests of the Government or nation
to keep secret are excepted.
Article 25.
All Government loans of any nature whatsoever, whether
internal or foreign, will be made with the knowledge and
approval of the National Assembly.
Article 26.
The construction of railways or roads, whether the cost be
defrayed by the Government, by Associations or Companies,
whether native or foreign, can only be undertaken with the
approval of the National Assembly.
Article 27.
Should the Assembly find in any place a fault, in the laws or
an irregularity in their fulfilment, it will draw the
attention of the responsible Minister to the same, and he will
have to give the necessary explanations.
Article 28.
Should a Minister, in contravention of one of the laws which
have received the Imperial sanction, by misrepresentations
obtain the issue of a written or verbal order from His
Imperial Majesty the Shah, and excuse himself thereby for his
delay and negligence, he will by law be responsible to His
Imperial Majesty the Shah.
{155}
Article 29.
Whichever Minister who in a matter or matters should not be
able to answer for his actions in accordance with the laws
approved by His Imperial Majesty, and if it should be apparent
that he has broken the law and transgressed the stipulated
limitations, the Assembly will petition His Imperial Majesty
for his dismissal, and when his fault has been determined by
the Courts of Justice he will not again be allowed to serve
the Government.
Article 30.
The National Assembly has the right whenever it considers it
desirable to make petitions direct to His Imperial Majesty by
the means of a body composed of the President and six Members
elected by the six classes. The time for the audience must be
arranged for through the Minister of Court.
Article 81.
The Ministers have the right to be present at the sittings of
the National Assembly, and to sit in the place set apart for
them, and to hear the debates of the Assembly; and should they
think it necessary, they may ask the President for permission
to speak and give the necessary explanations for the
discussion and investigation of affairs.
Article 32.
Any individual member of the public may make a statement of
his case, or complaints or criticisms, to the office of the
Assembly, and, if the matter concerns the Assembly itself, a
satisfying answer will be given to him; but should the matter
concern one of the Ministries, it will be sent to that
Ministry for investigation, and in order that a satisfying
answer be given.
Article 33.
New laws which are necessary will be prepared at the
responsible Ministries, and will be given to the National
Assembly by the responsible Minister or by the Sadr Azam, and
after receiving the approval of the Assembly will receive His
Imperial Majesty’s sign-manual and be put into execution.
Article 34.
The President of the Assembly can, if necessary, of his own
initiative or by the desire of ten Members of the Assembly or
of a Minister, form a Secret Committee, without the presence
of newspaper reporters or spectators, composed of a number of
persons chosen from among the Members of the Assembly, at
which the other Members of the Assembly will not have the
right to attend. The result of the deliberations of the Secret
Committee can, however, only be put into execution when the
Secret Committee in the presence of three quarters of the
persons elected accept the point at issue by a majority of
votes, and if the matter be not passed by the Secret
Committee, it will not be stated in the Assembly and will
remain secret.
Article 35.
Should the Secret Committee be instituted by the President of
the Assembly, he has the right to inform the public of any
part of it he thinks fit; but if the Secret Committee is
instituted by a Minister, the publication of the debate can
only be subject to that Minister’s permission.
[Articles 36-42 are regulative of the transaction of business
between the Assembly and the Ministries of the Government in
matters of debate, inquiry, action on bills, etc.]
THE INSTITUTION OF THE SENATE.
Article 43.
Another Assembly, called the Senate, will be constituted,
composed of sixty Members, whose sittings will coincide, after
its constitution, with those of the National Assembly.
Article 44.
The Regulations of the Senate must receive the approval of the
National Assembly.
Article 45.
The Members of the Assembly will be chosen from among the
enlightened, intelligent, orthodox, and respectable persons of
the State, thirty persons on behalf of His Imperial Majesty,
of whom fifteen from among the inhabitants of Tehran and
fifteen from the inhabitants of the provinces, and thirty
persons on behalf of the nation, of whom fifteen persons
elected by the people of Tehran and fifteen persons elected by
the people of the provinces.
Article 46.
After the constitution of the Senate all affairs must receive
the approval of both Assemblies. If those affairs are
initiated by the Senate or by the body of Ministers, they must
first be determined in the Senate and passed by a majority,
and then be sent to the National Assembly for approval; but
affairs initiated in the National Assembly will, on the
contrary, pass from that Assembly to the Senate, with the
exception of financial matters, which will be the prerogative
of the National Assembly, and the Senate will be informed of
the arrangements made by the Assembly regarding these affairs
in order that the Senate should make its observations on the
same to the National Assembly, which is, however, at liberty,
after the necessary investigations, either to accept or to
refuse the proposals of the Senate.
Article 47.
So long as the Senate is not constituted affairs will require
only the approval of the National Assembly and the sign-manual
of His Imperial Majesty to be put into execution.
[Article 48 provides for the constituting of a "third
assembly," composed of an equal number of members from the
National Assembly and the Senate, to deal with cases in which
those two bodies are in disagreement, and for the ultimate
dissolution of the National Assembly, preparatory to the
election of a new one, in case no settlement of the
disagreement is reached.
Article 49 allows the new Tehran deputies then elected to
begin their labors, outside of the points at issue, as soon as
they are ready.]
The conclusion of the Constitution is as follows:
Article 50.
During each term of election—that is to say, during two
years—a general election will not be called more than once.
Article 51.
It is decreed that the Sovereign who succeeds us should
protect these limitations and Articles, which aim at the
strengthening of the State and of the foundations of the
kingdom, and the protection of justice and contentment of the
nation, which we have decreed and put into execution, and
which they must look upon as their duty to fulfil.
In the month of Zilkade the Unclean, 1324.
O God the Almighty!
The Constitutional Laws of the National Assembly and the
Senate, containing fifty one Articles, are correct.
14th of the month of Zilkade, 1324
(30th December, 1906).
In the handwriting of Muzaffer-ed-Deen Shah;
It is correct.
(Sealed) Valiahd (Mohammed Ali Shah).
(Sealed) Mushir-ed-Dowleh (the Grand Vizier).
{156}
CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA:
The Constitutional Law, as passed by the National Assembly
and signed by the Shah on October 8, 1907.
One hundred and seven articles "to complete the fundamental
laws of the Constitution of Persia" were "added to the
Constitutional law "by the signature of the Shah on the 30th
of December, 1906. The first two are as follows:
Article 1.
The official religion of Persia is the branch of the Twelve
Imams of the Shia Sect of Islam. The Sovereign of Persia must
be of, and contribute to the spread of, this religion.
Article 2.
The National Assembly has been founded by the help of the
Twelfth Imam, the bounty of His Islamic Majesty, the
watchfulness of the Mujteheds and the common people. The laws
passed by it must never to all ages be contrary to the sacred
precepts of Islam, and the laws laid down by the Prophet. It
is obvious that the decision as to whether the laws passed by
the Assembly are in opposition to the precepts of Islam rests
with the Ulema. It is therefore officially decreed that for
all ages a Committee composed of five persons, who shall be
Mujteheds and religious doctors, and who also must be
acquainted with the requirements of the times, shall be
elected in the following manner: The Ulema and doctors of
Islam who are recognized by the Shias as the centre of
imitation shall make known to the National Assembly the names
of twenty of the Ulema possessing the above-mentioned
qualities. The National Assembly shall, by agreement on
casting of lots, elect five of them or more, according to the
requirements of the age, and admit them as members. This
Committee shall discuss and thoroughly investigate the Bills
brought in by the National Assembly, and reject every one of
these Bills which is contrary to the sacred precepts of Islam,
in order that it may not become law. The decision of this
Committee is final. This Article will not be liable to change
until the advent of the Twelfth Imam.
[Articles 3-7 relate to boundaries of the Kingdom, its
capital, its flag, protection of the lives and property of
foreigners, and the integrity of the Constitution.
Articles 8-25 are in the nature of a "bill of rights,"
affirming equality of rights to all; immunity from arbitrary
arrest, punishment, exile or sequestration of property;
freedom of "the study of teaching of arts, letters and
sciences" "except in so far as they are forbidden by the
Sheri"; freedom of publication for all "except heretical
works"; freedom of "societies and associations which do not
provoke religious or civil strife"; inviolability of postal
and telegraphic communications, except under authority of law.
All primary and secondary schools are placed under the
direction and surveillance of the Ministry of Education.
Articles 26-29 define, as follows:
THE POWERS OF THE REALM.
Article 26.
The powers of the realm spring from the people. The
Constitutional Law defines the method of using those powers.
Article 27.
The powers of the realm are divided into three parts:—
Firstly, legislative power, whose province it is to make and
amend laws. This power emanates from His Imperial Majesty the
Shah, the National Assembly, and the Senate. Each one of these
three sources possesses the right of originating laws; but
their passing is conditional to their not being contrary to
the laws of the Sheri, and to the approval of the two
Assemblies, and to their receiving the Imperial signature. But
the making and approval of laws relating to the revenue and
expenditure of the realm belong to the National Assembly
alone. The interpretation and commentary of laws is the
peculiar duty of the National Assembly.
Secondly, the judicial power, which consists in the
distinguishing of rights. This power belongs to the Sheri
Tribunals in matters appertaining to the Sheri, and to the
Courts of Justice in matters appertaining to the civil law
("urf").
Thirdly, the executive power, which rests with the Sovereign.
That is to say, the Laws and Decrees will be executed by the
Ministers and Government officials in the name of His Imperial
Majesty in the manner defined by law.
Article 28.
The three above-mentioned powers shall always be
differentiated and separated from one another.
Article 29.
The particular revenues of each province, department, and
commune shall be regulated by the Provincial and Departmental
Assemblies in accordance with their own particular laws.
[Articles 30-34 define the status of the members of the
National Assembly.]
RIGHTS AND POWERS OF THE CROWN.
[Articles 35-57 set forth the rights and powers of the Crown.
The sovereignty of Persia is declared to be "a trust which, by
the grace of God, has been conferred on the person of the
Sovereign by the people." The succession is vested in Muhammed
Ali Shah Kajar and his descendants; the Crown Prince to be
"the eldest son of the Sovereign whose mother is a Persian and
a princess." Provision is made for the election by a joint
committee of the Senate and the National Assembly on the
succession of a minor, who cannot govern personally till his
age is eighteen. The powers of the sovereign are thus
defined:]
Article 43.
The Sovereign cannot, without the approval and sanction of the
National Assembly and the Senate, interfere in the affairs of
another country.
Article 44.
The Sovereign is absolved from all responsibility. The
Ministers of State are responsible in all matters.
Article 45.
All the Decrees and Rescripts of the Sovereign shall only be
put into execution when they have been signed by the
responsible Minister, who is responsible for the accuracy of
the contents of that Firman or Rescript.
Article 46.
The dismissal and appointment of Ministers are by order of the
Sovereign.
Article 47.
The conferring of commissions in the army and orders and
honorary distinctions, with due observance of law, is vested
in the person of the Sovereign.
Article 48.
The Sovereign has the right, with the approval of the
responsible Minister, to choose the important officials of the
Government Departments, either at home or abroad, except in
cases excepted by law. But the appointment of the other
officials does not concern the Sovereign, except in cases
defined by law.
Article 49.
The issuing of Firmans for the execution of laws is one of the
rights of the Sovereign, but he may not delay or suspend the
execution of those laws.
Article 50.
The supreme command of the military and naval forces is vested
in the person of the Sovereign.
Article 51.
The declaration of war and the conclusion of peace rest with
the Sovereign.
{157}
Article 52.
Treaties which, in accordance with Article 24 of the
Constitutional Law of the 14th Zilaadeh, 1325 (30th December,
1906), must be kept secret, must, on the removal of this
necessity, and provided that the interests and security of the
country demand it, be communicated by the Sovereign to the
National Assembly and the Senate, with the necessary
explanations.
Article 58.
The secret clauses of any Treaty cannot annul the public
clauses of that Treaty.
Article 54.
The Sovereign can summon the National Assembly and the Senate
to an extraordinary Session.
Article 55.
Coins shall be struck, according to law, in the name of the
Sovereign.
Article 56.
The expenses of the Imperial household must be defined by law.
Article 57.
The powers and prerogatives of the Sovereign are only such as
have been defined by the existing constitutional laws.
[Articles 58-70 relate to the Ministers, who must be
Mussulmans and native Persian subjects, princes of the first
rank not eligible. They are severally and jointly responsible
to both Assemblies. Commands of the sovereign cannot divest
them of responsibility, which is to be defined by law. The
Assembly or the Senate can accuse and prosecute them for
offenses before the High Court of Appeal.]
JUDICIAL TRIBUNALS.
[The Judicial Tribunals of the Kingdom are the subject of
Articles 71-89. "The Supreme Court of Justice and the
subsidiary Courts" are declared to be "the official centres to
which all suits must be referred, and judgment in matters
appertaining to the Sheri rests with the fully qualified
Mujteheds." Suits relating to political rights concern the
Courts of Justice, excepting those which are excepted by law.
No Court of Law can be instituted except by law. One Court of
Appeal for the whole Kingdom is to be instituted at the
Capital. The sittings of all tribunals shall be public, except
in cases when the tribunal judges that this would be
prejudicial to order or decency. "The Presidents and the
members of the Courts of Justice will be chosen in the manner
decreed by the law of the Ministry of Justice, and will be
appointed by virtue of a royal Firman." No judge may be
suspended, temporarily, or permanently, without a trial or
proof of offence. Military tribunals will be instituted
according to a special law.]
MISCELLANEOUS.
[Provincial Assemblies of elected representatives are
provided for in Articles 90-93.
Articles 94-103 have relation to finances. They declare that
no taxes may be levied or exemptions from them allowed except
by law; that no favor to individuals shall be shown in
taxation; that nothing shall, on any pretext, be demanded from
the people, otherwise than by law; and provision is made for
the creation of a State Accounts Department, to be chosen by
the National Assembly.
The last four articles relate to the Army, which is required
to be in all particulars under regulation of law. "The army
vote must pass the National Assembly every year."]
----------CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA: End--------
CONSTITUTION OF RUSSIA, The so-called.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA, A. D. 1904-1905.
----------CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH AFRICA: Start--------
Omitting the preamble, which sets forth the desirability and
expediency, "for the welfare and future progress of South
Africa, that the several British Colonies therein shall be
united under one Government in a legislative union under the
Crown of Great Britain and Ireland," the provisions of the
enactment for that purpose by the Parliament of the United
Kingdom, approved September 20, 1909, are as follows:
I.—PRELIMINARY.
1. This Act may be cited as the South Africa Act, 1909.
2. In this Act, unless it is otherwise expressed or implied,
the words "the Union" shall be taken to mean the Union of
South Africa as constituted under this Act, and the words
"Houses of Parliament," "House of Parliament," or
"Parliament," shall be taken to mean the Parliament of the
Union.
3. The provisions of this Act referring to the King shall
extend to His Majesty’s heirs and successors in the
sovereignty of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Ireland.
II.—THE UNION.
4. It shall be lawful for the King, with the advice of the
Privy Council, to declare by proclamation that, on and after a
day therein appointed, not being later than one year after the
passing of this Act, the Colonies of the Cape of Good Hope,
Natal, the Transvaal, and the Orange River Colony, hereinafter
called the Colonies shall be united in a Legislative Union
under one Government under the name of the Union of South
Africa. On and after the day appointed by such proclamation
the Government and Parliament of the Union shall have full
power and authority within the limits of the Colonies, but the
King may at any time after the proclamation appoint a
governor-general for the Union.
5. The provisions of this Act shall, unless it is otherwise
expressed or implied, take effect on and after the day so
appointed.
6. The colonies mentioned in section four shall become
original provinces of the Union under the names of Cape of
Good Hope, Natal, Transvaal, and Orange Free State, as the
case maybe. The original provinces shall have the same limits
as the respective colonies at the establishment of the Union.
7. Upon any colony entering the Union, the Colonial Boundaries
Act, 1895, and every other Act applying to any of the Colonies
as being self-governing colonies or colonies with responsible
government, shall cease to apply to that colony, but as from
the date when this Act takes effect every such Act of
Parliament shall apply to the Union.
III.—EXECUTIVE GOVERNMENT.
8. The Executive Government of the Union is vested in the
King, and shall be administered by His Majesty in person or by
a governor-general as His representative.
{158}
9. The Governor-General shall be appointed by the King, and
shall have and may exercise in the Union during the King’s
pleasure, but subject to this Act, such powers and functions
of the King as His Majesty may be pleased to assign to him.
10. There shall be payable to the King out of the Consolidated
Revenue Fund of the Union for the salary of the
Governor-General an annual sum of ten thousand pounds. The
salary of the Governor-General shall not be altered during his
continuance in office.
11. The provisions of this Act relating to the
Governor-General extend and apply to the Governor-General for
the time being or such person as the King may appoint to
administer the government of the Union. The King may authorise
the Governor-General to appoint any person to be his deputy
within the Union during his temporary absence, and in that
capacity to exercise for and on behalf of the Governor-General
during such absence all such powers and authorities vested in
the Governor-General as the Governor-General may assign to
him, subject to any limitations expressed or directions given
by the King; but the appointment of such deputy shall not
affect the exercise by the Governor-General himself of any
power or function.
12. There shall be an Executive Council to advise the
Governor-General in the government of the Union, and the
members of the council shall be chosen and summoned by the
Governor-General and sworn as executive councillors, and shall
hold office during his pleasure.
13. The provisions of this Act referring to the
Governor-General in Council shall be construed as referring to
the Governor-General acting with the advice of the Executive
Council.
14. The Governor-General may appoint officers not exceeding
ten in number to administer such departments of State of the
Union as the Governor-General in Council may establish; such
officers shall hold office during the pleasure of the
Governor-General. They shall be members of the Executive
Council and shall be the King’s ministers of State for the
Union. After the first general election of members of the
House of Assembly, as hereinafter provided, no minister shall
hold office for a longer period than three months unless he is
or becomes a member of either House of Parliament.
15. The appointment and removal of all officers of the public
service of the Union shall be vested in the Governor-General
in Council, unless the appointment is delegated by the
Governor-General in Council or by this Act or by a law of
Parliament to some other authority.
16. All powers, authorities, and functions which at the
establishment of the Union are in any of the Colonies vested
in the Governor or in the Governor in Council, or in any
authority of the Colony, shall, as far as the same continue in
existence and are capable of being exercised after the
establishment of the Union, be vested in the Governor-General
or in the Governor-General in Council, or in the authority
exercising similar powers under the Union, as the case may be,
except such powers and functions as are by this Act or may by
a law of Parliament be vested in some other authority.
17. The command in chief of the naval and military forces
within the Union is vested in the King or in the
Governor-General as His representative.
18. Save as in section twenty-three excepted, Pretoria shall
be the seat of Government of the Union.
IV.—PARLIAMENT.
19. The legislative power of the Union shall be vested in the
Parliament of the Union, herein called Parliament, which shall
consist of the King, a Senate, and a House of Assembly.
20. The Governor-General may appoint such times for holding
the sessions of Parliament as he thinks fit, and may also from
time to time, by proclamation or otherwise, prorogue
Parliament, and may in like manner dissolve the Senate and the
House of Assembly simultaneously, or the House of Assembly
alone: provided that the Senate shall not be dissolved within
a period of ten years after the establishment of the Union,
and provided further that the dissolution of the Senate shall
not affect any senators nominated by the Governor-General in
Council.
21. Parliament shall be summoned to meet not later than six
months after the establishment of the Union.
22. There shall be a session of Parliament once at least in
every year, so that a period of twelve months shall not
intervene between the last sitting of Parliament in one
session and its first sitting in the next session.
23. Cape Town shall be the seat of the Legislature of the
Union.
SENATE.
24. For ten years after the establishment of the Union the
constitution of the Senate shall, in respect of the original
provinces, be as follows:
(i) Eight senators shall be nominated by the Governor-General
in Council, and for each original province eight senators
shall be elected in the manner hereinafter provided:
(ii) The senators to be nominated by the Governor-General in
Council shall hold their seats for ten years. One-half of
their number shall be selected on the ground mainly of their
thorough acquaintance, by reason of their official experience
or otherwise, with the reasonable wants and wishes of the
coloured races in South Africa. If the seat of a senator so
nominated shall become vacant, the Governor-General in Council
shall nominate another person to be a senator, who shall hold
his seat for ten years:
(iii) After the passing of this Act, and before the day
appointed for the establishment of the Union, the Governor of
each of the Colonies shall summon a special sitting of both
Houses of the Legislature, and the two Houses sitting together
as one body and presided over by the Speaker of the
Legislative Assembly shall elect eight persons to be senators
for the province. Such senators shall hold their seats for ten
years. If the seat of a senator so elected shall become
vacant, the provincial council of the province for which such
senator has been elected shall choose a person to hold the
seat until the completion of the period for which the person
in whose stead he is elected would have held his seat.
{159}
25. Parliament may provide for the manner in which the Senate
shall be constituted after the expiration of ten years, and
unless and until such provision shall have been made—
(i) the provisions of the last preceding section with regard
to nominated senators shall continue to have effect;
(ii) eight senators for each province shall be elected by the
members of the provincial council of such province together
with the members of the House of Assembly elected for such
province. Such senators shall hold their seats for ten years
unless the Senate be sooner dissolved. If the seat of an
elected senator shall become vacant, the members of the
provincial council of the province, together with the members
of the House of Assembly elected for such province, shall
choose a person to hold the seat until the completion of the
period for which the person in whose stead he is elected would
have held his seat. The Governor-General in Council shall make
regulations for the joint election of senators prescribed in
this section.
26. The qualifications of a senator shall be as follows:
—He must—
(a) be not less than thirty years of age;
(b) be qualified to be registered as a voter for the election
of members of the House of Assembly in one of the provinces;
(c) have resided for five years within the limits of the Union
as existing at the time when he is elected or nominated, as
the case may be;
(d) be a British subject of European descent;
(e) in the case of an elected senator, be the registered owner
of immovable property within the Union of the value of not
less than five hundred pounds over and above any special
mortgages thereon. For the purposes of this section, residence
in, and property situated within, a colony before its
incorporation in the Union shall be treated as residence in
and property situated within the Union.
27. The Senate shall, before proceeding to the dispatch of any
other business, choose a senator to be the President of the
Senate, and as often as the office of President becomes vacant
the Senate shall again choose a senator to be the President.
The President shall cease to hold office if he ceases to be a
senator. He may be removed from office by a vote of the
Senate, or he may resign his office by writing under his hand
addressed to the Governor-General.
28. Prior to or during any absence of the President the Senate
may choose a senator to perform his duties in his absence.
29. A senator may, by writing under his hand addressed to the
Governor-General, resign his seat, which thereupon shall
become vacant. The Governor-General shall as soon as
practicable cause steps to be taken to have the vacancy
filled.
30. The presence of at least twelve senators shall be
necessary to constitute a meeting of the Senate for the
exercise of its powers.
31. All questions in the Senate shall be determined by a
majority of votes of senators present other than the President
or the presiding senator, who shall, however, have and
exercise a casting vote in the case of an equality of votes.
HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY.
32. The House of Assembly shall be composed of members
directly chosen by the voters of the Union in electoral
divisions delimited as hereinafter provided.
33. The number of members to be elected in the original
provinces at the first election and until the number is
altered in accordance with the provisions of this Act shall be
as follows: Cape of Good Hope, fifty-one; Natal, seventeen;
Transvaal, thirty-six; Orange Free State, seventeen. These
numbers may be increased as provided in the next succeeding
section, but shall not, in the case of any original province,
be diminished until the total number of members of the House
of Assembly in respect of the provinces herein provided for
reaches one hundred and fifty, or until a period of ten years
has elapsed after the establishment of the Union, whichever is
the longer period.
34. The number of members to be elected in each province, as
provided in section thirty-three, shall be increased from time
to time as may be necessary in accordance with the following
provisions:
(i) The quota of the Union shall be obtained by dividing the
total number of European male adults in the Union, as
ascertained at the census of nineteen hundred and four, by the
total number of members of the House of Assembly as
constituted at the establishment of the Union:
(ii) In nineteen hundred and eleven, and every five years
thereafter, a census of the European population of the Union
shall be taken for the purposes of this Act:
(iii) After any such census the number of European male adults
in each province shall be compared with the number of European
male adults as ascertained at the census of nineteen hundred
and four, and, in the case of any province where an increase
is shown, as compared with the census of nineteen hundred and
four, equal to the quota of the Union or any multiple thereof,
the number of members allotted to such province in the last
preceding section shall be increased by an additional member
or an additional number of members equal to such multiple, as
the case may be:
(iv) Notwithstanding anything herein contained, no additional
member shall be allotted to any province until the total
number of European male adults in such province exceeds the
quota of the Union multiplied by the number of members
allotted to such province for the time being, and thereupon
additional members shall be allotted to such province in
respect only of such excess:
(v) As soon as the number of members of the House of Assembly
to be elected in the original provinces in accordance with the
preceding subsections reaches the total of one hundred and
fifty, such total shall not be further increased unless and
until Parliament otherwise provides; and subject to the
provisions of the last preceding section the distribution of
members among the provinces shall be such that the proportion
between the number of members to be elected at any time in
each province and the number of European male adults in such
province, as ascertained at the last preceding census, shall
as far as possible be identical throughout the Union:
(vi) "Male adults" in this Act shall be taken to mean males of
twenty-one years of age or upwards not being members of His
Majesty’s regular forces on full pay:
(vii) For the purposes of this Act the number of European male
adults, as ascertained at the census of nineteen hundred and
four, shall be taken to be—
For the Cape of Good Hope, 167,546;
for Natal, 34,784;
for the Transvaal, 106,493;
For the Orange Free State, 41,014.
{160}
35.
(1) Parliament may by law prescribe the qualifications which
shall be necessary to entitle persons to vote at the election
of members of the House of Assembly, but no such law shall
disqualify any person in the province of the Cape of Good Hope
who, under the laws existing in the Colony of the Cape of Good
Hope at the establishment of the Union, is or may become
capable of being registered as a voter from being so
registered in the province of the Cape of Good Hope by reason
of his race or colour only, unless the Bill be passed by both
Houses of Parliament sitting together, and at the third
reading be agreed to by not less than two-thirds of the total
number of members of both Houses. A Bill so passed at such
joint sitting shall be taken to have been duly passed by both
Houses of Parliament.
(2) No person who at the passing of any such law is registered
as a voter in any province shall be removed from the register
by reason only of any disqualification based on race or
colour.
36. Subject to the provisions of the last preceding section,
the qualifications of parliamentary voters, as existing in the
several Colonies at the establishment of the Union, shall be
the qualifications necessary to entitle persons in the
corresponding provinces to vote for the election of members of
the House of Assembly: Provided that no member of His
Majesty’s regular forces on full pay shall be entitled to be
registered as a voter.
[Section 37 of the Act applies to the elections of members of
the House of Assembly all existing election laws in the
respective provinces relating to the elections for their more
numerous Houses of Parliament, excepting that it requires all
polls to be taken on one and the same day throughout the
Union.
Sections 38 to 43 inclusive provide for the creation of a
joint commission to determine the first division of the
provinces into equalized electoral divisions, and for
subsequent commissions of three judges of the Supreme Court of
South Africa for re-divisions, as they may become necessary.]
44. The qualifications of a member of the House of Assembly
shall be as follows:—He must—
(a) be qualified to be registered as a voter for the election
of members of the House of Assembly in one of the provinces;
(b) have resided for five years within the limits of the
Union as existing at the time when he is elected;
(c) be a British subject of European descent.
For the purposes of this section, residence in a colony before
its incorporation in the Union shall be treated as residence
in the Union.
45. Every House of Assembly shall continue for five years from
the first meeting thereof, and no longer, but may be sooner
dissolved by the Governor-General.
46. The House of Assembly shall, before proceeding to the
despatch of any other business, choose a member to be the
Speaker of the House, and, as often as the office of Speaker
becomes vacant, the House shall again choose a member to be
the Speaker. The Speaker shall cease to hold his office if he
ceases to be a member. He may be removed from office by a vote
of the House, or he may resign his office or his seat by
writing under his hand addressed to the Governor-General.
47. Prior to or during the absence of the Speaker, the House
of Assembly may choose a member to perform his duties in his
absence.
48. A member may, by writing under his hand addressed to the
Speaker, or, if there is no Speaker, or if the Speaker is
absent from the Union, to the Governor-General, resign his
seat, which shall thereupon become vacant.
49. The presence of at least thirty members of the House of
Assembly shall be necessary to constitute a meeting of the
House for the exercise of its powers.
50. All questions in the House of Assembly shall be determined
by a majority of votes of members present other than the
Speaker or the presiding member, who shall, however, have and
exercise a casting vote in the case of an equality of votes.
BOTH HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT.
[Section 51 prescribes the oath or affirmation of allegiance
to the British Sovereign which each senator and member of the
House of Assembly must subscribe to before taking his seat.]
52. A member of either House of Parliament shall be incapable
of being chosen or of sitting as a member of the other House:
Provided that every minister of State who is a member of
either House of Parliament shall have the right to sit and
speak in the Senate and the House of Assembly, but shall vote
only in the House of which he is a member.
53. No person shall be capable of being chosen or of sitting
as a senator or as a member of the House of Assembly who—
(a) has been at any time convicted of any crime or offence for
which he shall have been sentenced to imprisonment without the
option of a fine for a term of not less than twelve months,
unless he shall have received a grant of amnesty or a free
pardon, or unless such imprisonment shall have expired at
least five years before the date of his election; or
(b) is an unrehabilitated insolvent; or
(c) is of unsound mind, and has been so declared by a
competent court; or
(d) holds any office of profit under the Crown within the
Union:
Provided that the following persons shall not be deemed to
hold an office of profit under the Crown for the purposes of
this subsection:
(1) a minister of State for the Union;
(2) a person in receipt of a pension from the Crown;
(3) an officer or member of His Majesty’s naval or military
forces on retired or half pay, or an officer or member of the
naval or military forces of the Union whose services are not
wholly employed by the Union.
54. If a senator or member of the House of Assembly—
(a) becomes subject to any of the disabilities mentioned in
the last preceding section; or
(b) ceases to be qualified as required by law; or
(c) fails for a whole ordinary session to attend without the
special leave of the Senate or the House of Assembly, as the
case may be; his seat shall thereupon become vacant.
[Section 55 imposes a penalty of £100 for each day on which
any disqualified person may knowingly sit in Parliament.]
56. Each senator and each member of the House of Assembly
shall, under such rules as shall be framed by Parliament,
receive an allowance of four hundred pounds a year, to be
reckoned from the date on which he takes his seat: Provided
that for every day of the session on which he is absent there
shall be deducted from such allowance the sum of three pounds:
Provided further that no such allowance shall be paid to a
Minister receiving a salary under the Crown or to the
President of the Senate or the Speaker of the House of
Assembly. A day of the session shall mean in respect of a
member any day during a session on which the House of which he
is a member or any committee of which he is a member meets.
{161}
[Sections 57-58 relate to the privileges of each House of
Parliament and its right to make rules and orders of procedure
for the conduct of its business.]
POWERS OF PARLIAMENT.
59. Parliament shall have full power to make laws for the
peace, order, and good government of the Union.
60.—
(1) Bills appropriating revenue or moneys or imposing taxation
shall originate only in the House of Assembly. But a Bill
shall not be taken to appropriate revenue or moneys or to
impose taxation by reason only of its containing provisions
for the imposition or appropriation of fines or other
pecuniary penalties.
(2) The Senate may not amend any Bills so far as they impose
taxation or appropriate revenue or moneys for the services of
the Government.
(3) The Senate may not amend any Bill so as to increase any
proposed charges or burden on the people.
61. Any Bill which appropriates revenue or moneys for the
ordinary annual services of the Government shall deal only
with such appropriation.
62. The House of Assembly shall not originate or pass any
vote, resolution, address, or Bill for the appropriation of
any part of the public revenue or of any tax or impost to any
purpose unless such appropriation has been recommended by
message from the Governor-General during the Session in which
such vote, resolution, address, or Bill is proposed.
63. If the House of Assembly passes any Bill and the Senate
rejects or fails to pass it or passes it with amendments to
which the House of Assembly will not agree, and if the House
of Assembly in the next session again passes the Bill with or
without any amendments which have been made or agreed to by
the Senate and the Senate rejects or fails to pass it or
passes it with amendments to which the House of Assembly will
not agree, the Governor-General may during that session
convene a joint sitting of the members of the Senate and House
of Assembly. The members present at any such joint sitting may
deliberate and shall vote together upon the Bill as last
proposed by the House of Assembly and upon amendments, if any,
which have been made therein by one House of Parliament and
not agreed to by the other; and any such amendments which are
affirmed by a majority of the total number of members of the
Senate and House of Assembly present at such sitting shall be
taken to have been carried, and if the Bill with the
amendments, if any, is affirmed by a majority of the members
of the Senate and House of Assembly present at such sitting,
it shall be taken to have been duly passed by both Houses of
Parliament: Provided that, if the Senate shall reject or fail
to pass any Bill dealing with the appropriation of revenue or
moneys for the public service, such joint sitting may be
convened during the same session in which the Senate so
rejects or fails to pass such Bill.
64. When a Bill is presented to the Governor-General for the
King’s Assent, he shall declare according to his discretion,
but subject to the provisions of this Act, and to such
instructions as may from time to time be given in that behalf
by the King, that he assents in the King’s name, or that he
withholds assent, or that he reserves the Bill for the
signification of the King’s pleasure. All Bills repealing or
amending this section or any of the provisions of Chapter IV.
under the heading "House of Assembly," and all Bills
abolishing provincial councils or abridging the powers
conferred on provincial councils under section eighty-five,
otherwise than in accordance with the provisions of that
section, shall be so reserved. The Governor-General may return
to the House in which it originated any Bill so presented to
him, and may transmit therewith any amendments which he may
recommend, and the House may deal with the recommendation.
65. The King may disallow any law within one year after it has
been assented to by the Governor General, and such
disallowance, on being made known by the Governor-General by
speech or message to each of the Houses of Parliament or by
proclamation, shall annul the law from the day when the
disallowance is so made known.
66. A Bill reserved for the King’s pleasure shall not have any
force unless and until, within one year from the day on which
it was presented to the Governor-General for the King’s
Assent, the Governor-General makes known by speech or message
to each of the Houses of Parliament or by proclamation that it
has received the King’s Assent.
67. As soon as may be after any law shall have been assented
to in the King’s name by the Governor-General, or having been
reserved for the King’s pleasure shall have received his
assent, the Clerk of the House of Assembly shall cause two
fair copies of such law, one being in the English and the
other in the Dutch language (one of which copies shall be
signed by the Governor-General), to be enrolled of record in
the office of the Registrar of the Appellate Division of the
Supreme Court of South Africa; and such copies shall be
conclusive evidence as to the provisions of every such law,
and in case of conflict between the two copies thus deposited
that signed by the Governor-General shall prevail.
V.—THE PROVINCES.
ADMINISTRATORS.
68.—
(1) In each province there shall be a chief executive officer
appointed by the Governor-General in Council, who shall be
styled the administrator of the province, and in whose name
all executive acts relating to provincial affairs therein
shall be done.
(2) In the appointment of the administrator of any province,
the Governor-General in Council shall, as far as practicable,
give preference to persons resident in such province.
(3) Such administrator shall hold office for a term of five
years and shall not be removed before the expiration thereof
except by the Governor-General in Council for cause assigned,
which shall be communicated by message to both Houses of
Parliament within one week after the removal, if Parliament be
then sitting, or, if Parliament be not sitting, then within
one week after the commencement of the next ensuing session.
(4) The Governor-General in Council may from time to time
appoint a deputy administrator to execute the office and
functions of the administrator during his absence, illness, or
other inability.
69. The salaries of the administrators shall be fixed and
provided by Parliament, and shall not be reduced during their
respective terms of office.
{162}
PROVINCIAL COUNCILS.
70.—
(1) There shall be a provincial council in each province
consisting of the same number of members as are elected in the
province for the House of Assembly: Provided that, in any
province whose representatives in the House of Assembly shall
be less than twenty-five in number, the provincial council
shall consist of twenty-five members.
(2) Any person qualified to vote for the election of members
of the provincial council shall be qualified to be a member of
such council.
[Sections 71-77 are regulative of the elections, the terms
(three years), and the sittings of the Provincial Councils.
Sections 78-84 are creative of Executive Committees, for which
each Provincial Council shall elect "from among its members,
or otherwise," four persons, to be joined with the
administrator of the Province, the latter being chairman of
the Executive Committee thus constituted. This Committee, "on
behalf of the Provincial Council," being appointed to "carry
on the administration of provincial affairs," and, "subject to
the provisions of this Act," to be invested with "all powers,
authorities, and functions which at the establishment of the
Union are vested in or exercised by the Governor in Council,
or any minister of the Colony."]
POWERS OF PROVINCIAL COUNCILS.
85. Subject to the provisions of this Act and the assent of
the Governor-General in Council as hereinafter provided, the
provincial council may make ordinances in relation to matters
coming within the following classes of subjects (that is to
say):—
(i) Direct taxation within the province in order to raise a
revenue for provincial purposes:
(ii) The borrowing of money on the sole credit of the province
with the consent of the Governor-General in Council and in
accordance with regulations to be framed by Parliament:
(iii) Education, other than higher education, for a period of
five years and thereafter until Parliament otherwise provides:
(iv) Agriculture to the extent and subject to the conditions
to be defined by Parliament:
(v) The establishment, maintenance, and management of
hospitals and charitable institutions:
(vi) Municipal institutions, divisional councils, and other
local institutions of a similar nature:
(vii) Local works and undertakings within the province, other
than railways and harbours and other than such works as extend
beyond the borders of the province, and subject to the power
of Parliament to declare any work a national work and to
provide for its construction by arrangement with the
provincial council or otherwise:
(viii) Roads, outspans, ponts, and bridges, other than bridges
connecting two provinces:
(ix) Markets and pounds:
(x) Fish and game preservation:
(xi) The imposition of punishment by fine, penalty, or
imprisonment for enforcing any law or any ordinance of the
province made in relation to any matter coming within any of
the classes of subjects enumerated in this section:
(xii) Generally all matters which, in the opinion of the
Governor-General in Council, are of a merely local or private
nature in the province:
(xiii) All other subjects in respect of which Parliament shall
by any law delegate the power of making ordinances to the
provincial council.
[Sections 86-93 are regulative of the exercise of the powers
thus conferred.]
94. The seats of provincial government shall be—
For the Cape of Good Hope, Cape Town;
for Natal, Pietermaritzburg;
for the Transvaal, Pretoria;
for the Orange Free State, Bloemfontein.
VI.—THE SUPREME COURT OF SOUTH AFRICA.
95. There shall be a Supreme Court of South Africa consisting
of a Chief Justice of South Africa, the ordinary judges of
appeal, and the other judges of the several divisions of the
Supreme Court of South Africa in the provinces.
96. There shall be an Appellate Division of the Supreme Court
of South Africa, consisting of the Chief Justice of South
Africa, two ordinary judges of appeal, and two additional
judges of appeal. Such additional judges of appeal shall be
assigned by the Governor-General in Council to the Appellate
Division from any of the provincial or local divisions of the
Supreme Court of South Africa, but shall continue to perform
their duties as judges of their respective divisions when
their attendance is not required in the Appellate Division.
97. The Governor-General in Council may, during the absence,
illness, or other incapacity of the Chief Justice of South
Africa, or of any ordinary or additional judge of appeal,
appoint another judge of the Supreme Court of South Africa to
act temporarily as such chief justice, ordinary judge of
appeal, or additional judge of appeal, as the case may be.
98.—
(1) The several supreme courts of the Cape of Good Hope,
Natal, and the Transvaal, and the High Court of the Orange
River Colony shall, on the establishment of the Union, become
provincial divisions of the Supreme Court of South Africa
within their respective provinces, and shall each be presided
over by a judge-president.
[Further prescriptions on the same subject are contained in
this and the next section of the Act.]
100. The Chief Justice of South Africa, the ordinary judges of
appeal, and all other judges of the Supreme Court of South
Africa to be appointed after the establishment of the Union
shall be appointed by the Governor-General in Council, and
shall receive such remuneration as Parliament shall prescribe,
and their remuneration shall not be diminished during their
continuance in office.
101. The Chief Justice of South Africa and other judges of the
Supreme Court of South Africa shall not be removed from office
except by the Governor-General in Council on an address from
both Houses of Parliament in the same session praying for such
removal on the ground of misbehaviour or incapacity.
102. Upon any vacancy occurring in any division of the Supreme
Court of South Africa, other than the Appellate Division, the
Governor-General in Council may, in case he shall consider
that the number of judges of such court may with advantage to
the public interest be reduced, postpone filling the vacancy
until Parliament shall have determined whether such reduction
shall take place.
[Rules concerning the cases, civil and criminal, which may be
appealed from inferior courts to the Appellate Division, and
not to the Supreme Court, are laid down in sections 103-105.]
{163}
106. There shall be no appeal from the Supreme Court of South
Africa or from any division thereof to the King in Council,
but nothing herein contained shall be construed to impair any
right which the King in Council may be pleased to exercise to
grant special leave to appeal from the Appellate Division to
the King in Council. Parliament may make laws limiting the
matters in respect of which such special leave may be asked,
but Bills containing any such limitation shall be reserved by
the Governor-General for the signification of His Majesty’s
pleasure: Provided that nothing in this section shall affect
any right of appeal to His Majesty in Council from any
judgment given by the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court
under or in virtue of the Colonial Courts of Admiralty Act,
1890.
107. The Chief Justice of South Africa and the ordinary judges
of appeal may, subject to the approval of the Governor-General
in Council, make rules for the conduct of the proceedings of
the Appellate Division and prescribing the time and manner of
making appeals thereto. Until such rules shall have been
promulgated, the rules in force in the Supreme Court of the
Cape of Good Hope at the establishment of the Union shall
mutatis mutandis apply.
[Other details concerning the rules and the sessions of the
several provincial and local divisions of the Supreme Court,
the execution of their writs and other processes, etc., are
set forth in sections 108-116.]
VII.—FINANCE AND RAILWAYS.
117. All revenues, from whatever source arising, over which
the several Colonies have at the establishment of the Union
power of appropriation, shall vest in the Governor-General in
Council. There shall be formed a Railway and Harbour Fund,
into which shall be paid all revenues raised or received by
the Governor-General in Council from the administration of the
railways, ports, and harbours, and such fund shall be
appropriated by Parliament to the purposes of the railways,
ports, and harbours in the manner prescribed by this Act.
There shall also be formed a Consolidated Revenue Fund, into
which shall be paid all other revenues raised or received by
the Governor-General in Council, and such fund shall be
appropriated by Parliament for the purposes of the Union in
the manner prescribed by this Act, and subject to the charges
imposed thereby.
[Sections 118-123 provide for a commission "to institute an
inquiry into the financial relations which should exist
between the Union and the provinces"; prescribe the division
to be made meantime of the Consolidated Revenue Fund; make the
interest of the public debts a first charge on that fund;
transfer to the Union all stocks, moneys, and securities, all
crown lands, public works, etc., and all rights in mines and
minerals that belonged to each of the colonies at the
establishment of the Union.]
124. The Union shall assume all debts and liabilities of the
Colonies existing at its establishment, subject,
notwithstanding any other provision contained in this Act, to
the conditions imposed by any law under which such debts or
liabilities were raised or incurred, and without prejudice to
any rights of security or priority in respect of the payment
of principal, interest, sinking fund, and other charges
conferred on the creditors of any of the Colonies, and may,
subject to such conditions and rights, convert, renew, or
consolidate such debts.
125. All ports, harbours, and railways belonging to the
several Colonies at the establishment of the Union shall from
the date thereof vest in the Governor-General in Council. No
railway for the conveyance of public traffic, and no port,
harbour, or similar work, shall be constructed without the
sanction of Parliament.
126. Subject to the authority of the Governor-General in
Council, the control and management of the railways, ports,
and harbours of the Union shall be exercised through a board
consisting of not more than three commissioners, who shall be
appointed by the Governor-General in Council, and a minister
of State, who shall be chairman. …
[Of the remaining sections of the Act (127-152) the following
are the more important or the more significant.]
133. In order to compensate Pietermaritzburg and Bloemfontein
for any loss sustained by them in the form of diminution of
prosperity or decreased rateable value by reason of their
ceasing to be the seats of government of their respective
colonies, there shall be paid from the Consolidated Revenue
Fund for a period not exceeding twenty-five years to the
municipal councils of such towns a grant of two per centum per
annum on their municipal debts, as existing on the
thirty-first day of January nineteen hundred and nine, and as
ascertained by the Controller and Auditor-General. The
Commission appointed under section one hundred and eighteen
shall, after due inquiry, report to the Governor-General in
Council what compensation should be paid to the municipal
councils of Cape Town and Pretoria for the losses, if any,
similarly sustained by them. Such compensation shall be paid
out of the Consolidated Revenue Fund for a period not
exceeding twenty-five years, and shall not exceed one per
centum per annum on the respective municipal debts of such
towns as existing on the thirty-first January nineteen hundred
and nine, and as ascertained by the Controller and
Auditor-General.
134. The election of senators and of members of the executive
committees of the provincial councils as provided in this Act
shall, whenever such election is contested, be according to
the principle of proportional representation, each voter
having one transferable vote. The Governor-General in Council,
or, in the case of the first election of the Senate, the
Governor in Council of each of the Colonies, shall frame
regulations prescribing the method of voting and of
transferring and counting votes and the duties of returning
officers in connection therewith, and such regulations or any
amendments thereof after being duly promulgated shall have
full force and effect unless and until Parliament shall
otherwise provide.
136. There shall be free trade throughout the Union, but until
Parliament otherwise provides the duties of custom and of
excise leviable under the laws existing in any of the Colonies
at the establishment of the Union shall remain in force.
137. Both the English and Dutch languages shall be official
languages of the Union, and shall be treated on a footing of
equality, and possess and enjoy equal freedom, rights, and
privileges; all records, journals, and proceedings of
Parliament shall be kept in both languages, and all Bills,
Acts, and notices of general public importance or interest
issued by the Government of the Union shall be in both
languages.
{164}
138. All persons who have been naturalised in any of the
Colonies shall be deemed to be naturalised throughout the
Union.
140. Subject to the provisions of the next succeeding section,
all officers of the public service of the Colonies shall at
the establishment of the Union become officers of the Union.
141.
(1) As soon as possible after the establishment of the Union,
the Governor-General in Council shall appoint a public service
commission to make recommendations for such reorganisation and
readjustment of the departments of the public service as may
be necessary. The commission shall also make recommendations
in regard to the assignment of officers to the several
provinces. …
142. After the establishment of the Union the Governor-General
in Council shall appoint a permanent public service commission
with such powers and duties relating to the appointment,
discipline, retirement, and superannuation of public officers
as Parliament shall determine.
143. Any officer of the public service of any of the Colonies
at the establishment of the Union who is not retained in the
service of the Union or assigned to that of a province shall
be entitled to receive such pension, gratuity, or other
compensation as he would have received in like circumstances
if the Union had not been established.
147. The control and administration of native affairs and of
matters specially or differentially affecting Asiastics
throughout the Union shall vest in the Governor-General in
Council, who shall exercise all special powers in regard to
native administration hitherto vested in the Governors of the
Colonies or exercised by them as supreme chiefs, and any lands
vested in the Governor or Governor and Executive Council of
any colony for the purpose of reserves for native locations
shall vest in the Governor-General in Council, who shall
exercise all special powers in relation to such reserves as
may hitherto have been exercisable by any such Governor or
Governor and Executive Council, and no lands set aside for the
occupation of natives which cannot at the establishment of the
Union be alienated except by an Act of the Colonial
Legislature shall be alienated or in any way diverted from the
purposes for which they are set apart except under the
authority of an Act of Parliament.
148.—
(1) All rights and obligations under any conventions or
agreements which are binding on any of the Colonies shall
devolve upon the Union at its establishment.
(2) The provisions of the railway agreement between the
Governments of the Transvaal, the Cape of Good Hope, and
Natal, dated the second of February, nineteen hundred and
nine, shall, as far as practicable, be given effect to by the
Government of the Union.
IX.—NEW PROVINCES AND TERRITORIES.
149. Parliament may alter the boundaries of any province,
divide a province into two or more provinces, or form a new
province out of provinces within the Union, on the petition of
the provincial council of every province whose boundaries are
affected thereby.
150. The King, with the advice of the Privy Council, may on
addresses from the Houses of Parliament of the Union admit
into the Union the territories administered by the British
South Africa Company on such terms and conditions as to
representation and otherwise in each case as are expressed in
the addresses and approved by the King, and the provisions of
any Order in Council in that behalf shall have effect as if
they had been enacted by the Parliament of the United Kingdom
of Great Britain and Ireland.
151. The King, with the advice of the Privy Council, may, on
addresses from the Houses of Parliament of the Union, transfer
to the Union the government of any territories, other than the
territories administered by the British South Africa Company,
belonging to or under the protection of His Majesty, and
inhabited wholly or in part by natives, and upon such transfer
the Governor-General in Council may undertake the government
of such territory upon the terms and conditions embodied in
the Schedule to this Act.
X.—AMENDMENT OF ACT.
152. Parliament may by law repeal or alter any of the
provisions of this Act: Provided that no provision thereof,
for the operation of which a definite period of time is
prescribed, shall during such period be repealed or altered:
And provided further that no repeal or alteration of the
provisions contained in this section, or in sections
thirty-three and thirty-four (until the number of members of
the House of Assembly has reached the limit therein
prescribed, or until a period of ten years has elapsed after
the establishment of the Union, whichever is the longer
period), or in sections thirty-five and one hundred and
thirty-seven, shall be valid unless the Bill embodying such
repeal or alteration shall be passed by both Houses of
Parliament sitting together, and at the third reading be
agreed to by not less than two-thirds of the total number of
members of both Houses. A Bill so passed at such joint sitting
shall be taken to have been duly passed by both Houses of
Parliament.
SCHEDULE.
1. After the transfer of the government of any territory
belonging to or under the protection of His Majesty, the
Governor-General in Council shall be the legislative
authority, and may by proclamation make laws for the peace,
order, and good government of such territory: Provided that
all such laws shall be laid before both Houses of Parliament
within seven days after the issue of the proclamation or, if
Parliament be not then sitting, within seven days after the
beginning of the next session, and shall be effectual unless
and until both Houses of Parliament shall by resolutions
passed in the same session request the Governor-General in
Council to repeal the same, in which case they shall be
repealed by proclamation.
2. The Prime Minister shall be charged with the administration
of any territory thus transferred, and he shall be advised in
the general conduct of such administration by a commission
consisting of not fewer than three members with a secretary,
to be appointed by the Governor-General in Council, who shall
take the instructions of the Prime Minister in conducting all
correspondence relating to the territories, and shall also
under the like control have custody of all official papers
relating to the territories.
{165}
3. The members of the commission shall be appointed by the
Governor-General in Council, and shall be entitled to hold
office for a period of ten years, but such period may be
extended to successive further terms of five years. …
14. It shall not be lawful to alienate any land in Basutoland
or any land forming part of the native reserves in the
Bechuanaland protectorate and Swaziland from the native tribes
inhabiting those territories.
15. The sale of intoxicating liquor to natives shall be
prohibited in the territories, and no provision giving
facilities for introducing, obtaining, or possessing such
liquor in any part of the territories less stringent than
those existing at the time of transfer shall be allowed.
16. The custom, where it exists, of holding pitsos or other
recognised forms of native assembly shall be maintained in the
territories.
17. No differential duties or imposts on the produce of the
territories shall be levied. The laws of the Union relating to
customs and excise shall be made to apply to the territories.
18. There shall be free intercourse for the inhabitants of the
territories with the rest of South Africa subject to the laws,
including the pass laws, of the Union.
19. Subject to the provisions of this Schedule, all revenues
derived from any territory shall be expended for and on behalf
of such territory. …
----------CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH AFRICA: End--------
----------CONSTITUTION OF TURKEY: Start--------
CONSTITUTION OF TURKEY.
The following is a synopsis of the Constitution promulgated
December 23, 1876, the first year of the reign of Abd-ul
Hamid, then soon withdrawn, and practically forgotten for
thirty-two years, but brought to light by the revolution of
1908 and promulgated anew, on the 24th of July in that
memorable year;
See, in this Volume,
TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER):
THE INDIVISIBILITY OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE.
The Sultan, the supreme Caliph of the Mussulmans and sovereign
of all Ottoman subjects, is irresponsible and inviolable. His
prerogatives are those of the constitutional sovereigns of the
West. The subjects of the empire are called, without
distinction, Ottomans. Individual liberty is inviolable, and
is guaranteed by the laws.
Islamism is the religion of the state, but the free exercise
of all recognized creeds is guaranteed, and the religious
privileges of the communities are maintained. No provision
investing the institutions of the state with a theocratic
character exists in the constitution.
The constitution establishes liberty of the press, the right
of petition to both chambers for all Ottomans, liberty of
education, and the equality of all Ottomans before the law.
They all enjoy the same rights, and have the same duties
toward the country. Ottoman subjects, without distinction of
religion, are admitted to the service of the state. Taxation
will be equally distributed; property is guaranteed, and the
domicile is declared inviolable. No person can be taken from
the jurisdiction of his natural judges.
The Council of Ministers will deliberate under the presidency
of the Grand-Vizier. Each minister is responsible for the
conduct of the affairs of his department. The Chamber of
Deputies may demand the impeachment of the ministers, and a
high court is instituted to try them. In the event of the
Chamber adopting a vote hostile to the ministry on any
important question, the Sultan will change the ministers or
dissolve the Chamber. The ministers are entitled to be present
at the sittings of both Chambers, and to take part in the
debates. Interpellations may be addressed to the ministers.
Public functionaries will be appointed in conformity with the
conditions fixed by law, and cannot be dismissed without legal
and sufficient cause. They are not discharged from
responsibility by any orders contrary to law which they may
receive from a superior.
The General Assembly of the Ottomans is composed of two
Chambers, the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies, who will
meet on the 1st of November in each year, the session lasting
four months. A message from the Sultan will be sent to both
Chambers at the opening of each session. The members of both
Chambers are free with regard to their vote and in the
expression of their opinions. Electors are prohibited from
imposing binding engagements upon their representatives. The
initiative in proposing laws belongs in the first place to the
ministry, and next to the Chambers, in the form of
propositions. Laws must be first submitted to the Chamber of
Deputies, then to the Senate, and finally to the imperial
sanction. The Senate is composed of members nominated by the
Sultan and chosen from among the most eminent personages in
the country. The Senate votes the laws already passed by the
Chamber of Deputies, and returns to the latter, or rejects,
any provisions contrary to the constitution or to the
integrity or safety of the state. In the event of a
dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies, the general election
shall be held and the new Chamber meet within six months from
the date of dissolution. The sittings of the Chamber of
Deputies are public. The deputies may not be arrested or
prosecuted during the session without authority from the
Chamber. The Chamber votes the laws article by article, and
the budget by chapters. There is to be one deputy for every
fifty thousand inhabitants, and the elections will be made by
secret ballot. A special law will determine the mode of
election. The mandate of a deputy will render him ineligible
for any public office, except for a ministry. Each legislature
will continue for a period of four years. The deputies will
receive 4,600 francs for every session, which will last from
November to March. The senators are appointed for life by the
Sultan, and will receive 2,300 francs monthly. Judges are
irremovable.
The sittings of the tribunals are public. The advocates
appearing for defendants are free. Sentences may be published.
No interference can be permitted in the administration of
justice. The jurisdiction of the tribunals will be exactly
defined. Any exceptional tribunals or commissions are
prohibited. The office of Public Prosecutor is created. The
High Court, which will try ministers, members of the Court of
Cassation, and other persons charged with the crime of _lese
Majeste_, or of conspiracy against the state, will be
composed of the most eminent judicial and administrative
functionaries.
No tax can be established or levied except by virtue of a law.
The budget will be voted at the commencement of each session,
and for a period of one year only. The final settlement of the
budget for the preceding year will be submitted to the Chamber
of Deputies in the form of a bill. The Court of Accounts will
send every year to the Chamber of Deputies a report upon the
state of public accounts, and will present to the Sultan,
quarterly, a statement showing the financial condition of the
country. The members of the Court of Accounts are irremovable.
No dismissal can take place except in consequence of a
resolution adopted by the Chamber of Deputies.
{166}
The provincial administration is based upon the broadest
system of decentralization. The Councils-General, which are
elective, will deliberate upon and control the affairs of the
province. Every canton will have a council, elected by each of
the different communities, for the management of its own
affairs. The communes will be administered by elective
municipal councils. Primary education is obligatory.
The interpretation of the laws belongs, according to their
nature, to the Court of Cassation, the Council of State, and
the Senate.
The constitution can only be modified on the initiative of the
ministry, or of either of the two Chambers, and by a vote of
both Chambers, passed by a majority of two-thirds. Such
modification must also be sanctioned by the Sultan.
_Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1876,
pages 773-774._
See amendments, in this Volume, under
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).
----------CONSTITUTION OF TURKEY: End--------
CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES:
Proposed Income Tax Amendment.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (JULY).
CONSTITUTION OF VENEZUELA, New.
See (in this Volume)
VENEZUELA: A. D. 1904.
CONSTITUTION, A World:
The Making of it in Process.
See (in this Volume)
WORLD MOVEMENTS.
CONSTITUTION ISLAND.
"In the Hudson River opposite West Point lies Constitution
Island. It is a wood-covered tract of nearly three hundred
acres, and for many years it has been coveted by the
authorities of the Military Academy and the War Department.
Its owner, Miss Anna Bartlett Warner, was always willing to
sell to the Government, but Congress could never be induced to
make the necessary appropriation for its purchase. Now Mrs.
Russell Sage has joined with Miss Warner in making a gift of
the island to the Nation, to be used as a part of the military
reservation at West Point."
_The Outlook,
September 19, 1908._
CONSTITUTION-MAKING, and Unmaking, in Servia.
See (in this Volume)
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.
CONSTITUTIONAL DEMOCRATS.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907, and 1906 and 1907.
CONSULAR SERVICE, The Reform of the American.
See (in this Volume)
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.
CONSUMPTION.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH: TUBERCULOSIS.
CONVICT LEASE SYSTEM:
Its abolition in Georgia.
See (in this Volume)
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.
COOK, Frederick A.:
Claimant of North Pole discovery.
See (in this Volume)
POLAR EXPLORATION.
COOLEY, Dr. Harris R.:
Director of Charities and Corrections, Cleveland, Ohio.
See (in this Volume)
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.
COÖPERATION, Industrial and Commercial.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR REMUNERATION.
COPENHAGEN: A. D. 1906.
Conference of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.
COPYRIGHT:
The new Law in the United States.
"To the general surprise, the new copyright bill slipped
through both houses of Congress yesterday [March 3, 1909]. It
consists of one complete and consistent copyright statute, in
sixty four sections. The term of copyright is lengthened. The
bill leaves the present first term of twenty-eight years
unchanged, but provides for a renewal term of twenty-eight
years instead of fourteen, thus making possible a period of
protection of fifty-six years from the publication of the
work. The bill also provides for the extension of subsisting
copyrights upon the same basis.
"Copyright may now be secured for all the ‘writings’ of an
author, using the constitutional expression. In enumerating
and classifying works protected by copyright, the bill is more
explicit than the present statutes, and adds the following new
designations: ‘Lectures, sermons, and addresses, prepared for
oral delivery’; ‘dramatico-musical compositions’; ‘plastic
works of a scientific or technical character’; ‘reproductions
of a work of art,’ and ‘ prints and pictorial illustrations,’
in lieu of ‘engravings,’ ‘cuts,’ and ‘chromos,’ and ‘works of
art’ instead of the present specific designations, ‘painting,’
‘drawings,’ ‘statue,’ and ‘statuary.’ Express provision is
made that compilations, abridgments, adaptations,
arrangements, dramatizations, or translations and works
republished with new matter shall be considered new works
subject to copyright.
"As regards a musical work, the bill provides, as does the
present law, that the author shall have the sole right to
perform the work publicly for profit, but adds the sole right
‘to make any arrangement or setting of it or of the melody of
it in any system of notation or any form of record from which
it may be read or reproduced.’ The composer’s control of the
reproduction of his music by mechanical instruments is
qualified as follows:
(a) to cover only music published and copyrighted after the
act goes into effect;
(b) not to include music by a foreign author or composer
unless the foreign state or nation of which he is a subject
grants to citizens of the United States similar rights;
(c) whenever the owner of a musical copyright has used or
permitted or acquiesced in the use of his work upon parts of
instruments serving to reproduce mechanically the musical
work, any other person may make similar use of the work upon
the payment of a royalty of two cents on each part
manufactured, notice to be filed in the copyright office of
such use or license to use by the copyright proprietor.
"American manufacture is required in the case of a book, not
only as regards type-setting in the United States, but ‘if the
text be produced by lithographic or photo-engraving process,
then by a process wholly performed within the limits of the
United States.’ The provision is also extended to
illustrations within a book, and to separate lithographs and
photo engravings, ‘except where in either case the subjects
represented are located in a foreign country.’ The printing
and binding of the book must also be performed within the
United States.
{167}
Photographs are released from the present requirement that
they ‘shall be printed from negatives made within the United
States or from transfers made therefrom.’ The ‘original text
of a book of foreign origin in a language or languages other
than English ’ is also excepted from the requirements of
type-setting in the United States. A new _ad interim_
protection is given books printed abroad in the English
language. If one complete copy of such book is deposited in the
copyright office not later than thirty days after publication
abroad, copyright is granted for a period of thirty days from
the date of receipt of the copy. If an authorized edition of
the book is produced from type set in the United States during
this second thirty days, the full term of copyright is
secured.
"The much discussed provisions prohibiting the importation of
copyrighted books are considerably modified. The importation
of piratical copies of any work copyrighted is prohibited, and
the importation of any books, '_although authorized by the
author or proprietor_,’ which have not been produced in
accordance with the manufacturing provisions, is prohibited.
The Act of 1891 permits importation of books in 'the case of
persons purchasing for use and not for sale, who import,
subject to the duty thereon, not more than _two_ copies
of such book at any one time.’ The new law permits
importation, ‘not more than _one_ copy at one time, for
individual use, and not for sale,’ and adds the proviso that
‘such privilege of importation shall not extend to a foreign
reprint of a book by an American author copyrighted in the
United States.’ The Act of 1891 allows importation in good
faith for the use of societies _incorporated_ or
established for educational, philosophical, literary, or
religious purposes, or for the encouragement of the fine arts,
or for any college, academy, school, or seminary of learning.
The new law confines the privilege to incorporated societies
or institutions, but adds scientific societies and ‘any State,
school, college, university, or free public library’; but
while the Act of 1891 permits ‘_two_ copies in any one
invoice’ to be so imported, the new law provides for ‘not more
than _one_ copy of any such book in one invoice’ when
‘for use and not for sale.’
"In the case of infringement, an injunction may issue, as now,
and damages be recovered as well as all the profits due to the
infringement."
_New York Evening Post,
March 4, 1909._
COPYRIGHT:
Pan-American Convention.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
CORINTO, Treaty of.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1902: CENTRAL AMERICA.
CORPORATE WRONGDOING:
Summary of recent Governmental Action against it in the
United States.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.
CORPORATION TAX, United States.
See (in this Volume)
TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.
CORPORATIONS:
Forbidden to contribute to Political Elections.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY).
CORPORATIONS AND THE PUBLIC.
See (in this Volume)
Combinations, Industrial, &c., and Railways.
CORPORATIONS, The Bureau of.
Its establishment in the Federal Administration
of the United States.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903 (FEBRUARY).
CORRAL, Ramon:
Vice-President of Mexico.
See (in this Volume)
MEXICO A. D. 1904-1905.
CORREGAN, Charles Hunter:
Nominated for President of the United States.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER).
CORTELYOU, George B.:
Secretary of Commerce and Labor and Secretary of the Treasury.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909.
COST OF LIVING.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR REMUNERATION: WAGES, &c.
COSTA RICA.
See (in this Volume)
CENTRAL AMERICA.
COUNTRY LIFE COMMISSION, Report of the.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909 (AUGUST-FEBRUARY).
COURTS, Industrial, German.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: GERMANY: A. D. 1905-1906.
COURTS OF LAW.
See (in this Volume)
LAW AND ITS COURTS.
COWPER-TEMPLEISM.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1906.
CREEK NATION, Alleged frauds on the.
See (in this Volume)
INDIANS, AMERICAN.
CREMER, William Randal:
Originator of the Inter-parliamentary Union.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904-1909;
also NOBEL PRIZES.
CRETE: A. D. 1905-1906.
Insurgent demand of Union with Greece.
Investigation of discontent by the Protecting Powers.
Resignation of the High Commissionership by Prince George.
Appointment of Zaimis.
A determined revolutionary movement to secure union with
Greece was set on foot in March, 1905. Remonstrance against it
by Prince George was unavailing, and the National Assembly,
newly elected on the 2d of April, gave support to the
insurgents, proclaiming the desired union of Crete with "her
mother Greece," and ordering the Greek flag to be raised over
the public buildings of the island. The government of Greece,
while declaring its sympathy with the feeling which the
movement expressed, could not give countenance to it, and
urged the insurgents to lav down their arms. The latter,
however, continued to hold the interior of the island and to
make attacks on the Mohammedan population, until the approach
of winter, when, on the 19th of November, they gave up their
arms. The four protecting Powers then appointed a commission
to investigate the grounds of discontent in the island, and
its report made in the following spring justified a good deal
of the Cretan complaint of arbitrary rule. In May a new
Assembly was elected, in which the Government won 78 seats,
the Opposition 36, and the Moslems were represented by 16. In
July a resolution in favor of annexation to Greece was voted
by acclamation in the Assembly, and its sittings were
suspended to await the decision of the Powers. The latter
announced a little later the intention to organize a
gendarmerie to take the place of foreign troops in the island;
and also to extend the operations of the Greek Finance
Commission to Crete. Prince George now expressed his
unwillingness to continue in the office of High Commissioner,
and, on the request of the Powers, the King of Greece
nominated M. Zaimis to succeed him. The nomination was
accepted, and Prince George withdrew from the island, after
issuing a farewell proclamation, September 25th. M. Zaimis
arrived and assumed office on the 14th of October, being
warmly received. He was understood to have the powers of a
Greek Viceroy, with a mission to prepare the island for
annexation to Greece.
{168}
"I should not like," said a writer in the summer of 1905, "to
speak too positively of Prince George’s mistakes; but I have
met no European who has lived in the island who had a good
word to say for his administration. On the one hand, he played
the despot. The local independent newspapers were destroyed,
and the right of public meeting withdrawn. Worst of all, the
mayors and prefects, who had originally been elected by the
inhabitants of their districts, were degraded to the position
of mere officials nominated by the Prince. At the same time,
he aspired to be a sort of party leader. Quite early in his
term of office he contrived to alienate the best men among the
leaders who had conducted the insurrection with so much
patience and wisdom. The President of the Provisional
Government, Dr. Sphakianakis, an extremely able and, what is
rarer, a wise and disinterested man, went into retirement when
the Prince arrived. …
"By the summer of last year, [1904] when the Prince cast
Professor Jannaris, a philologist of European reputation, into
Canea gaol, the rift between himself and his people had become
desperate. … It was now quite clear that no solution remained
save union with Greece. To Prince George it provided an
honorable and graceful path of retreat. He could retire and
bring with him in his withdrawal a great gift to the Greek
nation, and confer, at the same time, contentment on Crete. …
Prince George, accordingly, devoted the closing months of 1904
to a tour among the European courts. The Powers had never
intended to make him the permanent sovereign of Crete. His
mandate was only for three years, and it had already been
prolonged for a second term. He urged that the time had at
length arrived for a definite solution, which could only be a
union with Greece. But either his pleading was half-hearted or
the Powers were deaf. His term was once more extended, and he
was weak enough, or vain enough, to accept the dangerous
mission. He returned to Crete and reported his failure.
"What followed is recent history. For a month or two the
Cretans were passive, and then suddenly they rose in arms. A
sort of provisional government was established at Therisso, a
stronghold in the mountains, near enough to Canea to threaten
the Prince’s administration, far enough from the sea to be out
of range of the European war-ships. Dr. Sphakianakis and MM.
Venizelos and Foumis are at its head, and it soon received the
allegiance of the whole interior. Simultaneously, under very
strained conditions, a general election was held; and, though
the members were probably drawn for the most part from the
Prince’s party, the Chamber adopted the programme of the
insurgents and solemnly proclaimed the annexation of the
island to Greece. The Prince threatened, but he had no force
behind him; and he too could only reiterate his prayer that
Europe should assent to union. It is a whimsical display of
unanimity. In other lands, subjects rebel to emphasize some
difference of opinion with their rulers. The Cretans have
taken up arms to prove how violently they all agree."
_H. N. Brailsford,
The Future of Crete
(North American Review, August, 1905)._
CRETE: A. D. 1907-1909.
How and why the Cretans have been restrained by the
Four Protecting Powers.
In February, 1907, the Cretans framed and adopted a new
Constitution, providing for an Assembly of sixty-four
Deputies, elected every two years, and continuing the
executive office of High Commissioner, with a Council of
three. They were fully exercising all the rights of
independent self-government, under the protection of the four
Powers which still maintained the old "Concert," namely, Great
Britain, France, Russia, and Italy. The Turkish Government
touched them in no other way than through the theoretical,
intangible suzerainty which the Sultan claimed. But that
claim, acknowledged by their potent protectors, barred them
from annexation to the kingdom of their fellow Greeks, which
was their heart’s desire. If Turkey had continued in the
condition to which it had sunk when the Powers set them free
from all but a fiction of feudal law (see in Volume VI. of
this work, TURKEY: A. D. 1897-1899) there seems little doubt
that they would have won their wish in no long time, with the
help of those Powers; but the great change in Turkish
conditions which came about in 1908 was not favorable to
Cretan hopes.
To the Cretans, in October, 1908, the Turkish Revolution
appeared to have brought them the best of opportunities for
breaking the irksome thread of an unexercised Ottoman
sovereignty. Bulgaria snapped the thread; why should not they?
But Bulgaria had no responsible guardians to look after her
conduct; while Crete was, unfortunately at this juncture, the
ward of an international trust company, whose responsibilities
for her were made immeasurably more serious by the very
circumstances which invited her to an escapade. The
revolutionary undertaking of the Young Turks, to reform their
own nation, claimed the sympathy and good will of every
right-feeling government in the world. Great Britain, France,
and Italy, at least, could not afford to lay, or consent to
the laying, of a straw of difficulty in its way. A declaration
of Cretan independence and annexation to Greece, countenanced
by the Powers, would have raised excitements in Turkey more
than likely to wreck the reform movement in a catastrophe of
war, which might involve much larger fields than those that
lie between Turkey and Greece. The action of Bulgaria and that
of Austria in annexing Bosnia and Herzegovina had put a
dangerous strain on the situation; but neither of these had
tried Turkish feeling as it would have been tried if Crete and
Greece had been suffered to follow their example by the four
protecting Powers.
The attempt was made in Crete on the 12th of October, 1908,
when the Assembly voted union with Greece, and elected a
committee of six members to conduct the Government in the name
of the King of Greece, under Greek laws. The four Powers
intervened in a soothing way, agreeing to treat with the
Turkish Government on the subject, provided that order in the
island should be maintained and protection afforded to the
Mohammedan population. In the previous May they had decided to
withdraw the forces they were jointly keeping in Crete, and
had announced that their evacuation of the island should be
completed by the end of July, 1909.
{169}
When the time thus appointed drew near there was some anxiety
as to what might follow the withdrawal of troops; but the
Powers adhered to their agreement. Meantime the Turkish
Government was giving plain expression to its determination to
"maintain Ottoman rights in Crete." Early in July, 1909, the
intentions of the four Powers were made known by an
announcement to the French Chamber of Deputies from the
Foreign Minister of that Government. The international
contingents of troops, he stated, would be recalled by the
contemplated date of July 27; but four war ships
(stationnaires) would be sent, one by each Power, "to guard
the Ottoman flag and the flags of the four Powers, as well as
to ensure, in case of trouble, the protection of the
population. A declaration would be addressed to the people of
Crete promising, in particular, that the Powers will continue
to occupy themselves with the Cretan question in a benevolent
spirit, but adding that it is their duty to see that order is
maintained and the safety of the Mussulmans in Crete assured;
that with this object they reserve the right of adopting such
measures as may be expedient for the restoration of
tranquillity, in case disturbances should break out which the
local authorities were unable to quell. The declaration
addressed to the Cretans to be communicated to the Porte and a
declaration to be made at Constantinople, in order to give an
exact account of the spirit in which the foregoing measures
have been adopted."
This decision was communicated formally to the Greek and
Turkish governments a little later. The latter, in reply,
thanked the four Powers for their promise to safeguard Ottoman
interests in the island, but declared that it could not
tolerate "any extension of the privileges of the Cretans
beyond those guaranteed by their autonomy, least of all any
such extension as might give rise to the supposition that
Crete was in any way politically connected or dependent on the
Hellenic kingdom."
The attitude of the four Powers in their action was stated
very distinctly to the British House of Commons on the 22d of
July, by Sir Edward Grey, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, as
follows:
"The _status quo_ maintained in Crete is that Crete
remains in trust to the four Powers who hold the island in
trust, and continue to maintain the obligations of preserving
the supreme rights of Turkey. That is the _status quo_,
and to put any other interpretation upon it and say that it
means this or that, or that it amounts to virtual annexation,
is misleading and is not true. That is not intended. The
question of Crete has been exceedingly difficult, partly for
the very reasons which I have already named, that it was
raised at a time when the Turkish Government itself was
passing through a stage exceedingly difficult, but exceedingly
hopeful. What we have desired to do with regard to Crete is to
secure that nothing shall happen which will be damaging to the
prestige of the new _régime_ in Turkey, and by being
damaging to that prestige make the prospects of reform and of
the increasing welfare of Turkey less hopeful."
The last of the international contingents left Crete on the
26th of July; whereupon the Cretans ran up the Greek flag on
the fortress evacuated. Some days passed before the naval
_stationnaires_ of the four Powers arrived on the scene,
and Turkey opened a somewhat sharp correspondence with Greece.
The Powers intervened, assuming responsibility for conditions
in Crete, and asking that communications on the subject be
addressed to them. At the same time, the Cretans were
admonished to take down the Greek flag. As they did not do so,
sailors from the war ships were landed on the 18th of August,
who lowered the flag and cut the flag-staff down. Sixty were
left on guard to prevent further demonstrations of a
provocative kind. To the time of this writing (February 1,
1910) nothing has occurred since to disturb the quiet in
Crete. In November, however, the Turkish Government addressed
to the four Powers a request for a definite settlement of the
status of Crete. The reply, given on the 9th of December, was
as follows:
"The protecting Powers do not deem the moment opportune for
diplomatic negotiations tending to establish a definite
_régime_ in the island. The circumstances have not
changed since the date of evacuation of the island by the
international troops. Though infractions of the _status
quo_ had been committed, they were at once suppressed, and
if more serious infractions occurred the Powers would meet
them in accordance with the standpoint expressed in their
Notes of July last with regard to the supreme rights of the
Sultan. In present conditions negotiations on the Cretan
question might excite public opinion in Turkey and elsewhere,
and lead to dangerous complications."
----------CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: Start--------
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: THEIR PROBLEMS.
"Black Hand," The:
Sicilian Blackmail Terrorism brought to the United States.
"Toward the end of the last century the Sicilian gangs which
made their living by blackmail became aware that not a few
Italians who had left their home country as peasants had
acquired wealth across the Atlantic. Even the ordinary
workman, they learnt, who could gain only 40 cents a day in
Sicily, could make about four times that wage in New York.
Accordingly they hastened to exploit by their familiar methods
the rich field of the Italian colony in that city. It was not
long before the American police found themselves faced by an
elaborate machinery of crime far more ingenious and
complicated than anything with which they had previously had
to deal. The Black Hand, as the society called itself,
proceeded normally to extort what it wanted by frank demands
and threats, and it did not hesitate at kidnapping, outrage,
and murder when these means seemed necessary to its ends."
_New York Correspondent London Times,
March 16, 1909._
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:
Cleveland’s Farm Colony.
"A City in the Life Saving Business" is the title given by Mr.
Frederick C. Howe to an article in _The Outlook_ of
January 18, 1908, descriptive of the Farm Colony which the
City of Cleveland, Ohio, has substituted for the old time
"work-house" or "penitentiary" for the detention and treatment
of its vagabonds and petty offenders.
{170}
The change has been wrought within the past seven years by the
City Director of Charities and Corrections, Dr. Harris R.
Cooley. The following facts of it are summarized from Mr.
Howe’s article:
The colony occupies the larger part of a 1900 acre farm, on
which some other institutions, such as a city infirmary, are
to be placed; but the ex-workhouse-prisoners are, so far, the
interesting occupants of the farm. They are prisoners with no
prison. They wear no convict garb, drag no ball and chain, are
surrounded by no wall or stockade, are watched by no armed
guards. They are working a quarry, making roads and sewers,
gathering stone, doing all descriptions of farm work, as free
in their movements as farm laborers who work for hire. And out
of hundreds on whom this treatment has been tried for nearly
seven years "only a handful," it is said, "have ever taken
advantage of their liberty. And it was the other prisoners who
were most incensed at their escape."
These unimprisoned prisoners are put on honor; they are
treated as men to whom society would like to do good. It gives
them a few weeks or months of healthful, honestly laborious
life, in the midst of wholesome and beautiful surroundings
(for the farm is nobly situated); and when they are dismissed
from it they do not go dispirited and weakened and marked with
a prison brand, as they would go from a workhouse, but
strengthened in body, helped to self-respect, and encouraged
to a change of life by the experience they have had. It is not
punishment they have received, but a revelation, in most
cases, of a better side of life than they had known. And this
treatment is proving its success.
There are classes for instruction, on various lines, at the
farm, and some come back, for evening study, after their
release. Two years ago one of the released colonists began the
formation of a Brotherhood among those who came out, to assist
their fellows and take care of them till they got a new
footing in the world; and no less than 427 had received that
helping hand of fellowship when Mr. Howe wrote his account.
The Brotherhood was then occupying a rented house, on the
furnishing of which it had expended over $2000, made up within
its own ranks.
Besides its Farm Colony, Cleveland has established another,
somewhat similar, farm for boys. This, called Boyville, is 285
acres in extent, and the young delinquents sent to it live in
cottages, named Washington Cottage, Lincoln Cottage, etc.,
each with a motherly woman in charge. They are kept in
attendance at a school pursuing the same studies as in the
city schools; their big playground affords them all kinds of
healthful sports. They have horses, cattle, goats and dogs to
take care of, and they are drilled in a fire company which is
expected to protect the property of Boyville.
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:
The Convict Lease System:
Its abolition in Georgia.
During the Civil War the Penitentiary buildings of the State
of Georgia, at Milledgeville, were destroyed, and for many
years subsequently the prevailing conditions were not
favorable to their replacement. There grew up, in consequence,
an evil practice of working convicts in chain-gangs, leading
finally to the leasing of such gangs to contractors. A
frightful brutalizing of all concerned in the operation of the
vicious system—convicts, overseers, and lessees alike—is said
to have been the result, as it could hardly fail to be. Within
late years public attention, in Georgia and outside of the
State, was increasingly drawn to the treatment and condition
of the chain-gangs, by shocking stories of barbarity and
depravity; yet the evil was hard to reform, because of the
profit which the State derived from the hire of its criminals.
Years of agitation and exertion by right-minded people in
Georgia were required to overcome the sordid influence of this
fact, and it was not until September, 1908, that the
Legislature, called in special session by Governor Hoke Smith
to deal with the question, passed an Act which brought the
lease system to an end on the 31st of March, 1909. Provision
was made at this important session for an establishment of
State farms on which convicts can be employed; for introducing
a parole system into the penological policy of the State, and
for the institution of juvenile courts. The legislative
session was a memorable one.
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:
English Court of Criminal Appeal.
See (in this Volume)
LAW AND ITS COURTS: ENGLAND.
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:
The English Prevention of Corruption Act.
The object of the English Prevention of Corruption Act, passed
in 1906, is to check the practice of giving and taking secret
commissions, which, as the late Lord Russell of Killowen
caused the country to realize, was widely prevalent in
commercial and professional circles, as well as in the humbler
sphere of the "servants’ hall." Before the passing of the Act,
of course, it was illegal to give and receive secret
commissions. After the Act came into force, it became
criminal. The provisions of the measure make it a
misdemeanour, punishable, on summary conviction or on
indictment, with fine or imprisonment—
(1) For any agent corruptly to receive any gift or
consideration for doing or not doing any act, or showing or
not showing favour or disfavour, in relation to his
principal’s affairs;
(2) For any person corruptly to offer such gift or
consideration to any agent;
(3) For any person to give to an agent, or for any agent to
use, any false or defective receipt or other business document
with intent to deceive the principal.
Two years after the Act came into force its effects were
discussed by a writer in the London _Times_, who said:
‘The circumstances that the fiat of the Attorney-General must
be obtained before any prosecution can be instituted under the
Act, and that, until recently, there was no organization
qualified to take active steps to prevent the Act from
becoming a dead letter, account for the comparatively small
number of cases in which proceedings have been taken under the
Act during the past two years. Fifteen prosecutions have been
authorized by the Attorney-General. In 12 cases there have
been convictions, one case has been abandoned, and two are
still pending. These figures show, at any rate, that
prosecutions are not lightly instituted, and that the charges
which have been preferred against offenders have been, as a
rule, well founded.
{171}
"It is undoubtedly true, in this matter as in others, that
‘everybody’s business is nobody’s.’ Soon after the passing of
the Act it was realized that, if it was to prove effective
‘for the better prevention of corruption,’ some organization
must be formed to give effect to the measure—to furnish
information in respect to its provisions, to investigate
complaints, and, if necessary, to institute prosecutions. A
society was formed, therefore, with the title of ‘The Secret
Commissions and Bribery Prevention League,’ to work on lines
similar to those of the societies which strengthen the arm of
the law so effectively in respect of cruelty to children and
cruelty to animals. … The committee has investigated a large
number of cases which have been brought to their knowledge,
they have given advice freely to members and others interested
in the working of the Act, they have issued thousands of
circulars and letters, as well as occasional ‘news sheets,’
they have made representations to the War Office and other
public bodies as opportunities occurred, and have summoned
various trade conferences for the consideration of points of
importance arising out of the Act. The value of the League’s
work is emphasized by the fact that the members include many
important limited liability companies and trade associations,
and that the League is becoming in a special sense
representative of the commercial community as a whole."
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:
Indeterminate Sentence and
the Parole System of New York State.
The first provision in New York for indeterminate sentences
was by Section 74, Chapter 382 of the Laws of 1889, as
follows: "Whenever any male person over sixteen years of age,
shall be convicted of a felony which is punishable by
imprisonment in a State prison, for a term to be fixed within
certain limits by the court pronouncing sentence, the court
authorized to pronounce judgment upon such offender, instead
of pronouncing upon such offender a definite sentence of
imprisonment in a State prison for a fixed term, may pronounce
upon such offender an indeterminate sentence of imprisonment
in a State prison for a term with minimum and maximum limits
only specified, without fixing a definite term of sentence
within such limits named in the sentence, but the maximum
limit so specified in the sentence shall not exceed the
longest period for which such offender might have been
sentenced, and the minimum limit in said sentence specified
shall not be less than the shortest term for which such
offender might have been sentenced. The maximum term specified
in such indeterminate sentence shall be limited in the same
manner as a definite sentence in compliance with the
provisions of section six hundred and ninety-seven of the
Penal Code."
A Parole Board was constituted under this Act, composed of the
Superintendent of Prisons and the chief officers of the four
State Prisons.
"It will be noted that this law permitted the indeterminate
but did not abolish the definite sentence. Its provisions
applied to all classes of male felons over sixteen years of
age. No distinction was made between the first offenders and
the professional and persistent criminals. The court in its
discretion could impose either form of sentence on any
convicted male felon provided he was more than sixteen years
old. How general the preference of the judges was for the
definite sentence is shown by the fact that during the twelve
years that this law was in force approximately 13,000
prisoners were received at the prisons, only 115 of whom had
indeterminate terms. …
"As there were but 60 men paroled during the life of this
statute (1889 to 1901), there was naturally but slight
progress made during that period toward organizing,
systematizing and perfecting the parole system; but some
experience was gained and data secured that has since been
useful. …
"The Legislature of 1901 passed two important and effective
laws relative to the parole of prisoners which became
operative September 1, 1901. The first amended Section 74 of
Chapter 382, Laws of 1889, to read as follows:—
‘Every person now confined in a state prison, or in the
Eastern New York Reformatory, under sentence for a definite
term for a felony, the maximum penalty for which is
imprisonment for five years or less, exclusive of fines, who
has never before been convicted of a crime punishable by
imprisonment in a state prison shall be subject to the
jurisdiction of the board of commissioners of paroled
prisoners and may be paroled in the same manner and subject to
the same conditions and penalties as prisoners confined under
indeterminate sentences. The minimum and maximum terms of the
sentences of said prisoners are hereby fixed and determined to
be as follows: The definite term for which each person is
sentenced shall be the maximum limit of his term, and
one-third of the definite term of his sentence shall be the
minimum limit of his term."
_(As amended by chapter 260, L. 1901,
and by chapter 508, L. 1902.)_
"By this Act the members of the State Commission of Prisons
were constituted a Board of Commissioners for Paroled
Prisoners and they were to meet at each of the prisons four
times a year. The Superintendent of State Prisons was
authorized to appoint a parole officer for each prison.
"The other law amended the Penal Code by adding a new section.
§ 687 a.—A person never before convicted of a crime punishable
by imprisonment in a state prison, who is convicted in any
court in this state of a felony, the maximum penalty for
which, exclusive of fines, is imprisonment for five years or
less, and sentenced to a state prison, shall be sentenced
thereto under an indeterminate sentence, the minimum of which
shall not be less than one year; or in case a minimum is fixed
by law, not less than such minimum, and the maximum of which
shall not be more than the longest period fixed by law for
which the crime is punishable of which the offender is
convicted. The maximum limit of such sentence shall be so
fixed as to comply with the provisions of section 697 of the
Penal Code."
"This Act was amended in 1902 to provide also that any first
offender convicted of a felony other than murder first and
second degrees, the maximum penalty for which exceeded five
years, might be sentenced to an indeterminate term. Few
prisoners, however, were so sentenced for crimes that carried
a penalty of more than five years.
"The passage of these Acts put the parole system in active
operation in 1901. Many prisoners then in the prisons whose
terms thus became indeterminate were immediately eligible for
parole. Others became eligible from month to month. … In the
first year under this law the Board considered the
applications of 583 prisoners and granted parole to 272.
{172}
"The scope of the parole system was materially enlarged and
the work of the Board vastly increased by the legislation of
1907. Chapter 737, Laws of 1907, provides, that all first
offenders convicted of felonies other than murder first and
second degrees and sentenced to a state prison _must_ be
sentenced to indeterminate terms. As a result of this law the
class of prisoners subject to the jurisdiction of the Board
will gradually increase to more than double the present
number. …
"Chapter 738, Laws of 1907, changed the penalty for murder
second degree from life imprisonment to an indeterminate term
having a minimum of 20 years and a maximum of life. Also, by
this Act the sentences of all prisoners then in the prisons
serving life sentences for murder second degree were made
indeterminate terms with limits as above given [and 12, out of
17, were soon released on parole],
"Chapter 645, Laws of 1907, provides, that a person convicted
for the fourth time for felony shall be sentenced to an
indeterminate term, the maximum of which shall be life.
"It is the intent of this law that the man who has
demonstrated the fact that he is a persistent criminal shall
be kept under supervision during life. That the counties shall
be saved the expense of repeatedly trying him and, more
important still, that the baneful effects of his association
with, and influence over, prisoners in the jails, shall be
avoided. If at any time after he has served his minimum term
there is a reasonable probability that he will remain at
liberty without violating the law, the Board may parole him."
The Act of 1907, which became effective June 10, in that year,
provides that "the board of parole for state prisons shall be
composed of the superintendent of state prisons and two
citizens appointed by the governor and confirmed by the
senate; and that said board shall meet at each of the prisons
every month. It shall also make examination and report to the
governor with its recommendations on all applications for
pardon referred to them by the governor."
_Report of the Board of Parole for State Prisons, 1907._
To serve with the Superintendent of Prisons as the Board of
Parole the Governor of New York appointed the Honorable George
A. Lewis and the Honorable Albion V. Wadhams, for five years.
In the annual report of the Superintendent of Prisons for 1908
he discusses the working of the law, in part as follows:
"The results attained with State prison convicts under the
indeterminate sentence law have been satisfactory so far as
the term limits fixed by the courts have permitted the proper
application of the parole features of the law. In many cases,
however, the terms of the sentences have been so inconsistent
with the evident purpose and intent of the law as to render
its parole provisions wholly, or to a good degree,
inoperative.
"In several sentences imposed by the courts, the maximum and
minimum terms have been identical as ‘Not less than three
years or more than three years.’ As will be seen, this is
really a definite sentence and no parole period is provided
for. In a very great number of cases, the margin between the
minimum and maximum terms is but one, two or three months.
While prisoners so sentenced may be paroled, the period of
their probation is so limited that there is little opportunity
to influence and train the man. …
"The Superintendent is satisfied that the indeterminate has
many advantages over the definite sentence, but its full
benefit cannot be had under the law as it now stands and is
applied. It should be amended so as to provide for longer
parole periods and for minimum sentences never exceeding the
maximum penalty for the crime of which the prisoner is
convicted less the commutation allowed on definite sentences."
In May, 1909, Governor Hughes signed a retro-active law which
extends to all convicts now in prison, who, being first
offenders, have been sentenced for crimes committed prior to
September 1st, 1907.
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:
Pan-American Extradition Convention.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:
Preventive Detention in Great Britain.
The Borstal System of Discipline and Training for
Young Offenders.
An Act entitled The Prevention of Crime Act, passed by the
British Parliament in December, 1908, came into force on the
1st of August, 1909. It is described in the preamble as an
"Act to make better provision for the prevention of crime, and
for that purpose to provide for the reformation of young
offenders, and the prolonged detention of habitual criminals,
and for other purposes incidental thereto." "The principle of
‘preventive detention’ is accepted and embodied in the Act,
such detention to continue until the offender gives sufficient
assurance that he will take to an honest life, or until by age
or infirmity he becomes physically incapable of resuming a
life of crime. In no case is life imprisonment contemplated,
but when a man is convicted on indictment of a crime and is
sentenced to penal servitude, if the jury find that he is an
habitual criminal the Court may pass a further sentence. They
must first be satisfied, however, that by reason of his
criminal antecedents and his mode of life it is expedient for
the protection of the public that he should be kept in
detention for an extended period. The jury will have to be
satisfied, first that the man just convicted of an offence has
been convicted of at least three serious crimes, and,
secondly, that when convicted he was leading an habitually
dishonest life. The charge of being an habitual criminal
cannot be made except by the consent of the Director of Public
Prosecutions. The accused man will have an unqualified right
of appeal. After serving his term of penal servitude he will
be committed to a place of detention which will be a prison
specially adapted for the purposes of the Act. The prison
discipline will be less rigorous than that now prevailing,
alike as regards hours, talking, recreation, occupations, and
food.
"The Act provides that the Secretary of State [the Home
Secretary] shall once at least in every three years during
which the person is detained in custody under a sentence of
preventive detention, take into consideration the condition,
history, and circumstances of that person with a view to
determining whether he shall be placed out on license, and if
so, on what conditions. Directors of convict prisons are to
report periodically to the Secretary of State upon the conduct
and industry of persons undergoing preventive detention, and
their prospects and probable behaviour on release.
{173}
For this purpose they are to be assisted by a committee at
each prison, consisting of such members of the board of
visitors and such other persons of either sex as the Secretary
of State may from time to time appoint. Every such committee
is to hold meetings at intervals of not more than six months,
as may be prescribed, for the purpose of personally
interviewing persons undergoing preventive detention in the
prison and preparing reports for the assistance of the
directors."
The part of the Act which relates to the reformation of young
offenders provides for the establishment and regulation of
what are named "Borstal institutions." "These are places in
which young offenders may be given during their detention such
industrial training and other instruction and be subjected to
such disciplinary and moral influences as will conduce to
their reformation and the prevention of crime. The Act will
apply to persons of not less than 16 or more than 21 years of
age who may be convicted on indictment of an offence for which
they are liable to be sentenced to penal servitude or
imprisonment. In such cases … it will be lawful for the Court,
instead of passing a sentence of penal servitude or
imprisonment, to pass one of detention under penal discipline
in a Borstal institution. Such detention will not be less than
for one year or more than three years. Power is given to
detain in Borstal institutions youthful offenders sentenced to
detention in reformatory schools.
… Powers are also given to the Secretary of State to transfer
persons in certain cases from prison to Borstal institutions.
"Subject to regulations by the Secretary of State, the Prison
Commissioners may, after six months, or in the case of a
female three months, from the commencement of the term of
detention, if satisfied that there is reasonable probability
that the offender will abstain from crime and lead a useful
and industrious life, by license permit him to be discharged
from the Borstal institution, on condition that he be placed
under the supervision or authority of any society or person
named in the license who may be willing to take charge of the
case. Every person sentenced to detention in a Borstal
institution shall, on the expiration of the term of his
sentence, remain for a further period of six months under the
supervision of the Prison Commissioners."
The introduction of this system has been brought about by the
efforts of an organization which bears the name of the Borstal
Association, concerning whose experimental undertakings the
London _Times_ said, lately, in an editorial article:
"Those who have hitherto been sceptical as to effective
treatment of the criminal classes would do well to consult the
report for 1909 of the Borstal Association. They can scarcely
fail to admit that new and powerful agencies for good are at
work. The experiment, which has been more successful than its
authors anticipated, began in a small way at Bedford Prison,
and has been gradually extended. At first it was applied to
selected offenders in the metropolitan prisons between the
ages of sixteen and twenty-one who had been committed for six
months. It was soon discovered that little good could be done
with criminals under successive short sentences. This has been
rectified. … Speaking lately of the Borstal methods, the
Bishop of Wakefield said truly that the problem is how to
combine in the treatment of young criminals ‘tenderness and
strength,’ to ‘draw the line between sternness and sympathy.’
In the past the tendency was to be punctiliously severe. …
To-day the tendency, the danger, is to forget that the prison
is not a place of recreation; to dwell too much on the
hardships of its inmates; to plead a little too much for their
comforts; to ask and expect too much; to be unduly critical of
prison authorities. The advocates of the Borstal system claim
to have avoided these mistakes. ‘It is not,’ they say, ‘a
namby-pamby system; only those who accept its strong incentive
and reformative methods find it tolerable; those who do not,
entreat for removal to other prisons where less development
and improvement of their latent capacities are demanded.’ It
seeks to inure to hard work the lads subject to its
discipline; it would make them strong and fit to handle tools
intelligently; it would turn them into healthy and well set-up
men. The fact that they may quit Borstal with some proficiency
in a trade counts for much."
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:
Probation System, as established by recent legislation
in New York.
"Probation, as authorized by the laws of New York State, is a
system of discipline and correction, or, in some cases, of
moral guardianship, applied by courts to suitable offenders,
after conviction, for the purpose of improving their conduct
and circumstances without committing them to institutions. The
defendants are released conditionally on their good behavior,
under suspended sentence, and under the friendly but
authoritative supervision of a representative of the court,
known as a probation officer. The probation law contemplates
that in placing a defendant on probation certain terms and
conditions shall be imposed, and it provides that if the
probationer violate these conditions, his probation officer
may return him to court for the execution of sentence. Besides
usually requiring each probationer to report to him from time
to time, the probation officer is expected to visit the
probationer at frequent intervals and to do whatever seems
essential to improve his surroundings and habits. The
probation officer should report regularly to the court
concerning the progress of each probationer. When so directed
by the court, the probation officer also investigates cases,
particularly with reference to the history, circumstances and
character of the defendants, in order to lay before the court
facts which may be important in determining whether they
should be placed on probation.
"It is desirable to keep the distinction between probation and
parole clearly in mind. Under the New York laws the word
probation refers to the supervision of defendants who, after
conviction, are released under suspended sentence. The
suspension of sentence alone does not constitute probation;
there must also be oversight by a probation officer. The word
parole, on the other hand, is applied to two entirely
different systems. In some courts before convictions are
found, cases are adjourned from time to time and the
defendants conditionally released; and this is called parole.
There is no authority to apply the term probation to this
practice, because under the New York State laws a person
cannot be placed on probation until after conviction. Parole
is the appropriate word to use also in connection with the
conditional release of inmates from penal or reformatory
institutions before the expiration of their term of
commitment. …
{174}
"Twenty-seven hundred and fifty-four boys and girls, and 7,680
adults, making a total of 10,434 persons, were reported by
probation officers as on probation during 1908. Of these 8,762
were placed on probation during the year. On December 31,
1908, there were 2,378 persons remaining on probation. The
corresponding number for December 31, 1907, was 1,672. Three
hundred and twenty probation officers supervised probationers
during the year, which is more than double the number of
active probation officers reported in the last report of this
Commission. During 1908 the probation system was used in the
courts of 26 cities as against 16 cities reported in 1907, in
8 town and village courts in 1908 as against 1 village court
in 1907, in 23 county courts as against 11 in 1907, and, as
far as the reports of probation officers indicate, in the
Supreme Court in 6 counties as against none in 1907."
_Second Report of New York State Probation Commission,
March 15, 1909._
As amended in May, 1909, "the law creates the position of
county probation officer, and makes the services of such an
officer available not only in the county court, but also in
the Supreme Court and the courts of all towns, villages and
third-class cities within the county."
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:
The English "Probation of Offenders Act."
This Act, which became law in August, 1907, provides that,
"where any person is charged before a court of summary
jurisdiction with an offence punishable by such court, and the
court thinks that the charge is proved, but is of opinion
that, having regard to the character, antecedents, age,
health, or mental condition of the person charged, or to the
trivial nature of the offence, or to the extenuating
circumstances under which the offence was committed, it is
inexpedient to inflict any punishment or any other than a
nominal punishment, or that it is expedient to release the
offender on probation, the court may, without proceeding to
conviction, make an order either—
(i) dismissing the information or charge; or
(ii) discharging the offender conditionally on his entering
into a recognizance, with or without sureties, to be of good
behaviour and to appear for conviction and sentence when
called on at any time during such period, not exceeding three
years, as may be specified in the order."
Similarly after conviction of the offender, when a court deems
punishment inexpedient, it may, "in lieu of imposing a
sentence of imprisonment, make an order discharging the
offender conditionally on his entering into a recognizance,
with or without sureties, to be of good behaviour and to
appear for sentence when called on at any time during such
period, not exceeding three years, as may be specified in the
order;" and it may, in addition, order the offender to pay
damages for injury or compensation for loss that is consequent
on his offence.
The Act provides further that a recognizance ordered in such a
case may contain a condition that the offender shall be under
the supervision of such person as shall be named, during the
specified period of probation; that certain persons of either
sex may be appointed as probation officers,—some such, when
circumstances permit, to be specially "children’s probation
officers,"—and that salaries in the discretion of the courts
may be paid to these officers.
See (in this Volume), also,
Children, under the Law: As Offenders,
and Law and its Courts.
----------CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: End--------
CRISES, Financial, of 1903 and 1907.
See (in this Volume)
FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.
CROCKER, George:
Bequest for Cancer Research.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH: CANCER RESEARCH.
CROMER, Sir Evelyn Baring, Viscount:
Crowned King by the Sudanese.
See (in this Volume)
SUDAN, THE.
CROMER, Sir Evelyn Baring, Viscount:
What he saw on the Nile border of the Congo State.
See (in this Volume)
CONGO STATE: A. D. 1903-1905.
CROMER, Sir Evelyn Baring, Viscount:
Statement of conditions in Egypt.
See (in this Volume)
EGYPT: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY).
----------CUBA: Start--------
CUBA:
Gains to Spain from its loss.
See (in this Volume)
SPAIN: A. D. 1898-1906.
CUBA: A. D. 1901-1902.
Organization of Free Government under a Republican Constitution.
Transfer of Executive Authority from the
provisional Military Governor to the President-elect.
Official correspondence of the occasion.
Events in and relating to Cuba, after the surrender of the
island by Spain and the organization of a provisional military
government by the United States are narrated in Volume VI. of
this work, down to the adoption by the Congress of the United
States of the stipulations known as "The Platt Amendment" (see
pages 189-190 in Volume VI), which the constitutional
government for Cuba then in process of formation was asked to
agree to, in order to define the future relation of the
proposed new republic with the United States. This enactment
was approved by the President on the 2d of March, 1901, and
communicated, through the provisional Military Governor of the
island, General Leonard Wood, to the Cuban Constitutional
Convention. Doubt as to possible interpretations of the third
clause of the Platt Amendment having then arisen in the
Convention, the following despatch went from Washington to the
Military Governor April 3d:
"You are authorized to state officially that in view of the
President the intervention described in the third clause of
the Platt amendment is not synonymous with intermeddling or
interference with the affairs of the Cuban Government, but the
formal action of the United States, based upon just and
substantial grounds, for the preservation of Cuban
independence and the maintenance of a government adequate for
the protection of life, property, and individual liberty, and
adequate for discharging the obligations with respect to Cuba
imposed by the treaty of Paris on the United States."
_Elihu Root, Secretary of War._
On the 12th of June, 1901, the convention adopted an ordinance
making provisions identical with those of the Platt Amendment,
a part of the constitution of Cuba.
{175}
"On October 1, 1901, the convention performed its remaining
duty by adopting an electoral law providing for a general
election throughout the island, to be held on the 31st day of
December, 1901, to choose governors of provinces, provincial
councilors, members of the house of representatives, and
presidential and senatorial electors. The law also provided
that on the 24th day of February, 1902, the several bodies of
electors thus chosen should meet and elect a president,
vice-president and senators. The elections were to be held
under the direct supervision of a central board of scrutiny,
composed of the president of the convention and four other
members selected for that purpose. The law was promulgated by
a general order of the military governor on the 14th of
October, 1901.
"The constitution thus adopted and perfected was treated by
the United States as an acceptable basis for the formation of
the new government to which, when organized and installed, the
control of the island was to be transferred.
"In conformity to the Cuban constitution and electoral law,
elections were held by the Cuban people on the 31st of
December, 1901, and by the electoral college on the 24th of
February, 1902, when a president [T. Estrada Palma],
vice-president, senate, and house of representatives were
chosen.
"The situation at this important juncture in the affairs of
Cuba is described by Secretary Root in his annual report for
1902 as follows:
"‘The whole governmental situation in Cuba was quite
unprecedented, with its curious device of a suspended
sovereignty given up by Spain, but not in terms vested in
anybody else, and if vested remaining dormant, while a
practical working government of military occupation in time of
peace, deriving its authority from the sovereignty of another
country, claimed temporary allegiance, made and enforced laws,
and developed a political organization of the Cuban people to
take and exercise the suspended or dormant sovereignty. It was
important that in inaugurating the new government there should
be no break in the continuity of legal obligation, of rights
of property and contract, of jurisdiction, or of
administrative action. It would not do to wait for the new
government to pass laws or to create offices and appoint
administrative officers and vest them with powers, for the
instant that the new government was created the intervening
government ceased, and the period of waiting would be a period
of anarchy.
"‘It was necessary, therefore, to take such steps that the new
Government should be created as a going concern, every officer
of which should be able to go on with his part of the business
of governing under the new sovereignty without waiting for any
new authority. That everything necessary to this end should be
done, and that it should be done according to a consistent and
maintainable legal theory, caused the Department a good deal
of solicitude. It is gratifying to report that it was done,
and that the Government which, until noon of May 20, was
proceeding under the authority of the President of the United
States, went on in the afternoon of that day and has ever
since continued under the sovereignty which had been abandoned
by Spain in April, 1899, without any more break or confusion
than accompanies the inauguration of a new President in the
United States. This could not have been done without the most
perfect good understanding, mutual confidence, and sympathetic
cooperation on the part of our officers who were about to
retire, and the newly elected officers of Cuba, who were about
to take the reins of Government.’"
One of the most interesting pages in history is that which
records the peaceful withdrawal of the flag and forces of the
United States from Cuba, and the inauguration of the
Government of the Republic of Cuba. The story cannot be told
in more interesting form or manner than as it is presented in
the orders of Secretary Root and the exchange of letters
between the President of the United States, the Secretary of
War, and the President of the Republic of Cuba. These
documents in part are as follows:
"Washington, D. C., March 24, 1902.
"Brig. Gen. Leonard Wood,
_Military Governor of Cuba._
"Sir: You are authorized to provide for the inauguration, on
the 20th of May next, of the government elected by the people
of Cuba; and, upon the establishment of said government, to
leave the government and control of the island of Cuba to its
people pursuant to the provisions of the act of Congress
entitled ‘An act making appropriation for the Army for the
fiscal year ending June 30, 1902,’ approved March 2, 1901.
"Upon the transfer of government and control to the President
and Congress so elected, you will advise them that such
transfer is upon the express understanding and condition that
the new government does thereupon, and by the acceptance
thereof, pursuant to the provisions of the appendix to the
constitution of Cuba, adopted by the constitutional convention
on the 12th of June, 1901, assume and undertake all and
several the obligations assumed by the United States with
respect to Cuba by the treaty between the United States of
America and Her Majesty the Queen Regent of Spain, signed at
Paris on the 10th day of December, 1898.
"It is the purpose of the United States Government, forthwith
upon the inauguration of the new government of Cuba, to
terminate the occupancy of the island by the United States,
and to withdraw from that island the military forces now in
occupancy thereof: but for the preservation and care of the
coast defenses of the island, and to avoid leaving the island
entirely defenseless against external attack, you may leave in
the coast fortifications such small number of artillerymen as
may be necessary, for such reasonable time as may be required
to enable the new Government to organize and substitute
therefor an adequate military force of its own: by which time
it is anticipated that the naval stations referred to in the
statute and in the appendix to the constitution above cited,
will have been agreed upon, and the said artillerymen may be
transferred thereto.
"You will convene the Congress elected by the people of Cuba
in joint session at such reasonable time before the 20th of
May as shall be necessary therefor, for the purpose of
performing the duties of counting and rectifying the electoral
vote for President and Vice-President under the fifty-eighth
article of the Cuban constitution.
{176}
At the same time you will publish and certify to the people of
Cuba the instrument adopted as the constitution of Cuba by the
constitutional convention on the 21st day of February, 1901,
together with the appendix added thereto and forming a part
thereof adopted by the said convention on the 12th day of
June, 1901. It is the understanding of the Government of the
United States that the government of the island will pass to
the new President and Congress of Cuba as a going concern; all
the laws promulgated by the government of occupation
continuing in force and effect, and all the judicial and
subordinate executive and administrative officers continuing
in the lawful discharge of their present functions until
changed by the constitutional officers of the new government.
At the same moment the responsibility of the United States for
the collection and expenditure of revenues and for the proper
performance of duty by the officers and employees of the
insular government will end, and the responsibility of the new
government of Cuba therefor will commence.
"In order to avoid any embarrassment to the new President,
which might arise from his assuming executive responsibility
with subordinates whom he does not know, or in whom he has not
confidence, and to avoid any occasion for sweeping changes in
the civil-service personnel immediately after the inauguration
of the new Government, approval is given to the course which
you have already proposed of consulting the President-elect,
and substituting, before the 20th of May, wherever he shall so
desire, for the persons now holding official positions, such
persons as he may designate. This method will make it
necessary that the new President and yourself should appoint
representatives to count and certify the cash and cash
balances and the securities for deposits transferred to the
new government. The consent of the owner of the securities for
deposits to the transfer thereof you will of course obtain.
"The vouchers and accounts in the office of the Auditor and
elsewhere, relating to the receipt and disbursement of moneys
during the government of occupation, must necessarily remain
within the control, and available for the use, of this
Department. Access to these papers will, however, undoubtedly
be important to the officers of the new government in the
conduct of their business subsequent to the 20th of May. You
will accordingly appoint an agent to take possession of these
papers and retain them at such place in the island of Cuba as
may be agreed upon with the new government until they can be
removed to the United States without detriment to the current
business of the new government.
"I desire that you communicate the contents of this letter to
Mr. Palma, the President-elect, and ascertain whether the
course above described accords with his views and wishes. Very
respectfully,
ELIHU ROOT, _Secretary of War_."
On the 20th of May, 1902, the transfer of executive authority
from the American Military Governor, General Wood, to
President elect Palma was made in due form, and the following
correspondence passed between President Palma, General Wood,
President Roosevelt, and Secretary Root:
"HABANA, May 20, 1902.
"Honorable General Leonard Wood.
"Sir: As President of the Republic of Cuba, I hereby receive
the Government of the Island of Cuba which you transfer to me
in compliance with orders communicated to you by the President
of the United States, and take note that by this act the
military occupation of Cuba ceases.
"Upon accepting this transfer I declare that the Government of
the Republic assumes, as provided for in the constitution,
each and every one of the obligations concerning Cuba imposed
upon the United States by virtue of the treaty entered into on
the 10th of December, 1898, between the United States and Her
Majesty the Queen Regent of Spain.
"I understand that, as far as possible, all pecuniary
responsibilities contracted by the military government up to
this date have been paid; that $100,000, or such portion
thereof as maybe necessary, have been set aside to cover the
expenses that may be occasioned by the liquidation and
finishing up of the obligations contracted by said government,
and that there has been transferred to the Government of the
Republic the sum of $689,191.02, which constitutes the cash
balance existing to-day in favor of the State. …
"I take this solemn occasion, which marks the fulfillment of
the honored promise of the Government and people of the United
States in regard to the island of Cuba, and in which our
country is made a ruling nation, to express to you, the worthy
representative of that grand people, the immense gratitude
which the people of Cuba feel toward the American nation,
toward its illustrious President, Theodore Roosevelt, and
toward you for the efforts you have put forth for the
successful accomplishment of such a precious ideal.
T. ESTRADA PALMA."
"Habana, May 20, 1902.
"Theodore Roosevelt, _President, Washington_.
"The government of the island having been just transferred, I,
as Chief Magistrate of the Republic, faithfully interpreting
the sentiments of the whole people of Cuba, have the honor to
send you and the American people testimony of our profound
gratitude and the assurance of an enduring friendship, with
wishes and prayers to the Almighty for the welfare and
prosperity of the United States.
T. ESTRADA PALMA."
"Washington, May 20, 1902.
"President of the Republic of Cuba:
"Believe in my heartfelt congratulations upon the inauguration
of the Republic which the people of Cuba and the people of the
United States have fought and labored together to establish.
With confidence in your unselfish patriotism and courage and
in the substantial civic virtues of your people, I bid you
godspeed, and on this happy day wish for Cuba for all time
liberty and order, peace and prosperity.
ELIHU ROOT, _Secretary of War_."
"Habana, May 21, 1902.
"ELIHU ROOT, _Secretary of War_, Washington.
"I am deeply moved by your heartfelt message of congratulation
on the inauguration of the Republic of Cuba, to the birth of
which the people and the Government of the United States have
contributed with their blood and treasure. Rest assured that
the Cuban people can never forget the debt of gratitude they
owe to the great Republic, with which we will always cultivate
the closest relations of friendship and for the prosperity of
which we pray to the Almighty.
T. ESTRADA PALMA."
{177}
On the 10th of June, General Wood, at Washington, made the
following report to the Adjutant-General of the United States
Army:
"Sir: I have the honor to inform you that the Republic of Cuba
was established at 12 o’clock noon, May 20, 1902. The transfer
was made upon the lines indicated in the instructions of the
honorable the Secretary of War, and the autograph letter of
the President read to President Palma and presented to him.
President Palma responded, expressing his sincere appreciation
of the work done by the United States in Cuba, and the lasting
gratitude of himself and the people of Cuba.
"The transfer was made in the main reception hall of the
palace of the military governor. There were present the
President-elect and his cabinet, the military governor and the
officers of his staff, civil and military, the Cuban Congress,
the judiciary, officers of the British and Italian navies, the
captain and staff of the U. S. S. Brooklyn, and the consular
representatives of foreign countries. …
"I left the palace at twenty-five minutes past 12 o’clock,
accompanied by the officers of my personal and departmental
staff. We were accompanied to the capitania del puerto by
President Palma with his cabinet, the Cuban Congress, and all
others who had been present at the ceremonies. President Palma
bade us farewell at the wharf after again expressing his most
sincere and lasting good will and appreciation.
"Accompanied by my personal staff, I immediately embarked upon
the U. S. S. _Brooklyn_. The officers of the department
staff embarked on the S . S. _Moro Castle_, which sailed
at a quarter past 3. The U. S. S. _Brooklyn_ sailed at
about 3.45.
LEONARD WOOD,_ Brigadier General United States Army_."
The above account of the "Establishment of Free Government in
Cuba "is taken wholly from a narrative thus entitled, compiled
by the Bureau of Insular Affairs, United States War
Department, and published as Document Number 312, in Volume 7
of Senate Documents, 58th Congress, 2d Session.
CUBA: A. D. 1902.
Tomas Estrada Palma, the First President of the Cuban Republic.
"There was such manifest propriety in the selection of General
Estrada Palma to be the first president of the Cuban Republic
that the attempt to bring forward another candidate was
unavailing. There was no excitement at the popular election,
and the voting was light, because the result was a foregone
conclusion. The two most important men in the last struggle
for Cuban freedom were General Maximo Gomez and General
Estrada Palma. Gomez commanded the armies in the field, and
employed methods which, as we have repeatedly said, entitle
him to rank as one of the greatest of all modern commanders.
Palma was the agent of the Cuban patriots in the United
States, and he, more than any other man, is to be credited
with having kept alive the military movement in Cuba by means
of material aid and assistance sent from the outside. Most
important of all, he addressed himself with success to
bringing about that awakening of public opinion in the United
States which finally took the form of an irresistible moral
crusade on behalf of Cuban freedom. If these two men had died,
or were otherwise ineligible, Cuba would not, indeed, have
been left without trained and patriotic sons who could have
filled the presidential office with ability and success. But
since Gomez and Palma were both alive, and available in every
sense, they were the two men to whom Cuba might naturally
turn, rather than to any others, as candidates for the
presidency. The military hero is always the man to be first
considered, and Gomez for a time was the candidate whose name
was upon all lips. But he declared that he had no ambition for
political office, and in due time it appeared that Gomez was
shaping things in Cuba for the nomination of Palma. …
"Tomas Estrada Palma is sixty-six years of age. His father was
a wealthy planter in the easternmost province of Cuba, and the
son was well educated in Cuba and in Spain, and became a
lawyer, with a view not so much to the practice of his
profession as to the better management of the affairs of a
large estate. His patriotic sympathies led him to active
service in the ten years’ struggle for independence which
began in 1868 and ended in 1878, and early in that period he
became a general in the insurgent army. Toward the end of the
war, he became the president of the provisional government, a
position which at least indicated the confidence in which he
was held by the Cuban people. He was made a prisoner, taken to
Spain, at the risk of his life refused to swear allegiance,
witnessed, in consequence, the confiscation of his estates,
and some time after the final termination of the struggle
regained his personal liberty, at the loss, however, of his
Cuban property and home. When he goes to Cuba, two or three
months hence, to assume the duties and high honors of the
presidency, it will be after an absence of twenty four years.
After his release, at the end of the Ten Years War, Palma
traveled in Spanish-American countries, and settled in
Honduras, where he married the daughter of the president of
that republic and became postmaster-general. Subsequently he
came with his wife and one little child to New York, and saw
an opportunity to establish a school for young people from the
Spanish-American countries. His institute was located in the
little town of Central Valley, in Orange County, New York,
some forty miles from the metropolis. He has now lived in
Central Valley for eighteen years, and his six children, five
of whom were born there, have known no other home."
_American Review of Reviews,
February, 1902._
CUBA: A. D. 1903.
Lease of Coaling and Naval Stations to the United States.
Reciprocity with the United States.
Cession of the Isle of Pines.
In consonance with Article VII. of the so-called "Platt
Amendment," which became an Appendix to the Constitution of
the Republic of Cuba, an Agreement between the United States
and Cuba for the lease to the former, in Guantanamo and Bahia
Honda, of lands for coaling and naval stations, was signed in
February, 1903. The consequent lease was signed and
ratifications exchanged in the following July and October.
{178}
According to the terms of the Agreement "while, on the one
hand, the United States recognizes the continuance of the
ultimate sovereignty of the Republic of Cuba over the above
described areas of land and water, on the other hand the
Republic of Cuba consents that during the period of the
occupation by the United States of said areas under the terms
of this agreement the United States shall exercise complete
jurisdiction and control over and within said areas with the
right to acquire (under conditions to be hereafter agreed upon
by the two Governments) for the public purposes of the United
States any land or other property therein by purchase or by
exercise of eminent domain with full compensation to the
owners thereof." The yearly rental to be paid for the use of
the lands defined in the Agreement is $2000.
An arrangement of reciprocity between Cuba and the United
States, conceding to Cuban sugar a rebate of 20 per cent. from
the Dingley tariff rate, and giving 20 to 40 per cent. of
reduction in Cuba on American goods, was ratified by the
United States Senate in December.
A treaty ceding all claims of the United States to the Isle of
Pines was signed in December, and awaited ratification by the
Senate when the year closed.
CUBA: A. D. 1906.
Participation in Third International Conference of
American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
_American Republics._
CUBA: A. D. 1906 (August-October).
Outbreak of insurrection.
Appeal of President Palma for American intervention.
The Republic practically without a Government.
Secretary Taft, sent to the Island, establishes a
Provisional Government.
Governor Magoon.
The first report to the Government of the United States of an
outbreak of insurrection in Cuba was sent from the American
Legation at Havana on the 21st of August, 1906. Between 1000
and 1500 men were then said to be in arms in Pinar del Rio,
under Colonel Pino Guerra, "a Liberal member of the present
Congress and a veteran of the War of Independence." The
insurgents represented the political party called Liberal,
hostile to the party called Moderate which controlled the
Government and enjoyed the favor of President Palma. They
complained of unfairness in late elections and demanded a new
electoral law with a new election to be held under it. The
Government had no effective armed forces to use against them,
and some effort by business men of Havana and by "veterans" to
mediate between the parties and pacify the revolutionists were
without avail. Events, therefore, moved rapidly to the
producing of a situation in which President Palma, on the 12th
of September, asked for American intervention, and begged
"that President Roosevelt send to Havana with rapidity 2000 or
3000 men, to avoid any catastrophe in the capital." Two days
later the request was repeated with more urgency, the
Consul-General at Havana stating in a telegram to the State
Department at Washington:
"President Palma has resolved not to continue at the head of
the Government, and is ready to present his resignation, even
though the present disturbances should cease at once. The
vice-president has resolved not to accept the office. Cabinet
ministers have declared that they will previously resign.
Under these conditions it is impossible that Congress will
meet, for the lack of a proper person to convoke same to
designate a new president. The consequences will be absence of
legal power, and therefore the prevailing state of anarchy
will continue unless the United States Government will adopt
the measures necessary to avoid this danger."
The action then taken by President Roosevelt was recounted by
him in his next annual Message to Congress, as follows:
"It was evident that chaos was impending, and there was every
probability that if steps were not immediately taken by this
Government to try to restore order, the representatives of
various European nations in the island would apply to their
respective governments for armed intervention in order to
protect the lives and property of their citizens. Thanks to
the preparedness of our Navy, I was able immediately to send
enough ships to Cuba to prevent the situation from becoming
hopeless; and I furthermore dispatched to Cuba the Secretary
of War and the Assistant Secretary of State, in order that
they might grapple with the situation on the ground. All
efforts to secure an agreement between the contending
factions, by which they should themselves come to an amicable
understanding and settle upon some modus vivendi—some
provisional government of their own—failed. Finally the
President of the Republic resigned. The quorum of Congress
assembled failed by deliberate purpose of its members, so that
there was no power to act on his resignation, and the
Government came to a halt. In accordance with the so-called
Platt amendment, which was embodied in the constitution of
Cuba, I thereupon proclaimed a provisional government for the
island, the Secretary of War acting as provisional governor
until he could be replaced by Mr. Magoon, the late minister to
Panama and governor of the Canal Zone on the Isthmus; troops
were sent to support them and to relieve the Navy, the
expedition being handled with most satisfactory speed and
efficiency. The insurgent chiefs immediately agreed that their
troops should lay down their arms and disband; and the
agreement was carried out."
From an "Epitome of events attendant upon the establishment of
the Provisional Government of Cuba," published in Part 1 of
"Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the United
States," for 1906, the following is taken:
"On Saturday, September 29, 1906, a provisional government
exercising Cuban sovereignty under the authority of the
President of the United States was established, and a
proclamation was issued to the Cuban people setting forth the
causes for this action and defining the position of the United
States toward Cuba.
"Since the American commissioners understand that the Republic
of Cuba is continuous and that they are only the ad interim
executives, the various departments continue to function as
before with the assistant secretaries as acting heads, the
only officials discharged being those taken on to meet the
exigencies of the revolution.
"At the time the commissioners assumed control there were many
political prisoners in the jails throughout the island. These,
of whom several were prominent liberals who had several times
been consulted by the commissioners while on parole, were
immediately set at liberty.
"The disbanding and disarming of the rebel forces and,
incidentally, the government militia, enlisted specially for
the revolution, has been the chief concern of the provisional
government from its establishment until now. It was carried
out by a commission of American and Cuban military officers,
of which General Frederick Funston was head, and has been
practically completed.
{179}
"On the 10th instant [October] Provisional Governor Taft
issued a general amnesty proclamation to the people of Cuba,
thus indicating that quiet and peace have been restored. Save
for sporadic local disturbances, the entire country is
tranquil.
"On Tuesday, the 9th instant, Governor Magoon, who has
succeeded Mr. Taft as provisional governor, and General Bell,
who is to take command of the military forces of the United
States in the island, reached Habana, and on Saturday, the
13th, Governor Taft issued a proclamation transferring the
provisional governorship to Governor Magoon."
In his proclamation of September 29th, on taking possession of
the Government, Secretary Taft used these clear and distinct
words:
"The provisional government hereby established will be
maintained only long enough to restore order, peace, and
public confidence, by direction of and in the name of the
President of the United States, and then to hold such
elections as may be necessary to determine on those persons
upon whom the permanent government of the republic should be
devolved.
"In so far as is consistent with the nature of a provisional
government established under the authority of the United
States this will be a Cuban Government, conforming with the
constitution of Cuba. The Cuban flag will be hoisted as usual
over the government buildings of the island, all the executive
departments and provincial and municipal governments,
including that of the City of Havana, will continue to be
administered as under the Cuban Republic; the courts will
continue to administer justice, and all the laws not in their
nature inapplicable by reason of the temporary and emergent
character of the government will be in force."
CUBA: A. D. 1906-1909.
Under the Provisional American Government.
Election of a new Congress and a new President.
Restoration of the Republic.
In his Message to Congress, December, 1907, President
Roosevelt described the conditions that had prevailed in the
island for two years under the provisional government,
instituted by Secretary Taft and over which Governor Magoon
had presided, in a few words, as follows:
"Absolute quiet and prosperity have returned to the island
because of this action. We are now taking steps to provide for
elections in the island and our expectation is within the
coming year to be able to turn the island over again to a
government chosen by the people thereof. Cuba is at our doors.
It is not possible that this Nation should permit Cuba again
to sink into the condition from which we rescued it. All that
we ask of the Cuban people is that they be prosperous, that
they govern themselves so as to bring content, order and
progress to their island, the Queen of the Antilles; and our
only interference has been and will be to help them achieve
these results."
Provincial elections held in the following August went
generally in favor of the Conservative party, and that party
was accordingly expected to win the presidential election,
appointed to occur in November, 1908; but such was not the
result. Three parties were in the field, Conservatives,
Miguelistas, and Zayistas. The Miguelistas were political
followers of General José Miguel Gomez, whose middle name they
took for their party designation; the Zayistas were partisans
of Dr. Alfredo Zayas; the Conservatives were reputed to be
substantially identical with the party known as Moderates in
the politics of the First Republic. Their leader was General
Menocal. The Liberals of former contests were now divided
between Miguelistas and Zayistas. They were reunited in the
national election of November, and swept the Moderates into
the background, electing both their leaders, Gomez and Zayas,
the one to be President, the other to be Vice-President, of
the reconstituted Republic: electing, at the same time, an
effective majority in the Congress for their support.
January 28, 1909, was the day fixed for dissolving the
provisional government and reinvesting the Cubans with
political independence; but the Congress was organized and
held its initial session on the 13th. The President and
Vice-President elect were inaugurated with simple ceremonies
on the 28th. President Roosevelt, on that day, sent a message
to the President and the Congress in these words:CUBA:
"Governor Magoon will, by my direction, turn over to you on
the 28th of this month the control and government of the
island of Cuba, and he will thereupon declare the provisional
administration of the affairs of the island by the United
States to be at an end. Upon the occasion of this final act, I
desire to reiterate to you the sincere friendship and good
wishes of the United States and our most earnest hopes for the
stability and success of your government. Our fondest hope is
that you may enjoy the blessing of peace, prosperity, justice,
and orderly liberty, and that the friendship which has existed
between the republic of the United States and the republic of
Cuba, may continue for all time to come."
Governor Magoon, in his brief address, surrendering the reins
of government to President Gomez, said, in part:
"It is the understanding of the United States, and it now
declares that all the executive and legislative decrees and
rulings of the provisional government now in force shall
continue in force and effect until such time as the same shall
be legally revoked by Cuba.
"All money obligations of the provisional government down to
this date have been paid as far as practicable. Such claims
and obligations, however, as may remain unpaid are to be
regarded as claims and obligations of Cuba, and the United
States understands that these claims and obligations will be
so treated."
President Gomez replied:
"We receive from you the government of Cuba which you turn
over to us in compliance with the instructions of the
President of the United States. All acquired rights shall be
respected in harmony with the principles of international law,
the principles of our constitution and the provisions of the
appendix of the constitution. The constitution shall be upheld
in all its integrity because our chief concern will be to
preserve it inviolate.
{180}
"We are indebted to your nation for its generous aid in the
maintenance of our institutions and the cordial relations
existing will never grow less through any act of ours. Once
again we are masters of our fate and there is not a Cuban
heart but swears to maintain for all time the newly-acquired
integrity of the nation, and who does not at the same time
feel the profoundest gratitude towards those who, after
governing them, have faithfully performed their agreement and
now leave us in the full enjoyment of our sovereignty."
According to newspaper reports, however, the popular feeling
was somewhat different from the sentiment expressed by
President Gomez, if the coldness with which the Cuban crowd of
that day watched the departure of Governor Magoon and his
associates could be taken for a sign. They sailed for home
immediately, on the new battleship Maine. About 3000 American
troops remained on the island, under command of Major-General
Thomas L. Barry, until the 1st of April following. On the
departure of these, President Gomez said to General Barry:
"It is pleasing to me to acknowledge the great aptitudes and
qualities of the Army of Pacification under your command,
which has brought to a happy conclusion its honorable mission
of watching over our country in the difficult days, now
happily past, and in maintaining and reaffirming the most
friendly relations with our people, in whose name I assure you
your efforts have been crowned with the most flattering
success. I pray you, general, to express to your valiant
soldiers the extreme gratitude and admiration which the
government and the people of Cuba have for them."
Of President Gomez the following account was given at the time
of his inauguration by the New York _Evening Post_:
"Major-General Jose Miguel Gomez, the first President of the
new Cuban Republic, is fifty-three years of age, and a native
of Santa Clara province, where he has always enjoyed
extraordinary popularity and influence. He participated in two
Cuban revolutions against Spain, in the first of which he
reached the rank of major and in the second that of
major-general. He was selected as Governor of Santa Clara
province by the government of intervention, and when his term
expired he was elected Governor.
"In May, 1905, the general was nominated for the Presidency by
the National Liberal Convention, but resigned his candidacy
four months later, giving as the reason for this action that
it was impossible to continue the campaign within the bounds
of the law, and laying part of the blame on the United States,
owing to the Platt amendment. An uprising in Cuba followed,
which ended with the deposition of President Palma and the
intervention of the United States.
"In August, 1906, General Gomez was arrested, charged with
conspiring against the Administration of the late President
Palma, but he denied the allegation, and was released from
custody after a month’s imprisonment. In December of the same
year Governor Magoon appointed him secretary of a commission
to revise the laws of Cuba. These included the drafting of an
electoral law, new provincial and municipal laws, a law
defining the organization and functions of the judiciary, a
civil service law, and also laws on such other subjects as may
be referred to it by the provisional Governor."
CUBA: A. D. 1907.
Population.
Remarkable increase in eight years.
"The population of Cuba on September 30, 1907, was 2,048,980;
at the census next preceding, taken under the American
administration in 1899, at the close of the Spanish-American
War, the population was 1,572,797. The rate of increase in
these eight years is not less than 30 per cent. or at the rate
of 39 per cent per decade. This is a very rapid rate of
increase—greater than that of any other country with which I
am acquainted. This increase has not been brought about by
immigration, for in the eight years the net immigration (that
is, the excess of arrivals over departures) numbered only
75,000, and the element of foreign birth increased from 11 per
cent to 11.2 per cent only, but it has been brought about
almost entirely by the excess of births over deaths. … One
peculiar phenomenon of this increase is that the rural
population has gained much more rapidly than has the urban—a
condition which rarely exists, as in nearly every country in
the world the drift of population is toward the cities. The
urban population, including all places of 1,000 inhabitants
and over, was 43.9 per cent of the total population. In 1899
it was 47.1 per cent. If the urban population be limited to
towns of 8,000 inhabitants, the proportion was 30.3 per cent.
The chief cities are Habana, with 297,159 inhabitants, or
about one-seventh of the population of Cuba; Santiago de Cuba,
45,470; Matanzas, 36,009; Cienfuegos, 30,100; and Camaguey,
29,616. The number of inhabitants per square mile in the
island as a whole was 46.5, or about the same as in Missouri,
Virginia, or South Carolina. The foreign-born population
formed 11.2 per cent of the total. Of this element four-fifths
were born in Spain and less than three per cent in the United
States; Chinese and Africans were more numerous than United
States people. …
"As to color, about seven-tenths of the population were white,
the remaining three-tenths being colored, including negroes,
mixed, and a few thousand Chinese. As in the United States,
the colored element is increasing less rapidly than is the
white population."
_Henry Gannett,
National Geographic Magazine,
February, 1909._
As reported from Washington, nearly 57 per cent, of the
population of Cuba, at least ten years of age, can read, the
percentage in the large cities being 82.6 and in the rest of
the island 47.9 according to figures obtained in the census
recently taken. This census shows that in 1907 almost
one-third of the children were attending school, as compared
with less than one-sixth in 1899.
See also (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: CUBA.
CUBA: A. D. 1907 (April).
Decision of Supreme Court of the United States respecting
the Isle of Pines.
A decision by the Supreme Court of the United States, rendered
on the 8th of April, 1907, determined that the Isle of Pines
is foreign territory, in the view of the United States customs
laws, and, inferentially, that the United States has
practically no title to the island.
CUBA: A. D. 1909 (June).
Ill conditions along with material prosperity.
"What may prove to be the largest sugar crop in Cuba’s
history—certainly it is the most profitable she has harvested
in many along year—is almost in. It is estimated at a million
and a half tons. It has obtained the very satisfactory average
price of 4 5/8 reales, reckoning from January 1 to date. …
Ordinarily, this condition of affairs as regards her biggest
crop would be equivalent to the best of times for Cuba,
especially since last year also was a good year for sugar men,
and this year the tobacco crop, too, is fair in quantity and
quality and going at satisfactory prices. But, so
extraordinary is the present situation, times were never
harder in all the history of this island than they are to-day,
material evidences of prosperity to the contrary
notwithstanding.
{181}
"Yet values have not dropped. This is no panic. It is merely a
standing still—a waiting for something to happen. Just what it
is that is due to occur nobody will say. Asked what he is
afraid of, the Spaniard, who is the business man of Cuba,
shrugs his shoulders and shifts his eyes; pressed for a reply,
he answers enigmatically: ‘There is no confidence.’ The
feeling grows that the present government will be forced into
the hands of a receiver, like any other bankrupt concern,
before even its liveliest opponents can organize to end it
more heroically. …
"In 1906, when Cuba’s customs receipts, which are almost her
sole source of revenue, were at their maximum, her budget
stood at $17,915,013.25. In 1909, weakened as she is, she is
burdened with a budget of $33,825,448.53—President Gomez’s
estimate of expenditure necessary in the first fiscal year of
his Administration! In other words, while collections have
fallen off, the governmental expenditures they must cover have
increased 100 per cent."
_Havana Correspondent,
New York Evening Post,
June 19, 1909._
"The Senate and House abruptly adjourned this evening. This
was the final day of the regular session of Congress, but no
definite action was taken on the question of the approval of
the budget. … The House yesterday approved the budget in its
entirety, and it was expected that the Senate would approve it
to-day. The latter body, however, after devoting much time to
a bill legalizing cockfighting, which was passed, made sundry
minor modifications in the budget, sending it again to the
House, in the apparent expectation that the modifications
would be accepted by the House, which, in the meantime, had
adjourned. The adjournment of the House was not known until
after the Senate had also adjourned."
_Havana Telegram to Associated Press,
June 30, 1909._
"Owing to the failure of the Cuban Senate to pass the budget,
President Gomez, early this morning, issued a decree making
effective Governor Magoon’s budget of 1908-1909 amounting to
$24,285,000. The deficiency to cover the cost of the army and
other increased expenses of the republic, amounting to nearly
$10,000,000, will be supplied by Presidential decree. This
will practically repeat the conditions of the last year of the
Palma regime, when, in default of a budget, the decrees to
this same end issued by President Palma were declared to
violate the Constitution, and precipitated the revolution of
August, 1906."
_Havana Telegram,
July, 1._
----------CUBA: End--------
CUNARD COMPANY:
Agreements with the British Government.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: INTERNATIONAL.
"CURB MARKET," The, of New York:
Report on its operations.
See (in this Volume)
FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES. A. D. 1909.
CURIA, New Apostolic Constitution of the Roman.
See (in this Volume)
PAPACY: A. D. 1908.
CURIE, Marie Sklodovska.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
CURIE, Pierre.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
CURIE, Professor and Madame:
Their discovery of Radium.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE, RECENT: RADIUM; also, PHYSICAL.
CURRENCY.
See (in this Volume)
FINANCE AND TRADE.
CURRY, J. L. M.:
Originator of the Annual Conferences for Education in the South.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1898-1909.
CURTIS, Glenn H.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.
CURZON, George N., Lord:
Partition of Bengal.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1905-1909.
CURZON, George N., Lord:
Resignation of Viceroyalty of India.
See INDIA: A. D. 1905 (AUGUST).
CURZON-WYLLIE, Sir, Assassination of.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1909 (JULY).
CUSTOMS ADMINISTRATION:
Proposals of the Conference of American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
CUSTOMS COURT OF APPEALS, UNITED STATES:
See (in this Volume)
TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.
CUSTOMS SERVICE, United States:
Corruptions disclosed.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).
CUSTOMS UNION, Serbo-Bulgarian.
See (in this Volume)
BALKAN STATES: BULGARIA AND SERVIA: A. D. 1905.
CZECHS:
Struggle with Austrian Germans over the language question.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903, and 1904.
CZOLGOSZ, Leon:
Assassin of President McKinley.
See (in this Volume)
BUFFALO: A. D. 1901.
D.
DAIDO CLUB.
See (in this Volume)
Japan: A. D. 1909.
DALGETY:
Rejected Site for Australian Capital.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906.
DALNY:
Russian Evacuation.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and
1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).
When Dalny, by the Treaty of Portsmouth, became the property
of Japan its name was changed to Tairen.
DAMASCUS:
Railway to Mecca.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: TURKEY, ASIATIC: A. D. 1908.
DARWIN, Charles:
Centenary Commemoration of.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION: ANNIVERSARY CELEBRATIONS.
DARWINISM, Bearing of Mendel’s Law on.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: BIOLOGICAL.
DAVENPORT, Dr. Charles B.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.
{182}
DAVIS, General George B.:
Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.
DAVIS, Henry G.:
Delegate to Second International Conference of
American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
DAVIS, Jefferson:
Unveiling of Monument to.
See (in this Volume)
RICHMOND, VIRGINIA.
DAYANAND SARASWATI.
See (in this Volume)
ARYA SAMAJ.
DAYLIGHT SAVING MOVEMENT.
What is known as the Daylight Saving Movement, which has
acquired much strength in England and has gained some favor in
the United States and elsewhere, is said to have been first
mooted by a builder in London, Mr. Willet, who suggested the
possibility of securing a most important general advantage to
the whole community by establishing a legal difference between
summer and winter in the numbering of the hours. The
proposition is to retain the standard clock time for all the
year except between a given date in April and a given date in
September, within which period the clocks shall be set forward
one hour, making six o’clock in the morning, for example,
become seven.
At first the proposition excited little but laughter; but the
more it has been considered the more advocacy it has won. A
bill to realize it has been twice before Parliament, failing
to be passed, but gaining votes. The main difficulty is to
make people see why there should be legislation on the
subject; why those who wish to begin the labors of the day an
hour earlier in the summer than in the winter may not do so
without any meddling of law with the clocks. The reasons why
were set forth very clearly in one of the debates of
Parliament on the subject. Said one speaker: "The Bill was
intended to benefit town dwellers. Two-thirds, if not
three-fourths, of the population dwelt in towns, and it was
these who suffered from failure to take advantage of the
summer daylight. It had been asked why it was necessary, in
order to induce town populations to follow the example of
agriculturists, to proceed by way of legislation. The answer
was simple. There were 140 statutes in which various phases of
town life were regulated by the clock, and if they desired
those who lived in towns to take advantage of the summer
daylight by beginning work earlier in the morning, it was
surely easier to accomplish that end by passing a general Act
of this kind than by bringing in Bills to amend each of the
statutes in which particular hours were specified."
As another (Mr. Winston Churchill) explained: "It was quite
impossible for an individual to make alterations in the hours
at which he discharged particular duties, while every one else
remained unchanged, without subjecting himself to a great deal
of inconvenience, and the fact that particular firms had
already adopted this early rising system, in spite of the
enormous inconvenience which attended all alterations from the
regular habits of the community as a whole, was not, as the
honourable member for Rye suggested, an argument against the
necessity of the Bill. It was, in his judgment, very good
evidence of the real, natural pressure that there was behind a
measure of this character. If all the world were to change
clock time together, no one would be conscious that that
change had occurred, except at the moment of change. But where
a change of clock time came into contact with unchanged times,
as in the case of the American markets or of the Continental
mails and trains, there, undoubtedly, they would get friction
and discordance. He was, however, not at all sure that that
friction and discordance bore any sensible proportion to the
interests which might be beneficially affected or that that
friction and discordance could not be adjusted without any
very serious inconvenience. But whether that was so or not, he
was quite clear that any such change as this must be made by
legislation, or it could not be made at all."
DEAKIN, Alfred:
Premier of Australia.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904, and after.
DEAKIN, Alfred:
At the Imperial Conference of 1907.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.
DEAKIN, Alfred:
Defeat and resignation in 1908.
Recovery of the Premiership in 1909.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1908, and 1909 (MAY-JUNE).
DEATH DUTY, or Inheritance Tax.
Defeated proposal in Germany.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.
DEATH DUTIES:
Treaty between Great Britain and France, to prevent frauds in
connection with Succession or Death Duties.
The following Treaty between the Governments of Great Britain
and France was signed November 15, 1907, and ratified
December 9:
"The Government of His Britannic Majesty and the Government of
the French Republic, being desirous of preventing as far as
possible frauds in connection with succession duties, have
authorized the Undersigned to conclude the following
Agreement:—
"ARTICLE 1.
The Government of His Britannic Majesty undertake, in the case
of the decease of all persons domiciled in France, to furnish
an extract from the affidavit, containing the full name,
domicile, date and place of death of the deceased; all
information relating to his successors, and the details
respecting that portion of the estate which is moveable. This
extract shall be furnished, however, only in cases where the
value of the moveable estate shall amount to a sum of not less
than £100.
"ARTICLE 2.
The Government of the French Republic undertake, in the case
of the decease of all persons domiciled in the United Kingdom
of Great Britain and Ireland, to furnish an extract from the
_déclaration de mutation_ through death, containing the
particulars enumerated in Article 1. This extract shall be
furnished, however, only in cases where the value of the
moveable estate declared shall amount to a sum of not less
than 2,520 fr.
"ARTICLE 3.
The extracts from affidavits or _déclarations de
mutation_ shall be certified by the officers intrusted with
the duty of receiving or registering these affidavits or
declarations.
"In the event, however, of either of the two Governments
deeming it necessary, the certifying and authentication of the
signatures, as required according to the procedure customary
in that country, shall, upon request and without fee, be
affixed to these extracts.
"ARTICLE 4.
The extracts from affidavits or declarations received or
registered during each quarter shall be forwarded directly,
within a period of six weeks from the last day of the quarter,
by the Board of Inland Revenue to the Direction Générate de
l’Enregistrement, and reciprocally.
"All correspondence respecting the said extracts shall also be
conducted directly between those two Central Administrations."
{183}
DEATH STATISTICS:
Fatal Accidents to Workmen in the United States.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR PROTECTION.
DEBTS, Public:
Compulsory collection.
See (in this Volume)
DRAGO DOCTRINE.
DEBS, Eugene V.:
Nomination for President of the United States.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER),
and 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).
DEEP WATERWAYS, Movement for.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.
DE LAVAL, Gustave Patrick.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: TURBINE ENGINE.
DELAGRANGE, M.
See (in this Volume)
Science and Invention, Recent: Aeronautics.
DELBRUCK, Herr.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.
DELCASSÉ, THÉOPHILE:
French Minister of Foreign Affairs.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (APRIL-OCTOBER).
DELCASSÉ, THÉOPHILE:
Resignation forced by the German Government.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.
DELCASSÉ, THÉOPHILE:
Controversy with M. Clemenceau in the Chamber of Deputies
which threw the latter out of office.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (JULY).
DELHI: A. D. 1903.
Great Durbar.
See (in this Volume).
INDIA: A. D. 1903 (JANUARY).
DELYANNIS, Theodoros:
Assassination.
See (in this Volume)
GREECE: A. D. 1905.
DEMOCRACY, Political:
Involved in the South African Labor Question.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903-1904.
DEMOCRACY, Political:
Triumphant in Denmark.
See (in this Volume)
DENMARK: A. D. 1901.
DEMOCRATAS, The. See (in this Volume)
DEMOCRISTIANA.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: ITALY.
----------DENMARK: Start--------
DENMARK: A. D. 1909.
Democracy in Power after a thirty-years’ struggle with
Landlordism.
Landlordism in Denmark, entrenched in the upper house of the
Parliament, was dislodged from the control of Government by
the Democratic party, in the elections of April, 1901, after a
struggle of thirty years. A Danish correspondent of _The
American Review of Reviews_ gave a spirited account of the
victory to that magazine in the following October, from which
the following is taken:
"At the elections of April, 1901, out of 114 members in the
lower house only 5 were won by the Conservatives, with small
majorities, and even the strong Conservative majority in the
upper house was reduced to one vote through the rebellion of
the Conservatives. The Danes are now a thoroughly radical and
democratic people, with a more perfect system of
self-government in politics and business than perhaps any
other nation. The population has increased so much that it is
now as large as the whole population of the kingdom and
duchies before 1864. After England, it is also the richest
country in the world per head of the population, and the
excellence of its educational system is matter of common
knowledge. Denmark, therefore, enters the new century steaming
full speed ahead, and with the best hopes for the future.
"The victory of April 3 last was as complete over the
Moderates as over the Government. Before the poll the
Moderates were twenty-two strong, but Mr. Bojesen, the evil
genius of the democracy, withdrew his candidature and retired
into private life, while several of his supposed adherents
declared during the campaign that, if reelected, they would
join the Radicals. Mr. Bojesen’s constituency, which he had
represented since 1869, was taken by the Radicals, and the
Moderates, now reduced to twelve or thirteen—of whom about
half will join the Radicals if allowed—have lost all their
former importance. The premier and minister of justice is M.
Deuntzer, professor of law at the university, an old Radical
who in 1885 publicly opposed the government. The minister of
agriculture is Mons. Ole Hansen. He is a common farmer from a
village in Seeland, owner of a farm of about one hundred
acres; M. P. since 1890. … The law officer of the crown is
Mons. Alberti, who is a leader of many cooperative
undertakings of the peasantry; M. P. since 1892.
"Mr. Jens Christian Christensen is the most important member
of the new cabinet. He was born in West Jutland, in 1856, the
son of a farmer, and earned his living when a boy as a
shepherd. He passed the examination for village schoolmaster
in Jutland, and taught till recently in the little village of
Stadil, in West Jutland. In 1890 he was returned for
Parliament, and in 1895 became leader of the opposition. Of
late years, the Conservative Government being so utterly weak,
he practically ruled the country in his capacity of president
of the finance committee of the Folkething. A few months ago
he resigned his post as schoolmaster, succeeded in being
elected a ‘revisor of the state,’ and is now minister of
religion and education. After Mr. Christensen, Mr. Harup is
considered the greatest triumph for the Democrats. Born in
1841, the son of a schoolmaster in an Iceland village, he
became a law student, taking his degree in 1867 at the
university. … He is one of the most brilliant and best known
of Danish journalists—the most brilliant, according to George
Brandes."
DENMARK: A. D. 1902.
Proposed sale of Danish West Indies to the United States.
Negotiations for the sale of the Danish islands in the West
Indies to the United States were brought to a point of
agreement between the two governments which the Danish
Ministry submitted to the two chambers of the Rigsdag. The
Folkething—the popular branch of the parliament—assented to
the sale, while the other chamber, the Landsthing, rejected
the proposed terms. The Rigsdag was then, in May, 1902,
prorogued, and assembled again in the following October.
Meantime an election of one half of the membership of the
Landsthing had taken place, and the Conservatives had lost
ground in it; notwithstanding which fact the proposition was
defeated in that body again, and the projected sale came to
naught.
{184}
DENMARK: A. D. 1905-1909.
The Fortification and Naval-Defense Question
in Danish Politics.
"That Germany within recent times has paid considerably more
than passing attention to the defense plans of Denmark has not
escaped the Danes, whose military astuteness is proverbial. At
the instigation of the Kaiser himself, Lieutenant Colonel R.
von Bieberstein inspected the quite openly exposed
fortifications of Copenhagen, and what he has written
regarding the vulnerability, or otherwise, of the Danish
capital has been taken to heart in Denmark’s military circles.
Beyond a doubt, Denmark to-day is much more favorably situated
than when Prussia despoiled the country of Schleswig-Holstein,
and while little apprehension exists on the score of Germany
again attacking her northern neighbor, should a war break out
between England and the German Empire it might prove
impossible for either belligerent to keep Danish territory
inviolate. Denmark’s neutrality would be thrown to the winds
where the fate of empires would be at stake. Still, in her
defense of such neutrality, Denmark would gain time sufficient
to make any trespasser pause before advancing. Meanwhile, the
Scandinavian allies of the Danes would be enabled to assert
themselves effectively.
"Following the recent Danish cabinet crisis, when the
portfolios of war and navy were given into the hands of a
civilian, J. C. Christensen, the former minister for
instruction of the Deuntzer _Régime_, a special defense
commission has had under consideration ways and means best
suited for the protection of the country. … The Danish Defense
Commission is far from being unanimous as to what is the best
plan making for a complete protection of the capital. The
majority of the members are for the abandoning of the land
defenses and the strengthening of Seeland’s coast line by
adding more forts and introducing a mining system covering all
the adjacent waters. The minority of the commission, however,
and the leading military experts of the country are for the
retention of the present land fortifications, in order that
the capital may be securely protected against an enemy
invading Seeland from the north or the west. The very
circumstance that Seeland’s coast line in its entirety does
not lend itself to a complete protection through either forts,
mines, or torpedo equipment speaks favorably for the claim of
the Danish military experts in their assertion that, apart
from what is done toward protecting Copenhagen from the sea,
the land fortifications must be retained. Nearly one hundred
million kroner have been expended on the land defenses, which
sum it would be extremely difficult to raise a second time
were it a question of abandoning the forts for the present and
removing the guns, and in after years restoring them to
serviceable condition."
_Julius Moritzen,
Denmark, the Buffer State of the North
(American Review of Reviews, September, 1905)._
Since the above was written the question of defense, between
land fortification and naval development, has not only been
the burning one in Danish politics, but has excited much
interest in Europe at large. Politically, the controversy was
curiously altered in February, 1909, by a sudden change of
front on the part of the Premier, M. Neergaard, of which the
Copenhagen correspondent of the London Times gave the
following account:
"The Premier, who represents the majority in the House,
declared that he had changed his opinion and now shared the
views of the small group of the Right on a question which is
the most urgent of the day—namely, that of national defence,
or, to speak precisely, how Denmark can be placed in a
position effectively to maintain her neutrality if threatened
by any Power. He adopted the opinion that Copenhagen must be
fortified on the land side as well as on that of the sea, and
that Denmark, in view of her difficult strategical situation,
should avoid showing any favour to Russia, Germany, or Great
Britain. The surprise which the Premier’s speech caused in all
political circles was unbounded. M. Neergaard had kept the
secret of his scheme so well that only a few persons knew that
the Premier might enter into negotiations with the Right,
which has its main support in the Upper House. That he would
go so far as to adopt the Conservative view was wholly
unexpected.
"The Defence Committee, which had been sitting for seven
years, issued a report which contained no very clear
recommendations. But M. Neergaard, who is, by the way, himself
no soldier, working in conjunction with the Danish general
staff upon the material which the committee had collected,
drew up a scheme of Danish defence, based upon practical views
and considerations of international law, but almost the direct
contrary of the proposals which his own party, the Left, had
adopted only one year ago. And this position was taken up so
definitely that at the general election in May the people will
have to decide definitely for or against the Premier. It is
evident that M. Neergaard himself must be aware that his
action will split up his party, the allied Centre groups in
the Folkething, that some members will go over to the Right,
and that others will approach the Radicals and Socialists. The
comments of the Government Press already clearly show this.
"For land and sea fortifications, the construction of 20
torpedo-boats and six submarines, improvements in the system
of mines, &c., the sum of 42,200,000 kr. (£2,344,444) is
demanded immediately, while an annual increase in the military
budgets of about 3,327,000 kr. (£184,833) is also proposed.
This is a large amount of money for a small country with but
2,600,000 inhabitants; but, as is well known, the country is
in a strong financial position—exceptionally strong, in the
opinion of some observers."
In May, as the elections approached, the same correspondent
wrote: "All parties unite in the view that Denmark must adhere
to a policy of the strictest neutrality. But while the
Conservatives urge that this policy must be observed by a
system of fortifications, strong enough to show that Denmark
is ready to defend her neutrality if she is threatened, the
Socialists preach the gospel of disarmament as a step towards
eternal peace, and urge furthermore that Denmark is too weak
and small to organize any real defence, and must therefore
rely upon the generosity of her stronger neighbours.
"In addition to the two main parties there are a number of
political groups which are destined to play an important part
in the elections and may in fact decide their issue. These
groups consist of the Moderate Left, the Reform Left, and the
Radical Left. The Moderate Left, the party of the present
Premier, Mr. N. Neergaard, has, however, already adopted the
policy of the Conservatives and needs little more than
mention. The Reform Left, the party of the former Premier, Mr.
F. C. Christensen, numbered until a few months ago 56, or nearly
one half of the Folkething, which has 114 members. Now it has
been split up on the defence question. Of its members 14 agree
with Mr. Neergaard and the Conservatives, and 33 are
reorganized under the leadership of Mr. Christensen, who wants
Copenhagen fortified, but not on the lines of the Neergaard
scheme with its new land fortifications."
{185}
The elections were held on the 25th of May and the following
was reported next morning to the press:
"The election campaign has been heated. The returns up to the
present show that the ministerials have elected 38 adherents,
M. Christensen’s party 34, the parties of the Socialists and
the Radicals, which opposed fortifications, 39, and that
eleven are doubtful. The ministers of finance, justice and
commerce have been unseated. Premier Neergaard and the other
ministers have been re-elected."
An extraordinary session of the new Parliament was summoned by
the King on the 9th of September. Premier Neergaard lacked a
majority in the Folkething, and failed to arrange an agreement
with ex-Premier Christensen on the defence question. He and
his Ministry resigned office, accordingly, in a few weeks, and
a new Cabinet was formed under Count Holstein-Ledreborg, in
which M. Christensen was included as Minister of Defence. The
appointment of the latter was offensive to a large part of the
public, which held him responsible for gross frauds in the
public service, committed by a former Minister of Justice, M.
Alberti. An immense popular demonstration against the
obnoxious Minister of Defence was carried out at Copenhagen on
August 29th; but he stayed in office some weeks longer, until
a scheme of defence had been agreed upon between ex-Premier
Neergaard and himself, and carried through Parliament,
September 24th. The scheme provides for strong sea
fortifications for Copenhagen, while the land defences of the
eighties will be maintained and somewhat strengthened by two
new forts, which are, however, officially characterized as sea
forts.
Three weeks after the passage of the Defence Act M.
Christensen resigned, and was followed out of office by the
whole Holstein-Ledreborg Ministry before the end of October.
For the first time in Denmark a Radical Ministry was then
formed, under M. Zahle.
DENMARK: A. D. 1906.
Death of King Christian IX.
Succession of Frederick VIII.
Gains by Social Democrats in the elections of the spring.
Visit from the Icelandic Parliament.
On the 29th of January, 1906, King Christian IX. died, at the
age of eighty-eight. He was succeeded by his son, Frederick
VIII., who is said to have inherited his father’s character
and ability in a marked degree. He had already reached the age
of sixty-three when he came to the throne. When his accession
was proclaimed he spoke from the balcony of the palace at
Copenhagen to the multitude of people assembled in these
words:
"Our old King, my dearly beloved father, has closed his eyes.
He fell asleep peacefully and calmly, having faithfully
discharged his royal duties to the last. In taking over the
heavy heritage placed on my shoulders, I cherish the confident
hope, and offer a sincere prayer, that the Almighty may grant
me strength and happiness to carry on the government in the
spirit of my dearly beloved father, and that I may have the
good fortune to reach an understanding with the people and
their chosen representatives on all that tends to the good of
the people and the happiness of our beloved fatherland. Let us
join in the cry, ‘Long live the fatherland!'"
At a general election for the Folkething, the lower house of
the Danish Rigsdag, in May, the Social Democrats made heavy
gains, raising their representation in the chamber from
sixteen to twenty-four. The Government party, known as the
Left Reform party, lost three seats, the Moderate Left lost
three, and the Radical Left lost four. The Conservatives
gained two seats. Later, when half of the elective part of the
upper house was chosen, the Social Democrats made gains there,
too, of three seats, and the Government lost five.
In September, on the invitation of King Frederick, the members
of the Icelandic Parliament visited Denmark, and their
entertainment was an interesting event.
See (in this Volume)
ICELAND.
DENMARK: A. D. 1908.
Municipal Suffrage extended to Women.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.
DENMARK: A. D. 1908.
North Sea and Baltic agreements.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1908.
DENMARK: A. D. 1908 (April).
Treaty with England, France, Germany, the Netherlands, and
Sweden, for maintenance of the Status Quo on the North Sea.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908
DENMARK: A. D. 1909 (June).
Murder of General Beckman.
In June, 1909, during a visit of the Tsar of Russia to the
Danish Court, at Copenhagen, a Swedish anarchist, Adolf Vang,
who had planned an attempt at the murder of the Russian
sovereign, and was enraged on being baffled by the police,
fired at two officers whom he met, provoked by nothing but
their uniforms, and slew one, General Beckman.
----------DENMARK: End--------
DENVER, Colorado:
The Juvenile Court of Judge Lindsey.
See (in this Volume)
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.
DEPEW, Chauncey M.:
United States Senator from New York.
Annual retainers from the Equitable Life Assurance Society.
See (in this Volume)
INSURANCE, LIFE.
DES MOINES CHARTER, The.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: GALVESTON.
DEUNTZER, M.:
Premier of Denmark.
See (in this Volume)
DENMARK: A. D. 1901.
DE VRIES, Dr. Hugo:
His biological discoveries.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.
DEVELOPMENT AND ROAD IMPROVEMENT FUNDS ACT.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: GREAT BRITAIN.
DIAMOND FIELDS:
In German Southwest Africa.
See (in this Volume)
AFRICA: GERMAN COLONIES.
DIAZ, Porfirio:
The President of Mexico enters his seventh term.
See (in this Volume)
MEXICO: A. D. 1904-1905.
DIAZ, Porfirio:
Meeting with President Taft.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER).
DICKINSON, James M.:
Secretary of War.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).
DIRECT PRIMARY.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES.
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA: A. D. 1908.
Enactment against Race-track Gambling.
See (in this Volume)
GAMBLING.
{186}
DOGGER BANK INCIDENT, of the voyage of the Russian Baltic Fleet.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).
DOMINICAN REPUBLIC.
See (in this Volume)
_San Domingo._
DOMINICANS:
Forbidden to teach in France.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1903.
DORE, Père Le.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.
DOUGLAS, A. Akers:
Home Secretary in the British Government.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JULY).
DOUGLAS, Dr.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: OPSONINS.
DOWAGER-EMPRESS, of China:
Her death.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).
DRAGA, Queen:
Assassination.
See (in this Volume)
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.
DRAGO DOCTRINE, The.
So named from Dr. Luis Drago, Argentine Minister of Foreign
Relations, who rallied the South American Republics to the
support of it at the Rio de Janeiro Pan-American Conference
and at the Second Peace Conference at The Hague.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS: THIRD INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE; and
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907 (SECOND CONVENTION).
DREADNOUGHTS.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.
DREIBUND.
See TRIPLE ALLIANCE.
DREYFUS, Alfred:
Justice and reparation of the great wrong done him.
His reinstatement in the Army.
His decoration as a Chevalier of the Legion of Honor.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1906.
DRUDE, General:
Operations in Morocco.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.
DRY FARMING.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION: AGRICULTURE.
DRYGALSKI, Dr.:
Commanding Antarctic Expedition.
See (in this Volume)
POLAR EXPLORATION.
DU BOIS, PROFESSOR W. E. BURGHARDT.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES.
DUCOMMUM, ELIE.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
DUFF, Grant:
British Minister to Persia:
See (in this Volume)
Persia: A. D. 1905-1907.
DUMA, Russia:
The First and Second.
Their dissolution.
Election of the Third.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 and 1907.
DUNANT, Henri.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES
DURBAR AT DELHI.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1903 (JANUARY).
DURHAM, Israel W.:
Political "Boss" of Philadelphia.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
DWIGHT, James H. and William B.:
Founders of Robert College.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: TURKEY.
E.
EAGLE’S NEST FORT, CAPTURE OF.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).
----------EARTHQUAKES: Start--------
EARTHQUAKES: CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1906.
Consequent destructive fire at San Francisco and great distress.
See (in this Volume)
SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1906.
EARTHQUAKES: CHILE: A. D. 1906.
Destructiveness of life and property at Valparaiso.
One of the most destructive of the many appalling earthquake
shocks of the past decade was experienced in Chile on the 16th
of August, 1906. It was widely felt, even to the distant
Hawaiian Islands; but its most deadly effects were
concentrated on the unfortunate city of Valparaiso. The wreck
of buildings in the city was followed, as in San Francisco, by
fires, which the disabled inhabitants were almost powerless to
combat. The total loss of life, there and elsewhere, was
estimated finally, when all was known that could be known, at
2000. The homeless for a time were substantially the whole
population of the city. Relief was sent to the afflicted city
and country from all parts of the world.
The prediction of another earthquake on the Pacific coast of
America within some short time had been made by Dr. Becker, of
the United States Geological Survey, in a letter to the New
York _Tribune_ written the day after the shock at San
Francisco. Such a severe upheaval at one point on the
earthquake belt which follows the rim of the Pacific from
Singapore, through Japan, the Aleutian Islands, the coast of
Alaska, California, and South America to Valparaiso, was sure,
he said, to be followed by sympathetic movements at other
points on the circuit.
EARTHQUAKES: Formosa: A. D. 1906.
Over 6000 persons are reported to have been killed or injured
by an earthquake that occurred in the island of Formosa in
March, 1906.
EARTHQUAKES: France: A. D. 1909 (June).
Serious convulsion along the Mediterranean coast.
A shock which ran through Southern France on the night of June
11 was most severe in the Bouches-du Rhone, but extended over
a very wide area, including the whole Mediterranean coast of
France, and was also felt in Spain and Portugal. Official
reports stated that 55 lives were known to have been lost. A
great amount of damage had been done, especially in the
villages; in the towns the buildings for the most part
withstood the shock, though it was sufficiently violent to
cause panic among the population in Marseilles, Toulon, and
other places.
{187}
EARTHQUAKES: Greece: A. D. 1909 (July).
Destruction in Ellis.
An earthquake which occurred, on the 15th of July, in the
province of Ellis, the seat of the most famous of the ancient
Olympic games, was reported to have killed or injured over 300
persons. Despatches from Athens to Loudon made the following
statements:
"At the village of Havari 400 houses have been completely
destroyed. Some 30 persons are known to have perished there,
while many others have been injured. The neighbouring villages
have also suffered severely. All the houses of Amaliada have
been rendered uninhabitable. Volcanic eruptions have occurred
in the village of Ponhioti. Shocks of earthquake have also
been felt at Patras, Pyrgos, Kalamas, Tripoli, and
Missolonghi. People have been killed and injured in about ten
villages. Assistance has been sent to the affected districts."
EARTHQUAKES: India: A. D. 1905.
In the Punjab and the United Provinces.
One of the most terrific of earthquakes occurred in Northern
India on the 4th of April, 1905. Its most violent and
destructive effects were in the Kangra District of the Punjab,
and its neighborhood; but the area of shock extended over
several thousand square miles. The finally ascertained and
estimated loss of human life was no less in number than
373,000. The villages destroyed numbered 409. As for the
destruction of property, including houses, bridges, irrigation
works, cattle, and crops, it was beyond computation. In the
central region of the earthquake every habitation and human
structure of any description went instantly down. The shocks,
as described, were first from north to south, then immediately
reversed, and followed by a horrible sinking of the earth.
_The Empress_, a monthly periodical published at
Calcutta, gave the following, among other personal experiences
of the disaster. The narrator was a manager of large tea
estates near Palampour:
"On the morning of the 4th April, at about 6 A. M., we were
disturbed in our sleep by a slight earthquake, quickly
followed by a severe one, and lastly by the worst shock of
all, which appeared to come from the northeast and having a
sudden circular action traveling toward the west. The first
one I took no notice of, thinking it was one of the many
slight shocks off and on experienced up here. When the second
shock came, I sat up in bed and called out to my wife to come
to the window. I had hardly done so when I saw the highest
wall of our bedroom fall in like a torrent on my poor sleeping
child; then all became dark with fearful dust from the falling
walls. I felt suffocated, and pushed my hand through the panes
of glass in the window into which I had crept; had I not done
so I should have been killed by the wall that fell in on the
head of my bed. I shall never forget those few moments that
appeared like years,—the noise of the falling masonry,
smashing of beams, planks, and slates. I had fully made up my
mind that we should all perish. When the shock was over I
opened the window and dropped into the lower veranda, rushed
out, and cried out for help. No one could be seen,—all had
fled to the villages to help their friends and relations. A
fearful sight presented itself to my eyes. All our houses
(with the exception of the mali's hut) were leveled to the
ground, including a magnificent factory built of cut stone
which my poor old father had lately built. All was still as
death save for the wailing of a man who afterward turned out
to be my head clerk. After a few minutes had elapsed I
succeeded in getting a few of my household servants together
and dug with bare fingers among limestone and plaster for my
only child. We had to make a coffin out of planks taken from
the débris, bury her without ceremony in a quiet sequestered
spot on the tea estate. To look around the valley, nothing but
desolation meets the eye. The once pretty little villages,
with their bluish-white walls and slated roofs, mixed here and
there with thatched buildings, all leveled to the ground. We
have been ruined; lost tens of thousands of rupees. As for our
loss in machinery, it is unknown, being all buried beneath the
ruins. And this is not all. We are afraid we shall lose
thousands yet, owing to our terror-stricken workmen and
coolies, who believe that this picturesque valley is to be
totally destroyed. They have made little thatch sheds for
their families and cattle, and pass the day in sorrow and
fear, refusing to return to work or even work at their own
fields. A great many families have been wiped out."
The same magazine tells of the destruction of the very ancient
temple of Bhowan—one of the oldest in the world—burying 2000
worshippers in its ruins:
"On the night of the 3d April, about two thousand pilgrims
arrived in the small town of Bhowan, which is about three
miles from Kangra town, to worship at the temple. On the
morning of the 4th, at 6 o’clock, a rumbling noise was heard,
and before the people could realize what it was, they felt the
terrible shock, and within four seconds the whole town was
destroyed. The shock lasted three minutes, but all the damage
was done in the first few seconds. About two thousand people
were buried beneath the ruins of the temple, and under the
adjacent buildings. The Guru, or High Priest of the Temple,
was dug out of the ruins and buried near the site of the
Toshakhana, adjoining the temple."
EARTHQUAKES: Italy: A. D. 1905.
In Calabria.
A terrible earthquake, accompanied by storms and volcanic
disturbances, occurred in Calabria on September 8th. "Hundreds
of dead were swallowed up, and ruin was spread far and wide in
a country already sorely tried by an unfortunate system of
land ownership. The public authorities, the provinces and
towns of Italy, strained every nerve to soften the misery of
the Calabrian population, and the King eagerly hastened to the
scene of the disaster. The public mind, however, was
embittered by reports that the rich Calabrian landowners had
shown great want of consideration for their unhappy tenants,
and that the work of restoration was greatly hindered by
absurd disputes between civil and military authorities."
_Annual Register, 1905, page 278._
EARTHQUAKES: A. D. 1908 (December).
In Calabria and Sicily.
Destruction of Messina and Reggio.
The most appalling in history.
Of all catastrophes of earthquake recorded in history, the one
which has seemed most appalling to the European and American
world was that which destroyed the cities of Messina and
Reggio and many smaller towns in northeastern Sicily and
southern Italy, on both sides of the Straits of Messina, on
the early morning of Monday, December 28, 1908. The time
favored an exceptionally great harvest of death. From
Christmas until Twelfth Night is a period of feasting among
the Southern Italians, when the members of scattered families
come together as fully as they are able to do.
{188}
The doomed cities, accordingly, contained on the fatal day a
large number of guests, and were emptied, at the same time, of
large numbers of their residents; but the merry-making of the
previous days had induced later slumbers, generally, on that
dread Monday morning, and few had risen from their beds when
the shock came which buried them in the ruins of their
dwellings. It shook Messina at twenty minutes past five
o’clock, long before day had begun to dawn. The late F. Marion
Crawford, who wrote, three months after the occurrence, for
_The Outlook_, a carefully prepared account of it,
derived from personal inquiries and investigations on the
spot, describes the overwhelming moment thus:
"A southwest wind was blowing and the sky was black when the
fatal moment came, but it was not yet raining. Those who were
awake and survived remember hearing the horrible subterranean
thunder that preceded the shock and might have been a warning
to many in waking hours; it seemed to begin far away and to
approach very quickly, swelling to a terrific roar just before
the crash. Another instant and the solid earth rose and fell
in long waves, twice, three times, four times perhaps, and the
houses and churches swayed from side to side, in the darkness;
for the young moon had set before midnight, and it lacked more
than an hour of dawn. The whole city and the towns on the
opposite side of the Straits fell at once with a crash that no
language can describe; then followed the long-resounding
rumble of avalanches of masonry; and when those awful moments
were over, nearly two hundred thousand human beings were dead,
on both sides of the Straits.
"Almost at the same moment another sound was heard, almost
more terrible than the first—the sound of a moving mountain
of water; for the sea had risen bodily in a monstrous wave and
was sweeping over the harbor, carrying away hundreds of tons
of masonry from the outer pier, tearing ships and iron
steamers from their moorings like mere skiffs and hurling them
against the ruins of the great Palazzata that was built along
the semicircular quay, only to sweep them back, keel upwards
and full of dead and dying men, as the hill of water sank down
and ebbed away. When it had quite subsided, the inner portion
of the harbor was half full of sand and mud and stranded
wrecks.
"Those who say that they ‘saw’ these things are either
untruthful, or else, in vivid recollection of sensation, but
without the true memory of events, they confuse what they
heard and felt with what they might have felt and seen; for
though some of the gaslights in the streets continued to burn
for a few minutes, the darkness was almost total."
The American Vice-consul at Messina, Mr. Stuart K. Lupton, who
escaped unhurt from the ruins of the hotel in which he lodged,
carrying his clothing in his hands, and hastened in the
darkness to give aid, if possible, to his chief, Dr. Cheney,
made a report of his experiences to the Department at
Washington, from which the following is taken:
"I had not proceeded more than fifty yards when I found myself
walking in water up to my knees in a place which should have
been eight feet above the water level. Next I came to a pile
of rubbish some fifteen or twenty feet high over which I
clambered on my hands and knees. By this time I began to see
that the affair was much more serious than I had at first
believed, but I was still in inky darkness, so I could not
form any ideas as to the extent of the disaster. After
three-quarters of an hour I arrived where I supposed the
consulate to be and waited for daylight, which came in a few
minutes. I looked for the consulate, but could see nothing
that reminded me of it. Half the water front appeared to be
down. Here and there the walls were standing, while the
interior had collapsed. A few fires were breaking out, but
owing to the solid construction of the town they made little
progress.
"At the place I supposed the consulate to be there was nothing
but a heap of ruins, iron beams, splintered wood, bricks, and
stones in hapless confusion. I was not sure of the spot and
climbed over the ruins to see if I could find anything
familiar. Finally I came across a battered teapot, which I
recognized as the property of Mrs. Cheney, and remembering the
spot where it had stood, was able to get my bearings. I
climbed directly over the spot where their room had been, and
called, in the hope that if they were still alive, they would
answer. I heard nothing, however, and further search revealed
a piano covered to a depth of about ten feet in rubbish. I
knew that the Cheneys had no piano, so it must have come down
from one of the upper stories. As the shock was so strong that
no one could stand, and the consulate went down almost
immediately, it was absolutely an impossibility for Dr. Cheney
to have opened four doors and gone down a long flight of steps
which had three sections. Nothing belonging to the office
could be seen except the teapot. …
"People were beginning to appear by this time, some
half-clothed, others entirely naked. I gave part of my clothes
away, but found I could do nothing, there were so many. People
were calling from upper windows, asking that some one should
aid them, but ladders and ropes were necessary, and they had
to be left. Some men were trying to lower an old lady from the
fourth floor, but as soon as the weight came upon the cord, it
broke, precipitating the poor soul to the pavement below.
Another upper window was choked with rubbish, out of which
stuck a man’s arm. He was unable to call out, but rattled
against the railing with a stick, trying to attract attention.
Without men and tools it was impossible to do anything, so I
kept on, trying to shut my ears.
"Almost all the natives were hysterical, shrieking and
moaning. Some were held by their friends, as they seemed to be
absolute maniacs. … Light shocks were felt every few minutes,
adding to the alarm of the people. About eleven o’clock I went
on board the steamer Chesapeake, belonging to the
Anglo-American Oil Company, and managed to get a cup of tea
and a sandwich. Captain Mort was very kind, and told me to
send people in need on board, and he would do anything he
could for them. I went again to the shore to see what could be
done, and by that night over seventy, principally women and
children, were on board. About three o’clock rain began to
fall, adding to the misery of the people. Scores and hundreds
of them were to be seen sitting in all the squares or wider
streets, and looking as if they had abandoned all hope."
{189}
From all directions, by all communities and governments,
relief to the stricken cities, for the rescue, feeding and
shelter or removal of the survivors, was hastened with the
greatest possible speed. War ships from many navies, Italian,
French, Russian, British and German, were quickly at the
scene, their sailors and marines performing heroic work in
discovering and saving many still living people, who had been
entombed under mountains of ruin for many days. Even after
such burial for thirteen and fourteen days some victims were
found alive. The rescuing forces were soon in excess of the
need, and a want of systematic organization and direction
among them became a subject of complaint. But the outflow of
sympathy and eager generosity of helpful desire in all the
world was the noblest, without doubt, that has ever been
called forth.
By good fortune, when news of the disaster came, a supply ship
of the United States Navy was being laden at New York with a
million and a half of rations, destined for the fleet of
American battle-ships then voyaging round the world. The
supply-ship was to meet the fleet at Gibraltar; but orders
were given immediately for dispatching it to Messina, with an
added shipment of tents, clothing, blankets and medical
supplies. Furthermore, from the fleet itself, which was about
to enter the Suez Canal, a store ship was hastened forward to
Messina for such offerings as it could make. The American
Congress, reassembled on the 4th of January after the
Christmas recess, by action of both Houses that day,
appropriated $800,000 for further relief of the Italian need,
and a large part of this sum was expended according to the
following statement made public by the Secretary of the Navy,
January 16:
"The Navy Department has arranged for the expenditure of
approximately $500,000 in the purchase of building materials,
including all articles necessary for the construction of
substantial frame houses for the Italian sufferers, and the
shipments will begin by the sailing of two steamers probably
on Monday. This lumber is being delivered to-day in New York,
and the sailing of the vessels will proceed as fast as they
can be loaded. Each ship will carry all the materials for the
construction of about 500 houses, and it will require not less
than six steamers for the entire amount purchased. If
possible, the department intends to send with each vessel
several civilian house carpenters, with plans, to assist in
the erection of these houses."
With this material a suburb of 1500 detached frame houses, of
two or four rooms, were built at Messina; 500 were constructed
at Reggio, and the remainder at other towns and villages.
The Italian Parliament appropriated 30,000,000 lire
($5,000,000) for immediate relief and for the reconstruction
of the ruined cities. The plans formed by the Italian
Government included measures to provide for the temporary
protection of the orphaned young, the deserted, and the
insane; to prosecute the recovery of personal property: to
draw up official lists of the dead; to rewrite the civil
registers and the records of property transfers; to
reestablish, provisionally, administrative and judicial
districts within the provinces of Messina and Reggio. New
building regulations were to be enacted by a royal commission
in conjunction with the Ministry of Public Works. To encourage
the reconstruction of the ruined places, all new buildings
were exempted from taxation for a period of fifteen years.
Loans from state and private financial institutions to be made
at a rate of interest not exceeding 4 per cent., to be repaid
within thirty years in semi-annual instalments, the Government
to contribute half of these periodical payments.
To the effective help and relief rendered by her Mediterranean
squadron, Great Britain added large contributions of money,
mainly collected as a "Mansion House Fund" by the Lord Mayor
of London. There, and everywhere, the Red Cross Societies were
instant in the field and untiring, receiving and expending
immense funds and sending large corps of trained workers to
the scene of distress. No summary has yet been made of the
whole outpour of gifts and service to the suffering people,
and it is impossible even to indicate what a world-feeling it
expressed; but its like was never known before.
Estimates of the total destruction of life by the earthquake
are still uncertain. Mr. Crawford, when he wrote, thought it
doubtful whether as many as fifteen per cent. of the
population of Messina were then alive, scattered in groups
throughout Italy. That would mean that only about 20,000 out
of 150,000 in the one city escaped. Of the loss of life on the
other side of the Straits he said: "The proportion of those
saved on the Calabrian side is certainly larger—principally,
I think, because the houses in Reggio, Villa San Giovanni,
Palmi, and the other towns destroyed were much lower than
those in the city. Moreover, as will be seen before long, many
persons died of hunger and thirst in Messina, where the whole
water supply was cut off by the ruin of the first shock, and
bread was not obtainable at any price for many days; but on
the Calabrian side the survivors camped out in the orange
groves, and the fruit, which is almost ripe at Christmas in
that latitude, stayed their hunger and assuaged their thirst."
Generally, the total of deaths from the earthquake, in Sicily
and Calabria, seems now to be estimated at 200,000.
A report from Rome, issued on the 3d of August, 1909, by the
Central Relief Committee, of which the Duke of Aosta is
president, announced that the receipts of the Committee to
that time had been 25,100,000 lire (£1,004,000, or
$5,020,000). The fund for the orphans had all been handed over
to the Queen Helena Home.
For the building of shelters the sum of 4,000,000 lire had
been paid over to the Minister of Public Works for the
construction of 3,000 shelters. The number of persons assisted
had been 14,000, but it would eventually reach 20,000.
EARTHQUAKES: A. D. 1909 (July 1).
A second shock at Messina and Reggio.
During six months following the great catastrophe, Messina had
been so far rebuilt and reoccupied as to have acquired a
population of somewhat more than 25,000. To them, on the
evening of June 30 and the morning of July 1, came once more
the dread quaking of their unstable portion of the earth. The
shocks as described in despatches to the Press "were similar
to the fatal disturbances of December, and were accompanied by
the same roaring noises. The people fled with cries of terror.
They hurried to the open places of the city and the
surrounding country, praying to the saints that their lives be
spared. …
{190}
So far as is known, however. only a few people were hurt, and
this undoubtedly is due to the fact that the city was only
partially rebuilt. Had the walls of all the houses been
standing the loss of life would have been heavy. One woman was
killed by a falling wall, and a child was seriously injured."
Reggio, as before, shared the experience, but there is said to
have been no loss of life.
Late in the year it was reported to a London newspaper that
"at Reggio a very fair advance, has been made, and the city is
already acquiring some air of its former busy prosperity; but
in Messina and its neighborhood, little or nothing has been
done in the way of permanent work, while the temporary
accommodations for the survivors still leave much to be
desired."
EARTHQUAKES: Jamaica: A. D. 1907.
The destruction of Kingston by earthquake and fire.
‘On Monday afternoon, the 14th January, 1907, at about 3.30 P.
M., the city of Kingston and its suburbs was almost entirely
destroyed by heavy earthquake shocks. There was little or no
wind at the time; what little there was was from the east, and
the atmospherical conditions were quite normal. The shocks
apparently approached from the south at first and then from
the west. They are variously estimated to have lasted from ten
to thirty seconds, the latter estimate being the general
opinion. On the other hand, several Englishmen who were in the
open at the time and in no immediate danger from falling
houses, &c., consider 20 seconds the outside limit of time
taken by the shocks. During this period an enormous amount of
damage was done to life and property. Large numbers of
buildings at once collapsed. As is, unfortunately, usual in
such cases, fires broke out in several places in the
commercial portion of the town. …
"Unfortunately, the Central Fire Station was destroyed by
earthquake, so the fire engine was not available. The means at
hand were thus very inadequate for fighting the flames,
although they were supplemented greatly by fire-extinguishing
appliances from the various ships alongside the wharves, and
those belonging to the wharves themselves. The fire, however,
spread with terrible rapidity, and all efforts were directed
towards isolating the burning area. During this time the light
wind blowing was about north-east, but it later in the
afternoon went round to the north and north-west, thus lending
tremendous assistance to the people in their efforts to
extinguish the fire. Many injured persons, buried in the
falling debris, were burnt to death. Meanwhile, vast numbers
of the inhabitants were flying northwards to the racecourse
and open spaces outside the town, where they spent the
night—small earthquake shocks being felt at frequent intervals
during that time. It may be said that the whole of Kingston
and its suburbs are either destroyed or in ruins. A few of the
substantially built houses are still standing, but so shaken
and injured by the shocks that it will be impossible to repair
them. …
"It is extremely difficult to estimate the total loss of life
in the earthquake and fire. The Government have called on the
inhabitants to register the names of their killed and missing,
but up to this date [January 29] there has been little
response. On the 25th January, some eleven days after the
catastrophe, the numbers recorded at the Registrar’s Office
were only 121, although at least four times that number are
known to have been buried or cremated. The careful opinion of
prominent officials in Kingston is that the loss of life will
be about 1000. Of the injured the daily number of in-patients
at the hospital is about 300, mostly cases of concussions and
legs amputated. …
"The large numbers of women, children, and old or disabled men
encamped in the Public Gardens and racecourse, &c., were
supplied with food rations daily, under the supervision of the
Relief Committee. Over 3,000 people daily have been receiving
this relief. At no time does there appear to have been a
scarcity of food or water. A tremendous strain at once came on
the staff of the hospital, the place being besieged with the
injured and their relatives. Large numbers of medical men from
the out districts at once proceeded to Kingston and assisted
in attending to the wounded. With the aid of their ready
assistance, and that of many volunteer nurses from the civil
population, the hospital staff were enabled to cope with the
situation, and at the present time work is proceeding there
with great smoothness and regularity. The American ships
‘Indiana,’ ‘Missouri,’ and ‘Whipple,’ also, on arrival, landed
their surgeons, who at once established a hospital on shore
and rendered great assistance. …
"Directly after the earthquake, and while the fire was in
progress, the greater portion of the black and coloured
population were stupefied with terror and amazement, and lent
little or no aid to the white members of the community and the
troops and firemen in their rescue work. Vast numbers of them
fled from the city. Some became frenzied and ran here and
there declaring the end of the world had arrived, impeding the
work and terrifying the workers. Others formed groups and
commenced praying. At the Penitentiary, the prisoners, who
remained seated in their ranks on the parade ground all night,
spent the time in singing hymns without ceasing. As soon as
the first panic had subsided, the black population became
quite apathetic, and it was with great difficulty that the
Government were able to get able-bodied men to take part in
the work of demolition and clearing the streets. This, in
spite of the fact that the wages offered were 25 per cent.
more than the usual rate. …
"Considering the magnitude and widespread nature of the
disaster, the loss of life might easily have been on a much
larger scale. The earthquake came at a time of day when the
labouring part of the population were at work away from their
houses, and the streets in the busy commercial quarter
presented the comparatively deserted appearance so usual in
the afternoons in tropical places. As the streets in this
quarter were very narrow and the buildings on each side of
them lofty and of solid construction the loss of life must
have been largely increased had the earthquake happened during
the busy portion of the day. …
"Owing to the dry weather now prevailing here, the homeless
population, roughly encamped on the open spaces, are suffering
little or no hardship. It is to be hoped they may be
permanently sheltered before the wet season commences."
_Report by Major Chown, R. M. L. I., of
H. M. S. "Indefatigable"
dated Kingston, January 29, 1907._
{191}
Relief to the stricken island came so swiftly and profusely
from all parts of America, Europe, and almost every part of
the world, that Governor Swettenham was able to telegraph on
the 23d of January: "Money and provisions more than ample for
relief. Except for rebuilding no funds needed." Three ships of
the United States Navy, despatched by Admiral Evans from a
Cuban port on the instant of receiving news of the disaster,
reached Jamaica on the 17th and gave assistance in clearing
the ruins, besides rendering hospital service and furnishing
food and medical supplies. For the general lifting of the
community from its prostration, the British Government, in
May, by vote of Parliament, made a free grant to it of
£150,000, and a loan to the Colonial Government of £800,000
more.
_Correspondence relating to the Earthquake at Kingston,
Jamaica (Parliamentary Papers, Cd. 3560)._
EARTHQUAKES: Persia: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).
Destructive shock in Luristan.
Seismographs in many parts of the world gave token of a
violent earthquake on the 23d of January, 1909; but three
weeks passed before the locality of the shock was learned. It
proved to have been centered in Western Persia, in the
mountainous province of Luristan, and to have been heavily
destructive of life. Its greatest severity was reported to
have been in a region at two days journey from Burujurd. Many
villages were wholly or partly destroyed, several having been
completely engulfed, and the loss of life is estimated to have
been between 5000 and 6000 people.
EARTHQUAKES: Portugal: A. D. 1909 (April).
Lisbon and its neighborhood upheaved.
Lisbon and the country surrounding it were shaken violently on
the evening of Friday, April 23d, 1909. There were no
fatalities in the city, but the outlying districts suffered
severely, especially the towns of Benavente, Samora, and Santo
Estevan. Reports three days after the disaster announced 46
killed and 38 injured at Benavente and Samora. Both villages
were completely destroyed, and their 6000 inhabitants,
starving and homeless, were encamped in the fields
EARTHQUAKES: Sumatra: A. D. 1909 (June).
Shocks and sea-wave in Upper Padang district.
News was received at The Hague in June, 1909, of severe shocks
of earthquake, on the 3d of that month, at Korinchi, Upper
Padang, Sumatra. The shocks were accompanied by an enormous
sea-wave. Two hundred and thirty people were killed and many
injured. Much damage was done.
----------EARTHQUAKES: End--------
ECHEGARAY, Jose.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
ECONOMIC FORESTRY.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.
ECUADOR: A. D. 1901-1906.
From revolution to revolution.
General Eloy Alfaro, who was made President by the revolution
of 1895 (see in Volume VI.), was succeeded peacefully in 1901
by General Leonidas Plaza, and the latter, in turn, by Lugardo
Garcia; but in 1906 the revolutionary method was revived in
favor of General Alfaro, and he ousted Senor Garcia from the
presidential chair.
ECUADOR: A. D. 1901-1906.
Participation in Second and Third International Conferences
of American Republics, at Rio de Janeiro.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
ECUADOR: A. D. 1905.
Arbitration of boundary question with Peru.
See (in this Volume)
PERU: A. D. 1905.
EDMONTON:
Capital of the Province of Alberta.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1905.
----------EDUCATION: Start--------
EDUCATION: AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1907.
Latest Statistics of State Schools.
Statistics published in July, 1909, by the Commonwealth
Government show that over £2,500,000 was spent on education by
the Australian States in 1907 in 7500 State schools. The total
daily average attendance at the schools for the year was
444,000. The disbursements of the States on University
education amounted to £113,000.
EDUCATION: CANADA: A. D. 1905.
The question of State Support to Sectarian Schools revived on
the creation of two new Provinces.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1905.
EDUCATION: CANADA: A. D. 1907.
The founding and endowment of Macdonald College.
On the 16th of October, 1907, there was opened a new college
of fine character and great importance, on a noble site,
overlooking the Ottawa river, at Sainte de Bellevue, twenty
miles west of Montreal. It bears the name of its founder. Sir
William Macdonald, from whom it received an endowment of
$4,000,000. This Macdonald College is divided into three
schools: The School for Teachers, the School of Agriculture,
the School of Household Science. Its main purposes are
announced to be:
(1) "The carrying on of research work and investigation and
the dissemination of knowledge, with particular regard to the
interests and needs of the population in rural districts"; and
(2) the providing of "suitable and effective training for
teachers, especially for those whose work will directly affect
the education in schools in rural districts." It thus
appropriates to itself a field of education for the betterment
of farm life and work, the important need of which, looking to
everything in national character and prosperity, is only
beginning to be understood.
EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1887-1907.
Christian Mission Schools.
"In the historical Volume presented in 1907 at the Shanghai
Conference Dr. Arthur H. Smith makes the following interesting
comparison of the statistics presented at the three Protestant
Missionary Conferences held in China in 1887, 1890, and 1907:
See, in this Volume,
MISSIONS, CHRISTIAN.
1876. 1889. 1907.
Number of societies. 29 41 82
Foreign teachers. 473 1,296 3,833
Stations and substations. 602 5,734
Pupils in schools. 4,909 16,836 57,683
"The above statistics, although incomplete, do serve as an
indication of the vigorous growth of Protestant missionary
educational activity in China. In this work the various
missionary foundations made their most notable advance in
interdenominational cooperation. In many instances several
denominations have combined in union schools or colleges. …
One of the chief agencies in reaching this unity and effective
cooperation has been the Educational Association of China,
founded as early as 1887. …
{192}
"No survey of missionary education in China would be complete
without mention of the widespread, well-organized Roman
Catholic activities. Of the eleven different Catholic orders
having representatives in China, the Jesuits are carrying on
the largest educational work. In 1907, in their five colleges
and seventy-two schools, a total of 25,335 students were
enrolled. All the Catholic orders together supervise the
instruction of over 75,000 Chinese students; this total, it
will be seen, being somewhat higher than that of Protestant
missions."
_George Marvin,
The American Spirit in Chinese Education
(The Outlook, November, 1908)._
EDUCATION: A. D. 1901-1902.
Edicts of Reform.
Modernizing of Examinations for Literary Degrees
and for Military Degrees.
New Universities, Colleges, and Schools.
Students sent abroad.
"An Edict on Reform in Education, published by the Chinese
Government on the 29th of August, 1901, commanded the
abolition of essays or homilies on the Chinese classics in
examinations for literary degrees, and substituted for them
essays and articles on modern matters, Western laws, and
political economy. The same procedure was also to be observed
in the future in the examination of candidates for office. By
the same Edict it was ordered that as the methods in use for
gaining military degrees—namely, trials of strength with stone
weights, agility with the great sword, and marksmanship with
the bow and arrow on foot and on horseback—were not of the
slightest value in turning out men for the army, where
knowledge of strategy and military science were the sine quâ
non for military officers, these trials of strength, etc.,
should be thenceforth abolished forever.
"Another Edict for the establishment of new universities,
colleges, and schools in China was published on the 12th of
September, 1901. It commanded all existing colleges in the
empire to be turned into schools and colleges of Western
learning. Each provincial capital was to have a University
like the Peking University, whilst the colleges in the
prefectures and districts of the various provinces were to be
schools and colleges of the second and third classes.
"Another Edict, for sending students to be educated abroad,
was published on the 17th of September, 1901. It commanded the
Viceroys and Governors of other provinces of the Empire to
follow the example of the Viceroy Liu Kun-yi of Liangkiang,
Chang Chihtung of Hukuang, and Kuei Chun (Manchu) of Szechuen,
in sending young men of scholastic promise and ability abroad
to study any branch of Western science or art best suited to
their abilities and tastes, so that they might in time return
to China and place the fruits of their knowledge at the
service of the empire.
"Those who are acquainted with China know very well that many
of the Edicts of the Government do not amount to much more
than waste paper. In this case, however, it has not been so.
The Imperial College in Shansi has been opened, with some 300
students, in the hope that it will develop into one of the
provincial universities. It is divided into a Chinese and a
Foreign Department. … The Edicts have not been a dead letter
in the other provinces either, though there has been enormous
difficulty in getting a sufficient number of professors to
teach or of text-books to use. Some Chinamen who under the old
system of education would not have got more than £30 per annum
now get £240, and there are not enough of them. At the lowest
estimate text-books and books of general knowledge of the West
to the value of £25,000 must have been sold during this year
alone. Books to the value of £6,000 were sold by the Society
for the Diffusion of Christian Knowledge.
"I subjoin a list of the new colleges opened in ten different
provinces in 1901-1902:
Provinces. Funds provided.
Chekiang 50,000 strings of cash per annum
(about Taels 50,000, or over £6,000).
Honan. 30,000 Taels per annum.
Kweichow. 20,000 Taels per annum.
Fookien. 50,000 Mex. Dollars per annum.
(about £5,000).
Kiangsi. over 60,000 Mex. Dollars per annum.
Kwangtung. 100,000 Taels per annum.
Soochow several tens of thousands of Taels.
Nanking —
Shantung 50,000 Taels per annum.
Shansi 50,000 Taels per annum.
Chihli —
Prefectural Colleges
in Soochow. Taels 10,000.
Prefectural Colleges
in Shantung under
R. C. Bishop Anzer. Taels 2,000
"This comes to about half a million of Taels annually for the
whole Empire for modern education. Such is the new departure,
which dates from 1901-1902."
_Timothy Richard,
The New Education in China
(Contemporary Review, January, 1903)._
EDUCATION: A. D. 1906.
Chinese Students in Japan.
The following is from a communication to the State Department
at Washington from the American Legation at Tokyo, under date
of January 3, 1906:
"During the past year Chinese students have come to this
country in continually increasing numbers. Last summer the
number was estimated at 5000, of whom 2000 had been sent at
the expense of the Chinese Government. In November the number
is said to have reached 8000. In addition to the supervision
of the Chinese legation the students are looked after by eight
superintendents sent to reside here by their Government.
"Until recently the Japanese authorities seem to have done
nothing in this matter, but the magnitude of the number of
Chinese students finally made a certain degree of supervision
on their part seem wise. Accordingly, regulations for
controlling schools open to the Chinese were promulgated by
the minister for education on November 2, to go into effect
from the 1st instant. … The publication of these regulations
was greeted by a storm of protest. Bodies of Chinese students
passed indignant resolutions, saying that their liberty was
being assailed and seemed to find in the new rules an
indignity to their nationality. The restriction in choosing
schools and lodgings and the need of a letter of
recommendation annoyed them most. The agitation was so great
that over a thousand students returned to China; and no more
have been coming since the trouble."
{193}
EDUCATION: A. D. 1908.
The administration of the Department of Education in the
Chinese Government.
Under the date of November 9, 1908, the Peking correspondent
of the London _Times_ wrote of the administration of the
governmental Department of Education as follows:
"The Ministry of Education is under the presidency of a
learned scholar of the old type, Chang Chih-tung. The old
system of examination has entirely been abolished. Education
is improving, but there is little attempt at uniformity. There
is no lack of desire to learn, but the teaching outside of the
mission schools or of colleges under foreign control is quite
unsatisfactory. No attempt is made to obtain the services of
the best man. Japan engaged the best foreign teachers that
money could find, with the result that the standard of
education is there very high. But China seems to think any
teacher good enough so long as he is a shade better educated
than the pupil he has to teach."
On the other hand, Professor Thomas C. Chamberlin, of the
University of Chicago, who spent four months of the past year
in China, investigating educational conditions, has reported
that "the old education has practically passed away, and the
government is making strenuous, and on the whole remarkably
successful, efforts to build up a system of education modelled
on that of Europe and America. In all the larger cities of
China buildings have been erected, teachers and pupils
gathered, and schools of the modern type organized. In not a
few cases, as, for example, at Foochow and in the far west at
Chentu, the old examination halls have been torn down to make
place for schools modelled on those of the west."
EDUCATION: A. D. 1908.
Chinese Students in America.
"The disposition on the part of the Chinese Government to send
picked students to America for their education, although
interrupted formally years after the first set of twenty came
in 1872, has since 1890 shown a comparatively steady growth.
During the past year 155 Chinese students were maintained at
various educational institutions in this country on
foundations provided either by the Imperial or the Provincial
Governments. Out of this number seventy-one are under the
charge of the Imperial Chinese Legation at Washington;
twenty-seven are under the direction of Chang-Chuan,
Commissioner of Education for the Viceroyalties of Hupuh and
Kiang-man; fifty-seven others have been during the past year
under the direction of Dr. Tenny, at present Chinese Secretary
of our Legation at Peking. These last, although coming from
various parts of the Empire, all received their elementary
education at the Peyang College in Tientsin, of which Dr.
Tenny was formerly principal. At the request of Yuan-Shih-Kai,
then Viceroy of Chihli, of which province Tientsin is the
chief city, Dr. Tenny in 1906 assumed charge at Cambridge of
the Peiyang candidates sent to America, including those now at
Harvard and the various other colleges where, at his
suggestion, they were quartered. Since Dr. Tenny’s return in
July last to Peking, his position has been filled by the
appointment of Mr. H. F. Merrill, for many years Commissioner
of Customs at Tientsin. …
"Quite apart from this official recognition of the advantages
of an American education, many Chinese families send their
sons at their own expense to schools and colleges in this
country. It has been impossible to procure exact statistics of
the number of these privately supported students, but,
according to the best advices obtainable at the Chinese
Legation, there are about two hundred. …
"More important than anything that has yet taken place in this
movement of Chinese education in America is the recent
determination on the part of the Imperial Government to devote
a sum equal to that placed at their disposal by the remission
of the Boxer indemnity to the founding of an Educational
Mission in this country. … According to the terms of the
agreement contained in the note of Prince Ch’ing to Mr.
Rockhill last July, by the end of the fourth year from the
inauguration of the scheme four hundred students, sent by the
Imperial Government, will be added to the large and growing
number of their young fellow-countrymen already coming to
America."
_George Marvin,
The American Spirit in Chinese Education
(The Outlook, November, 1908)._
An English correspondent, writing from Peking, September 24,
1909, reported: "This week 47 students selected by examination
for proficiency in English and Chinese are leaving Peking for
the United States to enter upon studies paid for by funds from
the unexpended balance of the Boxer indemnity. They have been
selected from nearly 500 candidates who competed for this
great reward from many provinces of the Empire. An excellent
body of young men, they ought to do credit to their country."
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.
EDUCATION: A. D. 1909.
Progress in Technical Education.
The following statements were in a Press despatch from
Tien-tsin, July, 1909:
"Technical education in China shows unmistakable signs of
extension. A very few years ago nothing existed which was
worthy of the name, while now it is not too much to say that
in the course of a few years the engineering schools of China
will be second only to the best in Europe and America.
Engineering courses are now being given at the following
institutions:
Imperial Polytechnic Institute, Shanghai;
Imperial University of Shansi, Tai-yuan-fu;
Tangshan Engineering and Mining College, Tangshan; and
Imperial Pei Yang University, Tien-tsin."
EDUCATION: A. D. 1909.
Formation in Great Britain and America of the China
Emergency Appeal Committee.
"Speaking at the Mansion House meeting [London] of the China
Emergency Committee held under the presidency of the Lord
Mayor on March 16, 1909, Sir Robert Hart, whose long work as
Inspector-General of the Imperial Chinese Customs has given
him the profoundest knowledge of China and its people, said:
‘We are alarmed lest Western knowledge and Western science may
give the Chinese people strength without principle, and may
even bring in a crude materialism without that higher teaching
and higher guidance which are necessary for the best welfare
of any people.’
"It is the realization of that danger, but even more a
realization of the needs of China, which have led to the
formation of the China Emergency Appeal Committee. … It is the
object of this Committee to utilize to the full the unexampled
present opportunity of establishing in China institutions
through which the Chinese people may be trained to educate
themselves in the Western knowledge and civilization which
they have set themselves to acquire.
{194}
"There is, first, China’s crying need of medical education—of
schools and hospitals in which Chinese students will be taught
and practise medicine and surgery. … Not less needed is the
establishment of colleges and centres for the training of
Chinese teachers for the primary and secondary schools which
are being established everywhere throughout this Empire of
400,000,000 inhabitants. The China Emergency Committee appeals
for £40,000 to build and equip these training colleges.
Thirdly, there is a demand throughout China for translations
of European books. The demand far exceeds the supply, though
it is only through literature that the Chinese gentleman will
acquaint himself with Western thought and learning. The books
sell in vast numbers, but the work of translation involves
heavy preliminary expenses. … These are the three objects for
the attainment of which the China Emergency Committee has been
established."
_London Times,
July 17, 1909._
On the initiative of the English Committee, of which Sir
Robert Hart is chairman, a proposal to move similarly in
America came before a recent conference of foreign mission
boards of the United States and Canada. A committee, Rev. Dr.
Arthur J. Brown, chairman, to whom the proposition was
referred, reported favorably. The conference approved the
report, and provided that a permanent committee be appointed,
to consist of those serving with Dr. Brown, together with
twelve laymen, to be chosen by the committee. This new
committee is "to promote a larger interest in Christian
education in China." It will assist the boards and other
Christian agencies and cooperate with the general education
committee appointed by the Shanghai conference and with the
China Educational Association.
EDUCATION: Cuba: A. D. 1899-1907.
Organization of Schools during the American Occupation.
Census-showing of results in 1907.
"During the American occupation of Cuba especial attention was
given to the establishment of common schools and other
educational institutions. The enrollment of the public schools
of Cuba immediately before the last war shows 36,306 scholars,
but an examination of the reports containing these figures
indicates that probably less than half the names enrolled
represented actual attendance. There were practically no
separate school buildings, but the scholars were collected in
the residences of the teachers. There were few books and
practically no maps, blackboards, desks, or other school
apparatus.
"The instruction consisted solely in learning by rote, the
catechism being the principal textbook, and the girls
occupying their time chiefly in embroidery. The teachers were
allowed to eke out their unpaid salaries by accepting fees
from the pupils. … At the end of the first six months of
American occupation the public school enrollment of the island
numbered 143,120. The schools were subjected to a constant and
effective inspection and the attendance was practically
identical with the enrollment. …
"All over the island the old Spanish barracks and the barracks
occupied by the American troops which had been withdrawn were
turned into schoolrooms after thorough renovation. The
pressure for education was earnest and universal. The
appropriations from the insular treasury for that purpose
during the first year of American occupation amounted to four
and a half millions.
"At the close of American occupation there were 121 boards of
education elected by the people (the system was kept out of
politics); the work of changing the old barracks throughout
the island into schoolhouses had been completed; a thoroughly
modern school building costing $50,000 had been erected at
Santiago; one school building in Habana had 33 rooms, with a
modern kindergarten, manual-training branch, two gymnasiums,
and baths; large schools had been established by changes in
government buildings at Guineas, Pinar del Rio, Matanzas,
Cieguo de Avila, and Colon; over 3600 teachers were subjected
to examination, and approximately 6000 persons applied for and
received examination as teachers. For six weeks during the
summer vacation of 1901, 4000 teachers were collected in
teachers’ institutes."
_Establishment of Free Government in Cuba
(58th Congress, 2d Session, Senate Document number 312)._
"The public-school system organized under the first
intervention in Cuba, is producing excellent results. Of the
population 10 years of age and over, 56.6 per cent could read,
showing a decided gain in that respect since 1899. Of the
native whites, 58.6 per cent could read, and of the colored 45
per cent were similarly educated."
_National Geographic Magazine,
February, 1909, p. 202._
EDUCATION: Egypt: A. D. 1901-1905.
Recent Development of Public Primary Schools.
Schools for Girls.
"Before the English occupation great masses of Egyptians
remained ignorant. Over 91 per cent. of the males and almost
99½ per cent. of the females could neither read nor write.
Until within the last five years public primary education for
the poorer classes, aside from the mere learning of the Koran,
was almost unknown. At the present time public schools are
being established everywhere, and grants in aid of these
schools are paid in proportion to the attendance and the
records made by the pupils. Likewise, certain positions in the
civil service can be filled only by those who hold
certificates from schools of certain grades. As a consequence
there has been a great awakening of interest. Most of the
teachers of these public schools are Mohammedan, and the
schools are non-Christian in their instruction. The Koran is
still used as a text-book for many purposes, but the education
is practical in its general nature. The children are taught,
besides reading and writing, the elements of the sciences, and
they choose either French or English as the foreign language
which they will learn, and that in which they will receive
instruction in the more advanced studies where Arabic
text-books cannot readily be provided. It is a noteworthy fact
that while, in the earlier days, French was the language more
frequently chosen, nearly all the pupils are now selecting
English. There are also provisions for training in law,
medicine, agriculture, engineering, etc. The law school is the
most popular, while the agricultural college—although the
basis of Egyptian wealth and prosperity is and must always be
agriculture—suffers from lack of pupils. Female education has
not been neglected, and we may expect in the near future that
instead of 99½ per cent. of the women being unable to write, a
very large per cent. of the mothers of the country will be
able to give their children the rudiments of education at
home."
_Professor J. W. Jenks,
The Egypt of To-day
(International Quarterly Review, October, 1902)._
{195}
"A revolution is a growth, not a cataclysm: the seeds of the
Egyptian Revolution were sown in the autumn of 1901 when Miss
Amina Hafiz Maghrabi was admitted to the Stockwell Road
Training College for Teachers. Miss Amina is the daughter of
one of the Officials in the Ministry of Public Instruction at
Cairo, and after passing a preliminary examination was sent to
England to be educated at the expense of the Egyptian
Government. … Miss Amina spent nearly three years at
Stockwell; then she returned to her own people; now she is a
teacher at the Abbas Public Girls’ School at Cairo, and the
right hand of Miss Spears, the Principal; this seed is bearing
fruit. No Revolution can be a success unless the women take it
up, and it is the women who are going to turn Egypt upside
down; it is the Mussulman women who have already begun to do
so. …
"The really astonishing work that has been going on for nearly
two years is the education for the teaching profession of
girls of the better class aged from about fourteen to twenty.
There are two or three schools where these girls are received
as boarders, and carefully tended by European mistresses; the
amazing thing is that they throw aside their veils and consent
to be taught by men. … In all the State schools of Egypt the
Koran is taught. In one corner of the garden is a small room
built to serve as a mosque; attendance is voluntary, but three
times a day each girl retires there for private prayer.
"These schools have been recently founded to provide female
teachers; they have not been in existence long enough for any
girls to have completed the two-years’ course; it may be they
will fail in their primary object; it is possible that the
girls who have been educated will none of them persevere in
the teaching profession; nevertheless, as Egyptian wives and
mothers, they must become the leaders of the revolution."
_Edmund Verney,
A Revolution in Egypt
(Contemporary Review, July, 1905)._
EDUCATION: A. D. 1908.
Gordon Memorial College at Khartoum.
From the eighth annual report of the Director of Education in
the Sudan it appears that the Gordon Memorial College, founded
at Khartoum in 1899 (see, in Volume VI. of this work, EGYPT:
A. D. 1898-1899), is now composed of the following educational
units:
"The primary school, which has been attended by 190 pupils,
the training college—vernacular and English—by 178, of which
150 belong to the vernacular side, and the upper school for
the training of engineers and surveyors by 28 students. One
hundred and seventy-two are on the roll of the instructional
workshops. There is, he remarks, no doubt whatever about the
popularity of the military school among the inhabitants of the
country, both Arab and Sudanese. Some 20 young men have now
received commission in the famous black battalions, or in the
new Arab levies now being raised. They have almost all been
well reported on. He understood that the responsible Army
authorities propose to increase this school substantially, and
to render it capable of holding twice the present number of
cadets." The College is reported to have "felt the strain of
existing financial difficulties very keenly, and the rate of
progress has hardly been maintained this year."—1908.
EDUCATION: England: A. D. 1902.
The Education Act, in the interest of the Voluntary or
Church Schools.
Text of its provisions most obnoxious to the Nonconformists.
"Passive resistance" among them to the law.
The Education Act of 1870 created in England for the first
time a system of officially regulated and publicly supported
elementary schools.
See in Volume I. of this work,
EDUCATION: MODERN: ENGLAND: A. D. 1699-1870.
Those schools divided the work of elementary education with
schools of another, older system, founded, maintained, and
managed by the churches of the country,—mainly by the
predominant Established Church of England. The public
elementary schools, supported out of local rates and governed
by locally-elected school boards were called Board Schools;
the others were called Voluntary Schools. The latter received
some public money from an annual Parliamentary grant, but
nothing from the local taxation which supported the former. In
the Voluntary Schools under church control religious teaching
was prescribed and given systematically; in the Board Schools
it was not. Those who held religious teaching, of their own
denominational orthodoxy, to be a vital part of education,
were ardent partisans of the Voluntary Schools. Those who
approved the exclusion of theological differences from the
teaching of the Board Schools were equally ardent champions of
those. As a rule, the adherents of the Established Church and
of the Roman Catholic Church were opponents of the public
system, while the Dissenters or Nonconformists of all sects
gave it strenuous support. Thus the two systems were
mischievously antagonized, and almost from the beginning of
the operation of the Act of 1870 it had been manifest that one
or the other must ultimately give way to its rival.
In 1902 the Conservative party, in which the Established
Church of England is most largely represented, found itself
strong enough in Parliament to undertake the nationalizing of
the Voluntary Schools in England and Wales, incorporating them
with their rivals in one reconstructed national system, but
securing their domination in it, along with equal sharing from
the public purse. A Bill for the purpose was proposed to the
House of Commons on the 24th of March by Mr. Balfour, then the
Administration leader in the House. In his speech on a motion
for leave to bring it in he spoke of the need of a single
authority for education, primary, secondary, and technical; of
the disadvantages of the two organizations of elementary
schools, and of the absurdity of supposing that the great
number of Voluntary Schools and Endowed Schools could be swept
away and replaced at enormous public cost. The proposed Bill,
based on these views, would extinguish the local School Boards
and make the County Council in counties and the Borough
Council in county boroughs the one local education authority.
As introduced subsequently and enacted, after heated and long
debate, the Bill accomplished its leading objects, so far as
concerned elementary education, by provisions of which the
following is the text:
{196}
"Part III. Elementary Education.
5.
The local education authority shall throughout their area
have the powers and duties of a school board and school
attendance committee under the Elementary Education Acts, 1870
to 1900, and any other Acts, including local Acts, and shall
also be responsible for and have the control of all secular
instruction in public elementary schools not provided by them,
and school boards and school attendance committees shall be
abolished.
"6.
(1) All public elementary schools provided by the local
education authority shall, where the local education authority
are the council of a county, have a body of managers
consisting of a number of managers not exceeding four
appointed by that council, together with a number not
exceeding two appointed by the minor local authority. Where
the local education authority are the council of a borough or
urban district they may, if they think fit, appoint for any
school provided by them a body of managers consisting of such
number of managers as they may determine.
"(2) All public elementary schools not provided by the local
education authority shall, in place of the existing managers,
have a body of managers consisting of a number of foundation
managers not exceeding four appointed as provided by this Act,
together with a number of managers not exceeding two
appointed—
(_a_) where the local education authority are the council
of a county, one by that council and one by the minor local
authority; and
(_b_) where the local education authority are the council
of a borough or urban district, both by that authority.
"(3)
Notwithstanding anything in this section—
(_a_) Schools may be grouped under one body of managers
in manner provided by this Act; and
(_b_) Where the local education authority consider that
the circumstances of any school require a larger body of
managers than that provided under this section, that authority
may increase the total number of managers, so, however, that
the number of each class of managers is proportionately
increased.
"7.—
(1) The local education authority shall maintain and keep
efficient all public elementary schools within their area
which are necessary, and have the control of all expenditure
required for that purpose, other than expenditure for which,
under this Act, provision is to be made by the managers; but,
in the case of a school not provided by them, only so long as
the following conditions and provisions are complied with:—
"(_a_) The managers of the school shall carry out any
directions of the local education authority as to the secular
instruction to be given in the school, including any
directions with respect to the number and educational
qualifications of the teachers to be employed for such
instruction, and for the dismissal of any teacher on
educational grounds, and if the managers fail to carry out any
such direction the local education authority shall, in
addition to their other powers, have the power themselves to
carry out the direction in question as if they were the
managers; but no direction given under this provision shall be
such as to interfere with reasonable facilities for religious
instruction during school hours:
"(_b_) The local education authority shall have power to
inspect the school;
"(_c_) The consent of the local education authority shall
be required to the appointment of teachers, but that consent
shall not be withheld except on educational grounds; and the
consent of the authority shall also be required to the
dismissal of a teacher unless the dismissal be on grounds
connected with the giving of religious instruction in the
school. … [Here follow provisions relative to schoolhouses and
teachers’ dwellings.]
"(_3_) If any question arises under this section between
the local education authority and the managers of a school not
provided by the authority, that question shall be determined
by the Board of Education.
"(_4_) One of the conditions required to be fulfilled by
an elementary school in order to obtain a parliamentary grant
shall be that it is maintained under and complies with the
provisions of this section.
"(_5_) In public elementary schools maintained but not
provided by the local educational authority, assistant
teachers and pupil teachers may be appointed, if it is thought
fit, without reference to religious creed and denomination,
and, in any case in which there are more candidates for the
post of pupil teacher than there are places to be filled, the
appointment shall be made by the local education authority,
and they shall determine the respective qualifications of the
candidates by examination or otherwise.
"(_6_) Religious instruction given in a public elementary
school not provided by the local education authority shall, as
regards its character, be in accordance with the provisions
(if any) of the trust deed relating thereto, and shall be
under the control of the managers: Provided that nothing in
this subjection shall affect any provision in a trust deed for
reference to the bishop or superior ecclesiastical or other
denominational authority so far as such provision gives to the
bishop or authority the power of deciding whether the
character of the religious instruction is or is not in
accordance with the provisions of the trust deed.
"(_7_) The managers of a school maintained but not
provided by the local education authority shall have all
powers of management required for the purpose of carrying out
this Act, and shall (subject to the powers of the local
education authority under this section) have the exclusive
power of appointing and dismissing teachers.
"8.—
(1) Where the local education authority or any other persons
propose to provide a new public elementary school, they shall
give public notice of their intention to do so, and the
managers of any existing school, or the local education
authority (where they are not themselves the persons proposing
to provide the school), or any ten rate payers in the area for
which it is proposed to provide the school, may, within three
months after the notice is given, appeal to the Board of
Education on the ground that the proposed school is not
required, or that a school provided by the local education
authority, or not so provided, as the case may be, is better
suited to meet the wants of the district than the school
proposed to be provided, and any school built in contravention
of the decision of the Board of Education on such appeal shall
be treated as unnecessary.
{197}
"(2) If, in the opinion of the Board of Education, any
enlargement of a public elementary school is such as to amount
to the provision of a new school, that enlargement shall be so
treated for the purposes of this section.
"(3) Any transfer of a public elementary school to or from a
local education authority shall for the purposes of this
section be treated as the provision of a new school.
"9. The Board of Education shall, without unnecessary delay,
determine, in case of dispute, whether a school is necessary
or not, and, in so determining, and also in deciding on any
appeal as to the provision of a new school, shall have regard
to the interest of secular instruction, to the wishes of
parents as to the education of their children, and to the
economy of the rates; but a school for the time being
recognized as a public elementary school shall not be
considered unnecessary in which the number of scholars in
average attendance, as computed by the Board of Education, is
not less than thirty."
The main contentions were raised by these sections of the
Bill, and as soon as their bearing and effect were discerned
the Nonconformist opposition was rallied in strong force. "The
main ground of objection taken," says the Annual Register,
"was that, while throwing the whole charge of the maintenance
of denominational schools (apart from that of the fabrics) on
public funds, it failed to secure to the local public any real
control over the management of the schools so maintained, and
amounted in effect to a new endowment of the Church of
England; also that it perpetuated and enhanced the injustice
of the pressure of the system of religious tests in the
profession of elementary teaching, which would now, it was
said, if the Bill should pass, be the permanent monopoly of
Anglicans in the schools educating more than half of the
children of the working classes. Denunciatory resolutions
based generally on grounds of this character, were passed by
the National Free Church Council, the London Congregational
Union (April 8), the General Committee of the Protestant
Dissenting Deputies, and other bodies; and at an early date a
disposition, to which both encouragement and expression were
vigorously administered by the British Weekly, was somewhat
extensively shown to urge that it would be the duty of
Nonconformists to refuse to pay the education rate if the Bill
should become law. Dr. Parker, of the City Temple, in a letter
to the _Times_ (April 5), avowed himself earnestly in
favour of this policy, which was also defended by the Rev. H.
Price Hughs. It was opposed by the Rev. John Watson, of
Liverpool (known in the literary world as ‘Ian Maclaren’), but
the voices of restraint among the Nonconformist opposition
were less audible than those of indignant reproach and
menace."
_Annual Register,
1902, p. 107._
The following from an article by Rev. J. Guinness Rogers shows
the attitude and feeling of the Nonconformist opposition:
"Hitherto a certain proportion of the cost of these schools
has been borne by Churchmen themselves, and Nonconformists
have been content to regard that as fairly providing for the
sectarian teaching that was given. They did not regard the
arrangement as wise or salutary. But they acquiesced
considering that they had no responsibility whatever for the
denominational teaching that was given. The new Act altered
all the conditions. The State now assumes all the
responsibility for the support of these schools. The last
vestige of voluntary support is swept away, and they become in
every sense part of the National School system. The burden of
their support is thrown upon the public funds. Only in the
matter of control and of their religious teaching do they
retain anything of their private character. … They are to be
supported out of the public funds. But they constitute a
privileged class of schools under private managers, and their
chief teachers have to belong to a particular Church and to
give instruction in its principles and doctrines. It is this
which has stirred the indignation of Nonconformists. They
conscientiously object to pay for the support of schools
staffed by Anglican teachers and employed in the dissemination
of Anglican doctrines. …
"For thirty years the Free Churches of England have quietly
submitted to an arrangement which practically left thousands
of the schools under the absolute sway of the clergy. There
were thus vast districts of the country, and those the
districts least open to the free play of public opinion, in
which Nonconformist children were forced into the ranks of the
pupils, while Non-conformist teachers were just as resolutely
kept out of these favoured preserves of sectarianism. But even
this did not satisfy the clergy and their friends. During
almost the whole of the period in question there have been
continual attempts to secure better terms for those already so
highly privileged. At length came the period for decided
action. … The whole character of our educational apparatus has
been changed, and changed in a manner as unfavourable to
constitutional liberty as to religious equality. School boards
were institutions in which Nonconformists had taken a deep
interest and in which in many of the large towns they had
achieved conspicuous success. They have been ruthlessly swept
away, and henceforth the work of education in our large towns
and cities is entrusted to committees chosen by County
Councils; Mr. Balfour showing here the same dislike of popular
control as characterises his administration in the House of
Commons. Can it be thought wonderful that Nonconformists have
been goaded into resistance by a policy so high-handed and so
determined? We have heard enough of the intolerable strain put
upon the supporters of the voluntary schools. The strain of
clerical intolerance and Tory partiality has become still more
intolerable."
_J. Guinness Rogers,
The Nonconformist Uprising
(Nineteenth Century, October, 1903)._
A weightier and more statesman like objection to the Act was
set forth by the Right Honourable James Bryce in the
following:
"Of all the causes which have kept education in England,
secondary as well as elementary, below the level it has
reached in such countries as Switzerland and Scotland and New
England, the most deep seated is the want of popular interest
and popular sympathy. The people have not felt the schools to
be their own, have not been associated with the management,
have not realised how largely the welfare and prosperity of
the nation depend on the instruction which each generation
receives. Since 1870 something has been done to stimulate
popular interest by the creation of School Boards (whose
admirable work in the large towns is admitted even by the
Ministry which proposes to destroy them), by the introduction
of a large representative element upon the governing bodies of
endowed secondary schools, and by entrusting County and
Borough Councils with power to spend money upon technical
instruction.
{198}
What can be plainer than that a wise statesmanship ought to
follow in the same path endeavouring to create everywhere
local educational authorities chosen by the people and
responsible to the people, keeping these local authorities up
to the mark by making a share in the imperial grant
conditional upon full efficiency, but teaching them to look
upon the schools as their own, and to feel that it is their
own interest as parents and citizens to make their schools
worthy of an advancing nation? No such idea has been present
to those who framed this Bill. It reduces, instead of in
creasing, the element of popular interest and popular control.
"School Boards are to be swept away, and with them those
elected women members who have been so valuable and
influential an element. The substituted County and Borough
Councils are, no doubt, elective bodies. But they have so many
functions already besides those educational functions which
are now to be thrown on them that the latter will play a small
part, and their discharge of those functions cannot be
effectively reviewed by the people at an election. Moreover,
every Council is directed to act through an Education
Committee largely, or possibly entirely, consisting of persons
outside their own bodies. It is certainly desirable to secure
an element of special knowledge. But the policy of these
committees—and policy (except as regards finance) is to rest
with them—will never be subject to any review by the electors,
to whom the committees are nowise responsible. The fault is
still worse when we come to the local managers. Where there
exist only denominational schools, there will be no popular
control at all, for the permissive appointment by the
Education Committee of not more than one-third of the local
managers is a merely nominal concession, quite illusory for
the purpose of securing any local power, any local interest,
any local sympathy. In most cases this permissive right of
appointment will probably be used to add to the denominational
managers some person or persons recommended by them, or one of
them, to the Education Committee, which sits in the distant
county town and may know nothing about the locality.
"It is not from any superstitious faith in popular election or
in what are called ‘democratic principles’ that I deplore
these provisions of the Bill. It is because they tend to
withdraw from education one of its most valuable propulsive
forces. Let us hear the Schools Inquiry Commissioners of 1868,
among whom were the present Archbishop of Canterbury, the late
Bishop of Winchester, and another eminent ecclesiastic.
"‘No skill in organisation, no careful adaptation of the means
in hand to the best ends, can do as much for education as the
earnest co-operation of the people. The American schools
appear to have no great excellence of method. But the schools
are in the hands of the people, and from this fact they derive
a force which seems to make up for all their deficiencies. …
In Zurich the schools are absolutely in the hands of the
people, and the complete success of the system must be largely
ascribed to this cause. … It is impossible to doubt that in
England also inferior management, if it were backed up by very
hearty sympathy from the mass of the people, would often
succeed better than much greater skill without such support.’
"These words were spoken of secondary education. They apply
with even greater force to elementary. The experience of
thirty-four years confirms them. But there is nothing in this
Bill to give effect to their principle."
_James Bryce,
A Few Words on the Few Education Bill
(Nineteenth Century, May, 1902)._
The Education Bill passed its third reading in the House of
Commons on the 3d of December, by a vote of 246 against 123,
being a majority of exactly two-thirds. In the House of Lords
it received brief discussion and a few amendments, which the
Commons accepted, and it was sent quickly to the King,
receiving the royal assent December 18. And now there came
into action the stubborn revolt which took the name of
"passive resistance,"—the refusal, that is, of a considerable
body of people to pay the rates levied for school purposes
under a law which they held to be unjust. Their attitude, and
the consequences they suffered, in imprisonment and the
seizure and sale of their property, are described in the
following passages from an article by one of the leaders of
the movement:
"It is difficult to believe that, at the beginning of the
twentieth century, Englishmen of high character and
indisputable loyalty are being sent to prison for exactly the
same reasons as those which were urged for committing John
Bunyan to Bedford Gaol; for exposing Richard Baxter to the
browbeating of Judge Jeffreys and a sentence of eighteen
months incarceration; and for sending George Fox to the
noisome dungeons of Carlisle and Derby, Lancaster and London.
Americans cannot credit it. The colonists of Canada and
Australia say, ‘Can these things be?'?; and even Englishmen
would never accept the humiliating conclusion, if they were
not confronted by the undeniable fact. The fact is that nearly
one hundred freemen of England, respectable and God-fearing
citizens, have been sentenced to different periods of
imprisonment since November, 1903. …
"Imprisonment is only one phase of this advancing cause;
another is that of the public sale of the furniture, pictures
and books of those who refuse to submit. The first sale was at
Wirksworth, in Derbyshire, on June 26th, 1903; and it has been
followed by about 1,600 more in different towns and villages,
all over England. … In one extremely flagrant instance, one
hundred pounds’ worth of goods were taken for the sum of
fifteen shillings, and in many cases fidelity to conscience
has meant loss of trade and of position, … No less than 40,000
summonses have been sent forth by the overseers to compel
recalcitrant rate-payers to appear before the magistrates and
‘show cause’ why they will not pay. …
"Now, it is for that process we cannot and will not pay any
rate whatever. We object to many of the provisions of the
Education Acts. They are anti-democratic, unfair, unjust; they
are destructive of educational efficiency and social peace;
but the one thing that has created the Passive Resistance
movement is not the destruction of the School Board, not the
loss of popular control, but this intrusion into the realm of
conscience by the State.
{199}
That is the prime factor in this situation. To that ‘we will
not submit,’ declared Mr. Fairbairn to Mr. Balfour when the
Bill was before the House. In short, we say with Bunyan to our
persecutors, ‘Where I cannot obey actively, there I am willing
to lie down, and to suffer what they shall do unto me.’"
_John Clifford,
Passive Resistance in England and Wales
(North American Review, March, 1905)._
In Wales, where the Nonconformists are very strong, the
resistance became more than passive. The County Councils
refused generally to put the Act into operation, and
Parliament, in August, 1904, passed what was described as the
"Welsh Coercion Act," to compel their obedience to it. This
Act authorized the central Board of Education, in the case of
a county proclaimed in default to provide for Church schools
and to deduct such appropriation from the Government rant for
educational uses to the county. As the deficit thus caused in
the sum available for the National schools would have to be
made up by the county, the recalcitrant county would thus
indirectly be saddled with the maintenance of the Church
schools. But Welsh resistance was not so easily overcome; for
a new plan was devised, according to which every proceeding
under the Coercion Act would be met by the resignation of
county education committees and managers of the National
schools. This would paralyze the central Board, which has no
power to fill the places thus vacated.
EDUCATION: A. D. 1904.
Church Attendance in School Hours.
A circular issued by the Board of Education, in July, relative
to the taking of children from Church schools, during school
hours, to attend Church services on Saints' days, caused great
dissatisfaction and complaint in Church circles. The practice
had been permitted hitherto; but the Board ruled that school
time-tables making provision for this must have the sanction
of the local school authorities, which in many cases were
opposed to the practice. A "Church Schools Emergency League"
was now organized to contest the action of the Board.
EDUCATION: A. D. 1905.
Underfed School Children.
An order issued by the Local Government Board, in April,
directed that, in the case of school children under sixteen,
found to be underfed, who were not blind, deaf or dumb, and
who were living with a father not in receipt of relief, there
must be application for relief made to the guardians of the
poor by a teacher empowered by the managers, or by an officer
authorized by the education authorities. The guardians must
then investigate the case and decide whether relief should be
given as a loan or in the ordinary mode, and notify the father
accordingly; thus giving the parent the opportunity to make
the needed provision himself. If he did not do so, the
guardians were empowered to recover from him the cost of the
necessary relief by county court process.
The report of the Board of Education for the year 1907-1908,
published in March, 1909, states with reference to the feeding
of necessitous school children that: "From December 21, 1906,
when the Education (Provision of Meals) Act, 1906, came into
operation, to July 31, 1908, 51 local education authorities
have been authorized to spend money from the rates in
providing food for school children. Of the 20 authorities
referred to in last year’s report as having taken power to
spend money for this purpose 14 have obtained sanction to
spend money in a second year."
EDUCATION: A. D. 1906.
Education Bill passed by the House of Commons and killed
by amendments in the House of Lords.
The defeat of the Conservatives and Unionists in the
Parliamentary elections of January, 1906, was ascribed very
largely to popular dissatisfaction with the Education Act of
1902. Hence, on the resignation of the Balfour Ministry and
the call of the Liberals, under Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman,
to the administration of the Government, the new masters of
legislative authority were held to have received a mandate
from the people to amend the objectionable law. On the 9th of
April a Bill to that end was brought forward by Augustine
Birrell, President of the Board of Education and again the old
disputes over denominational religious teaching in schools
supported by the public at large were re-enlivened and
re-heated, in Parliament and out. In December it passed the
House of Commons by a majority of 192, and went to the Lords.
A succinct and clear statement of the intent of the Bill, as
framed by the Government, was given in an article contributed
to _The Outlook_ of August 4, 1906, by Dr. Clifford
Webster Barnes, Special Commissioner of the Religious
Education Association to investigate moral and religious
instruction in European schools. In the framing of the Bill it
had been assumed that the overwhelming majority which swept
the new Government into power had determined that the
following principles should be enacted into law:
1. Unification of the public school system.
2. Complete local control where public funds are received.
3. Abolition of religious tests for teachers.
"The new bill by its first clause," wrote Dr. Barnes, "has
virtually met these three requirements. It makes it impossible
for the State, hereafter, to recognize or provide for any
school unless it comes under the absolute control of the local
authority; and as church boards are thus supplanted, religious
tests for teachers need no longer be feared. In later clauses,
also, special safeguards are arranged to protect the teachers
from this sort of test. If the bill, after providing the
necessary machinery with which to carry out its first clause,
went no further, the extreme Nonconformist would undoubtedly
have given it most hearty support, and the wrath of the Church
party might possibly have been no greater. But love for fair
play has prevailed in the Cabinet, and the Liberal Government
has proved its right to the title by introducing, in clauses
2, 3, and 4, special provisions for leasing the denominational
schools and for permitting their owners to give the religious
instruction distinctive of the church to which they belong. …
"The bill, therefore, makes the following concessions:
"1. For the purpose of continuing any existing voluntary
school it permits the local authority, on some arrangement
being made with the owners, to take over such school, provided
it is structurally fit. The State will then pay the entire
cost of maintenance, keep the property in good repair, and use
it only between the hours of 9 a. m. and 4 p. m., from Monday
to Friday inclusive. At all other times the owners are
privileged to do with it as they see fit. On two mornings of
the week, between 9 and 9.45, the religious teaching peculiar
to the denomination owning the property may be given, but
children whose parents do not wish such teaching are to be
excused during that time.
{200}
"2. In urban areas where there is a population of five
thousand or over, a Church school may remain as denominational
as at present, the distinctive dogmas of the Church being
taught as much as may be desired, provided the parents of
four-fifths of the children vote in favor of this arrangement,
and provided, also, that there are accommodations in some
neighboring school for those whose parents prefer
undenominational instruction. In every case that portion of
the religious teaching which is distinctively denominational
must be paid for by the church giving it. Statistics show that
by this concession one hundred per cent. of the Jewish schools
will be able to preserve their denominational character,
seventy-five per cent. of the Catholic schools, fifty per
cent. of the Wesleyan, and twenty-five per cent. of the Church
of England. By the previous concession, of course, all the
remaining schools of the various denominations will be able to
give their distinctive theological teaching on two mornings of
each week.
"But this denominational instruction is not the only religious
education which the schools will provide. By the bill of 1870
local authorities were permitted to introduce a kind of simple
Bible teaching which has been nicknamed, from the author of
the act, ‘Cowper-Templeism.’ It consists of Bible lessons
covering the Old and New Testaments arranged according to some
well-planned syllabus, the majority of these being modeled
after that of the London County Council. The exercise opens
with prayer and a hymn, after which the children tell the
Bible story of the day and are assisted by the teacher to draw
from it some suitable moral lesson, but no creed or religious
formulary distinctive of any denomination can be used. This
teaching must be given in the first hour of the morning,
between 9 and 9.45, and any child may be excused from
attendance upon the request of its parent. It is a significant
fact that the Nonconformists of 1870 were unanimously opposed
to the Cowper-Temple clause, and that it was put through only
by the strong and united effort of the bishops. Now it is the
Nonconformists who, to a man, favor this kind of instruction,
while some at least of the bishops, in their eagerness to
preserve denominationalism, go so far as to say ‘this teaching
undermines the foundations of Christianity.’"
In the House of Lords the Bill came under the Church
influences which had dictated the Act of 1902, and it was
slashed with amendments which would totally reverse its
operation on all the controverted points. That procedure
killed the measure, of course; and so the burning school
question remains unsettled, while England gives much thought
to another question,—What to do with the House of Lords?
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (APRIL-DECEMBER).
EDUCATION: A. D. 1907 (November).
Failure to compromise the Religious Sectarian Differences
concerning Public Education.
Attempts to negotiate a compromise with the religious bodies
whose antagonism wrecked the Education Bill of 1906 went so
far as to induce the Government, in November, 1907, to
introduce a Bill embodying the points on which agreement had
been reached. The outcome was stated in the report of the
Board of Education for 1907-1908, as follows:
"It became apparent after some progress had been made in
Committee that denominational assent could only be obtained by
still further concessions, including a substantial increase in
the grant to contracting-out schools. Your Majesty’s
Government have always maintained that the number of schools
availing themselves of the privilege of contracting-out, must
be strictly limited, that the grant provided by the Bill was
sufficient to afford a limited number of schools a reasonable
chance of existence, and that to increase the grant beyond
this sum would enable the great majority of schools to take
advantage of the privilege, and would involve the
establishment of a system of contracting-out as the rule
instead of the exception. In view of the impossibility of
obtaining agreement without such amendments as were, in the
opinion of your Majesty’s Government, inadmissible, it was
found necessary to withdraw the Bill."
EDUCATION: A. D. 1908.
Provisions of the Children Act relating to Industrial and
Reformatory Schools.
See (in this Volume)
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW.
EDUCATION: A. D. 1908-1909.
Oxford Teaching for Working People.
In 1908 the Convocation of the University of Oxford passed a
statute which gave the University Extension Delegacy power to
form a committee consisting of working-class representatives
in equal numbers with members of the Delegacy, with the object
of enabling Oxford to take its proper share in the work of
providing higher education for the manual working classes. In
January, 1909, the committee organized eight tutorial classes,
at Chesterfield, Glossop, Littleborough, Longton, Oldham,
Rochdale, Swindon and Wrexham. At the end of the first twelve
weeks of the work results were reported, as follows: "The
number of students enrolled was about 234, among whom were 20
women; and all of these pledged themselves to study
continuously under the supervision of the tutors provided by
Oxford for a period of three years. The subjects studied were
industrial history and economics. … The members with few
exceptions are men and women engaged in manual labour during
the day. Out of 169 students 48 were engineers, 35 were
engaged in the textile industries, 17 belonged to the building
trades, 12 were labourers, ten were potters, seven were in the
clothing trades, five were miners, and four were printers.
Sixty per cent. of the 234 students were under the age of 34.
Many of them were members' of working-class organizations. …
Few students abandoned the classes after beginning to attend
them, except for reasons such as illness, overtime or
unemployment. The average attendances are about 90 per cent.
of the maximum, possible. The paper work in some cases would
probably compare with the work done by first-class students in
the final honours schools at Oxford. … The committee consider
that any movement to shorten the hours of labour would
enormously increase the opportunities for higher education
among work people."
{201}
EDUCATION: A. D. 1909.
Official Reports and Statements of the extent and operation
of the English agencies of Public Education.
On the 2d of March, the President of the Board of Education,
Mr. Runciman, received a deputation of the Parliamentary
Committee of the Trade Union Congress, who presented a
resolution passed at the Congress stating that no solution of
the educational problem would be satisfactory that did not
give free education from the elementary school to the
University, and demanding the immediate abolition of fees in
secondary schools and technical colleges. One of the speakers
of the deputation complained that secondary school fees were
mounting so high that working people could not afford to pay
them, and that in some cases the rule as to the reservation of
25 per cent. of free places in secondary schools had not been
observed. Mr. Runciman, in reply, said that the difficulties
which had been raised centered around local finance. The Board
of Education had not been idle during the last three years in
assisting local authorities, especially for secondary
education. In the year 1906-1907 the grant for this purpose
amounted to £480,000; £691,000 was granted in 1907-1908; and in
the estimate for 1908-1909 £802,000 was put aside for secondary
education; and as far as he could see at present the amount to
be granted for secondary education purposes next year would be
even larger. … Of the total number of secondary schools which
were now required to comply with the free places regulation,
368, or more than half, provided in 1907-1908 more than the
stipulated 25 per cent., and the great majority of the whole
of them provided the 25 per cent. There were, it was true, a
number of cases where a smaller number of free places had been
granted, but that fact was due purely to local considerations.
… He should do all he could to prevent secondary schools from
becoming class schools, but it was not every child who was
suitable to enter a secondary school, and they must have a
fairly good standard examination for the child who wished to
enter. He would very much deplore indeed if the cost of
secondary education were to make it prohibitive, or so to
restrict to allow it to be open only to the children of
well-to-do-parents. He hoped, before the new regulations were
published, to clear away some of the obstacles in the
direction of throwing open a larger number of free places to
scholars and towards making the secondary schools as much
schools for the clever poor children as for the clever rich
children.
[Transcriber's note: The text between "must have a …"
and "… were published" is covered with an opaque ink stain.
Some words are guesses.]
A few days later in March the report of the general Board of
Education for the school year 1907-1908 was issued, bringing
statistical information of the English schools down to the
31st of July in the latter year. During the year then ended,
the number of new public elementary schools sanctioned under
the Education Act, 1902, was, in England, 215, giving
accommodation for 80,351 children, and in Wales 64,
accommodating 13,942 students. Enlargements, numbering 94 and
21 respectively, provided accommodation for 17,697 children in
England and 3,407 in Wales. During the year ending July 31,
1907, the number of ordinary public elementary schools in
England and Wales increased by 44, the council schools
increasing by 223, while the number of voluntary schools
decreased by 179. One hundred voluntary schools were
transferred to local education authorities. During the next 12
months the number of schools grew by 47, the number of council
schools having increased by 205, and the number of voluntary
schools having decreased by 158.
As regards higher elementary schools, 35 schools of the new
type existed on August 1, 1907, by which date there were left
26 such schools of the old type. The changes during the
succeeding year brought the total number of higher elementary
schools of the new type to 38, and the number of such schools
of the old type to 21 by August 1, 1908. The number of
scholars on the registers of elementary schools decreased
during 1906-1907 by 22,584, due mainly to a continued diminution
in the number of scholars under five years of age. During
1907-1908 the number of scholars on the registers increased by
12,166, a further decrease in the number of scholars under
five being more than balanced by a large increase in the
number of scholars between the ages of five and twelve.
The report records a growth of secondary schools receiving
grants from the Board, both in the numbers of such schools and
of the pupils attending them, and also in their effectiveness.
The Board adds:
"There are still areas where the amount of public secondary
school provision is wholly inadequate, or where its quality
falls much short of any standard that can be regarded as even
provisionally satisfactory. But there is no area in which the
Board have to note actual retrogression."
As regards evening schools, the report says:
"The total number of students enrolled in these schools during
1906-1907 diminished from 749,491 to 736,512; but there was a
considerable increase in the number of efficient students."
Statistics of the elementary schools of London for the year
1907-1908, published in March, 1909, in the annual report of the
education officer of the London County Council, showed that
the average number of children on the rolls of schools
maintained by the Council during the year was 731,706. Of this
number, 566,086 were on the rolls of London County Council
schools and 165,620 on the rolls of non-provided schools. The
average number of children in attendance during the year was
650,861, of whom 505,698 were at London County Council schools
and 145,163 at non-provided schools. The total number of
teachers engaged on March 31, 1908, was 17,562, of whom 13,030
were in London County Council schools and 4,532 in
non-provided schools. The salaries of these teachers amounted
to £1,820,816 and £443,468 respectively. On March 31, 1908,
the average salaries of head teachers and certificated
assistants (excluding teachers "on supply") were—for masters
in London County Council schools, £174 13s. 4d., and for
mistresses, £125 11s.; for masters in non-provided schools,
£144 1s. 7d., and for mistresses, £104 6s. 3d.
With reference to the size of classes the report states that
the number of pupils per class teacher was, in the case of
London County Council schools, 44.8, and in the case of
non-provided schools 37.5. Ten years ago the number was 55.2.
The gross expenditure on elementary schools was,
approximately, £4,000,000. The cost of London County Council
schools was about £3,400,000, and of non-provided schools
£600,000. About £1,257,000 of Government grant was earned and
of this £971,000 was in respect of London County Council
schools and £286,000 in respect of non-provided schools.
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Under the Education (Administrative Provisions) Act, 1907, the
London County Council is empowered to provide vacation schools
or classes during the holidays, or assist voluntary agencies
formed for this purpose. Hitherto the council has given
assistance to voluntary agencies, but in 1909 it was proposed
by the Children’s Care (Central) Sub-Committee of the
Education Committee of the council that the council should
itself organize vacation schools.
Debate in the House of Commons on the Education Estimates was
opened by the President of the Board of Education, Mr.
Runciman, on the 14th of July. In the course of his speech he
made the following statements:
"The Board of Education is now one of the greatest of the
spending departments, and a rough estimate of the amount of
public money spent on public education in this country shows
that we have cognizance of an expenditure of something like
£28,000,000 on elementary, secondary, and higher education,
and over and above that of a sum of probably £8,000,000 to
£10,000,000 spent by other authorities and other persons.
These estimates affect no fewer than 3,000,000 parents and
about 6,000,000 children. The improvement which has been made
in the elementary education system during the last five years
has been mainly machinery improvement rather than improvement
in the curriculum.
"The secondary and technical branches of the work which were
formerly under the control of South Kensington are now treated
as two different departments. In the old days technical
education was too technicalized and too little in touch with
the practical affairs, necessities, and actual circumstances
of life. It has been the object of the Board of Education
therefore to generalize secondary education, and so far as it
comes under the control of the Board to make technical
education more practical with a closer bearing on the duties
likely to be required from the young men and women who pass
through these classes. The improvement has been led, as might
have been expected, in the North of England, where classes
have been definitely graded. …
"The secondary schools of England and Wales have shown a most
marked improvement, both in numbers and character, during the
last few years. Progress has been noted in several directions.
First of all, the number of schools aided by grants and the
number of pupils attending those schools have gone up year by
year since 1902. The 272 secondary schools of that year have
increased to 800, and even since 1905-1906 the increase has been
at the same rate. I think in 1905-1906 there were only about 600
secondary schools in this country; now there are over 800.
About 60 new secondary schools are being added every school
year, and the number of pupils is increasing to an even
greater extent. The increase during the years 1902-1905 was
about 6,000 per annum, and the increase now has risen to over
10,000 per annum, so that the total number of pupils in
secondary schools is now 134,000, or very nearly 135,000. The
grants which have been made to secondary schools have, of
course, increased very considerably. It is impossible to
expect local authorities to spend much of their money on the
expenses of secondary schools unless they receive a large
measure of State aid. The grants have gone up during the seven
years from 1902 to the present time from £129,000 per annum to
over half a million; and this great increase in pupils, in the
amount of money spent on the schools, and in the number of
schools in the country, has been marked at the same time by a
raising of the standard of the teachers employed in those
schools, by an increase in the length of the school life of
the pupils who attend those schools, and by an incalculable
improvement in the curriculum and the efficiency of those
schools. I think we may look back with satisfaction on the
increase of the secondary schools over which we have control."
At the annual conference of the National Union of Teachers,
held at Morecambe, in April, 1909, with about 2000 in
attendance, the address of the incoming President contained
some interesting statements relative to the national teaching
staff.
"The character of the teaching staff in the elementary schools
of England and Wales," he remarked, "as shown by the latest
available return of the Board of Education, was: Of
certificated teachers, 89,078, or 49 percent.; of
uncertificated teachers, 40,569, or 22 per cent.; of
supplementary teachers, 21,984, or 12 per cent.; and of pupil
teachers, 27,227, or 15 per cent. The 22,000 so-called
supplementary teachers, possessing scarcely any educational
equipment, were utterly unfitted in most cases for the
important duties they were called upon to perform. Their sole
passports to the teaching profession were that they must be at
least one year over 17 and had been successfully vaccinated;
yet they were answerable for the education of nearly 600,000
children. The Board of Education proposed that in future each
member of this class of teacher should count on the staff for
20 instead of 30 children, while other regulations provided
for the limitation of the numbers to be employed in the
schools, and for the withdrawal by the board of the
recognition of a supplementary teacher at any time if not
efficient. This was indeed a step in the right direction, and
showed that Mr. Runciman was really solicitous that there
should be an improvement in the quality of the teachers at
work in the schools. There were also many young persons termed
student teachers whose academic training was unexceptionable.
They were really apprentices, but the Board of Education had
regarded each of these young people, who might never have been
in an elementary school before, or done a day’s teaching
anywhere, and who were away one day out of every five, as an
efficient teacher equal to educating 45 children on every
occasion on which the school was opened. … There were some 500
well-equipped college-trained certificated teachers waiting to
fill the gap which would be caused by the new regulations of
the Board of Education, and an additional 4,000 would be
seeking employment in August."
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EDUCATION: A. D. 1909 (MAY).
Revival of Passive Resistance to the Act of 1902.
The defeat of the Education Bill of 1906 wakened the spirit of
"passive resistance" afresh; but it was not until May, 1909, that
a reorganization of the movement was undertaken. As the result
of a conference then held in London, under the presidency of
Dr. Clifford, resolutions were adopted for the "organizing of
the whole passive resistance forces of the country into a new
league," to act on the following lines:
"(1) Suffering imprisonment where the resister has no
distrainable goods;
(2) suffering the distraint of goods without repurchase;
(3) suffering distraint of goods and afterwards buying them
back;
(4) protesting before the magistrates and then paying, on
order, the rate."
It was also resolved to urge upon the Government "the absolute
necessity of encouraging from national funds the building at
the earliest practicable moment of council schools in those
areas in which there are no undenominational schools, and also
the provision of unsectarian colleges in all parts of the
country where these are needed."
To a delegation from the League which waited, subsequently, on
the Head of the Board of Education, Mr. Runciman, the latter
said, with reference to the Act of 1902, that it "could not be
got rid of by administration. It would be a mischievous
precedent for any Minister to attempt to undo what Parliament
had done. He was, however, prepared to administer the Act
fairly and justly, and he was not going to show any favour to
any particular class of school. Dealing with the question of
the improvements in the conditions governing the existence of
training colleges, he said that during the past 12 months the
accommodation in training colleges for Nonconformist teachers,
or those who were not prepared to be bound by any
denominational creed, had greatly increased. Since 1905 there
had been a gradual increase, until there now existed 3,800
more places for that class of teacher than existed when the
Government came into power."
EDUCATION: A. D. 1909.
Educational demands of the Trade Unions.
The British Trade Union Congress, at Ipswich, in September,
1909, adopted a resolution urging workers to continue their
efforts to secure Parliamentary and municipal recognition of
the trade union education policy, which demanded:
"(1) The State maintenance of school children;
(2) scientific physical education, with individual medical
inspection and records of the physical development of all
children attending State schools, and skilled medical
attendance and treatment for any requiring it; and in order to
secure this:
(_a_) the development of the Medical Department at the
Board of Education, the head of which should be directly
responsible to the Board of Education, to whom he shall
report annually;
(_b_) the payment of an adequate grant from the
Imperial Exchequer for purposes of medical inspection and
for the establishment under every education authority of
properly equipped centres for medical treatment;
(_c_) the establishment under every education
authority of scientifically organized open air recovery
schools, the cost to be borne by the community as a whole
and not in any part by charitable contributions;
(3) the complete dissociation of these reforms from Poor Law
administration;
(4) that secondary and technical education be an integral part
of every child’s education and be secured by such a reform and
extension of the scholarship system as would place a
maintenance scholarship within the reach of every child, and
thus make it possible for all children to be full time day
pupils up to the age of 16;
(5) that the best intellectual and technical training be
provided for the teachers of the children, that each
educational district be required to train the number of pupil
teachers demanded by local needs and to establish training
colleges, preferably in connexion with Universities or
University colleges;
(6) that the provision of educational buildings and facilities
be obligatory upon the local authority, who should always
maintain administrative control of the buildings and the
facilities so provided;
(7) that the cost of education be met by grants from the
Imperial Exchequer and by the restoration of misappropriated
educational endowments; and further, having regard to the
increasing cost of popular education, and also to the
increasing value and notoriously undemocratic administration
of the University and public school endowments, the Congress
called upon the Parliamentary Committee to press the
Government to appoint a Royal Commission to inquire into and
report upon the educational endowments of the country."
EDUCATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1903.
Execution of the Associations Law.
Closing of the schools of the Religious Orders.
State Monopoly of Education established.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1901 (APRIL-OCTOBER), and 1903.
EDUCATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1907.
Enlistment of teachers in the Syndicalist
(Labor Union) Movement.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1907.
EDUCATION: France: A. D. 1909.
A late awakening to the need of better technical and
industrial training.
France has been slow in understanding the modern necessity of
systematic industrial training and technical education, in
order to keep her workmen abreast of the more alert and
enterprising peoples in efficiency and skill. She has trusted
too long, it seems, to the old customs of apprenticeship, and
apprenticeship has decayed in her workshop practice, as it has
decayed everywhere else. The situation, as brought recently to
notice, was described as follows in a Paris letter to the
London _Times_, in May, 1909:
"Legislative enactments of recent date, limiting the hours of
labour for young people and placing under strict regulations
those workshops where children and adults are employed
together, have led to so much discontent among employers who
take apprentices that the majority of the masters, especially
those who obtain no immediate profit from the work of the
apprentices, have abandoned the practice of endeavouring to
train young people likely to be of use to them in the future.
The consequences are that the level of professional skill and
competence is becoming lowered among the rising generation of
workmen, and all are now agreed that the discovery of some
remedy is a matter of extreme urgency. It seems to be admitted
that in a very few years this evil may become one of fatal
importance in the case more especially of the art industries
and of those involving mechanical skill.
"The report of the Parliamentary Commission appointed to make
inquiry into this question has just been published, together
with the draft of the proposed legislation on this subject,
while the resolutions adopted at a Congress of Commerce and
National Industries, which has just taken place at Paris, are
entirely in accord with the views and suggestions of the above
Commission.
"The remedies unanimously demanded are as follows:
1. That it be made compulsory for all young persons of both
sexes, under 18 years of age, who may be employed either in
commerce or industry, to attend courses of technical
instruction (_cours de perfectionnement_).
2. These courses are to take place in the daytime, upon days
and at hours determined for each locality by committees
composed of representatives of the municipal authorities, the
associations of manufacturers, and of the workpeople. The
selection of the dates and hours in question is to be made in
such a way as to accord best with the respective interests of
the manufacturers and the educational requirements. Employers
will be bound to enable their workpeople to set apart
sufficient time to attend the classes.
3. The course of instruction is to be adapted in each district
to the requirements of the local trades."
{204}
EDUCATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909.
Clerical attack on the Secular or Neutral Schools.
Antagonism between the Roman Catholic Church and the
Government was newly accentuated in October, 1909, by a
clerical attack on the so-called "neutral" schools,—that is,
the secular or lay schools, publicly maintained and
administered. This was opened by a pastoral letter, signed by
French cardinals, archbishops, and bishops, in which those
faithful to the Church were warned against sending their
children to these schools, whose religious neutrality was said
to be in reality a bitter opposition to religion and church.
The Catholic schools, it was urged, must be kept up if the
Church is to be kept up. "In proportion as the schools from
which religious instruction is banished keep on filling up,
our churches will grow empty." The pastoral letter put the ban
on more than a dozen text-books on French history and civics
whose views it found pernicious. "If, therefore," the letter
concluded, "parents perceive that the souls of their children
are imperilled in the so-called neutral schools, they must not
hesitate, under pain of forfeiting the sacraments of the
church."
This roused anti-clerical extremists to demand the
establishing of a State monopoly of education, making the lay
school compulsory and suppressing all private schools in which
religion is taught. But the sounder republicans, in public
life and in journalism, gave no countenance to this. The
_Petite République_ reminded its advocates that there are
at present 1,122,375 children who attend private schools, and
that to establish Government schools for them would cost some
$75,000,000; or, if secondary schools be included,
$88,000,000. In addition an annual expenditure of $15,000,000
would be necessitated for upkeep and salaries. The Temps,
taking higher grounds of principle, condemned the scheme as
one that would essentially parallel the Revocation of the
Edict of Nantes. France, it declared, is a free country; every
creed has the perfect right to provide for its adherents the
kind of religious education which it thinks proper. At the
same time the _Temps_ pointed out that the opponents of
the lay schools are not merely attacking abuses that may have
crept into them, but mean to strike at the principle of
religious neutrality. It admitted the existence of wrongs that
need righting, saying it cannot be denied that some of the
school books are disfigured by partiality on various points
affecting history, patriotism, and religion, and that this is
contrary both to the letter and to the spirit of the law. This
evil must, the _Temps_ urges, be eradicated. But the
_école laïque_, says the _Temps_, cannot be
destroyed without destroying the Republic.
This, too, was the fundamental proposition of Premier Briand,
in a speech of admirable tone which he made, October 30th, at
a great banquet in Paris which inaugurated the new buildings
of _La Ligue de l'Enseignement_. The neutral school, he
declared, was the corner stone of the Republic. As reported in
_The Times_ of London, he went on to say:
"It was natural that the adversaries of the Republic should
attack the school—the mould in which the Republican spirit and
the character of Frenchmen and Frenchwomen was formed. Certain
people were pleading the dictates of conscience as the
explanation of the campaign which they had just started. Why
had they not attacked the school before? He would remind them
that the _école laïque_ existed before the recent
separation of Church and State; it had existed under the
Concordat. Why did not the conscience of its opponents seek
any expression till now? … The Government was determined to
give the country the means of defending the 'neutral’ school,
and measures to that end had been prepared by the Ministry.
But the most effective defence was that which would be
conducted by private initiative like that of the Ligue de
l’Enseignement and by the male and female teachers themselves.
The teaching in the schools, M. Briand continued, ‘ought not
to be directed against any one; in order to secure the
confidence of the parents it ought not to be of a polemical
character; in order to be effective it must not let the
passions of the street invade the schoolroom.’ Let them leave
violent language to their opponents and not play the game of
their opponents by indulging in violent methods."
This seems to have been the spirit in which the matter was
brought officially before the Chamber of Deputies, by M.
Steeg, the reporter on the Budget of Public Instruction. The
following is from a summary of his remarks on this subject:
"He says that it would be difficult to come to terms with the
Bishops of the disestablished Roman Catholic Church, who will
never, he thinks, agree to recognize with good will the
neutral school. He remarks, however, that no pretext must be
furnished to the Bishops for their attacks upon the school,
and that they must not be enabled to appeal against the
Republican Government to the idea of ‘neutrality’ itself. As
to the associations of parents, which are now being formed in
accordance with the Episcopal views, M. Steeg recognizes that
they are quite lawful. He only fears that they may sometimes
transgress by reason of excessive zeal; but he declares that
the best way of avoiding their interference is to make the
management of the schools irreproachable. The objections
raised against some of the school-books are, he thinks,
obviously exaggerated. But he considers that scrupulous care
ought to be exercised in resisting all temptation to borrow
for the purposes of the neutral school the weapons of
sectarian propagandism. … He continues; ‘We should not desire
that the book placed in the hands of a school child should in
any sense whatever contain a single proposition that is
perilous or open to suspicion. Let there be no veiled
proselytism supported by ingenious distortions of fact or
interpretations with an object.’"
{205}
The _Temps_ remarks; "M. Steeg’s language does him
credit, and it is a pleasure to see a politician of the
Extreme Left recognizing, with a strong sense of philosophic
truth, that respect for the past is perfectly compatible with
justice to the present and preparation for the future."
EDUCATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909.
Appointment of the Abbé Loisy, Professor of Religions
in the College de France.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).
EDUCATION: Germany: Technical Education.
Causes of its great development and
wonderful industrial results.
Its influence on International Trade.
"How much Germany owes to her system it would be almost
impossible to estimate. Certainly no other country has turned
the education of children and young people to such enormous
advantage. A good and efficient education has been made not
only accessible but also compulsory in every corner of the
country, and one of the most priceless features of this
education has been and is the inculcation of real, personal
interest in the national welfare. Further, the fullest
possible use has been made of scientific investigations, and
all sciences have been drawn into the service of the nation.
The result of this has been truly amazing; in fact, wholly
undreamt of. There can no longer be any doubt that Germany’s
industrial advance is mainly due to the extent and
thoroughness with which technical education is being
conducted. Briefly stated, the secret of the pronounced
success of the technical colleges in the Fatherland lies in
the fact that they have kept pace with the ever-increasing
scope of all branches of science in general, and, to the same
extent, with the ever-increasing demands of the present day
industrial enterprises upon scientific investigation and
research."
_Louis Elkind,
Germany's Commercial Relations
(Fortnightly Review, July, 1906)._
What seems to be the most satisfying explanation that has been
given of causes or reasons lying behind the extraordinary
development of scientific training on practical lines in
Germany, resulting in so wonderful a speed of industrial
progress within the passing generation, was cited from a
German scientist by President Pritchett, of the Massachusetts
Institute of Technology, in an article contributed to the
_Review of Reviews_, February, 1906.
"About a year ago, I heard a famous chemist in Germany explain
the present industrial supremacy of his country in words
something like these: ‘Forty years ago,’ said he, ‘the
scientific men of the various German states devoted their
study almost wholly to theoretical subjects. They were
humorously described as given up to investigations of the
dative case and similar impractical problems. In a measure
this was true. The investigators of that day had a wholesome
contempt for anything which promised direct utilitarian
results. But the development of the spirit of research
throughout the German universities trained a great army of men
to be expert investigators, and when a united Germany arose to
crown the labors of William I. and of Bismarck, with it came a
great national spirit in which the men of science shared. They
realized that to them were committed the great industrial
problems which must be solved in order to make the nation
strong, and scientific research, which up till then had been
mainly theoretical, was turned to the immediate solution of
the industrial problems of the nation. No longer the dative
case alone, but the development of the chemical, electrical,
and mineral resources of the country formed the avenues of
scientific activity, and scientific research, which had till
then been looked upon as theoretical accomplishment, became
the greatest financial asset of the Fatherland.’
"There is truth in this statement. The research habit, long
cultivated in German universities, had nourished a body of men
trained to research, men who had acquired the research habit
and the spirit of investigation. When, therefore, the problems
of industrial development began to appeal strongly to the
national spirit, the country had a trained body of men to call
upon who threw themselves heartily and enthusiastically into
these practical industrial problems."
A correspondent of the London _Times_, writing in May,
1909, draws attention to an influence on international trade
exerted by the German technical schools which is generally
overlooked: "In the German technical high schools," he writes,
"an appreciable proportion of the students are foreigners from
various countries in Europe. Among these foreign students the
Russians and Poles hold the first place in Germany as regards
numbers, there being about 2,000. There are also an
appreciable number of Scandinavians and Dutchmen, with a few
Belgians, Spaniards, Italians, South Americans, and Slavs from
Austria and the Balkan States. There are very few Englishmen,
Frenchmen, or Americans. … At present quite a large proportion
of the engineers and manufacturers in the neutral countries on
the Continent have been educated in Germany or Switzerland,
and as a result there is a great bias in favour of German
machinery and productions. … As the outcome of this feeling it
is a difficult matter for British manufacturers of machinery
to obtain a hearing when tenders are being considered on the
Continent, as the prejudice in favour of German or Swiss
machinery is strong."
EDUCATION: Germany: A. D. 1898-1904.
Rise of Commercial Universities.
A report on Commercial Instruction in Germany by Dr. Frederic
Rose, British Consul at Stuttgart, presented to Parliament in
September, 1904 (Cd. 2237), gives the following account of the
rise of the Commercial Universities which have been developed
in Germany since 1898, carrying the process of training young
men for business life to a higher point than had been aimed at
in the older commercial schools:
"The commercial universities for higher commercial instruction
(Handelshochschulen) have been founded within the last six
years [1898-1904] and mark a further step in the development
of commercial instruction in Germany. Their aim is to afford
persons engaged in business and industry on a large scale
(Grosskaufleute and Grossindustrielle), masters at commercial
schools, administration officials, bank officials, Consular
officials, secretaries to Chambers of Commerce, and so forth,
a deeper and broader measure of instruction in commercial and
national economical matters than that provided by the various
commercial schools. The special province of the commercial
universities lies less in the mere acquisition of
commercial-technical knowledge and attainments for immediate
practical detailed application, than in the attempt to provide
a general mental schooling for the higher branches of the
commercial profession.
{206}
They are intended to awaken and develop the mental faculties
of a merchant, to enable him to grasp the inner working and
meaning of national and international economy, and to
understand and judge its causes and results, its temporary and
permanent phenomena; as far as commercial officials are
concerned they are intended to impart general knowledge and
understanding of the economic conditions of commerce and
industry with their manifold aims and requirements.
"This measure of university education (Akademische Bildung) is
also intended to raise the social position of the mercantile
profession, and to increase its political importance and
influence in public life. Generally speaking the instruction
is arranged to include the following subjects:—Political
economy, commercial history and geography, commercial law in
all its aspects, the organisation and management of commercial
undertakings and their technical details, industrial law,
financial science, bank, exchange, monetary, and credit
operations, State and administrative law, and so forth."
At the writing of Dr. Rose’s report there were four of these
commercial universities. The oldest, at Leipsic and Aix, were
founded in 1898, the former in connection with the Leipsic
University, the latter connected with the Aix Technical
University. The other two, at Frankfort-on-the-Main and at
Cologne, were opened in 1901. The Frankfort University, which
bears also the name of "Academy of Social and Commercial
Science," and the Cologne University, are both independently
organized. "The initiative for the foundation of the
commercial universities," says Dr. Rose, "has been taken by
Chambers of Commerce and municipalities, and not by the
governments of the German States. The latter, however, are now
becoming aware of the importance of the movement. For the
present their action is limited to the supervision exercised
by the Ministers of Education and Industry and Commerce. …
"The foundation of the commercial universities has brought
forward many opponents, who not only deny their utility but
consider them actually harmful, because the persons they
instruct become too old before they engage in practical
business work. … The extreme opponents go further and deny
that a commercial university is able to train practical
business men, and assert that this can only be done by close
and continual contact with actual business life, and that the
acquisition of too much theoretical knowledge injures the
practical faculties. …
"The whole opposition to the commercial universities seems to
be based upon a narrow-minded and vague idea of the part they
are destined to play in the future. … Unless industrial and
commercial life in the future is to degenerate wholly into one
fierce and relentless struggle for one-sided aggrandisement,
to the detriment of other members of the social body, ample
opportunities for the thorough comprehension of the social and
economic conditions of the present day must be provided."
EDUCATION: Germany: A. D. 1906.
The Language Question In the Polish Provinces.
"Strike" of school children.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.
EDUCATION: INDIA:
A recent report of its schools and colleges.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.
EDUCATION: INDIA: A. D. 1908.
American Mission Schools.
"Increasing interest is now being concentrated on Burma and
India, where an illiterate population seems to need far more
education than has yet been provided by Great Britain. In
Burma the Baptists play the leading role, educating no less
than twenty-four thousand pupils. In India, however, the
Methodists lead, with a record of over thirty-seven thousand
pupils. They have two colleges at Lucknow. The Baptists have a
college at Ongole, and have about fifteen thousand pupils in
their schools. The Congregationalists have a college at
Madura, and have also about fifteen thousand pupils in India,
added to their total of ten thousand in Ceylon. The
Presbyterians have a college at Lahore and one at Allahabad,
and are educating about ten thousand pupils in the Empire."
_American Schools Abroad
(The Outlook, May 2, 1908)._
EDUCATION: International Interchanges:
Of Professors.
Of Students.
Of Teachers’ visits.
A fund provided by Mr. James Hazen Hyde, of New York, enabled
Harvard University, in 1904, to accept an invitation from the
Sorbonne, at Paris, to send one of its professors to give a
course of lectures at that ancient institution of learning, on
subjects relating to the United States. Professor Barrett
Wendell was chosen for the pleasant mission, and has been
followed by others in succeeding years, who have given courses
in various French universities, while the compliment has been
returned, in lecturing visits from a number of the most
distinguished men of letters and learning in France.
This opened what seems to have become an established and
widening system of lecturing interchanges between American and
European Universities, tending greatly to promote better
acquaintance between nations and better understanding of each
other. At about the time, or soon after, the mission of
Professor Wendell to Paris, arrangements were made for a
similar interchange between Harvard and the University of
Berlin. In a communication to _The Outlook_ of February
18, 1905, Professor Kuno Francke, Curator of the Germanic
Museum at Harvard University, gave an account of the
circumstances which led to this latter. In March, 1901, as he
relates, there were conferences in Berlin with Dr. Althoff,
Commissioner-General of the Prussian Universities, and with
other Prussian officials of eminence, having for their object
the promotion of the Germanic Museum. "The upshot of these
conferences," said the Professor, "was the draft of a
provisional agreement between the Prussian Government and
Harvard University, according to which for a period of five
successive years an exchange of professors between Harvard and
Berlin University was to be instituted, in such a manner that
every year one member of each of the two institutions would
enter for at least three months the regular teaching staff of
the other institution, it being understood that in each case
the visiting member represent subjects or methods distinctly
peculiar to his country.
{207}
This scheme, which met with the hearty support of President
Eliot, was discussed and approved a year later by the Harvard
Faculty, and reached its consummation a few months ago, [1904]
when, through the intercession of Professor Harnack, an
official proposition embodying it was made by the Prussian
Government to the Harvard Corporation, and adopted by the
same. It is most fortunate that the German Emperor, with his
quick grasp of international relations and his deep sympathy
for the American people, has now given to this whole subject a
much wider scope by proposing to extend the exchange of
professors to other universities in America and Germany; for
it seems as though such a measure could not fail to open the
way toward a veritable fraternization of the moral,
intellectual, and industrial leaders of both nations."
In the latter part of 1905, a Theodore Roosevelt Professorship
of American History and Institutions, in the University of
Berlin, was endowed with the sum of $50,000 by Mr. James
Speyer, of New York, the endowment being placed in the hands
of the trustees of Columbia University. The plan of this
professorship had been arranged with the German Emperor by
President Butler, of Columbia, at an interview in the previous
summer. Nominations to it would be made by the trustees of
Columbia University, subject to confirmation by the Prussian
Ministry of Education and to the Emperor’s sanction; each
incumbent to hold the office for one year, and the incumbents
to be so chosen that in successive years the field of American
history, constitutional and administrative law, economic and
sociological problems and movements, education, contributions
to science, technology, the arts and literature, be presented
with some fullness; the professorship to be filled by members
of any American institution of learning, or by scholars not
connected with academic institutions. The scheme involved also
the establishment at Columbia University of a similar
professorship of German history and institutions, the lectures
in New York to be delivered in English. The first incumbent of
the new professorship in Berlin was Dr. Burgess, Professor of
Political Science in Columbia University, who began his work
in Berlin in the winter of 1906-1907, and took as his subject
American constitutional history.
A movement looking to the establishment of similar
interchanges between American and Scandinavian Universities
was inaugurated in 1908 by the "Scandinavian American
Solidarity," a society organized in the United States that
year, with Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, of Columbia University,
for its President, and Professor Carl Lorentzen, of New York
University, for its Secretary. The Danes resident in New York
City and Chicago arranged that President Butler of Columbia
and President MacCracken of New York University should each
give lectures at the University of Copenhagen that year, and
raised the necessary funds. The lectures were given at
Christiania, as well as at Copenhagen, and appear to have
aroused a widespread interest. Norwegian and Swedish
Universities and the University of Helsingfors, in Finland,
have signified a wish to participate in the interchange, and
it is more than likely to become permanently arranged.
An educational interchange of a different character, but
equally important, was instituted in 1906 by Mr. Alfred
Mosely, an English gentleman of great wealth, who invited five
hundred English, Scotch, and Irish teachers to visit and
inspect American schools at his expense. Between November,
1906 and March, 1907, they came in parties of twenty-five,
some remaining one month in the country, some two, and some
even more, visiting many parts of it and all descriptions of
its schools. They were selected by an advisory committee in
London, which aimed to have them fully representative of the
men and women who are engaged in the work of the British and
Irish schools.
A return visit of some hundreds of American teachers to Great
Britain and Ireland, in similar parties, under the auspices of
the National Civic Federation, was made in the fall of 1908.
The schools of both countries gained, beyond question, from
what each had to offer of suggestion to the other.
The organization of a "new educational movement to provide for
the interchange of University students among the
English-speaking peoples" was announced in England in June,
1909. "The object," it was stated, "is to provide
opportunities for as many as possible of the educated youth of
the United Kingdom, Canada, and the United States (who, it is
reasonable to suppose, will become leaders in thought, action,
civic and national government in the future), to obtain some
real insight into the life, customs, and progress of other
nations at a time when their own opinions are forming, with a
_minimum_ of inconvenience to their academic work and the
least possible expense."
A great number of the most distinguished men of the time in
British public and professional life were listed among the
officers and committee-members of the organization, with Lord
Strathcona as President for the United Kingdom. As set forth
in the prospectus of the society, "the additional objects of
the movement are to increase the value and efficiency of, as
well as to extend, present University training by the
provision of certain Travelling Scholarships for practical
observation in other countries under suitable guidance. These
scholarships will enable those students to benefit who might
otherwise be unable to do so through financial restrictions.
It also enables the administration to exercise greater power
of direction in the form the travel is to take. In addition to
academic qualifications, the selected candidate should be what
is popularly known as an ‘all round’ man; the selection to be
along the lines of the Rhodes Scholarships. …
"To afford technical and industrial students facilities to
examine into questions of particular interest to them in
manufactures, &c., by observation in other countries and by
providing them with introductions to leaders in industrial
activity.
"To promote interest in travel as an educational factor among
the authorities of Universities, with a view to the
possibility of some kind of such training being included in
the regular curricula.
"To promote interest in other Universities, their aims and
student life, the compulsory physical training, and methods of
working their ways through college, for example, being
valuable points for investigation.
"To promote international interchange for academic work among
English-speaking Universities. …
{208}
"It is proposed to establish two students’ travelling bureaux,
one in New York and one in London; an American secretary
(resident in New York) and a British secretary (resident in
London), both of whom shall be college men appointed to afford
every facility to any graduate or undergraduate of any
University who wishes to visit the United States, Canada, or
the United Kingdom for the purpose of obtaining an insight
into the student, national, and industrial life of those
countries."
Further announcements of the plans of the organization were
made in November, including the following:
"It should be pointed out that, although the scholarships
proper will be reserved for undergraduates of the Universities
who are already midway through their course, the provision of
scholarships by no means defines the scope of the movement.
The bureau will afford facilities to all _bona fide_
students—whether dons, scholars, or commoners—who wish to gain
a practical insight into the work and life of other portions
of the world.
"The travelling students will have the advantage of reduced
rates of travel; of the special information which the bureau
will be able to afford; and of the privilege of being brought
as far as possible into contact with the actualities of those
countries to which they go, whether persons, places, or
institutions. …
"The method of election to the scholarships, which it is
purposed shall number not less than 28 for each year of the
experimental triennium—14 in the United Kingdom, ten in the
United States, and four in Canada—will be along the lines of
the Rhodes scholarships. The candidate, it is stated, shall,
as far as possible, be what is popularly known as an all-round
man, who plays a part in his college life and whose character
makes him popular."
EDUCATION: Ireland: A. D. 1909.
Organization of the two new Irish Universities.
On the 1st day of October, 1909, the two Universities created
by the Irish Universities Act of 1908 came into existence.
"That day also was fixed for the dissolution of the Royal
University of Ireland, the duties of which are now to be
distributed between the new National University in Dublin and
Queen’s University, Belfast. Circumstances, however, have
given the Royal University a short reprieve. It cannot be
dissolved until the autumn degrees of the present year have
been conferred. These degrees will be given as the result of
examinations which are now in progress, and it is probable
that the University’s last public function will be a conferring
of degrees on the last Friday in October. It will cease to
exist in the first or second week of November. …
"The National University itself consists of a Senate and
officers with large powers but with no local habitation. The
University has its concrete embodiment in the new University
Colleges, formerly Queen’s Colleges, at Cork and Galway.
University College, Dublin, is so far only concrete in the
sense that its governing body has been called into existence.
At the present time it has no teaching and no college
buildings. The former of these wants will be supplied almost
immediately. The University Commissioners will meet early next
month to appoint a teaching staff, and the college will be
available for students at the beginning of November. As
regards staffs, the Dublin College is differently situated
from those at Cork and Galway. For the latter colleges
teaching staffs exist ready made in the staffs of the old
Queen’s Colleges, which are to be taken over in accordance
with the provisions of the Act. …
"Nothing has yet been done in connexion with the buildings of
the new college in Dublin, though various sites have been
suggested, including that of the Royal Hospital at Kilmainham.
… The cases of Queen’s University, Belfast, and of the
University Colleges at Cork and Galway present no
difficulties. These institutions will have teaching staffs
within a couple of weeks, and all their buildings and
classrooms are in going order.
"The agitation of the Gaelic League in favour of the
compulsory teaching of Irish in the National University is
vigorously maintained. It is most improbable that the Senate
will yield to this agitation; and the result of their firmness
will be, if the league fulfils its threats, a rather serious
boycott of the University."
_Dublin Correspondent London Times,
September 30, 1909._
An Associated Press despatch from Dublin, October 24,
announced that "among the appointments to the new National
University of Ireland are Dr. Douglas Hyde, president of the
Gaelic League, as professor of modern Gaelic. Dr. Henebry,
formerly of Washington, D. C., has been appointed to the
professorship of the Irish language in the University College,
Cork."
EDUCATION: KOREA:
American Mission Schools.
"In Korea the Presbyterians have the strongest representation
of any religious denomination, with over three hundred
schools; and, what is still more striking, practically every
one of these schools is self-supporting. The Methodists follow
with over a hundred schools and over forty-two hundred
pupils."
_The Outlook,
May 2, 1908._
EDUCATION: NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1905.
New Education Law, an issue in the elections.
See (in this Volume)
NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1905-1909.
EDUCATION: PORTO RICO: A. D. 1906.
Schools as seen by President Roosevelt.
See (in this Volume)
PORTO RICO: A. D. 1906.
EDUCATION: PRUSSIA: A. D. 1904.
Denominational Education restored.
A resolution adopted by the Prussian Chamber of Deputies, in
May, 1904, restored the denominational school system which the
"May Laws" of the Kulturkampf, in 1873 and after had
abolished.
See (in Volume II. of this work)
GERMANY: A. D. 1873-1887.
Under those laws the schools were common to children of all
religious beliefs; under the new system they became either
Protestant or Roman Catholic according to the faith of the
majority of their pupils.
EDUCATION: RHODES SCHOLARSHIPS:
The Will of Cecil John Rhodes, providing Scholarships at
Oxford for students from the British Colonies and the
United States.
The late Cecil John Rhodes, who played an eminent part in the
development of South Africa and in the extension of the
British dominion in that portion of the world, died on the
26th of March, 1902, leaving a will which contained the
following directions for the use to be made of one large part
of the great fortune he had acquired:
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1904)
"Whereas I consider that the education of young colonists at
one of the universities in the United Kingdom is of great
advantage to them for giving breadth to their views, for their
instruction in life and manners, and for instilling into their
minds the advantage to the colonies as well as to the United
Kingdom of the retention of the unity of the Empire; and
{209}
"Whereas in the ease of young colonists studying at a
university in the United Kingdom I attach very great
importance to the university having a residential system, such
as is in force at the universities of Oxford and Cambridge;
for without it those students are at the most critical period
of their lives left without any supervision; and
"Whereas there are at the present time fifty or more students
from South Africa studying at the University of Edinburgh,
many of whom are attracted there by its excellent medical
school, and I should like to establish some of the
scholarships hereinafter mentioned in that university but
owing to its not having such a residential system as aforesaid
I feel obliged to refrain from doing so; and
"Whereas my own university, the University of Oxford, has such
a system, and I suggest that it should try and extend its
scope so as if possible to make its medical school at least as
good as that at the University of Edinburgh; and
"Whereas I also desire to encourage and foster an appreciation
of the advantages which I implicitly believe will result from
the union of the English-speaking people throughout the world
and to encourage in the students from the United States of
North America who will benefit from the American scholarships
to be established for the reason above given at the University
of Oxford under this my will an attachment to the country from
which they have sprung, but without, I hope, withdrawing them
or their sympathies from the land of their adoption or birth.
"Now, therefore, I direct my trustees as soon as may be after
my death and either simultaneously or gradually as they shall
find convenient, and if gradually, then in such order as they
shall think fit, to establish for male students the
scholarships hereinafter directed to be established, each of
which shall be of the yearly value of £300 and be tenable at
any college in the University of Oxford for three consecutive
academical years.
"I direct my trustees to establish certain scholarships and
these scholarships I sometimes hereinafter refer to as ‘the
colonial scholarships.’
"The appropriation of the colonial scholarships and the
numbers to be annually filled up shall be in accordance with
the following table;
[Transcribers note: "Do." probably means "ditto".
https://www.acronymfinder.com/DO.html]
Total To be tenable by students of or from Number of
number scholarships to
appropriated. be filled up in
each year.
9 Rhodesia 3 and no more
3 The South African College School in
the colony of the Cape of Good Hope 1 and no more
3 The Stellenbosch College School, Do.
in the same colony
3 The Diocesan College School of Do.
Rondebosch, in the same colony
3 St. Andrews College School, Do.
Grahamstown
3 The colony of Natal, Do.
in the same colony
3 The colony of New South Wales Do.
3 The colony of Victoria Do.
3 The colony of South Australia Do.
3 The colony of Queensland Do.
3 The colony of Western Australia Do.
3 The colony of Tasmania Do.
3 The colony of New Zealand Do.
3 The Province of Ontario, Do.
in the Dominion of Canada
3 The Province of Quebec, Do.
in the Dominion of Canada
3 The colony or island of Do.
Newfoundland and its dependencies
3 The colony or islands of the Bermudas Do.
3 The colony or island of Jamaica Do.
"I further direct my trustees to establish additional
scholarships sufficient in number for the appropriation in the
next following clause hereof directed, and those scholarships
I sometimes hereinafter refer to as ‘the American
scholarships.’
"I appropriate two of the American scholarships to each of the
present States and Territories of the United States of North
America, provided that if any of the said Territories shall in
my lifetime be admitted as a State the scholarships
appropriated to such Territory shall be appropriated to such
State, and that my trustees may in their uncontrolled
discretion withhold for such time as they shall think fit the
appropriation of scholarships to any Territory.
"I direct that of the two scholarships appropriated to a State
or Territory not more than one shall be filled up in any year,
so that at no time shall more than two scholarships be held
for the same State or Territory.
"The scholarships shall be paid only out of income, and in
event at any time of income being insufficient for payment in
full of all the scholarships for the time being payable I
direct that (without prejudice to the vested interests of
holders for the time being of scholarships) the following
order of priority shall regulate the payment of the
scholarships:
"(I) First, the scholarships of students of or from Rhodesia
shall be paid;
"(II) Secondly, the scholarships of students from the said
South African Stellenbosch Rondebosch and St. Andrews schools
shall be paid;
"(III) Thirdly, the remainder of the colonial scholarships
shall be paid, and if there shall not be sufficient income for
the purpose such scholarships shall abate proportionately; and
"(IV) Fourthly, the American scholarships shall be paid, and
if there shall not be sufficient income for the purpose such
scholarships shall abate proportionately.
{210}
"My desire being that the students who shall be elected to the
scholarships shall not be merely bookworms, I direct that in
the election of a student to a scholarship regard shall be had
to
(I) his literary and scholastic attainments;
(II) his fondness of and success in manly outdoor sports, such
as cricket, football, and the like;
(III) his qualities of manhood, truth, courage, devotion to
duty, sympathy for the protection of the weak, kindliness,
unselfishness, and fellowship, and
(IV) his exhibition during school days of moral force of
character and of instincts to lead and to take an interest in
his schoolmates, for those latter attributes will be likely in
after life to guide him to esteem the performance of public
duties as his highest aim. As mere suggestions for the
guidance of those who will have the choice of students for the
scholarships, I record that
(I) my ideal qualified student would combine these four
qualifications in the proportions of three-tenths for the
first, two-tenths for the second, three-tenths for the third,
and two-tenths for the fourth qualification, so that ac-
cording to my ideas if the maximum number of marks for any
scholarship were 200 they would be apportioned as follows:
Sixty to each of the first and third qualifications, and 40 to
each of the second and fourth qualifications.
(II) The marks for the several qualifications would be awarded
independently, as follows (that is to say): The marks for the
first qualification by examination, for the second and third
qualifications, respectively, by ballot by the fellow-students
of the candidates, and for the fourth qualification by the
head master of the candidate’s school, and
(III) the results of the awards (that is to say the marks
obtained by each candidate for each qualification) would be
sent as soon as possible for consideration to the trustees or
to some person or persons appointed to receive the same, and
the person or persons so appointed would ascertain by
averaging the marks in blocks of 20 marks each of all
candidates the best ideal qualified students.
"No student shall be qualified or disqualified for election to
a scholarship on account of his race or religious opinions.
"Except in the cases of the four schools hereinbefore
mentioned, the election to scholarships shall be by the
trustees after such (if any) consultation as they shall think
fit with the minister having the control of education in such
colony, province, State, or Territory.
" A qualified student who has been elected as aforesaid shall
within six calendar months after his election, or as soon
thereafter as he can be admitted into residence or within such
extended time as my trustees shall allow, commence residence
as an undergraduate at some college in the University of
Oxford.
"The scholarships shall be payable to him from the time when
he shall commence such residence.
"28. I desire that the scholars holding the scholarships shall
be distributed among the colleges of the University of Oxford
and not resort in undue numbers to one or more colleges only.
"29. Notwithstanding anything hereinbefore contained, my
trustees may in their uncontrolled discretion suspend for such
time as they shall think fit or remove any scholar from his
scholarship.
"30. My trustees may from time to time make, vary, and repeal
regulations either general or affecting specified scholarship
only with regard to all or any of the following matters, that
is to say:
"(I) The election, whether after examination or otherwise, of
qualified students to the scholarships, or any of them, and
the method, whether by examination or otherwise, in which
their qualifications are to be ascertained;
"(II) The tenure of the scholarships by scholars;
"(III) The suspension and removal of scholars from their
scholarships;
"(IV) The method and times of payment of the scholarships;
"(V) The method of giving effect to my wish expressed in
clause 28 hereof; and
"(VI) Any and every other matter with regard to the
scholarships, or any of them, with regard to which they shall
consider regulations necessary or desirable.
"31. My trustees may from time to time authorize regulations
with regard to the election, whether after examination or
otherwise, of qualified students for scholarships and to the
method, whether by examination or otherwise, in which their
qualifications are to be ascertained to be made:
"(I) By a school in respect of the scholarships tenable by its
students; and
"(II) By the minister aforesaid of a colony, province, State,
or Territory in respect of the scholarships tenable by
students from such colony, province, State or Territory.
"32. Regulations made under the last preceding clause hereof,
if and when approved of, and not before, by my trustees, shall
be equivalent in all respects to regulations made by my
trustees.
"No regulations made under clause 30 or made and approved of
under clauses 31 and 32 hereof shall be inconsistent with any
of the provisions herein contained.
"In order that the scholars past and present may have
opportunities of meeting and discussing their experiences and
prospects, I desire that my trustees shall annually give a
dinner to the past and present scholars able and willing to
attend, at which I hope my trustees, or some of them, will be
able to be present, and to which they will, I hope, from time
to time invite as guests persons who have shown sympathy with
the views expressed by me in this, my will."
The trustees are the
Earl of Rosebery,
Earl Grey,
Lord Milner,
Mr. Alfred Beit,
Dr. Leander Starr Jameson,
Mr. Lewis Loyd Mitchell, and
Mr. Bourchier Francis Hawksley.
EDUCATION: RUSSIA: A. D. 1909.
Great Educational Projects before the Duma.
Primary school-houses by the hundred thousand,
and Compulsory Education.
Increased opening to Jews.
A telegram from St. Petersburg, February 16, 1909, announced
that the Ministry of Education had introduced that day a bill
before the Duma providing for a building fund for the erection
of 148,179 new primary schools throughout the empire within
ten years. These schools are to be built and maintained by the
provincial authorities on government subsidy. The same
despatch reported that a statute providing for general
compulsory education would soon be discussed in the Duma.
{211}
On the 5th of October it was announced that the Tsar had
sanctioned a resolution of the Council of Ministers permitting
the admission of an increased percentage of Jews into the
secondary schools of the Crown. In the capitals 5 per cent. of
the total number of scholars may be Jews, in other parts of
the Empire 10 per cent., and in the special Jewish settlements
15 percent.
EDUCATION: SCOTLAND: A. D. 1901.
Mr. Carnegie’s great gift to the Universities and
their students.
The first of Mr. Andrew Carnegie’s great gifts to other
institutions of education than the public libraries, which he
has assisted in such numbers, was conferred on the
universities of Scotland, his native country, in 1901. It was
a gift of $10,000,000 (£2,000,000), placed in the hands of
trustees for two purposes, namely, to improve and expand the
teaching power of the universities, on one hand, and to put
their teaching, on the other hand, more within the reach of
all the young in Scotland who craved it. It was said to have
been the original wish of Mr. Carnegie to make the tuition of
the universities free; but he found that it would be wiser to
strengthen them for their work, leave it subject to proper
fees, and provide for an allowance of pecuniary assistance to
students, in the discretion of the trustees. The application
of the gift was so arranged, one-half of the net annual income
from the great fund being appropriated to buildings,
equipments, endowments of professorships and lectureships, and
the like uses for the betterment of the university work.
There were fears at first that the effect of so much easing of
the attainment of a university education might be injurious to
the spirit and character of the students who accepted the
helping hand; but seven years of experience, under the working
of the gift, do not seem to have justified the fear. In those
seven years over 8000 of the Scottish young people had the
benefit of Mr. Carnegie’s help to a college training, and the
trustees of the Fund, in their annual report of 1909,
pronounced the result good. "In the opinion of such men as
Lord Rosebery, Lord Elgin, Lord Balfour of Burleigh, Mr.
Balfour, and Mr. Haldane, who are all helping to administer
Mr. Carnegie’s charity," says a London correspondent of the
New York _Evening Post_, "Scotland has much to thank him
for."
EDUCATION: TURKEY AND THE NEAR EAST:
American Mission Schools.
"At present [1909] there are about twenty-five thousand native
students in American schools in this country. America can
boast to-day that she has, in Turkey, nine colleges, five
theological seminaries, fifty-seven boarding and high schools,
and 348 public schools. And, if we accumulate the work of
seventy-five years, it is a simple matter to understand how
many thousands have been educated in American ways and with
the American spirit.
"Missionaries came to this country to spread Protestant
Christianity among the Moslems. They failed in that. The
Mohammedan government was against them. They tried to make
Christian Greeks, Christian Armenians, Protestants. This did
not result in a marked success, but their schools, which they
opened as a medium of spreading religion, were eagerly sought
by young men and young girls of every race. Armenians form the
majority in this country of those who have received an
American education. Bulgarians and Greeks come next.
"Many I have met who have been thoroughly educated in
missionary institutions. Generally they are not Protestants,
neither much religiously inclined. But they are moral,
independent, and broad-minded.
"The Turkish mission, as it is written about in America, is
not, in fact, areal Turkish mission; not a Moslem has been
Christianized; not a single Turk is a member of mission
communities; yet native Christians have been widely helped by
the opportunity offered for education and the growth of a
spirit of civilization and humanity.
"Year after year young men graduated from American
institutions in Turkey to go forward among their compatriots
as teachers, journalists, and public officers. The building up
of brave little Bulgaria is the work of graduates of Robert
College of Constantinople. Stambouloff, who made Bulgaria what
it is to-day, was an alumnus of the same institution. Among
the Armenian revolutionary leaders, who worked hand-in-hand
with the Young Turks to bring about a political change in
Turkey, boys of Robert College and young men educated in
American universities are prominent. I know young girls,
graduates of the American College at Scutari, who took active
part in revolutionary work during the despotic days of the old
regime; and even joined in the conspiracy which led to the
throwing of a bomb at the Sultan during the Selamlik ceremony
a few years ago. … There are a number of Turkish girls to-day
at the college in Scutari, and it is a pleasure to any one to
see Turkish women discussing in fluent English politics,
economics, and history."
_Special Correspondence of the New York Evening Post,
Constantinople, March 20, 1909._
At Beirut is the Syrian Protestant College, under Presbyterian
control, one of the most enlightened institutions abroad.
Euphrates College at Harput in Asia Minor, with a thousand
students, is a Congregational institution. At Tarsus, the
Apostle Paul’s home, is, appropriately enough, St. Paul’s
Institute. Throughout Turkey the Congregationalists have over
four hundred schools, with over twenty-one thousand pupils. In
Syria the Presbyterians maintain about a hundred schools. The
Presbyterians (North) have no work in Egypt, but the United
Presbyterians are educating there no less than fifteen
thousand pupils, a total the more surprising when we recall
that the Government schools in Egypt have only eighteen
thousand pupils. More than four thousand have received
instruction at Assiut College, the center of the United
Presbyterian work. … As in Persia, the Presbyterians are the
strongest denominational force. Besides Urumia College, they
have about a hundred and twenty-five schools throughout the
country."
_American Schools Abroad
(The Outlook, May 2, 1908)_.
EDUCATION: THE INFLUENCE OF ROBERT COLLEGE.
"Two years ago one of the subjects given out for a thesis in
the Russian Theological Seminary at Kiev was, ‘The Influence
of Robert College in the Development of Bulgaria.’ Russia has
found the influence of that College there a factor which she
has had to take into serious account; indeed, it has been said
by Russian as well as by high Turkish officials that Robert
College really created Bulgaria. Its influence has also been
abundantly recognized throughout Europe and America. In
Bulgaria itself the first National Assembly, which met to
adopt a constitution and to choose a Prince, passed a
resolution expressing the gratitude of the new-born nation to
the College. Prince Alexander conferred a high decoration on
the President of the College to express his personal
appreciation, and last summer Prince Ferdinand did the same.
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Robert College has not only been the backbone of Bulgaria; it
has been the greatest civilizing power in the Turkish Empire.
Sir William White, who knew that Empire better than has any
recent British ambassador, once remarked that the College had
accomplished more for the good of the Turks than had all the
representatives of the British Government; and Professor
Ramsey, of St. Andrews, who has spent many years in exploring
Asia Minor, says:
"‘I have come in contact with men educated in Robert College
in widely separate parts of the country, men of diverse
nationalities and different forms of religion—Greek, Armenian,
and Protestant—and have everywhere been struck with the
marvelous way in which a certain uniform type, direct, simple,
honest, and lofty in tone, has been impressed upon them. Some
had more of it, some less. But all had it to a certain degree,
and it is diametrically opposite to the type produced by
growth under the ordinary conditions of Turkish life.’
"The College is not organized for the purpose of missionary
propaganda. It is not denominational. It is Christian in the
broad sense in which Princeton, Yale and Harvard are Christian
Colleges. In its faculty it has a Mohammedan Professor of
Turkish language and literature, and an orthodox Greek
Professor of Greek language and literature. … It draws
students not only from Turkey, but also from Greece, Bulgaria,
Rumania and Russia, and has already educated nearly twenty-six
hundred. If the demands upon the College continue to increase
in the future as in the past, its endowment will have to be
doubled. Occupying one of the most beautiful sites on the
Bosphorus, the College has at present five buildings, besides
six houses for professors, a teaching staff of twelve
professors and twenty-five other instructors."
_The Outlook, January 21, 1905._
Robert College was founded at Constantinople in 1863 by James
H. and William B. Dwight, sons of an American missionary to
Turkey, the Reverend Harrison G. O. Dwight. It was named after
Christopher R. Robert, of New York, its main supporter, whose
gifts to it first and last amounted to $450,000. Its first
President was the Reverend Dr. Cyrus Hamlin, who presided over
it until 1877, when he resigned, and was succeeded by the
Reverend Dr. George Washburn.
In November, 1909, it received a bequest of $1,500,000, from
the late John Stewart Kennedy, of New York, and its work will
be greatly expanded.
EDUCATION: TURKEY: A. D. 1909.
Constitutional Amendment.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (MAY-DECEMBER).
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES:
The Trade Unions as a factor in the Assimilation and
Education of the foreign-born.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.
EDUCATION: A. D. 1898-1909.
The Annual Conferences for Education in the South.
Since 1898 a series of annual Conferences for Education in the
South, inspired, organized, and sustained especially by the
joint efforts of J. L. M. Curry and Robert C. Ogden, have been
held in various Southern cities, with notable effect. At the
twelfth of these conferences, in April, 1909, at Atlanta, Mr.
Ogden, presiding, said in his address:
"This conference holds its place as a part of an educational
renaissance. Its work can perhaps be definitely defined only
at a single point. It exists primarily to impress upon the
mind of the citizen, the people, the responsibility of the
individual for educational conditions, to support the claim
that every child in America, native or foreign born, is
entitled to a good English education, that it is the duty of
the State as representing the people to provide such
education, that in the words of the man that recruited me and
pledged my service, such as it is, to this work, J. L. M.
Curry, president of this conference in its second year,
‘Ignorance Cures Nothing.’ …
"Aside from the first mentioned special influence this
conference makes no direct claim save that it has by various
agencies assisted in the promotion and development of many
progressive educational ideas, and through the Southern
Educational Board, to which it is both mother and child, has
supplied methods and incidental support that have caused many
latent forces to germinate, flourish, and bring forth abundant
fruit that otherwise never could have existed. We simply have
planted seed that eventually produced large harvests.
"I am told, and I think the statement is accurate, that during
the last seven years the public appropriations for education
in the States under the influence of the Southern Education
Board have increased $16,000,000 per annum. These figures are
difficult of verification, but probably are greater than I
have stated. We have had something to do with this result, how
much may not be a subject for definite calculation. …
"The twelve years that measure the life of the conference for
education in the South have been years of great originality in
the development of American education."
EDUCATION: A. D. 1901.
The Washington Memorial Institution.
"In almost every Government department and bureau at
Washington, prolonged scientific investigations are
continually carried on, in order that governmental action
itself may be more intelligent and more efficient, and the
general welfare of the people promoted. … While the Congress
carries on this work for governmental purposes only, it
indicated as long ago as 1892, in a joint resolution approved
April 12 of that year, that the Government’s large collections
illustrative of the various arts and sciences, and its
facilities for scientific and literary research, were to be
held accessible to the investigators and students of any
institution of higher education then existing or thereafter
established in the District of Columbia. By an almost
unnoticed but most important provision incorporated in the
general deficiency bill passed at the second session of the
Fifty-sixth Congress, and approved March 3, 1901, the
privileges given by the joint resolution of April 12, 1892, to
investigators and students of institutions in the District of
Columbia were extended to ‘scientific investigators and to
duly qualified individuals, students, and graduates of
institutions of learning in the several States and
Territories, as well as in the District of Columbia, under
such rules and restrictions as the heads of the departments
and bureaus mentioned may prescribe.
… The new opportunities created a new need, and that need is
to be met by the Washington Memorial Institution, incorporated
on May 17, 1901, and formally organized on June 3.
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"The Washington Memorial Institution is the direct outcome of
the activities of the Washington Academy of Sciences and of
the George Washington Memorial Association, the latter body
being an organization of women ‘to aid in securing in the city
of Washington, D. C., the increase of opportunities for higher
education, as recommended by George Washington, the first
President of the United States, in his various messages to
Congress.’ … The plan has been worked out in consultation with
representatives of the universities and other scientific
bodies, and with their hearty cooperation and approval. It has
the merits of simplicity and of not duplicating any existing
form of educational effort." The Institution "will ascertain,
year by year, just what the opportunities for students are at
Washington, and will publish them to the world; it will
receive and enroll students who offer themselves, and direct
them to the places which await them; it will record their work
and its results, and, when requested, will certify these to
any institution of learning. It will keep in touch with the
universities, scientific schools, and colleges on the one
hand, and with the departments and bureaus of the Government
on the other. In this way it will, it may be hoped, promote
the interests and the ideals of both."
_Nicholas Murray Butler,
The Washington Memorial Institution
(American Review of Reviews, July, 1901)._
EDUCATION: A. D. 1901-1909.
Changes at the Universities.
In October, 1901, on accepting a nomination to the mayoralty
of New York City, President Seth Low, of Columbia University,
resigned from that post, and Professor Nicholas Murray Butler
became acting President until the following January, when he
was elected to the Presidency by the unanimous vote of the
trustees.
For the first time in its history, the University of
Virginia—Jefferson’s creation—received a President in April,
1905, when Dr. Edwin Anderson Alderman was inducted in office
as its administrative head. The significance of the occurrence
was expressed at the time by Professor William P. Trent, when
he said: "The University of Virginia, so long, under its
chairmen of the faculty, faithful to its founder’s prejudices
against the concentration of executive power in the hands of
an individual, has been forced by pressure from within and
from without to align itself with its sister universities in
this essential feature of educational government, and in this
fact many will see another step in the slow but certain
nationalizing of the South, as well as an indication that in
the future the University of Virginia will be widely known as
a national institution of high standing."
In the summer of 1902, President Francis L. Patton, who had
been the successor of President McCosh at Princeton
University, retired and was succeeded by Professor Woodrow
Wilson, previously occupant of the chair of Jurisprudence and
Politics since 1890.
The President who had organized the University of Chicago at
its foundation, in 1891, and directed its successful
development through fifteen years of a remarkable success,
William Rainey Harper, died on the 10th of January, 1906, and
was succeeded by Professor Harry Pratt Judson, previously at
the head of the department of Political Science and Dean of
the faculties of Arts, Literature, and Science.
President Henry Hopkins of Williams College retired in 1907
and was succeeded by Harry A. Garfield, eldest son of the
former President of the United States, and lately Professor of
Politics at Princeton University.
In October, 1908, President Charles W. Eliot of Harvard
University made known his wish to retire in the following May
from the office which he had filled with so much distinction
for forty years. His resignation was accepted with profound
regret, and he vacated the Presidency of the great University
on the 19th of May, 1909. His successor, Professor Abbott
Lawrence Lowell, taken from the chair of the Science of
Government, in the Harvard faculty, had been elected in the
preceding January. President Lowell was inaugurated with much
ceremony on the 6th of October.
Dr. Richard C. Maclaurin was called from the department of
physics in Columbia University, New York, to the presidency of
the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, in November, 1908.
President Cyrus Northrup, of the University of Minnesota,
announced in 1908 his resignation to take effect the following
year.
A change in the Presidency of Dartmouth College took place in
June, 1909, Dr. W. J. Tucker resigning because of ill health,
and Professor Ernest Fox Nichols, formerly head of the
department of physics at Dartmouth, and latterly occupying a
chair at Columbia University, being elected to his place.
Having passed his eightieth year of life and the thirty-eighth
of his administration of the University of Michigan, President
James Burrill Angell was reluctantly permitted to retire from
active service to the University at the close of the academic
year in 1909. The acceptance of his resignation by the Regents
of the University was accompanied, however, by the tender to
him of the office of Chancellor, the duties to be such as "he
may be willing and able to perform; the salary for such office
to be $4000 per year, with house rent, light and fuel, so long
as he sees fit to occupy his present residence." Dean H. B.
Hutchins, of the law department was made acting President.
EDUCATION: A. D. 1902.
Founding of the Carnegie Institution of Washington,
for Original Research.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.
EDUCATION: A. D. 1902-1909.
The General Education Board.
Its stupendous endowment by Mr. Rockefeller.
Its plans and operations.
The General Education Board, destined to become so great an
educational power in the United States, had its birth on the
27th of February, 1902, at a meeting in New York to which Mr.
John D. Rockefeller had invited the following named gentlemen:
William H. Baldwin, Jr.,
Wallace Buttrick,
Hon. J. L. M. Curry,
Frederick T. Gates,
Daniel C. Gilman,
Morris K. Jessup,
Robert C. Ogden,
Walter H. Page,
George Foster Peabody,
John D. Rockefeller, Jr., and
Albert Shaw;
with Edward M. Shepard as counsel.
A conception of the general plan and purpose of the Board had
been, it is said, in Mr. Rockefeller’s thought for some time
past, and his guests gave hearty approval to the project in
which he asked them to join him. Then and there they became
organized temporarily under the name still borne, Mr.
Rockefeller pledging $1,000,000 to the support of their work,
which should specially be directed at the outset to the study
and improvement of educational conditions in the Southern
States.
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Offices of the Board were opened in New York April 1, 1902. It
was incorporated by Act of Congress on the 12th of January,
1903, at which time a considerable number of new members was
added to the Board, chosen from the heads of important
universities and colleges, North and South. The Board was now
in active cooperation with the United States Department of
Agriculture, whose work of scientific and systematic
instruction in agriculture, by demonstration farms and
otherwise, it found to be dealing with the most pressing of
Southern needs. It found another field of useful cooperation,
with Southern universities and colleges, in promotion of the
founding and maintaining of high schools. Its main operations
were on these lines until the summer of 1905, when, on the
30th of June, Mr. Rockefeller expanded its forces immensely by
adding $10,000,000 to his original gift of $1,000,000.
In _The Independent_ of August 6, 1908, Mr. Wallace
Buttrick, secretary of the Board, described the enlargement of
undertakings which followed this increase of endowment,
saying:
"The income of this large foundation for higher education
enabled the board to extend its work throughout the whole
country, as contemplated in its charter. Studies had already
been made of the colleges in the Southern States, and such
studies were at once made of the colleges in other parts of
the United States. After such comprehensive study and the
careful consideration of how best to aid in the development of
an adequate system of colleges in all of the States of the
Union, the board adopted the following principles as defining
its general policy: To co-operate sympathetically and
helpfully with the religious denominations; to choose the
centers of wealth and population as the permanent pivots of an
educational system; to mass its funds on endowments, securing
in this work the largest possible local co-operation."
Less than two years later, on the 7th of February, 1907, Mr.
Rockefeller nearly trebled his previous endowment by an
enormous addition to the fund in the possession of the Board,
announced in the following letter from his son, Mr. John D.
Rockefeller, Jr.:
"My father authorizes me to say that on or before April 1st,
1907, he will give to the General Education Board
income-bearing securities the present market value of which is
about thirty-two million dollars ($32,000,000), one-third to
be added to the permanent endowment of the board; two-thirds
to be applied to such specific objects within the corporate
purposes of the board as either he or I may from time to time
direct, any remainder not so designated at the death of the
survivor to be added also to the permanent endowment of the
board."
Of what was being done by the Board with this stupendous fund
Mr. Buttrick gave details in The Independent as follows:
"Conditional appropriations have been made to forty colleges,
in the States of Maine, Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York,
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, South
Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Tennessee,
Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Illinois, Wisconsin,
Minnesota, Iowa, Missouri, Kansas and Colorado.
"Twenty-five of these colleges have secured subscriptions for
the supplemental sums required and but one has failed. The
remaining fifteen colleges report satisfactory progress. The
total amount thus appropriated by the board is $2,437,500; the
supplemental sums, when completed, will aggregate $10,397,000.
"From the original $1,000,000 gift to the board by Mr.
Rockefeller appropriations have been made to schools in the
South amounting to about $700,000, one-half of which has gone
to schools for the colored people. The high school propaganda
and the agricultural demonstration work have also been
supported from this fund.
"From the foregoing it will be seen that, in the Northern
States, the board devotes itself exclusively to the promotion
of higher education, having always in view the desirability of
aiding such institutions as, taken together, will constitute
an adequate system of higher education for each of the several
States, thus seeking to correct and prevent duplication and
waste and securing the highest efficiency.
"In the Southern States its work for colleges is similar to
that done in the North, and, in addition, it seeks to promote
public high schools through the State universities and the
State Department of Education, to promote elementary education
(or common schools) by increasing the productive efficiency of
rural life, and to aid in developing schools for the training
of leaders among the colored people."
But Mr. Rockefeller was not yet at the end of his gifts to
this great Foundation. On the 9th of July, 1909, the following
announcement was published:
"John D. Rockefeller has raised the total of his
contributions to the Rockefeller foundation of the general
education board to $53,000,000 by a gift of $10,000,000 which
will be passed to the credit of the board between now and
August 1. He has gone farther than that and has intrusted to
the membership of the board—as it may be constituted at some
future day—the responsibility of distributing the principal
of the fund among the educational institutions of the land if
it shall be deemed advisable.
"Under the regulations at present obtaining, this power of
final disposition would extend only to $33,000,000, inasmuch
as the board holds the other $20,000,000 in trust with the
power to dispose of the income, while Mr. Rockefeller and his
son, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., retain the right to dispose of
the principal during their lives. It was said to-day that it
always has been Mr. Rockefeller’s intention to make such a
provision for the final disposition.
"In making the announcement to-day, Chairman Gates said that
this large addition to the permanent funds of the board was
contributed because the income of the present funds
immediately available for appropriation had been exhausted and
it was found necessary to have an additional income in order
to meet the needs of ‘present great importance.’
"He said the board made it a rule never to exceed the
immediately available income—which might amount to $80,000 or
$90,000 a month—in its awards to the colleges and
universities, that something like 300 applications had been
received by the board beyond the number which it already had
acted upon, which was large.
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"Mr. Gates said that at the same meeting last Wednesday
another communication had been received from Mr. Rockefeller,
authorizing and empowering the board and its successors
‘whenever, in their discretion, it should seem wise to
distribute the principal of funds contributed by him to the
board upon the affirmative vote of two-thirds of all those who
shall at the time be members of the board.’"
EDUCATION: A. D. 1905-1908.
The Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching.
After the founding of the Carnegie Institution, of Washington,
Mr. Carnegie’s next great gift to Education, made in 1905, was
in the sum of $10,000, 000, placed in the hands of trustees as
a fund the income of which may be applied "to provide retiring
pensions, without respect to race, sex, creed, or color, for
the teachers of universities, colleges, and technical schools
in the United States, the Dominion of Canada, and
Newfoundland," and "to provide for the care and maintenance of
the widows and families of the said teachers." The board of
trustees chosen by Mr. Carnegie for the administration of the
fund is made up of eminent educators from different parts of
America, with Dr. Henry S. Pritchett called from the
Presidency of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology to
become its executive head. The board was organized in
November, 1905, and in the following April it adopted a plan
of administration which had been formulated meantime by a
committee from its membership. It had then, by an Act of
Congress, approved by the President, March 10, 1906, been
incorporated under the title of "The Carnegie Foundation for
the Advancement of Teaching." Besides using the words quoted
above, in description of the authorized purpose of the
Foundation, the Act of Incorporation adds furthermore that it
is "in general, to do and perform all things necessary to
encourage, uphold, and dignify the profession of the teacher
and the cause of higher education." It is a further provision
of the Act that "retiring pensions shall be paid to such
teachers only as are or have been connected with institutions
not under control of a sect, or which do not require their
trustees, their officers, faculties, or students (or a
majority thereof), to belong to any specified sect, and which
do not impose any theological test as a condition of entrance
therein or of connection therewith."
As explained by President Pritchett in an article published
soon after the organization of their board, the Trustees had
three fundamental questions to determine: "First, What is a
college? second, What constitutes denominational control? and,
third, Should a private agency step in between the State and
one of its institutions and establish a system of retiring
allowances for university professors who are officers of the
State?" "The term college is used to designate, in the United
States, Canada, and Newfoundland, institutions varying so
widely in entrance requirements, standards of instruction, and
facilities for work that the term is no description of the
character of the institution. Of the seven hundred and more
institutions calling themselves colleges or universities, many
are such in name only." To rule their present action the
Trustees adopted the definition that is "now in use under the
revised ordinances of the State of New York, and which reads
as follows: ‘An institution to be ranked as a college must
have at least six professors giving their entire time to
college and university work, a course of four full years in
liberal arts and sciences, and should require for admission
not less than the usual four years of academic or high school
preparation, or its equivalent, in addition to the
pre-academic or grammar school studies.’ The trustees will
also require that an institution, to be ranked as a college
and to be dealt with as a college officially, must have a
productive endowment of not less than $200,000."
As for the institutions to be excluded from the benefits of
the retiring pension fund because of a sectarian connection
the Trustees were confronted with a still more difficult
question, since "a large majority of all the colleges of the
country have a connection more or less strong with
denominations." In the circumstances, no hard and fast rule of
exclusion could be formulated; but, said President Pritchett,
"it is evident that in many cases colleges must choose between
the advantages of this gift and the benefits of a
denominational connection."
So far as concerned State institutions, it was the original
conclusion of the Board that "the States may fairly be
expected to provide a retiring pension system for their own
professors, and it is certainly questionable whether such
wholesale action on the part of a private agency in the
endowment of State institutions might not do them an injury
rather than a kindness." Trustees and officers of the State
Universities appealed from this view, and submitted to the
Trustees cogent reasons why these institutions should
participate in the distribution of the Fund. The Trustees
replied that the Fund was not large enough for such an
extension of its use. That objection, however, was soon
removed by Mr. Carnegie, who made it known, in April, 1908,
that he would have pleasure in adding $5,000,000 to his
original gift in order to furnish retiring allowances for all
State Universities that may apply for them. The Carnegie
Foundation is now being administered accordingly.
Retiring allowances are determined by the following rules of
the Board:
"I. In reckoning the amount of the retiring allowance, the
average salary for the last five years of active service shall
be considered the active pay.
" II. Any person sixty-five years of age, and who has had not
less than fifteen years of service as a professor, and who is
at the same time a professor in an accepted institution, shall
be entitled to an annual retiring allowance computed as
follows:
(_a_) For an active pay of sixteen hundred dollars or
less, an allowance of one thousand dollars, provided no
retiring allowance shall exceed ninety per cent. of the
active pay.
(_b_) For an active pay greater than sixteen hundred
dollars the retiring allowance shall equal one thousand
dollars, increased by fifty dollars for each one hundred
dollars of active pay in excess of sixteen hundred dollars,
(_c_) No retiring allowance shall exceed three
thousand dollars.
"III. Any person who has had a service of twenty-five years as
a professor, and who is at the time a professor in an accepted
institution, shall be entitled to a retiring allowance,
computed as follows:
(_a_) For an active pay of sixteen hundred dollars or
less, a retiring allowance of eight hundred dollars,
provided that no retiring allowance shall exceed eighty per
cent. of the active pay.
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(_b_) For an active pay greater than sixteen hundred
dollars the retiring allowance shall equal eight hundred
dollars, increased by forty dollars for each one hundred
dollars of active pay in excess of sixteen hundred dollars,
(_c_) For each additional year of service above
twenty-five, the retiring allowance shall be increased by
one per cent. of the active pay.
(_d_) No retiring allowance shall exceed three
thousand dollars.
"IV. Any person who has been for ten years the wife of a
professor in actual service may receive during her widowhood
one-half of the allowance to which her husband would have been
entitled."
EDUCATION: A. D. 1906.
Change in the Headship of the Bureau of Education.
Dr. William Torrey Harris, after seventeen years of
distinguished service as United States Commissioner of
Education, accepted the first designation of a retirement
pension that was made by the trustees of the Carnegie
Foundation. Professor Elmer Ellsworth Brown, professor of the
Theory and Practice of Teaching in the University of
California, was appointed by the President to succeed him.
EDUCATION: A. D. 1906.
Celebration of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding
of Tuskegee Institute.
The twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding of Tuskegee
Normal and Industrial Institute, at Tuskegee, Alabama, by
Booker T. Washington, was celebrated in April, 1906, and made
the occasion of a notable gathering at Tuskegee of strong
friends of the institution and its founder from all parts of
the country. In _The North American Review_ of that month
Mr. Washington gave an interesting account of the rise of the
Institute from insignificant beginnings, of the aims pursued
in it and of the extent of their realization. It had sought to
promote among the negroes of the South an education which, as
he expressed it, "not only did not educate them out of
sympathy with the masses of their people, but made them
actively and practically interested in constructive methods
and work among their people." Its students "are expected to be
able to show the farmers how to buy land, to assist them by
advice in getting out of debt, and to encourage them to cease
mortgaging their crops and to take active interest in the
economic development of their community."
This wise leader and true statesman of his race has devoted
his life to the solving of the race-problem in the South on
the principle stated by him in these words: "There is nothing
for the negro to do but to remain where he is and struggle on
and up. The whole philosophy of the negro question can be
written in three words,—patience, persistence, virtue. The
really helpful thing about the situation is that on the whole
the negro has done, under the circumstances, the best he
could."
Of the planting and growth of Tuskegee Institute he wrote:
‘Starting in a shanty and a hen-house, with almost no property
beyond a hoe and a blind mule, the school has grown up
gradually, much as a town grows. We needed food for our
tables; farming, therefore, was our first industry, started to
meet this need. With the need for shelter for our students,
courses in house-building and carpentry were added. Out of
these, brick-making and brick masonry naturally grew. The
increasing demand for buildings made further specialization in
the industries necessary. Soon we found ourselves teaching
tinsmithing, plastering, and painting. Classes in cooking were
added, because we needed competent persons to prepare the
food. Courses in laundering, sewing, dining-room work, and
nurse-training have been added to meet the actual needs of the
school community. This process of specialization has continued
as the school increased in numbers, and as the more varied
wants of a larger community created a demand, and instruction
is now given in thirty-seven industries."
At the end of its first twenty-five years of existence, the
Institute has 1500 students; 156 officers, teachers, and
employees; 86 buildings; and various ramifications for
extensive work.
EDUCATION: A. D. 1906.
Segregation of Oriental children in the San Francisco schools.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.
EDUCATION: A. D. 1907.
Large gift for Rudimentary Schools for Southern Negroes.
A fund of $1,000,000 was created in the spring of 1907, by
gift from Miss Anna T. Jeanes, to be devoted to rudimentary
schools for Southern negroes. The fund is to be administered
by Principals Frissell, of Hampton, and Booker T. Washington,
of Tuskegee.
EDUCATION: A. D. 1907.
Re-dedication of the enlarged Carnegie Institute, at Pittsburg.
An account of the founding of the richly housed and equipped
Carnegie Library at Pittsburg, opened in 1895, is given in
Volume VI. of this work (see Libraries). To that fundamental
institution Mr. Carnegie began soon to add auxiliaries, in
technical schools, lecture hall, music hall, art galleries,
and museum of science, until a great Institute, on which no
less than $18,000,000 had been expended and bestowed by the
founder was complete. A rededication of this splendid Carnegie
Institute, in 1907, was made an impressive event by the
presence of a remarkable number of distinguished guests,
invited from Great Britain, Germany, France, Holland, Belgium,
and the United States. The interesting exercises of the
occasion were opened on the 10th of April and continued
through three days.
EDUCATION: A. D. 1909.
Wanted, in Massachusetts:
The right leader for an Educational Revolution.
The State Board of Education in Massachusetts is said to have
arrived, as a body, at the conviction, which has been taking
possession of many minds in late years, that in the whole
educational work of the present day, from primary school to
university, "there is much time wasted in learning things of
little help in after life, and failure to get the essential
character-building"; that conditions are changed so greatly
from what they were when the last great educational revolution
was led in Massachusetts by Horace Mann, and others, that a
new revolution is the imperative need of the day. Hence the
State Board of Education is reported to be searching anxiously
for a man to fill the lately created office of State
Commissioner of Education, who is equal to a revolutionary
undertaking. "He must be," says a recent Boston letter, "a
broad man, of the right sort to realize the unusual
opportunity open to-day." "There is no limit to the salary
which the board may offer." "There has been no politics in the
board, and there shall be none.
{217}
All that the Commissioner wants in the way of coöperation to
carry out his views he will have." "The board feels that this
is a crisis. If the right man can be found, the State’s system
will take a step forward toward a better practice, which shall
remove the present dissatisfaction and the feeling that the
public schools are not fitting children to be good producers
or citizens." This opening seems a great one for the right
man, if he can be found.
EDUCATION: A. D. 1909.
Election of a woman to the Superintendency of
the Chicago schools.
Mrs. Ella Flagg Young, elected Superintendent of the public
schools of Chicago by the City’s Board of Education, in July,
1909, is the first of her sex to occupy so important an
administrative position. Her election is said to have been due
entirely to her manifest superiority in qualification over
other suggested candidates. The school system she will
administer is second only in magnitude to that of the City of
New York.
EDUCATION: A. D. 1910.
Gift to Yale University by Mrs. Sage.
The following is announced from New Haven on the 10th of
January, 1910:
"The recent gift of $650,000 by Mrs. Russell Sage of New York
city for the purchase of the Hillhouse property and its
transfer free of encumbrance to Yale University releases a
corresponding amount without restriction for the use of the
university corporation. Important meetings will be held this
week, one by the board of Sheffield Scientific School trustees
and the other a special meeting of the Yale Corporation to act
upon the disposition of the funds released by the Sage gift.
It is generally understood that the plan proposed is the
erection upon the Hillhouse property of a large biological
laboratory, and perhaps the appointment in connection with it
of a university professor in biology upon a new foundation."
----------EDUCATION: End--------
EDWARD VII., King of Great Britain, &c.:
Proclamation of additional titles.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (NOVEMBER).
EDWARD VII., King of Great Britain, &c.:
His illness and deferred Coronation.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JUNE-AUGUST).
EDWARD VII., King of Great Britain, &c.:
His agency in bringing about the Entente Cordiale between
Great Britain and France.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).
EDWARD VII., King of Great Britain, &c.:
His influence as a diplomatist.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.
EDWARD VII., King of Great Britain, &c.:
His Death after a brief illness.
Succession of his son, George V.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1910 (MAY).
EGYPT: A. D. 1901-1905.
The founding of schools for girls.
Training of native teachers.
See (in this Volume )
EDUCATION: EGYPT.
EGYPT: A. D. 1902 (DECEMBER).
Completion of the Assuan Dam.
The great Assuan Dam, to control the waters of the Nile, was
opened with formal ceremony on the 10th of December, 1902, in
the presence of the Duke and Duchess of Connaught, the
Khedive, Lord and Lady Cromer, and other distinguished
personages. Earlier in the year the value of this important
work of engineering had been enhanced by a treaty with the
Emperor of Abyssinia or Ethiopia, which forbids constructions
on the upper waters of the Nile, within the Abyssinian
territory, which would arrest the flow of their waters.
See (in this Volume)
ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.
EGYPT: A. D. 1904.
Declarations of England and France concerning Egypt
in the Agreements of the Entente of 1904.
Explanatory despatch.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).
EGYPT: A. D. 1905-1906.
Pan-Islamic preaching.
Pro-Turkish movement.
Turkish encroachments on the Sinai frontier.
The Tabah incident.
British fleet at Phalerum.
British garrisons reinforced.
"Whether ordered by the Sultan or the result of an instinctive
religious wave, anew and definite crusade began to affect
Egypt in the summer of 1905. Preachers appeared mysteriously
in Cairo and spread rapidly through the country, giving a new
and stricter interpretation to texts from the Koran, and
preaching in strong terms the wickedness of obeying the
infidel. These preachers mixed with the people in their houses
and cafes, and in the infinite leisure of a prosperous
Oriental country doubtless found no lack of occasion for
instilling their new doctrines. Then the Arabic native Press
began to preach the same lesson, applying it specially to the
Macedonian crisis and the piteous plight of the harassed
Sultan. A new spirit came suddenly into political controversy.
Any native defender of British rule was marked as a ‘bad
Moslem,’ or ‘a traitor to Egypt.’ Argument was impossible; for
any doubt of the Sultan was simply impiety. So the work went
on bravely through the summer and autumn of 1905, while the
British authorities looked on in surprise and perplexity.
Lonely residents up country began to notice a change in the
tone of the people. They felt the under-swell of a new and
mysterious movement of religious feeling. Europeans who
understood Arabic heard insolent remarks in the cafes as they
passed by, and doctors in charge of invalids in lonely hotels
noticed with alarm the sullen looks of their Arab servants,
and their keen excitement over the Sultan’s struggle. A spirit
of nervous apprehension began to spread abroad among
Europeans.
"Then in January, 1906, the Sultan suddenly showed his hand;
and the smouldering fire burst out into the flame of the
famous Tabah incident. The events that followed became
conspicuous to the whole world—the seizure by Turkish troops
of villages on the Egyptian side of the Sinai frontier, the
threat to fire on an Egyptian cruiser, the defiant resistance
to the English successor, the peremptory order to Egypt to
evacuate Faroun Island, and, finally, the claim of Mouktar
Pasha to a frontier-line west of Suez. The behaviour of Turkey
seemed to bear out Rudyard Kipling's description of the
ethical atmosphere that lies east of that port. Even where
‘there ain’t no ten commandments,’ indeed, the little villages
that sparkle like a grain of salt in the empty desert of the
wanderings of Israel might be thought tempting to no man. But
the line of the frontier had been drawn east of Tabah by the
treaty which established Mehemet Ali in the Khedivate in 1840
[see in Volume I. of this work, Egypt: A. D. 1840-1869], and
the claim to this limit had been prudently re-asserted by Lord
Cromer in 1892, when the present Khedive ascended the throne.
Any tampering with these written arrangements, even to the
extent of a single village, would have been the end of our
authority in Egypt. There was, therefore, no room for
compromise. If Sir Edward Grey had hesitated to force a
surrender from Turkey in May by the only possible method of
moving the fleet to Phalerum [and demanding the immediate
evacuation of Tabah], we might just as well have left the
Nile.
{218}
"For the real significance of these events lay in what was
going on in the mosques and newspapers of Egypt itself. As the
crisis grew, these voices grew more and more daring. The
preachers were as tempestuous as those who fulminated at St.
Paul’s Cross in our own Reformation times. Every move of the
Sultan in those tortuous negotiations was accompanied by an
obligato of sympathy from the Pan-Islamic Press. The native
journals in Egypt are small sheets, cheaply produced. During
the last eighteen months they multiplied exceedingly, fed by
mysterious channels. The new journals preached the new
doctrine—the doctrine of Pan-Islamism. …
"A Turkish raid on the Suez Canal or Nekl might have caused an
outburst of fanaticism in Egypt and seriously divided and
embarrassed the Army of Occupation. It was impossible to be
sure that the Egyptian army of 16,000 men, though officered by
Englishmen, could be trusted to fight against the Turks. Hence
the reinforcement of the British garrison, reduced to some
2000 men, by an addition of some 3000. These began to arrive
in May, and the agitation calmed quickly after their arrival.
They are now to stay on at the expense of Egypt. Thus the
first effect of the Sultan’s interference has been a
deplorable setback from Lord Cromer’s ideal of governing Egypt
by means of British-officered native policemen."
_Harold Spender,
England, Egypt and Turkey
(Contemporary Review, October, 1906)._
EGYPT: A. D. 1907 (January).
State of the country.
General satisfaction of the people.
The disaffected a minority.
Transformation effected by English rule.
Testimony of a French writer.
Those who know the real situation in Egypt can easily
understand how almost the whole population, with the exception
of an insignificant minority, are satisfied and desire no
change. It is enough to compare the present state of the
country—even rapidly and superficially—with that existing in
1882, to perceive the perfect satisfaction of all classes and
the greatness of the work achieved by England; and the more
profoundly this question is studied, the greater the
admiration that must be accorded to Lord Cromer and to all
those who during the past twenty-five years have worked under
his orders at the regeneration of Egypt. The situation of that
country in 1882 may be briefly summed up in the following
manner:
"The Government was then in the hands of a band of rebels at
the head of whom was the cowardly and worthless colonel,
Arabi. The exchequer was empty; Egypt owed (almost entirely to
Europe) nearly five millions sterling. The revenue was
insufficient to pay the interest on her debts, or even to meet
the expenses of government. The public works were all in such
a state of neglect and disuse as to be no longer of any
service. Commerce was paralysed and industry at the last gasp.
The fellaheen, to whose labour Egypt owes her agricultural
wealth, had stopped working, for, left at the mercy of the
Pashas, who extorted from them everything possible down to the
last farthing, they died of hunger, whether they worked or
not. If we add that their leaders told the unfortunate people
that their suffering all these privations was solely the fault
of the Christian devils who were exacting mountains of gold
from Egypt, it is easy to see that fanaticism and poverty
combined were helping to make the situation a critical one for
Europeans. It was into this fiery furnace that England entered
and France refused to follow her. …
"This is now a tale of the past, and on the curtain being
raised we behold a transformation so marvellous, so grand,
that it is almost incredible. We find Egypt rich and
prosperous; a great portion of her debt paid, an admirably
adjusted budget; her revenues increasing enormously, regularly
every year—and that in the face of large and important public
works, works which daily augment the wealth of the country.
Agriculture is advancing by leaps and bounds, while commerce
and industry develop and increase with a rapidity unparalleled
in the history of the world. A well-organised network of
railroads, steam navigation, telegraphs, telephones, and
excellently maintained canals, spreads over the country.
Schools of every kind have been opened—primary, secondary, and
higher schools, technical, commercial, and medical schools.
The fellah works quietly and happily on his land, and the
townsman is growing rich, while business prospers increasingly
from one end of the country to the other. From the mouths of
the Nile, from Alexandria to the great lakes of Central
Africa, all across Egypt, Nubia, and the Soudan, peace and
quiet reign everywhere. And—strange as it may seem—all these
results have been obtained, not by increasing the taxes, but,
on the contrary, by reducing and even in some cases abolishing
them altogether.
"In less than twenty-five years England has accomplished all
this and much more still. She has effected the marvellous
achievement of remaining in Egypt with the unanimous consent
of the Powers of Europe, to the great satisfaction of the
Egyptians themselves and the foreigners dwelling in Egypt, and
finally of living there as a friend, almost as an ally of
France! …
"The honesty of the Government in all its branches, the
impartiality with which all abuses have been punished, and
finally the honourable example which during five-and-twenty
years the English have set before the Egyptians, have
certainly borne good fruit. To be ‘honest’ is no longer an
empty expression on the banks of the Nile, and the entire
population understands to-day what that word signifies. I
think of how absolutely unknown it was in 1882! To sum up,
Egypt and the Egyptians have now become _clean_, both
physically and morally. We may say that England has cleansed
and disinfected them, externally and internally."
_A. B. de Guerville,
The Situation in Egypt
(Fortnightly Review, February, 1907)._
In his work on "Modern Egypt," published since his retirement
from the British administration in Egypt, Lord Cromer speaks
as follows of the change which has come over Egypt since the
British occupation took place. Though an interested witness,
Lord Cromer is one well trusted by the general opinion of the
world: "A new spirit," he wrote, "has been instilled into the
population of Egypt. Even the peasant has learnt to scan his
rights. Even the Pasha has learnt that others besides himself
have rights which must be respected. The courbash may hang on
the walls of the Moudirieh, but the Moudir no longer dares to
employ it on the backs of the fellaheen.
{219}
For all practical purposes, it may be said that the hateful
corvee system has disappeared. Slavery has virtually ceased to
exist. The halcyon days of the adventurer and the usurer are
past. Fiscal burthens have been greatly relieved. Everywhere
law reigns supreme. Justice is no longer bought and sold.
Nature, instead of being spurned and neglected, has been wooed
to bestow her gifts on mankind. She has responded to the
appeal. The waters of the Nile are now utilized in an
intelligent manner. Means of locomotion have been improved and
extended. The soldier has acquired some pride in the uniform
which he wears. He has fought as he never fought before. The
sick man can be nursed in a well-managed hospital. The lunatic
is no longer treated like a wild beast. The punishment awarded
to the worst criminal is no longer barbarous. Lastly, the
schoolmaster is abroad, with results which are as yet
uncertain, but which cannot fail to be important."
EGYPT: A. D. 1908.
Gordon Memorial College at Khartoum.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: EGYPT.
EGYPT: A. D. 1909.
Completion of the Esneh Barrage.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: EGYPT.
EGYPT: A. D. 1909 (May).
The Nationalist agitation, excited by the Turkish Revolution.
A correspondent of the New York _Evening Post_, writing
from London of the agitation for national independence in
Egypt, under date of May 8, 1909, remarks that it has been
affected in two ways by the recent revolutionary movements in
the East. They have "weakened as well as strengthened the
cause. For a number of half-educated native thinkers to see
Turkey with a Parliament is to make them feel they should have
one, too. The British agent points out that the youth of
Egypt, upon whom must rest all hopes of eventual autonomy, are
becoming demoralized by such propaganda. They have been
clamoring on every occasion for a Constitution." They have
been incited by a virulent press. "When, a few months ago, Mr.
Haldane announced that the British army of occupation was to
be increased to the same strength as the force in South
Africa, disgusting diatribes were indulged in against the
British army. Officers were described as monsters of low
breeding, ill manners, cowardice, and multifarious vice. As a
result of this kind of thing, and also through the pressure of
the moderate native press, the old Press law of 1881 was
revived—a law providing that after three warnings a paper may
be suspended by the Council of Ministers by an administrative
order, and not through the courts of law.
"Since then the Nationalists have arranged frequent
demonstrations, some of them resulting in encounters with the
police, which have been magnified by part of the English press
into serious riots. Serious riots are not got up by
schoolboys, who, according to the best information, seem to
have been entirely responsible for the physical part of these
demonstrations in Cairo and elsewhere. They have now been
strictly forbidden to take part in any public political
discussion."
EGYPT: A. D. 1909 (September).
Young Egypt Congress.
The party of Young Egyptians, so called, held a Congress at
Geneva in September—the second of such assemblies—which was
attended by several sympathetic members of the British
Parliament, Mr. Keir Hardie and others, representing the Labor
and Irish parties. A telegram was sent from the Congress to
the House of Commons in England, stating that the
representatives of the intellectual elements of organized
Egyptian political parties gathered in congress at Geneva on
the occasion of the anniversary of the entry of the English
troops into Cairo saluted very respectfully the
representatives of Great Britain, recalled the reiterated
promise of the British Government to evacuate Egyptian
territory, and inasmuch as the reasons given by Mr. Gladstone
for the occupation no longer existed, asked the House for the
honour of the English nation to secure the withdrawal of the
troops from Egyptian territory. A similar telegram was
despatched to the Grand Vizier, Hilmi Pasha, asking him to use
his influence with England to secure the withdrawal of the
troops.
This was sent on the 14th of September, the 27th anniversary
of the British occupation of Egypt, and on the same day the
Prime Minister of Great Britain, Mr. Asquith, received the
following telegram from Cairo:
"A meeting of 6,000 Egyptians assembled here to-day desires to
convey to your high personage the unanimous and energetic
protest of the Egyptian people against the occupation, and
from to-day demands the evacuation, relying upon the
engagements and solemn oaths of the Queen’s Governments.
Moreover, to gain our friendship is more preferable for
English honour than to lose our hearts and support."
The protest was also sent to the Grand Vizier in
Constantinople and to the Young Egypt Congress in Geneva.
EHRLICH, Paul.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
EHR-LUNG-SHAN FORT, Capture of.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).
EIGHT HOUR LABOR DAY.
See(in this Volume)
LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.
ELECTIONS, Political:
Contributions from Corporations prohibited.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY).
----------ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Start--------
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1906.
Universal Suffrage adopted in Austria.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1907.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Belgium: A. D. 1902.
Opposition to the Plural Suffrage defeated.
See (in this Volume)
BELGIUM: A. D. 1902, and 1904.
See in Volume I. of this work,
CONSTITUTION OF BELGIUM.
See in Volume VI. of this work,
BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: China: A. D. 1908.
The Constitutional Promise.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1905-1908.
{220}
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: England: A. D. 1909.
Second reading of the Representation of the People Bill,
extending the Suffrage to Women and others.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Germany: A. D. 1906.
Extensions of popular rights in some parts of the Empire.
A comedy of election reform in Prussia.
"The agitation for the extension of popular rights is vigorous
in many parts of the Empire. The Kingdom of Würtemberg has
just reformed its antique constitution by eliminating from the
Lower House the privileged members, ‘knights’ and clergymen,
and substituting members elected by popular vote. Baden has
introduced universal suffrage, and Bavaria has changed from
indirect to direct voting. In the Kingdom of Saxony, which a
decade ago remodeled its election law in a plutocratic
direction, the government is now trying to retrace its steps.
The Oldenburg government has committed itself to universal
suffrage; and in Saxe-Weimar the Liberal parties and the
Socialists have formed a compact to establish it. In the midst
of this democratic movement Prussia has just carried through a
slight revision of its election laws. …
"The government [Prussian] came forward last spring with a
scheme of election reform which is nothing short of comical in
its bureaucratic narrowness. Several huge city districts were
divided, and ten new seats in the Chamber created,—not,
however as a recognition of the rights of the urban
population, but in order to facilitate the mere formalities of
balloting. The number of electors in such districts had
outgrown the capacity of any hall to hold them."
_W. C. Dreher,
The Year in Germany
(Atlantic Monthly, November, 1906)_.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: India:
Slight exercise of local self-government.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: India:
Introduction of popular representation in
the Legislative Councils.
See INDIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Persia:
Under the recent Constitution.
See (in this Volume)
CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Philippine Islands.
Provisions of election law.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Porto Rico:
Change of qualifications for the suffrage.
See (in this Volume)
PORTO RICO: A. D. 1901-1905.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Proportional Representation: England:
The subject under discussion.
The practicability and desirability of proportional
representation has been under investigation in the United
Kingdom, during 1909, by a Royal Commission, which has had
frequent sessions for hearings at Whitehall. At a hearing in
October Lord Hugh Cecil, who represents Oxford in the House of
Commons, argued with great force in favor of proportional
representation, as a means of moderating the constraint
exercised over independent opinion by party ties. He said that
the present system was not satisfactory. It greatly hindered
free discussion in the House of Commons, and tended to
exaggerate there the intensity of feeling and the rigidity of
the party system. Majorities were generally large, and often
it was merely a trial of endurance. The empty condition of the
House on many occasions proved that discussion never
influenced divisions, and there was an elimination of
independent opinion. Decisions were on party issues, except
when new subjects such as the fiscal question, were brought
forward. With smaller majorities independent opinion—specific
rather than general—would have more opportunity, and that
would be a gain. There was a growing tendency to lift foreign
politics and, to a lesser degree, Colonial politics beyond
party, and to a large extent the Government could count on the
support of moderate opponents when foreign and Colonial
matters were considered. He did not think the effect of
proportional representation would be to form any more groups
than they had at present, but his desire was that there should
be members who were not absolute party men, and independent
members would have more chance of getting returned. He
considered that desirable, and did not apprehend the return of
faddists. Even now faddists were easily elected to Parliament,
where for the most part they were disregarded. He did not
agree that practically all sections of the community were
represented under the existing system. A very large and
important section between the two parties was never
represented, having always to choose between one or the other
extreme.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: South Africa:
The Principle in Practice.
The principle of proportional representation was brought into
practice in the municipal elections of the Transvaal in
October, 1909. The Constitution of the South Africa Union,
which goes into effect in the spring of 1910, applies it,
also, to the election of senators in the Union Parliament.
"The proportional method chosen is, in each case, that of the
single transferable vote, and the Johannesburg elections will
furnish an example of the use of this system on a larger scale
than any hitherto attempted, whilst the senatorial elections
will furnish examples of its application to very small
electorates. The duty of the voter, both in the senatorial and
in the municipal elections, will be the same. He must place
the figure 1 against the candidate for whom he desires to
vote, and, in addition, he may and should place the figures 2,
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, and so on against the names of the other
candidates in the order of his preference. The numbering of
additional preferences, if not so vital as that of marking the
first choice, is of extreme importance, and the elector should
continue to indicate preferences until he has exhausted his
powers of choice. The object, in marking preferences, is to
prevent the waste of voting power. For, if the elector’s first
choice has obtained more votes than are necessary to secure
his election, or if his first choice has obtained so few votes
as to be hopelessly out of the running, the returning officer
will carry forward these votes in accordance with the wishes
expressed by the electors, as indicated by the preferences
marked. … The vote is always credited to the first choice and
is not transferred save in the contingencies named. If,
however, no effective use can be made of the vote in the
return of the elector’s first choice the returning officer, in
the absence of any instructions from the voter, will be unable
to carry the vote forward, and the vote will therefore have no
influence in determining the result of the election. Electors
should therefore exercise to the full their privilege of
marking preferences."
_The State
(South African National Magazine),
October, 1909._
{221}
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Prussia: A. D. 1909.
Rejection of proposed Reforms.
The result of new proposals for reforming the intolerable
class-system of voting in Prussia (see CONSTITUTION OF PRUSSIA
in Volume VI. of this work), proposals of more sincerity than
those of 1906, described above,—was thus reported in a Press
despatch from Berlin, January 26, 1909:
"The debate upon the motions regarding reform of the Prussian
franchise was concluded in the Lower House of the Diet to-day.
After two more speeches had been delivered the Conservatives
moved and carried the closure, and the various reform
proposals were put to the vote. All the motions were rejected.
Against most of the proposals so large a hostile majority was
shown when the Deputies were invited to rise from their seats
that no counting of votes was necessary. A motion in favour of
the substitution of direct for indirect election was rejected,
upon a division, by 168 votes against 165—a majority of three.
Upon this question, and also upon the main question—the
introduction of a universal and equal franchise with secrecy
of the ballot—most of the Centre Party Deputies voted with the
Left, and the majority consisted almost entirely of
Conservatives and Free Conservatives, who under the existing
system, possess an absolute majority in the Diet."
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Prussia: A. D. 1910.
A bill brought forward by the Government in February, 1910,
professing to reform the elective franchise, gave less than no
satisfaction to the mass of the people, who resented it as an
insult to their rights. The measure was reported to make no
change in the three-class system of voting, which ensures to
wealth its political domination, and it refused the secret
ballot. It conceded nothing of reform except a direct instead
of an indirect election of representatives, and provoked
formidable demonstrations of popular indignation in Berlin and
other cities.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Russia: A. D. 1906.
The Franchise as exercised in the election of the Dumas.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 and 1907.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Sweden: A. D. 1909.
Franchise Reform Law.
See (in this Volume)
SWEDEN: A. D. 1909.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Turkey: A. D. 1908.
Under the Constitution regained by Revolution.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: United States:
Direct primary nomination of candidates.
After a long and unsatisfactory experience in the United
States of the nomination of candidates for public office by
conventions of delegates, the people have been rapidly
discarding that system within the last few years, replacing it
by the institution of primary elections, at which candidates
for the subsequent _election_ are _selected_ by
direct vote. The old delegate system tended irresistibly to
give the picking of candidates (between whom the people had
finally a narrow choice) to little handfuls of men who make
manipulative party management their main business in life,
with objects of self profit, either in money or political
power. Effective revolt against this evil-working system began
in the Western States and is now strong in the East. The
following summary statement of what it had accomplished, up to
the spring of 1909, is from a pamphlet then published by the
Citizens Union of New York City, in support of a "Direct
Primary Bill" which was pending at the time in the Legislature
of the State of New York:
"The direct primary is now the most usual system of making
nominations in the United States, and in no case has a state,
a county, or a town turned back from direct nominations to the
convention system. It is no longer an experiment, having been
tried out under varying conditions in so many states that it
is possible to be guided by experience in avoiding the dangers
of an imperfect direct primary law.
"Fourteen states [Illinois, Iowa, Kansas, Louisiana,
Mississippi, Missouri, Nebraska, North Dakota, Oklahoma,
Oregon, South Dakota, Texas, Washington, and Wisconsin], with
a total population of 25,323,039, have _mandatory_ laws
_requiring_ the use of this plan in selecting candidates
of the principal parties for practically all offices. Three
other states [Minnesota, Ohio, Pennsylvania] have mandatory
laws covering practically all except the state offices. Five
other states [Indiana, Massachusetts, Michigan, New Jersey,
Tennessee] have _mandatory_ laws covering certain
localities or offices. Five states [Alabama, Florida,
Kentucky, Michigan, Tennessee], including two of the above,
have optional laws covering practically all officers, the
provisions of which laws have been largely taken advantage of.
There are direct nominations laws of a weaker sort, some of
them of little or no value, in many other states. Party rules
have established direct nominations for at least the majority
party in nearly all of the Southern states not mentioned
above.
"About one-half of the states, including those in which the
system has been established by party rules, use direct
nominations for practically all elective offices. The states
in which the system is established by mandatory law for
practically all elective offices have about thirty per cent.
of the population of the United States.
"Of the thirty-one United States senators elected last fall,
seventeen were nominated by direct primaries. Fifteen out of
thirty-two governors of states were so nominated. There is a
strong movement for direct primaries in states which do not at
present use this system to any considerable extent, namely:
Vermont, Connecticut, New Hampshire, New York, California,
Colorado, Idaho and Utah. In New Hampshire, both Republican
and Democratic parties declared for it in their party
platforms last fall, and the Republican Governor has
recommended it to the Republican Legislature. In California,
two direct nominations laws have been passed, but declared
unconstitutional. Last fall, an amendment to the constitution
of that state permitting the legislature to enact a direct
nominations law was passed by a vote of the people.
"A brief outline of how direct nominations originated and how
the system has been extended until it has been substituted for
the convention system by a majority of the American people
furnishes a strong argument in its favor. It is an American
system, and a product of the struggle of the American people
for the control of their government.
"Direct primaries originated in Crawford County, Pennsylvania,
where the so-called Crawford County System was established by
action of a Republican County Committee in 1860 and has been
in force ever since. On two occasions, the question of whether
it should be retained was put before the Republican voters and
overwhelmingly decided in the affirmative, the last of these
votes being taken after the system had been in force for
nineteen years. Its popularity led to its adoption throughout
the entire Congressional district for all nominations.
{222}
"The Minnesota direct primary law for the city of Minneapolis,
Hennepin County, was enacted in 1899. After it had been tried
in the city for two years, public sentiment, because of the
excellent results achieved under the new law in Minneapolis,
insisted upon its being extended, and other localities were
brought within its provisions. Minnesota at present has a
mandatory state-wide law applying to practically all except
state offices. The newspapers of Minneapolis all declared for
it, and no man of prominence in the state took a stand against
it after it had been tried in the city.
"Michigan adopted direct primaries in 1903 for use in Grand
Rapids, Kent County. The result was the defeat for
re-nomination of the Mayor under whose administration the
so-called water scandal had developed. Two years later,
candidates in Kent County were requested to go on record as to
whether they favored a general direct primary law for the
state. All who recorded their positions declared for such a
law, and it was commonly reported in the newspapers that
opposition to direct primaries would mean defeat for any
candidate who took so unpopular a stand.
"Thereafter direct nominations spread rapidly through the
middle western states. Mandatory laws were substituted for
optional laws, and state-wide laws for laws applying to
certain localities or offices."
The movement for direct primary voting, to supersede delegated
conventions in the nomination of candidates for office, was
inspired and invigorated powerfully in New York by Governor
Hughes (see, in this Volume, NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1910),
soon after his second term in the executive administration
began. He saw that nothing else could emancipate the political
parties of the State from their "boss"-ridden servitude, and
make them real organs of expression for the mind and will of
the people. The whole force of his great influence then went
to the help of the advocates of this reform, and it produced a
public wakening on the subject which years of ordinary
agitation might have failed to bring about. He brought,
moreover, to the movement an inborn statesmanship of judgment
and an intellectual training which gave it the wisest
direction it had yet received. The Bill which he assisted to
frame, embodying his official recommendations, was designed
more carefully than the legislation in other States had been,
not only to avoid any weakening of the organization of
political parties, but to give them the strength of a
leadership conferred truly and freely by its followers. The
measure was opposed desperately by the existing "organization"
of the party in power, and that combination was represented in
the Legislature so much more effectively than the people were
that it compassed the defeat of the Bill, in the session of
1909.
Four times the people of Illinois have extorted acts from
their Legislature providing for direct nominations, and thrice
the enactments, badly framed, have been pronounced
unconstitutional by the Supreme Court of the State. The fourth
of these pieces of legislation, produced in February, 1910, is
not yet tested.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:
Disfranchising Amendment to the Maryland Constitution defeated.
A disfranchising amendment to the Constitution of Maryland,
designed not only to exclude many colored people from the
suffrage, but to give the now dominant political party a
complete mastery of the ballot box, was rejected by the people
when submitted to them at the election of November, 1909.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:
Short Ballot Reform.
A movement that will gain force if the grave reasons for it
can be duly impressed on the popular mind has been assuming
organized form of late. The prime mover in it is Mr. Richard
S. Childs, of New York, who began missionary work for it in a
convincing magazine article on "The Doctrine of the Short
Ballot," published in 1908. Printed afterwards in a small
pamphlet, this impressive argument has had wide circulation
and has drawn many men of influence into league with the
author for urging the subject on public attention. The aim is
to reduce elective offices in State, county and town to such a
limited number that the average voter can acquaint himself
with the comparative merits of candidates and make a fairly
intelligent choice, which he cannot do when the number is
large. "We must shorten the ballot," wrote Mr. Childs, "to a
point where the average man will vote intelligently without
giving to politics more attention than he does at present."
"Voting a straight ticket is not a matter of party loyalty so
much as of not knowing what else to do, and split tickets will
become common as soon as the list is reduced to a point where
each candidate becomes in the mind of the voter a definite
personality instead of a mere name on a long list. To make
public office conspicuous can only be accomplished by making
it stand out in solitude before the gaze of the voter. Let all
the encumbrances in the shape of minor offices disappear from
the ballot and be made appointive. Or at the very least
prevent the few offices from overshadowing the many. Make all
the candidates conspicuous by letting no one be more
conspicuous than another."
A digest of the "short ballot" doctrine is offered in the
following propositions:
"To the average American voter most of the long ballot is a
mere list of names. He registers a genuine personal opinion
only on certain conspicuous offices—the rest he necessarily
delegates by default to organizations of ‘political
specialists.’
"These political organizations, if victorious, sink into the
control of their worst members, since these members having
most to gain and being least scrupulous can generally win
within the organization. Then these men run public
administrations as badly as they dare.
"But we get good men for any conspicuous office where there is
adequate public scrutiny of the candidate, and even Tammany
offers us satisfactory public servants in such places.
"_Therefore_, if we make most offices appointive so as to
_shorten the ballot_, till the voter can master his whole
task, and every elected officer becomes conspicuous before his
constituents, political machines will become impotent and
merit will become the most important asset for a candidate.
"The result will be uniform clean government as in England,
Canada, etc., where they have 'The Short Ballot’ already."
{223}
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:
Suffrage Amendment to the Georgia Constitution adopted
by popular vote.
A suffrage amendment to the Constitution of the State of
Georgia, adopted by an overwhelming popular vote in October,
1908, provides that, in order to register and vote according
to the provisions of this amendment, a man must, besides
meeting certain requirements as to residence and the payment
of his taxes, have one of the following qualifications: Either
(1) he must have served in the land or naval forces of the
United States or the Confederate States or the State of
Georgia in time of war, or be lawfully descended from one who
has done so; _or_
(2) he must be a person of good character, satisfying the
registrars of election that he understands the duties and
obligations of citizenship; _or_
(3) he must correctly read in the English language any
paragraph of the United States Constitution or the State
Constitution, and, unless physically incapacitated from doing
so, correctly write the same when read to him; _or_
(4) he must be the owner of at least forty acres of land in
the State in which he resides, or the owner of five hundred
dollars’ worth of property in the State assessed for taxation.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Woman Suffrage:
At Large: Present extent of the movement.
"We rejoice in the immense progress made by women in the last
60 years. In 1848 women had votes nowhere in the world except
the school vote in Kentucky by widows with children of school
age, and a very limited franchise in some parts of Europe.
Today women vote for all elected officers in Finland, Norway,
Federated Australia, New Zealand, Wyoming, Colorado, Utah and
Idaho: they have municipal suffrage in England, Scotland,
Ireland and Wales, in Canada, Kansas, Sweden, Denmark and
Iceland; tax suffrage in Louisiana, Montana, Iowa and New
York, and school suffrage in one-half the States of the Union.
When that first convention met, only one College in the United
States admitted women; now hundreds of colleges do so. Then
there was not a single woman physician, or ordained minister,
or lawyer; now there are 7000 women physicians and surgeons,
3000 ordained ministers, and one thousand lawyers. Then only a
few poorly paid employments were open to women; now women are
in more than 300 occupations, and comprise 80 per cent. of our
teachers. Then there were scarcely any organizations of women;
now such organizations are numbered by thousands. Then the few
women who dared to speak in public, even on philanthropic
questions, were overwhelmingly condemned by public opinion;
now the women most opposed to equal suffrage travel about the
country making public speeches to prove that a woman’s only
place is at home. Then a married woman in most of our States
could not control her own person, property or earnings; now in
most of the States these laws have been largely amended, and
it is only in regard to the ballot that the fiction of women’s
perpetual minority is still kept up. Most of the demands made
by the convention of 1848, which then seemed so revolutionary,
have been already granted, and are now looked upon as matters
of course. … We rejoice in the increasingly rapid progress of
the woman suffrage cause. Every year shows some gain. Since
our last annual meeting Parliamentary suffrage has been
extended to the women of Norway; municipal suffrage to the
women of Denmark; Sweden has made women eligible to municipal
office; Russia has given women of property a proxy vote for
members of the Douma; and Great Britain, with only 15
dissenting votes, has made women eligible as Mayors, Aldermen
and County and Town Councillors. We congratulate the women of
Great Britain upon their gallant fight for the franchise."
_Resolutions of the 40th Annual Convention of the
National American Woman Suffrage Association,
at Buffalo, New York, October, 1908._
In Europe "there is the curious anomaly that in its two
so-called republics the cause of woman suffrage is more
backward than in almost any of the other countries. In
Switzerland every man over twenty may vote. A National Woman
Suffrage Association has lately been organized which is
supported by many public men. …
"In France, all men twenty-one years old have the franchise.
The National Council of Women, composed of 55 associations
with about 70,000 members, has recently joined forces with the
National Suffrage Union, thus assuring strong and systematic
effort for the enfranchisement of women. In 1906, a Committee
for the Defence of the Rights of Women was formed in the
Chamber of Deputies, to secure the social, civil and political
rights of women."
_Ida H. Harper
North American Review,
September. 1907._
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Australia.
The Constitution of the Commonwealth of Australia, in its 41st
clause provides as follows:
See (in Volume VI. of this work)
CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.
"No adult person who has or acquires the right to vote at
elections for the more numerous House of the Parliament of a
State, shall, while the right continues, be prevented by any
law of the Commonwealth from voting at elections for either
House of the Commonwealth."
Inasmuch as two of the Australian States, South Australia and
Western Australia, had already extended the suffrage to women
when this federal constitution was adopted, they gained at
once, by its terms, the right of voting at federal elections
in those States. An account of their first appearance in
Australian Federal politics was given subsequently by one of
the women who participated,—in part as follows:
"The political incentive is now the possession of the women of
Australia, and its influence was a potent factor in the recent
Federal elections. The women of South Australia and West
Australia have had the suffrage for some years, so that they
are accustomed to voting, but to the women of the other States
the whole business was new; nevertheless, they voted in as
large numbers proportionally as the men in a majority of the
constituencies, while in some they cast a heavier vote than
the men. The total vote was only 52 per cent. of the voting
strength, the low percentage being due to the fact that the
people as a body have not yet grasped the Federal idea.
Federation has not completely scotched provincialism in
politics, though it is fast doing so, if for no other reason
than the enormous cost of government in this country. The
people are beginning to realize that we are paying the
political piper heavily—fourteen Houses of Parliament and
seven viceroyalties for four millions of people! It is too big
an order, and common sense, as well as the state of our
finances, demands that we should simplify our legislative
machinery. It is right here, as the Americans say, that the
women’s influence will tell.
{224}
During the election campaign, it was most evident that a very
large section of the women favoured those candidates who urged
economy in public expenditure. Individual women, with no idea
of the value of money, may be extravagant, but most women are
compelled by circumstances to be economical, and have a horror
of wasteful expenditure. Therefore the growing demand for less
expensive legislative machinery will find devoted adherents
amongst the women voters. …
"The elections had an added interest in the appearance of four
women candidates in the field—Mrs. Martell, Mrs. Moore (New
South Wales), myself (Victoria), standing for the Senate; and
Miss Selina Anderson (New South Wales) for the House of
Representatives. All were defeated, but the defeat was not
unexpected, as we were well aware that it would be altogether
phenomenal if women were to succeed in their first attempt to
enter a National Parliament. …
"There were eighteen candidates in the field, and, while
unsuccessful, my record of 51,497 votes, when 85,387 were
sufficient to secure election, is most gratifying. I polled
more heavily than one candidate who has been Premier of
Victoria, and than another who had been for twenty-six years a
member of the State legislature, defeating the one by 24,327,
the other by 32,436 votes—51,000 odd votes, in spite of the
opposition of the powerful daily papers, and the prejudice
that a pioneer always has to encounter, is nothing less than a
triumph for the cause that I represent, the cause of women and
children."
_Vida Goldstein,
The Political Woman in Australia
(Nineteenth Century, July, 1904)._
"The argument that women will not vote is completely disproved
by Australian experience. They not only vote, but they vote in
continually increasing numbers as time goes on, and they
become educated up to a sense of their political
responsibilities and all that these imply. Not all the states
discriminate in their returns between men and women voters,
but those that do show something like the following: In South
Australia, at the last general election, 59 per cent. of the
men on the rolls voted, and 42 per cent. of the women; in
Western Australia, 49 per cent. of the men and 47 per cent. of
the women voted; at the last Federal election, 56 per cent. of
the men voted, and 40 per cent. of the women. None of the
Australian states has yet reached the extraordinary record of
New Zealand, where, in 1902, nearly 75 per cent. of the women
electors recorded their votes, as against 76 per cent. of
their brothers.
"It is unnecessary to add that the conservative woman votes.
Her husband or father and their newspaper take good care that
the duty of doing so is well impressed upon her, even though
abstractly they may all three disapprove of woman in politics,
and have striven to avert her appearing in that arena as long
as they possibly could. …
"Among the measures that can be traced to woman suffrage
within the last ten years are prematernity acts, acts raising
the age of consent, family maintenance acts, and many acts
improving children’s conditions by extending juvenile courts,
limiting hours of work, providing better inspection,
forbidding sale to children of drink, drugs and doubtful
literature."
_Alice Henry,
The Australian Woman and the Ballot
(North American Review, December 21, 1906)._
Writing in the New York _Evening Post_ of February 10,
1909, Mrs. Ida Husted Harper makes the following statements:
"The recent announcement that the upper house of Parliament in
Victoria, Australia, had passed a woman suffrage bill by a
vote of 23 to 5, marked the gaining of complete suffrage for
women in all of Australasia. Since 1902 women have had a vote
in Australia for members of the national Parliament, and for a
number of years the vote for State officials in all the States
except Victoria. There the lower house, or Assembly, has
fifteen times passed a bill giving this vote to women only to
have it rejected by the upper house, or Council. The Assembly
is elected by popular vote; the Council is not. … With their
municipal and national franchise the women were able to make
things decidedly uncomfortable for the opponents, in which
they were encouraged and aided by the labor unions. At last
the council surrendered unconditionally, and the vote of
twenty-three to five showed that most of them tried to get
into the band wagon. The five who voted ‘no’ were probably ‘in
for life,’ and not afraid of the consequences. … Australia has
thoroughly tested woman suffrage, first in municipal affairs,
and then in those of State and nation. There is not one
objection made against it which is not refuted by the actual
experience of that country. All the talk about who will take
care of the baby and what will become of the home, its men
would brush aside as so much chaff."
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Denmark:
Its first exercise in Municipal Elections.
Danish municipal elections in March, 1909, were conducted
under a new law which gives every woman who either pays direct
taxes or whose husband does so the right to vote. The law also
provides for a system of proportional representation. "There
was naturally much discussion beforehand," wrote a newspaper
correspondent from Copenhagen, "as to what would be the result
of this first experiment in woman suffrage in Denmark. The
Conservatives, indeed, protested for a long time before they
yielded to its claims. As far as can now be ascertained the
relative strength of the parties in the councils will be
practically unchanged, that is to say, the Conservatives will
still have a slight majority. This is at all events the case
in and around Copenhagen, where the women took a very active
part in the voting, nearly 75 per cent. of those who were
entitled to vote having done so."
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: England:
Qualification for County and Borough Councils.
The following are the provisions of an Act of Parliament
approved in August, 1907:
"A woman shall not be disqualified by sex or marriage for
being elected or being a councillor or alderman of the council
of any county or borough (including a metropolitan borough):
Provided that a woman if elected as chairman of a county
council or mayor of a borough shall not by virtue of holding
or having held that office be a justice of the peace."
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ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:
The Campaign of the Militant Suffragists or "Suffragettes."
The cause of the women who desire and demand equal political
rights with men seemed to be advancing fast toward complete
victory in Great Britain, in 1906-1907, when the impatient among
them began resorting to militant methods of agitation. It is
probably safe to say that no other movement by any part of any
people in any country, for obtaining an extension of political
rights, had ever been carried by rational discussion and
appeal to a point of more encouragement than the woman
suffrage movement in the United Kingdom had then attained. For
everything elective in local government the vote had been won
for women, and the opening of county and borough offices to
them was on the eve of being written into law. Representation
in Parliament, only, had not been secured, but the disposition
to concede it was growing from day to day. It was at this
stage of promising progress in the movement that an impatient
section of its promoters became persuaded that some
disturbance of the public peace and some troubling of the
Government would hasten the final triumph of their cause. Why
they were led to that conclusion was explained to an American
audience in New York by their leader, Mrs. Pankhurst, in
October, 1909, as follows:
"The Liberals failed to put woman suffrage in their Newcastle
programme. We waited on Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, leader
of that party, and who would be prime minister, but he said he
was too busy seeing voters to attend to women. The other
parties acted in the same way, so we were forced to other
action. A. J. Balfour, the Tory leader, upon whom we called,
declared that he was in favor of equal suffrage, but was
honest enough to add that no statesman would propose a bill to
give it unless it were made a practical question of politics.
"You have heard much of our methods. You have condemned them,
but whether they were right or wrong, objectionable or not,
they have certainly accomplished our object of bringing the
question before the British public as a practical political
question. … My grandmother was a Chartist, and so I determined
to follow in her footsteps.
"It was at Manchester, almost on the site of the Peterloo
franchise riots, when the yeomen, with their bayonets, cut
down the men seeking votes, that our agitation began. Sir
Edward Grey was closing the great Liberal revival in
Lancashire by a great meeting. Women were admitted to meetings
in England in those days; it is not so now. We decided to be
there with a banner on which we would inscribe the motto ‘Will
the Liberal government give working women the vote?’ Annie
Kenny, an officer of the Cotton Workers’ Trade Union, was
chosen to put the question to Sir Edward Grey. She accepted on
condition that my daughter, Christobel Pankhurst, would
accompany her and hold her hand. We tried to get them seats in
the front of the balcony, where they could unfurl the banner.
We failed in this, so we got seats in the area, and had to
change the banner. The new one was made on my dining-room
table with a piece of calico and some black paint and
contained the now world-wide motto: ‘Votes for Women.’
"Sir Edward Grey delivered a great speech, but there was
nothing in it about giving women votes. Several questions were
put to him, and he answered as all public speakers should, and
as they always do in England. When he was done, more questions
were in order. Annie Kenny rose and unfurled her banner,
holding it up in a hand from which she had lost a finger while
at work in the mills at an age when girls should not be
allowed to work—especially when they are intended for
motherhood. Holding her companion’s hand, she put her
question: ‘Will the Liberal government give working women
votes?’ Instantly the stewards pounced upon her; hands were
pressed over her mouth, and she was forced to sit down. She
was told to write her question, and it would be answered. A
vote of thanks was proposed, and Sir Edward Grey answered.
"When he failed to answer her question, Annie Kenny rose and
insisted on an answer. She was pounced upon; six men dragged
her hat off and pulled her to the door, but her last words as
she was thrown out were: ‘Sir Edward Grey, answer my
question.’ My daughter took up the task, and repeated the
question. She, too, was set upon and dragged past the stage,
upon which sat men who had known her from childhood, who had
voted for her father; but so strong is party spirit that they
allowed her to be thrown out without protest.
"They held a meeting outside and were arrested for obstructing
the police. They were fined, and went to jail. But we had
gained what we wanted. The press, which had ignored us,
heralded our cause. We were giving them good copy."
In the early period of the campaign of public disturbance
which the militant suffragists had thus planned, their
operations were directed mainly to the interruption of
speakers at political meetings, not only by questions, but by
bell-ringing and the like, provoking forcible ejection, arrest
and fine, or commitment to jail. Presently some resorted to
the device of chaining themselves to seats, prolonging the
disturbance and heightening its sensational character. The
crowning sensation of this description was achieved on the 8th
of November, 1908, when two daring suffragettes who had gained
admission to the women’s gallery in the House of Commons
chained themselves to the metal lattice work in front of it
and opened a fire of questions and demands on the dismayed law
makers below. In the previous month the House had been
besieged by a great mob of women who attempted to force their
way into its well-guarded chambers, under Mrs. Pankhurst’s
lead. She and others of the leaders, arrested on this
occasion, refused to give bonds to keep the peace, and were
sentenced to imprisonment for three months.
From this time on, the devices of public disturbance and of
annoyance to Parliament and Ministers became more and more
ingeniously sensational. One performance, on the 27th of
April, 1909, was thus described by a London newspaper of the
morning after:
"St. Stephen’s Hall is built upon the site of the old
Parliament, its dimensions in length and width are the same,
its memories embalm the great Parliamentary tradition, it is
the place where the liberties of the people have been won.
This is the place which was chosen yesterday by woman
suffragists for a degrading exhibition of disorder. On either
side of the hall are two rows of wonderful statues, like white
ghosts of the old Parliament. To the legs of four of these
statues as many women yesterday afternoon fastened themselves,
after their practice, with chains, and remained there, a
centre of disturbance, until an end was put to their mimic
slavery by the police. The statues were those of Selden,
Walpole, Somers, and Falkland; and it is matter for great
regret that Falkland’s statue, in its pathetic grace the most
charming of them all, has been wantonly injured by this rough
usage."
{226}
On the 24th of June the lobby of the House of Commons became
the scene of another performance in the same spirit by a
single dauntless actor,—thus related: "Miss Wallace Dunlop,
who was intercepted the other day in an attempt to deface with
indelible ink the walls of the lobby of the House of Commons
with an appeal on behalf of ‘Votes for Women,’ succeeded
yesterday in accomplishing her object. Disguised as an elderly
lady and carrying a brown handbag, she eluded the vigilance of
the police till well within the lobby of the House. Drawing
from her handbag a small wooden stencil, or board, with felt
attached and saturated with indelible purple ink, she
succeeded in placing it against the wall of the lobby at a
conspicuous spot. The ink was at once absorbed into the
surface of the wall. The words written were:--‘Women’s
Deputation, June 29th. Bill of Rights. It is the right of the
subjects to petition the King, and all commitments and
prosecutions for such petitioning are illegal.’ Miss Wallace
Dunlop was taken to Cannon-row Police-station, and after being
detained two hours was charged with doing wilful damage. She
will be brought before the magistrates at Bow Street this
morning."
Miss Dunlop received a sentence of imprisonment, and
inaugurated in prison a more heroic protest against and
defiance of the tyranny of which she believed herself to be a
victim. It is described in the following manifesto, published
by the National Women’s Social and Political Union (the
principal organization of the militant suffragists) on the
14th of July:
"The women who have been sent to prison in connexion with
woman suffrage disturbances have, from the beginning, demanded
treatment as political prisoners, and have appealed to the
Home Secretary to accord them the rights and privileges to
which political prisoners are entitled in every part of the
world. As this appeal has been disregarded, women have now
decided to take the law into their own hands, and, by carrying
on a revolt in prison, to force the hands of the authorities
to concede them what they have refused to give as a matter of
justice.
"The first action taken in the matter was that of Miss Wallace
Dunlop, sent to prison on Friday, July 2, for imprinting an
extract from the Bill of Rights upon one of the walls in the
House of Commons. Political treatment being refused to her,
and being ordered to wear prison clothes and eat prison food,
Miss Wallace Dunlop determined to strike a blow for her rights
by refusing absolutely to eat the food offered to her. After
91 hours of starvation—during which time communications were
constantly passing between the Governor of the prison and the
Home Office—the authorities decided to give in, and Miss
Wallace Dunlop was released.
"The 14 members of the Women’s Social and Political Union who
were sent to prison on Monday, July 12, in connexion with the
stone throwing at the Government buildings on June 29, have
determined to carry out a further revolt. Before leaving for
prison they informed the officers of the union that it was
their intention, if denied the rights of political prisoners,
to carry out an effective protest in prison. When ordered to
take off their own clothes and to put on prison clothes they
intended to refuse to do so, and standing all together they
would refuse to be put into cells of the second division. If
put into their cells by force and undressed, they would refuse
in the morning to get up and dress excepting into their own
clothes. They also informed members of the union that they
would refuse to obey the rule of silence, but would talk to
one another whenever they liked and would sing aloud during
retention.
"In making this protest the women claim that they are fighting
for the preservation of the rights of political prisoners,
which were not denied even in the Bastille."
Miss Dunlop’s heroic protest, by refusing prison food, was
taken up at once and repeated by numbers of her imprisoned
sisters; until the prison authorities met it by forcibly
administering food, in the manner of treatment applied
sometimes to desperate convicts or to the insane; and this, of
course, is more than repugnant and distressing to the feeling
of everybody. The whole unexampled situation is repugnant and
distressing, however it may be viewed. The cause involved is
so pitifully stripped of its dignity, simply for the reason
that the sex whose cause it is has nothing in body or mind to
qualify it for effectual rioting. A mob of men can invest its
mischievous doings with the impressiveness of terror, which
crushes laughter and contempt. A mob of such women as the
champion suffragists are cannot do so, and the riot they
attempt is but a travesty, which challenges jeers, and sadly
smirches the after heroism of the self-starved rioters in
their prison cells. The difference between a political
insurrection of men and the insurgency of Mrs. Pankhurst and
her followers is the difference between a menace that alarms
and a nuisance that annoys and provokes. With what effect the
cause of woman suffrage has been made a public nuisance in
England remains to be seen. The advantage to it is dubious, to
say the least. On this point Mr. Winston Churchill, President
of the Board of Trade, spoke his mind plainly to a deputation
of suffragettes who called on him at Dundee on the 18th of
last October. He said:
"I saw the beginning of what you call the militant tactics.
They broke out in my late constituency, North-West Manchester,
and during the four years that have passed I have fought three
by-elections, and have made a great many speeches about the
country. So, I suppose, I have come very nearly as much in
contact with them as any other Cabinet Minister. … You have
come to me in a deputation, and I am bound to give you my
candid and truthful opinion that your cause is in a worse
position now than it was four years ago. I do not mean by that
that anything has been done which will prevent the ultimate
success of the movement. I do not think that is so, but I am
quite sure that, while these tactics of silly disorder and
petty violence continue, there is not the slightest chance of
any Government that will be called into power, or of any House
of Commons which is likely to be elected, giving you the
reform which you seek. That is my honest, unprejudiced view."
{227}
The National Union of Women Suffrage Societies, of which Mrs.
Henry Fawcett is President, represents a large body of women
claimants of the suffrage who distinctly disapprove of and
disclaim responsibility for the proceedings of their militant
allies. In a statement which this National Union communicated
to the Prime Minister on the 2d of October, 1909, they set
forth the following facts in evidence of the strength of the
popular support given to their claims: Since the beginning of
1908 the National Union had taken part in 31 by-elections in
Great Britain. "These have been contested by 69 candidates, of
whom 26 were Liberals, 32 Unionists, and 11 Labour, Socialist,
or Independent. Of these 69 candidates, only nine declared
themselves opponents of woman suffrage. The rest in varying
degrees accepted the principle of the enfranchisement of
women. A few merely stated that they were not hostile, but the
overwhelming majority frankly accepted it, some even pledging
themselves to oppose any further extension of the franchise to
men so long as it was withheld from women."
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Finland:
The great victory of 1906.
"The great victory for woman suffrage in 1906 was won in
Finland, where women were enfranchised on exactly the same
terms as men, and made eligible to all offices, including
seats in Parliament. This gives the vote at once to about
300,000 women. Preceding and during the revolution, in the
attempt to throw off the Russian yoke, the women shared with
the men the work, the hardships and the dangers; and, when the
triumph came, there was not a thought on the part of men of
excluding women from any portion of the rewards, the most
important of which was the suffrage. But they themselves had
long been preparing the ground. The Finnish Women’s
Association to work for equal rights was founded in 1884 by
Baroness Alexandra Gripenberg and never ceased its efforts. In
1892 the Woman’s Alliance Union was organized, more democratic
and aggressive in its character. … After the vast national
strike in the autumn of 1905, while a body of leading men were
drawing up a Declaration of Rights to be presented to the
Tsar, Dr. (Miss) Tekla Hulsin, a member of the National Bureau
of Statistics, made an eloquent plea in behalf of the women,
and they were included in its demand for universal suffrage. …
The Tsar signed it in November, giving his consent to the
proposed reforms. Immediately the women set to work,
lecturing, organizing, getting up petitions, and finally held
another huge mass-meeting in Helsingfors, demanding that the
Diet carry out this measure. All of the political parties put
it in their platforms. On May 28th, 1906, the Diet with only
one dissenting vote passed the bill giving the suffrage to all
men and women twenty-four years old. This was signed by the
Tsar on July 20th."
_Ida H. Harper,
Woman Suffrage Throughout The World
(North American Review, September, 1907)._
Dr. Tekla Hulsin, referred to above, now a woman member of the
Finnish Diet, speaking at a suffragist meeting in London, in
September, 1909, gave the following account of the action of
the women members of that body:
"The granting of woman suffrage had caused no change in the
strength of the respective political parties. Every citizen in
Finland who was entitled to vote was also eligible for
membership of the Diet. There had been no rivalry between the
men and women candidates; they recognized that they were there
for common ends. The women members of the Diet had followed
their parties on party questions, but had joined on women’s
questions for humanitarian ends. They had presented petitions
for the raising of the marriageable age from 15 to 17, the
exemption of women from their husband’s guardianship, the
reception of Government employment on the same grounds as men,
and on the subject of the prevention of cruelty to children
and animals. These had all been accepted by the Diet."
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:
International Council of Women.
See (in this Volume)
WOMEN, INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:
International Woman Suffrage Alliance.
"Since the Conference held at Copenhagen in August of 1906,
which closed with thirteen countries in membership, the
Alliance has been growing till its influence is felt as far as
South Africa. On the first day of the Conference, held in
Amsterdam June 15, 1907, there was presented an application
from the Woman Suffrage Associations of Natal and Cape Colony
for auxiliaryship in the Alliance. … The second request for
auxiliaryship was presented by Switzerland, which had formed a
National committee of seven Cantonal Associations. … The third
new member, and the last one to enter the Alliance, was the
National Bulgarian Alliance for Women’s Rights. This body is
composed of thirty local societies working in different lines,
and is somewhat like our Federation of Women’s Clubs here, or
a National Council of Women. … The full membership roll of the
Alliance now includes Australia, Bulgaria, Canada, Denmark,
Finland, Germany, Great Britain, Hungary, Italy, the
Netherlands, Norway, Russia, Sweden, United States, South
Africa and Switzerland. Perhaps the most important new
departure at Amsterdam was the fact that official
representatives were sent to that meeting by the Australian
Federation, Norway and the State of Utah. Those coming from
Australia and Norway were not only delegated by the Government
but their expenses were borne by the National Treasury, and
they were sent as students of the whole question as
represented internationally by the Alliance, and expected to
report upon it to their respective governments. … Fraternal
delegates came to the Alliance from the International Council
of Women, and from the National Councils of Belgium, Denmark,
France, Germany, Great Britain, the Netherlands, New Zealand,
Norway and Sweden; and in addition to these fraternal
delegates were sent by seventeen associations from the
countries already mentioned and Scotland in addition; making
in all twenty-one countries represented either by regular
delegates or by fraternal delegates at the Amsterdam
conference."
_Proceedings of the 40th Annual Convention of the
National American Woman Suffrage Association, at Buffalo,
New York, October, 1908._
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: New Zealand:
Its working in that country.
Sir Joseph George Ward, Prime Minister of New Zealand,
returning home from England in August, 1908, passed through
the United States, and was questioned in New York about the
working of woman suffrage in his country, where women have
been voters for the last sixteen years. He declared his
conviction that New Zealand had found it to be one of the most
far-sighted policies ever put into effect, for the ballot in
the hands of women had exercised a great influence for the
general good. "A stranger coming to New Zealand," he said,
"would not recognize any difference between our institutions
and those here, so far as the right of women to vote is
concerned. He would see no women politicians, no campaign
orators of the other sex, no disturbances such as are so often
pictured as one of the attendant ills of woman’s suffrage.
{228}
"Under our laws women cannot stand for Parliament, nor hold
any other office. They do not mix it up in a campaign. You
never hear of them in this way during an election. They attend
public meetings, they are present at all of the public
ceremonies, and are unusually well-informed upon all public
questions. When they vote they vote intelligently, and any
woman over twenty-one years of age and a citizen of the
country can vote. Her right to vote does not, as many imagine,
cause family dissensions, nor family wrangles such as
cartoonists picture. There are no more differences over
politics in New Zealand families than there are over domestic
problems in the United States. The ballot in the hands of the
women, so far as I have observed, means only the healthy
influence of the home injected into politics. Our law
prohibits the solicitation of votes on election day; the
placarding of streets and houses, the use of vehicles to carry
voters, the exerting of any influence to obtain a vote. A wife
may accompany her husband to the polls, to the door of the
booth, but no further. The laws absolutely protect the privacy
of the ballot.
"In New Zealand the granting of the privilege of voting to
women did not result in the levelling of the wage scale, or
the competition between men and women in labor. In comparison
with other countries the proportion of wage-earning women in
New Zealand is small. She has her place to fill in the home,
and there are no truer and more devoted mothers of families in
the world. I believe that her influence upon man is all the
greater and better by reason of her suffrage. She recognizes
the position of man as the head of the household, and he is,
generally speaking, always the wage-earner, and I firmly
believe that if women could under our laws be elected to
office and have a part in the making of laws, they would not
seek legislation that would tend to further advance themselves
and limit the activity of the men.
"Women’s suffrage has surely resulted in the raising of the
standard of education in our country. The class of ignorant
people is very small, and growing smaller and smaller with
each succeeding generation. … The country has not been without
its political and labor demagogues, but the conservative
judgment of the voters has always prevailed in the end. Graft
is something unknown in New Zealand."
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:
The Increasing Vote of Women at local option polls and
in general elections.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM: NEW ZEALAND.
----------ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: End--------
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE.
See, (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
ELECTRICITY.
See (in this Volume and in Volume VI.)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT.
ELECTRO-CHEMISTRY.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION: ELECTRO-CHEMISTRY.
ELECTRONS.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: PHYSICAL.
ELEVATOR COMBINATION, Dissolution of the.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.
ELGIN, The Earl of:
Secretary of State for the Colonies (British).
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.
ELGIN, The Earl of:
Presiding at Imperial Conference.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.
ELIOT, Charles W.:
Retirement from Presidency of Harvard University.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.
ELKINS, Anti-Rebate Law.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903 (February).
ELKINS CLAUSE, The.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.
EMERGENCY CURRENCY ACT.
See (in this Volume)
FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908.
EMERY CLAIM, The.
See (in this Volume)
CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909: NICARAGUA.
EMIGRATION.
See (in this Volume)
IMMIGRATION; also
RACE PROBLEMS.
EMPIRE DAY.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (MAY).
EMPLOYERS’ LIABILITY.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR PROTECTION.
ENCYCLICALS.
See Papacy.
ENDJUMEN FUTUVAT, The:
An anti-parliamentary party.
See (in this Volume)
PERSIA: A. D. 1906-1907.
----------ENGLAND: Start--------
[Footnote: For convenience of use in the many references to
this heading throughout the Volume, the name of England is
made to stand for The United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Ireland,—a stretch of meaning which seems often permissible.]
ENGLAND: A. D. 1870-1905.
Increase of Population compared with other European Countries.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1900.
Comparative Statement of the Consumption of Alcoholic Drink.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1901.
Census of the British Empire compiled.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE.
{229}
ENGLAND: A. D. 1901.
Census of England and Wales, and of the United Kingdom.
Population.
Relative numbers of males and females.
Agricultural industry.
Extent of various uses of the soil.
The different kinds of areas.
The eleventh Census of the population of England and Wales was
taken April 1st, 1901, "ascertaining the required information
relating to the persons returned as living at midnight on
Sunday, March 31st." The number enumerated in England and
Wales, as finally revised at the Census Office, was
35,527,843; showing an increase of 3,525,318, or a decennial
rate of increase of 12.17 percent, upon the number returned at
the preceding enumeration in April, 1891. Of the persons
enumerated in England and Wales in 1901, 15,728,613 were males
and 16,799,230 were females, the latter exceeding the former
by 1,070,617. This, however, does not represent the relative
numbers of the two sexes that _belong_ to the population
of the country; "for there are always men temporarily absent
abroad as soldiers or seamen or for business purposes"; while,
on the other hand, "the enumerated population temporarily
includes some soldiers and sailors who were born in Scotland
and Ireland, as well as foreign sailors and business
representatives." Making reckonings for these, "the population
_belonging_ to England and Wales at the date of the
Census may be estimated at 32,805,040 persons, of whom
16,005,810 were males, and 16,799,230 were females." During
the ten years prior to 1901 the recorded male births in
England exceeded the female births by 160,987, while the
recorded deaths of males exceeded the deaths of females by
155,363. This would have about evened their numbers in the
population of 1901; hence the existing excess of females is
due, in the main, to the more extensive emigration or
temporary absence of males.
Of the population of England and Wales less than 4 per cent.
was born outside of those two divisions of the United Kingdom;
not quite 1 per cent. was born in Scotland; a little more than
1.3 per cent. was born in Ireland; a trifle more than 1 per
cent. in foreign countries, and an insignificant fraction in
British colonies and dependencies. England, it will be seen,
is troubled very slightly with problems arising from a mixed
population.
The Census of Scotland and Ireland, taken simultaneously with
that of England and Wales, gave the former a population of
4,472,103, and the latter 4,458,775. Scotland had gained
46,456 since 1891; Ireland had lost in the same period
245,975. In the sixty years since 1841 Ireland had lost more
than 3,700,000. The total of population in the United Kingdom,
at midnight, March 31, 1901, was found to be 41,458,721; and
the females exceeded the males in number by 1,253,905. The
excess was least in Ireland.
Judged by the numbers engaged therein, the Agricultural
Industry is still the most important in the United Kingdom;
but, since 1881, it had been reduced from 2,362,331 males to
2,109,812 in 1901. The decline was far less in Ireland than in
England, Scotland, or Wales. In England and Wales, the whole
area of land, amounting to 37,129,162 acres, or 58,014 square
miles, is divided by the census report into areas as follows:
Acres.
Corn Crops 5,886,052
Green Crops 2,511,744
Clover and grasses under rotation 3,262,926
Flax, Hops, Small Fruit 120,683
Bare Fallow 336,884
Permanent Pasture or Grass 15,399,025
Mountain and Heath Land used for Grazing 3,556,636
Woods, Plantations, Nursery Grounds,
Houses, Streets, Roads, Railways,
Waste Grounds, &c. 6,055,212
Total Land Area of England and Wales. 37,129,162
The enumeration of "different kinds of areas," in England and
Wales, as set forth in the Census report, is interesting in
some particulars—such as these:
54 Ancient Counties;
62 Administrative Counties;
468 Parliamentary Areas;
2 Ecclesiastical Provinces;
35 Ecclesiastical Dioceses;
14,080 Ecclesiastical Parishes;
14,900 Civil Parishes;
67 County Boroughs;
28 Metropolitan Boroughs with their Wards;
54 County Court Circuits;
500 County Court Districts;
1122 Urban Districts
(including 316 County or Municipal Boroughs) with the
Wards of those which are so subdivided;
664 Rural Districts.
_Census of England and Wales, 1901.
General Report.
(Parliamentary Papers, 1904, Cd. 2174.)_
ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (NOVEMBER).
An addition to the Titles of the King.
The following is part of the proclamation of an addition to
the titles of the King which was made on the 4th of November,
1901:
"Whereas an act was passed in the last session of Parliament,
entitled ‘An act to enable His Most Gracious Majesty to make
an addition to the royal style and titles in recognition of
His Majesty’s dominions beyond the seas,’ which act enacts
that it shall be lawful for us, with a view to such
recognition as aforesaid of our dominions beyond the seas, by
our royal proclamation under the great seal of the United
Kingdom issued within six months after the passing of the said
act, to make such addition to the style and titles at present
appertaining to the Imperial Crown of the United Kingdom and
its dependencies as to us may seem fit; and
"Whereas our present style and titles are, in the Latin
tongue, ‘Edwardus VII Dei Gratia Britanniarum Rex, Fidei
Defensor, Indiæ Imperator,’ and in the English tongue, ‘Edward
VII, by the Grace of God of the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith, Emperor of
India,’ we have thought fit, by and with the advice of our
privy council, to appoint and declare, and we do hereby, by
and with the said advice, appoint and declare that henceforth,
so far as conveniently may be, on all occasions and in all
instruments wherein our style and titles are used, the
following addition shall be made to the style and titles at
present appertaining to the Imperial Crown of the United
Kingdom and its dependencies—that is to say, in the Latin
tongue, after the word ‘Britanniarum,’ these words, ‘et
terrarum transmarinarum quœ inditione sunt Britannicâ’; and in
the English tongue, after the words ‘of the United Kingdom of
Great Britain and Ireland,’ these words, 'and of the British
Dominions beyond the Seas.’"
ENGLAND: A. D. 1901-1902.
The last year of the Boer-British War.
Peace preliminaries.
Text of the Treaty concluded.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1901-1902 (NOVEMBER-FEBRUARY).
Treaty with the United States to facilitate the construction
of a Ship Canal between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans.
See PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1901-1902.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1902.
Arbitration and mediation between the Argentine Republic and
Chile.
See (in this Volume)
ARGENTINE REPUBLIC.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JANUARY).
Agreement in the nature of a Defensive Alliance with Japan.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1902.
{230}
ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (FEBRUARY).
Wei-hai-wei found valueless.
Fortification abandoned.
The British public was unpleasantly surprised on the 11th of
February, 1902, by an official announcement in Parliament that
the fortifying of the port of Wei-hai-wei, on the Chinese
coast (extorted from China in 1898 as an offset to the cession
of Port Arthur to Russia, had been abandoned, for the reason
that military and naval opinion agreed in concluding that the
place had no strategic value.
See, in Volume VI. of this work,
CHINA: A. D. 1898, MARCH-JULY).
It would not be returned to China, however, having usefulness
for experiments in naval gunnery, and as a sanitarium. The
announcement drew much sarcasm on the Government.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (February).
Opposed deliverances of Lord Rosebery and
Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman on Irish Home Rule.
See (in this Volume)
IRELAND: A. D. 1902 (FEBRUARY).
ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (MARCH-NOVEMBER).
Passage of the Education Act, in the interest of voluntary or
church schools.
"Passive Resistance" of Nonconformists.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1902.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (MAY).
Treaty with Abyssinia.
See ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JUNE-AUGUST).
Illness and deferred Coronation of King Edward VII.
While England was preparing, in the last half of June, 1902,
for the great ceremony of the Coronation of King Edward VII.,
appointed to take place on the 26th, disquieting accounts of
his Majesty’s health began to appear. Some exposure at
Aldershot, during military reviews, had brought on a chill, it
was said; and though it was made light of in the reports,
there was anxiety abroad. The King and Queen came to London
from Windsor on the 23d, and all seemed to promise well. That
evening he attended a State banquet; but a little before noon
the next morning the nation received a dreadful shock from the
announcement: "The King is suffering from perityphlitis [more
familiarly known as appendicitis]. The condition on Saturday
was so satisfactory that it was hoped that, with care, his
Majesty would be able to go through the Coronation ceremonies.
On Monday evening a recrudescence became manifest, rendering a
surgical operation necessary to-day." A serious disappointment
as well as a grave anxiety was produced. Preparations for the
pageant and the solemnities of the Coronation had been made on
a splendid scale. London was crowded with visitors from all
parts of the world, and specially decorated as never before.
The sudden descent of grief and fear and gloom on the gayeties
of the scene was a transformation which London and England can
never forget.
Within three hours from the first startling report the success
of the operation was made known. The King had borne it well
and was in a satisfactory state. From that time on there were
none but good reports. On the 5th of July he was declared to
be out of danger. On the 15th he was removed to the royal
yacht _Victoria and Albert_ and taken to Cowes. At the
end of seven weeks he had recovered so fully as to be able to
bear the fatigues and the strain of a trying ceremony, and the
King and Queen were crowned in Westminster Abbey on the 9th of
August, with somewhat less of magnificent public show than had
been prepared for the 26th of June, but nevertheless with
regal pomp.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (June-August).
Conference with the Prime Ministers of the Self-Governing
Colonies.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (July).
Resignation of Lord Salisbury.
Mr. Balfour’s succession to the Premiership.
The new Ministry.
Failing health compelled the Marquis of Salisbury to ask, on
the 11th of July, for relief from the cares of the office of
Prime Minister. His resignation was accepted, and Mr. Arthur
J. Balfour, First Lord of the Treasury in Lord Salisbury’s
Ministry, was invited by the King to the vacant place. Some
changes in the Cabinet followed, Sir Michael Hicks-Beach
retiring from the Chancellorship of the Exchequer, and being
succeeded by Mr. C. T. Ritchie; Mr. A. Akers-Douglas entering
the Cabinet as Home Secretary; Mr. G. Wyndham continuing in
the office of Chief Secretary for Ireland, but coming into the
Cabinet; Mr. Austen Chamberlain, son of the Right Honorable
Joseph Chamberlain, also receiving a Cabinet seat as
Postmaster-General.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (August).
Passage of Licensing Bill.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1902.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (September).
Arrangements of the Government with the Cunard Company and
the International Mercantile Marine Company.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: INTERNATIONAL.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1902-1904.
Coercive proceedings against Venezuela concerted with Germany
and Italy.
Settlement of Claims secured.
Reference to The Hague.
See (in this Volume)
VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1902-1904.
The Mission of Colonel Younghusband to Tibet.
Its advance in force to Lhasa.
The Treaty secured.
See (in this Volume)
TIBET: A. D. 1902-1904.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1903.
Passage of the Land Purchase Act for Ireland.
See (in this Volume)
IRELAND: A. D. 1870-1903.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1903.
Declines to be a party to the building of the Bagdad Railway.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS; TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1909.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (March).
Debate in Parliament on the South African Labor Question.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903-1904.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (March).
Passage of the Employment of Children Bill.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR PROTECTION.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (June).
The Celebration of Empire Day.
A Canadian custom of celebrating Queen Victoria’s birthday,
June 24, as Empire Day, was taken up in Great Britain in 1903,
and "the movement," says the London _Times_, "has spread
with striking rapidity." The day is made especially
interesting in the schools, where the morning of the day is
given to addresses on citizenship and the Empire and to the
singing of patriotic songs, while the afternoon is a
half-holiday.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (May-September).
Mr. Chamberlain’s declaration for Preferential Trade with
the British Colonies.
The political commotion excited.
Mr. Balfour’s puzzling attitude on the questions raised.
It is made clear by the correspondence when Mr. Chamberlain
resigns.
The latter’s propagandism.
In June, 1902, when, as Secretary of State for the Colonies,
Mr. Joseph Chamberlain addressed the Conference of Prime
Ministers from the self-governing British Colonies, his mind
was manifestly not prepared to accept as a practicable
proposition their request that the United Kingdom would grant
"preferential treatment to the products and manufactures of
the Colonies."
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1902)
{231}
"Preferential treatment" meant an Imperial protective-tariff
policy, with discrimination of duties in favor of imports from
British colonies. As the products of the colonies were mostly
food stuffs and raw materials for manufacture, it meant a
taxing of the supplies of these to British tables and British
industries from every source outside the colonies. It meant an
artificial higher pricing in the market of the British Isles
for everything in which cost bears hardest on the livelihood
and the living of their people. Mr. Chamberlain, in 1902, was
waxing ardent in the high mission he had undertaken, of
unifying and consolidating the great British Empire,
strengthening the ties of family between Mother England and
her scattered brood; but he had not yet been persuaded that
the mother could afford to expend quite so much as this of her
own well-being on premiums for the allegiance of her
offspring.
In the course of the next year, however, the Colonial
Secretary spent some weeks in South Africa, and seems to have
been remarkably intensified in his imperializing aims by what
he saw and learned. He came home filled with the conviction
that England must, for the sake of a really unified and
incorporated Empire, abandon the free opening of her markets,
which gave her people the cheapest food and the cheapest
materials for labor that the world at large could furnish, and
must wall them and gate them, with differing keys to the
locks, so that her own colonists might be given the
"preferential" admission they claim. If he had arrived at that
conviction before going to South Africa he had made no sign of
it; but it was proclaimed soon after his return, in a speech
to his constituents at Birmingham, on the 15th of May, which
shook England as no sudden development in politics had done
for many years. The time had come, he declared, when the
country must decide for or against a deliberate policy of
Imperial unification, which required it to reciprocate the
preferential tariffs which the colonies had adopted or were
offering to adopt. Canada had given Great Britain a preference
in her tariff, first of 25 per cent., afterwards increased to
33 1/3 per cent., and was ready to go farther if the British
Government would reciprocate, in allowing a drawback on the
shilling corn duty (a duty which had been levied for a year
past, and was about to be removed). At the Colonial Conference
of the previous year the representatives of Australia and New
Zealand had expressed readiness to act on the same line. A
recent conference of the British colonies in South Africa had
recommended the Legislatures of those colonies to give the
Mother Country a similar preference on all dutiable goods of
25 per cent. Whether this policy of the colonies should be
developed in the future or withdrawn depended now on the
treatment given to it by the people of Great Britain.
"The people of the Empire," continued Mr. Chamberlain, "have
two alternatives before them. They may maintain if they like
in all its severity the interpretation—in my mind an entirely
artificial and wrong interpretation—which has been placed on
the doctrines of Free Trade by a small remnant of the Little
Englanders, of the Manchester school, who now profess to be
the sole repositories of the doctrines of Mr. Cobden and Mr.
Bright. They may maintain that policy in all its severity,
though it is repudiated by every other nation and by all your
own Colonies. In that case they will be absolutely precluded
either from giving any kind of preference or favour to any of
their Colonies abroad, or even protecting their Colonies
abroad when they offer to favour us. That is the first
alternative. The second alternative is that we should insist
that we will not be bound by any purely technical definition
of Free Trade, that, while we seek as one chief object free
interchange of trade and commerce between ourselves and all
the nations of the world, we will, nevertheless, recover our
freedom, resume that power of negotiation and, if necessary,
retaliation whenever our own interests or our relation between
our Colonies and ourselves are threatened by other people.
"I leave the matter," said Mr. Chamberlain, "in your hands. I
desire that a discussion on this subject should be opened. The
time has not yet come to settle it, but it seems to me that
for good or for evil this is an issue much greater in its
consequences than any of our local disputes. Make a mistake in
legislation. Yet it can be corrected. Make a mistake in your
Imperial policy. It is irretrievable. You have an opportunity;
you will never have it again."
Naturally this speech, from a Minister of the Crown, as
important and influential in the Government and in his party
as Mr. Chamberlain, caused an immense political commotion. It
had suddenly injected a new issue into the politics of the
United Kingdom, involving some reconstruction of the party in
possession of power, and a fundamental readjustment of
principles in some part of it, more or less, according to the
following that Mr. Chamberlain secured. Would he leave the
Ministry or the Ministry leave him?—was the question of the
hour. It remained unanswered for three months or more, while
controversy over the propositions of Mr. Chamberlain raged and
the situation became more puzzling every day. Meantime the
head of the Government, Mr. Balfour, was acting like a
faithful adherent to the English principle of freedom in
trade, by advocating a repeal of the incongruous corn duty
levied the year before, but speaking, at the same time, like a
man of open mind on the question of preferential trade,
treating it as one that demanded careful thought. "If foreign
countries," he said, "should take the view that our
self-governing colonies could be treated as separate nations
we must resist their policy by fiscal retaliation. There must
be a weapon to our hands with which to meet those who might
attempt to disintegrate the Empire by fiscal means. The
question whether we should be justified in raising revenue
with the object of drawing the different portions of the
Empire more closely together was certainly well worth
consideration."
All that he said in these months conveyed the impression that
he was in an undetermined, waiting state of mind on the
question raised by Mr. Chamberlain, not yet convinced that his
colleague should be supported in the new policy proposed, but
quite likely to be. That, however, was not the attitude in
which he could hold the two coalesced parties, Conservative
and Liberal Union, that were behind him in the Government. The
issue had instant activity there, dividing both. The Premier
could suppress debate on it in Parliament, as he did, but
everywhere else in the kingdom the rage of controversy
gathered heat, and party lines on the side of the Government
were rapidly confused. Two members of the Cabinet resigned,
while Mr. Chamberlain kept his place in it until the 9th of
September, when he addressed to Mr. Balfour a letter which
offered his resignation, for reasons stated as follows:
{232}
"Owing to admitted differences of opinion in the Unionist
party the political organisations of the party were paralysed
and our opponents have had full possession of the field. … I
recognise that serious prejudice has been created, and that,
while the people generally are alive to the danger of
unrestricted competition on the part of those foreign
countries that close their markets to us while finding in our
market an outlet for their surplus production, they have not
yet appreciated the importance to our trade of Colonial
markets, nor the danger of losing them if we do not meet in
some way their natural and patriotic desire for preferential
trade.
"The result is that, for the present at any rate, a
preferential agreement with our Colonies involving any new
duty, however small, on articles of food hitherto untaxed is,
even if accompanied by a reduction of taxation on other
articles of food of equally universal consumption,
unacceptable to the majority in the constituencies. …
"I suggest that you should limit the present policy of the
Government to the assertion of our freedom in the case of all
commercial relations with foreign countries, and that you
should agree to my tendering my resignation of my present
office to his Majesty and devoting myself to the work of
explaining and popularising those principles of Imperial union
which my experience has convinced me are essential to our
future welfare and prosperity."
Mr. Balfour’s reply to this, when published, disclosed the
fact that he was wholly in agreement with Mr. Chamberlain, and
that they were now parting company in order to pursue a common
purpose more effectually on different lines. Both saw that
England was not to be drawn easily away from its fundamental
belief in freedom of trade; that what they had undertaken
would require much persuasive labor and considerable time, if
accomplished at all; wherefore Mr. Chamberlain accepted an
assignment to the missionary field of the imperialist cause,
while Mr. Balfour would continue his endeavor to hold a party
in waiting for the fruits of the mission, and in possession of
the government as long as circumstances might permit. The
programme was disclosed frankly in the two letters. In that of
Mr. Balfour he said:
"Agreeing as I do with you that the time has come when a
change should be made in the fiscal canons by which we have
bound ourselves in our commercial dealings with other
Governments, it seems paradoxical, indeed, that you should
leave the Cabinet at the time that others of my colleagues are
leaving it who disagree on that very point with us both. Yet I
can not but admit, however reluctantly, that there is some
force in the arguments with which you support that course,
based as they are upon your special and personal relation to
that portion of the controversy which deals with Colonial
preference. You have done more than any man, living or dead,
to bring home to the citizens of the Empire the consciousness
of Imperial obligation, and the interdependence between the
various fragments into which the Empire is geographically
divided. I believe you to be right in holding that this
interdependence should find expression in our commercial
relations as well as in our political and military relations.
I believe with you that closer fiscal union between the Mother
Country and her Colonies would be good for the trade of both,
and that, if much closer union could be established on fitting
terms, its advantage to both parties would increase as the
years went on and as the Colonies grew in wealth and
population.
"If there ever has been any difference between us in
connection with this matter it has only been with regard to
the practicability of a proposal which would seem to require,
on the part of the Colonies, a limitation in the all-round
development of a protective policy, and on the part of this
country the establishment of a preference in favour of
important Colonial products. On the first of these
requirements I say nothing, but if the second involves, as it
almost certainly does, taxation, however light, upon food
stuffs, I am convinced with you that public opinion is not yet
ripe for such an arrangement. …
"I feel, however, deeply concerned that you should regard this
conclusion, however well founded, as one which makes it
difficult for you, in your very special circumstances, to
remain a member of the Government. Yet I do not venture, in a
matter so strictly personal, to raise any objection.
"If you think you can best serve the interests of Imperial
unity, for which you have done so much, by pressing your views
on Colonial preference with the freedom which is possible in
an independent position, but is hardly compatible with office,
how can I criticise your determination? The loss to the
Government is great, but the gain to the cause you have at
heart may be greater still. If so, what can I do but
acquiesce?"
So Mr. Chamberlain left the Cabinet, with Mr. Balfour’s
blessing and God-speed, and went out to preach the gospel of
commercial imperialism, under the more carefully chosen name
of "fiscal reform." His co-laborer, who stayed at the helm of
State, was so favored by circumstances as to hold it for
somewhat more than another year. But the propagandism made no
satisfying progress in that year; it seems doubtful, indeed,
if Mr. Chamberlain won as many disciples as he lost from his
first following.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (August).
Employment of Children Act.
See (in this Volume)
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS WORKERS.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (August).
Communication to the Powers that were parties to the Berlin
Act of 1884-1885, asking their attention to the Administration
of the Congo State.
See (in this Volume)
CONGO STATE: A. D. 1903-1905.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (October).
Settlement of the Alaska boundary question.
See (in this Volume)
ALASKA: A. D. 1903.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1903-1904.
Canadian measures to establish British sovereignty over land
and sea of Hudson Bay region.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1903-1904.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1904.
Arbitration of boundary dispute between British Guiana
and Brazil.
See (in this Volume)
BRAZIL: A. D. 1904.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1904.
Her rivals in the Persian Gulf.
See PERSIA: A. D. 1904.
{233}
ENGLAND: A. D. 1904 (April).
The agreements of the Entente Cordiale with France.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).
ENGLAND: A. D. 1904 (April-August).
Agitation over the Licensing Bill, which passed Parliament
after much bitter debate.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1904.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1904 (July).
The question of Church Attendance in school hours.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1904.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1904 (October).
The Dogger Bank incident of the voyage of the
Russian Baltic Fleet.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).
ENGLAND: A. D. 1904-1905.
The Esher Army Commission and its Report.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905.
Reopened controversy with the United States over Newfoundland
Fisheries questions.
See (in this Volume)
NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905.
Action with other Powers in forcing financial reforms in
Macedonia on Turkey.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905.
Unemployed Workmen Act.
See (in this Volume)
POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: ENGLAND: A. D. 1905.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (March).
Partially Representative Legislative Assembly created in
the Transvaal.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1905-1907.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (April).
Order relating to Underfed School Children.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1905.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (April).
Treaty with Nicaragua concerning the Mosquito Territory.
See (in this Volume)
CENTRAL AMERICA: NICARAGUA: A. D. 1905.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (June).
Change in the office of Speaker of the House of Commons.
After a service of more than ten years in the speaker’s chair
of the House of Commons, Mr. W. C. Gully resigned, on account
of failing health, and the Deputy Speaker, Mr. J. W. Lowther,
was chosen in his place, with no dissent. Subsequently, Mr.
Gully was raised to the peerage and received an annual grant
of £5000 for life.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (June).
Frauds in the sale of surplus army stores in South Africa.
An exciting scandal, connected with the sale of surplus army
stores, in South Africa, after the closing of the Boer War,
came to light in June. It was found that stores had been sold
to certain contractors at very low prices, and then
repurchased at high figures under new contracts entered into
with the same contractors. Several army officers, including
two colonels, were implicated in what the investigating
committee described mildly as "a cleverly arranged
contrivance."
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (August).
New Defensive Agreement with Japan.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (AUGUST).
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (August).
Resignation of the Viceroyalty of India by Lord Curzon.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1905 (AUGUST).
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.
Resignation of the Balfour Ministry.
The Liberal Party in power.
Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman Prime Minister.
His Cabinet.
His attitude toward Ireland.
Strength of the Labor Party in Parliament.
Its representative in the Cabinet.
The Education Act of 1902, the apostasy of Mr. Chamberlain and
his Conservative Unionist followers from British Free Trade
principles, proclaimed in 1903, and the Licensing Act of 1904,
had each, in turn, been productive of bitter disagreements and
ruptures which rapidly lowered the strength of the party in
power. It had been in control of the Government since 1895,
when its opposition to Irish Home Rule was endorsed by a large
majority. The next election, in 1900, during the war in South
Africa, reinforced its Parliamentary support, and it could
count, during the two years following, on more than 400 votes
in the House of Commons, against about 268. After that period
its Parliamentary majority in the popular chamber ran down,
until, in the later months of 1905, it was no more than 75 or
76. This would have been an ample majority if it had
represented an equivalent preponderance of public support,
which, manifestly, it did not. For three years the
"by-elections,"—that is, the special elections ordered for
filling vacancies in the House as they occurred,—had been
going steadily against the Government, and nobody doubted that
a general election would throw it out. It was challenged again
and again to give the country an opportunity to express its
feeling in the matter, by a dissolution of Parliament, without
waiting for any nearer approach to the end of the term. This
it would not do; but, on the 4th of December, 1905, the
Premier, Mr. Balfour, surprised the country, and likewise his
own Cabinet, it was said, by placing his resignation in the
hands of the King.
This proceeding was regarded as an artful manoeuvre in
politics, for the embarrassment of the opposition. As
explained at the time by a journalist who wrote of it on the
side of the latter,—"The Liberals naturally desired that the
country should have an opportunity of going to the polls on
the clear issue raised by the record of ten years of Tory
administration. They regarded Mr. Balfour and his party as
being in the dock, and before they took office they wished to
have the verdict of the country returned by the votes of the
electors. But this, for equally obvious reasons, Mr. Balfour
wished to avoid. By resigning now, he compelled his opponents
to undertake the task, first of forming a new administration,
with all the risks which it involves of personal slight and
sectional differences, and, secondly, of facing the risk of
any untoward incident arising in the next few weeks which
might be used against the new-born government. It also would
enable them to obscure to a certain extent the real issue
before the country. Instead of simply voting for or against
Mr. Balfour and his administration, they would be asked to
express their opinion upon a new ministry, which had not had
any opportunity of giving the country a taste of its quality.
But as Mr. Balfour could not be compelled to stay in when he
had made up his mind to go out, and as it was such a relief to
get rid of him on any terms, the Liberals consented to face
the disadvantages of taking office before the dissolution."
{234}
Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman was invited by the King to form a
Ministry, and accepted the Commission. The organization of his
Cabinet was completed within the week following Mr. Balfour’s
resignation, and it took office at once. Parliament was
dissolved on the 8th of January, 1906, and a new Parliament
was summoned to meet on February 13th. Elections began on the
12th of January and were finished for the most part by the
19th. In their total result, they returned 375 Liberals to the
House of Commons, 55 Labor representatives, who would act on
most questions with the Liberals, and 83 Irish Nationalists,
whose attitude towards the new Ministry would depend upon its
attitude on Irish questions, and seemed more likely to be
friendly than otherwise. Against this array on the side of Sir
Henry and his colleagues, of pledged partisans and conditional
allies, the Conservative Unionists had Secured an Opposition
in the House that numbered only 157. The political overturn
was one of the most remarkable that the United Kingdom has
ever known.
The Cabinet as formed when Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman took
office was made up as follows:
Prime Minister and First Lord of the Treasury,
Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman.
Lord Chancellor, Sir Robert T. Reid.
Chancellor of the Exchequer,
Herbert H. Asquith.
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs,
Sir Edward Grey.
Secretary of State for the Colonies,
the Earl of Elgin.
Secretary of State for War,
Richard B. Haldane.
Secretary of State for Home Affairs,
Herbert J. Gladstone.
Secretary of State for India,
John Morley.
First Lord of the Admiralty,
Lord Tweedmouth.
President of the Board of Trade,
David Lloyd-George.
President of the Local Government Board,
John Burns.
Chief Secretary for Scotland,
John Sinclair.
President of the Board of Agriculture,
Earl Carrington.
Postmaster-General,
Sydney C. Buxton.
Chief Secretary for Ireland,
James Bryce.
Lord President of the Council,
the Earl of Crewe.
Lord of the Privy Seal,
the Marquis of Ripon.
President of the Board of Education,
Augustine Birrell.
Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster,
Sir Henry H. Fowler.
The following were not members of the cabinet, but formed part
of the administration:
Lord Lieutenant of Ireland,
the Earl of Aberdeen.
Under Secretary for the Colonies,
Winston L. Churchill.
First Commissioner of Works,
Louis Vernon-Harcourt.
Attorney-General,
John Lawson Walton.
Solicitor-General,
William S. Robson.
That Lord Rosebery had no place in the new Liberal
administration was due to his wide disagreement with most of
the leaders of his party on the question of Home Rule for
Ireland. When he succeeded Mr. Gladstone as Prime Minister, in
1894, he quite distinctly discarded that line of Irish policy,
and his antagonism to it had undergone no change.
See, in Volume VI. of this work,
ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895)
On the other hand, Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman had remained
faithfully sympathetic with Mr. Gladstone’s idea of Ireland’s
due from England, and had reannounced his standing on it in a
recent speech. "My opinion," he said, "has long been known to
you. It is that the only way of healing the evils of
Ireland,—difficulties of her administration, of giving
contentment and prosperity to her people, and of making her a
strength instead of a weakness to the empire,—is that the
Irish people should have the management of their own domestic
affairs; and so far from this opinion fading and dwindling as
the years pass, it is becoming stronger, and, what is more, I
have more confidence in its realization. … If I were asked for
advice by an ardent Nationalist, I would say my desire is to
see the effective management of Irish affairs in the hands of
a representative Irish party. … I trust that the opportunity
of making a great advance on this question of Irish government
will not long be delayed, and when that opportunity comes my
firm belief is that a greater measure of agreement than
hitherto as to the ultimate solution will be found possible,
and that a keener appreciation will be felt of the benefits
that will flow to the Irish communities and British people
throughout the world, and that Ireland, from being
disaffected, impoverished, and discouraged, will take its
place as a strong, harmonious, and contented portion of the
empire."
That Sir Henry, maintaining this posture on the Irish question
of questions, could be the accepted leader of the Liberal
party and the Premier of Government, afforded clear evidence
that the party, and the country which confided power to that
party, were at least more nearly prepared to make the great
concession to Ireland than they were to refuse it; but the
question entered slightly into the parliamentary canvass,
though the Conservative-Unionists strove hard to make it the
dominant issue. The public mind was occupied so fully with the
fiscal and educational controversies of the last three years
that the motives in its voting came mostly from them. The
mandates of the vote were understood to be especially for the
amending of recent legislation on those subjects and on the
terms of the licensing of the liquor trade. It was equally
understood that Irish measures in the Gladstone spirit should
be looked for, not hastily undertaken, but in due time.
The fact of most impressive significance in the result of the
parliamentary elections was the sudden weight that had been
given in the House of Commons to the representation of Labor
by laboring men. Since 1903 the Labor Party had emerged in
British politics as a force to be taken into serious account.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1900-1906; 1903; and
SOCIALISM: ENGLAND.
Of its 55 members in the new Parliament a considerable number
had been elected by a combination of Liberal and Labor votes;
but the same combination went as often to the increase of the
Liberal representation. One large section of the Labor voters,
organized under the name of the Independent Labor Party, stood
aloof from such alliances entirely. It had been formed some
years before, under the lead of Mr. Keir Hardie, a Scottish
miner, with Socialistic beliefs, but opposed to the aims of
the Marxian Socialists, and expecting nothing substantially
beneficial to the working class from any political party. His
mission was to create a Labor Party that would fight its own
battles on its own ground. He made no great headway until the
Taff Vale decision of 1902 roused the British Trade Unions to
fight for their lives. That brought them into the ranks of the
Independent Labor Party, and prepared it for the powerful
showing it made in the elections of January, 1906, when it
polled 303,000 votes, and elected 30 members who are free
lances in the House. The remaining 25 Labor Members act with
these on labor questions, but otherwise are to be reckoned as
allies of the Liberal Party.
{235}
Foremost among these latter is Mr. John Burns, who represents
the Labor Party not only in Parliament but in the Ministry of
Government, being the first of his class to be called to a
Cabinet seat. A London editor who wrote of him when he took
that seat said:
"He has been a working engineer, a strike leader, labor
agitator, a London County Councilor for eighteen years, and
member of Parliament for fourteen. He is a great leader who
never had a party, but whose influence has been felt in every
labor movement in England for the last twenty years. The labor
and social policy of the London County Council has been
largely inspired and directed by him. He has also molded labor
legislation in Parliament. Mr. Burns has ‘scorned delights and
lived laborious days’ for the sake of the workers. He is an
avowed Socialist. He has never changed his principles, only
modified his methods. He is a real Fabian, a skillful
opportunist, a tireless worker, and a first-rate organizer.
Since he became a Socialist who does things, he has been
ostracized by the Socialists who only agitate. Mr. Burns is
exercising great influence within the Cabinet, and is one of
the men in the confidence and in the secrets of the Prime
Minister, who seeks his advice in many matters outside Mr.
Burns’s department."
The same writer gave the following account of the many
important duties and great responsibilities of the office
filled by Mr. Burns, as the President of the Local Government
Board, which supervises the administration of local government
in all England and Wales:
"As President of the Local Government Board, Mr. Burns has
multifarious duties committed to his charge. He has to
sanction local loans, supervise the finances of local
authorities, hold inquiries into proposed new undertakings,
exercise the (almost) legislative powers which Parliament has
delegated to him by way of provisional orders, and is armed
with large powers of initiative, inspection, revision, and
veto, so that in some respects he can revolutionize the whole
system of local administration. In the domain of Poor Law his
authority is paramount. He revises, for example, the rules and
regulations which guide the system of relief and the
administration of the Poor Law, passes plans for new
workhouses, settles the wages of the nurses and porters, and
fixes the amount of snuff (if any) which a pauper may receive.
Sanitary legislation is also under his supervision, as he acts
as Minister of Public Health, and beyond the more strictly
local governmental functions belonging to his department there
is the social side of his work, such as the administration of
the Allotments Acts, the Unemployed Act, inquiring into
housing conditions, etc."
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.
Sudden German hostility to the Anglo-French agreement
concerning Morocco.
Demand for an International Conference.
The Conference at Algeciras and the Act signed there.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.
Pan-Islamic agitation in Egypt.
Menacing attitude of Turkey.
The Tabah incident.
See (in this Volume)
EGYPT: A. D. 1905-1906.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.
Action in Persia during the Constitutional Revolution.
See (in this Volume)
Persia.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.
The Aliens Act.
A new policy of restriction on the admission of aliens.
Its working.
See (in this Volume)
IMMIGRATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.
Progress in cooperative organizations of industry.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR REMUNERATION: COOPERATIVE ORGANIZATION.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1906.
Prevention of Corruption Act.
See (in this Volume)
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (March).
Report of Royal Commission on Labor Disputes.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (MARCH).
ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (April).
Convention for determining and marking the Alaska Boundary Line.
See (in this Volume)
ALASKA: A. D. 1906.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (April-December).
Fate of the Liberal Education Bill, passed by the Commons
and killed by Amendments in the House of Lords.
Resolution of the Commons, contemplating a change of
Constitutional Law respecting the Legislative Powers of the
House of Lords.
The Education Bill was brought forward by the Government in
April and passed by the Commons in December.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1906
When the bill had been killed by destructive amendments in the
House of Lords, the Prime Minister, Sir Henry
Campbell-Bannerman, proposed to the House of Commons a
resolution, which was adopted, declaring that "the power of
the other house to alter or reject bills passed by this house
should be so restricted by law as to secure that within the
limits of a single Parliament the final decision of the House
of Commons shall prevail." In plainer words, this proposed an
amendment of what has been, since 1832, an unwritten but
understood rule of the British Constitution, namely, that the
House of Lords cannot defeat a measure which has been passed
by the Commons in successive parliaments, and thus certified,
by an intervening election, as being the embodiment of a
popular demand. The proposed amendment is to give the force of
law to a repeated enactment of the House of Commons, even
"within the limits of a single Parliament," and without the
intervention of an election.
The Premier has explained that this resolution is adopted only
to foreshadow action which the Government intends to take at
some convenient future time. So far as indicated by the
Premier’s resolution, he and his colleagues, if they do
anything affecting the peers in Parliament, will not touch the
existing composition of the aristocratic house, but will only
shorten the suspense in which it may hold legislation that is
persisted in by the popular house. As now exercised, the
practical effect of the suspensive veto of the Lords, if not
submitted to by the government, is to bring about what is
actually a referendum of the question at issue to the people.
The proposed constitutional amendment would eliminate the
referendum and empower the Commons to override the opposition
of the Lords.
{236}
The legislative function of the House of Lords would not
differ substantially then from that performed by the President
of the United States. Acts of Congress require the approval of
the President to make them law. His disapproval sends them
back to Congress for reenactment, if two-thirds of both houses
persist in them; annulling them if they do not. The function
is simply a critical one, and involves no exercise of
legislative powers, if the language of our Constitution is
correct; for that instrument, in the first section of its
first article, says: "all legislative powers herein granted
shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which
shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives."
Thus the reference of legislation to the President for his
approval or disapproval is not recognized as a grant to him of
participation in the exercise of legislative powers."
In this view the British House of Lords, when its part in
legislation is reduced, like that of the American President,
to mere criticism, expressed in approval or a suspensive veto,
cannot rightly be regarded as a legislative body, and
Parliament can hardly be counted among the bicameral
legislatures, as we have counted it hitherto. The House of
Commons will hold all the powers of legislation; the House of
Lords will be its official critic, commissioned only to make
it think twice in the enactment of some of its laws.
The King has no voice now in the making of British laws,
although, when his prerogatives are described, it is still
said that "he may refuse the royal assent to any bills." Two
hundred years ago it ceased to be prudent for royalty to
exercise that prerogative, and Queen Anne, in 1707, asserted
it in practice for the last time. The sovereigns of the
reigning House of Hanover have never enjoyed the satisfaction
of refusing assent to an act of Parliament. Even George III.
did not venture it, though he stoutly asserted his right.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (May).
Withdrawal of the last British garrison from Canada.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1906 (MAY).
ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (SEPTEMBER).
Army Order instituting the General Staff.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (December).
Broadened self-government extended to the Transvaal and the
Orange River Colony.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1905-1907.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (December).
Passage of the Workmen’s Compensation Act.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR PROTECTION.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1907.
Drink in its relation to crime.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1907.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (August).
Act legalizing Marriage with a Deceased Wife’s Sister.
The following are the main provisions of the Act to legalize
marriage with a deceased wife’s sister which, after many years
of agitation by its advocates and many defeats in Parliament,
was passed finally in 1907:
"1. No marriage heretofore or hereafter contracted between a
man and his deceased wife’s sister, within the realm or
without, shall be deemed to have been or shall be void or
voidable, as a civil contract, by reason only of such
affinity: Provided always that no clergyman in holy orders of
the Church of England shall be liable to any suit, penalty, or
censure, whether civil or ecclesiastical, for anything done or
omitted to be done by him in the performance of the duties of
his office to which suit, penalty, or censure he would not
have been liable if this Act had not been passed:
"Provided also that when any minister of any church or chapel
of the Church of England shall refuse to perform such marriage
service between any persons who, but for such refusal, would
be entitled to have the same service performed in such church
or chapel, such minister may permit any other clergyman in
holy orders in the Church of England, entitled to officiate
within the diocese in which such church or chapel is situate,
to perform such marriage service in such church or chapel.
"Provided also that in case, before the passing of this Act,
any such marriage shall have been annulled, or either party
thereto (after the marriage and during the life of the other)
shall have lawfully married another, it shall be deemed to
have become and to be void upon and after the day upon which
it was so annulled, or upon which either party thereto
lawfully married another as aforesaid.
"2. No right, title, estate or interest, whether in possession
or expectancy, and whether vested or contingent at the time of
the passing of this Act, existing in, to, or in respect of,
any dignity, title of honour, or property, and no act or thing
lawfully done or omitted before the passing of this Act shall
be prejudicially affected nor shall any will be deemed to have
been revoked by reason of any marriage heretofore contracted
as aforesaid being made valid by this Act.
"3.
(1) Nothing in this Act shall remove wives from the class
of persons adultery with whom constitutes a right, on the
part of wives, to sue for divorce under the Matrimonial
Causes Act, 1857.
"(2) Notwithstanding anything contained in this Act or the
Matrimonial Causes Act, 1857, it shall not be lawful for a
man to marry the sister of his divorced wife, or of his
wife by whom he has been divorced, during the lifetime of
such wife.
"4. Nothing in this Act shall relieve a clergyman in holy
orders of the Church of England from any ecclesiastical
censure to which he would have been liable if this Act had not
been passed by reason of his having contracted or hereafter
contracting a marriage with his deceased wife’s sister.
"5. In this Act the word ‘sister’ shall include a sister of
the half-blood."
ENGLAND: A. D. 1907.
Probation of Offenders Act.
See (in this Volume)
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: PROBATION.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1907.
French testimony to the good work of the English in Egypt.
See EGYPT: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY).
ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (April-May).
Conference of Imperial and Colonial Ministers at London.
Discussing Preferential Trade, Imperial Defence, and other
subjects.
Resolutions adopted.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (May).
Proposed Councils Bill for Ireland rejected by the Irish
National Party.
See (in this Volume)
IRELAND: A. D. 1907 (May).
ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (July).
Capture of Kaid Sir Harry MacLean in Morocco for ransom, by
Raisuli.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (August).
Convention with Russia containing arrangements on the
subject of Persia, Afghanistan, and Tibet.
See EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).
ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (August).
Establishment of a Court of Criminal Appeal.
See (in this Volume)
LAW, AND ITS COURTS: ENGLAND.
{237}
ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (August).
Qualification of women for election to County and
Borough Councils.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (August).
Patents and Designs Act.
See (in this Volume)
PATENTS.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (November).
Abortive Compromise Education Bill.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (November).
ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (November).
Treaty with France, Germany, Norway, and Russia guaranteeing
the integrity of Norway.
See ENGLAND:
EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (November).
Treaty with France concerning Death Duties.
See (in this Volume)
DEATH DUTIES.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908.
Institution of the Territorial Force.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908.
Proposals in the House of Lords of Reform in its Constitution.
Consequent, no doubt, on the increase of popular hostility to
the House of Lords which it had provoked by its dealing with
the Education Bill of 1906, and the serious threatenings of an
undertaking in the House of Commons to "end or mend" it as a
branch of Parliament, the Lords, in 1907, gave thought among
themselves to the expediency of a constitutional reformation
of their House. In February, a bill was proposed to them by
Lord Newton which provided in its first two articles as
follows:
"1.
(1) After the termination of the present session of
Parliament a writ of summons to attend and to sit and vote
in the House of Lords shall not be issued to any temporal
peer of the peerage of England entitled by descent to an
hereditary seat in the House of Lords (in this Act referred
to as an hereditary peer), unless he is a representative or
a qualified hereditary peer within the meaning of this Act,
nor to any lord spiritual, unless he is a representative
lord spiritual within the meaning of this Act."
"2.
For the purposes of this Act the expression ‘qualified
hereditary peer’ means an hereditary peer who possesses any
of the qualifications specified in the First Schedule to
this Act."
The schedule referred to was as follows:
"QUALIFICATIONS ENTITLING AN HEREDITARY PEER TO A WRIT
OF SUMMONS:
I. The holding at any time of any of the following Offices:—
1. High judicial office, within the meaning of the
Appellate Jurisdiction Acts, 1876 and 1887.
2. The office of First Lord of the Treasury, Secretary of
State, Chancellor of the Exchequer, President of the
Council, or Head (not being a permanent Civil Servant) of
any other Government Department.
3. The office of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and Secretary
to the Lord Lieutenant.
4. Office of Viceroy of India, or a Governor of the
Presidency of Madras or Bombay, or of Lieutenant-Governor
of any Province of India.
5. Office of Governor-General of the Dominion of Canada or
of the Commonwealth of Australia, or of High Commissioner
of South Africa, or of Governor of any Colony.
6. The Office of Parliamentary Under Secretary,
Parliamentary Secretary, or permanent Under Secretary, in
any Government Department.
7. Office of Lord of the Admiralty or member of the Army
Council.
8. Office of Minister plenipotentiary, or any higher
office, in His Majesty’s Diplomatic Service.
9. Office of Vice-Admiral, or any higher office, in His
Majesty’s Naval Forces, or of Lieutenant-General, or any
higher office, in His Majesty’s Land Forces.
"II. Election to serve in the House of Commons on not less
than two occasions before succeeding to the peerage."
In addition to the hereditary peers thus qualified to sit in
the House of Lords as proposed to be reformed, the Bill
provided for the election by the peers, from their own number,
of representatives, to the extent of one-fourth of their whole
number; and likewise for the election by the lords spiritual,
from their ranks, of representatives in the same proportion of
number; such representatives to form part of the House of
Lords in Parliament. It authorized, further, the appointment
by the King of peers for life, to be "peers of Parliament,"
these never to exceed one hundred in number.
Debate on the Bill in May resulted in the substitution for it
of a resolution, that "a Select Committee be appointed to
consider the suggestions which have from time to time been
made for increasing the efficiency of the House of Lords in
matters affecting legislation, and to report as to the
desirability of adopting them, either in their original or in
some modified form." The report of the Committee (twenty-five
in number, having Lord Rosebery for its elected chairman) was
not brought in until near the close of the following year. Its
recommendations were considerably on the lines of the Bill
described above. It suggested that the reformed House of Lords
should be made up of three classes of members, namely,
hereditary peers who had held certain high public offices—
much the same as those scheduled in Lord Newton’s Bill; two
hundred representative "Peers of Parliament," elected from the
whole body of the peerage, not for life, but for a single
Parliament, and ten lords spiritual, to include the two
archbishops and eight bishops to be elected. The
self-governing colonies, in the judgment of the Committee,
should be represented in the House of Lords, and twenty years
of service in the House of Commons should entitle an Irish
peer to a seat in it.
The plan submitted by the Committee would reduce the House
from 617 members to about 350. No action has been taken on the
report.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908.
The Small Holdings Act.
The first year of its operation.
In 1907 an Act passed Parliament which provided for the
acquisition by local authorities of land to be divided into
small holdings for sale or lease to buyers or tenants who
could not otherwise be placed on it for self-support. The
results from the first year’s operation of the Act was
reported in September, 1909, by the Board of Agriculture and
Fisheries, which administers the law. The following are
statements from the report of the Board:
"Stated shortly, the result, so far as small holdings are
concerned, of the first year’s work since the Small Holdings
and Allotments Act, 1907, came into operation has been that
23,285 applications have been received by county councils for
373,601 acres, that 13,202 applicants have been approved
provisionally as suitable, that the estimated quantity of land
required for the suitable applicants is 185,098 acres, that
21,417 acres have been acquired by county councils, of which
11,346 acres have been purchased for £370,965, and 10,071
acres leased for total rents amounting to £11,209, that the
land acquired will provide for about 1,500 of the applicants,
and that 504 of them were in actual possession of their
holdings on December 31, 1908.
{238}
"It may seem at first sight that the progress that has been
made in satisfying the keen demand for small holdings which
the Act has disclosed has been small, but the figures do not
give at all an adequate idea of the amount of work that has
been actually done. It must be remembered that practically the
whole of the first six months of the year were occupied in the
preliminary work of constituting committees, issuing forms,
receiving and tabulating applications and holding local
inquiries, and that until this work was completed little
progress could be made in the acquisition of land. … The rate
at which land is being acquired is now increasing rapidly, and
we have little doubt that by Michaelmas, 1909, not less than
50,000 acres will have been obtained. In addition to the
holdings which have been provided by county councils, the
returns we have obtained show that over 700 applicants have
been supplied with holdings by landowners direct, mainly
through the intervention of the councils.
"In considering the results already accomplished it must also
be borne in mind that the problem is to fit particular men to
particular land, and not merely to acquire whatever land may
be in the market and to offer it in small holdings. The great
majority of the applicants desire land in close proximity to
their homes, and it is obviously more difficult to acquire a
large number of detached plots than to take a whole farm or
estate and divide it into a number of small holdings. …
"A striking feature of the applications made under the Act has
been the small extent to which the applicants desire to
purchase their holdings. Out of the 23,295 applications
received during the year, only 629, or 2.7 per cent.,
expressed a desire to purchase. … The Act imposes no direct
obligation on councils to provide houses, but we are of
opinion that where an applicant desires a holding to which he
will devote his whole time and from which he will get his
whole living councils should be prepared to erect a house and
the necessary buildings."
ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908 (December-March).
Appeals to other Powers for effective measures to
rescue Macedonia from its dreadful state.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.
Anglo-Russian action in Persia.
See (in this Volume)
PERSIA: A. D). 1907, and after.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.
The Campaign of the Militant Woman Suffragists or Suffragettes.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.
The disaffection in India.
Its character, causes, and meaning.
Hindu and Moslem feeling.
The past of British Government and its fruits.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.
Negotiation by the President of the Board of Trade of a
General System of Conciliation and Arbitration Boards for
Settlement of Labor Disputes in the Railway Service.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.
Estimate of King Edward VII. as a Diplomatist.
Mr. Isaac N. Ford, the American newspaper correspondent in
London, has much well-informed opinion in Europe and America
to support him in the following estimate of the diplomatic
influence exerted by King Edward, which he expressed in
January, 1908:
"At the opening of King Edward’s reign Berlin was the center
of European diplomacy, as Paris had been when Bismarck entered
upon his series of machinations and triumphs. The personal
ascendency of the German Emperor was unchallenged in Europe. …
In the course of seven years conditions have been transformed.
London is now the diplomatic capital of Europe. Resentful
enemies like France have been reconciled; friendships with
America, Austria-Hungary, Italy, and Spain have been
strengthened; strained relations with Russia and Germany have
been eased; and by the alliance with Japan forces have been
readjusted for the maintenance of existing order in the
Pacific. A new balance of power has been established in
Europe, and the diplomatic resources of the British Empire
have been reinvigorated and enlarged. While there have been
eminent statesmen in the British Foreign Office—Lord Lansdowne
and Sir Edward Grey—these transformations have been mainly
King Edward’s work. Fifty years hence there may be a true
sense of proportion, so that his services as an empire-builder
and a peace-maker can be judged aright."
ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.
Invitation of an International Naval Conference preliminary
to the establishment of an International Prize Court.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907
(appended to account of Second Peace Conference
at The Hague).
ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.
Municipal and County Offices opened to Women.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.
North Sea and Baltic agreements.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1908.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.
Passage of the Coal Mines Eight Hours Act.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.
Rejection of the Liberal Licensing Bill by the House of Lords.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (March).
Communication to the Belgian Government respecting obligations
involved in its proposed annexation of the Congo State.
See (in this Volume)
CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (April).
Resignation and Death of Prime Minister
Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman.
Succession of Herbert H. Asquith.
Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman was forced by ill health to
resign the premiership on the 5th of April, 1908, and his
death occurred on the 22d of the same month. He was succeeded
in the headship of the Government by Mr. Herbert H. Asquith,
previously Chancellor of the Exchequer, whose place in the
latter office was filled by Mr. David Lloyd-George. Mr.
Lloyd-George had been President of the Board of Trade, and
that office was now filled by Mr. Winston Churchill, while Mr.
Reginald McKenna became First Lord of the Admiralty.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (April).
Treaty with Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, and
Sweden for maintenance of the Status Quo on the North Sea.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (April).
Treaty with the United States respecting the Demarcation of
the International Boundary between the United States and Canada.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1908 (APRIL).
{239}
ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (September).
Withdrawal of intervention in Macedonia.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).
ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (December).
Passage of "The Children Act."
See (in this Volume)
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS DEPENDENTS AND OFFENDERS.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (December).
The Shipbuilding Agreement between Employers and
Trade Unions to prevent strikes and lockouts.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.
Attitude on the question of the Austrian annexation of
Bosnia and Herzegovina.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).
ENGLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.
Old Age Pensions Act.
Its working.
Its disclosures of poverty.
See (in this Volume)
POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: PENSIONS, &c.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.
Passage of the Indian Councils Bill.
Its provisions for popular representation in the
Legislative Councils of India.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
Chief source of Food Supplies.
See (in this Volume)
ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1909.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
Concentration of Wealth.
See (in this Volume)
WEALTH, THE PROBLEMS OF.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
Development and Road Improvement Funds Act.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: GREAT BRITAIN.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
Naval questions.
"Dreadnought" building.
Distrust of Germany.
The Territorial Force, etc.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
Official reports and statements concerning Public Education.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
Passage of the Housing and Town-planning Act.
See (in this Volume)
SOCIAL BETTERMENT: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
Principal Socialist organizations.
See (in this Volume)
SOCIALISM.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
Report of Royal Commission on the working of the Poor Laws
and Relief Systems, and the existing pauperism of the
United Kingdom.
See (in this Volume)
POVERTY.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
Summary of the total prospective military defensive strength
of the Empire.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (January).
The Waterways Treaty with the United States, concerning
waters along the Canadian boundary.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (February).
The Opening of Parliament.
The session of Parliament was opened by the King with due form
and ceremony on February 16. "The Royal procession from
Buckingham Palace to Westminster," says a report of the
occasion, "took place in the dim grey light of a typical
February afternoon, and the pageant lost much of its beauty in
consequence. In spite of the cold wind and the absence of the
genial sunshine which is such a valuable asset on occasions of
spectacular display, there appeared to be as many people as
ever along the route of the procession. These formal openings
of Parliament, which have become customary since the beginning
of the present reign, are clearly popular with those of the
King’s subjects who know nothing, except by hearsay, of the
impressive scenes which are to be witnessed in the House of
Lords. The immense crowds who assembled to watch the King and
Queen pass yesterday, waiting patiently for hours in order to
enjoy a few minutes’ ecstatic sight-seeing, welcomed their
Majesties with a cordiality of the meaning of which there
could be no doubt. The King and Queen, in their wonderful gold
coach, with its sides of glass, must have been gratified with
the respect and affection which were manifested from all
quarters."
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (February).
Debate in Parliament on the annexation of the
Congo State by Belgium.
Recognition of the annexation dependent on reforms.
See (in this Volume)
CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (February).
Represented in International Opium Commission at Shanghai.
See (in this Volume)
OPIUM PROBLEM.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (March).
Representation of the People Bill.
Proposed Universal Suffrage, including women.
Its second reading.
On the 20th of March, 1909, the second reading of a bill
described as "the Representation of the People Bill" was moved
and seconded in the House of Commons. Its provisions were
substantially for universal suffrage, including women. In
explaining the measure, the member who moved the second
reading—a representative of the Labor party, Mr. Howard—said:
"It was difficult, if not almost impossible, to deal with a
reform of the franchise without at the same time dealing with
woman suffrage, and it was difficult to deal with woman
enfranchisement without at the same time making some
alteration in the existing franchise law which should meet the
condition of the new elements proposed to be placed on the
register. The House must face the situation as a whole and
handle the two reforms in one scheme, because by a
coordinated Bill there would be a better chance of getting
nearer a settlement. In the Bill that he submitted to the
House there was no abolition of any old franchise. It proposed
to create a residential franchise in order to do away with the
hardships which any one with a knowledge of registration knew
to exist in connexion with the occupation vote of men. The
second clause provided for a restriction of plural voting, and
the third clause related to the removal of the sex
disqualification."
Before debate began another member presented a monster
petition against the political enfranchisement of women, said
to contain 243,000 signatures.
The attitude of the Government toward the bill was explained
by Mr. Asquith, the Premier. It was well known, he said, that
on the issue whether women should be granted the suffrage
Ministers were not of one mind. But they were strongly in
favour of a wide reform of the existing suffrage. They desired
the abolition of plural voting, the disappearance of the
artificial distinctions between occupiers and lodgers, the
material shortening of the period of qualification, and an
effective simplification of the machinery of registration. But
any measure to bring about these reforms ought, in his
opinion, if it was to take its place on the Statute-book, to
proceed from the responsible Government of the day, and to be
carefully remoulded in the light of prolonged Parliamentary
discussion. For these reasons he thought it was not necessary
that the members of the Government should vote for the second
reading of the Bill under consideration.
After some hours of debate the closure was moved and the
second reading of the bill was carried by 157 votes against
122.
{240}
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (March).
Defeat of the Progressives in the London County
Council Election.
See (in this Volume)
LONDON: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (March).
Cession by Siam of suzerainty over three States
in the Malay Peninsula.
See (in this Volume)
SIAM: A. D. 1909.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (March-July).
The question of " Dreadnought" building, with reference to
the accelerated expansion of the German Navy.
Debates in Parliament and excitement in the country.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (April).
The National Debt of the United Kingdom.
The following official statement of the national debt of the
United Kingdom was published in April, 1909:
"On the 1st April, 1908, the aggregate gross liabilities of
the State amounted to £762,326,051. On the 1st April, 1909,
the corresponding figure was £754,121,309, showing a reduction
of £8,204,742.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (April).
Announced Governmental projects of Afforestation, and other
measures for Development of Natural Resources.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: GREAT BRITAIN.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (April-December).
Mr. Lloyd-George’s Budget.
Its features of taxation, denounced as Socialistic.
Seven months of vehement debate.
Adopted by the Commons and rejected by the Lords.
Warnings to the Lords against their action.
Preparation for appeal to the people.
The 29th of April, 1909, when the financial proposals of the
Government for meeting the needs of the coming year, called
"the Budget," were brought before Parliament, and the 30th of
the following November, when, after seven months of arduous
and angry debate, and after their adoption by a great majority
of the Commons, the Bill embodying them was overwhelmingly
rejected by the Lords, will be memorable dates in English
history if the consequences of the action of the Peers are
what, at this writing, they seem likely to be. Even failing
those consequences, the production of the Budget will be in
itself an event of no small moment, from what it signifies of
the development of democracy in Great Britain.
As a formulated "Finance Bill," the Budget was not submitted
to the House of Commons and to the public in print until the
28th of May. It was then entitled "A Bill to grant certain
Duties of Customs and Inland Revenue (including Excise), to
alter other Duties, and to amend the Law relating to Customs
and Inland Revenue (including Excise), and the National Debt,
and to make other provisions for the Financial Arrangements of
the Year." Until then its provisions were known only from the
statement of them made four weeks before by the Chancellor of
the Exchequer, Mr. David Lloyd-George, in a speech extended
through several hours, which even his opponents were forced to
characterize as "a wonderful effort."
The Chancellor’s explanation of the Budget rested primarily on
the fact that an anticipated deficit of £15,762,000 required
to be filled from new sources of revenue. Of the main causes
of the deficit he said: "Were I dealing with a shortage due
only to a temporary cause like forestalments, I might have
resorted to some temporary shift which would have carried me
over until next year when the revenue would resume its normal
course. But unfortunately I have to reckon not merely with an
enormous increase in expenditure this year, but an inevitable
expansion of some of the heaviest items in the course of the
coming years. What is the increase of expenditure due to? It
is very well known that it must be placed to the credit of two
items, and practically two items alone. One is the Navy, and
the other is old-age pensions. Now I have one observation
which I think I am entitled to make about both. … The
increased expenditure under both these heads was substantially
incurred with the unanimous assent of all political parties in
this House. There was, it is true, a protest entered on behalf
of honourable members below the gangway against increased
expenditure in the Navy, but as far as the overwhelming
majority of members in this House are concerned the increase
has received their sanction and approval. I am entitled to say
more. The attitude of the Government towards these two
branches of increased expenditure has not been one of rushing
a reluctant House of Commons into expense which it disliked,
but rather of resisting appeals coming from all quarters of
the House for still further increases under both heads. …
"We are told that we ought not to have touched old-age
pensions, at least not at the present moment, when heavy
liabilities were in sight in connexion with the defence of the
country. I may point out that when we introduced our Old-Age
Pensions Bill that emergency had not arisen. But, apart
altogether from that, we had no honourable alternative left.
We simply honoured a cheque drawn years ago in favour of the
aged poor, which bore at its foot the signatures of all the
leaders of political parties in this country. They had all
promised pensions at election after election, and great
political parties have no right to make promises to poor
people in return for political support, valuable to them, and
all these people had to give, and then time after time return
the bill with ‘No assets’ written across it."
Proceeding next to survey the "inevitable expansion" of future
expenditure to which he had referred at the outset, and which
could be foreseen in connection with the navy and with social
reform, the Chancellor dealt at length on the demands that
were pressing from the latter side and would not be postponed.
"What the Government have to ask themselves," he said, "is
this: Can the whole subject of further social reform be
postponed until the increasing demands made upon the National
Exchequer by the growth of armaments has ceased? Not merely
can it be postponed, but ought it to be postponed? Is there
the slightest hope that if we deferred consideration of the
matter we are likely within a generation to find any more
favourable moment for attending to it? I confess that, as to
that, I am rather pessimistic. And we have to ask ourselves
this further question—If we put off dealing with these social
sores are the evils which arise from them not likely to grow
and to fester until finally the loss which the country
sustains will be infinitely greater than anything it would
have to bear in paying the cost of an immediate remedy?
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There are hundreds of thousands of men, women, and children in
this country now enduring hardships for which the sternest
judge would not hold them responsible; hardships entirely due
to circumstances over which they have not the slightest
command—the fluctuations and changes of trade, or even of
fashions, ill-health, and the premature breakdown or death of
the bread-winner. … Last year, while we were discussing the
Old-Age Pensions Bill, all parties in this House recognized
fully and freely that once we had started on these lines the
case for extension was irresistible. The leader of the
Opposition, in what I venture to regard as the most notable
speeches he has probably delivered during this Parliament,
recognized quite boldly that, whichever party was in power,
provision would have to be made in some shape or other for
those who are out of work through no fault of their own, and
those who are incapacitated for work owing to physical causes
for which they are not responsible."
The speaker then developed at length the intentions of the
Government on these lines of social reform, which will have to
include undertakings of some system like the German, of
compulsory insurance against sickness, accident and
unemployment, and which will have to look to the organization
of labor exchanges and to the opening of wider fields for
employment, by development of neglected resources of the
country, through afforestation, through promotion of
agriculture, and the extension and improvement of roads.
And now, at last, he began to unfold his plans for raising the
means with which to deal with all these augmented demands on
the Government, and started them with a schedule of increased
taxes on automobiles. Further details of his scheme are
summarized in the following, from _The Times_ "Review of
Parliament," next morning:
"The right honourable gentleman was listened to with intense
attention when he proceeded to announce an increase of the
income-tax and of the estate duty. He proposed that for earned
incomes under £2,000 the tax should remain at 9d. but that
between £2,000 and £3,000 it should be 1s., and that all other
incomes now liable to the shilling tax should pay 1s. 2d.
Holding that the family man was entitled to more relief than
the bachelor, he proposed that on all incomes under £500, in
addition to existing abatements, a special abatement should be
allowed of £10 for every child under 16 years of age. He hoped
to get £160,000 by the partial restoration of the shilling
duty and £3,000,000 from the additional 2d. on the higher
incomes. There was also to be a super-tax on incomes exceeding
£5,000, to be levied on the amount by which such incomes
exceeded £3,000. The tax would be at the rate of 6d. in the
pound. Exclamations denoting great disapproval arose from the
Unionist benches when this was announced. The yield from this
super-tax, Mr. Lloyd-George explained, would be in a full year
£2,300,000; but this year not more than £500,000. He next came
to the Death duties. There would be no change in the case of
estates up to £5,000, but between this limit and the limit of
two millions graduation would be steepened. The duty on
estates between £5,000 and £10,000 would be 4 per cent.;
"between £10,000 and £20,000, 5 per cent.; £20,000 to £40,000,
6 per cent.; £40,000 to £70,000, 7 per cent.; £70,000 to
£100,000, 8 per cent.; £100,000 to £150,000, 9 per cent.;
£150,000 to £200,000, 10 per cent.; £200,000 to £400,000, 11
per cent.; £400,000 to £600,000, 12 per cent.; £600,000 to
£800,000, 13 per cent.; £800,000 to £1,000,000, 14 per cent.,
and above £1,000,000, 15 per cent. This new scale was
estimated to yield £2,550,000 this year, £4,200,000 next year,
and afterwards £4,400,000. The settled Estate duty he raised
from 1 per cent. to 2 per cent. From this source he hoped to
get £50,000 this year and £375,000 in 1910-1911. The Legacy
and Succession duty was to be raised in some cases from 3 per
cent. to 5 per cent., and in all others to 10 per cent. The
yield from this next year would be £1,300,000, and would
increase in the course of time to £2,150,000. Property
alienated _inter vivos_ within five years from death was
to be liable to duty. Objects of national and scientific
interest would only be chargeable for duty when they were
actually sold. There were to be increased duties in bonds to
bearer and in stock and share transfers. The estimated yield
from the increased Stamp Duties would be this year £650,000.
"It was at this point in his speech that the Chancellor of the
Exchequer required rest and that the sitting was suspended.
When in half-an-hour’s time it was resumed, the right
honourable gentleman continued his speech with renewed vigour.
He dealt at considerable length with the subject of licenses,
dwelling on the value of the monopoly granted to the liquor
trade and arguing that the toll exacted by the public was
ludicrously inadequate. He explained in detail a number of
changes which he proposed to effect, the chief being a uniform
charge of 50 per cent., subject to a _minimum_ rate in
urban areas according to population. For clubs there would be
a poundage rate of 3d. on the amount taken for the sale of
liquor. The yield from his revision of the liquor licensing
law would be £2,600,000.
"Then he turned to land, drawing a marked distinction between
the agricultural landowner and the urban landowner, of whom he
spoke with some scorn. He proposed to levy a tax on the value
accruing to land in the future through the enterprise of the
community, taking the land apart from buildings and other
improvements. This duty of 20 per cent. on unearned increment
would be payable on two occasions—when land was sold and when
land passed at death. A preliminary valuation of the land at
the price which it might be expected to fetch at the present
time would be necessary; and as the tax was to be imposed only
on the unearned increment subsequently accruing on that
valuation, the yield would probably be only £50,000 in 1909,
but in future years it should prove a fruitful source of
revenue. It was further proposed to levy an annual duty of one
halfpenny in the pound on the capital value of undeveloped
land and undeveloped minerals. Until the proposed valuation of
the land of the United Kingdom on a capital basis was
completed, it would be impossible to estimate the yield of
this duty, but till then the duty would be calculated on the
declarations of the owners, and in the current year he
expected it to bring in £350,000. A 10 per cent. reversion
duty was to be imposed on any benefit accruing to a lessor on
the termination of a lease, and from this source a yield of
£100,000 was anticipated. The three land taxes were,
accordingly, calculated to produce £500,000 in the current
year.
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"He next dealt with indirect taxation. He proposed to raise
the present duty on spirits by 3s. 9d. per gallon. This would
justify an increase in the retail price of whisky of one
half-penny per glass, which would recoup the publican for the
additional duty and leave him something more to mitigate the
pressure of the new duties on licenses. The yield, during the
current year, he estimated at £1,600,000. He also proposed to
increase the duty on unmanufactured tobacco from 3s. to 3s.
8d. per lb., with equivalent additions to the rates for
cigars, cigarettes, and manufactured tobacco, the return from
which he estimated at £1,900,000 during the current year and
£2,250,000 for a full year.
"The total estimated revenue was £162,590,000 and the total
estimated expenditure £162,102,000, leaving a margin of
£488,000 for contingencies. In conclusion, the right
honourable gentleman—anticipating the charge that he was
imposing very heavy taxation for a time of peace—declared it
was a war Budget. The Government had declared implacable war
against poverty. It was 8 o’clock when the right honourable
gentleman finished, amid the cheers of his supporters."
That Mr. Lloyd-George’s Budget was a gage of battle and that
the fight over it was fierce is known to everybody, for the
din of the conflict penetrated to every corner of every land.
The key-note of the outcry against it was sounded in _The
Times_ of next morning, which opened its editorial comment
with these words:
"One general impression will be very widely made by the
complicated and portentous Budget which Mr. Lloyd-George
expounded at enormous length yesterday. That is that the huge
deficit of nearly sixteen millions is to be raised almost
exclusively at the cost of the wealthy and the fairly
well-to-do. They are struck at in all sorts of ways, through
the income-tax, the legacy duties, the estate duties, the
stamps upon their investments, their land, their royalties,
their brewery dividends, and their motor-cars. So when Mr.
Lloyd-George exclaims rather theatrically—‘Mr. Emmott, this
is a war Budget,’ his words carry a meaning which he did not
intend. He talks of waging war against poverty, but that is
never really waged by unjust exactions from those whose custom
prevents a worse poverty than any we know; and whose brains
and capital count for at least as much as thews and sinews.
Unless men exempt from income-tax either smoke or drink, they
do not pay a single penny towards making up a deficit mainly
due to a pension scheme of which they reap the whole benefit.
The doctrine of social ransom has never been carried quite so
far."
So it was branded by its opponents as a "Socialist Budget" and
its authors as allies of Socialism, throughout the campaign.
This denunciation was applied especially to the tax on
unearned increments of value in land, as such increments
should occur hereafter. On that point of opposition to the
Budget Mr. Asquith, the Prime Minister of the Government,
speaking at a public meeting in London, had this to say: "The
increment duty is a tax of 20 per cent. on the increase in the
capital value of certain kinds of land which is shown on the
occasion of its transfer or devolution, and which is not
attributable to the efforts or to the expenditure either of
the owner or the occupier. That is what the increment duty is.
Now what is it not? I spoke a few moments ago of certain
classes of land. Let me ask you to observe, first, what are
the kinds of landed property which are altogether exempted
from the scope of this taxation. In the first place, all
agricultural land which has no building value above its
agricultural value; next, small properties occupied by their
owners; thirdly, property belonging to local authorities;
again, property held for public or charitable purposes; and,
finally, property belonging to statutory companies, such as
railways, which cannot be used for other than statutory
purposes. …
"Now, suppose the case of land which does not fall within any
of those exempted categories, how is the duty charged? Here,
again, there is a great deal of misapprehension about it, so
it is better to state the case as clearly as one can. You
start with the site value of the land at the present moment,
and by site value—I am not going into technicalities—we mean,
roughly speaking, the value of the land divested of the
buildings. You do not go back into the past, you take things
as they are; you do not rip up the previous history; you do
not interfere with existing or past contracts. You give to
every man, however he has acquired it, the full and
undisturbed enjoyment of the rights, privileges, and property
which he at present possesses. Starting with that datum line,
you will see that in years to come, when that piece of land is
transferred by sale—it may be by lease—or devolves upon death,
the site value (you are comparing like with like, mind you) at
that date—that is to say, the value after giving the owner and
every one who has been interested in the land credit for all
expenditure they have made in the way of improvement and
development in the interval—comparing site with site, if you
find an increment in value there, you say that it is an
increment due to the community, to social causes, to causes
over which the owner was no more responsible than you or I,
and that it is not unfair in point of justice, and that it is
in the highest degree expedient in point of policy that the
State should be entitled to claim for itself in relief of the
necessities of the same community some part—not any
exaggerated or exorbitant part—but some part, of the increment
which has so accrued. I may point out that there is no duty
chargeable at all. So tender has my friend Mr. Lloyd-George
(laughter and cheers) been to the interests concerned—he is a
man of a most sympathetic nature—sometimes I am disposed to
think he is of almost too impressionable a nature when appeals
of this kind are addressed to him—so tender has he been of all
these interests that he has agreed that no duty should be
chargeable unless the increment value amounts to at least 10
per cent., and where it is over, the first 10 per cent. should
escape free. That is the increment duty which Lord Rothschild
tells you—I think I am not misquoting him—is rank and
undiluted Socialism, and which Lord Lansdowne says is going to
shake the very foundations of civilized society. …
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"The propriety and justice of taxing this kind of increment,
in the case of these classes of land, rests upon the most
solid ground both of authority and experience. It has been
advocated for generations by the most eminent economists. It
has been recommended in one shape or another by more than one
Royal Commission. It was approved in principle more than once
even by the late non-progressive House of Commons. It has been
put in practice in various forms for local purposes in not a
few Continental municipalities and in many of our own
Colonies, and, I believe, always with successful results. And
let me add, by way of climax to that catena of authority, that
it is at this moment, or at any rate was a few weeks ago, the
alternative proposal put forward by the Conservative party in
the Reichstag in Germany—an increment duty, not for local but
for Imperial purposes, was the alternative proposal to the
Budget of Prince Bülow put forward by the Conservative party
in the Reichstag in Germany, and this is rank Socialism!"
Next to the proposed land taxes, the most bitterly opposed
feature of the Budget was the increased revenue to be exacted
from the licensed monopolists of the liquor trade. Everything,
however, in its new taxation was denounced by the
Conservatives, who set against it their own project of
obtaining increased revenues by returning to the protective
tariff which England had abandoned three-quarters of a century
ago. The cry for what they preferred to call "tariff reform"
had been silenced since the election of 1906, when the
electors of the Kingdom rejected Mr. Chamberlain's revived
protectionism by an overwhelming vote. Now it was raised
again, and fully made the prime article in the Conservative
creed, as it had not been before.
It was not until the 4th of November that the Finance Bill was
brought to its third reading in the House of Commons, and was
passed, by the heavy majority of 379 to 149. From the
beginning it was known, of course, that the measure had few
friends in the House of Lords, and would go down in defeat
there if the Peers ventured to assume the right to negative a
money Bill. For many generations they had not disputed the
claim of the Commons to exclusive control of revenue
legislation; but a theory had now been mooted, that Mr.
Lloyd-George’s Budget Bill differed from a mere money Bill by
carrying Socialistic implications tacked on to it, which the
House of Lords was under no obligation to accept. Whether the
Lords would or would not be bold enough to act on this theory
and throw down the Bill, as they had thrown down so much of
the non-financial legislation of the Liberal Government, had
been a serious question throughout the debates. Sir Edward
Grey said of it, in a speech at Leeds, in August:
"As to the fate of the Budget—Is it going to be destroyed by
the House of Lords or is it not? The leaders of the Tory
party—with whom the decision rests—are very cautious in
expressing their opinions. Some of the rank and file have said
the House of Lords is going to destroy the Budget, or have
spoken as if it were so. But the leaders—Mr. Balfour, Lord
Lansdowne, and so forth—have been very cautious. They are
great partisans in this matter of the open door, or, perhaps I
should say, of two open doors. They have studiously kept two
doors open, and as far as Lord Lansdowne’s utterances go, he
has kept the door open for passing the Budget in the House of
Lords or rejecting it. He says the House of Lords is bound to
decide so that the people should be properly consulted, and
that that is the function of the House of Lords, to protect
the right of the people to have their say on the subject. A
very nice function if only it was performed impartially; but
when it is a function which has been in abeyance for the
greater part of the last 20 years, and is only to be erected
into operation when a Liberal Government comes into office, it
is not a function for which we can have much respect. But,
nevertheless, it is so in our Constitution at present that the
House of Lords is a weapon—a great gun, if you like to call it
so—which can be pointed only against Liberal measures—not
against Conservative measures—and which is in the hands of the
Conservative party. Now there is the Budget going presently to
the House of Lords; there is the gun pointing when it arrives
there; there is the Conservative finger on the trigger. Are
they going to fire the gun or not? They do not know themselves
yet. They are debating in their own minds what will happen if
they fire the gun. Will they destroy the Budget, or will the
recoil be more injurious to themselves? Or, perhaps, will the
gun burst altogether if they let it off? We know what their
wishes and inclinations are; what we do not know at the
present time is how much nerve they have got. But of this I am
convinced—whatever the House of Lords may do, when the time
comes for an appeal to the country, it will be an appeal on
this Budget as a Free Trade Budget, and against the
alternative of tariff reform.
Others among the prominent Liberals spoke with more temper of
the threatened action of the Lords. Mr. Winston Churchill, for
example, at Leicester, in September, said: "The rejection of
the Budget by the House of Lords … would be a violent rupture
of constitutional custom and usage extending over 300 years
and recognized during all that time by the leaders of every
party in the State. It would involve a sharp and sensible
breach with the traditions of the past; and what does the
House of Lords depend upon if not upon the traditions of the
past? It would amount to an attempt at revolution not by the
poor, but by the rich; not by the masses, but by the
privileged few; not in the name of progress, but in that of
reaction; not for the purpose of broadening the framework of
the State, but greatly narrowing it. Such an attempt,
gentlemen, whatever you may think of it, such an attempt would
be historic in its character, and the result of the battle
fought upon it, whoever wins, must inevitably be not of an
annual, but of a permanent and final character. The result of
such an election must mean an alteration of the veto of the
House of Lords; if they win they will have asserted their
right, not merely to reject legislation of the House of
Commons, but to control the finances of the country, and if
they lose we will smash to pieces their veto. I say to you
that we do not seek the struggle, we have our work to do; but
if it is to come, it could never come better than now."
Very soon after the Bill had been passed over to the House of
Lords it was known that the Conservative leaders had consented
to its death in that body. What may be called the death
sentence was pronounced on the 22d of November, when Lord
Lansdowne moved the following amendment to a motion for the
second reading of the Bill: "That this House is not justified
in giving its consent to this Bill until it has been submitted
to the judgment of the country."
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Speaking to the motion with great seriousness he said: "I have
been in this House more than 40 years, I owe everything to its
indulgence, and I say from the depth of my heart that it is my
desire to do nothing unworthy of your high reputation or your
great place in the Constitution of this country. But I believe
that the worst and most damaging thing that you could do would
be that you should fail those who look to you as the guardians
of their greatest constitutional right, the right to be
consulted when fundamental political changes are demanded by
the Government of the day; and, my lords, depend upon it that
by rejecting this Bill you will, on the one hand, insist that
that right shall be respected; you will not usurp the function
of granting aid and supplies to the Crown; you will not
pronounce a final verdict upon this Bill, bad though you may
believe it to be; but you will say that it is a Bill to which
you have no right to give your indispensable consent until you
are assured by the people of the country that they desire it
to pass into law."
In the week of debate which followed many speeches of notable
force and impressiveness were made on both sides; but,
unquestionably, the weightiest, in reasoning and feeling, were
those which came from opponents of the Budget who would not
join their associates in the step proposed, but warned them of
dangers involved, to the existence of their House and to the
future of parliamentary government, from constitutional
changes which no man could forecalculate. On the latter point,
Lord Rosebery begged his fellows of the peerage to "remember
this: The menaces which were addressed to this House in old
days were addressed by statesmen of a different school and
under a different balance of constitutional forces in this
country. The menaces addressed to you now come from a wholly
different school of opinion, who wish for a single Chamber and
who set no value on the controlling and revising forces of a
second Chamber—a school of opinion which, if you like it and
do not dread the word, is eminently revolutionary in essence,
if not in fact. I ask you to bear in mind that fact when you
weigh the consequences of the vote which you are to give
to-morrow night. ‘Hang the consequences,’ said my noble friend
Lord Camperdown last night. That is a noble sentiment and a
noble utterance. It is a kind of Balaklava charge, and nothing
more intrepid could be said by any of us if we had not to
weigh the consequences, not to the individual, but to the
State; and you should think once, you should think twice, and
thrice, before you give a vote which may involve such enormous
constitutional consequences."
Lord Balfour, while condemning the Bill, condemned still more
the proposition that the House of Lords would do its duty in
compelling a referendum to the people on the measure. A
question in finance, he said, differs from all others in its
unfitness for this treatment in Great Britain. "If you are to
establish a system whereby this House or any other authority
had the right of establishing a referendum as it is called—a
reference to the people in matters of finance—you would spoil
and destroy the control of the other House of Parliament over
the Government, and you would make, I venture to say, perhaps
the most momentous change in the Constitution, as it has grown
up, which has been made in the whole history of that
Constitution. Take it how you like, if you pass this
resolution, if you make it a precedent—I care not with what
safeguards you accompany it, whether you say it is only to be
done on extreme occasions or by any other safeguard—you have
made a change in the practice and in the Constitution which
will prevent things going on as they have gone on up to the
present time. My lords, if you win, the victory can at most be
a temporary one. If you lose you have altered and prejudiced
the position, the power, the prestige, the usefulness of this
House, which I believe every one of you honours and desires to
serve as heartily and as thoroughly as I do myself. If you win
you are but beginning a conflict."
Lord James, one of the ablest of the Law Lords, and Lord
Cromer, were other opponents of the Budget who earnestly
counselled the Upper House not to interfere with the action of
the Commons on this measure of finance. From the side of the
few Liberals among the peers came other weighty words of
admonition, spoken especially by the calm and thoughtful Lord
Morley and by the Lord Chancellor, the presiding officer of
their House. "No one," said the latter, "will be so simple as
to believe that the only question which the country will
consider will be the question whether this Bill ought to pass
into law. Other and graver questions will be raised. We have
been in office for four years. In 1906 our whole time in the
House of Commons was taken up by passing an Education Bill. It
came to this House. It was wrecked, and the whole labour of
that Session was thrown away. The following year, 1907, was
not a year of very great enterprise of a legislative
character. In 1908 the whole time of the House of Commons was
spent in passing the Licensing Bill, a measure the loss of
which I regret more than I regret the loss of any other. It
came up to this House. It was not alive when it came here. It
had perished by the stiletto in Berkeley-square before it ever
saw this House. Now, again in 1909, after a Session of
unexampled labour, the House of Commons has presented to your
lordships the proof of many, many months of arduous work in a
domain entirely their own; and this House is going to destroy
the Finance Bill of 1909 and to refuse supplies. It is, in my
opinion, impossible that any Liberal Government should ever
again bear the heavy burden of office unless it is secured
against a repetition of treatment such as our measures have
had to undergo for the last four years. If we fail in the
coming general election, assuming that his Majesty is pleased
to dissolve Parliament, it will only be the beginning of a
conflict which can end only in one way. If we succeed, I hope
we shall not flinch from that which will have to follow."
The Archbishop of Canterbury and the Spiritual Lords generally
refrained from taking sides on what they regarded as a
political question; but the Archbishop of York construed his
duty differently, and added his voice to the remonstrance
against Lord Landsdowne’s motion. Close upon midnight,
November 30, the House divided on that motion and it was
carried, rejecting the Finance Bill, by a vote of 350 to 75.
So big a vote—such a swarming of titled legislators to record
it—had not been known within the memory of living men.
{245}
Three days later, on the 3d of December, the Premier, Mr.
Asquith, rose in the House of Commons and moved the adoption
of the following declaration:
"That the action of the House of Lords in refusing to pass
into law the financial provision made by this House for the
service of the year is a breach of the Constitution and a
usurpation of the rights of the Commons."
Speaking to this motion, he said, in part:
"When, a short time ago, the Finance Bill received its third
reading, as it left this House it represented, I believe, in a
greater degree than can be said of any measure of our time,
the mature, the well-sifted, the deliberate work of an
overwhelming majority of the representatives of the people
upon a matter which, by the custom of generations and by the
course of a practically unbroken authority, is the province of
this House, and of this House alone. In the course of a week,
or a little more than a week, the whole of this fabric has
been thrown to the ground. For the first time in English
history the grant of the whole of the Ways and Means for the
Supply and the Services of the year, the grant made at the
request of the Crown to the Crown by the Commons, has been
intercepted and nullified by a body which admittedly has not
the power to increase or to diminish one single tax or to
propose any substitute or alternative for any one of the
taxes. The House of Commons would, in the judgment of his
Majesty’s Government, be unworthy of its past and of the
traditions of which it is the custodian and the trustee if it
allowed another day to pass without making it clear that it
does not mean to brook the greatest indignity, and, I will
add, the most arrogant usurpation (loud cheers), to which for
more than two centuries it has been asked to submit."
After a short debate, the House divided on the motion, and it
was adopted by 349 against 134.
On the afternoon of the same day the King prorogued Parliament
to the 15th of January, 1910, this being preparatory to the
dissolution and appeal to the people which the action of the
Lords had made necessary.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1910 (January-March).
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (May).
A Majority Vote in the Commons for removing Disabilities
from Roman Catholics.
A bill for the removal of remaining disabilities from Roman
Catholics passed its second reading in the House of Commons on
the 14th of May, by a vote of 133 to 123. Not being a
Government measure, the crowded programme of business for the
session gave no hope that it could be carried into law; but
the vote was an encouragement.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (May).
Resolution of the House of Commons in favor of the Payment
of Members and the public payment of election expenses.
The following resolution was introduced in the House of
Commons on the 12th of May, 1909, by Mr. Higham, of York:
"That in the opinion of this House the non-payment of members
and the liability of candidates for the returning officers’
expenses render it impossible for many constituencies to
exercise a free choice in their selection of candidates and
election of members of Parliament; and this House is of
opinion that any measure of general electoral reform passed
before the dissolution of this Parliament, and coming into
force upon or after the dissolution, should be accompanied by
arrangements for the payment of members elected to serve in
Parliament and for the transfer to the Imperial Exchequer of
the financial responsibility for the returning officers’
expenses incurred in the conduct of such elections."
Mr. Harcourt, for the Government, accepted the motion at once.
He pointed out that the expenditure entailed, if members were
paid £300 a year, would be £200,000 annually; but this was not
a valid argument against the change. For his part, he could
not see why politics should be the only profession "run by
amateurs." He was, therefore, not frightened by the prospect
of an Assembly of professional politicians. The time had gone
by when the country could select its legislators solely from
the leisured class; public servants deserved to be paid.
Most of the speakers in a debate of three hours favored the
resolution, and it was then adopted, by 242 votes against 92.
No legislation in accordance with it has yet been undertaken.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (May).
Reorganization of Passive Resistance to the Education Act
of 1902.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: ENGLAND; A. D. 1909 (MAY).
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (May-October).
Consumption of whiskey diminished by increase of tax.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM: ENGLAND.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (June).
The Imperial Press Conference.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (JUNE).
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (July).
Assassination of Sir W. Curzon-Wyllie by an Indian Anarchist.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1909 (JULY).
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (July-August).
Imperial Defence Conference.
Its conclusions and agreements.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY AND NAVAL.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (July-December).
Decision against the right of Trade Unions to pay Salaries
to Members of Parliament.
On the 23d of July, 1909, an appeal from an order of the Court
of Appeal was argued before five legal members of the House of
Lords, on the question whether the payment of members of
Parliament chosen to represent the interests of a trade union
was a lawful application of the funds of such union. The
complainant in the case had sued the Amalgamated Society of
Railway Servants, of which he had been a member since 1892, to
have it declared that one of the rules of the society, which
provides, amongst other things, for Parliamentary
representation and the enforced levy of contributions from the
plaintiff and other members of the society, towards the
payment of salaries, or maintenance allowance, to members of
Parliament pledged to observe and fulfil the conditions
imposed by the constitution of the Labour Party therein
referred to, is _ultra vires_ and void, and that the
society may be restrained from enforcing it. And in the
alternative that it may be declared that a certain amendment
or addition made to the rules in 1906 be declared to be
illegal and void. The added rule, thus complained of, was as
follows; "All candidates shall sign and accept the conditions
of the Labour Party and be subject to their Whip."
{246}
The judgment of the Lords, rendered on the 21st of December,
sustained the order from the court below, dismissing the
appeal. Their decision rested mainly on considerations
relating to the rule quoted above, and stated briefly by one
of their bench, Lord James, as follows:
"The effect of this rule and others that exist is that a
member of the trade union is compelled to contribute to the
support of a member of Parliament, who is compelled ‘to answer
the Whip of the Labour Party.’ I construe this condition as
meaning that the member undertakes to forego his own judgment,
and to vote in Parliament in accordance with the opinions of
some person or persons acting on behalf of the Labour Party.
And such vote would have to be given in respect of all
matters, including those of a most general character—such as
confidence in a Ministry or the policy of a Budget—matters
unconnected directly at least with the interests of labour.
Therefore I am of opinion that the application of money to the
maintenance of a member whose action is so regulated is not
within the powers of a trade union. If your Lordships decide
on this branch of the case that the respondent is entitled to
judgment, it is unnecessary that any opinion should be
expressed upon the very broad constitutional question raised
for the first time in the Court of Appeal affecting the
general support of members."
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (August).
The Prevention of Crimes Act brought into force.
The Borstal System.
See (in this Volume)
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY, PROBLEMS OF.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (August).
The Trade Boards Bill, to suppress "Sweating."
See (in this Volume)
LABOR REMUNERATION: WAGES REGULATION.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (September).
Imperial Congress of Chambers of Commerce.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER).
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (September).
Marconi Wireless Telegraph Stations taken over
by the Post Office.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION: ELECTRICAL.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (October).
Organization of a Navy War Council.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1910 (January-March).
Dissolution of Parliament.
An indecisive Election.
No majority in the House of Commons for any single party.
Precarious support for the Liberal Ministry.
Uncertainties of the Situation.
As expected, Parliament was dissolved by royal proclamation
early in January, and new elections commanded, the first of
which took place on the 15th of that month and the last on the
14th of February. The result was generally disappointing,
because wholly indecisive. The new House of Commons was found
to be made up of 275 Liberals, 273 Unionists, 71 Nationalists
(Irish), 11 Independent Nationalists, and 40 Labor members.
Neither of the political parties arrayed on the main issues
involved had won a majority. The people had rendered no
recognizable verdict on the Budget, or on the tariff question,
or on the abolition of the veto power claimed by the House of
Lords.
Even with the support of the Labor members the Asquith
Ministry was in a minority. The balance was held by the Irish
members, and it was only by compromise with them that either
Liberals or Unionists could do anything. Had the Ministry been
able to choose its own course it might have preferred,
perhaps, to push the Budget question to a settlement before
attempting to determine the future of the House of Lords; but
the leader of the Nationalists, Mr. Redmond, gave prompt
notice that they would allow no such second rating of the
Lords’ veto question to go into the programme of legislation.
Probably, therefore, there were negotiations between Liberals
and Nationalists before Mr. Asquith announced the intentions
of the Government, which he did on the 28th of
February,—Parliament having been formally opened on the 15th.
Up to the 24th of March, he claimed all the time of the House
of Commons for immediate measures which must be adopted before
the close of the financial year, to provide immediately
necessary means for maintaining the national credit. Then,
"when the House reassembled after Easter, on March 29, the
Government would present their proposals on the relations
between the two Houses. They would be presented, in the first
instance, in the form of resolutions affirming the necessity
for excluding the House of Lords altogether from the domain of
finance, and inviting the House to declare that, in the sphere
of legislation, the power of the veto now possessed by the
Lords should be so limited as to secure the predominance of
the deliberate and considered will of the Commons within the
lifetime of a single Parliament. Further, it would be made
plain that these constitutional changes were without prejudice
to and contemplated in a subsequent year the substitution in
our Second Chamber, of a democratic for an hereditary basis.
When these resolutions had been agreed to, they would be
submitted to the House of Lords, so as to bring the main issue
to a trial at the earliest possible moment."
This programme of procedure appears to have been hastened
slightly; for despatches from London on the 21st of March
announced that Mr. Asquith had brought forward his
resolutions, and that their purport was as follows:
"The first resolution provides for complete control of money
bills by the House of Commons, thus unmistakably disposing of
the question that was precipitated by the Lords’ rejection of
the budget; the second precludes the Lords from rejecting any
bill that, has been passed by the Commons at three successive
sessions, provided the entire time the bill has been before
the House is not less than two years; and in the same case the
bill becomes a law without the royal assent."
ENGLAND: A. D. 1910 (May).
Death of King Edward VII.
Accession of King George V.
The political situation in England, which had become
problematical, was probably changed with suddenness, on the
night of May 6, by the death of King Edward, after a brief
illness, consequent on chronic bronchial disorders. His son
was proclaimed as King George V. Settlement of the pending
political questions seems likely to be postponed for some
time.
----------ENGLAND: End--------
ENJUMEN.
See (in this Volume)
ANJUMAN.
ENVER BEY.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).
EQUADOR.
See (in this Volume)
ECUADOR.
EQUITABLE LIFE ASSURANCE SOCIETY.
See (in this Volume)
INSURANCE, LIFE.
ERDMAN LAW.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907 (APRIL).
ERICHSEN, DR. MYLIUS:
Tragically ended survey of Greenland coast.
See (in this Volume)
POLAR EXPLORATION.
{247}
ERICSSON, JOHN:
Unveiling of a monument to his memory at Stockholm,
September 14, 1901.
See (in this Volume)
SWEDEN: A. D. 1901.
ERIE CANAL:
Popular vote for its enlargement to a capacity
for boats of 1000 tons.
See (in this Volume)
NEW YOKE STATE: A. D. 1903.
ERITREA:
Its habitability by whites.
See (in this Volume)
AFRICA.
ESHER ARMY COMMISSION, The.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY.
ESNEH BARRAGE, Opening of the.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.
ESPERANTO.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: ESPERANTO.
ESTOURNELLES DE CONSTANT D', BARON.
See (in this Volume)
Nobel Prizes.
ESTRADA, GENERAL JUAN:
Revolutionary leader in Nicaragua.
See (in this Volume)
CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909.
ESTUPINIAN, DON BALTASER:
Vice-President of Second International Conference of
American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
ETHER OF SPACE, NEW CONCEPTION OF THE.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: PHYSICAL.
ETHIOPIA.
See (in this Volume)
ABYSSINIA.
EUCKEN, Rudolf.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
EUDISTES, THE CONGREGATION OF THE.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.
EUGENICS.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: EUGENICS.
EULENBURG, PRINCE,
The charges against.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1907-1908.
EUPHRATES VALLEY:
Railway building.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1909.
EUPHRATES VALLEY:
Irrigation projects.
See in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).
----------EUROPE: Start--------
EUROPE: A. D. 1850-1907.
Growth and changes in population.
The shifting of numerical weight among nations and peoples.
Some statistical statements of surprising interest were set
forth in an article published by Professor Sombart, of Berlin,
in 1907. German statisticians have a reputation for accuracy,
and we have no ground for questioning the figures submitted by
this professor, which show that, notwithstanding the great
flow of emigration from Europe within the last 60 years, its
population has increased from about 250,000,000 to 400,000,000
since the middle of the nineteenth century. The main growth,
however, has been in Russia, from which the emigration has
been slight.
The exhibit of relative increase in the several countries and
among the several races of Europe is more interesting and more
important than the total growth. This comparison gives a heavy
gain of weight to Russia since 1850, a considerable gain to
Germany, slight gains to Austria-Hungary, Great Britain and
Ireland (wholly on the British side of the United Kingdom),
Belgium, and the Netherlands, with comparative losses in all
the rest. The drop made by France in the scale of population
is distressingly great. Out of every 1,000 inhabitants of
Europe in 1850, 137 were in France; but out of the same number
of Europeans in 1905 she counted but 94. Russia, in the same
period, raised her share of the population of Europe from 215
per 1,000 to 285; Germany from 138 to 145; Austria-Hungary
from 114 to 117; Great Britain and Ireland from 104 to 105;
Belgium from sixteen to seventeen; the Netherlands from twelve
to thirteen. On the other hand, Italy dropped from 95 to 80;
Spain and Portugal from 71 to 58; Sweden, Norway, and Denmark
from 29 to 25; the Balkan States from 60 to 53; Switzerland
from nine to eight.
Carrying the comparisons of relative population back to the
beginning of the last century, Professor Sombart finds that
Germany, which gained ground in the last half of the period,
had lost more in the first half than that gain made good. In
1801 the Germans furnished 160 to each 1,000 of the population
of Europe, against their present count of 145. But Great
Britain and Ireland gave but 93 to that 1,000 in 1801 against
the 105 of the present time. The gains of Russia and the
losses of France, Italy, and Spain were alike continuous from
the first to the latest date.
As the result of these differences of advance in population,
the Slavic peoples have been raised from the lowest to the
highest weight in numbers; the Germanic have dropped just
enough in the scale to take second place; while the Latinized
folk of Southwestern Europe, or Latins as we call them, have
fallen far from the share they had in the peopling of the
continent 100 years ago. Of each 1,000 Europeans in 1801 the
Slavs numbered 268, the Latins 355, the Germanics 375. In
1850 the count was 310 for the Slav, 321 for the Latin, 369
for the Germanic. The next 55 years brought the Slav to the
front, with a great bound, and the figures in the column for
1905 are 375 Slav, 373 Germanic, 251 Latin.
These statistics hold a number of deep meanings; but they are
especially eloquent in their showing of the deadly effects of
the Napoleonic wars. For France there has been no recovery
since those horrible years when the Corsican vampire sucked at
her veins; and Spain and Italy are still sicklied from the
same cause. But Germany’s languishing ended when the long
peace of the last 36 years began. Her vitality had never been
spent, even in the Thirty Years’ War and by the belligerency
of Frederick, "called the Great," before Napoleon came to
trample upon her, as that of France had been exhausted by her
Bourbon and Corsican masters.
{248}
EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.
Rate of Increase of Population in other countries
compared with Germany.
"During the last few decades, the population of Germany has
been increasing with marvellous and unprecedented rapidity.
From 1870 to the present time it has grown from 40,818,000
people to more than 60,000,000 people, and has therefore
increased by 50 per cent. During the same period, our own
[British] population has increased from 31,817,000 people to
43,000,000 people, or by but 32 per cent. No nation in the
world excepting those oversea which yearly receive a huge
number of immigrants from abroad multiplies more rapidly than
does the German nation, as may be seen from the following
figures:
"Average Yearly Increase of Population
between the Last and the Previous Census.
Germany, 15,000 people per million of inhabitants.
Russia, 13,600 people per million of inhabitants.
Holland, 12,300 people per million of inhabitants.
Switzerland, 10,400 people per million of inhabitants.
Belgium, 10,100 people per million of inhabitants.
Great Britain, 9,400 people per million of inhabitants.
Austria-Hungary, 9,300 people per million of inhabitants.
Spain, 8,800 people per million of inhabitants.
Italy, 6,900 people per million of inhabitants.
France, 1,700 people per million of inhabitants.
"From the foregoing table it appears that not only the
population of Germany, but that of all the chiefly Germanic
nations, increases very much faster than that of all other
nations, Russia excepted. However, Russia cannot fairly be
compared with Germany, partly because her population
statistics are not reliable, partly because the growth of her
population is to some extent due to conquest. …
"The proud boast of the Pan-Germans that it is the destiny of
the German race to rule the world would appear to be correct,
were it not for a singular phenomenon which, so far, has
remained almost unobserved. Whilst the 60,000,000 Germans in
Germany are increasing with astonishing celerity, the
30,000,000 Germans who live in Austria-Hungary and in other
countries are so rapidly losing all German characteristics and
even the German language, that it seems possible that, forty
or fifty years hence, the number of Germans outside Germany
proper will be almost nil. …
"The 90,000,000 Germans who live in Germany and in Greater
Germany are distributed over the globe as follows:
Germany 60,000,000
Austria-Hungary 11,550,000
Switzerland 2,320,000
Russia 2,000,000
Various European countries 1,130,000
----------
Total in Europe 77,000,000
United States and Canada 11,500,000
Central and South America 600,000
Asia, Africa, Australia 400,000
Grand total 89,500,000"
_O. Eltzbacher,
Germany and Greater Germany
(Contemporary Review, August, 1905)._
Later figures, relative to France, on this subject, were given
by the Paris correspondent of the New York Evening Post,
writing June 12th, 1909, when he said: "From 1901 to 1905 the
birthrate was high enough to increase the population of France
18 for every 10,000 yearly. During the same period the
relative increase per 10,000 was 106 in Italy, 113 in Austria,
121 in England, 149 in Germany, and 155 in Holland. … Coming
back to single years, the birth rate of 1906 only increased
the French population 7 per 10,000; that is, among every
10,000 inhabitants there were as many births of living
children as there were deaths taken altogether, plus seven
births more. In 1907 there were five fewer births than deaths
per 10,000 inhabitants. And now here comes 1908 jumping back
to an excess of twelve births over deaths per 10,000. Such
sudden fluctuations can be seized on by no theory; 1907 had
its deficit because it had 19,892 more deaths than the
average; 1908 recovers lost ground because it had 48,266 fewer
deaths than 1907, or 28,374 fewer than the average of the
preceding period of five years. Along with this slow but sure
decrease in the absolute birth rate of France goes the happier
decrease of deaths, owing to greater well-being in general and
better popular hygiene in particular.
"Statistics have something better than this to show. The
steady increase in marriages, which I noted last year, has
gone on. For 1908 it is the heaviest since 1873; the total
number was 315,928—which is 1,172 more than in 1907 and 9441
more than in 1906. Divorces, for all France, were 10,573 in
1906 and 11,515 in 1908.
"Why do Frenchmen have few children? Because they deliberately
will not to have them. That is the answer which every
intelligent observer who passes his life among Frenchmen—as
one of themselves, not as an outsider—will give spontaneously;
and it is the answer to which all statistics and all verified
social facts lead up."
EUROPE: A. D. 1878-1909.
Thirty-one Years of Peace, broken only by
Thirty-one Days of War.
In the spring of 1897 there were thirty-one days of war
between Turkey and Greece. With that exception there have been
no hostilities on the European continent since Russia fought
the Turks in 1877-1878, a period of thirty-one years. In the
preceding thirty years there had been nearly a score of
serious insurrections and wars: the widespread revolutionary
conflicts of 1848-1849, in France, Italy, Austria, Hungary,
Germany, and Denmark; the coup d’etat of 1851 in France; the
Crimean War of 1854-1856; the war of France and Sardinia with
Austria in 1859; Garibaldi’s liberation of Sicily and Naples
in 1861, and his attempt on Rome the next year; the Greek
revolution of 1862; Polish revolts of 1861 and 1863; the
Schleswig-Holstein war of 1864; the Austro-Prussian "Seven
Weeks War" and the Austro-Italian war, in 1866; Garibaldi’s
renewed attack on the Papal government at Rome in 1867;
revolution in Spain in 1868; the Franco-German War and the
insurrection of the Communists at Paris in 1870-1871; the
revolts of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1875 and of Bulgaria in
1876.
There is no mistaking the hopeful significance of so striking
a contrast as this; and if we look back through two more
similar periods, each of which represents the average term
reckoned for a generation, we find the key to a better
understanding of its hopefulness. Behind the turbulent thirty
years from 1847 to 1877 are thirty years during most of which
Europe lay bleeding, panting, exhausted by thirty other years
of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic wars; exhausted
physically but stirred deeply in brain and heart, and
gathering strength for the efforts toward freer and better
institutions of government and more homogeneous organizations
of nationality which most of the conflicts between 1847 and
1877 represent.
{249}
It is because those conflicts resulted in far better political
conditions, and in much of satisfaction to racial affinities
and national aspirations long resisted, that the people of
Europe, in these last thirty years, have enjoyed the longest
exemption from war on their own soil that their history
records.
EUROPE: A. D. 1902-1907.
Renewal and maintenance of the Triple Alliance.
Its value to Italy.
The Triple Alliance or Dreibund of Germany, Austria-Hungary
and Italy, formed in 1882 and renewed in 1887 and 1891, was
renewed for the third time in 1902, a year before the end of
its term, by the Zanardelli Government. "The term of this
renewal was for six or 12 years; that is to say, if the treaty
were not denounced in 1907, five years after its actual
renewal, it should be considered as holding good for the full
term of 12 years. The treaty was not denounced by the Giolitti
Ministry, with Signor Tittoni Minister of Foreign Affairs, and
therefore is in force until 1914, 12 years after its third
renewal by Prinetti. Except in the case of a very marked
alteration in the friendly relations between the three
contracting Powers there can be no question of its renewal or
non-renewal at this date. That case has not arrived; the
cordial relations between Italy and her allies, in spite of
conjectured though unacknowledged differences of opinion,
remain ostensibly unaltered, and may still be considered as
correctly described in the words used in their speeches in
Vienna by the Emperor of Austria and the German Emperor, and
in the telegrams which they afterwards exchanged with the King
of Italy.
"Some Italian politicians, however, seem disposed to question
the utility of an alliance which does not relieve Italy from
the necessity of spending more money on her national defence.
What, they ask, is the use of the alliance if we have to make
these heavy sacrifices in order to increase our army and navy
and put our frontier fortifications in order? The answer is
more simple than agreeable. It is precisely the existence of
the Triple Alliance that has permitted Italy to leave her
Austrian frontier absolutely open to invasion, and to allow
both her army and navy to fall below the standard which she
had proposed to keep up. The alliance has secured her immunity
for her neglect. But she has naturally paid for that combined
neglect and immunity by accepting a subordinate role by the
side of her allies."
_Rome Correspondence,
London Times, May 15, 1909._
EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (April).
The Entente Cordiale of England and France.
In his interesting work on "France and the Alliances," founded
on a course of lectures delivered at Harvard University in
1908, M. André Tardieu reviews the long antagonism between
England and France, which ran through their history, from
early in the Fourteenth Century to the last year but one of
the Nineteenth, when, in March, 1899, France, by treaty with
the British Government, gave up her strong desire to extend
her North African dominion eastward to the Nile. Then he asks:
"How came it that within five years a sincere understanding
was established between the two hereditary enemies?" He
answers the question by saying: "Neither in England nor in
France is the principle of the understanding to be sought.
Rather was it the fear of Germany which determined England—not
only her King and Government, but the whole of her people—to
draw near to France." This, without doubt, is substantially
the true explanation of the friendly agreements, forming what
is known as the Entente Cordiale between England and France,
which were signed on the 8th of April, 1904. They involved
nothing in the nature of a defensive alliance against Germany,
and they had been prepared for by a rapid growth of natural
and real good feeling between English and French folk; but it
is certain that they received their immediate prompting from
the common recognition, in England and France, that Germany
had become a rival in political and economic ambitions to both
of them, more formidable than either could be to the other.
This gave them a common reason for obliterating all their old
differences and causes of difference, and exhibiting
themselves to the world as friends.
M. Tardieu credits the English King with the initiation of
this most important rapprochement. "He it was," says the
French writer, "who both conceived and facilitated it, while
still many believed that the moment was premature. Edward VII.
has been both praised and attacked without stint. Perhaps he
deserves neither the ‘excess of honor nor yet the excess of
abuse.’ Among present sovereigns, he has one superiority, that
of having gained experience in life before reigning. … He is
not afraid of taking the initiative; and so far his initiative
has been a success. The boldest example of it was his visit to
Paris in 1903. Putting aside all objections, and being
convinced of his success, he arrived in France amidst an
atmosphere of uncertainty. When the first platoons of
cuirassiers rode down the Champs Elysées, embarrassment and
anxiety weighed on the public. The Nationalists had declared
their intention of hissing. What would be the result of a
hostile manifestation? The King, as far as he was concerned,
did not believe in the danger, and he was right. The Parisians
accorded him, not an enthusiastic, but, from the first, a
respectful, and soon a genial, reception. The road was clear.
Two months later, Mr. Loubet paid King Edward a return visit.
And, on welcoming his colleague, Mr. Delcassé, to London, Lord
Lansdowne said to him: ‘Now we are going to have some
conversation.’ As a matter of fact, there was conversation
both in Paris and in London. … On the 8th of April, 1904, the
agreement was signed, and its immediate publication produced a
deep impression in Europe."
Strictly speaking, there were three Agreements, or two
Declarations and one formal Convention, signed on the 8th of
April, 1904, constituting, together, the Anglo-French
_Entente_. The first, a "Declaration respecting Egypt and
Morocco," ran as follows:
"Article I.
His Britannic Majesty’s Government declare that they have no
intention of altering the political status of Egypt. The
Government of the French Republic, for their part, declare
that they will not obstruct the action of Great Britain in
that country by asking that a limit of time be fixed for the
British occupation or in any other manner, and that they give
their assent to the draft Khedivial Decree annexed to the
present Arrangement, containing the guarantees considered
necessary for the protection of the interests of the Egyptian
bondholders, on the condition that, after its promulgation, it
cannot be modified in any way without the consent of the
Powers Signatory of the Convention of London of 1885. It is
agreed that the post of Director-General of Antiquities in
Egypt shall continue, as in the past, to be entrusted to a
French _savant_. The French schools in Egypt shall
continue to enjoy the same liberty as in the past.
{250}
"Article II.
The Government of the French Republic declare that they have
no intention of altering the political status of Morocco. His
Britannic Majesty’s Government, for their part, recognize that
it appertains to France, more particularly as a Power whose
dominions are conterminous for a great distance with those of
Morocco, to preserve order in that country, and to provide
assistance for the purpose of all administrative, economic,
financial, and military reforms which it may require. They
declare that they will not obstruct the action taken by France
for this purpose, provided that such action shall leave intact
the rights which Great Britain, in virtue of Treaties,
Conventions, and usage, enjoys in Morocco, including the right
of coasting trade between the ports of Morocco, enjoyed by
British vessels since 1901.
"Article III.
His Britannic Majesty’s Government, for their part, will
respect the rights which France, in virtue of Treaties,
Conventions, and usage, enjoys in Egypt, including the right
of coasting trade between Egyptian ports accorded to French
vessels.
"Article IV.
The two Governments, being equally attached to the principle
of commercial liberty both in Egypt and Morocco, declare that
they will not, in those countries, countenance any inequality
either in the imposition of customs duties or other taxes, or
of railway transport charges. The trade of both nations with
Morocco and with Egypt shall enjoy the same treatment in
transit through the French and British possessions in Africa.
An Agreement between the two Governments shall settle the
conditions of such transit and shall determine the points of
entry. This mutual engagement shall be binding for a period of
thirty years. Unless this stipulation is expressly denounced
at least one year in advance, the period shall be extended for
five years at a time. Nevertheless, the Government of the
French Republic reserve to themselves in Morocco, and His
Britannic Majesty’s Government reserve to themselves in Egypt,
the right to see that the concessions for roads, railways,
ports, &c., are only granted on such conditions as will
maintain intact the authority of the State over these great
undertakings of public interest.
"Article V.
His Britannic Majesty’s Government declare that they will use
their influence in order that the French officials now in the
Egyptian service may not be placed under conditions less
advantageous than those applying to the British officials in
the same service. The Government of the French Republic, for
their part, would make no objection to the application of
analogous conditions to British officials now in the Moorish
service.
"Article VI.
In order to insure the free passage of the Suez Canal, His
Britannic Majesty’s Government declare that they adhere to the
stipulations of the Treaty of the 29th October, 1888, and that
they agree to their being put in force. The free passage of
the Canal being thus guaranteed, the execution of the last
sentence of paragraph 1 as well as of paragraph 2 of Article
VIII of that Treaty will remain in abeyance.
"Article VII.
In order to secure the free passage of the Straits of
Gibraltar, the two Governments agree not to permit the
erection of any fortifications or strategic works on that
portion of the coast of Morocco comprised between, but not
including, Melilla and the heights which command the right
bank of the River Sebou. This condition does not, however,
apply to the places at present in the occupation of Spain on
the Moorish coast of the Mediterranean.
"Article VIII.
The two Governments, inspired by their feeling of sincere
friendship for Spain, take into special consideration the
interests which that country derives from her geographical
position and from her territorial possessions on the Moorish
coast of the Mediterranean. In regard to these interests the
French Government will come to an understanding with the
Spanish Government. The agreement which may be come to on the
subject between France and Spain shall be communicated to His
Britannic Majesty’s Government.
"Article IX.
The two Governments agree to afford to one another their
diplomatic support, in order to obtain the execution of the
clauses of the present Declaration regarding Egypt and
Morocco."
The more formally designated Convention relates to questions
concerning the Newfoundland fisheries and certain boundaries
between French and English possessions in Africa. The articles
respecting Newfoundland and the fisheries are as follows:
"Article I.
France renounces the privileges established to her advantage
by Article XIII of the Treaty of Utrecht, and confirmed or
modified by subsequent provisions.
"Article II.
France retains for her citizens, on a footing of equality with
British subjects, the right of fishing in the territorial
waters on that portion of the coast of Newfoundland comprised
between Cape St. John and Cape Ray, passing by the north; this
right shall be exercised during the usual fishing season
closing for all persons on the 20th October of each year. The
French may therefore fish there for every kind of fish,
including bait and also shell fish. They may enter any port or
harbour on the said coast and may there obtain supplies or
bait and shelter on the same conditions as the inhabitants of
Newfoundland, but they will remain subject to the local
Regulations in force; they may also fish at the mouths of the
rivers, but without going beyond a straight line drawn between
the two extremities of the banks, where the river enters the
sea. They shall not make use of stake-nets or fixed engines
without permission of the local authorities. On the
above-mentioned portion of the coast, British subjects and
French citizens shall be subject alike to the laws and
Regulations now in force, or which may hereafter be passed for
the establishment of a close time in regard to any particular
kind of fish, or for the improvement of the fisheries. Notice
of any fresh laws or Regulations shall be given to the
Government of the French Republic three months before they
come into operation. The policing of the fishing on the
above-mentioned portion of the coast, and for prevention of
illicit liquor traffic and smuggling of spirits, shall form
the subject of Regulations drawn up in agreement by the two
Governments.
{251}
"Article III.
A pecuniary indemnity shall be awarded by His Britannic
Majesty’s Government to the French citizens engaged in fishing
or the preparation of fish on the ‘Treaty Shore,’ who are
obliged, either to abandon the establishments they possess
there, or to give up their occupation, in consequence of the
modification introduced by the present Convention into the
existing state of affairs. This indemnity cannot be claimed by
the parties interested unless they have been engaged in their
business prior to the closing of the fishing season of 1903.
Claims for indemnity shall be submitted to an Arbitral
Tribunal, composed of an officer of each nation, and, in the
event of disagreement, of an Umpire appointed in accordance
with the procedure laid down by Article XXXII of The Hague
Convention. The details regulating the constitution of the
Tribunal, and the conditions of the inquiries to be instituted
for the purpose of substantiating the claims, shall form the
subject of a special Agreement between the two Governments.
"Article IV.
His Britannic Majesty’s Government, recognizing that, in
addition to the indemnity referred to in the preceding
Article, some territorial compensation is due to France in
return for the surrender of her privilege in that part of the
Island of Newfoundland referred to in Article II, agree with
the Government of the French Republic to the provisions
embodied in the following Articles:"
The provisions here referred to, contained in the subsequent
articles, modify the former frontier between Senegambia and
the English colony of the Gambia, "so as to give to France
Yarbutenda and the lands and landing places belonging to that
locality"; cede to France "the group known as the Isles de
Los, and situated opposite Konakry"; and substitute a new
boundary, to the east of the Niger, for that which was fixed
between the French and British possessions by the Convention
of 1898.
The Declaration which concludes the series of Agreements has
to do with matters in Siam, Madagascar, and New Hebrides. As
to Siam, the two Governments "declare by mutual agreement that
the influence of Great Britain shall be recognized by France
in the territories situated to the west of the basin of the
River Menam, and that the influence of France shall be
recognized by Great Britain in the territories situated to the
east of the same region, all the Siamese possessions on the
east and southeast of the zone above described and the
adjacent islands coming thus henceforth under French
influence, and, on the other hand, all Siamese possessions on
the west of this zone and of the Gulf of Siam, including the
Malay Peninsula and the adjacent islands, coming under English
influence. The two Contracting Parties, disclaiming all idea
of annexing any Siamese territory, and determined to abstain
from any act which might contravene the provisions of existing
Treaties, agree that, with this reservation, and so far as either
of them is concerned, the two Governments shall each have
respectively liberty of action in their spheres of influence
as above defined."
The further agreements were, on the part of the British
Government, to withdraw a protest it had raised against the
customs tariff established in Madagascar, and, on the part of
the two Governments, "to draw up in concert an arrangement
which, without involving any modification of the political
status quo, shall put an end to the difficulties arising from
the absence of jurisdiction over the natives of the New
Hebrides."
In the British Parliamentary Paper (Cd. 1952, April, 1904)
which gave official publication to these Agreements, they are
accompanied by an explanatory despatch from the Marquess of
Lansdowne, British Foreign Secretary, to Sir E. Monson,
Ambassador at Paris, which affirms distinctly that "if any
European Power is to have a predominant influence in Morocco,
that Power is France." The language of the despatch on this
subject is as follows:
"The condition of that country [Morocco] has for a long time
been unsatisfactory and fraught with danger. The authority of
the Sultan over a large portion of his dominions is that of a
titular Chief rather than of a Ruler. Life and property are
unsafe, the natural resources of the country are undeveloped,
and trade, though increasing, is hampered by the political
situation. In these respects the contrast between Morocco and
Egypt is marked. In spite of well-meant efforts to assist the
Sultan, but little progress has been effected, and at this
moment the prospect is probably as little hopeful as it ever
has been. Without the intervention of a strong and civilized
Power there appears to be no probability of a real improvement
in the condition of the country.
"It seems not unnatural that, in these circumstances, France
should regard it as falling to her lot to assume the task of
attempting the regeneration of the country. Her Algerian
possessions adjoin those of the Sultan throughout the length
of a frontier of several hundred miles. She has been compelled
from time to time to undertake military operations of
considerable difficulty, and at much cost, in order to put an
end to the disturbances which continually arise amongst tribes
adjoining the Algerian frontier—tribes which, although
nominally the subjects of the Sultan, are, in fact, almost
entirely beyond his control. The trade of France with Morocco
is again—if that across the Algerian frontier be included—of
considerable importance, and compares not unfavourably with
our own. In these circumstances, France, although in no wise
desiring to annex the Sultan’s dominions or to subvert his
authority, seeks to extend her influence in Morocco, and is
ready to submit to sacrifices and to incur responsibilities
with the object of putting an end to the condition of anarchy
which prevails upon the borders of Algeria. His Majesty’s
Government are not prepared to assume such responsibilities,
or to make such sacrifices, and they have therefore readily
admitted that if any European Power is to have a predominant
influence in Morocco, that Power is France."
{252}
Of the reciprocal and equally important recognition by France
of the paramount influence of Great Britain in Egypt, Lord
Lansdowne wrote:
"From the point of view of Great Britain the most important
part of the Agreement which has been concluded in respect of
Egypt is the recognition by the French Government of the
predominant position of Great Britain in that country. They
fully admit that the fulfilment of the task upon which we
entered in 1883 must not be impeded by any suggestion on their
part that our interest in Egypt is of a temporary character,
and they undertake that, so far as they are concerned, we
shall not be impeded in the performance of that task. This
undertaking will enable us to pursue our work in Egypt
without, so far as France is concerned, arousing international
susceptibilities. It is true that the other Great Powers of
Europe also enjoy, in virtue of existing arrangements, a
privileged position in Egypt; but the interests of
France—historical, political, and financial—so far outweigh
those of the other Powers, with the exception of Great
Britain, that so long as we work in harmony with France, there
seems no reason to anticipate difficulty at the hands of the
other powers."
EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.
General Consequences in Europe of the Russo-Japanese War and
the Weakening of Russia in Prestige and Actual Power.
"Europe is apparently on the eve of such a new combination of
the Great Powers as was caused by the Franco-German War of
1870, and just as after that fateful event Berlin became the
centre of the continental political system, so Paris bids fair
to play this part in the near future. For France has never
been so powerful a factor in politics since the fall of the
Empire as to-day. Everyone recognises that her alliance with
Russia was the first step from the isolation which followed
her military reverses towards her reinstatement in the
political hierarchy, and some of the most popular and
statesmanlike politicians of the Republic hold that the
dissolution of that partnership will be the second. For the
good which it achieved, they allege, was largely accidental,
while the cost it entailed was proportionately great. …
"The chief aim of the French statesman who struck up an
alliance with the Government of Alexander III. was to
neutralise Teutonic aggressiveness, and if possible to recover
the lost provinces as well. The latter part of this programme
has turned out to be a will-o’-the-wisp, while the first item
can now be realised independently of the Russian alliance.
Moreover, France, far from being isolated to-day, counts among
her friends and natural allies not only the Latin peoples but
the smaller States of the Continent, to say nothing of Great
Britain. …
"The motives which induced Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy
to enter into partnership have lost their force; the Triple
Alliance has ceased to exist in aught but the name. Italy was
the first of the three States to break away. And her adherence
to the league was so obviously opposed to the sentiments of
her people and the real interests of the nation, that only the
strongest conceivable motive could keep her in the uncongenial
society of her former oppressor. That motive had been supplied
by Bismarck, who persuaded Crispi that clerical France was at
the beck and call of the Vatican, and only awaited a
prosperous moment to disunite Italy and restore Rome to the
Pope. But to-day Germany herself has become the most trusty
and perhaps the most helpful friend of the Holy See, while
France has struck a vigorous blow on the line of cleavage
between the political and ecclesiastical institutions which
constitute the Catholic Church. The ruling body in
Parliamentary Germany is the Ultramontane centre, and if any
State in Europe could be conceived to be capable of breaking a
lance for the temporal power of his Holiness, it would
certainly be one of the two Teutonic Empires of Central
Europe."
_E. J. Dillon,
Foreign Affairs
(Contemporary Review, August, 1904)._
The following is from a special correspondent of the New York
_Evening Post_, who wrote from St. Petersburg on the 5th
of March, 1909:
"The international position of Russia has weakened greatly
during the last five years. Before the Japanese war and the
revolution her strength was enormous, and a Japanese officer
who visited St. Petersburg in 1903 wrote in a Japanese paper
that, judging by the attention which was paid to the Czar by
every court in Europe and by the respect, almost awe even,
with which he was regarded, that monarch might almost be
styled the king of kings. The war and the revolution made
short work, however, of this respect and awe. The Emperor
William first took advantage of Russia’s weakness by springing
the Morocco surprise on Europe; then Baron von Aerenthal
annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina, which he would never, of
course, have dared to do six years ago; while recently in the
Duma Mr. Iswolsky frankly confessed that Russia can do
absolutely nothing; that the war and the revolution have bled
her white, and that no assistance or hope of assistance can be
given to the Serbs and the Montenegrins."
EUROPE: A. D. 1905.
Joint action of Powers in forcing Financial Reforms in
Macedonia on Turkey.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.
EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.
Sudden hostility of Germany to the Anglo-French Agreement
concerning Morocco.
The Kaiser’s speech at Tangier.
Threatening pressure on France.
Demand for International Conference.
Results at Algeciras.
What use the French Government wished to make of the free
exercise of influence in Morocco which Great Britain consented
to, in the agreements of April 8, 1904, is stated by M. Tardieu
in his "France and the Alliances," with more than probable
truth, as follows:
"There was no design of conquest, or of protectorate, or of
monopoly. Conquest would have cost too dear. A protectorate
would have served no purpose in face of the exclusiveness of
the tribes. Monopolization would have been contrary to
international treaties. To create police forces with Moroccan
natives and Algerian instructors in all the principal towns;
to restore finances by means of a more honest collection of
taxes, a genuine checking of expenses, and the repression of
smuggling; to increase the carrying trade by public works
wisely planned and the construction of ports, bridges and
roads—all this by contract law; to multiply hospitals,
schools, educational and charitable institutions,—such was
the tenor of the programme. … As Mr. Delcassé wrote: ‘Far from
diminishing the Sultan’s authority, we were peculiarly anxious
to enhance his prestige.’"
{253}
For almost a year after the signing of the Anglo-French
agreements of April, 1904, no objection was raised in Europe
to the undertaking by France of such regenerative work in
Morocco as they contemplated. Italy had assented to it before
England did. Spain did the same a few months later. These were
the Powers most concerned. The German Ambassador to France had
been informed of the tenor of the agreement with England a
fortnight before it was signed, and no criticism came from his
Government. After the text of it had been published,
Chancellor von Bülow said in the Reichstag: "We know of
nothing that should lead us to think that this agreement is
directed against any Power whatsoever. … From the point of
view of German interests, we have no objection to make against
it." During the eleven months that followed this utterance
nothing appears to have been done by France in Morocco that
changed the situation; but something changed the official
attitude of Germany towards what it had found acceptable
before, and changed it very suddenly. On the 31st of March,
1905, the German Emperor, on a yachting cruise to the
Mediterranean, disembarked at Tangier, and found occasion to
address these remarks to a representative of the Sultan:
"To-day, I pay my visit to the Sultan in his character of
independent sovereign. I hope that, under the Sultan’s
sovereignty, a free Morocco will remain open to the pacific
competition of all nations without monopoly and without
annexation, on a footing of absolute equality. My visit to
Tangier is intended to make known the fact that I am resolved
to do all that is in my power properly to safeguard the
interests of Germany, since I consider the Sultan as being an
absolutely free sovereign. It is with him that I mean to come
to an understanding respecting the best way of safeguarding
such interests. As regards the reforms which the Sultan is
intending to make, it seems to me that any action in this
direction should be taken with great precaution, respect being
had for the religious sentiments of the population in order
that there may be no disturbance of public tranquillity."
All Europe read an emphasized threat in these words, and felt
instantly that they meant hostile intentions towards France.
That they came so quickly after the crushing defeat of Russia
at Mukden; that Russia, ally of France in European politics,
would need no longer to be counted, for some indefinite future
time, as a military Power; that the Dual Alliance, which had
been the prop of France in the recovery of her standing among
the Powers, was thus suddenly a broken reed, and that
circumstances were propitious, therefore, for humiliating her
again,—here were facts for a bit of reasoning which suggested
itself quickly to a multitude of minds.
Twelve days after the speech of William II. at Tangier
Chancellor Bülow addressed a circular to the Ambassadors of
Germany at various capitals, directing them to demand an
International Conference for the settlement of matters
concerning Morocco. A little later the Moorish Sultan, Abd el
Aziz, endorsed the demand, in the following missive, addressed
to the several legations of foreign governments at Tangier:
"We have been ordered by our master the Sultan (God strengthen
him) to request all the great powers to hold a conference at
Tangier, composed by its honorable representatives and those
appointed by the Maghzen [the royal council or Cabinet] to
discuss the manner for suitable reforms which His Shcreefian
Majesty has determined to introduce into his Empire, and the
expenses to carry out the same. We therefore beg to inform
your excellency of this, so that you may notify your
government and request them to permit your excellency to
attend said conference for the above-mentioned purpose and let
us know of its answer, and remain in peace and with joy.
Written at the Holy Court at Fez on the 25th day of Rabe 1st,
1905; corresponding to May 29, 1905.
MOHAMMED BEN ARBY TORRES."
Meantime, Germany was bringing pressure at Paris to force the
resignation or removal of M. Delcassé, the Foreign Minister,
whose policy was now said to be "A threat to Germany," and the
French Government, unprepared for war, submitted to
concessions which involved that result. It entered on
preliminary pourparlers concerning the demand for an
international conference, and allowed Minister Delcassé to
resign.
A fair-minded German’s view of the proceedings of the German
Government in this matter was expressed by Mr. W. C. Dreher in
his next annual review of "The Year in Germany" for _The
Atlantic Monthly_. Frankly acknowledging that the Morocco
controversy had "left with most other nations a distinctly
disagreeable impression of the disturbing tendencies of German
policy," and that the Kaiser’s famous speech at Tangier had
"astonished the German people not less than other nations," he
remarks: "For the Germans had learned to acquiesce in the
Anglo-French settlement, under which France was to have a free
hand for its scheme of _pénétration pacifique_ in
Morocco. The utterances of the Imperial Chancellor in the
Reichstag clearly indicated that the Government accepted with
good grace the general terms of that settlement. The people,
too, had been schooled by the inspired press in the theory
that Germany’s commercial interests in Morocco were so
insignificant as not to warrant the inauguration of a large
and energetic action to assert them; and this view had been
generally accepted by them, barring the noisy little faction
of Pan Germans.
"The chief fault of Germany’s Morocco policy was, accordingly,
that it was sprung upon the German people themselves without
warning, without any preparation of their minds for it; hence
they imperfectly comprehended it and never had any great
interest in it. They did not feel that it was a matter
intimately affecting the nation’s interests; and while the
German Ambassador at Paris was asserting Germany’s solidarity
with Morocco, the press at home was diligently occupied in
convincing the outside world that Germany would never go to
war on account of that remote and insignificant state.
"Despite the abruptness and lack of skill in launching its new
policy, however, the government’s position was logical and,
within certain limits, reasonable. France and England had
assumed to decide the fate of Morocco between themselves,
whereas the Madrid Treaty of 1880, to which Germany was
signatory, had explicitly given an international character to
the Moroccan question. This was clearly an affront to
Germany’s dignity and an attempt to isolate her, which ought
to have been objected to at once."
_W. C. Dreher,
The Year in Germany
(Atlantic Monthly, November, 1906)_.
{254}
On the 28th of September M. Rouvier, the French Premier, and
Prince de Radolin, the German Ambassador at Paris, arrived at
an agreement concerning the matters to be settled at the
demanded Conference, and it was announced to other governments
in the following Memorandum;
The two Governments have agreed to submit to the Sultan the
draft of the following programme elaborated in conformity to
principles adopted by exchange of notes on July 8:
"_First_.
1. Organization, by way of international agreement, of the
police outside the border region.
"2. Regulations organizing the surveillance and suppression of
the smuggling of arms. In the border region the enforcement of
these regulations will exclusively concern France and Morocco.
"_Second_.
Financial reform.
"Financial support given to the Maghzen through the
establishment of a state bank with the privilege of issue,
taking charge of treasury operations and acting as a medium
for the coinage of money, the profits of which would belong to
the Maghzen.
"The said state bank would undertake to bring about a sounder
monetary condition.
"The credits opened to the Maghzen would be applied to the
equipment and salaries of the public forces and to urgent
public works, especially the improvement of the harbors and
their facilities.
"_Third_.
Study of better proceeds from imposts and of new sources of
revenue.
"_Fourth_.
Undertaking on the part of the Maghzen that no public service
will be disposed of for the benefit of private interests.
"Principle of letting contracts for public works to the lowest
bidder, without preference for any nationality."
In due time the further details were arranged, and
representatives of thirteen governments, namely, of
Austria-Hungary, Belgium, France, Germany, Great Britain,
Italy, Morocco, the Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, Russia,
Sweden, and the United States, were assembled in Conference on
the 15th of January, 1906, not at Tangier, but at the Spanish
city of Algeciras, on the coast of the Straits of Gibraltar.
The United States were represented by the American Ambassador
to the French Republic, Henry White, and by the American
Minister to Morocco, S. R. Gummeré. The instructions addressed
to them from Washington by the Secretary of State, Mr. Root,
were partly in these words:
"The United States is a participant in the discussions of the
conference solely by reason of being a treaty power, having
conventional engagements with Morocco dating back to 1836, by
which this country not only enjoys special privileges, but is
entitled to the most-favored-nation treatment for the time
being. This government also shares in the right of protection
of certain native Moors as defined in the multipartite
convention of July 3, 1880. Our interest and right comprise
and are limited to an equal share in whatever privileges of
residence, trade, and protection are enjoyed by, or may be
hereafter conceded by, the Shereefian Government to aliens and
their local agencies, and it follows that we have a like
concern in the enlargement of those privileges in all
appropriate ways. With the special political problems of
influence and association affecting the relations of the
Moroccan Empire, as a Mediterranean state, to the powers
having interests in that great sea and whose concern lies
naturally in the conservation and extension of its commerce
for the common benefit of all, the United States have little
to do beyond expression of its wish that equality and
stability be secured. …
"It is expected that your attitude in the proceedings of the
conference will display the impartial benevolence which the
United States feels toward Morocco and the cordial and
unbiased friendship we have for all the treaty powers. Fair
play is what the United States asks—for Morocco and for all
the interested nations—and it confidently expects that
outcome. The complete dissociation of the United States from
all motives or influences which might tend to thwart a perfect
agreement of the powers should, in case of need, lend weight
to your impartial counsels in endeavoring to compose any
dissidence of aims which may possibly develop in the course of
the conference."
Algeciras, the chosen seat of the Conference, had been three
times a landing place of the Moors in their invasions of
Spain. "The modern town," says one who wrote an account of the
Conference, "dating only from 1760, has but one attraction, a
magnificent English hotel, built by the owners of the
picturesque railway which connects it with the rest of Europe,
and of the corresponding steamer service across the bay to
Gibraltar, placing it in touch with all the world. But this
attraction sufficed, and the Reina Cristina Hotel was engaged
for the delegates, while the town-hall was cleared and
refitted for their deliberations. …
"The meetings were held at irregular intervals, about three
times a week, being summoned whenever the President was
advised that sufficient instructions had been received, or
that the drafting committee had some document to present for
consideration. Formal sessions were held from ten to twelve in
the morning, the Conference meeting in committee from three to
five in the afternoon, the drafting and translating committees
assembling when and where convenient to their members."
_Budgett Meakin,
The Algeciras Conference
(Fortnightly Review, May, 1906)._
The General Act of the Conference, finished and signed on the
7th of April, 1906, is in 123 Articles, divided into 6
Chapters, as follows:
I. A Declaration relative to the Organization of the Police;
II. Regulations concerning the detection and suppression of
the Illicit Trade in Arms;
III. An Act of Concession for a Moorish State Bank;
IV. A Declaration concerning an Improved Yield of the Taxes,
and the creation of New Sources of Revenue;
V. Regulations respecting the Customs of the Empire and the
suppression of Fraud and Smuggling;
VI. A Declaration relative to the Public Services and Public
Works.
The first chapter provides for the organization of a police
force, not less than 2000 nor more than 2500 in number,
recruited from among Moorish Mussulmans and commanded by
Kaids, but having Spanish and French officers and
non-commissioned officers for instructors, nominated to the
Sultan by their respective Governments, and their services
given for five years.
{255}
This police force, moreover, is subject to general inspection
by a superior officer of the Swiss army. The regulations of
the second chapter are minute and precise for their stated
purpose. The Morocco State Bank, provided for in the third, is
made subject to the law of France, and is to "discharge the
duties of disbursing Treasurer of the Empire" and "financial
agent of the Government." The Directors of the Bank are
chosen, of course, by the shareholders; but one article
stipulates that "the Shereefian Government shall exercise its
high control over the Bank through a Moorish High
Commissioner, whom it shall appoint after previous agreement
with the board of directors," while another requires that
"each of the following institutions, viz., the German Imperial
Bank, the Bank of England, the Bank of Spain and the Bank of
France, shall, with the approval of its Government, appoint a
Censor to the State Bank of Morocco." The prescriptions in the
fourth and fifth chapters of the act are not of general
significance or interest. In the sixth, relating to "public
services and public works," it is set forth that, "should the
Shereefian Government consider it necessary to have recourse
to foreign capital or to foreign industries for the working of
public services or for the execution of public works, roads,
railways, ports, telegraphs, or other, the Signatory Powers
reserve to themselves the right to see that the control of the
State over such large undertakings of public interest remain
intact." On the signing of the Act Mr. Henry White, the chief
delegate from the United States to the Conference, made the
following Declaration on behalf of his Government:
"The Government of the United States of America, having no
political interests in Morocco, and having taken part in the
present Conference with no other desires or intentions than to
assist in assuring to all the nations in Morocco the most
complete equality in matters of commerce, treatment, and
privileges, and in facilitating the introduction into that
Empire of reforms which should bring about a general state of
well-being founded on the perfect cordiality of her foreign
relations, and on a stable internal administration, declares:
that in subscribing to the Regulations and Declarations of the
Conference by the act of signing the General Act, subject to
ratification according to constitutional procedure, and the
Additional Protocol, and in consenting to their application to
American citizens and interests in Morocco, it assumes no
obligation or responsibility as to the measures which may be
necessary for the enforcement of the said Regulations and
Declarations."
EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).
Convention between Great Britain and Russia, containing
arrangements on the subject of Persia, Afghanistan, and Tibet.
Parallel with the Agreements—the "_Entente Cordiale_"—of
1904 between England and France, in its purpose and in its
importance to Europe, was the Convention between England and
Russia in 1907, which harmonized the interests and the policy
of the two nations in matters relating to Persia, Afghanistan,
and Tibet. In each case the dictating motive looked not so
much to a settlement of the particular questions involved, as
to a general extinguishment of possible causes of contention
which might at some time disturb the peaceful or friendly
relations of the peoples concerned. Taken together, the two
formally expressed understandings, Anglo-French and
Anglo-Russian, added to the Franco-Russian Alliance of 1895
(see, in Volume VI. of this work, FRANCE: A. D. 1895)
constituted, not a new Triple Alliance, set over against that
of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy, but an amicable
conjunction which bore suggestions of alliance, and which
introduced a counterweight in European politics that makes
undoubtedly for peace.
The Anglo-Russian Convention, signed August 31, 1907,
contained three distinct "Arrangements," under a common
preamble, as follows:
"His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain
and Ireland and of the British Dominions beyond the Seas,
Emperor of India, and His Majesty the Emperor of All the
Russias, animated by the sincere desire to settle by mutual
agreement different questions concerning the interests of
their States on the Continent of Asia, have determined to
conclude Agreements destined to prevent all cause of
misunderstanding between Great Britain and Russia in regard to
the questions referred to, and have nominated for this purpose
their respective Plenipotentiaries. … Who, having communicated
to each other their full powers, found in good and due form, have
agreed on the following:
Arrangement concerning Persia.
"The Governments of Great Britain and Russia having mutually
engaged to respect the integrity and independence of Persia,
and sincerely desiring the preservation of order throughout
that country and its peaceful development, as well as the
permanent establishment of equal advantages for the trade and
industry of all other nations;
"Considering that each of them has, for geographical and
economic reasons, a special interest in the maintenance of
peace and order in certain provinces of Persia adjoining, or
in the neighbourhood of, the Russian frontier on the one hand,
and the frontiers of Afghanistan and Baluchistan on the other
hand; and being desirous of avoiding all cause of conflict
between their respective interests in the above-mentioned
Provinces of Persia;
"Have agreed on the following terms:
"I. Great Britain engages not to seek for herself, and not to
support in favour of British subjects, or in favour of the
subjects of third Powers, any Concessions of a political or
commercial nature—such as Concessions for railways, banks,
telegraphs, roads, transport, insurance, &c.—beyond a line
starting from Kasr-i-Shirin, passing through Isfahan, Yezd,
Kakhk and ending at a point on the Persian frontier at the
intersection of the Russian and Afghan frontiers, and not to
oppose, directly or indirectly, demands for similar
Concessions in this region which are supported by the Russian
Government. It is understood that the above-mentioned places
are included in the region in which Great Britain engages not
to seek the Concessions referred to.
"II. Russia, on her part, engages not to seek for herself, and
not to support in favour of Russian subjects, or in favour of
the subjects of third Powers, any Concessions of a political
or commercial nature—such as Concessions for railways, banks,
telegraphs, roads, transport, insurance, &c.—beyond a line
going from the Afghan frontier by way of Gazik, Birjand,
Kerman, and ending at Bunder Abbas, and not to oppose,
directly or indirectly, demands for similar Concessions in
this region which are supported by the British Government. It
is understood that the above-mentioned places are included in
the region in which Russia engages not to seek the Concessions
referred to.
{256}
"III. Russia, on her part, engages not to oppose, without
previous arrangement with Great Britain, the grant of any
Concessions whatever to British subjects in the regions of
Persia situated between the lines mentioned in Articles I and
II. Great Britain undertakes a similar engagement as regards
the grant of Concessions to Russian subjects in the same
regions of Persia. All Concessions existing at present in the
regions indicated in Articles I and II are maintained.
"IV. It is understood that the revenues of all the Persian
customs, with the exception of those of Farsistan and of the
Persian Gulf, revenues guaranteeing the amortization and the
interest of the loans concluded by the Government of the Shah
with the ‘Banque d’Escompte et des Prêts de Perse ’ up to the
date of the signature of the present Arrangement, shall be
devoted to the same purpose as in the past. It is equally
understood that the revenues of the Persian customs of
Farsistan and of the Persian Gulf, as well as those of the
fisheries on the Persian shore of the Caspian Sea and those of
the Posts and Telegraphs, shall be devoted, as in the past, to
the service of the loans concluded by the Government of the
Shah with the Imperial Bank of Persia up to the date of the
signature of the present Arrangement.
"V. In the event of irregularities occurring in the
amortization or the payment of the interest of the Persian
loans concluded with the ‘Banque d’Escompte et des Prêts de
Perse’ and with the Imperial Bank of Persia up to the date of
the signature of the present Arrangement, and in the event of
the necessity arising for Russia to establish control over the
sources of revenue guaranteeing the regular service of the
loans concluded with the first-named bank, and situated in the
region mentioned in Article II of the present Arrangement, or
for Great Britain to establish control over the sources of
revenue guaranteeing the regular service of the loans
concluded with the second-named bank, and situated in the
region mentioned in Article I of the present Arrangement, the
British and Russian Governments undertake to enter beforehand
into a friendly exchange of ideas with a view to determine, in
agreement with each other, the measures of control in question
and to avoid all interference which would not be in conformity
with the principles governing the present Arrangement.
Convention concerning Afghanistan.
"The High Contracting Parties, in order to ensure perfect
security on their respective frontiers in Central Asia and to
maintain in these regions a solid and lasting peace, have
concluded the following Convention:
"Article I.
His Britannic Majesty’s Government declare that they have no
intention of changing the political status of Afghanistan. His
Britannic Majesty’s Government further engage to exercise
their influence in Afghanistan only in a pacific sense, and
they will not themselves take, nor encourage Afghanistan to
take, any measures threatening Russia. The Russian Government,
on their part, declare that they recognize Afghanistan as
outside the sphere of Russian influence, and they engage that
all their political relations with Afghanistan shall be
conducted through the intermediary of His Britannic Majesty’s
Government; they further engage not to send any Agents into
Afghanistan.
"Article II.
The Government of His Britannic Majesty having declared in the
Treaty signed at Kabul on the 21st March, 1905, that they
recognize the Agreement and the engagements concluded with the
late Ameer Abdur Rahman, and that they have no intention of
interfering in the internal government of Afghan territory,
Great Britain engages neither to annex nor to occupy in
contravention of that Treaty any portion of Afghanistan or to
interfere in the internal administration of the country,
provided that the Ameer fulfils the engagements already
contracted by him towards His Britannic Majesty’s Government
under the above-mentioned Treaty.
"Article III.
The Russian and Afghan authorities, specially designated for
the purpose on the frontier or in the frontier provinces, may
establish direct relations with each other for the settlement
of local questions of a non-political character.
"Article IV.
His Britannic Majesty’s Government and the Russian Government
affirm their adherence to the principle of equality of
commercial opportunity in Afghanistan, and they agree that any
facilities which may have been, or shall be hereafter obtained
for British and British-Indian trade and traders, shall be
equally enjoyed by Russian trade and traders. Should the
progress of trade establish the necessity for Commercial
Agents, the two Governments will agree as to what measures
shall be taken, due regard, of course, being had to the
Ameer’s sovereign rights.
"Article V.
The present Arrangements will only come into force when His
Britannic Majesty’s Government shall have notified to the
Russian Government the consent of the Ameer to the terms
stipulated above.
Arrangement concerning Thibet.
"The Governments of Great Britain and Russia recognizing the
suzerain rights of China in Thibet, and considering the fact
that Great Britain, by reason of her geographical position,
has a special interest in the maintenance of the status quo in
the external relations of Thibet, have made the following
Arrangement:—
"Article I.
The two High Contracting Parties engage to respect the
territorial integrity of Thibet and to abstain from all
interference in its internal administration.
"Article II.
In conformity with the admitted principle of the suzerainty of
China over Thibet, Great Britain and Russia engage not to
enter into negotiations with Thibet except through the
intermediary of the Chinese Government. This engagement does
not exclude the direct relations between British Commercial
Agents and the Thibetan authorities provided for in Article V
of the Convention between Great Britain and Thibet of the 7th
September, 1904, and confirmed by the Convention between Great
Britain and China of the 27th April, 1906; nor does it modify
the engagements entered into by Great Britain and China in
Article I of the said Convention of 1906.
{257}
"It is clearly understood that Buddhists, subjects of Great
Britain or of Russia, may enter into direct relations on
strictly religious matters with the Dalai Lama and the other
representatives of Buddhism in Thibet; the Governments of
Great Britain and Russia engage, as far as they are concerned,
not to allow those relations to infringe the stipulations of
the present Arrangement.
"Article III.
The British and Russian Governments respectively engage not to
send Representatives to Lhassa.
"Article IV.
The two High Contracting Parties engage neither to seek nor to
obtain, whether for themselves or their subjects, any
Concessions for railways, roads, telegraphs, and mines, or
other rights in Thibet.
"Article V.
The two Governments agree that no part of the revenues of
Thibet, whether in kind or in cash, shall be pledged or
assigned to Great Britain or Russia or to any of their
subjects.
Annex to the Arrangement between Great Britain and Russia
concerning Thibet.
"Great Britain reaffirms the Declaration, signed by his
Excellency the Viceroy and Governor-General of India and
appended to the ratification of the Convention of the 7th
September, 1904, to the effect that the occupation of the
Chumbi Valley by British forces shall cease after the payment
of three annual instalments of the indemnity of 25,000,000
rupees, provided that the trade marts mentioned in Article II
of that Convention have been effectively opened for three
years, and that in the meantime the Thibetan authorities have
faithfully complied in all respects with the terms of the said
Convention of 1904. It is clearly understood that if the
occupation of the Chumbi Valley by the British forces has, for
any reason, not been terminated at the time anticipated in the
above Declaration, the British and Russian Governments will
enter upon a friendly exchange of views on this subject."
As an Inclosure with the Convention, Notes were exchanged by
the Plenipotentiaries, of which that from Mr. Nicolson was in
the following words, M. Iswolsky replying to the same effect.
"ST. PETERSBURG, AUGUST 18 (31), 1907.
"M. LE MINISTRE,
"With reference to the Arrangement regarding Thibet, signed
to-day, I have the honour to make the following Declaration to
your Excellency:
"'His Britannic Majesty’s Government think it desirable, so
far as they are concerned, not to allow, unless by a previous
agreement with the Russian Government, for a period of three
years from the date of the present communication, the entry
into Thibet of any scientific mission whatever, on condition
that a like assurance is given on the part of the Imperial
Russian Government.
"‘His Britannic Majesty’s Government propose, moreover, to
approach the Chinese Government with a view to induce them to
accept a similar obligation for a corresponding period; the
Russian Government will as a matter of course take similar
action.
"‘At the expiration of the term of three years above mentioned
His Britannic Majesty’s Government will, if necessary, consult
with the Russian government as to the desirability of any
ulterior measures with regard to scientific expeditions to
Thibet.’ I avail, &c.
(Signed) A. NICOLSON."
In authorizing Sir A. Nicolson to sign the preceding
Convention, Sir Edward Grey, the British Secretary for Foreign
Affairs, wrote, on the 29th of August, as follows:
"I have to-day authorized your Excellency by telegraph to sign
a Convention with the Russian Government containing
Arrangements on the subject of Persia, Afghanistan, and
Thibet.
"The Arrangement respecting Persia is limited to the regions
of that country touching the respective frontiers of Great
Britain and Russia in Asia, and the Persian Gulf is not part
of those regions, and is only partly in Persian territory. It
has not therefore been considered appropriate to introduce
into the Convention a positive declaration respecting special
interests possessed by Great Britain in the Gulf, the result
of British action in those waters for more than a hundred
years.
"His Majesty’s Government have reason to believe that this
question will not give rise to difficulties between the two
Governments, should developments arise which make further
discussion affecting British interests in the Gulf necessary.
For the Russian Government have in the course of the
negotiations leading up to the conclusion of this Arrangement
explicitly stated that they do not deny the special interests
of Great Britain in the Persian Gulf—a statement of which His
Majesty’s Government have formally taken note.
"In order to make it quite clear that the present Arrangement
is not intended to affect the position in the Gulf, and does
not imply any change of policy respecting it on the part of
Great Britain, His Majesty’s Government think it desirable to
draw attention to previous declarations of British policy, and
to reaffirm generally previous statements as to British
interests in the Persian Gulf and the importance of
maintaining them.
"His Majesty’s Government will continue to direct all their
efforts to the preservation of the _status quo_ in the
Gulf and the maintenance of British trade; in doing so, they
have no desire to exclude the legitimate trade of any other
Power."
_Parliamentary Papers by Command.
Russia. Number 1. 1907 (Cd. 3750)._
EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.
Treaties respecting the Independence and Territorial Integrity
of Norway, and concerning the Maintenance of the Status Quo
in the territories bordering upon the North Sea.
Two Treaties of great importance to the security of peace in
Europe, having for object a joint protection by several Powers
of existing conditions on the North Sea and the Baltic exit to
it, were concluded and signed on the 2d of November, 1907, and
the 23d of April, 1908, respectively. The parties to the first
of these Treaties were Great Britain, France, Germany, Norway,
and Russia, and its purpose was "to secure to Norway, within
her present frontiers and with her neutral zone, her
independence and territorial integrity, as also the benefits
of peace." It was signed at Christiania, where ratifications
were deposited on the 6th of February following: The following
is the text of the Treaty;
{258}
"Article I.
The Norwegian Government undertake not to cede any portion of
the territory of Norway to any Power to hold on a title
founded either on occupation, or on any other ground
whatsoever.
"Article II.
The German, French, British, and Russian Governments recognize
and undertake to respect the integrity of Norway. If the
integrity of Norway is threatened or impaired by any Power
whatsoever, the German, French, British, and Russian
Governments undertake, on the receipt of a previous
communication to this effect from the Norwegian Government, to
afford to that Government their support, by such means as may
be deemed the most appropriate, with a view to safeguarding
the integrity of Norway.
"Article III.
The present Treaty is concluded for a period of ten years from
the day of the exchange of ratifications. If the Treaty is not
denounced by any of the parties at least two years before the
expiration of the said period, it will remain in force, in the
same manner as before, for a further period of ten years and
so on accordingly.
"In the event of the Treaty being denounced by one of the
Powers who have participated with Norway in the conclusion of
the present Treaty, such denunciation shall have effect only
as far as that Power is concerned.
"Article IV.
The present Treaty shall be ratified and the ratifications
shall be exchanged at Christiania as soon as possible."
The second of the two Treaties was in two documents, styled
"Declaration and Memorandum between the United Kingdom,
Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, and Sweden,
concerning the maintenance of the _Status Quo_ in the
territories bordering upon the North Sea." They were signed at
Berlin, where ratifications were deposited on the 2d of July,
1908, and were in the following terms:
"Declaration.
The British, Danish, French, German, Netherland, and Swedish
Governments,
"Animated by the desire to strengthen the ties of neighbourly
friendship existing between their respective countries, and to
contribute thereby to the preservation of universal peace, and
recognizing that their policy with respect to the regions
bordering on the North Sea is directed to the maintenance of
the existing territorial _status quo_,
"Declare that they are firmly resolved to preserve intact, and
mutually to respect, the sovereign rights which their
countries at present enjoy over their respective territories
in those regions.
"Should any events occur which, in the opinion of any of the
above-mentioned Governments, threaten the existing territorial
_status quo_ in the regions bordering upon the North Sea,
the Powers Signatory of the present Declaration will
communicate with each other in order to concert, by an
agreement to be arrived at between them, such measures as they
may consider it useful to take in the interest of the
maintenance of the _status quo_ as regards their
possessions.
"The present Declaration shall be ratified with the least
possible delay. The ratifications shall be deposited at Berlin
as soon as may be, and, at the latest, on the 31st December,
1908. The deposit of each ratification shall be recorded in a
Protocol, of which a certified copy shall be forwarded through
the diplomatic channel to the Signatory Powers.
"Memorandum.
At the moment of signing the Declaration of this day’s date,
the Under signed, by order of their respective Governments,
consider it necessary to state—
"1. That the principle of the maintenance of the _status
quo_, as laid down by the said Declaration, applies solely
to the territorial integrity of all the existing possessions
of the High Contracting Parties in the regions bordering upon
the North Sea, and that consequently the Declaration can in no
case be invoked where the free exercise of the sovereign
rights of the High Contracting Parties over their
above-mentioned respective possessions is in question;
"2. That, for the purposes of the said Declaration, the North
Sea shall be considered to extend eastwards as far as its
junction with the waters of the Baltic."
_British Parliamentary Papers by Command,
Treaty Series No. 35, 1907, and 23, 1908
(Cd. 3754 and 4248)._
EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1909.
The Situation in Crete as controlled by the Four Protecting
Powers.
See (in this Volume)
CRETE: A. D. 1907-1909.
EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (October-March).
Declaration of Bulgarian Independence.
Austrian Annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Excitement of Servia.
The menace to European peace.
The question of a Conference.
Attitude of Germany.
Was Russia coerced to assent?
Violation of the Public Law of Europe.
On the 5th of October, 1908, the independence of Bulgaria as a
Kingdom was formally proclaimed, the suzerainty of the Sultan
of Turkey renounced, and Prince Ferdinand invested with the
title of Tzar, or King. This proceeding was consequent on the
revolution in Turkey, which had resurrected the suspended
Constitution of 1876, broken the despotism of the Sultanate
and subjected it to a Parliamentary system of government.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1908, JULY-DECEMBER.
Never having accepted the arrangements of 1878, made by the
Congress of Berlin, which gave them self-government but kept
them tributary and nominally subject to the over lordship of
the Sultan, the Bulgarians had but waited for the opportunity
which now seemed to invite this act.
See, in Volume V. of this work,
TURKS: A. D. 1878;
and in Volume I.,
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1878, and 1878-1886)
An immediate provocation to their declaration of independence
was supplied by a thoughtless offence to them given by the new
Ministry at Constantinople. To celebrate the triumph of the
revolution a state dinner was given, the Sultan presiding, and
all the diplomats at the Turkish capital were invited to it
excepting the representative of Bulgaria. When he asked for an
explanation of this exception he was told that he could not be
recognized as an ambassador or envoy, but only as the agent of
a subject province. This was enough to set Bulgaria aflame.
Her affronted Minister at Constantinople was withdrawn and
diplomatic intercourse with the Turkish Government dropped.
The breach was accentuated further by the recent occurrence of
a strike on the railway, owned by the Turkish Government,
which traverses both Turkish and Bulgarian territory. The
Bulgarians had taken possession of and were operating the
section within their own domain, and when the strike was
called off the Government announced its intention to retain
that portion of the line, with due compensation to the company
which leased it. This proceeding intensified and doubled the
ferments produced by the proclamation of independence.
Statesmen were disturbed by the violation of the Treaty of
Berlin and capitalists by the danger which menaced their
Turkish railway securities.
{259}
But this tells of only half the threatening incidents of the
time. Simultaneously with the Bulgarian defiance of the Treaty
of Berlin and its signatory sponsors, the Government of
Austria-Hungary broke away from its obligations, by a formal
announcement that the simple occupation and administration of
Bosnia, and Herzegovina, which that treaty had permitted the
Dual Empire to undertake, was now to be complete annexation,
by no other authority than the Imperial will to have it so.
Many interests and ambitions, many jealousies and distrusts
among the Powers, were disturbed and excited by this sudden
disordering of the political geography of Southeastern Europe.
Pan-Slavic feelings and hopes were profoundly antagonistic to
the Austrian absorption of more Slavic populations and lands.
Servia was alarmed to desperation by the aggrandizement of her
dangerous great neighbor, and Russia was more than sympathetic
with her alarm. What Turkey could or would do in vindication
of her treaty rights over Bulgaria, Bosnia, and Herzegovina,
was a question of little gravity compared with that which
asked what Servia might attempt in resistance to the Austrian
scheme, and what Russia would venture if an Austro-Servian war
should break out. The situation very soon became one in which
any act of hostility on any side could hardly fail to
precipitate a great tempest of war; and thus the peace of
Europe was held in a trembling balance for months. The state
of affairs was described clearly and with ample knowledge at
the time by Mr. Archibald R. Colquhoun, in a paper which he
read in London, at a meeting of the Royal Society of Arts.
"The more hot-headed Servians," he said, "undoubtedly felt
that their whole future was imperilled, and that they might as
well risk all on a desperate hazard, in the belief that
intervention would come to their assistance should their
independence be threatened. The close racial ties between the
Bosnians, Servians, and Montenegrins made it impossible to say
how far an armed movement might spread if it once broke out.
While Turkey and Bulgaria might come to terms, and while
Austria might effect an amicable arrangement with Turkey, it
was difficult to see how the question of the Southern Slavs
was to be finally adjusted unless Austria could placate them
in sections, and so perhaps divide them. Concessions of a
comparatively unimportant nature might induce Montenegro to
keep quiet, and a liberal policy, with a promise of autonomy
in the near future, would discount a good deal of the
agitation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The more far-sighted
Bosnians appreciated the fact that their shortest cut to
comparative freedom lay through that local autonomy which they
could legitimately demand from Austria. …
"The spectacle of these Southern Slave countries, whose
peoples exhibited so many splendid qualities, but yet did not
have that instinct for government which characterized some far
less gifted races, was rather a melancholy one. In the tangle
of mountains, races, and religions which made up the Balkans
the people needed peace above every other thing—a breathing
space in which to develop themselves and their resources, and
to get a truer perspective on their position in Europe. To the
Great Powers who controlled the destinies of these small ones
peace was no less essential, but it was not quite clear that
Austria-Hungary, with the great military power of Germany
behind her, realized this or was prepared to ‘seek peace and
ensue it.’ It was this uncertainty which made many await with
anxiety the melting of the Balkan snows, which put an end to
enforced inactivity in those regions."
Great Britain, France, Russia, and Italy were agreed in
desiring a Conference of the Powers which had been parties to
the Berlin Treaty of thirty years before, to adjudicate all
the questions raised by the acts of Austria and Bulgaria, in
contravention of that treaty. Austria was supported by Germany
in holding back from such a conference, and nothing definite
in that direction was done. Meantime Turkey was brought to
negotiations with both of the trespassers on her ancient
sovereignty, and within a few months she came to terms with
both. The arrangement with Austria, determining an indemnity
to be paid for the surrender of Turkish claims to Bosnia and
Herzegovina, was quickened by a boycott of Austrian
merchandise in Turkey, so extensive as to be felt very
seriously in Austrian and Hungarian trade. By the terms of a
protocol, which was signed on the 26th of February, 1909,
Austria-Hungary paid £T2,500,000 ($10,800,000) of indemnity to
the Ottoman Government; assured religious freedom and
political equality to Mussulman Bosniaks who should choose to
remain in the province, with liberty of emigration during
three years to all who might choose to depart, and promised a
commercial treaty on lines which the Turks desired. This
cleared the situation as between Austria and Turkey, but
intensified the Servian and Montenegrin bitterness of anger
and dread, which menaced the peace of the continent for
another month.
Meantime the terms of a Turkish adjustment with Bulgaria had
been practically settled, on the basis of a helpful suggestion
from St. Petersburg. Bulgaria offered $16,400,000 of
indemnity; Turkey claimed $24,000,000. The bargaining was at a
standstill until Russia offered to remit a yearly
war-indemnity of $1,600,000 which Russia owed her under the
Berlin Treaty, until the Turkish claim on Bulgaria should be
satisfied, while she would collect from Bulgaria in similar
instalments until the offer of the latter had been made good.
Inasmuch as the Turkish debt to Russia bore no interest, while
Bulgaria would pay interest on the deferred payments to
Russia, the Muscovite treasury would suffer no loss. The
matter was so arranged, and the interests of peace were served
by a most ingenious and happy device.
{260}
But peace was made more than insecure for some weeks yet by
the irreconcilability of Servia to the Austrian annexation of
Bosnia and Herzegovina. Of course that small State could not
hope to resist it successfully alone, or with Montenegrin aid;
but a desperate venture of war, into which Russia might be
dragged, and if Russia, then Germany,—and who could tell what
other powers!—and out of the wreckage of which something
better for Southeastern Europe than an Austro-Hungarian
domination might be drawn,—this appeal to the lottery of
battle seemed a dangerous temptation to the Servian mind. It
was extinguished as such in the end by the decision of Russia
to drop the project of a Conference of Powers, accept the
action of Austria, and recognize, unreservedly, on her own
part, the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina as an
accomplished fact. This was announced on the 15th of March,
and with the announcement came excited and exciting reports
that Germany had extorted the concession from the Russian
Government, by pressures that were humiliating, but which the
Empire, in its present circumstances, was powerless to resist.
Germany denied having exercised an illegitimate pressure in
the matter, but made no concealment of the fact that she stood
by Austria-Hungary with approval of what the Imperial
Government at Vienna had done. In a speech on the 29th of
March Chancellor Bülow was reported as saying:
"In her quarrel with Servia Austria indisputably had right on
her side. The annexation was no cynical act of robbery, but
the last step on the road of the political work of
civilization which had been followed for 30 years with the
recognition of the Powers. Any offence against the form of the
law had been disposed of by the negotiations with Turkey, and
after this agreement between the parties most nearly
interested the formal recognition of the other Powers
signatory of the Berlin Treaty could not be withheld. The
controllers of Russian policy, and especially the Emperor
Nicholas, had earned the gratitude of all friends of peace in
Europe. Concerning the Conference question, Germany still had
no objection in principle to a Conference in which all the
Powers took part and of which the programme was established in
advance. They had been charged with inactivity, but they had
no reason for special activity. They had done what they could
and used influence, not without success, between Vienna and
Constantinople, and also between Vienna and St. Petersburg.
They had, however, carefully observed the limits prescribed by
their interests and their loyalty. They had done nothing, and
they would do nothing, which could afford the smallest doubt
of their determination to sacrifice no vital interest of
Austria-Hungary, and they would have nothing to do with
suggestions to Austria which were incompatible with the
dignity of the Hapsburg Monarchy. They had experiences of
their own to inspire caution with regard to playing the part
of the broker, even in the most honourable way. … To sum up,
by loyalty to her ally Germany best secured her own interests
and contributed most to the maintenance of the peace of
Europe."
On the day of this speech at Berlin the London _Times_
expressed, in an editorial article, what was then and what
continues to be the prevailing belief and judgment of the best
informed political circles throughout Europe, when it said:
"The decision of the Russian Government to recognize the
annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina was, of course, an
admission of their inability, in present circumstances, to
countenance the aspirations of the Southern Slavs. The intense
and general indignation which it has excited in Russia is
natural, and indeed, in the known state of public feeling,
inevitable. We trust, however, that it may be kept within
bounds, and that it will not find expression in useless and
vehement invective. Those who are tempted to indulge in it
without restraint should reflect upon the difficulties which
confront the responsible rulers of the State, and should
consider whether, as Statesmen answerable for the future, as
well as for the immediate present, of the Empire and of the
Slav race, those rulers could wisely have rejected the
proposal peremptorily made to them by the German Ambassador.
The cardinal fact in the situation—the fact upon which
Austria-Hungary and Germany have based their calculations and
determined their action throughout—is that Russia could not
for some time to come engage in a great war without incurring
unjustified risks. Nothing, we may be sure, but the
overwhelming consciousness of this fact could have induced the
Emperor and his advisers to adopt the decision to which they
came a few days ago. They must have been well aware of the
painful effect which it was certain to produce, in the first
instance, abroad as well as at home. None can have realized
more acutely than they that the presentation of the demand was
humiliating, and that the circumstances attending it were
eminently calculated to make that humiliation bitter. But they
held, and rightly held, that it was their duty to accept
humiliation rather than to jeopardize the great permanent
interests which are committed to their keeping. They might,
indeed, have been somewhat less precipitate. They might
reasonably have asked for time for consulting the Powers with
whom they have acted, and who have consistently supported
them, upon the proposals which Germany sprang upon them. The
fact that they did not do so is a significant indication that
the pressure which Count Pourtalès was instructed to put upon
them must have been of the most imperious and dictatorial
kind.
"As to the precise form of the intimation conveyed to M.
Isvolsky by the German Ambassador no definite information is
yet forthcoming, but of its nature there can be no possible
doubt. Our Paris Correspondent learns that, immediately after
his interview with Count Pourtalès, the Russian Minister
summoned a Council, and, after a hasty audience with the Tsar,
communicated to the German Ambassador Russia’s acquiescence in
the demands of his Government. There was no alternative to
this course, as we are told from St. Petersburg, unless Russia
was prepared to face the consequences of the mobilization of
the German Army. The matter, our Correspondent adds, was
treated as of ‘supreme urgency,’ from which it may be inferred
that a reply was required without delay. The Council of
Ministers knew what ‘German mobilization’ in the circumstances
would mean."
{261}
In appearance, if not in reality, Germany or Germany’s Kaiser
had again, as in the Morocco affair of 1905, taken advantage
of the weakened circumstances of Russia to play a dictatorial
part in European politics. The distrust and apprehension kept
alive by such repeated performances of the military big stick
at Berlin seem infinitely more dangerous to Europe than any
possible explosion of the unstable compounds of race,
religion, and lawless politics that are mixed in the Balkan
magazine. For the time being, however, the sparks that
sputtered alarmingly in the latter, throughout the winter of
1908-1909, were easily extinguished by the sudden dash of cold
water upon them from St. Petersburg. Great Britain, France,
and Italy, accepting the situation, joined Germany and Russia
in persuading the Government at Belgrade to be equally
submissive to events. Their persuasions were effective, and a
note to the following purpose, which the Powers in question
had formulated, was signed by the Servian Ministry and
presented to the Government at Vienna on the 31st of March:
"(1.) Servia declares that her rights have not been violated
by the annexation by Austria-Hungary of Bosnia and
Herzegovina, and accepts the Powers’ decision to annul
paragraph 25 of the Treaty of Berlin.
(2.) Servia will not protest against the annexation of Bosnia
and Herzegovina.
(3.) Servia will maintain peaceful relations with
Austria-Hungary.
(4.) Servia will return her military forces to normal
conditions, and will discharge the reservists and volunteers;
she will not permit the formation of irregular troops or
bands."
The arbitrary annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina was now
legitimated; the Treaty of Berlin was revised by violations
condoned; a serious precedent had been injected into European
public law. What was said on the subject by the London
_Times_ on the morning after the delivery of the Servian
note is hardly open to the least dispute. "The danger of war,"
said the Times, "has thus, we may confidently hope, been
averted. But the sense of immediate relief with which this
deliverance may well be greeted cannot blind us to the cost at
which it has been achieved. The first great international
compact to which the new German Empire of the Hohenzollerns
subscribed within a few months of its proclamation at
Versailles was that which embodied the resolutions of the
London Conference of 1871. The European Powers, rightly
disputing Russia’s claim to denounce motu proprio the Black
Sea Clauses of the Treaty of Paris, maintained that no
revision of an international treaty could take place without
‘impartial examination’ and ‘free discussion.’ None upheld
that principle more stoutly than Austria-Hungary. Russia
herself finally accepted it, and it was solemnly placed on
record by Lord Granville in his opening speech as President of
the London Conference. It was embodied in a Protocol, signed
by all the Plenipotentiaries of the Powers, laying down as ‘an
essential principle of the law of nations that no Power can
repudiate treaty engagements or modify treaty provisions,
except with the consent of the contracting parties by mutual
agreement.’ That instrument has, until recently, governed the
public law of Europe. In conformity with its provisions,
Russia, after her war with Turkey in 1877-1878, was fain to
submit the Treaty of San Stefano to the Congress of Berlin;
and again in 1885 a Conference was held at Constantinople to
settle the question of the union of Eastern Rumelia with
Bulgaria which had been effected in violation of the Treaty of
Berlin. Five months ago, immediately after the annexation of
Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary and the proclamation
of Bulgarian independence, Great Britain, France, and Russia
were agreed, after M. Isvolsky’s conversations with M.
Clemenceau and Sir Edward Grey, that the same 'essential
principle of the law of nations’ was once more at stake and
must be upheld. Italy adhered subsequently to that agreement,
which took shape in the suggestion for a conference, and
neither Germany nor Austria-Hungary openly rejected it at the
time. …
"The terms of the submission now made by Servia at the
instance of the Powers show how far we have travelled away
from that ‘essential principle of the law of nations’ since
October last. … Whether the formal ratification of the
breaches of international law which were committed last autumn
takes place now at a Conference, or by an exchange of Notes,
is a matter of small moment. In substance the Powers have
already conveyed their acquiescence in the abrogation of
Article XXV. of the Berlin Treaty concerning Bosnia and
Herzegovina, without the slightest show even of that
‘impartial examination’ and ‘perfectly free discussion’ which
the London Conference of 1871 laid down as an essential
preliminary to the revision of treaty engagements."
There was an illuminating sequel to this transaction near the
end of the year, in the trial of a libel suit, known as the
Friedjung case, which uncovered many hidden circumstances of
the annexation. One of the arguments by which the annexation
of Bosnia-Herzegovina was defended at the time was the
necessity of putting an end to an alleged conspiracy of the
Southern Slavs against the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy.
See (in this Volume),
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.
"Agram Trials", page 40.)
At the trial it was proved that the "documents" which had been
accepted as proving the existence of this conspiracy were
forgeries of the clumsiest description.
EUROPE: A. D. 1909.
Changed conditions making for peace.
Three striking examples.
Speaking at Sheffield, England, on the occasion of "the
Cutlers’ Feast," October 21, Sir Edward Grey, the British
Secretary for Foreign Affairs, called to mind, in a few
admirable sentences, three illustrations in the past year of
wonderfully changed conditions in Europe, making for peace. He
said:
"In the world at large to-day—if I may say a few words about
the business of my own department—there is no doubt plenty of
trouble, as there always is, but if you take the true measure
of the situation by comparing it with what it was a short time
ago, the outlook is distinctly favourable. I will give you
three points which are, I think, subjects of congratulation.
"It is only a year ago to this very month that we were at the
beginning of what was called the Balkan crisis. I do not know
whether the Budget has driven all recollection of it from your
minds, but it did occupy a good deal of attention a year ago
and for some months afterwards. For a long time it had been
almost an axiom of the diplomacy of Europe that some day or
other there would be trouble in the Balkans, and that, when
that trouble came, there would be danger of a European war.
The trouble came a year ago; it caused anxiety; there was a
storm; and for some months some anxiety as to whether one or
other of the Great European Powers might not drift from their
moorings.
{262}
But the anchors held, and now the swell has subsided, and
though there may be trouble again in the future, the fact that
the Great Powers of Europe have passed through the Balkan
troubles of the last year and yet maintained their peace is a
good augury that in future troubles the same may be done.
"Then I will take the question of Persia. A few years ago, had
any one foretold exactly what has happened in Persia in the
last year—that there would be a revolution, that there would
be great outbreaks of disorder throughout the country, and
that the Shah would be deposed—he would certainly have said
that it would be a time of considerable anxiety both for
Russia and for ourselves. A few years ago the representatives
of those two countries were watching each other in Persia with
jealousy, suspicion, and distrust. Had what has happened in
Persia in the last year happened a few years ago when those
were the relations between the two countries, I do not say
that there would actually have been war, but there would
certainly have been considerable anxiety and considerable
scares in the public opinion of both countries as to the
effect upon their relations with each other. Now we have
passed through the troubles of the last year in Persia, and in
no section of the Press of either country, in no section of
public opinion of either country, has there been a fear that
relations between ourselves and Russia would be impaired by
what was happening in Persia.
"The third subject to which I would refer is that of Morocco.
Morocco is to-day very full of trouble, and the trouble is a
matter of concern and worry to those Powers who have
conterminous frontiers in Morocco. That of course is so, but
look back over the last few years and survey. The matter which
occupied men’s minds in regard to Morocco was not the troubles
in Morocco itself but the possible effect which events in
Morocco might have upon the relations of the European Powers
to each other. To-day the trouble continues in Morocco, but
during the last year the anxiety that what was happening in
Morocco might cause serious difficulties between European
Powers themselves has greatly diminished if it has not
entirely disappeared. That, again, is a satisfactory
retrospect."
EUROPE: A. D. 1909.
Contradictory feeling and action concerning War.
Its causes.
International Barbarism with Inter-personal Civilization.
The two main knots of difficulty in the situation.
Great Britain and Germany.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.
EUROPE: A. D. 1909.
Size and cost of its armies.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY.
----------EUROPE: End--------
EVANS, Rear-Admiral Robley D.:
Commanding the American Battleship Fleet.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.
EVICTED TENANTS ACT.
See (in this Volume)
IRELAND: A. D. 1907.
EXCLUSION OF ALIENS.
See (in this Volume)
IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION, AND RACE PROBLEMS.
EXPATRIATION:
Its Rights.
Principles maintained by the United States.
See (in this Volume)
NATURALIZATION.
EXPLORATION, Polar.
See (in this Volume)
POLAR EXPLORATION.
EXPOSITIONS, Industrial.
See (in this Volume)
BUFFALO; ST. LOUIS; CHARLESTON;
JAMESTOWN; PORTLAND, OREGON; SEATTLE.
EZCURRA, COLONEL:
Deposed President of Paraguay.
See (in this Volume)
PARAGUAY: A. D. 1904.
F.
FABIAN SOCIETY.
See (in this Volume)
SOCIALISM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
FAIRBANKS, Charles W.:
Elected Vice-President of the United States.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER).
FAKUMENN RAILWAY QUESTION, between Japan and China.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1905-1909.
FALLIÈRES, ARMAND:
President of the French Senate.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1903.
FALLIÈRES, ARMAND:
President of the French Republic.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1906.
FALL RIVER STRIKE, in the Cotton Mills.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1905.
FAMINES:
In China.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1906-1907.
FAMINES:
In India: The poverty they signify.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA; A. D. 1905-1908.
FAMINES:
In Russia.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.
FARADAY, MICHAEL:
His Prophetic Conception of Radiant Matter.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE, RECENT: RADIUM.
FARM COLONY, Cleveland, Ohio.
See (in this Volume)
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY, PROBLEMS OF.
FARMAN, Henri.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION: AERONAUTICS.
FARMERS’ ORGANIZATIONS.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909; and
LABOR REMUNERATION: COÖPERATIVE ORGANIZATION.
FEDAKIARANS, The.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).
FEDERAL PARTY.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901 and 1907.
FEHIM PASHA, THE FATE OF.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1908(JULY-DECEMBER), AND 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).
FEJERVARY MINISTRY.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.
FENGHUANGCHENG.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).
FENSHUILING.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), AND (JULY-SEPTEMBER).
FERRER, Professor Francisco:
His trial and execution.
See (in this Volume)
Spain: A. D. 1907-1909.
FERTILIZER TRUST:
Dissolution and indictment.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.
{263}
FETVA, of the Sheik-ul-Islam.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).
FIALA ARCTIC EXPLORATION.
See (in this Volume)
POLAR EXPLORATION.
FICHTE’S PROPHECY, of a World Commonwealth.
See (in this Volume)
WORLD MOVEMENTS.
FILIPINO CATHOLIC CHURCH, Independent.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902.
----------FINANCE AND TRADE: Start--------
FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.
A Review of the decade.
The Sequence of Phenomena from the beginning of "the great
Trade Boom" to the Collapse of 1907, and after.
The Process of Recovery.
On the 31st of December, 1908, the New York _Evening
Post_ gave an admirably studied and clear, though succinct,
review of the sequence of phenomena in financial and
commercial affairs that could be traced through "the series of
years since the great trade boom began which collapsed in
1907," and thence to the close of 1908. By permission of the
proprietors of the _Evening Post_ a considerable part of
that review is quoted here. While it relates more especially
to conditions and events in the United States, it affords
substantially a summary of the financial history of the world
from 1901 to 1908, both inclusive:
"1901.
This was preeminently the ‘boom year’—much more legitimately
so, as events have proved, than 1905 or 1906, when
overstrained capital resources gave an atmosphere of unreality
to what seemed altogether real in the days of abundant capital
in 1901. It is first to be said of 1901 that a probably
unexampled surplus of ready capital in the United States, and
a certainly unprecedented foreign credit balance—due to our
amazing surplus of exports over imports—happened to coincide
with a period of European trade reaction which released
foreign capital from foreign industries and left it free for
use in America. Presuming the foregoing influences, the six
main causes for the phenomena of 1901 were:
(1) The series of enormous company amalgamations, beginning
with the billion-dollar Steel incorporation, and culminating
in the purchase of the British steamship lines at wildly
extravagant prices; these operations being based on issues of
securities in unprecedented quantity;
(2) Formation of ‘underwriting syndicates’ to float these
securities, one of those syndicates receiving a bonus of
$50,000,000 for one year’s use of $25,000,000, and all of them
using freely for their purposes the surpluses of life
insurance companies and the deposits of trust companies;
(3) Acquisition of control of great railway companies by
powerful millionaires, through purchase of stock of these
railways in the open market, often at extravagant prices; the
purchase-money being obtained through issue of bonds by
railways already under control of the purchasers;
(4) Wild speculation by the public;
(5) Sudden fright of Europe at our excesses, withdrawal of its
capital, and consequent severe reaction in our markets;
(6) The failure of the corn crop, which in the summer applied
a further check to this speculation, but which was itself
offset by a wheat crop larger than any harvested in this
country before or since, and sold at the highest average price
since 1897.
"1902.
This year was one both of reaction and of further expansion;
it was both a legitimate sequel to 1901 and a legitimate
forerunner of 1903. …
"Its salient phenomena were these:
(1) Abundant harvests;
(2) Overstraining of bank resources by financial ‘deals’ and
Stock Exchange speculation, exhausting the bank surplus in
September;
(3) Enormous increase in imports and decrease in agricultural
exports, along with Europe’s withdrawal of its capital;
(4) Rapid advance in cost of raw material and labor;
(5) Struggle of capitalists to so entrench themselves in
control of corporate enterprises that they could not be
dislodged.
"1903.
The year which followed was an entirely logical sequel. Its
controlling factors were:
(1) Forced liquidation by individuals and syndicates who were
tied up in new securities at a time when the investing public
withdrew from the market;
(2) Inability of great corporations to sell bonds, and their
resort to notes at a high interest rate;
(3) Abundant grain crops, but an inadequate cotton crop, with
great speculation, and famine prices;
(4) Rapid fall in the price of steel and iron;
(5) Severe contraction in profits of industrial combinations,
with reduced dividends in some, reorganization of capital in
others, and bankruptcy in still others.
"1904.
For obvious reasons, 1904 is an interesting year to compare
with 1908. Both were in a sense 'after-panic years,’ though
the strain of 1903, and the resultant financial and commercial
reaction of 1904, were trifles compared with those of the past
two years. It will be seen that 1904, which did in fact usher
in another great boom in trade, paralleled closely in some
respects the history of 1908, but in others diverged very
widely from it. Its dominant influences were:
(1) A huge surplus reserve at the New York banks, reaching in
August a height only four times exceeded in the country’s
history, and as a result a 1 per cent. call money market
during two-thirds of the year;
(2) The largest gold export movement in the history of the
country;
(3) A midsummer recovery on the Stock Exchange, with large
investment buying;
(4) A Presidential campaign, which hardly affected business;
(5) Substantial, but not very rapid, trade revivals, without
any of the extravagant optimism of 1908;
(6) Famine prices for cotton during half the year, followed by
a new crop unparalleled in history, and by a heavy fall in
prices;
(7) Virtual disappearance of our export trade in wheat, with
the smallest harvest since 1900, the highest prices since
1898, and the smallest shipment to Europe since 1872. The
Russian war, which began in February, affected our markets
only indirectly.
{264}
" 1905.
This year’s history is better understood to-day than it has
been before. The testimony of the whole financial and
commercial world now is, that the exploiting of capital in
trade and speculation, which eventually brought about the
recent panic, and the abnormal enhancement of cost of living,
which lifted the average price of commodities as much in two
years as it had risen in the eight preceding years, began in
the middle of 1905. These were the salient incidents of the
financial year:
(1) Rapid and vigorous trade revival, with industry and
production probably more active than at any previous period,
and with profits and dividends enhanced;
(2) Exposure of the use of life insurance funds by promoting
and speculating millionaires, an exposure which ended in
legislation preventing such use of them in future
speculations;
(3) World-wide money stringency, with the New York bank
surplus twice exhausted, London’s bank position the weakest
since 1890, and Berlin’s the weakest since 1897;
(4) Excited stock speculation for the rise, in this country
and in Germany, which in New York almost wholly disregarded
the abnormal strain on money.
"1906.
Neither the $400,000,000 loss at San Francisco in April, nor
the Treasury’s efforts to relieve an overstrained New York
money market in September, was a fundamental cause for the
events of 1906. They were a true sequel to 1905, and may be
summarized as follows:
(1) Enormous Volume of trade, the whole world over, with rapid
rise in price of goods, but equally rapid rise in cost of raw
material and labor;
(2) Grain harvests, as a whole, never paralleled in Volume,
and wheat crop second only to 1901;
(3) Wild speculation by all classes of the community,
particularly in land, mining shares, and Stock Exchange
securities, but not as a rule in produce, the wealthiest
capitalists in the country entering into stock speculation in
the late summer, and using most unscrupulously their power
over company finance to help along their purposes;
(4) Overstrained bank resources as a result, with five
deficits at New York, occurring in spring, autumn, and winter,
two of these deficits being the largest since 1893;
(5) Abnormally high money rates all the year, with the highest
September rate for call loans ever reached in New York, and
the highest rate for time loans and merchants’ paper reached
at that time of year since 1872;
(6) Sudden decision by Europe that American credit was
unlimited, and the consequent placing of foreign capital
unrestrictedly at our disposal;
(7) Struggle between London and New York for possession of new
gold arriving in London, resulting in our import of
$40,000,000 gold from Europe in the spring, and $45,000,000 in
the autumn, and leading to a rise of the Bank of England rate
to 6 per cent. for the first time since the Boer war panic,
and to an energetic effort on the Bank’s part to stop the
wholesale equipping of the American speculation with London
bank money.
"1907.
The panic year’s story may be told without further
introduction, summing up thus its characteristic events:
(1) Withdrawal by Europe of the capital loaned to us in 1906,
leading, early in the year, to $32,000,000 gold exports to
Europe, of which $25,000,000 went to France:
(2) Partial withdrawal of their capital from Wall Street by
interior markets, which were said to have had $400,000,000
outstanding in New York during 1906;
(3) Distress of the immensely wealthy capitalists who had tied
themselves up in the Wall Street speculation of 1906, their
forced liquidation on an enormous scale, and consequent
demoralized Stock Exchange markets in March and August;
(4) Very abnormal crop weather throughout the spring and over
nearly all the world, with a resultant shortage of the whole
world’s wheat crop, the deficit of supplies below expected
requirements being probably the largest since 1890.
"(5) Revelation of unsound banking practices at New York in
October; leading to the failure of the Knickerbocker Trust, a
formidable run on the banks, adoption of Clearing House
certificates in all the larger cities and issue of emergency
credit currency in many; to restriction of cash payments to
depositors throughout the country, to a premium on currency,
to complete demoralization of interior exchange, and to
insolvency of several large industrial companies and numerous
banks—neither, however, reaching the number which shortly
followed the panic of 1893;
(6) Import of $100,000,000 gold from Europe during November
and December, most of it bought at a premium and some of it
engaged with sight sterling at 4.91;
(7) As a result, large inroads on the Bank of England’s gold
reserve, rise in the bank rate from 4½ to 7 per cent., rapid
advance of all continental bank rates, and loan of large sums
of gold by the Bank of France to the Bank of England.
"(8) Precarious position of financial Germany throughout the
year, important failures at Hamburg, minor financial panics in
Holland, Egypt, Italy, and Chili, many of them before our own;
(9) Intervention of our Treasury, which wisely placed all its
surplus on deposit with the banks in October, and most
unwisely undertook to issue $150,000,000 bonds and notes in
November to provide basis for new bank-note circulation;
(10) Recovery in markets late in November, with slow return of
the bank situation to normal, the currency premium at New York
lasting longer than in either 1893 or 1873;
(11) Discharge of laborers from employment all over the
country, and the beginning of severe trade reaction—all this
in spite of the largest annual gold output in the history of
the world.
"1908.
Now comes the present remarkable after-panic year, of which
the salient phenomena may be thus summed up:
(1) Spasmodic and irregular recovery in trade activity,
starting from a very low level, with merchants rushing in
suddenly with orders—in February, in July, and in
November—when their shelves were almost depleted, these buying
impulses ceasing as suddenly as they had begun, leaving trade
stagnation again;
(2) Slow increase in consumption of merchandise, here and
abroad, the ratio being below 30 per cent. of normal at the
beginning of the year, and 60 to 75 per cent. on the average
at its close;
(3) Sudden shrinkage of our international commerce,
merchandise trade in eleven months falling $478,000,000 from
1907, a decline of 15 per cent., of which $326,000,000 was
imports and $152,000,000 exports, experience of European
nations being similar;
(4) Enormous increase in the unemployed, leading, at the
Atlantic ports, to an emigration 250,000 larger than
immigration;
(5) Severe contraction of railway earnings, resulting in
twenty-four railway insolvencies, involving the largest
capital of any receiverships since those of 1893, and causing
many dividend reductions, but followed, after the middle of
the year, by such enormous reduction in expenses that, in some
cases, autumn net earnings actually increased over 1907;
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"(6) Sudden rush of currency into the banks, as a result,
first of removal of restrictions on depositors and next of
idle trade, with resultant change from a $20,000,000 New York
bank deficit at the end of 1907 to a surplus of $40,000,000 at
the end of January and of $66,000,000 on June 27—the latter
being second only to the $111,000,000 maximum of 1894;
(7) As a consequence, abnormally low rates for money, call
loans going at 2 per cent. before the end of January, at 1 per
cent. in eighteen weeks of the present year, and at less than
1 per cent. in three weeks;
(8) Export of $73,000,000 gold, the largest (except for 1904)
since 1895, and net export of $45,000,000, the largest in
thirteen years;
"(9) In spite of the above recited facts, a constant spirit of
optimism throughout the year, expressing itself, first in the
organization of ‘Prosperity Leagues’ which held conventions
and proclaimed that if people would only decide to be
prosperous, they would be prosperous, and second by a series
of extravagant speculative movements on the Stock Exchange, in
the course of which it was declared in February, in July, and
in November, that we were not only destined to get back into
the boom of 1906, but that we were there already;
(10) A wheat harvest which in midsummer promised to be the
second largest on record, but which turned out only of average
Volume, the quality and price for this and other cereals,
however, being so good as to enhance very greatly the wealth
of the agricultural West;
(11) A Presidential election, the result of which the markets
and all experienced people foresaw from the beginning, but of
which it was alleged, for two weeks in November, that its
outcome had totally changed for the better the entire aspect
of American business affairs."
1909.
The following, from the New York _Evening Post_ of
December 31, 1909, continues the review:
The noteworthy characteristics of "the year which ends to-day,
… so far as they can now be discerned, have been as follows:
(1) Rapid industrial recovery, beginning with the steel
trade’s reduction of prices, leading in September to the
largest monthly output of iron and steel in the history of the
country, and to heavy demand from consumers, but contrasting
singularly with the copper market, where signs of
overproduction were visible throughout the year;
(2) Very rapid increase in cost of necessaries of life,
affecting chiefly food, clothing, and rent, leading in the
autumn to bitter complaint and to numerous strikes for higher
wages, notably on the railways;
(3) Along with reviving trade, a speculation of great
magnitude on the Stock Exchange, ascribed to the initiative of
very powerful finance houses, and converging in a most
peculiar way on United States Steel common shares, whose
dividend was twice advanced, notwithstanding the fact that
quarterly earnings had not recovered to the magnitude of 1906
or 1907, when the dividend had been maintained at the old
rate;
(4) Largely as a result of the tying-up of capital in this
speculation, severe autumn strain on bank reserves, turning a
New York surplus of $34,000,000 on July 10 into one of only
$1,600,000 on October 2, driving Wall Street to probably
unprecedented borrowings from interior banks and from London,
which latter market, under the influence of the Bank of
England, threw back great amounts of these New York loans
during October;
"(5) Call money rates kept down by such expedients, 6 per
cent. being the maximum up to the two closing days of
December;
(6) a wheat corner in June, in the course of which the New
York cash price rose to $1.51 in June, the highest price since
the Leiter corner of 1898, followed by a new wheat crop
unsurpassed in magnitude except for 1901, yet with high prices
continued in later autumn, despite an abundant crop in Europe
also;
(7) A very short crop of cotton, driving the price from 9½
cents a pound, early in the year, to 16 cents in December, the
latter being the highest December price since paper inflation
days, and less than one cent below the highest price in the
corner of 1904;
(8) Import of foreign merchandise wholly unparalleled for
magnitude in our history, causing, in June, July, and August,
an excess of imports over exports for the first time since
1897, and resulting, in the eleven first months of the year,
in a total excess of exports over imports $340,000,000 less
than in 1908, and very much the smallest of any year since
1897;
(9) As a partial consequence, the largest export of gold of
any year in the country’s history, and the largest net export
except for 1894 and the paper money days.
"The prolonged tariff debate in Congress, which high financial
authority declared would hold back financial activity, but
which gave no evidence of doing so, can hardly be classed as a
fundamental influence of the year. Whether Mr. Harriman’s
death in September, with the resultant realignment of forces
in high finance, deserves to be so classed, is a question
which can hardly be passed upon as yet."
FINANCE AND TRADE:
America: Proposal of an International American Bank.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
FINANCE AND TRADE: Asia; A. D. 1909.
Disturbance of Trade by the Fall in Silver Exchange.
The following is a Press telegram from Ottawa, Canada,
June 23, 1909:
"The serious check to American exports to the Orient resulting
from the great fall in the silver exchanges last year is
attracting increasing attention on the Pacific Coast. A League
which describes itself as the Fair Exchange league has been
organized in Ottawa to keep the issues before the Dominion
parliament. It advocates the adoption of the Goschen plan of
1891 jointly by the British empire and the United States with
open mints in India as before 1893. The new movement has
secured a qualified endorsement from J. J. Hill of the Great
Northern railway. Mr. Hill says: ‘We must await the proposals
of the monetary commission at Washington. The silver problem
is full of difficulties. I wish it were possible to ignore it.
But our consuls in Asia warn us that at the present rate of
silver exchange Asia has ceased to import our wheat or flour
or lumber; that the Shanghai merchants who eighteen months
since bought the sovereign or five gold dollars with five
taels, must now pay near eight taels; the result is disaster;
he no longer buys.’"
FINANCE AND TRADE: British Empire: A. D. 1909.
Imperial Congress of Chambers of Commerce.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER).
FINANCE AND TRADE: England: A. D. 1909.
The Budget of Mr. Lloyd-George.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).
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FINANCE AND TRADE: Germany: A. D. 1901-1902.
Industrial Crisis and Period of Depression.
The extraordinary industrial development of Germany between
1895 and 1900 had its usual sequel in a sudden collapse,
followed by a period of depression and slow return to
productive activity. According to Dr. Braun, writing in the
_Yale Review_ of May, 1902, "the cause of the crisis lay
undoubtedly in extreme overproduction, which had continued for
a long time without its significance having been discovered by
any one. Enormous quantities of commodities had been
accumulated, numberless new industrial undertakings had come
into being, or were about to be started, and every one was
counting on further development of production by leaps and
bounds. But a feeling of uncertainty, which should pass into a
crisis, was bound to arise the moment certain unhealthy
conditions of German economic life, which had been covered up
during the period of prosperity, made their appearance.
"The conditions which did arouse this widespread feeling in
German capitalistic circles lay far from the industrial market
itself. Great losses suddenly appeared in the field of
mortgage investments, whose securities had been accepted by
the public as, next to government bonds, the safest form of
investment, and the freest from speculation. These
developments caused a panic among the investing public. This
feeling of panic began, according to my view, at the time when
the authorities found themselves forced to arrest two
directors of the Pomeranian Mortgage Bank (Pommersche
Hypothekenbank), who occupied the highest social position. …
The extraordinary result of the action of the authorities
against the leaders of certain mortgage banks is explained
only by the facts that at the end of 1900, six and two-third
billion marks of mortgage debentures were in circulation, and
that within ten years the amount invested in such debentures
had increased by three billion marks. The great majority of
the small and middle-class capitalists, who wished to invest
their money in safe securities, had put it into mortgage
debentures of this kind. The greatest confidence had been
placed in them, and now, for the first time, the eyes of the
public were open to the fact that great losses could also
ensue from such investments. The five principal offending
banks had at the end of 1900, 692,670,950 marks of mortgage
debentures in circulation. Every one had invested in these,
from the smallest capitalist to the German Empress. The public
and pretentious piety of the directors of the Prussian
Mortgage Stock Bank, who were later placed under arrest, had
induced even church-building associations to place their money
in these debentures."
"Then came the failure of the Dresdener Kreditanstalt, which,
with a capital of 20,000,000 marks, had loaned a single
industrial company, the Dresden Electrical Company, 9,000,000
marks; and this failure was followed by that of the famous
Leipsic Bank, which had loaned 84,000,000 marks to a concern
which had used up its own capital, and was paying fraudulent
dividends of 50 per cent. These two failures frightened the
public into a general withdrawal of deposits from banks of
every class."
FINANCE AND TRADE: Japan: A. D. 1909.
State of the War Debt and its Payment.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).
FINANCE AND TRADE: Mexico: A. D. 1905.
Currency Reform.
Cessation of Free Coinage of Silver.
See (in this Volume)
MEXICO: A. D. 1904-1905.
FINANCE AND TRADE: United States: A. D. 1908.
The Emergency Currency Act.
What is known as the Emergency Currency Act was passed by
Congress in May, 1908, and received the approval of the
President on the 30th of that month. It is a temporary
measure, for exigencies that may repeat the monetary
experience of 1907 before an adequate reform of the banking
and currency system of the country is effected, and will
expire by limitation on the 30th of June, 1914. It does not
disturb the present National bank note currency of the
country, based on Government bonds, but provides a means by
which an additional Volume, amounting to a total of
$500,000,000, if necessary, may be issued by the National
banks in case of a currency stringency.
There are two ways in which emergency circulation may be
issued. A bank may make an application through the Currency
Association of which it is a member, or, where State and
municipal bonds are offered as security, the application may
be made directly. A Currency Association may be formed by ten
or more banks having an aggregate capital and surplus of at
least $5,000,000. Only one may be formed in any city, and no
bank may belong to more than one. It must be formed by banks
located in territory as contiguous as convenient.
All applications for emergency currency are to be passed upon
by the Secretary of the Treasury after recommendation by the
Comptroller of the Currency. The Secretary will also determine
whether business conditions in the locality warrant the
issuance of such circulation. The distribution of the notes is
likewise left to him. Where application is made through an
Association, the securities are deposited with it; where a
direct application is made, they are deposited with the
Treasurer or any Assistant Treasurer of the United States. All
the members composing an Association are jointly and severally
liable to the United States for the redemption of all
emergency circulation taken out by its members.
FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1908.
Banking and Currency Questions in the Party Platforms.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).
FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1909.
The "Wall Street Investigation."
Report on the Operations of the Stock Exchange and other
Exchanges of New York City.
In December, 1908, a Special Committee of nine experienced
gentlemen, having Mr. Horace White for its chairman, was
appointed by Governor Hughes, of the State of New York, to
investigate and report "what changes, if any, are advisable in
the laws of the State bearing upon speculation in securities
and commodities, or relating to the protection of investors,
or with regard to the instrumentalities and organizations used
in dealings in securities and commodities which are the
subject of speculation." On the 7th of the following June the
Committee submitted to the Governor an extended report,
describing and discussing the organizations, the
instrumentalities and the methods employed in the dealings
with which their inquiry had to do. The following excerpts
from this important report (known commonly as the "report on
Wall Street") may suffice, perhaps, to convey the main matters
of information afforded by it and the more valuable
conclusions at which the Committee arrived:
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"In law, speculation becomes gambling when the trading which
it involves does not lead, and is not intended to lead, to the
actual passing from hand to hand of the property that is dealt
in. … The rules of all the exchanges forbid gambling as
defined by this opinion [of the New York Court of Appeals,
case of Hurd vs. Taylor, 181 New York 231; but they make so
easy a technical delivery of the property contracted for, that
the practical effect of much speculation, in point of form
legitimate, is not greatly different from that of gambling.
Contracts to buy may be privately offset by contracts to sell.
The offsetting may be done, in a systematic way, by clearing
houses, or by ‘ring settlements.’ Where deliveries are
actually made, property may be temporarily borrowed for the
purpose. In these ways, speculation which has the legal traits
of legitimate dealing may go on almost as freely as mere
wagering, and may have most of the pecuniary and immoral
effects of gambling on a large scale.
"A real distinction exists between speculation which is
carried on by persons of means and experience, and based on an
intelligent forecast, and that which is carried on by persons
without these qualifications. The former is closely connected
with regular business. While not unaccompanied by waste and
loss, this speculation accomplishes an amount of good which
offsets much of its cost. The latter does but a small amount
of good and an almost incalculable amount of evil. In its
nature it is in the same class with gambling upon the
race-track or at the roulette table, but is practised on a
vastly larger scale. Its ramifications extend to all parts of
the country. It involves a practical certainty of loss to
those who engage in it.
"The problem, wherever speculation is strongly rooted, is to
eliminate that which is wasteful and morally destructive,
while retaining and allowing free play to that which is
beneficial. The difficulty in the solution of the problem lies
in the practical impossibility of distinguishing what is
virtually gambling from legitimate speculation. The most
fruitful policy will be found in measures which will lessen
speculation by persons not qualified to engage in it. In
carrying out such a policy exchanges can accomplish more than
legislatures. …
"The New York Stock Exchange is a voluntary association,
limited to 1,100 members, of whom about 700 are active, some
of them residents of other cities. Memberships are sold for
about $80,000. The Exchange as such does no business, merely
providing facilities to members and regulating their conduct.
The governing power is in an elected committee of forty
members and is plenary in scope. The business transacted on
the floor is the purchase and sale of stocks and bonds of
corporations and governments. Practically all transactions
must be completed by delivery and payment on the following
day. The mechanism of the Exchange, provided by its
constitution and rules, is the evolution of more than a
century. …
"The Volume of transactions indicates that the Exchange is
to-day probably the most important financial institution in
the world. In the past decade the average annual sales of
shares have been 196,500,000 at prices involving an annual
average turnover of nearly $15,500,000,000; bond transactions
averaged about $800,000,000. This enormous business affects
the financial and credit interests of the country in so large
a measure that its proper regulation is a matter of
transcendent importance. While radical changes in the
mechanism, which is now so nicely adjusted that the
transactions are carried on with the minimum of friction,
might prove disastrous to the whole country, nevertheless
measures should be adopted to correct existing abuses.
"It is unquestionable that only a small part of the
transactions upon the Exchange is of an investment character;
a substantial part may be characterized as virtually gambling.
Yet we are unable to see how the State could distinguish by
law between proper and improper transactions, since the forms
and the mechanisms used are identical. Rigid statutes directed
against the latter would seriously interfere with the former.
The experience of Germany with similar legislation is
illuminating.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1908.
But the Exchange, with the plenary power over members and
their operations, could provide correctives, as we shall show.
"Purchasing securities on margin is as legitimate a
transaction as a purchase of any other property in which part
payment is deferred. We therefore see no reason whatsoever for
recommending the radical change suggested, that margin trading be
prohibited. … In so far as losses are due to insufficient
margins, they would be materially reduced if the customary
percentage of margins were increased. The amount of margin
which a broker requires from a speculative buyer of stocks
depends, in each case, on the credit of the buyer; and the
amount of credit which one person may extend to another is a
dangerous subject on which to legislate. Upon the other hand,
a rule made by the Exchange could safely deal with the
prevalent rate of margins required from customers. In
preference, therefore, to recommending legislation, we urge
upon all brokers to discourage speculation upon small margins
and upon the Exchange to use its influence, and, if necessary,
its power, to prevent members from soliciting and generally
accepting business on a less margin than 20 per cent.
"‘Pyramiding,’ which is the use of paper profits in stock
transactions as a margin for further commitments, should be
discouraged. The practice tends to produce more extreme
fluctuations and more rapid wiping out of margins. If the
stock brokers and the banks would make it a rule to value
securities for the purpose of margin or collateral, not at the
current price of the moment, but at the average price of, say,
the previous two or three months (provided that such average
price were not higher than the price of the moment), the
dangers of pyramiding would be largely prevented.
"We have been strongly urged to advise the prohibition or
limitation of short sales, not only on the theory that it is
wrong to agree to sell what one does not possess, but that
such sales reduce the market price of the securities involved.
{268}
We do not think that it is wrong to agree to sell something
that one does not now possess, but expects to obtain later.
Contracts and agreements to sell, and deliver in the future,
property which one does not possess at the time of the
contract, are common in all kinds of business. The man who has
‘sold short’ must some day buy in order to return the stock
which he has borrowed to make the short sale. Short-sellers
endeavor to select times when prices seem high in order to
sell, and times when prices seem low in order to buy, their
action in both cases serving to lessen advances and diminish
declines of price. In other words, short-selling tends to
produce steadiness in prices, which is an advantage to the
community. No other means of restraining unwarranted marking
up and down of prices has been suggested to us. …
"A subject to which we have devoted much time and thought is
that of the manipulation of prices by large interests. This
falls into two general classes:
(1.) That which is resorted to for the purpose of making a
market for issues of new securities.
(2.) That which is designed to serve merely speculative
purposes in the endeavor to make a profit as the result of
fluctuations which have been planned in advance.
The first kind of manipulation has certain advantages, and
when not accompanied by ‘matched orders' is unobjectionable
_per se_. …
"The second kind of manipulation mentioned is undoubtedly open
to serious criticism. It has for its object either the
creation of high prices for particular stocks, in order to
draw in the public as buyers and to unload upon them the
holdings of the operators, or to depress the prices and induce
the public to sell. There have been instances of gross and
unjustifiable manipulation of securities, as in the case of
American Ice stock. While we have been unable to discover any
complete remedy short of abolishing the Stock Exchange itself,
we are convinced that the Exchange can prevent the worst forms
of this evil by exercising its influence and authority over
the members to prevent them. When continued manipulation
exists it is patent to experienced observers.
"In the foregoing discussion we have confined ourselves to
_bona-fide_ sales. So far as manipulation of either class
is based upon fictitious or so-called ‘wash sales’ it is open
to the severest condemnation, and should be prevented by all
possible means. These fictitious sales are forbidden by the
rules of all the regular exchanges, and are not enforceable at
law. They are less frequent than many persons suppose. … There
is, however, another class of transactions called ‘matched
orders,’ which differ materially from those already mentioned,
in that they are actual and enforceable contracts. We refer to
that class of transactions, engineered by some manipulator,
who sends a number of orders simultaneously to different
brokers, some to buy and some to sell. These brokers, without
knowing that other brokers have countervailing orders from the
same principal, execute their orders upon the floor of the
Exchange, and the transactions become binding contracts; they
cause an appearance of activity in a certain security which is
unreal. Since they are legal and binding, we find a difficulty
in suggesting a legislative remedy. But where the activities
of two or more brokers in a certain securities become so
extreme as to indicate manipulation rather than genuine
transactions, the officers of the Exchange would be remiss
unless they exercised their influence and authority upon such
members. …
"The subject of corners in the stock market has engaged our
attention. The Stock Exchange might properly adopt a rule
providing that the governors shall have power to decide when a
corner exists and to fix a settlement price, so as to relieve
innocent persons from the injury or ruin which may result
therefrom. The mere existence of such a rule would tend to
prevent corners."
Speaking in a general way, it may be said that the Committee
holds the directorate of the Stock Exchange responsible for
evils connected with the operations that are centralized by
it. "It has almost unlimited power over the conduct of its
members," says the report, "and it can subject them to instant
discipline for wrongdoing." As a voluntary organization it is
more free in the exercise of this power than it would be if
incorporated and brought under the authority and supervision
of the State and the process of the courts. Hence the
Committee refrains from advising the incorporation of the
Exchange; but it does so only on the assumption that it "will
in the future take full advantage of the powers conferred upon
it by its voluntary organization." In the past it has failed
to do so.
At the same time, the Committee corrects an erroneous public
notion that Wall Street and the Stock Exchange are one and the
same thing. "An investigation was made of the transactions on
the Exchange for a given day, when the sales were 1,500,000
shares. The returns showed that on that day 52 per cent. of
the total transactions on the Exchange apparently originated
in New York city, and 48 per cent. in other localities."
The operations of the various other trading exchanges in New
York,—the Consolidated Stock Exchange, "the Curb," so called,
and the several "commodity exchanges," where dealings in
produce, cotton, coffee, etc., are centered,—are discussed in
the report, with disapproval of some. The abuses which find
their opportunity in the unorganized Curb market,—carried on
within a roped-off section of Broad Street,—are set forth with
distinctness, and are traced clearly to the tolerance and
encouragement afforded to them by the Stock Exchange. "About
85 per cent, of the business of the Curb," says the report,
"comes through the offices of members of the New York Stock
Exchange, but a provision of the constitution of that Exchange
prohibits its members from becoming members of, or dealing on,
any other _organized_ Stock Exchange in New York.
Accordingly, operators on the curb market have not attempted
to form an organization. The attitude of the Stock Exchange is
therefore largely responsible for the existence of such abuses
as result from the want of organization of the curb market.
The brokers dealing on the latter do not wish to lose their
best customers, and hence they submit to these irregularities
and inconveniences. Some of the members of the Exchange
dealing on the curb have apparently been satisfied with the
prevailing conditions, and in their own selfish interests have
maintained an attitude of indifference toward abuses. We are
informed that some of the most flagrant cases of discreditable
enterprises finding dealings on the curb were promoted by
members of the New York Stock Exchange. The present apparent
attitude of the Exchange toward the curb seems to us clearly
inconsistent with its moral obligations to the community at
large."
{269}
On the much debated question, whether dealing in
"futures,"—the selling of agricultural products for future
delivery,—should be prohibited or otherwise interfered with,
the report of the Committee is strongly in favor of letting it
alone. It says, "The subject was exhaustively considered by
the Industrial Commission of Congress which in 1901 made an
elaborate report (Volume VI.), showing that selling for future
delivery, based upon a forecast of future conditions of supply
and demand, is an indispensable part of the world’s commercial
machinery, by which prices are, as far as possible, equalized
throughout the year to the advantage of both producer and
consumer. The subject is also treated with clearness and
impartiality in the Cyclopedia of American Agriculture, in an
article on ‘Speculation and Farm Prices’; where it is shown
that since the yearly supply of wheat, for example, matures
within a comparatively short period of time, somebody must
handle and store the great bulk of it during the interval
between production and consumption. Otherwise the price will
be unduly depressed at the end of one harvest and
correspondingly advanced before the beginning of another.
Buying for future delivery causes advances in prices; selling
short tends to restrain inordinate advances. In each case
there must be a buyer and a seller, and the interaction of
their trading steadies prices. Speculation thus brings into
the market a distinct class of people possessing capital and
special training who assume the risks of holding and
distributing the proceeds of the crops from one season to
another with the minimum of cost to producer and consumer."
FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1909-1910.
The "Central Bank" Question.
In Boston, at the outset of President Taft's tour of the
country in the fall of 1909, he made a speech on financial
subjects which touched the old question of the need in the
country of a Central Bank of Issue, as an instrument for the
automatic or natural regulation of its currency, in quantity
and distribution. This gave the opening to a revival of
discussions which have been seldom heard since Jackson’s time.
A clear, succinct statement of the banking conditions which
have revived this question, with explanations of what it
involves, appears in the following, borrowed from a monthly
financial letter sent out in November by the National City
Bank of Chicago:
"The creation of a Central Bank of Issue as a cure for the
defects of our financial system is of such importance that a
brief review of the proposition may be of interest to our
clients:
"The business of banking is probably as sound in this country
as in any other. Our individual banks are, as a rule,
prudently, honestly and capably managed. During normal times
they deserve and enjoy the confidence of the public which they
efficiently serve. Yet only two years ago they practically
suspended because the system—that is the relation of one bank
to all the others—had collapsed. This occurred while there was
more gold in the country than existed in several of the other
leading commercial nations combined, and while nearly all of
the twenty or more thousand banks in the United States were
sound, solvent, and in normal condition. With over
$900,000,000 of gold in the United States Treasury, and
several hundred millions more in the country, we imported at
great cost about $100,000,000 chiefly from the coffers of the
Bank of England, which itself only held $105,000,000.
"The loss on investments and to general business by such a
panic as that of 1907 is beyond computation. When we consider
that we have had several such panics within the memory of
living men, and that other and poorer countries possess the
means of avoiding such conditions, we naturally ask what is
wrong or lacking in our financial system as compared to
theirs?
"In times of trouble our reserves scatter. Theirs are massed.
Our currency is rigid and cannot be quickly expanded to meet
an emergency. Their currency is capable of instantaneous
expansion. Our chief gold reserves are in the United States
Treasury unavailable as a basis for such expansion. Their
reserves are in great central banks—immediately available for
currency expansion. Besides, under our national banking
system, a bank in a non-reserve city with deposits of, say
$1,000,000, keeps six per cent, or $60,000 in its own vault,
and nine per cent, or $90,000, to its credit with a reserve
city bank. In the reserve city bank, however, the $90,000 is
merely a deposit against which it keeps an actual reserve of
about $20,000. When trouble comes, therefore, and the bank in
the non-reserve city decides to increase its cash reserves
from six to eight per cent it calls upon its reserve agent for
$20,000 cash, and when the reserve city bank has forwarded
that amount, it has parted with all the actual reserve it has
belonging to the non-reserve city bank, and it still has a
deposit liability on its books of $70,000 against which it
holds no reserve whatever.
"As it is a very natural and prudent thing for banks in
non-reserve cities to increase their cash reserves by at least
two per cent when trouble threatens, nearly all try to do so
at the same time, and the result is that the threatened
trouble becomes a reality. In short, when financial trouble
threatens in any other great country the _system_
provides relief and the danger is avoided, whereas,
unfortunately, with us every step we take increases the
trouble and helps it along until it is beyond control.
"Financial stringency existed in all the leading countries in
1907. Suspension of specie-payments and actual panic occurred
only in the United States. They stopped abruptly at our
borders, and Canada and even Mexico knew nothing of them.
Manifestly, we need something! There is little difference of
opinion on that score. But when we begin to discuss the remedy
we have a wide divergence of views.
"Many favor asset or credit currency similar to that
prevailing in Canada. The Canadian System of asset currency is
excellent when joined to the branch banking system. But it is
felt that it would be almost impossible to apply it to a
system containing thousands of individual banks. The
difficulty is that of providing adequate redemption
facilities, without which the danger of currency inflation
could scarcely be avoided. Several schemes to meet this
difficulty have been suggested, but the best of them seem
rather unwieldy.
{270}
"The proposal which seems to be gaining most ground is to
establish a great semi-government bank to be added to our
present system. To this bank would be transferred at once the
government deposits now in national banks, and later a large
part of the reserves of the banks in the central reserve, and
possibly also the reserve cities. Like everything else, the
bank would have to be an evolution. Years would pass before it
would work into its proper position and exercise its full
powers. Gradually, it is hoped, the United States Treasury
could be done away with, and the government taken out of the
banking business. Then all government funds would be deposited
with the Central Bank. Its branches would take the place of
our Sub-Treasuries. It would be a bank of banks, where other
banks could re-discount their bills, or borrow on securities,
receiving therefor currency to be issued by the Central Bank.
This currency would be partly secured by a gold reserve, and
partly by the general assets of the bank.
"If the $900,000,000 gold in the United States Treasury in
1907, held against an equal amount of notes, had been in a
Central Bank it would have formed a sufficient basis for the
issue of an additional $900,000,000 of currency, for fifty per
cent reserve against currency would be ample. For such
additional issue the Central Bank would, of course, receive
acceptable banking assets. A far smaller amount, however, than
$900,000,000 would have averted the panic. It seems clear that
such an institution would provide the elasticity to our
currency which we so much need, not only in times of stress,
but every crop-moving season.
"There are many details which would require careful study, but
to many competent to judge, the Central Bank idea seems to be
the correct solution of the difficulty. The fact that all the
other important countries of the world have adopted it ought
to give it weight. Even little Switzerland came to it four
years ago, and Japan, after adopting a system copied from
ours, has established a Central Bank patterned after the
Imperial Bank of Germany.
"Most of the objections raised seem to be largely based on
sentiment rather than on argument. It is said to be
‘un-American,’ or that it would be ‘used by Wall Street.’ or
that ‘it would get into politics.’ It would seem to us that if
the system is the best, it should not be ‘un-American’ to
adopt it, and that an illegitimate use of it by ‘ Wall Street’
could easily be guarded against in its organization. To say
that we cannot trust our government to properly use, and not
abuse, the powers of a Central Bank is to say that it is
inferior to the governments of Europe which have wisely used
such powers for generations.
"There seems some danger that the bank would not pay unless it
entered into competition with existing banks for regular
commercial business; but we must remember that Central Banks
are not expected to earn large dividends.
"We predict a long campaign of discussion before the right
course appears clear to the American people; but it seems to
us that the arguments advanced for a Central Bank are well
worthy of the most earnest study."
FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1909-1910.
Powerful Combination of Banking Interests by J. P. Morgan & Co.
Early in December, 1909, the powerful banking house of J. P.
Morgan & Co. obtained control of the Guaranty Trust Company
and the Equitable Life Assurance Company, which latter
controls the Equitable and Mercantile trust companies. In the
former case it purchased the holding of the Harriman estate,
and in the latter that of Thomas Ryan. At the beginning of the
following month, by another deal with Mr. Ryan, the same firm
acquired the Morton and the Fifth Avenue trust companies. The
combined assets of the Guaranty, Morton, and Fifth Avenue
trust companies were reported to be $259,000,000. Joined to
the vast resources of the Equitable Life Assurance Company and
to those previously controlled by the Morgan Company, the
financial combination seems overpowering.
FINANCE AND TRADE.
See,(in this Volume),
TARIFFS, AND COMBINATIONS.
----------FINANCE AND TRADE: End--------
FINLAND: A. D. 1901.
The Russianizing of the Finnish Army.
Resistance to the Violation of Constitutional Rights.
Despotic measures of the Tsar.
M. de Plehve’s defence.
The shameful overthrow, in 1899, by the present Tsar of
Russia, of the ancient constitution of Finland, which had
preserved its distinct nationality ever since it came, in
1809, under the Russian crown, is related in Volume VI. of
this work. Among the measures then undertaken for Russianizing
Finland—reducing it substantially to the status of a Russian
province—the most serious was the practical incorporation of
the Finnish army with the Russian, the law for accomplishing
which had not been fully carried through when the account of
events in Volume VI. was closed. It was opposed very
strenuously by M. Witte, then rising to influence in the
councils of the Tsar, and seemed not unlikely to be put aside.
But the worse influences prevailed in the end over the wiser,
and the proposed measure became law on the 11th of July, 1901.
It placed all Finnish troops under the orders of the Russian
commander in Finland, authorized the putting of Finnish
conscripts into the Russian regiments stationed in Finland,
and subjected Finnish regiments to service, when required,
outside of Finland, from which service they had been
constitutionally exempt hitherto.
The resistance to this gross violation of time-honored rights
was universal and determined. Conscripts refused to answer the
call to military service, subjecting themselves to the
penalties for desertion, and practically the whole population
stood ready to protect them. Extensive movements of emigration
to America and elsewhere were begun. At the same time the
Tsar’s authority, as the common sovereign of Finland and
Russia, was used in many ways as autocratically in his
constitutional realm as in that where his absolutism knew no
bounds. The powers of the Russian Governor-General of Finland
were enlarged; the Finnish archives were removed to St.
Petersburg; Cossacks were sent into the abused country with
their knouts to quell resistance to the army law; but the
resistance went on, taking presently a more passive form.
Communes refused to elect the conscription boards which the
law prescribed for carrying out the levy of recruits, and
heavy fines were imposed on them without effect. In November,
1902, a convention of delegates from all parts of Finland,
composed largely of peasants and workmen, resolved to
"continue everywhere, unswervingly, and until legal conditions
are restored to the country, the passive resistance against
all measures conflicting with, or calculated to abolish, our
fundamental laws."
{271}
An elaborate defence of these Russianizing measures in Finland
was addressed, in August, 1903, by the Russian Minister of the
Interior, M. dePlehve, to Mr. W. T. Stead, editor of the
_English Review of Reviews_, by way of reply to an "open
letter" to himself on the subject, by Mr. Stead, published in
the _Review_ of that month. Concerning the military law,
M. Plehve wrote:
"This law, in its application to the new conscription
regulations, has alleviated the condition of the population of
Finland. Contrary to the information you have received, the
military burden laid on the population of the land has not
been increased by 5,000 recruits annually, but has been
decreased from 2,000 men to 500 per annum, and latterly to
280. As you will see, there is in reality no opposition
between the will of the Emperor of Russia as announced to
Finland in 1899 and his generous initiative at The Hague
Conference." At the end of a long exposition of the principles
of Russian imperial policy, which left it far from clear, the
Minister said: "I shall give the following answer to your
entreaty to put an end to the present policy of Russia in
Finland, which you are pleased to call the policy of General
Bobrikoff. First of all, it is incorrect to connect the
present course of Russian policy in Finland with the name of
the present Governor-General of Finland alone, for, as regards
the fundamental purpose of his labors, all the advisers and
servants of his Imperial Majesty who have to do with the
government of Finland are at one with him in their firm
conviction that the measures now applied in Finland are called
for by the pressing requirements of our state. With regard to
the essence of the question, I repeat that in matters of
government temporary phenomena should be distinguished from
permanent ones. The incidental expression of Russian policy,
necessitated by an open mutiny against the government in
Finland, will, undoubtedly, be replaced by the former favor of
the sovereign toward his Finnish subjects, as soon as peace is
finally restored and the current of social life in that
country assumes its normal course. Then, certainly, all
repressive measures will be repealed. But the realization of
the fundamental aim which the Russian Government has set
itself in Finland,—i. e., the confirming in that land of the
principle of imperial unity,—must continue, and it would be
best of all if this end were attained with the trustful
cooperation of local workers under the guidance of the
sovereign to whom Divine Providence has committed the
destinies of Russia and Finland."
FINLAND: A. D. 1904.
Assassination of Governor-General Bobrikoff.
On the 15th of June, 1904, Governor-General Bobrikoff, who had
been the executor of the Russianizing policy in Finland, and
was hated accordingly, was shot by a Finnish member of the
Parliamentary opposition.
FINLAND: A. D. 1905.
Successful Revolt against the Russianizing Oppressions.
The Tsar’s Concessions.
Restoration of Ancient Liberties.
Taking advantage of the situation in Russia, which tied the
hands of the Autocrat (see (in this Volume) RUSSIA: A. D.
1904-1905), the Finns, by a sudden general rising, drove out
the Russian officials in their country, took possession of the
military posts and Government building, and forced the
Governor, Prince John Obolenski, to send to the Tsar their
demand for a restoration of their ancient constitutional
rights which he had taken away (see, in Volume VI. of this
work, FINLAND: A. D. 1898-1901). The helplessness to which
their Russian master had been reduced was signified by the
prompt amiability of his response, in successive manifestoes,
the first of which bore the following command:
"By the grace of God, we, Nicholas II., etc., command the
opening at Helsingfors, December 20, of an extraordinary Diet
to consider the following questions.
"_First_.
The proposals for the budget of 1906-1907, provisional taxes,
and a loan for railway construction.
"_Second_.
A bill providing, by a new fundamental law, a parliament for
Finland on the basis of universal suffrage, with the
establishment of the responsibility of the local authorities
to the nation’s deputies.
"_Third_.
Bills granting liberty of the press, of meeting, and of
unions."
A subsequent manifesto announced:
"We have ordered the elaboration of bills reforming the
fundamental laws for submission to the deputies of the nation,
and we order the abrogation of the manifesto of February 15,
1899; the ukase of April 15, 1903, concerning measures for the
maintenance of public order and tranquillity; the imperial
ukase of November 23, 1903, according exceptional rights to
the gendarmerie in the grand duchy; Article 12 of the ukase of
July 13, 1902, on Finnish legislation; the ukase of September
21, 1902, on the reform of the Senate and the extension of
powers of governors; the ukase of April 8, 1903, on
instructions for the governor-general and the assistant
governor of Finland; the law of July 25, 1901, on military
service; the ukase of August 13, 1902, on the duties of civic
officials in Finland; the ukase of August 27, 1902, on the
resignation of administrative officials and judicial
responsibility for offenses and crimes of officials, and the
ukase of July 15, 1900, on meetings.
"We further order the Senate to proceed immediately with the
revision of the other regulations enumerated in the petition,
and we order the immediate suppression of the censorship.
"The Senate should prepare bills granting liberty of speech,
of the press, of meeting, and of union; a national assembly on
the basis of universal suffrage, and the responsibility of the
local authorities as soon as possible, in order that the Diet
may discuss them.
"We trust that the measures enumerated, being dictated by a
desire to benefit Finland, will strengthen the ties uniting
the Finnish nation to its sovereign."
An article quoted from a Danish magazine tells in a few words
how the bloodless revolution was accomplished:
"The weapon used for the purpose of paralyzing the government
was the general strike. It may be questioned to which class
belongs the chief part of honor in this struggle. A marvelous
unity characterized the whole movement. While post, telegraph,
and railroad traffic was stopped the entire light supply was
cut off. The strike extended even into the private kitchen,
and this was one of the reasons which hastened the departure
of the Russian officials. In the meantime the question was not
only should Russian guns be directed on Helsingfors, but also
should personal safety be maintained. That so few
transgressions of the law occurred with the whole police force
on strike is a splendid testimony for the Finnish people. The
revolution in Finland stands hence as an unparalleled example
of a popular upheaval."
{272}
FINLAND: A. D. 1906.
Political Enfranchisement of Women.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.
FINLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.
Russian Measures for the Destruction of the
Constitutional Autonomy of Finland.
The reactionary determinations of the Russian Government,
since it mastered the revolutionary movements of 1905-1906, are
revealed in nothing else more plainly than in its steady
pursuance of measures to extinguish the degree of autonomy
which belongs to Finland, under the constitution that was
confirmed to its people by the Tsar Alexander I., after he had
taken their country from the Swedish crown.
See, in Volume IV. of this work,
SCANDINAVIAN STATES: A. D. 1807-1810.
One of the most arbitrary of the early measures in this
direction was the assumption by the Tsar, in June, 1908, of a
right to confer on the Russian Council of Ministers certain
powers of control over Finnish legislation. The protests of
the Diet and Senate of Finland against this and other attacks
on their constitutional rights led to a dissolution of the
Diet, and the election of a new representative body, early in
May, 1909. The election produced substantially the same
popular representation in the new Diet that had characterized
its predecessor, and its attitude toward the autocratic
invasion of Finnish rights was the same. The Socialists
received 79,447 votes. The party of the Old Finns which
inclines to submissiveness polled a total of 52,396. The
Constitutional parties, the Young Finns and the Swedes,
received respectively 28,711 and 15,885 votes, while the
Agrarian-Socialists got 13,648 and the Christian Workmen 6172.
The Old Finns stand alone against the other parties.
Meantime, the Tsar, in sanctioning an Act of the previous
Diet, after its dissolution, had done it in terms that were
deemed contrary to the Constitution of Finland, and the
Senate, which is composed of members appointed by the Tsar,
petitioned him for a modification of them. His reply was a
rebuke and a command that they promulgate the law, and thus
accept his misconstruction of the Constitution. Thereupon the
Vice-President of the Senate and four of its members resigned.
The remaining five, pliant to the imperial will, voted with
the presiding Governor-General for the promulgation of the
law.
In the course of the next few months other demands were made
on the Finns which even the imperial appointees of the Senate
could not yield to. In October, an Imperial rescript decreed
that military service legislation for Finland should be
withdrawn from the competence of the Finnish Diet and
transferred to the Imperial Legislature; and that until such
legislation is enacted Finland should pay into the Russian
exchequer an annual contribution of 10,000,000 marks
($2,000,000), to be increased gradually to 20,000.000 marks.
This left the Finnish Diet no voice in the appropriation. The
five members who had remained in the Senate when their four
colleagues resigned now intimated their intention to withdraw.
On the 14th of October the four vacant seats were filled by an
appointment of naval and military officers who were said to be
"technically Finnish citizens," but all of whom, save one, had
spent their lives in Russia. A month later, November 17, a
Press despatch from Helsingfors made the following
announcement: "At an all-night session which ended to-day the
Finnish Diet rejected the government bill providing for
Finland’s contribution to the Russian military appropriation.
A resolution was adopted requesting the Emperor to reintroduce
the measure in a constitutional form. The dissolution of the
Diet is expected. The Emperor has accepted the resignations of
the Finnish Senators who refused to remain in office if the
Russian demand for a big military appropriation by Finland was
pressed." The expectation of another dissolution of the Diet
by the Tsar, as the consequence of this action, was realized
the next day.
Some months prior to this time a joint committee of Russians
and Finns had been appointed to formulate rules or principles
that should apply with authority in future to legislation for
Finland. Agreement between the two constituents of this
Russo-Finnish committee appears to have been impossible from
the beginning. They were hopelessly opposed in their views of
the relation existing between the constitutional Grand Duchy
of Finland and the autocratic Empire of Russia, by virtue of
their having a common sovereign. Toward the end of November
their failure to come to any agreement was made known; and on
the 22d of December a despatch from St. Petersburg announced
that "the conclusion of the labours of the Russo-Finnish
Commission, resulting in a perfunctory majority vote of the
Russian members in favour of the reduction of the Finnish
Constitution to a provincial autonomy, is deplored by most of
the newspapers. The Finnish members apprehend a military
dictatorship."
The St. Petersburg correspondent of _The Times_ had
previously stated what the prescription of the Russian
majority of the Committee would be. They maintain, he wrote,
that "there never was a Constitution granted to Finland
binding on Russia as the Sovereign Power, and that, therefore,
a new order of procedure can be established independently of
the Finnish authorities by an Act of legislation passed by the
Russian Legislature alone. They have drawn up a list of
matters to come under the new procedure. According to this
list all legislation on such matters as the Russian language
in Finland, the principles of Finnish administration, police,
administration of justice, public education, formation of
business companies and of associations, public meetings,
Press, importation of foreign literature, Customs tariffs,
literary and artistic copyright, monetary system, means of
communication, including pilot and lighthouse service, and
many other subjects, shall be enacted by the Imperial
legislative organs. The Finnish Diet shall be entirely ignored
in such matters, while there is a provision for some cases
that the opinion of the Finnish Senate shall be taken.
"It is difficult to understand what legislative matters are to
be left for the Finnish Diet to deal with; but it seems that
the Russian members are not sure that they have covered the
whole ground, for their project contains a clause to the
effect that additions to their list may be made by means of
Imperial legislation.
{273}
"It is proposed that Finland shall be represented in the
Russian Duma by five members, one of whom shall be elected by
Russian residents in Finland who are not Finnish citizens,
whilst the Finnish Diet shall send one member to the Council
of Empire."
The first movement, probably, on these new lines of imperial
government for Finland, was that reported in a Reuter message
from St. Petersburg, December 24, as follows:
"The Cabinet has approved new regulations whereby all
documents issued by the Chancellery of the Governor-General of
Finland shall be worded in Russian without a Finnish or
Swedish translation."
FINLAND: A. D. 1910.
Fresh Elections to the Finnish Diet.
The Russian Duma assuming authority over Finland.
A new Diet, chosen at elections held early in February, 1910,
is composed as follows:
Old Finns, 42;
Young Finns, 28;
Swedish People’s party, 26;
Social Democrats, 86;
Agrarians, 17;
Christian Labor party, 1.
Fifteen women were elected, nine of them by the Social
Democrats.
Just as this matter goes into type, a despatch from St.
Petersburg, March 30, 1910, announces the introduction of a
bill in the Russian Duma assuming authority in that body over
Finland.
FINSEN, Niels Ryberg.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
FIRE, Great calamities of.
See (in this Volume)
BALTIMORE;
CHICAGO;
NEW YORK CITY;
SAN FRANCISCO;
OSAKA.
FISCAL REFORM, Mr. Joseph Chamberlain’s programme of.
See (in this Volume)
England: A. D. 1903 (May-September).
FISCHER, Emil.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
FISHER, Andrew:
Prime Minister of Australia.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRALIA; A. D. 1908, and 1909 (MAY-JUNE).
FISHERIES:
Newfoundland.
See (in this Volume)
NEWFOUNDLAND.
FISHES, FOOD:
Convention for their Preservation and Propagation in the
Waters contiguous to the United States and Canada.
See (in this Volume)
FOOD FISHES.
FIVE CIVILIZED TRIBES:
End of their Autonomy.
See (in this Volume)
INDIANS, AMERICAN.
FLOODS.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA; A. D. 1906-1907, and
FRANCE: A. D. 1910.
FOLK, Joseph Wingate:
Prosecutor of Municipal Thievery and Corruption in St. Louis.
Governor of Missouri.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
FOOD FISHES:
Convention respecting their Protection, Preservation, and
Propagation in the Waters contiguous to the United States
and Canada.
The following are the articles of a Convention negotiated at
Washington and signed by Ambassador James Bryce, for the
Government of Great Britain, and by Secretary Elihu Root, for
that of the United States, on the 11th of April, 1908.
Ratifications of the Convention were exchanged on the 4th of
June:
"ARTICLE 1.
The times, seasons, and methods of fishing in the waters
contiguous to the United States and Canada as specified in
Article 4 of this Convention, and the nets, engines, gear,
apparatus, and appliances which may be used therein, shall be
fixed and determined by uniform and common international
regulations, restrictions, and provisions; and to that end the
High Contracting Parties agree to appoint, within three months
after this Convention is proclaimed, a Commission to be known
as the International Fisheries Commission, consisting of one
person named by each Government.
"ARTICLE 2.
It shall be the duty of this International Fisheries
Commission, within six months after being named, to prepare a
system of uniform and common International Regulations for the
protection and preservation of the food fishes in each of the
waters prescribed in Article 4 of this Convention, which
Regulations shall embrace close seasons, limitations as to the
character, size, and manner of use of nets, engines, gear,
apparatus, and other appliances; a uniform system of registry
by each Government in waters where required for the more
convenient regulation of commercial fishing by its own
citizens or subjects within its own territorial waters or any
part of such waters; an arrangement for concurrent measures
for the propagation of fish; and such other provisions and
measures as the Commission shall deem necessary.
"ARTICLE 3.
The two Governments engage to put into operation and to
enforce by legislation and executive action, with as little
delay as possible, the Regulations, restrictions, and
provisions with appropriate penalties for all breaches
thereof; and the date when they shall be put into operation
shall be fixed by the concurrent proclamations of the
President of the United States and the Governor-General of the
Dominion of Canada in Council.
"And it is further agreed that jurisdiction shall be exercised
by either Government, as well over citizens or subjects of
either party apprehended for violation of the Regulations in
any of its own waters to which said Regulations apply, as over
its own citizens or subjects found within its own jurisdiction
who shall have violated said Regulations within the waters of
the other party.
"ARTICLE 4.
It is agreed that the waters within which the aforementioned
Regulations are to be applied shall be as follows:
(1) The territorial waters of Passamaquoddy Bay;
(2) the St. John and St. Croix Rivers;
(3) Lake Memphremagog:
(4) Lake Champlain;
(5) the St. Lawrence River, where the said River constitutes
the International Boundary;
(6) Lake Ontario;
(7) the Niagara River;
(8) Lake Erie;
(9) the waters connecting Lake Erie and Lake Huron,
including Lake St. Clair;
(10) Lake Huron, excluding Georgian Bay but including
North Channel;
(11) St. Mary’s River and Lake Superior;
(12) Rainy River and Rainy Lake;
(13) Lake of the Woods;
(14) the Strait of San Juan de Fuca, those parts of
Washington Sound, the Gulf of Georgia and Puget Sound
lying between the parallels of 48° 10' and 49° 20';
(15) and such other contiguous waters as may be
recommended by the International Fisheries Commission and
approved by the two Governments.
It is agreed on the part of Great Britain that the Canadian
Government will protect by adequate regulations the food
fishes frequenting the Fraser River.
"The two Governments engage to have prepared as soon as
practicable charts of the waters described in this Article,
with the International Boundary Line indicated thereon; and to
establish such additional boundary monuments, buoys, and marks
as may be recommended by the Commission.
{274}
"ARTICLE 5.
The International Fisheries Commission shall continue in
existence so long as this Convention shall be in force, and
each Government shall have the power to fill, and shall fill
from time to time, any vacancy which may occur in its
representation on the Commission. Each Government shall pay
its own Commissioner, and any joint expenses shall be paid by
the two Governments in equal moieties.
"ARTICLE 6.
The Regulations, restrictions, and provisions provided for in
this Convention shall remain in force for a period of four
years from the date of their executive promulgation, and
thereafter until one year from the date when either the
Government of Great Britain or of the United States shall give
notice to the other of its desire for their revision; and
immediately upon such notice being given the Commission shall
proceed to make a revision thereof, which Revised Regulations,
if adopted and promulgated by the President of the United
States and the Governor-General of Canada in Council, shall
remain in force for another period of four years and
thereafter until one year from the date when a further notice
of revision is given as above provided in this Article. It
shall, however, be in the power of the two Governments, by
joint or concurrent action upon the recommendation of the
Commission, to make modifications at any time in the
Regulations.
"ARTICLE 7.
The present Convention shall be duly ratified by His Britannic
Majesty and by the President of the United States, by and with
the advice and consent of the Senate thereof, and the
ratifications shall be exchanged in Washington as soon as
practicable."
FOOD LAWS.
See (in this Volume )
PUBLIC HEALTH: PURE FOOD LAWS.
FORESTS, Conservation of.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.
FORMOSA:
Earthquake in.
See (in this Volume)
EARTHQUAKES: FORMOSA: A. D. 1906.
FORMOSA:
Japanese Dealing with the Opium Problem.
See (in this Volume)
OPIUM PROBLEM.
FORTIS MINISTRY.
See (in this Volume)
ITALY: A. D. 1905-1906.
FOSTER, John W.:
On the American Violation of Treaties with China.
See (in this Volume )
RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.
FOSTER, Volney W.:
Delegate to Second International Conference of
American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
FOUNDATION FOR THE PROMOTION OF INDUSTRIAL PEACE.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.
----------FRANCE: Start--------
FRANCE: A. D. 1870-1905.
Increase of Population compared with other European Countries.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.
FRANCE: A. D. 1896-1906.
Encroachments of the French Algerian Boundary on Morocco.
See Morocco: A. D. 1896-1906.
FRANCE: A. D. 1900.
Comparative Statement of the Consumption of Alcoholic Drink.
Its Increase.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM.
FRANCE: A. D. 1902.
Purchase of Franchises and Property of the French Panama
Canal Company by the United States.
See (in this Volume)
PANAMA CANAL.
FRANCE: A. D. 1902.
Favored footing in Abyssinia.
Railway Projects.
See (in this Volume)
ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.
FRANCE: A. D. 1902.
French Central Africa.
Explorations.
A Land-locked Empire.
See (in this Volume)
AFRICA: FRENCH CENTRAL.
FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (April-October).
Elections to the Chamber of Deputies.
Resignation of Waldeck-Rousseau.
Formation of a Radical Ministry under M. Combes.
Enforcement of the Law of Associations.
Closing of unauthorized schools.
The first ballot in elections to the Chamber of Deputies was
cast on the 27th of April, producing 413 conclusive elections
and leaving 178 to be decided by a second vote. The new
Chamber met on the 1st of June, and elected for its president,
M. Leon Bourgeois, by a vote of 303 against 267. On the
following day M. Waldeck-Rousseau, who had been at the head of
the Ministry for three years—an exceptional term of
premiership in France—resigned, on the plea that his task was
done. A new Radical Cabinet was then formed by M. Émile
Combes, which announced a moderate programme on the 10th, and
received the declared support of 312 members, against 116 in
opposition and 149 who took neutral ground. Of the previous
Cabinet, M. Delcassé retained the portfolio of Foreign Affairs
and General Andre that of War. The session was short and
little was done.
In the following months great excitement and much disorder in
parts of the country, especially in Brittany, was caused by
proceedings taken to enforce the law concerning Associations,
passed in the previous year.
See in Volume VI.
FRANCE: A. D. 1901.
Some religious orders—teaching orders and others—had refused
or neglected to register themselves and obtain authorization,
as required by the law, and these were now to be closed. In
many cases there was resistance to the closing of the
unauthorized schools. In a few cases there was a refusal by
military officers to obey commands for the assistance of their
soldiery in enforcing the law. Magistrates, too, opposed the
government, and a majority of the councils in the departments
of France withheld their support. Nevertheless the government
proceeded firmly in the matter and the provisions of the law
were carried out. When the Chambers were reconvened in October
the burning subject came up for fierce discussion, and the
attitude and acts of the Combes Ministry were approved in the
Chamber of Deputies by 329 against 233.
FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (May).
Courtesies at the unveiling of a Monument to
Marshal de Rochambeau, at Washington.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902 (MAY).
FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (October).
Strikes in the Coal Mines and on the Docks at Marseilles.
See (in this Volume)
Labor Organization:
FRANCE: A. D. 1902.
FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (October).
Treaty with Siam.
Acquisition of more territory.
See (in this Volume)
SIAM: A. D. 1902.
{275}
FRANCE: A. D. 1903.
Elections to the Senate.
Execution of the Associations Law.
Closing of Schools and Houses of the Religious Orders.
Resistance and Rioting encouraged by Magistrates.
State Monopoly of Education established.
Building new Schoolhouses.
Elections for a section of the Senate, occurring early in
January, 1903, went favorably for the Government. M. Fallières
was reëlected President of that body, while M. Bourgeois was
seated again in the presiding chair of the lower Chamber. The
Combes Ministry was strengthened in its hold of power by the
continued agitation that attended the execution of the
Associations Law as applied to the religious orders and
brotherhoods.
See in Volume VI. of this work,
FRANCE: A. D. 1901.
Its support was a shifting one, made up sometimes by one
combination of the many party divisions in the Chambers and
sometimes by another; but it did not fail throughout the year
to find somewhere a majority that would not allow a political
crisis to be brought on. Everywhere the closing of the schools
and houses of the unauthorized associations was resisted with
increasing determination, and the proceeding became too much
retarded to satisfy the supporters of the law. Objection was
raised to the separate dealing with questions of authorization
for this and that order or congregation, and the Government
was called upon to name at once to the Chambers the whole list
of institutions which it would have authorizations refused to.
In March this demand was acceded to, so far as concerned the
male congregations, and a great debate, of a fortnight’s
duration, in the Chamber of Deputies, resulted in the refusal
of authorization to all the teaching, preaching, and
contemplative orders, of Redemptorists, Capuchins,
Benedictines, Dominicans, and Passionists. A few months later
the same entire refusal of authorization to the teaching
orders of women was voted, but by a diminished majority.
The Clericals, on their side, were as energetic as the parties
of the Government, and were supported very generally by the
magistracy of the country at large, which dealt so leniently
with the resistance and rioting provoked by the enforcement of
the law that the Government was left practically dependent on
the army and the police. The army, too, was a doubtful
instrument of authority in many cases, numerous officers of
all grades resigning to escape the repugnant mandate of law.
The most threatening situation arose in Brittany, consequent
on the inauguration of a monument to Renan, which the
Catholics regarded as an insult to the Church.
One final step in the secularizing of education in France was
taken late in the year, by the passing of a bill which
practically established a State monopoly of education, by
repealing a law of 1850 that abolished such monopoly. By the
new law all members of any religious order, authorized or
unauthorized, were forbidden to engage in teaching.
The extent to which the schools of the religious congregations
were being closed involved a great expenditure for building
new schoolhouses, and the Government had difficulty in passing
an Act which laid the cost of this provision on the communes,
instead of accepting it for the state at large. It carried the
Act, however, notwithstanding the opposition of M.
Waldeck-Rousseau.
FRANCE: A. D. 1904.
Rivalry with England in the Persian Gulf.
See (in this Volume)
PERSIA: A. D. 1904.
FRANCE: A. D. 1904 (April).
The Agreements of the Entente Cordiale with England.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).
FRANCE: A. D. 1904 (June-July).
Groundless charges against the Premier.
A great public scandal was raised in June by charges against
the Premier, M. Combes, that he had tried to force the
Chartreux monks to buy the right of remaining in France.
Investigation showed that bold swindlers had attempted to
obtain money from the monks on the pretence of being able to
buy such permission for them. As the result of the
investigation the President of the Council and his colleagues
were vindicated by an almost unanimous vote of the Chamber of
Deputies.
FRANCE: A. D. 1904-1909.
General Consequences in Europe of the Weakening of Russia in
the Russo-Japanese War.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.
FRANCE: A. D. 1905.
Action with other Powers in forcing Financial Reforms in
Macedonia on Turkey.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.
FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.
The Separation of Church and State.
Preceding Contentions.
Measures and Proceedings of the Separation,
as recounted by writers of each Party.
The separation of Church and State in France involved the
nullification of the Concordat, negotiated by Napoleon I. with
Pope Pius VII. in 1802, and of what are known as the Organic
Statutes, promulgated by the French Government at the same
time.
See (in Volume IV. of this work)
PAPACY: A. D. 1808-1814.
The former was in the nature of a treaty; the latter was not.
The French Government claimed rights under both; the Roman
Church acknowledged no force in the Statutes that could be
binding on itself. This difference, which entered into much of
the controversy preceding the measures taken by the Government
to separate the State from the Church, is explained in the
first quotation below,—following which, two accounts are
given of some among those controversies, and of the
proceedings connected with the adoption and execution of the
Act of Separation,—one account written from the view-point of
the Government and the other from that of the Church:
"The Concordat consists of a preamble and seventeen statutes.
It is a reciprocal contract between the temporal and spiritual
powers, and is therefore at the same time State law and Church
law. The preamble states that the Catholic, Apostolic, and
Roman religion is that of the great majority of the French
people; it does not say that it is ‘the religion of France,’
as the Holy See would have wished, and consequently it does
not restore to the Catholic religion its former character of
being a State religion. After establishing a new distribution
of the French dioceses, it directs that the bishops shall be
‘nominated’ by the Government and ‘installed’ by the Pope. The
alienation of ecclesiastical property, effected by the
Revolution, is definitely sanctioned. In return the Government
undertakes, as had already been done by the Constituent
Assembly, to secure ‘a reasonable allowance to the bishops and
curés, whose dioceses and parishes will be included in the new
arrangement,’ and to take ‘measures to allow French Catholics
to make foundations in favour of churches if they wish.’
{276}
"As regards the Organic Statutes, promulgated at the same
time as the Concordat, 18th April, 1802, they proclaim that no
bull, pastoral letter, or writing of any kind from the Holy
See shall be published in France without the authority of the
Government; no council, general or special, shall be held
without this authority. There must be no other delegate from
Rome in France besides the Nuncio, the official representative
of the Sovereign Pontiff. Any infraction on the part of the
clergy of the provisions either of the Concordat or of French
law is referred to the Council of State, who must decide if
there has been any abuse. The Organic Statutes were equally
concerned with questions relating to discipline, doctrine, and
even dogma—which are purely spiritual questions. They
therefore not only upheld the Declaration of 1682 as a
declaration of the principles of the Gallican Church, but also
expected all the professors to teach it in the seminaries.
According to the Concordat, bishops had a right to appoint
curés; the Organic Statutes obliged them to obtain the
approval of the Government for their appointments.
"Although the Organic Statutes are, with the Concordat, part
of one and the same State law, they must not be considered to
be entirely on the same footing. The Concordat concluded
between the two powers binds them together; the Organic
Statutes, an exclusive product of the French Government, never
received the sanction of the Papal authority. They were, on
the contrary, a source of further quarrels with the Roman
Court. Even in our days, they frequently lead to conflict, the
representatives of the Church having refused, on various
occasions, to recognise the validity of decisions made in
virtue of these Statutes by the French Government."
_Jules Legrand,
Church and State in France
(Contemporary Review, May, 1901)._
FRANCE:
Measures and Proceedings of the Separation as recounted
by its Advocates.
"The action of the Republic in suppressing the religious
orders had produced strained relations between it and the
Vatican. This was intensified by the ‘nominavit nobis’
controversy. In the Bulls instituting some bishops whom the
President had nominated, and which had to have the sanction of
the Government before they could be published and be valid in
France, the Vatican had inserted the word ‘nobis,’ implying
that the President had merely nominated the bishop to the Pope
for appointment and that the appointment was really in the
hands of the Pope. The French Government, under the guidance
of M. Combes, the Premier and Minister of Public Worship,
insisted that this word must be removed before the bull was
sanctioned, and as both sides refused to yield no bishop was
instituted. Relations were still further strained by the visit
of the President to the King of Italy. … To visit the King was
to insult the Pope by disregarding the protest made by him
against the occupation of Rome. President Loubet was the first
Roman Catholic ruler who ventured to disregard the feelings
and protests of the Pope. From the 24th to the 28th April,
1904, M. Loubet was the guest of King Victor Emmanuel, and
gave no intimation to the Pope of his intention to visit Rome,
and did not include a visit to the Vatican in his programme.
On the 28th of April, Cardinal Merry del Val sent to the
representatives of the Curia at the Courts of all the Roman
Catholic powers in the world, to be communicated to the
Governments to which they were commissioned, a protest against
the action of the French Government. … The French Government
replied by recalling its ambassador from the Vatican and
breaking off diplomatic relations with the Pope.
"In the summer of the same year the friction between the
French Government and the Vatican was increased by the cases
of the bishops of Laval and Dijon. Bishop Geay of Laval, in
his opening discourse in his cathedral, had proclaimed his
adherence to the Republic and his desire to be the shepherd of
all his flock. He denounced Orleanism and refused to support
reactionaries at the elections. … He was summoned to appear at
Rome. He submitted the summons to the Government, as he was
required by the Organic Articles to do, and he was refused
permission to leave his diocese. Subsequently, under threats
of excommunication, he went, and was immediately informed by
the Minister of Public Worship that his salary was stopped
from the day he left his diocese without permission. A similar
summons to Mgr. Le Nordez, Bishop of Dijon, led to similar
results. …
"In the month of October, 1904, M. Combes, replying to several
interpellations addressed to the Government, reviewed the
history of the relations of the Vatican to the Republic since
its foundation in 1870, and showed that there had been a
continuous disregard of the Concordat and of the Organic
Articles by the Vatican, and that clericalism had been the
most inveterate enemy of the Republic. He showed that no
stipulations could safeguard the rights of the State, which
were denied by the doctrines of the Catholic Church. The
confidence of the Chamber was expressed by a vote of 548 to
88. In November he introduced a Bill for the separation of
Church and State, which was referred to a Commission, by which
it was adopted on the 2nd December. In the middle of January,
1905, M. Combes, owing to resentment at certain incidents in
connection with the administration of the army, carried a vote
of confidence by a majority of only ten votes and resigned.
Before the end of the month a new Cabinet under the presidency
of M. Rouvier, retaining several members of M. Combes’
administration, was formed, which asserted its determination
to carry out the policy of its predecessor in its relations
with the Vatican. The Chamber of Deputies referred to a new
Commission all the Bills dealing with the question of Church
and State which had been presented to it, including that of M.
Combes. Instead of adopting any one of them, the Commission
decided to draft its own Bill, and shortly afterwards
presented to the Chamber a Bill which engaged the close
attention of the deputies for several months in the spring and
summer of the year 1905. It passed through the Chamber on the
3rd of July, and was sent to the Senate the following day. …
The Senate made no alterations in the Bill, and it became law
on the 6th of December, 1905."
_John A. Bain,
The New Reformation, chapter 17
(T. and T. Clark, Edinburgh, 1900)._
{277}
"The law of the 9th of December, 1905, which put an end to the
regime of the Concordat and substituted that of separation
between Church and State, had been promulgated on the 11th of
December, 1905. It was to come into effect a year after its
promulgation. The Protestants and the Israelites had accepted
it even before it was passed; but they represented an
infinitesimal minority, and it was not that minority that the
legislators had had in view when they framed the law of
separation. The one question in the matter was that of the
attitude that would be taken by the Catholics,—the counsels
that would come to them from Rome.
"In the French Episcopate there were two opposing currents of
opinion, one for acceptance of the law, under certain
reserves, the other for resistance. In the latter part of
November, 1905, some bishops met in Paris and agreed that
energetic efforts must be made to prevent action at Rome on
misinformation as to the situation of the Church in France and
the state of mind prevailing in it. Monseigneur Fulbert Petit,
Archbishop of Besançon, was their chosen envoy, and in the
following January he repaired to Rome. There he met other
bishops who had come to give counsels to the Pope that were
not pacific; and he met, also, the Père Le Doré, former
superior of the dissolved congregation of the Eudistes, well
known for his uncompromising opinions and his aggressive
temper, but who had been commissioned to convey to Rome the
proceedings of the meeting of French cardinals at Paris, on
the 28th of December, which showed a majority in favor of the
acceptance of the law. At the same time, an important meeting
of bishops was held at Albi, under the presidency of Monsignor
Mignot, the majority at which meeting, notably the Archbishop
who received them and the Archbishop of Toulouse, Monsignor
Germain, made no secret of their desire to adjust themselves
to the law, according to the expression of Cardinal Lecot.
"But nothing said or done drew the Pope from the silence which
he kept. Then it was rumored that the head of the Church would
reserve his decision until a general assembly of the French
episcopate, which the French cardinals had advised, could be
held, to propose a solution of the question. This, however,
was contradicted positively by the party which urged
resistance to the law.
"Such was the situation when the Government, obliged to
act,—since the period of delay fixed by the law was only a
year,—came to the first proceedings which the Act prescribed.
Article 43 of the law provided for administrative rules, of
which the part relating to inventories appeared logically the
first, that being the operation which needed consideration
before all others. The second part of the regulations had to
do with the life pensions and temporary provisions accorded to
the ministers of religion. The regulation concerning pensions
and provisions was published in the _Journal Official_ of
January 20, 1906. [Article 11 of the Act assigned to priests
or ministers of more than sixty years of age, who had been not
less than thirty years in an ecclesiastical service salaried
by the state, a yearly life pension of three-fourths of their
former stipend. To those under sixty years of age and above
forty-five, whose service had been for less than thirty years
but not less than twenty, it assigned one-half of their
previous compensation.] …
"The first executive act imposed on the Government was the
inventorying of the property, movable and fixed, belonging to
the State, to the departments or to the communes, of which the
establishments of public worship had had the use. Article 3 of
the law required this to be proceeded with immediately after
its promulgation. This article had been voted in the Chamber
and in the Senate by very large majorities, and, so to speak,
without discussion, so rational and judicial it seemed to be.
In fact, as the existence of the public establishments of
worship came to an end with the regime of the Concordat, the
succession to them was left open, and an inventory,
descriptive and estimative, of their property, was a necessary
measure preliminary to any devolution of such property,
dependent on that succession. … Being one of those
conservative measures which attack no right and leave a
continuous state of things, there was no expectation of much
feeling about it among Catholics. … Apparently, the consistent
attitude on the part of Catholics, provisionally, at least,
and until the Pope had spoken, would be one of calm, of
prudence, of expectancy. Such was the purport of the
instructions given by the bishops, even by the most combative.
These latter, while condemning the law with vehemence, did not
counsel a recourse to force against the agents appointed to
make the inventory. They required but one thing of their
priests and of the administrators of parish property, which
was that they should not coöperate in the work, and that they
should make declaration that their non-resistance did not
imply acceptance of the law.
"On the 29th of December, 1905, a first decree for regulating
the procedure was issued by the Council of State. This was
followed by a circular from the Minister of Finance which, it
must be confessed, roused a justifiable feeling among the
Catholics. From one phrase in that circular it could be
understood that the officials making the inventory were
authorized to demand the opening of the tabernacles. M.
Groussau questioned the Minister on the subject, and M. Merlou
cleared away all misunderstanding by replying that officials
were to accept the declaration of the curé of a church as to
the contents of its tabernacle; and that they had been
instructed to avoid everything that could give pain to pious
minds. The Abbé Gayraud recognized that these decisions of the
Government were in conformity with the instructions of the
Cardinal Archbishop of Paris, and the interpellation was
withdrawn.
"The inventories were begun at once after this decision of the
question of the tabernacles. At first there was no disorder.
The bishops, notably those of Toulouse, of Rouen, of Albi, of
Besançon, of Arras and Chartres, and their curés, from their
example, confined themselves to the reading of a protestation
to the receiver of the registration, after which the receiver
was left free to fulfil his mission. But soon, in some
dioceses, particularly in Paris, in the West, and in one part
of the Center, the inventorying was made the pretext for
demonstrations more political than religious, organized by
enthusiasts or by political cliques. Generally the clergy were
passively present at these demonstrations. …
{278}
These tumultuous manifestations, at the head of which the most
conspicuous personalities of the reactionary opposition were
often seen, ended by degenerating into veritable riots,
necessitating the intervention of troops, and leading finally
to bloody conflicts."
_René Wallier,
Le Vingtième Siècle Politique, Annee 1906,
pages 123-132._
It was not until the 17th of February that the silence of the
Pope on the matters that were agitating France and the Papal
Church was broken. Then the "Encyclical Vehementer," so named,
according to custom, from its first word, was published.
FRANCE:
Measures and proceedings of the separation as recounted
by opponents.
"In the first period of his premiership M. Combes was not
prepared either to denounce the Concordat or to separate the
churches from the State, simply because he found public
opinion not yet ripe for either measure. Later he thought he
saw in adopting this course a means of prolonging his official
existence, a matter of considerable importance to a country
doctor like himself without large private resources. Having
slaughtered nearly all religious congregations or prepared
their ultimate extinction, Combes appeared to seek no further
occupation for himself and to fortify his position by
attacking the Church itself, whose secular clergy he had so
recently praised and sought to protect from unfair and ‘unjust
concurrence or competition with the regulars!’ Like
Waldeck-Rousseau, Combes saw here an opportunity to ‘save’ the
Republic from ‘clerical reaction.' Throughout its whole
discreditable history this third Republic of France has only
been kept alive by being periodically ‘saved’ by some clever
politician from ‘perils’ conjured up to terrorize the
peasantry, who still recall the misery of their ancestors in
the old _régime_ and the misfortunes of France in the
downfall of the first and second Empires. … The Pope
protested, in March, 1904, against the bad faith and infamous
aggressions of the French Government in the matter of
religious education and those imparting it, and M. Delcassé,
through the French Ambassador at the Vatican, protested
against the Papal protest. In the following month M. Loubet,
as President of the French Republic, visited the King of Italy
at Rome, at the same time politely, but significantly,
ignoring the existence of the Pope and the Vatican, at which
court France then had accredited an Ambassador! Then followed
the protest of the Vatican, addressed directly to the French
Government, and the protest simultaneously sent to all the
powers where Papal Nuncios are in residence. …
"In March, 1904, had arisen the trouble in the Diocese of
Dijon, France, which culminated in students of the diocesan
seminary refusing to receive ordination from the hands of the
Bishop, Monsignor Le Nordez. The Bishop of Dijon was,
unfortunately, not the only one of the French episcopate
claiming to be a ‘victim of hatred, deceit and calumny.’
Almost from the commencement of his episcopate Monsignor Geay,
Bishop of Laval, was attacked by accusations filed at Rome,
charges which were examined into during the Pontificate of Leo
XIII., and which led the Holy Office to advise the Bishop to
resign his see. It was then (in 1900) thought at Rome that in
the local conditions actually then existing it was impossible
for Monsignor Geay to govern the diocese with the necessary
authority and efficacy. Monsignor Geay agreed to resign,
provided he received another bishopric in France. This
condition appeared unacceptable to the Vatican, but no further
action was taken in this case until May 17, 1904, when by
order of Pius X. the request for the Bishop’s resignation was
renewed, and in case it was not forthcoming within a specified
time an ecclesiastical trial was intimated as inevitable.
Notwithstanding the secret and private character of this last
letter emanating from the Holy Office, Monsignor Geay
communicated its contents to the French Government. Combes and
Delcassé, jealous of the prerogatives of the French State and
presumably caring little for the honor of the French
episcopate, notified Cardinal Merry del Val (by the acting
Charge d’ Affaires) ‘that if the letter of May 17 is not
annulled the government will be led to take the measures that
a like derogation of the compact which binds France and the
Holy See admits of.’ The Papal Nuncio at Paris explained to M.
Delcassé that this was not a threat of deposition of the
Bishop without a decision of the French Government, but an
invitation to the Bishop to meet the charges by a voluntary
resignation.
"As regards Monsignor Le Nordez and Monsignor Geay,
respectively Bishops of Dijon and Laval, their long hesitation
between the wishes of the French Government and the will of
the Holy See ended by the departure of both of them for Rome.
The government then promptly suppressed their salaries and
after they had (under virtual pressure) placed their
‘voluntary resignation’ in the hands of the Holy Father, an
allowance from the funds of the Vatican was made to each of
them. They have since lived in France in a retirement, varied
at first by interviews of Monsignor Geay with reporters that
have since happily ceased. The severance of diplomatic
relations with the Vatican was completed by a note from M.
Delcassé to the Papal Nuncio at Paris stating that in
consequence of the rupture of diplomatic relations between
France and the Vatican ‘the mission of the Nuncio would
henceforth be deprived of scope.’ In the parliamentary session
of November 26, 1904, the credit for the Embassy at the
Vatican was stricken from the budget. …
"After the downfall of Combes, through the odium attaching to
his spy system, the Minister of the Interior and of Public
Worship presented to the Chamber of Deputies on behalf of the
Rouvier Ministry a project of law to establish the separation.
If for Combes separation had signified little else than
spoliation, aggravated by oppression, the Rouvier plan sought
to render spoliation less unjust, less intolerant. The
ministerial project having been somewhat altered by the
commission, conferences were held and a final agreement having
been obtained, the proposed law was reported to the Chamber of
Deputies in March, 1905. It is unnecessary to follow the
parliamentary evolution of this immature project, forced as an
issue by two successive Premiers who had far less solicitude
for the permanent interests of their country than to assure
their own continuance in power. M. Briand, speaking for the
commission, took great trouble to throw upon the Pope the
responsibility of a law which he at the same time declared to
be perfectly good, beneficent for the Republic and honorable
for its authors! Alas! for separatists, in an unguarded moment
Combes betrayed the utter falsity and ridiculous insincerity
of this pompous and solemn pretence of the anti-religious
majority, that the Pope forced the separation upon France. In
the parliamentary session of January 14, 1905, Combes
declared: ‘When I assumed power I judged that public opinion
was insufficiently prepared for this reform. I have judged it
to be necessary to lead it to that.’
{279}
"When the law of separation, as finally adopted in the Chamber
of Deputies, was referred to the Senate, the Senatorial
commission, under ministerial pressure, adopted the law as
passed in the Chamber, without change of a single word.
Although the law was the most important of any passed in
France for a hundred years, and though it is fraught with
grave influences upon the destinies of the country, this
hastily matured, ill-framed measure, with all its unjust and
vexatious provisions, was swallowed whole by a commission of
cowardly, truckling Senatorial politicians, who disregarded
their plain duty at the dictation of Radicals and Socialists
on the outside. Separationists both in and out of Parliament
were eager to see the law become operative before the
universal suffrage of France could have an opportunity of
passing judgment upon the principle of the separation in the
parliamentary elections of May, 1906. …
"In the Papal Consistory of December 11, 1905, the Pope
pronounced an allocution protesting against the law of
separation in mild and temperate language, announcing his
intention of again treating upon the same subject ‘more
solemnly and more deliberately at an opportune time.’ The Holy
Father evidently waited for the regulations of public
administration that would indicate in what manner the
Government of France intended to administer and enforce the
law. …
"Immediately after the adoption of the law of separation the
government appointed a special commission to elaborate rules
of public administration by which the law was to be
interpreted and applied. This commission being stuffed with
the anti-religious element, its work was worthy of its
authors. … The first details of the regulations officially
promulgated governed the taking of inventories of all movable
and real property of churches, chapels and ecclesiastical
buildings, including rectories, chapter houses, homes of
retreat for aged and infirm priests (even pension endowments),
etc., ostensibly to facilitate the transfer of these
properties to such associations for the maintenance of public
worship as might be formed under the provisions of the law of
separation. These inventories were imposed upon all religious
bodies—Catholic, Protestant and Jewish—and the law was made
applicable to Algiers, where there is a large Mahomedan
population. Viewed in the abstract, the taking of inventories
was a formality necessary to an application of principles
inscribed in the law. As estimates of value such inventories
are worthless, because compiled by agents of the
administration of Public Domains or treasury agents, unaided
by experts in art, architecture and archivial paleography. The
Director General of the Register prescribed to agents taking
these inventories a request for the opening of tabernacles in
churches and chapels to facilitate completeness and accuracy.
This order aroused a storm of indignation throughout France
and the government realized that a stupid blunder had been
made, and it was announced that agents would content
themselves with gathering and incorporating into their report
declarations of the priests upon the nature and value of
sacred vessels contained in the tabernacles.
"The taking of inventories of churches and their contents
commenced simultaneously in many parts of France in the latter
part of January, 1906. Instead of the simple formality hastily
accomplished without general observation, of which separatists
had dreamed, this proceeding was characterized in various
places by scenes of the wildest disorder. When officials of
the Registry presented themselves for the taking of the
inventories, the clergy, surrounded or attended by trustees of
the building, read formal protests against what most of them
styled ‘the first step in an act of spoliation.’ … If these
protests had not been accompanied by physical violence, the
country might have been spared the shocking scenes that took
place in Paris and the provinces. In many churches free fights
took place between militant Catholic laymen, opposed to an
inventory, and police, firemen and troops, who burst open the
doors of churches or broke them down with fire axes in order
to make an inventory possible. While at the doors chairs and
fragments of broken confessionals were flying through the
air, pious women within sang:
‘We will pray God that the Church may be able to teach the
truth, to combat error which causes division, to preach to all
charity!’"
_F. W. Parsons,
Separation of Church and State in France
(American Catholic Quarterly Review, July, 1906)._
FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.
The Morocco Question.
Sudden hostility of Germany to the Anglo-French Agreement.
Demand for an International Conference.
The Conference at Algeciras.
The resulting Act.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.
FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.
Claims against Venezuela.
See (in this Volume)
VENEZUELA: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1907-1909.
FRANCE: A. D. 1906.
President Fallières succeeds Loubet.
Fall of the Rouvier Ministry.
Rise of M. Clemenceau.
The Elections of May.
Conformity to the Separation Law prohibited by the Pope.
Sequestration of Church Property.
The Socialists and the Bourgeois.
Justice at last to Dreyfus.
Honors to Picquart.
The presidential term of M. Loubet, who had been elected on
the 19th of February, 1899, would expire on the 18th of
February, 1906. M. Loubet declined a reflection, and M.
Fallières, the chosen candidate of the various groups of
Republicans, was elected President of the French Republic at a
joint session of the two chambers of the National Assembly, on
the 17th of January, by 449 votes of a total 848. The new
President was inducted into office on the 18th of February,
and, according to usage, was offered the resignations of the
existing Ministry, under M. Rouvier, which, however, he did
not accept. M. Rouvier and his colleagues continued in office
until the 7th of March, when a vote in the Chamber of Deputies
which expressed want of confidence compelled a resignation
that could not be declined.
{280}
The new Ministry then formed, and announced on the 14th, was
nominally presided over by M. Sarrien, President of the
Council and Minister of Justice, but its real chief was known
to be M. Clemenceau, Minister of the Interior. Other important
members of this Cabinet were M. Bourgeois, Minister of Foreign
Affairs, and M. Aristide Briand, Minister of Public
Instruction and of Worship. Sarrien and Bourgeois were classed
politically as Radicals, Briand as a Socialist, and Clemenceau
as a Socialist-Radical. The Ministerial declaration read in
both chambers on the 14th was criticised as colorless, and as
indicating an incongruity of political material in the make-up
of the administration. On the burning question of the
execution of the law for the separation of Church and State
its language was:
"The law on the separation of Church and State has met, in the
execution of the provisions relating to the inventories, a
resistance as unexpected as it is unjustified. There is no one
among us who wishes to assail in any manner whatever the
freedom of religious belief and worship. The law will be
applied in the same liberal spirit in which it was adopted by
the Parliament. … But it is our duty to insure the execution
of all laws throughout the land. Under a republican government
the law is the highest expression of national sovereignty; it
must everywhere be respected and everywhere obeyed. The
Government intends to apply with all necessary circumspection,
but with inflexible firmness, the new legislation which
certain parties of opposition strive vainly to misrepresent."
On the 14th of April the Chamber of Deputies was adjourned
_sine die_, and fresh elections to it were to be held in
May. "The seventh legislature held under the Constitution of
1875 came to an end amid a domestic confusion unparalleled in
France since 1871. In the Nord and the Pas de Calais there
were miners’ strikes, at Clermont-Ferrand strikes in the
building trade; at Lorient and Toulon there was a general
strike, and there were strikes also at Alais and Bordeaux. At
Paris the compositors, the excavators and the railway men on
the Metropolitan had left work, and the postmen also had
joined the movement, though they were servants of the State.
M. Clemenceau paid two visits to Lens to treat with the
strikers; following his example and by his orders the
magistrates, officers and soldiers exhibited admirable
coolness as well as energy in controlling the excited crowds
without resorting to force. … Attempts were made to form what
were virtually revolutionary governments, and these announced
openly that on May 1, capitalism would be assailed, a general
strike proclaimed in Paris, and the Government swept away if
it showed signs of attempting to interfere. These threats set
up an unprecedented panic, which was intensified by the
measures taken by the Government to get rid of it. Troops
guarded the Metropolitan Railway workshops, the printing
establishments, the bakeries. All the cavalry and infantry
available were concentrated at Paris, and schools and empty
houses taken up for their accommodation."
_Annual Register, 1906,
page 270._
In the midst of these distractions the political canvass for a
new representation of the Republic in its legislature was
carried on, and the elections were but slightly disturbed.
They went so sweepingly in favor of the Government that only
176 seats in the Chamber, out of 589, were carried by the
opposition. The victory of the Government was more complete
and decisive than the most sanguine had expected. Said a
writer in _The Fortnightly Review:_
"It is the end of the long struggle between the Republic and
its internal enemies, those Emigres de l’intérieur as M. Paul
Sabatier has happily called them. The political power of the
Church is broken forever; the parties of reaction are finally
crushed, and their future will be that of the Jacobites after
Culloden. … It may perhaps be useful to record the relative
strength of parties in the new Chamber as compared with the
old. Precise accuracy is difficult, owing to the uncertainty
as to the exact group to which a few of the deputies should be
attributed, but the following figures are as near exactitude
as possible:—
New Chamber. Old Chamber.
Ministerialists: (The _Bloc_):--
Republicans of the Left
(Alliance Démocratique
and Gauche Démocratique) 90 83
Radicals 117 98
Radical-Socialists 132 119
Independent Socialists 20 14
Total 359 314
Unified Socialists 54 41
Opposition:—
Republicans of the Centre
(Union Républicaine and Progressists) 68 97
Nationalists 30 53
Conservatives and Clericals 78 84
Total 176 234
"But the mere figures do not bring out the full significance
of the election. Even more important than the fact that only
108 Clerical and Nationalist deputies were returned is the
fact that these 108 represent, with very few exceptions, the
most ignorant and backward districts in France. Immediately
after the election the _Matin_ published an electoral map
of France, in which the districts represented by Opposition
deputies were left white. It is an instructive document. The
whole of central France is a solid mass of black, in the north
and south the white spots are few and scattered, in the east
black very greatly predominates; only in the west is there any
conspicuous show of white."
_Robert Dell,
France, England, and Mr. Bodley
(Fortnightly Review, September, 1906)._
Manifestly the majority in France approved the severance of
religious institutions from the political organization of the
State. In recognition of the fact, the General Assembly of
French Bishops, sitting soon afterwards at Paris, petitioned
the Pope, by the vote of a large majority, to permit the
forming of Public Worship Associations under the Separation
Law. The papal reply, given late in the summer, was a new
Encyclical, formally forbidding French Catholics to form such
Associations for taking the offered use of the church
buildings and property, as provided for continued exercises of
religion by the law. A little later the prohibition was
carried farther, and French Catholics were forbidden to
conform to the Associations Law of 1891, as well as to the
Separation Law.
{281}
There seems to have been a disposition in the Government to
extend, from one year to two, the period allowed for
conformity to the latter enactment; but this attitude on the
part of the head of the Church dispelled it. Accordingly, on
the 11th of December, 1906, when the term fixed by the law
expired, sequestration of the property of the vestries was
pronounced, and buildings occupied in connection with the
churches by bishops, rectors, seminaries, etc., were ordered
to be vacated with no further delay.
Before matters reached this stage M. Sarrien had resigned, on
account of ill health, and the premiership had passed to
Clemenceau. The Cabinet underwent a degree of reconstruction
soon afterwards, and the upright, courageous Picquart,
formerly Colonel, now Brigadier-General, who had stood so long
almost alone in army circles as a champion of justice to the
foully wronged Dreyfus, had been given the portfolio of War.
See, in Volume VI. of this work,
FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899)
To Dreyfus himself the Republic had made all the reparation
that it could. On the 12th of July in this year its highest
court had pronounced a decision which branded with falsity and
forgery every document and the whole testimony on which he had
been convicted, and declared that "the accusation against
Dreyfus was completely unjustified." Thereupon he was
reinstated in the army with the rank of major, and not many
days later, on the spot where the ceremony of his degradation
had been performed, in 1894, he received the insignia of a
Chevalier of the Legion of Honor.
In the May elections for the Chamber of Deputies the
Socialists had been heavily reinforced, and their most
strenuous leader, M. Jaurès, was inspired to say in his
journal, L'Humanité:
"There is no more time to be lost. This time we must give the
finishing blow to the Reaction, to all parties of the past, to
Clericalism and Cæsarism. After clearing the battleground of
all its litter, the Proletariat must be able to say to the
face of the Republican Democracy, the Radical Democracy which
at last is master of public power: ‘What are you going to do
for workmen? What reforms, what guarantees, are you going to
give them? How are you going to help French society out of the
deep crisis in which it struggles? How, by what organization
of Property and Labor, will you put an end to the exploiting
of men, to the war of classes let loose by the Capitalist form
of property?’" Quoting these words, soon afterwards, a writer
in _The Atlantic Monthly_ remarked:
"Such words are not the mere rhetoric of a Parliamentary
dictator who has just suffered a year’s eclipse in the
retrograde combinations given to the Radical majority by Prime
Minister Rouvier. Almost physiologically, certainly socially,
the millions of French workmen stand over against
property-holders in a way to which there is nothing comparable
in the Northern and Western United States, with all their
labor difficulties. They form a separate class in society,
because French property-holders form an exclusive caste. It
was the middle classes, the property-holding bourgeois and the
peasant proprietors bound up with them, who profited by the
great Revolution against the privileged classes of that
day,—royalty, clergy, and nobles. During the century which has
elapsed the triumphant bourgeois have steadily persisted in
throwing around themselves a practically impenetrable wall of
legal and social privilege in their turn. And now there is a
spontaneous upheaval of the excluded, unprivileged, inferior
class."
_Stoddard Dewey,
The Year in France
(Atlantic Monthly, August, 1906)._
Mainly, it appears, from the prompting and the influence of
the Socialist and Labor organizations, France obtained, in
1906, a law making Sunday a day of rest from most descriptions
of industry and commerce, exceptions being made to allow
travel and transportation companies, lighting and water works,
newspaper offices, and some other performers of public
services, to continue their operations, while hotels,
restaurants, wine shops, drug stores, and the like, were
exempted from closing their doors.
See (in this Volume)
SUNDAY OBSERVANCE.
FRANCE: A. D. 1906.
Woman Suffrage Movement.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.
FRANCE: A. D. 1906.
The Thrift and consequent loanable Wealth of the country.
The power that it makes for peace.
"In the world at large, however, France has also come to a
consciousness of her real power. An English financier had
already said that if the French people continue to live on the
principle, ‘where you have four sous spend only two,’ they
will end by having in their possession all the coined gold in
the world. The great portion of it which they already possess,
and the distress caused to German finance and industry by the
patriotic refusal of the united French banks to allow their
gold to be drawn until peace was secure, had a great and
probably decisive influence in the happy termination of this
entangled affair of Morocco. The floating of the latest
Russian loan has since come to show yet further the riches of
France, to which tourists alone, it is estimated, add two
billion francs in gold each year. This money power and money
need should tend to the keeping of European peace more than
all the theories of the pacifists who clamor for a disarmament
impossible to obtain."
_Stoddard Dewey,
The Year in France
(Atlantic Monthly, August, 1906)._
FRANCE: A. D. 1906.
Deposition of the insane King of Anam.
See (in this Volume)
ANAM.
FRANCE: A. D. 1906 (February).
The Papal Encyclical "Vehementer Nos."
See PAPACY: A. D. 1906 (February).
FRANCE: A. D. 1906-1907.
The Separation of Church and State.
Further measures and proceedings, as related from opposite
standpoints.
From the Separationist Standpoint:
"The practical question, what course the French Catholics were
to adopt when the law should go into effect, was first
answered by the pope in his encyclical Gravissimo, published
August 10, 1906, eight months after the promulgation of the
law. The gist of the document is in two sentences: ‘After
having condemned as was our duty this iniquitous law, we
examined with the greatest care whether the articles of the
aforesaid law would leave at least some means of organizing
religious life in France so as to rescue the sacred principles
upon which rests the Holy Church.’ Having consulted the
bishops, and addressed 'fervent prayers to the Father of
Light,’ the pope came to the following conclusion:
‘As for the associations of worship, as the law organizes
them, we decree that they can absolutely not be formed without
violating the sacred rights which are the very life of the
church.’
{282}
"Is there any other form of association which might be both
legal and canonical? Pius X did not see any. Therefore, as
long as the law remained as it was, the Holy Father forbade
the French Catholics to try any form of association which did
not promise, in an ‘unmistakable and legal manner, that the
divine constitution of the church, the immutable rights of the
Roman pontiff and the bishops, as well as their authority over
the property necessary to the church, especially over the
sacred edifices, will be forever insured in those
associations.’ …
"For this decision there were, from the ecclesiastical point
of view, three grounds. One was the failure of the law of 1905
to recognize, in so many words, the authority of the
ecclesiastical hierarchy. Another was the abrupt fashion in
which the French government broke off its diplomatic relations
with the Vatican. The fact that the government consistently
ignored the pope during the drafting of the bill was a third.
…
"Under what regime the churches were to live was at first
somewhat uncertain; but M. Briand speedily discovered in
existing legislation all that was needed to insure the
continuance of religious worship. He was willing to admit that
the church was not obliged to avail herself of the privileges
that the new law provided for her. Law imposes duties on
citizens, but it does not force them to make use of rights or
privileges. Everything that is not forbidden is lawful. … The
minister stated that the priests could make use of the
churches after having filed such an application or declaration
as is required for ordinary meetings by the law of 1881. These
declarations would be valid for a whole year instead of for
one meeting. But under this regime the priests would be simply
temporary occupants of the buildings of worship without any
legal title.
"This compromise proved no more satisfactory to the Vatican
than the law of 1905. …
"The pope refused to sanction this arrangement. He objected to
the scheme of yearly declaration. In the first place he
complained that this broad interpretation of the law on public
meetings was merely a personal fancy of M. Briand which might
not bind his successors. In the second place, the dignity of
the priests did not allow them to accept the humiliating
position of simple occupants of the churches. …
"The government, however, could not leave several million
Catholics in a position in which opportunity to perform their
religious duties depended upon uncertain texts and the
circulars of a temporary minister of worship. It therefore set
out to draft a bill that would be acceptable to the church
without any recourse to the discarded associations of worship.
The new bill was submitted to Parliament December 15, 1906;
was accepted by the Chamber December 21 and by the Senate
December 29, and was promulgated January 2, 1907. …
"Most of the privileges granted in the law of 1905 are
withdrawn; and the law of associations of 1901, combined with
the law of public meetings of 1881, forms the basis of the new
regime. …
"Of all the catastrophes prophesied or feared by foes or
friends none has occurred. The new regime so violently
attacked in and out of France is being gradually acclimated."
_Othon Guerlac,
The Separation of Church and State in France
Political Science Quarterly, June, 1908._
FRANCE: A. D. 1906-1907.
The Separation of Church and State.
Further measures and proceedings, as related from opposite
standpoints.
From the Standpoint of the Church:
"The third meeting of the French episcopate, held at the
Château de la Muette, Paris, January 15-19, resulted in a
declaration (approved by the Holy See) of their unanimous
consent to essay the organization of public worship in
churches to be placed at the Bishops’ disposal free; an
essential condition being a legal contract (authorized by
Government) between themselves or their clergy and the
Prefects or Mayors to whom such churches (sequestrated in
December) have been handed or will be handed over; the
contract to be for a term of eighteen years, during which term
(being fixed by the common law of municipal leases of communal
properties) neither Mayors nor Prefects shall in any way
interfere either in parochial administration or in regard to
the conditions of occupancy of the edifices, which must be, as
regards police, under control of the priest in charge, the
mayor intervening only on grave occasions when his official
duties require him according to law to re-establish disturbed
order.
"This document, published on January 29, was immediately, with
a form of contract, sent by each Bishop to the Parish priests
in his diocese with a request to be informed immediately
whether the proposed contract would be entered into by their
respective mayors, and instructing them if possible to get it
signed at once and return it to the Bishop. Of course, from
every parish where Catholics are strong and zealous the signed
contracts were quickly obtainable or obtained. But so soon as
the Minister of Worship learned these proceedings, he
circularized the Prefects of France on February 1:
"‘You will shortly receive instructions concerning the
application of the Article in the Law of January 2, 1907,
providing that free use of Communal buildings intended for
worship, and of their fittings, may, subject to the
requirements of Article 13 in the Law of 9 December, 1905, be
accorded by an administration act of the mayors to the
ministers of worship specified in declarations of
worship-meetings. It is extremely urgent, to prevent mayors
being entrapped into giving their signatures, that you should
telegraphically warn them, they are not entitled to enter into
a contract of this kind without preliminary deliberation by
their municipal council, and that they should, pending the
vote of that body, confine themselves, if asked for it, to
giving an acknowledgment of receipt of any request for use of
edifices they may have received. You will also assure them
they shall at a very early date receive instructions defining
the conditions to be observed to render such contracts valid,
and will direct them to do nothing until those instructions
reach them.’
"It is due to M. Briand to acknowledge: first, that he lost no
time whatever in fulfilling this promise; second, that his new
circular on the application of the law of January 2, 1907,
which bears date Paris, February 3rd, and was published the
following evening, lays down regulations concerning the leases
of Churches and Communal Chapels which on the face of these
are fair, reasonable, and likely to be universally acceptable.
{283}
The main conditions are, approval of the agreements by the
municipal councils, failing which mayors cannot enter into
them; maximum term to be eighteen years; the lessee (whether a
curé, or a worship association) to keep the buildings in
proper repair; leases for longer periods than eighteen years
to be sanctioned by the prefect; that the curé acts by
permission of his ecclesiastical superior may be stated in the
lease, but such superior is not to be entitled in any way,
once the document is signed, to interfere, or exercise
authority. …
"In Paris the appearance of the circular was hailed with
satisfaction by Catholics and reasonable men. … Cardinal
Richard deems it proper and useful to direct his priests to
make the declaration, after the contract is duly signed, and
when His Eminence shall authorize them to make it. …
"His Eminence lost no time in submitting to the Protestant
prefect of the Seine, M. de Selves, a draft lease of the Paris
Cathedral (Notre Dame) and the historical St. Denis Basilica.
It was understood that, if settled and signed, this contract
should serve as the model to be followed in the remaining
eighty-five French dioceses. The Cardinal Secretary of State
at the Vatican authorized these negotiations, against his
personal judgment, without any illusions as to the result,
simply to satisfy the French episcopate and a minority in the
Sacred College. …
"After negotiations extending over three weeks, the Prefect
informed the Cardinal (in writing, on February 23) that His
Eminence’s proposals were inacceptable, but the government
invited amended ones based on ministerial declarations made in
the Chamber during a stormy debate on February 19, when M.
Briand found himself forced to confess the churches were left
open in view of the truth that a parliamentary majority had
‘no right to hinder millions of Catholic compatriots from
practising their religion.’ The Cardinal Archbishop replied
immediately that the text of the draft submitted embodied the
extreme limits of possible concessions."
_J. F. Boyd,
The French Ecclesiastical Revolution
(American Catholic Quarterly Review, January-April, 1907)._
FRANCE: A. D. 1907.
Effects of the Separation Law.
The Catholics of France lose all Legal Organization.
"The Church Separation Law has failed to do the particular
work for which it was voted by the preceding Parliament.
Catholic citizens have chosen to undergo its penalties, with
new pains and reprisals voted by the present Parliament,
rather than accept that civil reorganization of their religion
which it imposed on them. The result has been to deprive
French Catholics, not only of the church property which had
been restored to them after the confiscations of the
Revolution, but also of all church property of whatever kind,
even such as had since been gathered together by their private
and voluntary contributions. It is impossible to foresee how
they are legally to constitute new church property for
themselves. By the automatic working of separation, Catholics,
so far as any corporative action might be intended, are left
quite outside their country’s laws.
"The Associations Law had previously suppressed their
religious orders and congregations, that is, all those
teaching and other communities which combined individual
initiatives into a working power for their religion. In virtue
of that law, their convents and colleges and the other
properties of such religious associations have ‘reverted’ to
the State, which is gradually liquidating them for its own
purposes.
"No example of temporal sacrifices for religion’s sake on such
a scale has been seen since Catholics in the France of the
Revolution chose to lose all, in many cases life itself,
rather than accept the schismatical civil constitution of
their clergy, which was accompanied by a like nationalizing of
all their church property."
_Stoddard Dewey,
The Year in France
(Atlantic Monthly, August, 1907)._
FRANCE: A. D. 1907.
Rapid Development of the Syndicalist Labor Union Movement.
The Confederation Generate du Travail.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1907.
FRANCE: A. D. 1907.
Popular Vote on the Greatest Frenchman of the
Nineteenth Century, awarding the distinction to Louis Pasteur.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1908.
FRANCE: A. D. 1907 (May-July).
The revolt of the Wine-growers of the Midi.
From various causes, the wine-growers of Southern France have
suffered from an increasing decline in the market for their
products. They attributed this wholly to the extensive
manufacture of adulterated and counterfeited wines, though it
came partly, without doubt, from the increasing use of beers
and spirituous liquors among the French. The struggling
cultivators of the grape, who could hardly obtain a living
from their vineyards, accused the government of neglect to
make and enforce effective laws for the suppression of the
adulterating frauds. They demanded new measures for the
suppression of all vinous beverages that were not the pure
product of the grape. In the spring of 1907 their attitude
became seriously threatening; for a leader named Marcelin
Albert, having an eloquent tongue, a bold spirit, and a
capacity for command, had risen among them. Alarming
demonstrations of popular excitement occurred in the cities of
Perpignan, Montpellier, Narbonne, and others.
Then, in May, the discontented people gave formal notice that
they would refuse to pay taxes if all adulterate wine-making
was not summarily stopped by the 10th of June. At the
appointed time the threat was even more than made good, for
most of the municipal officers in the four departments of
Gard, Aude, Hérault, and the Pyrenees Orientales resigned and
the machinery of local government was dissolved. The
troublesome situation thus created was handled ably by Premier
Clemenceau. On one hand he secured new legislation from
Parliament against wine adulteration, while promptly ordering
troops to the region of revolt on the other. Marcelin Albert
and another leader, Dr. Ferroul, Mayor of Narbonne, were
arrested, and order was soon restored, though a few collisions
with turbulent crowds were attended with some loss of life.
The new laws enacted for the occasion were intended in part to
secure an annual record of the vineyard product of the country
that would enable the Government to keep knowledge of it from
the vine to the wine cask, and make fraudulent tampering with
it more difficult, at least.
{284}
FRANCE: A. D. 1907 (September).
Convention with Great Britain concerning Commercial Relations
with Canada.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1907-1909.
FRANCE: A. D. 1907 (November).
Treaty with Great Britain, Germany, Norway, and Russia,
guaranteeing the integrity of Norway.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.
FRANCE: A. D. 1907 (November).
Treaty with England concerning Death Duties.
See (in this Volume)
DEATH DUTIES.
FRANCE: A. D. 1907-1909.
Operation in Morocco.
Bombardment of Casablanca.
Fresh irritation of Germany.
Arbitration of the Casablanca incident.
Dethronement of Sultan Abd el Aziz by his brother, Mulai Hafid.
Franco-German Agreement.
See (in this Volume)
Morocco: A. D. 1907-1909.
FRANCE: A. D. 1908.
North Sea and Baltic Agreements.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1908.
FRANCE: A. D. 1908.
The Situation of the Catholic Church since the Separation
of Church and State.
A Church Organization impossible.
"To question whether the Catholics in France, who have alone
done more than the Catholics in any other nation for foreign
missions and for the propagation of the faith, will succeed in
maintaining the Church in their own country by private
contributions, will perhaps arouse astonishment. Nevertheless
it may be questioned. We do not doubt the generosity of our
people, but that which does give us concern is the
impossibility of organizing any revenue which can be
permanent. … The Church would be able to surmount the
difficulty if she had endowments, revenues, or property, as in
other countries. But that of course demands some regular
organization, some corporation or some body recognized by the
laws of the country and capable of acquiring, possessing, and
exercising ordinary property rights. We cannot state too
emphatically that such an organization for the Church is not
possible to-day in France. On one side the only body
authorized by the law to look after the material side of the
religious interests is the _association cultuelle_, or
local committee of public worship, as defined and regulated by
the Law of Separation. On the other side, this _association
cultuelle_ has been declared by the Pope incompatible with
the hierarchical constitution of the Church of Rome, and the
bishops, the priests, and the Catholic laity, in obedience to
their Supreme Head, have abstained and will continue to
abstain from forming any such organization. Not only, then,
have there been no Catholic _associations cultuelles_ to
receive from the state the portion of the former religious
property (the half perhaps) which we might have kept; but
there will be none in the future to receive a gift of any
kind. In the eyes of the law there is no diocese, no parish,
no corporation representing diocese or parish. The bishop and
the pastor are only individual citizens, Messrs. So-and-So.
They cannot hold property except as individuals, and what they
might receive for religious purposes cannot be handed down to
their successors,—it must revert only to their legal heirs. In
brief, no permanent body whatever can provide for the
maintenance of public worship.
"This is the situation with its almost insurmountable
difficulties. In all probability it will be a long time before
we escape from it."
_Felix Klein,
The Present Difficulties of the Church in France
(Fortnightly Review, April, 1908)._
FRANCE: A. D. 1908 (April).
Treaty with England, Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, and
Sweden, for maintenance of the Status Quo on the North Sea.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.
FRANCE: A. D. 1908 (June).
Treaty with Japan, adjusting interests of each country
in the East.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1907 (JUNE).
FRANCE: A. D. 1908 (June).
Purchase of the Western Railway.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: FRANCE.
FRANCE: A. D. 1908-1909.
Operations in and around Morocco.
French Mauritanie.
Pushing French lines toward the West.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.
FRANCE: A. D. 1908-1909.
Attitude on the question of the Austrian Annexation of
Bosnia and Herzegovina.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).
FRANCE: A. D. 1909.
Socialism and the Socialist Parties.
The classes appealed to.
The leaders and the followers.
See (in this Volume)
SOCIALISM: FRANCE.
FRANCE: A. D. 1909.
A late awakening to the need of better Technical
and Industrial Training.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909.
FRANCE: A. D. 1909.
Coöperative Organization in Agriculture.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR REMUNERATION: COOPERATIVE ORGANIZATION.
FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (January).
Elections to one-third of the French Senate.
Success of the Socialist-Radicals.
Endorsement of the Clemenceau Ministry.
Elections to the one-third of the French Senate which goes out
every third year were held on Sunday, the 3d of January, and
resulted heavily in favor of the party which calls itself
Socialist-Radical, holding a middle ground between the extreme
Socialists and the Moderate Republicans. M. Clemenceau, the
Premier, is of this party, and his administration had given it
great strength. He was one of the Senators whose term had
expired, and his constituents of the Var re-elected him by a
majority of 390, 46 more than they had formerly given him. Of
the 103 Senators chosen at this election the
Socialist-Radicals and Radicals (who work together) won 60,
giving them secure control of the Senate, where the Moderate
Republicans had been holding the balance of power. The latter
lost eighteen seats, while the Conservatives or Reactionists
of the Right added 1 to the 4 they had previously held. The
strength in France of a politically and practically restrained
sympathy with the economic ideas of Socialism was proved
signally in this election.
FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (January).
Amended Convention with Great Britain concerning Commercial
Relations with Canada.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1907-1909.
FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (March).
Appointment of Abbé Loisy to the Professorship of the
History of Religions in the College of France.
Early in March, 1909, the Abbé Loisy, most conspicuous of the
"Modernists" who had been condemned and denounced by the Pope,
was appointed by the Minister of Public Instruction to be
Professor of the History of Religions in the College de
France, filling the chair vacated by the death of M. Réville.
The appointment had been recommended by the authorities of the
College, which is reputed to be an institution entirely
devoted to "disinterested scientific research." Nevertheless,
the choice was looked upon at once as being prompted by a
motive of offensive antagonism to the Papacy.
{285}
The Abbé has had distinction for years among the masters of
the higher criticism, and five of his books were placed on the
"Index" by the church in 1903. The propositions characterized
as "Modernism" and condemned by the Pope in 1907 were largely
drawn from his writings. The Abbé replied to the condemnation,
and was excommunicated.
FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (March-May).
Serious strike of Government employés in the Telegraph and
Postal Service.
Overcome by the firmness of the Government.
Disciplinary proceedings.
Court decision against Trade Unions among
employés of the State.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (MARCH-MAY).
FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (March-June).
Report of Parliamentary Commission on the Naval Administration.
Alarming conditions.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.
FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (April).
Reported reanimation of Clerical Anti-Republicanism.
"I learn on excellent authority," said an English
correspondent of the Press, writing from Paris in April, "that
the leaders of anti-clericalism in the French political world
are becoming somewhat concerned as to the rapid recrudescence
of the political religious orders, which, although suppressed,
are somehow managing to reestablish themselves in France. As
was recently pointed out by M. André Mater, in a Volume, ‘La
Politique Religieuse de la République Française,’ published
under the auspices of the ‘Committee for the defence abroad of
the religious policy of France,’ the French monks, and not the
French Bishops and priests, were almost entirely responsible
for the Vatican’s refusal to accept the three Separation Laws
which M. Briand, the then Minister of Public Worship, framed
in a conciliatory spirit towards the Roman Catholic Church,
and often with the assistance of the French Bishops
themselves. The French Government will certainly not allow the
religious orders to revive the old campaign of
anti-Republicanism, which has, in the opinion of many French
Roman Catholics, done so much to compromise the interests of
Roman Catholicism in this country."
FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (June).
Earthquake on the Mediterranean coast.
See (in this Volume)
EARTHQUAKES: FRANCE.
FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (June-July).
Revised Naval Programme.
Changes in the Department of the Marine.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.
FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (July).
Discussion of the Navy Report in the Chamber of Deputies.
M. Clemenceau’s outbreak of passion.
His flings at M. Delcassé resented by the Chamber.
He is driven from office by its vote.
His Successor, M. Briand, and the New Cabinet.
A Socialist Statesman at the head of the Government.
When the report of the Parliamentary Commission on the Navy
and the Naval Administration came up for discussion in the
Chamber of Deputies, in July, it brought about the overthrow
of Prime Minister Clemenceau and his Cabinet in a singular
way.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.
The report itself had not been seriously threatening to the
stability of the Ministry. Responsibility for the weaknesses
found in the Naval administration belonged evidently, in large
measure, to the predecessors of M. Clemenceau and his
colleagues, and they were united in maintaining that M.
Picard, who held the Marine portfolio, had done all that could
be done since he came to office towards reforming his
department. M. Picard himself spoke with an aggressive
boldness of self-justification in the debate. His speech, made
on the 20th of July, called out M. Delcassé, president of the
investigating Commission, who mounted the tribune and
delivered an attack on the Government, fierce with the
animosities of a long antagonism between M. Clemenceau and
himself. This angered the Premier to a degree, apparently,
which overpowered his usually clear judgment, and he retorted
in a speech which taunted M. Delcassé with references to that
Morocco affair in which he and France were subjected to
mortifications at the hands of Germany.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906).
It is a matter on which sore feeling exists naturally in
France, and concerning which the sympathy of the nation is
with M. Delcassé. Hence the Chamber resented Clemenceau’s
allusions to it, and Delcassé was cheered when he made a
passionate but dignified reply. The Premier would have needed
to be blind if he did not see that his own party was against
him in the tone he had given to the controversy; and yet he
proceeded to a repetition of the taunt he had flung at his
opponent before. What followed was thus described to the
readers of the London _Times_ the next morning, by its
Paris correspondent:
"M. Clemenceau rose in face of a hostile Chamber, which had
been profoundly impressed by M. Delcassé, although on entering
the Palais Bourbon before the debate this afternoon not a
single member of the House had contemplated the possibility of
a division which would entail the fall of the Ministry and
expose all parties to the necessity of readjustments of
electoral arrangements under a new and untried Cabinet within
less than a year of the general election. M. Clemenceau said:—
"‘M. Delcassé has taken a great deal of trouble not to reply
to the only question which I put to him—namely, you were
Minister and you followed a policy which was bound to carry us
to one of the greatest humiliations.’
"It seemed, as one gazed down upon the House, that the entire
Chamber leapt as one man in indignant repudiation of this
sentence, which, moreover, had been truncated by this
spontaneous and concerted interruption. When the noise of the
slamming desks had died down, M. Clemenceau was heard to say:
"‘Oh, a truce to false indignation, I beg of you. You led us,
M. Delcassé, within a hair’s breadth of war and you did
nothing to prepare for any such policy by taking military
precautions. Everybody is aware that the Ministers of War and
of Marine were questioned, and that they declared that we were
not ready. (Loud protests.) I have not humiliated France, M.
Delcassé humiliated her.’
"As M. Clemenceau returned to his place, there could be no
doubt as to the temper of the House. A division was
immediately announced on an order of the day of confidence,
proposed by M. Jourde and accepted by the Government.
{286}
"The vote took place on priority in favour of this order of
the day amid the liveliest agitation. By 212 votes to 176
priority was rejected. As soon as the President had read out
the figures, M. Clemenceau and the Ministers rose, and leaving
the Government Bench filed out into the lobbies. Loud cheers
from the Right and the Extreme Left followed them to the door.
It was the fall of the Ministry which has enjoyed the longest
lease of life of any under the Third Republic.
"After holding a consultation at the Palais Bourbon, the Prime
Minister and his colleagues immediately proceeded to the
Elysee in order formally to tender their resignation.
President Fallières, who was at dinner and who had not heard
the result of the vote in the Chamber, was taken by surprise
and expressed regret at the departure of M. Clemenceau, with
whom he had collaborated so long. The short interview, which
lasted only ten minutes, concluded with a formal request on
the part of the President that M. Clemenceau and his
colleagues would continue to discharge the duties of their
respective Departments until the appointment of their
successors."
Though his colleagues went out of office with him, it was M.
Clemenceau, alone, who could be said to have "fallen." Even
that characterization of the occurrence was criticised by one
of his opponents, who said: "M. Clemenceau did not fall; he
plunged out of office." "The Chamber had no intention of
upsetting the Government," said one of the Republican journals
of Paris, "and an hour earlier, in fact, had loudly cheered
the Minister of Marine, M. Picard." In these circumstances it
was certain that the change of Ministry would make little
change in the character or policy of the Government. It did,
in fact, make no extensive change in even the personnel of the
Ministry; for six members of the Cabinet of M. Clemenceau
reappeared in its successor, and these included the new
Premier, M. Aristide Briand.
The choice of M. Briand for leadership in the Government
appears to have been made by a common consensus of opinion
that he was the one man pointed to by all the circumstances of
the case. As Minister of Public Worship he had shown a
temperateness of disposition and a political capacity, in
steering the country through the stormy achievement of the
separation of the State from the Church, which won high
admiration and esteem both at home and abroad. He had been
known as distinctly a Socialist, according to the full meaning
of the term in France, and had come into public life with the
prejudices raised against that brand of radicalism to contend
with. But he had given good proof that he could be practically
a statesman as well as theoretically a Socialist, and France
appeared to be fully willing to see the helm of Government put
into his hands. He is the first fully professed Socialist to
attain that position in a great State. In making up his
Cabinet he called into it two others of his own Socialist
sect, namely, M. Millerand, to be Minister of Public Works,
Posts, and Telegraphs, and M. Viviani to be Minister of Labor,
as he had been before. For himself he retained the Ministry of
Public Worship, and, with it, the Ministry of the Interior. Of
other important departments of the Government, that of Foreign
Affairs was reassumed by M. Pichon and that of Public
Instruction by M. Domergue. General Brun became Minister of
War and Admiral Boué de Lapcyrère, Minister of Marine. The
Cabinet appears to have been generally recognized as one of
exceptional strength.
On the 27th of July the new Premier spoke as such to the
Chamber of Deputies for the first time, and did so, it was
manifest, with impressive effect. "If I deemed my person to be
an element of discord in the Republican party," he said, "I
should ask you not to follow me. I could not suppose that
serious men would come to ask me to sort out, as it were, from
my old ideas those which experience has confirmed within me
and those which it has made me discard. If I had been base
enough to do that, my interpellators would be right if they
refused me their confidence. I come before you just as I am, a
man whom you all know. I have been working with you of the
majority for the last seven years. You know that I am not
afraid of ideas, and that my way of thinking is daring. The
Republic seems to me to be the germ of all progress, but I
admit only such ideas as are feasible. _Je suis un homme de
réalisation._ Those who have watched me know that full
well. If there be among you any who are still ignorant of
these facts, let them vote against me. I have as yet no
mandate from you. Tonight I may have one, but at present there
is still time for you to refuse to invest me with one."
At the close of the Premier’s address a motion of confidence
was made, and carried by 306 votes against 46.
FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (July).
French Deputies to lose pay when not in attendance
at the Chamber.
Voting by proxy is permitted in the French Chamber of
Deputies, and this encourages absenteeism. To correct that
result a remarkable rule was adopted by the Chamber at its
session of July 17. "The Socialist Deputy for the Cher, M.
Berton, aided by the Socialist Radical M. Dumont, induced the
House to adopt, by 441 votes to 77, a measure in virtue of
which ‘any Deputy who shall not have signed during six
consecutive sittings a certificate of attendance shall be
regarded as being absent without permission’ and deprived of
his pay. M. Pelletan, ex-Minister of Marine, who is, with men
like M. Brisson, President of the Chamber, the type of the old
Parliamentary hand of the Republican _régime_, protested
in vain against a conception of Parliamentary work which, as
he said, humiliated the representatives of France to the
position of schoolboys who have to be ruled with a rod of iron
lest they play truant. M. Brisson himself pointed out that the
proposal of the Socialist Deputies was seriously wanting in
respect for the national sovereignty, and he reminded his
colleagues that mere attendance in the Chamber was by no means
the only, nor necessarily the most effective, way of doing
one’s duty as Deputy.
FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (July).
The Pensioning of State Railway Employés.
The Pending Workman’s Pension Bill.
See (in this Volume)
POVERTY: ITS PROBLEMS: FRANCE.
FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (October).
Abrogation of Commercial Agreements with the United States.
See (in this Volume)
TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.
FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (October).
Clerical attack on the Secular or Neutral Schools.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909.
{287}
FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (November).
Contemplated Reform in Criminal Court Procedure.
See (in this Volume)
LAW AND ITS COURTS: FRANCE.
FRANCE: A. D. 1910.
Destructive Floods in France, most seriously
in and around Paris.
Many parts of France suffered heavily from extraordinary
floods in the later half of January and the early days of
February, 1910; but Paris had the worst of the calamity to
bear. In its long history the city has been cruelly dealt with
many times by the waters of the Seine, which its quays and
bridges constrict and obstruct; but this latest experience
proved nearly the climax. It was comparable, at least, with a
historic flood that dates back to 1615. Large districts were
uninhabitable for days; half the streets and squares of the
city were under water: foundations of many of the grandest
buildings were being sapped, while sewers, subways, and
pavements were extensively destroyed. It was not until the
beginning of February that any subsidence of the waters
occurred, and far into the month before much restoration of
conditions could be taken in hand. The suffering meantime was
very great and the pecuniary damage immense.
----------FRANCE: End--------
FRANCO, JOÃO:
His drastic Government of Portugal.
See (in this Volume)
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.
FREDERICK VIII.:
Succession to the Crown of Denmark.
See (in this Volume)
DENMARK: A. D. 1906.
FREE CHURCH, of Scotland.
See (in this Volume)
SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904-1905.
FREE ZONE, Mexican:
Its abolition.
For an account of the Free Zone:
See Volume VI. of this work,
MEXICAN FREE ZONE.
It went out of existence in 1905.
See (in this Volume)
MEXICO: A. D. 1904-1905.
FRIEDJUNG CASE, The.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).
FRIARS’ LANDS, Governmental purchase of the.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902-1903.
FRY, Sir Edward.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: England: A. D. 1907-1909.
FULLER, Sir Bampfylde, Resignation of.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1905-1909.
FULTON CELEBRATION.
See (in this Volume)
NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909.
FURNESS, Sir Christopher:
His plan of Profit-sharing with Workmen.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR REMUNERATION: PROFIT-SHARING.
G.
GAELIC LEAGUE.
See (in this Volume)
IRELAND: A. D. 1893-1907.
GAGE, Lyman J.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905.
GALSTER, Vice-Admiral:
Argument for Submarines against "Dreadnoughts."
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1909.
GALVESTON PLAN OF MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
DES MOINES PLAN OF MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: GALVESTON.
GAMBLING:
Its suppression in Siam.
See (in this Volume)
SIAM: A. D. 1905.
GAMBLING: Race-track:
Legislation for its Suppression in the State of New York.
See (in this Volume)
NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1908.
GAMBLING:
Legislation for its Suppression in Louisiana and
the District of Columbia.
In June, 1908, Louisiana followed the example of New York in
passing an Act for the suppression of race-track gambling.
There, as in New York, only exactly enough votes to pass the
bill were secured; one Senator was present for the final vote
in spite of illness which subjected him to the most serious
inconvenience, and one Senator had to be sought by messenger
with a motor-car and brought by an all-night ride ninety miles
through the Louisiana marshes. Within a few months past the
gamblers of the race track had been similarly placed under the
ban of the law in the District of Columbia.
GAMBLING:
Its Suppression in Japan.
The following was reported from Tokio, March 27, 1909:
"A tremendous effort has been made by the race-track element
in Japan to induce the government to retract and permit
betting upon the tracks, but Marquis Katsura, the premier, has
stood firm, and, for another year, at least, the race tracks
of the Empire will be without their favorite Pari Mutuel or
any other form of betting. This means in Japan practically an
end of horse-racing, and necessarily a heavy loss to the
stockholders in the various race tracks. The development of
racing in Japan was extremely rapid. From a single course
established at Yokohama by foreigners, at least half a dozen
tracks were in full swing when gambling was prohibited. So
flagrant were the cases of fraud and so numerous the examples
of ruin brought about by reckless betting that the government
suddenly put its foot down upon the whole thing."
GAMBLING:
Stock, and other Speculative Dealing.
See (in this Volume)
FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.
GAPON, Father George.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.
GARCIA, Lugardo:
Deposed President of Ecuador.
See (in this Volume)
ECUADOR.
GARFIELD, HARRY A.: President of Williams College.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.
GARFIELD, JAMES R.:
Commissioner of Corporations and Secretary of the Interior.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1909.
GARFIELD, JAMES R.:
Investigation of the "Beef Trust," so-called.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.
GARFIELD, JAMES R.:
Investigation of the Standard Oil Company, and Report.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.
GASOLINE ENGINE.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION.
GATUN DAM.
See (in this Volume)
PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1905-1909.
GAUNA, JUAN:
Revolutionary President of Paraguay.
See (in this Volume)
PARAGUAY: A. D. 1904.
GAUTSCH, BARON.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.
{288}
GAYNOR, WILLIAM J.
See (in this Volume)
NEW YORK CITY: A. D). 1909.
GEAY, Bishop.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.
GENERAL EDUCATION BOARD.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909.
"GENERAL SLOCUM," Burning of the.
See (in this Volume)
NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1904.
GEORGE, David Lloyd.
See (in this Volume)
LLOYD-GEORGE, DAVID.
GEORGE V., KING OF GREAT BRITAIN:
His accession to the Throne.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1910 (MAY).
GEORGE JUNIOR REPUBLIC.
See (in this Volume)
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.
GEORGEI POBIEDONOSETS, MUTINY ON THE.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).
GEORGIA: A. D. 1908.
Abolition of the Convict Lease System.
See (in this Volume)
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.
GEORGIA: A. D. 1908.
Suffrage Amendment to the Constitution.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES.
GEORGIA: A. D. 1909.
Railroad Strike.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.
GEORGIAN BAY CANAL.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1909.
GERMAN EAST AFRICA:
Its parts suitable for European Settlement.
See (in this Volume)
AFRICA.
GERMAN SOUTHWEST AFRICA.
See (in this Volume)
AFRICA: GERMAN COLONIES.
----------GERMANY: Start--------
GERMANY:
Industrial Combinations, called Cartels.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: IN GERMANY.
GERMANY:
Matters relating to the Use of Alcoholic Liquors.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM.
GERMANY:
State and Municipal Dealings with the
Problems of Poverty and Unemployment.
See (in this Volume)
POVERTY.
GERMANY: A. D. 1870-1905.
Increase of Population compared with other European Countries.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.
GERMANY: A. D. 1898-1904.
Rise of Commercial Universities.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: GERMANY: A. D. 1898-1904.
GERMANY: A. D. 1900.
Comparative Statement of the Consumption of Alcoholic Drink.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM.
GERMANY: A. D. 1901 (December).
Claims and Complaints against Venezuela communicated to the
United States.
The Reply.
Interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine.
See (in this Volume)
VENEZUELA A. D. 1901.
GERMANY: A. D. 1901-1902.
Industrial Crisis and succeeding Depression.
See (in this Volume)
FINANCE AND TRADE: GERMANY.
GERMANY: A. D. 1902 (March-May).
Measures for Germanizing the Polish Provinces of Prussia.
For many years past the Prussian Government had been exerting
itself to dilute the Polish population of its Polish
provinces, by settling German colonists in them and by buying
land from Polish owners. It now assumed a more aggressive
attitude of hostility toward that portion of its subjects, as
appeared from the temper of a speech by Count Bülow in the
Prussian legislature, in January of this year, on what he
characterized as "the most important concern of Prussian
politics at the present time." German property, be said "was
steadily passing into Polish hands," and "Polish lawyers,
Polish doctors, Polish contractors, were united in the attempt
to thrust the German element into the background." In support
of the Count’s position it was averred by others in the debate
that not only was Eastern Prussia being made Polish by the
rise of a vigorous Polish middle class, but that the Poles
already formed 10 per cent of the whole population of Prussia,
and were spreading in other parts of the Empire, holding
themselves generally apart from their German neighbors and
cultivating a national patriotism of their own.
In March the Prussian Government issued orders forbidding the
admission of immigrants from Russian Poland into Prussia
unless they brought not less than 400 marks of money in hand.
Two months later a bill was brought forward appropriating
250,000,000 marks for the purchasing of land in the Polish
provinces and for settling German colonists upon it. In
connection with this measure it was reported that, since the
buying of land for these purposes began, in Posen, the Poles
had acquired more from Germans than Germans had acquired
from Poles, to the extent of 76,611 acres. Hence more money
must be put into the game if it was to be played with effect.
The money was voted, though opposition to the policy which
makes enemies of the Poles, instead of Germanizing them by
friendly treatment, made a show of much strength.
"It was in 1886 that the Iron Chancellor started the fight
against the Poles by the expulsion of more than 50,000 Polish
labourers, natives of Austria and Russia. This measure not
only hit the poor people who were driven away, it also and
principally was directed against the Polish owners of large
landed estates in the Eastern provinces, who thereafter
experienced great difficulty in obtaining the necessary number
of farm-hands. This artificial scarcity of labour, together
with the great decrease in price of agricultural products
which had just taken place, entirely ruined many owners of
large estates, and there were therefore a great number who
wanted to sell. Bismarck then appointed a Committee of
Colonisation to buy Polish estates and parcel them out to
German peasant farmers. The necessary funds were provided for
by a sum of 100,000,000 marks (equal to £5,000,000) which was
placed at the disposal of the Committee.
"At the first moment the Poles were paralysed. What were they
to do to ward off such an attack aimed at the poorest among
them? But they kept up a good heart and did the only
reasonable thing: some wealthy Polish noble men furnished a
sum of 3,000,000 marks (equal to £150,000) whereby to fight
the mighty Prussian Government, with its Committee of
Colonisation and well-nigh inexhaustible financial resources.
With this capital of 3,000,000 marks a Polish land bank was
started for the purpose of buying estates and reselling them
in small holdings to Polish colonists. …
{289}
"It maybe guessed from what is already stated that the Poles
have not only been able to maintain their former hold on the
land, but actually as peaceable conquerors are marching
triumphantly westwards. This is also the case, but we need not
restrict ourselves to a guess, the ‘_Statisches Jahrbueh für
den Preussischen Staat_’ for 1903 containing ample
corroboration of it. According to this official handbook there
were parcelled out in the years 1896 to 1901, in the Provinces
of Posen and West Prussia, 7,828 estates by German activity,
containing 617,200 hectares, and 9,079 estates by Polish
activity, containing 213,700 hectares. Although the Germans
have parcelled out a very considerably larger area, the Poles
have bought and parcelled out a far greater number of
properties. The advantage thus obtained is put into an even
stronger light when we learn that during the same period by
this parcelling out there have been created only 15,941 German
farms, with an area of 155,200 hectares, as against 22,289
Polish farms, with an area of 95,800 hectares, for these
figures show that during these six years more than 6,000
Polish homes have been established over and above the number
of German homes planted on old Polish soil. Moreover the
advantage thus gained by the Poles has been increased during
the last two years."
_Erik Givskov,
Germany and her Subjected Races,
Contemporary Review, June, 1905._
GERMANY: A. D. 1902.
The Imperial Pension Fund for Veterans.
A statement of the condition of the imperial pension fund for
the veterans of the wars of 1864, 1866, and 1870 showed that
this fund, which was established by setting apart $138,000,000
out of the war indemnity paid by France, had not for years
past been able to meet the claims made upon it out of the
income it produced. Recourse was had to appropriations of
capital, and the fund would consequently be exhausted in
course of time, probably not earlier than 1908 and not later
than 1910. All the expenses now covered by the fund would then
have to be incorporated in the ordinary estimates for the
Empire. The Prussian Minister for War had estimated that about
600,000 veterans of the former wars were still surviving.
Allowing 10,000 for those who had died since this estimate was
made, and allowing both for the 45,000 who already received a
pension and the 12,000 who depended upon the special fund at
the disposition of the Emperor, there remained over half a
million veterans who as yet received no support from the fund.
GERMANY: A. D. 1902.
New Tariff Law and changed Commercial Policy.
Attitude toward the United States.
See (in this Volume)
TARIFFS, CUSTOMS: GERMANY.
GERMANY: A. D. 1902 (March-September).
Discussion of Alcoholic Drinking.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM: GERMANY.
GERMANY: A. D. 1902 (June).
Renewal of the Triple Alliance.
See (in this Volume)
TRIPLE ALLIANCE.
GERMANY: A. D. 1902 (August).
Curtailment of visits to their native country of
Expatriated Germans.
Principles asserted by the United States.
See (in this Volume)
NATURALIZATION.
GERMANY: A. D. 1902-1903.
Concessions for building the Bagdad Railway.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1909.
GERMANY: A. D. 1902-1904.
Coercive proceedings against Venezuela concerted with
Great Britain and Italy.
Settlement of Claims secured.
Reference to The Hague.
Recognition given to the American Monroe Doctrine.
See (in this Volume)
VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.
GERMANY: A. D. 1903.
Elections for the Reichstag.
Large gains by the Socialists.
Their disability in Prussia.
Strong combination supporting the Imperial Government.
Brutality in the Army.
Prosecutions for Lèse Majesté.
State of Colonies.
General elections for the Reichstag, on the 16th of June,
1903, took notable significance from the fact that the
representation of the Social Democrats was increased from 58
to 81, and that these figures gave no full measure of their
actual gain in strength, since their votes in the election
rose in number from 2,107,000 in 1898 to 3,010,771. Had the
distribution of seats in the imperial legislature been fair to
the towns, instead of favoring the agricultural interests, the
Socialists would have gained more. In Berlin they won every
seat but one. Nevertheless, in the elections for the lower
house of the Prussian Landtag, which took place in November,
they could not carry a single seat in the kingdom, owing to
the ingenious disfranchisement of the common people which the
Prussian constitution accomplishes by its classification of
votes. Socialist gains in the Reichstag were made at the
expense of the Radicals, from whom it drew votes which
expressed, not so much conversion to Socialism as bitterness
of opposition to the government. Socialist and Radical
representatives together numbered only 111, against 224 in the
combination of Conservatives, Clericals, and National
Liberals, which gave the Ministry a more than ample support.
"The Social Democrats in Germany are increasing in power at
once steadily and rapidly; for, as Herr Bebel declares, every
speech the Emperor makes secures for them thousands of
adherents, adherents of whom quite a fair percentage now
belong to the Intelligentia—are lawyers, professors,
journalists, artists, etc. Already the party numbers nearly
seven million members; it owns seventy-five journals, of which
some thirty are issued daily; and the Berlin branch alone has
under its control a revenue of £20,000 a year. At the General
Election in 1874, their candidates received 351,671 votes; in
1884, although the Exceptional Laws were then in force, they
received 549,990 votes; and in 1893, 1,786,738. Thus, already
at that time they were numerically the strongest party in the
Empire, as the Ultramontanes received only 1,468,000 votes;
and the Conservatives, 1,038,300. At the 1898 General Election
no fewer than 2,120,000 votes were recorded for the
Socialists; and, at the last Election, that held only the
other day, some 3,000,000. Thanks to the Emperor’s speeches,
thanks, too, to the new Tariff, Herr Bebel and his friends
practically swept everything before them in the first ballot,
and captured seats everywhere—five out of the six in Berlin,
and, what is much more notable, eighteen out of the
twenty-three seats in Saxony, the most ultra-Conservative and
clerical of all the States. Were every constituency of equal
size in Germany, and thus every vote of equal value, the
Socialist Party would already to-day be the dominant party in
the Reichstag."
_Edith Sellers,
August Bebel
(Fortnightly Review, July, 1903)._
{290}
Throughout the year 1903 much excitement of feeling was caused
by the many complaints that were brought against officers of
the army for brutal and insolent treatment of soldiers. No
less than 180 convictions are said to have been obtained in
the course of the single year, for cruelty in the use of the
power which military rank confers. Several soldiers were found
to have committed suicide to escape from the suffering and
humiliation of their life in the service. Another excitement
of angry discussion came often from the many prosecutions for
_lèse-majesté_ that were instituted at this time. In both
matters, a potent corrective was applied, without doubt, by
the public feeling stirred up.
An official report at the end of the year 1903 showed the
total number of Germans in the German colonial possessions in
Africa and the South Seas was only 5,125, more than a fourth
of the number being officials or in the military force. Since
1884 Germany had expended on its colonies about $75,000,000.
GERMANY: A. D. 1903.
Adoption of a new Child Labor Law.
See (in this Volume)
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS WORKERS.
GERMANY: A. D. 1903 (October).
Opposition to Socialism among Workmen.
See (in this Volume)
SOCIALISM: GERMANY.
GERMANY: A. D. 1904.
Arrangement of Professorial Interchanges between German
and American Universities.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES.
GERMANY: A. D. 1904.
Rivalry with England in the Persian Gulf.
See (in this Volume)
PERSIA: A. D. 1904.
GERMANY: A. D. 1904-1905.
Wars with Natives in German African Colonies.
See (in this Volume)
AFRICA: A. D. 1904-1905, and 1905.
GERMANY: A. D. 1904-1905.
Startling Increase of Labor Conflicts,
compared with previous five years.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: GERMANY.
GERMANY: A. D. 1905.
The Emperor’s Statement of his Peace Policy based
on Preparation for War.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.
GERMANY: A. D. 1905.
Effect of the Russo-Japanese War on the Triple Alliance.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.
GERMANY: A. D. 1905.
Action with other Powers in forcing Financial Reforms
in Macedonia on Turkey.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.
GERMANY: A. D. 1905-1906.
Raising the Morocco Question.
The Kaiser’s Speech at Tangier.
Demand for an International Conference.
The Conference at Algeciras.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.
GERMANY: A. D. 1905-1909.
The Spirit of the Struggle between Workmen and Capitalists.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: GERMANY: A. D. 1905-1909.
GERMANY: A. D. 1906.
Extensions of Popular Rights in Würtemburg, Baden, Bavaria,
Saxony, Saxe Weimar, and Oldenburg.
A Comedy of Election Reform in Prussia.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.
GERMANY: A. D. 1906.
Enormous Results derived from Technical Education.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: GERMANY.
GERMANY: A. D. 1906.
German Settlements in Brazil.
See (in this Volume)
BRAZIL: A. D. 1906.
GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.
Popular Demand for better Representation in Prussia
and elsewhere.
School "Strike" in Polish Provinces.
Dissatisfaction with Colonial Policy.
Refusal in the Reichstag of Increased Appropriations.
Dissolution by the Emperor.
Result of the Elections.
Popular Vote heavily against the Government.
Incongruous Coalition or "Bloc" secured by the Chancellor.
The democratic demand in Prussia and in some other German
States, for a better representation in the legislatures than
is afforded by their odious schemes of class election, became
turbulent in the early part of 1906, and was met by strong
military preparations for resistance by the Government.
Notable demonstrations of popular feeling occurred in several
cities, but with proceedings of violence only at Hamburg.
Nothing was yielded to the demand; it was simply defied.
The hard Prussian determination to crush out Polish sentiment
in the Prussian provinces of the kingdom was relentlessly
pursued. Polish children in the schools were required to
receive religious instruction in the German language, and
punished if they refused to answer questions in that tongue.
This provoked a "strike" which took over 100,000 pupils out of
the schools. In dealing with it, the Government both fined and
imprisoned parents, and even sent children to a reformatory,
on the ground that their parents were incapable of giving them
proper care.
The affairs of the German colonies in Africa became the
subject of most heated and important discussion in the
Reichstag during the last months of 1906. Both in German
Southwest Africa and in German East Africa the obstinate
revolts of native tribes were unsubdued, and the wars in the
former were still requiring nearly 15,000 troops. The total
German losses in Southwest Africa since the beginning of the
outbreak of Hereros, Hottentots, and Witbois, were reported to
have been 1750 killed, 900 wounded, 2000 disabled by disease.
Popular feeling seemed to be turning very strongly against the
whole colonial policy of the Empire. The economic promises of
the undertaking were not looked upon as satisfactory.
Statistical reports of the German capital invested in all
German colonies excepting Kiao-chau, in China, showed a total
of 370,000,000 marks ($92,500,000) of which 250,000,000 marks
were classed as remunerative, 100,000,000 as
"underdevelopment," 12,000,000 as unremunerative, and
8,000,000 as missionary property. The capital value of the
total productions of German colonies was estimated at
616,000,000 marks ($154,000,000), half of which came from the
Kameruns and Togo; but the revenue was only balancing the cost
of administration. Ugly stories, moreover, of barbarity in the
treatment of the natives, of official misconduct in other
forms, and of private monopolies permitted, were told. On the
whole, the colonial situation had created a temper in the
Reichstag which was not friendly to the demand of the
Government for increased appropriations to that department of
administration. Even the Centrum or Clerical party, on which
the Ministry counted for the reinforcing of the Conservatives
of "the Right," refused the grant, and joined the Liberals,
the Socialists, the Polish deputies, and other discontented
groups in voting it down. As soon as the vote was announced,
Chancellor Bülow arose and read a decree dissolving the House,
which the Emperor had signed, in expectation of the defeat,
that morning, December 13.
{291}
It is a provision of the Constitution of the German Empire
that "in the case of a dissolution of the Reichstag, new
elections shall take place within a period of sixty days".
See (in Volume I.)
CONSTITUTION OF GERMANY.
The elections were appointed accordingly for the 25th of
January, 1907. The preparatory canvass, compressed within six
weeks, was one of extraordinary vigor, especially on the side
of the Government, even the Emperor, as well as the
Chancellor, making personal appeals. The efforts of the latter
were directed especially against the party of the Center, from
its past dependence on which for support the Government was
most anxious to escape. These efforts were so little
effective, however, that the Centrists gained two seats in the
election, carrying 110. The heaviest losers were the
Socialists, who, though they gained a quarter of a million of
electoral votes, yet secured 36 fewer representatives in the
Reichstag than they had before, electing only 43.
Regarded as a _plebiscite_, the election went heavily
against the government. That is to say, if the elected
Reichstag had been truly representative of the popular vote,
the Government could have made no combination of parties in it
that would have given it support. As it was, the voters were
so unequally represented that Chancellor Bülow was able, by
dexterous compromises, to make up a precarious coalition, or
"bloc," of Conservatives with National Liberals, and even
Radicals, against Socialists, Clericals or Centrists, Poles,
etc., which carried his administration through nearly three
subsequent years.
Somewhat detailed, the election resulted as follows: The
parties which gave subsequent support to the Government for a
time secured 215 seats in the Reichstag, gaining 33, thus
distributed:
Conservatives 108 (gain 13);
National Liberals 56 (gain 5);
Radicals 51 (gain 15).
The parties in opposition won 182 seats,—a net loss among
them of 33,—thus:
Center 110 (gain 2);
Socialists 43 (loss 36);
Poles, Alsatians, etc. 29 (gain 1).
The popular vote in the election was divided among these
parties as follows:
In the parties of the "bloc"—
Conservatives (including Agrarians,
Anti-Semites, etc.) 2,235,000
National Liberals 1,655,000
Radicals 1,226,000
Total for Government 5,116,000
In the Opposition—
Socialists 3,259,000
Center 2,262,000
Poles, etc. 626,000
Total against the Government. 6,147,000
To show what the Socialist vote really indicated, the
following statement of the vote cast and the seats won by that
party in successive elections of the past twenty years is
interesting.
Vote. Seats won. Seats that equal apportionment
would have given.
1887 763,000 11 40
1890 1,427,000 35 80
1893 1,787,000 44 92
1898 2,107,000 56 108
1903 3,011,000 79 125
1907 3,259,000 43 116
It is evident that the surface-show of results in the election
cannot be taken for a true indication of the prevalent state
of mind in the Empire. The Centrists or Clericals, for
example, elected more than twice as many deputies as the
Socialists, by nearly 1,000,000 votes less. The Socialists
polled about 250,000 votes more than in 1903, and yet lost 36
seats. The inequity in the apportionment of representatives
which produced this travesty of representation had some
beginning, no doubt, in the organization of the imperial
system, thirty-six years before; but it had been aggravated by
the enormously disproportionate growth of cities ever since.
That one constituency in Berlin, with a present population of
nearly 700,000, had the same representation as a town of
60,000 people, is doubtless an extreme instance of the
inequalities that had come about, but the distortion was
universal, and altogether in favor of the country landowning
class. The Socialists polled some 250,000 more votes than in
1903, and this was reckoned as an increase substantially
commensurate with the general growth of population in four
years. Hence socialism may be said to have neither gained nor
lost footing in the empire; but hitherto it had been showing
rapid gains.
"The Centrum is one of the queerest, most paradoxical parties
to be found in any country. It is usually called ultramontane
by its enemies because it has its _raison d’être_ in
safeguarding the interests of the Catholic Church; yet it has
not scrupled at times to disregard the wishes of the Vatican
in respect to German internal affairs; and the Vatican, on its
part, carefully avoids identifying its interests with those of
the Centrum, since it is sure of getting better results
through direct diplomatic action at Berlin. ‘The Centrum is an
incalculable party,’ said Prince Bülow last winter in a
campaign letter; ‘it represents aristocratic and democratic,
reactionary and liberal, ultramontane and national policies.’
The party lives upon a reminiscence, its defeat of Bismarck in
the _Kulturkampf_; but since that time it has been
without any sound reason for its existence. …
See, in Volume II. of this work,
GERMANY: A. D. 1873-1887.
"The government’s attempt to break the power of the Centrum
had already been tried by Bismarck in 1887 and again by
Caprivi in 1893, and it had failed. Bülow’s step was
accordingly a display of courage which the country had not
been accustomed to expect from him. His breach with the
Centrum, however, proved a most popular issue with the
non-Catholic electorate; a thrill of exultation was its first
response to the dissolution, and this feeling persisted
throughout the campaign. Many of the most intelligent voters
had hitherto stood aloof from politics owing precisely to the
predominance of the Centrum; but they now greeted with
enthusiasm the opportunity to extricate the government from
its yoke. University professors, artists, and literary men
organized an ‘Action Committee’ which plied these stay-at-home
_Intellektuellen_ with campaign literature."
_W. C. Dreher,
The Year in Germany
(Atlantic Monthly, December, 1907)._
{292}
As stated and illustrated above, the election gave the
Government no majority of natural supporters. For the carrying
of its measures it was left dependent on a coalition of
Liberal with Conservative votes. The alliance was an
incongruous one, produced by nothing but a common opposition
to Socialists and Clericals, and it brought the Liberals into
an utterly false position. Within the first year there were
signs of a Liberal revolt from it: whereupon the chancellor
made known that he would resign if the supporting coalition or
"bloc" was not maintained. To avoid such a governmental crisis
the Liberals were said to have given promises of continued
support.
The attitude thus assumed by the German chancellor toward the
Reichstag is practically that of an English prime minister
toward the House of Commons, and it creates a precedent which
must make it very difficult, if not impossible, for imperial
ministers to recover the defiantly independent posture of
former times. Without verbal amendment, perhaps, but
incidentally and informally, by force of circumstances, the
absolutist features of the German constitution are manifestly
dropping away.
GERMANY: A. D. 1907.
Statistics of Population.
Birth Rate and Death Rate.
"The official report upon public health in Prussia for the
year 1907 has just been published [May, 1909], and includes
the latest available statistics regarding the movement of the
population of Germany. The figures confirm the view, which is
not always admitted, that a satisfactory decrease in the
death-rate is still accompanied by a persistently
unsatisfactory decrease in the birth-rate.
"Prussia may be regarded, roughly, as comprising two-thirds of
the German Empire. The population of the empire on December 1,
1905, was 60,641,278, and the population of Prussia was
37,293,324. On January 1, 1907, the population of Prussia was
37,908,104. During the year 1907 the excess of births over
deaths was 578,687, as compared with 595,942 in 1906, 514,941
in 1905, 562,387 in 1904, and 527,263 in 1903. Although the
Prussian figures are not always a sufficient index, it may be
estimated that the excess of births over deaths in the whole
empire during 1907 did not exceed 900,000. The comparatively
satisfactory total increase of population is due to a decline
in the death-rate to 17.96 per 1,000 of the population—the
lowest rate ever recorded. In Silesia, in Hohenzollern, and in
both West and East Prussia the rate exceeds 20 per 1,000. In
the city of Berlin, on the other hand, the rate is 15.62, and
in Berlin (outside the city) only 14.79. For the most part a
high death-rate is set off by a high birth-rate. In Westphalia
and the Rhine Province alone is a high birth-rate accompanied
by a death-rate below the average. As regards ages at which
death occurred, the statistics show a considerable decrease in
infant mortality, although deaths under the age of one year
were 31.14 per cent., or nearly one-third, of the whole number
of deaths. While the death-rate was in 1907 the lowest ever
recorded in Prussia, the birth-rate was the most
unsatisfactory. The total number of births was less by 10,621
in 1907 than in 1906, and was actually less by 1,058 than in
the year 1901. The birth-rate per 1,000 inhabitants declined
to 33.23, as compared with 34.00 in 1906, 33.77 in 1905, and
35.04 in 1904."
_Berlin Correspondence London Times,
May 27, 1909._
The same correspondent reported, June 19, a further
publication of statistics, which prove the Prussian returns,
previously given, "to have been a fairly accurate index to the
movement of population in the whole Empire. There is a marked
decline in the birth-rate, which fell to 33.2 per 1,000
inhabitants, as compared with 34.08 in 1906. The death-rate
fell to 18.98, as compared with 19.20 in 1906. The excess of
births over deaths was 882,624, as compared with 910,275 in
1906. The excess, however, of births over deaths (natural
increase of population) was greater in 1907 than in any
previous year except 1906 and 1902 (902,243). The decline in
the birth-rate, which stood at 41.64 in 1877, 38.33 in 1887,
and 37.17 in 1897, as compared with 33.2 in 1907, as now
attributable to a falling off in the number of births in every
part of the Empire except Westphalia, and in Westphalia the
number of births is not quite keeping pace with the total
growth of population. The decrease in the number of births in
the whole Empire in 1907 was 23,766, or 1.1 per cent. In
Saxony the decrease was 3 per cent., and East Prussia, West
Prussia, and Pomerania show about the same percentage. As
regards the death-rate, which stood at 28.05 in 1877, 25.62 in
1887, and 22.52 in 1897, as compared with 18.98 in 1907, there
is a steady decline in the infant mortality rate in all parts
of the Empire, but especially in large towns."
GERMANY: A. D. 1907.
Rapid Decrease of Agricultural Population.
"The results of a census of occupations, taken in December of
1907, has just been published and shows a remarkably rapid
shifting of the population of Prussia from agriculture to
industry and trade. The number of persons engaged in industry
and trade was increased by 1,500,000 from 1895 to 1907, while
the number engaged in agriculture was decreased by 500,000.
This means that the non-farming population rose from 50 to 66
per cent. in twelve years."
_Press Report from Berlin,
February, 1909._
GERMANY: A. D. 1907.
Financial Situation.
See (in this Volume)
FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.
GERMANY: A. D. 1907 (November).
Treaty with Great Britain, France, Norway, and Russia,
guaranteeing the Integrity of Norway.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.
GERMANY: A. D. 1907-1908.
The Scandals connected with the Trials of Editor Harden.
Maximilian Harden, editor of the _Zukunft_, made attacks
on the character of Prince Eulenburg and Count Kuno von
Moltke, in 1907, on account of which the latter brought a
libel suit against him. "The charges not only affected the
character of the persons accused, but affirmed that they had
constituted a kind of kitchen cabinet, or ‘Camarilla,’ and had
again and again given the Emperor misleading information and
had exerted a very unfortunate influence over him. The case
aroused intense interest throughout Germany, and indeed
throughout Europe; and in spite of the unspeakable nature of
the charges, the testimony was widely reprinted, and much more
frankly, it may be said in passing, than would have been
possible for the yellowest journalism in this country. Harden
was acquitted, and the plaintiff was sentenced to pay the cost
of the suit.
{293}
Taking into account the exalted political position of the
accused, and the great respect in which the Imperial court is
held in Germany, this action of a German judge was regarded as
sustaining the high character of the German courts for
independence. A criminal suit was then brought by the public
prosecutor, at the instigation of Count von Moltke and his
associates, on the charge that Harden had committed an offense
against public morals. On this trial the same witnesses
appeared as on the former trial, but a great change had taken
place in their memory of the transactions to which they had
testified on the first trial. They either contradicted or
repudiated their former statements to such a degree that their
evidence was discredited and Harden’s defense was broken down.
Harden was found guilty and sentenced to four months’
imprisonment. What changed the attitude of the witnesses is a
matter of guesswork. It has been charged that their change of
front was due to very powerful influences brought to bear upon
them."
_The Outlook,
January 18, 1908._
An appeal was taken by Harden to a higher court. Official
investigations which followed the trials resulted in the
court-martialing of Count Lynar and General Hohenau, the
former of whom was sentenced to fifteen months’ imprisonment,
while the latter was acquitted. In May, 1908, Prince Eulenburg
was arrested on charges of immorality, but appears to have
been so shattered in health that he could not be brought to
trial. Substantially, Editor Harden has been vindicated.
GERMANY: A. D. 1907-1909.
Opposition to the "Navy Fever."
Views of Herr von Holstein and Admiral Galster.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1909.
GERMANY: A. D. 1908.
Maintenance of the "Bloc."
Two good measures of legislation.
Revision of the Bourse Law and the law regulating meetings
and association.
More vigorous Germanizing of Polish Prussia.
"Although many members of the Bloc thought its enemies
justified in predicting that it would speedily break down, the
combination did hold together during the past session. It did
more; it passed at least two good laws. It revised the Bourse
Law in a manner fairly satisfactory to the financial
community, so that swindling speculators will henceforth find
it less easy to get the sanction of the courts for repudiating
debts incurred in stock operations. Another law regulates for
the first time on a national basis the right of assembly and
association, which had hitherto been in the hands of the
individual states. It is interesting to note that this is
another important step in the centralizing tendency in
Germany. …
"The measure foreshadowed in my last article for the forcible
acquisition of Polish estates was duly laid before the Diet.
The discussion of the bill brought out intense antagonisms,
and the line of cleavage between the parties was not along
Bloc lines. The Radicals joined with the ‘Centrum’ in opposing
the dispossession of the Poles. As finally passed, the bill
gives the Government the right to acquire, under the law of
eminent domain, a maximum of 174,000 acres in the provinces of
Posen and West Prussia, and to borrow $65,000,000 for this
purpose and for further prosecuting settlement work. The final
reading of the bill in the House of Lords stirred that usually
somnolent body to a remarkable degree. The vote there showed
how deeply, and on what uncommon lines, this radical measure
had divided the minds of the people. While most of the titled
lords of the land, including many intimate friends of the
Kaiser, voted against dispossession, the university professors
and mayors of liberal municipalities voted mostly for it."
_W. C. Dreher,
The Year in Germany
(Atlantic, January, 1909)._
In his advocacy of this measure Prince Bülow proclaimed the
reasons for it without reserve. "Can we " he asked, "do
without the two Polish provinces, one of which begins within
75 miles of Berlin? That is the crucial point of the
situation; there is no doubt about it. Our eastern provinces
constitute the point of least resistance in the public body.
We dare not wait until the grave disease, with its probable
irreparable consequences, sets in." An English view of the
measure is presented in the following:
"Prince Bülow is only developing the policy of Bismarck, who
perceived, as Frederick the Great did before him, that the
possession of Posen was vital to the Prussian State, and who
held that the surest way to secure that province was to plant
German settlers on Polish land. The strategical importance of
Posen has been a cardinal article in the political and
military creed of all Prussian statesmen and soldiers for
generations. Posen is of far more importance to Prussia than
is Ireland to Great Britain, and the true motives which have
induced Prussian statesmen to make the agrarian proposals
embodied in Prince Bülow’s Bill are to be found not in their
comparatively trifling difficulties with Liberals, Radicals,
and Revolutionists at home, but in the foreign policy of the
Court of Berlin. …
"That portion of Poland which was given to Prussia by the
Congress of Vienna has been administered by that Power in
accordance with the spirit of Frederick the Great. The object
of Frederick was to develop the intellectual and material
resources of his Polish possessions, making them an integral
part of the Prussian monarchy, and gradually eliminating all
recollections on the part of the Poles of their having once
been an independent nation. This policy to be successful
should be carried out by officials with intellects as clear,
if not as powerful, as that possessed by Frederick himself.
The Prussian officials, however, who have administered Posen
since 1815, have not always risen to the height of their
mission. Edward Henry v. Flottwell, who was charged with the
government of the province from 1830 to 1840, alone understood
the conditions of success. He knew that in politics it is as
mischievous as it is futile to endeavour to reconcile the
irreconcilable. The efforts made in that direction after 1815
strengthened the revolutionary spirit in Posen. On the
retirement of Flottwell, Frederick William IV. tried again to
propitiate Polish national feeling, with the result that the
irreconcilable forces grew in strength, and in March, 1848,
the Poles were the driving-power of the Revolutionary movement
in Berlin. …
"As far as international life is concerned the true
significance of the Polish question is in the relations it has
created between the three great Northern Powers. Those between
Prussia and Russia have in consequence become extremely
intimate. At the present moment that intimacy is as great, if
not greater, than at any previous time.
{294}
Besides the German Ambassador at St. Petersburg and the
Russian Ambassador at Berlin, there is a German military
officer at St. Petersburg, and a Russian military officer at
Berlin, who are especially charged to convey intimate
communications between the Czar and the Kaiser. In spite of
the alliance between Russia and France, which was concluded by
the former Power, mainly for financial reasons, and which has
never much disturbed the equanimity of Berlin, it is quite
certain that in no conceivable circumstances will there be a
real breach between Prussia and Russia. The Government of the
Kaiser must and will make every possible concession to Russia
rather than provoke a serious breach. This is the true
inwardness of the policy as regards Poland. As long as Posen
continues Polish Germany will be largely dependent on Russia."
_Rowland Blennerhassett,
The Significance of the Polish Question
(Fortnightly Review, March, 1908)._
Dr. Dillon, who reviews European politics regularly for the
_Contemporary Review_, says with positiveness that the
Polish expropriation bill was passed "against the better
judgment of press, bar, gentry, political parties and people."
He cites it as an illustration of the absolute domination
under which the Prussian legislature is held, and maintains
that national feeling and opinion have, practically, no
influence over Prussian policy and no weight in the conduct of
Prussian affairs. Concerning motives behind the Polish
expropriation, this well-informed writer reports it to be a
prevalent belief in Austrian and other political circles that
the bill was driven through as a military measure, in
anticipation of some future hostile alliance between Russia
and Great Britain. It seems to be the belief that the Kaiser,
if not his ministers, is haunted with the expectation of a war
to be fought with those powers in combination, and is
determined that, if a British fleet in the Baltic is ever
coöperating with a Russian army, there shall be a population
of patriotic Germans instead of disaffected Prussian Poles
between them and Berlin.
GERMANY: A. D. 1908.
The leading motive of German Foreign Policy officially stated.
The Principle of the "Open Door."
Colonial Expansion unnecessary.
"Usually it has been stated that Germany has an annual
increase of population of 800,000, that these new masses must
be supported by manufactories, and that the German Empire will
thus be forced, with or against its will, into expansion, in
order to procure the raw material and to establish the
requisite markets for its industrial growth. The annexation of
Holland and Flemish Belgium, containing Antwerp, is described
as a mere preliminary necessary to make possible such measures
of expansion. Germany must enlarge its maritime basis, and
should have control of the Lower Rhine and its harbors. To the
alien, these arguments may seem plausible enough. Whoever is
acquainted with existing conditions, however, knows that,
though seemingly plausible, this is not the truth.
"In the first place, it is not true that colonial expansion is
a necessity for Germany, resulting from its industrial growth.
The impetus given to German commerce and German manufactures
is to be ascribed far more to the increase in the buying
capacity of other nations—England, France, Russia or
America—than to all the German colonies combined. Germany
needs no colonies; what she wants is merely free competition
on all seas, the open door, and the right to cooperate freely
on an equal footing with all other commercial and industrial
nations, in opening up new and as yet unopened districts and
markets. Hence the principle of the open door is the leading
motive of the foreign policy pursued by Germany. It is the red
thread that winds itself through the Eastern-Asiatic, the
Oriental and the Moroccan policy of the German Empire. The
high quality of all German products obviates the necessity of
unfair preferences accruing to political power. All they need
is a fair chance to compete on equal terms with other
countries. The world is large enough, and rich enough, in
still dormant possibilities, to admit of a pacific
co-operation by all nations in this great work."
_Baron von Speck-Sternburg,
Imperial German Ambassador to the United States,
The Truth about German Expansion
(North American Review, March, 1908)._
GERMANY: A. D. 1908.
Amendment to Industrial Code.
Hours of Labor.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.
GERMANY: A. D. 1908.
Remarkable Decrease of Emigration.
See (in this Volume)
IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: GERMANY.
GERMANY: A. D. 1908.
North Sea and Baltic Agreements.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1908.
GERMANY: A. D. 1908 (January).
Institution of Juvenile Courts.
See (in this Volume)
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.
GERMANY: A. D. 1908 (April).
Passage of Law defining for the Empire at large the Rights
of Association and Public Meeting.
The rights of association and public meeting were determined
for the Empire at large by an enactment of the Reichstag, for
the first time, in April, 1908. Hitherto each State had
regulated these fundamental matters of political freedom by
legislation of its own, some with considerable latitude, and
others, especially in the North German States, with a narrow
restraint, subject, in an intolerable degree, to the
discretion or will of the police. The national law now brought
into force, superseding the local legislation, enlarged
greatly the liberty of citizens to associate themselves for
legitimate purposes and to hold public meetings. An attempt to
forbid the use of any foreign language at public meetings was
defeated; but public speaking in other languages was
sanctioned only in districts where 60 per cent, of the
population use the foreign tongue. This does not apply,
however, to international congresses in Germany, or to
meetings of electors for the election of legislative
representatives, Federal or State; and the States have some
privilege of modifying the rule.
GERMANY: A. D. 1908 (April).
Treaty with Denmark, England, France, the Netherlands, and
Sweden, for maintenance of the Status Quo on the North Sea.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.
GERMANY: A. D. 1908 (November).
Excitement in Europe over a published Interview
with the Emperor.
What may fairly be called a "row" in the European world, and
of the greatest liveliness in Germany itself, arose, early in
November, 1908, from the appearance in the London
_Telegraph_ of a reported interview with the Emperor by
"a representative Englishman who long since passed" it was
said, "from public into private life."
{295}
The writer characterized it as "a calculated indiscretion,"
which was expected to prove of great public service, by
removing misconceptions of the Emperor’s feelings toward the
English. The effect produced by the publication left no doubt
of its indiscretion, but proved likewise that it had been very
badly miscalculated. In his anxiety to convince the English of
his friendliness to them the talkative Emperor made known that
France and Russia, during the Boer War, had invited him to
join them in a demand on England to stop it, and claimed
credit for having prepared for the British army in that war a
plan of campaign, which could be found at Windsor Castle, and
which was on lines that Lord Roberts had followed in his
subsequent operations to a large extent.
How flattering this story was to English pride, and how
pleasing to the Governments of Russia and France, might be
imagined very easily; but it would not have been so easy to
anticipate the outbreak of anger that it exploded in Germany.
The Empire itself was surprised by that. It had been
submissive to so many "indiscretions" of speech from its
Kaiser that it could hardly have expected to be moved
excitedly by anything from the imperial lips. But, with the
indiscretion in this case, there seemed to be a reckless
interference with the appointed organs provided for dealing
with foreign affairs, doing mischief to the whole system of
governmental administration. This proved, however, to be less
the fact than appeared. According to subsequent explanations,
the Emperor had sent the manuscript of the interview (which
embodied the substance of a number of conversations with
several Englishmen) to the Chancellor, Prince von Bülow, for
his judgment on it, and the latter, not recognizing its
character, had not read it, but passed it to a subordinate,
who simply verified the facts stated in it and returned it to
the Emperor as approved.
This revelation convicted the Chancellor very clearly of a
careless performance of duty in his office, and laid on him a
large share of responsibility for the mischievous publication.
He offered his resignation to the Emperor and it was refused.
Constitutionally he was responsible only to the Emperor; the
Reichstag could not hold him to account, in any practical way,
nor did it attempt to do so; but there was such plain speaking
in the Chamber from all parties, Conservative, Liberal, and
Radical, during two days of debate, November 11 and 12, as
never had been heard in Germany before. Whatever the language
of the Constitution might be, it was made known beyond a
question, then and in a later discussion, that Germany
expected the crowned head of its Government to conduct
himself—in the words of one speaker—as "the first servant of
the State," preserving his own august irresponsibility only by
acting and speaking in public matters, through ministers
responsible to the elected representatives of the people. "We
wish," said Herr Bassermann, leader of the National Liberals
"so far as it is possible, for trustworthy guarantees against
the intervention of the personal regime," and before he sat
down he declared with the approval of the House; "It is the
desire of my friends that the Kaiser should be thoroughly
informed with regard to these proceedings. … Although fully
convinced that even these utterances of our Kaiser sprang from
his deep anxiety for the welfare of his people, we must give
expression to the earnest desire that the Kaiser will, in his
political activity, impose upon himself the reserve proper to
a Constitutional ruler."
Dr. Wiener, for the Radicals, corroborated the previous
speaker by declaring that the article in question had filled
the entire nation with embitterment, consternation, and rage,
because it was felt that "confidence in our trustworthiness
had been shaken. Everywhere it had been recognised that
Germany’s prestige had received a severe blow." The trend of
his speech was to show that the so-called "interview" had been
interpreted in Germany as a crass specimen of personal regime
which was distasteful to the nation in its entirety.
Constitutional Government was what was wanted: the Minister,
not the Sovereign, should be responsible to the people.
Prince Hatzfeld, of the Imperial party, who stands in great
favor with the Kaiser, impressed upon the House that the
Chancellor and not the wearer of the crown was the responsible
personage in the State. Prince von Bülow, speaking on the
first day of debate, declared that grave injury had been
caused by the publication in the _Daily Telegraph_. He
added that immediately on reading the article in question, as
to the disastrous consequences of which he could not for a
moment be in doubt, he sent in his resignation, taking upon
himself full responsibility for the mistakes which had been
made in handling the manuscript. And he followed this up with
the following significant statement: "Gentlemen! recognition
that the publication of these utterances has not in England
had the effect anticipated by his Majesty the Emperor, and, on
the other hand, in Germany has called forth great excitement
and painful regret, will—this firm conviction I have won in
these sad days—induce his Majesty the Kaiser in future to
impose upon himself, even in his private conversations, that
reserve which is indispensable to a consistent policy and to
the authority of the Crown. If that were not so, neither I nor
any of my successors could accept responsibility for it."
Proposals of amendment to the Constitution, carrying such
ministerial responsibility into the fundamental law, were
advocated without success; but the unwritten constitution
which public opinion moulds slowly in every country took a
notable shaping from these debates.
For some time the Emperor was very silent, and kept himself
unusually retired. Having occasion to speak publicly at Berlin
on the 21st of November, when the centennial of the formation
of the City Council was celebrated, it was reported that
"Prince von Bülow stepped forward and impressively handed him
a printed sheet," from which, contrary to his custom, he read
his remarks.
GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.
Attempted Reform of Imperial Finance and its Defeat.
Breaking of Chancellor Bülow’s "Bloc" in the Reichstag by
the Government’s project of New Taxes.
Triumph of the Agrarian Interests in renewed Coalition
with the Center.
Resignation of Chancellor Bülow.
His successor.
Expenditure outrunning income from year to year—thanks mainly
to the burden of army and navy—with deficits made good by
loans, mortgaging the future in an ever-growing public debt,
had forced the Government, in 1908, to a resolution, not that
the imperial expenditure on armament must be cut down, but
that imperial taxation must be increased.
{296}
The Governments of the Federated States, which are directly
represented, as such, in the Federal Council, were assenting
parties to this conclusion, and the resulting measure was
regarded, in all the proceedings which followed, as emanating
essentially from that senatorial branch of the Parliament of
the Empire.
Preparatory to the undertaking, a new Minister of Finance,
Herr Reinhold Sydow, was brought into office, and early in
November, 1908, he submitted to the Reichstag a bill providing
for new taxes that were estimated to add 500,000,000 marks
($125,000,000) yearly to the Treasury of the Empire. The
scheme included an extended and augmented inheritance tax, new
methods of deriving revenue from spirits and tobacco, added
excise duties on beer and bottled still wines, taxes on
electricity, gas, advertisements, etc. The bill went to the
Finance Committee of the Reichstag and developed there, during
the next five months, an antagonism of class interests, and
consequently of parties, which completely shattered the
"bloc," or coalition, which Chancellor Bülow had contrived to
organize in 1906 for the support of his administration. The
proposed new inheritance tax or death duty was especially
obnoxious to the land-owning classes,—the agrarian core of
German conservatism,—and no influence from the Government
could save it from being stifled in their hands. Other
oppositions were rallied against the proposals which touched
spirits, tobacco, electricity, gas, and newspaper
advertisements, and by the 20th of March, 1909, it was known
that the Finance Committee had rejected or would reject all
but about one-fifth of the new taxation which the Government
and the Federal Council claimed from it.
A month later the Government signified its abandonment of a
present expectation, at least, of financial reform, by
inviting subscriptions to a fresh loan. The budget wrangle in
Committee went on, however, until the 13th of May, when the
National-Liberals, the Radicals, and the Socialists of the
Committee withdrew from it, the Chairman, Herr Paasche, a
National-Liberal, resigning, refusing to take any further part
in proceedings which they wholly disapproved. This left the
Conservatives, the Center or Clerical party, and the Poles,
who seem to have practically organized an opposition "bloc,"
which proceeded to frame a budget on entirely different lines
from that which the Government desired, one of its
contemplated features being a tax on purchases and sales of
stocks. On the 18th of May the Reichstag was adjourned until
the 15th of June, and a month of rest from the controversy was
enjoyed.
When the Reichstag reassembled the Government laid before it
several proposals of taxes to be substituted for those which
the Committee had rejected. Inheritance taxation was still
prominent in the revised scheme, but considerably modified in
its range and reduced in productiveness. With it went an
extensive readjustment of stamp duties, applied to bonds,
stock certificates, transfers of real estate, bills and checks
and a tax on policies of fire insurance. This revised budget
of additions to the Imperial revenue was estimated to yield
about $35,000,000. It fared no better than the original
proposals of the Government. A week after its introduction the
Reichstag adopted the tax on securities (called the
_Cotierungssteuer_) which the Government disapproved, and
on the 24th of June it rejected the new inheritance tax bill,
by 194 votes to 186, the minority being composed of
National-Liberals, Radicals and Socialists, with a few from
the Conservative side. On the next day, rumors of the intended
resignation of Prince Bülow were checked by the publication of
the following semi-official statement:
"Prince von Bülow will remain as chancellor of the empire. The
Reichstag will not be dissolved. The chancellor holds that his
duty is to be in accord with the conviction of the Federal
Council of the necessity to bring about the passage of a
taxation measure, but with the exclusion therefrom of duties
on stock transfers, the output of the grain mills, and the
exports of coal. Financial reform must now come into
operation. What the chancellor will do after this has been
accomplished is his personal affair."
Nevertheless, it was made known on the 27th that the
Chancellor had offered his resignation to the Emperor, who had
declined to accept it, pointing out "that in the unanimous
conviction of the Federal Governments the early achievement of
finance reform is a vital question for the internal welfare of
the Empire, as well as for its position in relation to foreign
countries. In the circumstances he could not take into closer
consideration the fulfilment of Prince Bülow’s wish to be
relieved of his offices until the labours for the reform of
the Imperial finances should have produced a result of a
positive kind which the Federal Governments could accept." To
this statement there was added, semi-officially, next day, the
following: "Subject to the rejection of those taxation
proposals which would be injurious to the general interest,
and therefore impossible of acceptance by the Federal
Governments, the Imperial Chancellor was unwilling not to
comply with the Emperor’s desire. Nevertheless, having regard
to the political development which was manifested by the
division on the inheritance tax, he is irrevocably resolved to
retire from office immediately after the accomplishment of
finance reform."
Then followed negotiations with the Conservative-Clerical
majority now fully in control of the Reichstag, the Government
yielding step by step, and the Federal Council coming openly
into the management of the negotiations, the Chancellor
falling into the background, and waiting only for permission
to lay his office down. In the resulting budget of new taxes
there was very little saved of the "financial reform" which
the Federal Council and the Chancellor had undertaken to
introduce. On most points the land-owners had their way. The
character and effect of the legislation accomplished in the
early days of July were described thus by a Berlin
correspondent of the New York _Evening Post_, who wrote
on the 11th of the month:
"The _leitmotif_ of the bill is that property shall be
protected and industry shall pay. Even on the reckoning of the
new majority the ratio between indirect and direct taxation in
the scheme is as 14 to 34, but in reality property comes off
far better. … The large land-owners will not be hit at all.
The only tax that could touch them to any appreciable extent
is the stamp duty on transfers of real estate.
{297}
But the remedy lies in their hands; they need not sell, and,
in any event, of the $10,000,000 at which the returns are
estimated only $1,250,000 at most falls on landed property. If
the spirits bounty to be paid by the Government to the spirit
distilleries (which are in agrarian hands) is set against this
sum, it will be seen that the agrarians do not only _not_
suffer, but net a profit of some ten millions of dollars. Most
of all it is the consuming classes that are the victims of the
new majority's taxation proposals. Every cup of coffee, the
staple nourishment of the German workingman’s family, every
cup of tea, every glass of beer and schnapps, the staple
refreshment of the German workingman, will cost more, the
total sum to be derived from these sources reaching
$54,250,000, which, with the duty on the poor man’s cigar,
amounts to over $60,000,000. Adding to this 30 per cent. for
the increase in the middleman’s prices, the total burden of
the consuming classes reaches over $80,000,000, or an increase
of $7.50 on the workingman’s household expenses a year."
On the 13th of July the session of the Reichstag was closed by
Imperial decree. On the 14th the following announcement
appeared in the _Imperial Gazette:_ "His Majesty the
Emperor and King has been graciously pleased to accede to the
request of the Imperial Chancellor, the President of the
Ministry, and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Prince Bülow, to
be relieved of his offices, and has conferred upon him the
High Order of the Black Eagle with brilliants. His Majesty has
been graciously pleased to appoint Dr. von Bethmann-Hollweg,
Secretary of State for the Interior, Minister of State, to be
Imperial Chancellor, President of the Ministry, and Minister
for Foreign Affairs." Herr Sydow now resigned from the
secretaryship of the Imperial Treasury, and was made Prussian
Minister of Commerce, in place of Herr Delbruck, who succeeded
the new Chancellor as "Imperial Secretary of State for the
Interior and representative of the Imperial Chancellor." Herr
Sydow’s place in the department of the Imperial Treasury was
taken by Herr Wermuth.
GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909 (September-May).
The Casablanca Incident and its Arbitration at The Hague.
Friendly Agreement with France.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.
GERMANY: A. D. 1909.
Accelerated Naval Construction.
Excitement in Great Britain.
Parliamentary Debates.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.
GERMANY: A. D. 1909.
Extent of Trade Unionism.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: GERMANY.
GERMANY: A. D. 1909.
Proposed Amendments of the System of Workingmen’s Insurance.
See (in this Volume)
POVERTY, THE PROBLEMS OF: PENSIONS;
also,
LABOR PROTECTION: ACCIDENT AND SICKNESS INSURANCE.
GERMANY: A. D. 1909 (January).
Rejection of Proposed Reforms of the Elective Franchise
in Prussia.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: PRUSSIA.
GERMANY: A. D. 1909 (April).
Economic Conditions.
Gain of Fifteen Years in National Wealth.
Increased Cost of Living.
Diminished Savings.
Check on the Overcrowding of Towns.
A report by the British Consul-General on the trade and
commerce of the consular district of Frankfort-on-the-Main for
the year ending April 30, 1909, gave the following items of
interest touching general economic conditions of the year:
Early in 1909 the national wealth of Germany, which had been
estimated at 220,000,000,000 marks 15 years ago, was estimated
to have reached 350,000,000,000 marks—i. e., an increase of 59
per cent. in half a generation.
"The cheapening of all manufactured commodities in comparison
with the price they had reached during the end of the boom has
failed until now, in spite of an unprecedented supply of cash,
because the development which had taken place behind the wall
of protection—the system of syndication—has killed free
competition at home and has unduly raised the cost of the raw
material needed by the finishing industries. The agricultural
protection as well as the industrial has, moreover, increased
the cost of living and has narrowed down the margin of profit
which might have been used like a safety valve for reductions
of price to revive trade at home or facilitate competition
abroad. Syndication and protection have in fact combined to
deprive German manufacture of that elastic cheapening power
which ought chiefly to revive trade during the period
succeeding a commercial high tide. At the same time the
increased protection of the home market has admittedly
rendered foreign markets more difficult for the German
manufacturer."
See (in this Volume)
LABOR REMUNERATION: WAGES, &C.
GERMANY: A. D. 1909 (September).
Speech of the Emperor on the Pride of his Subjects in
"the Game of War."
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY.
GERMANY: A. D. 1909 (September).
Latest Statistics of the Social Democratic Party.
See (in this Volume)
SOCIALISM: GERMANY.
GERMANY: A. D. 1909 (October-December).
Socialist Gains in By-elections, etc.
Changed relations between Parties and the Government.
Several by-elections for the Reichstag and elections to the
diets of Saxony and Baden in these months showed somewhat
startling gains for the Socialists. In the Saxon Diet they won
25 seats, whereas in the late chamber, elected in 1907, they
had held but 1. Both the Conservatives and the National
Liberals were losers in the contest, the former most heavily.
The Radicals shared a few of the gains. In the Baden Diet the
Socialist gain was 8. At a by-election in one of the
Brandenburg divisions the Socialists increased their vote by
more than a thousand.
The Reichstag was reopened by the Emperor on the 30th of
November. On the organization of the House, Dr. Herman S.
Paasche, National Liberal, declined election as Second
Vice-President, stating that the National-Liberal party had
decided unanimously not to accept office in the reorganization
of the House. The Imperial party, or free Conservatives, also
declined to take part in the organization, while the Radicals
went so far as to decide that they would cast blank votes.
These three parties are determined to place the full
responsibility for the coming legislation upon the German
Conservatives and Clericals.
{298}
This new attitude of parties, as one side of the sequence to
the dissolution of the bloc of the past two years, and to the
retirement of Chancellor Bülow, was responded to most
appositely on the side of the Government by the new Imperial
Chancellor, Dr. von Bethmann Hollweg, when he made his first
speech in that capacity to the Reichstag, December 9th. In not
many words he made it plain that the Imperial Government’s
policy now was "to stand aloof from parties and groups of
parties; in short, that the government of Germany was not a
government by party. Governmental measures would be submitted
to the Reichstag for adoption, but he was not disposed to
define the constellation of parties which, he thought, would
support these measures. The recent political crisis over the
taxation bill had made no change in German institutions, he
continued. Radicalism strove to divide all Germany into two
political camps, but the existence of such a dualism was a
fiction devised for party objects. It could not contribute to
the sound development of the country for every proposal to be
classified as either radical or reactionary. Germany, the
chancellor affirmed, needed continuous and steady policies,
both at home and abroad, to satisfy the people to the end that
their work, either material or intellectual, might be
undisturbed by disorders or experiments." His words in part
were as follows:
"As decidedly as the separate parties have ever refused, and
still refuse, to be Government parties—and I personally can
thoroughly understand it—so little will a Government in
Germany ever be able to be a party Government. With the
difficulties which arise from this fact every German statesman
has had to fight, and in this relation of things, which is
historic and based upon the peculiarity of our party life and
of our State institutions, the last crisis has altered nothing
whatever. I do not shut my eyes," continued the Chancellor,
"to the excitement of party politics which pervades the
country." But he believed that there were wide circles of the
German people who did not wish to live permanently on
political excitement and recrimination. "What our people
desires in the first place is not to be disturbed in its
actual work, whether economic or intellectual, either at home
or abroad, in the markets of the world, by unrest or
experiments. It wishes to be supported and encouraged by a
policy of continuity and stability at home and abroad." As in
the past there had never been a single party which had given
its stamp to German policy, so all parties must work together
in the future. The question was not one of "actual
collaboration" or of nervous anxiety about the creation of a
temporary Parliamentary majority, but of the conviction that
there was an obligation to work imposed by the community upon
each of its representatives, and the certainty that this
obligation would survive the present turmoil.
It is an interesting experiment which the new Chancellor is
venturing on; but it seems to require a Bismarck in the
Chancellor’s shoes.
GERMANY: A. D. 1909 (December).
The Mannesmann Concession Question.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.
GERMANY: A. D. 1910 (March).
Demand of the Reichstag for Ministerial Responsibility.
On the 15th of March, 1910, it was reported from Berlin that
the Reichstag had adopted a motion, made by a Socialist
member, demanding the introduction of a bill making the
chancellor responsible to the Reichstag for his official acts
and also extending his responsibility to cover all of the acts
and documents made by the Emperor, for which responsibility he
shall be answerable in a court of law.
[Transcriber's note: The First World War was fought from
July 28, 1914 to November 11, 1918, between the Allies
(France, the United Kingdom, Russia, the United States,
Italy, and Japan) and the Central Powers (Germany,
Austria-Hungary, the Ottoman Empire, and Bulgaria).]
----------GERMANY: End--------
GHENT: A. D. 1900.
Municipal organization of Insurance against Unemployment.
See (in this Volume)
POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: UNEMPLOYMENT.
GHOSE, Dr. Rash Bihari.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.
GIBBONEY, D. Clarence.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: PHILADELPHIA.
GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:
Of Andrew Carnegie:
To Building for the Bureau of American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS, BUREAU OF.
For Court House and Library for Permanent Court of
Arbitration at The Hague.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1903.
To Foundation for the Improvement of Teaching.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.
To Hero Funds.
See (in this Volume)
CARNEGIE HERO FUNDS.
To Institute at Pittsburg.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.
To Institution of Washington.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.
To Scottish Universities.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: SCOTLAND: A. D. 1901.
GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:
Of George Crocker for Cancer Research.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH: CANCER RESEARCH.
GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:
Of Edwin Ginn to Fund for the Peace Propaganda.
See (in this Volume)
War, The Revolt against: A. D. 1909.
GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:
Of Mrs. Harriman and others to the State of New York for
a State Park on the Hudson.
See (in this Volume)
NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909-1910.
GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:
Of Miss Anna T. Jeanes to Schools for Southern Negroes.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.
GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:
Of Mr. John Stewart Kennedy.
Nearly $30,000,000, out of an estate valued close to
$60,000,000, was left to public institutions by John Stewart
Kennedy, banker and railroad builder, who died early in
November, 1909. The remainder of the estate was bequeathed to
relatives and employés. The larger bequests to religious,
educational, and benevolent institutions were the following:
Board of Foreign Missions of the
Presbyterian Church in the United States $2,250,000
Board of Home Missions of the
Presbyterian Church in the United States 2,250,000
Board of Church Erection Fund of the
General Assembly of the Presbyterian
Church in the United States 2,250,000
Presbyterian Hospital in New York City 2,250,000
New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox,
and Tilden Foundations 2,250,000
Metropolitan Museum of Art 2,250,000
Columbia University 2,250,000
Church Extension Committee of the
Presbytery of New York 1.500,000
Trustees of Robert College,
Constantinople, Turkey 1,500,000
University of the City of New York 750,000
{299}
American Bible Society 750,000
Presbyterian Board of Aid for Colleges 750,000
Charity Organization Society of the City
of New York for its School of Philanthrophy,
"to which I have already given an endowment
of $250,000, or to the said school if the
same be separately incorporated at the time
of my death," 750,000
United Charities, a corporation of
the State of New York 1,500,000
GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:
Of Letchworth Park to the State of New York.
See (in this Volume)
NEW YORK STATE; A. D. 1907.
GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:
Of Rhodes Scholarships.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: RHODES SCHOLARSHIPS.
GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:
Of John D. Rockefeller to the General Education Board.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909.
GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:
The Russell Sage Foundation.
See (in this Volume)
SOCIAL BETTERMENT. UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.
From Mrs. Russell Sage to Yale University.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1910.
Of Mrs. Russell Sage to the U. S. Government.
See (in this Volume)
Constitution Island.
GINN, EDWIN:
Great Gift to Fund for the Peace Propaganda.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.
GIOLITTI, SIGNOR GIOVANNI:
Minister of the Interior and then Premier of
the Italian Government.
See (in this Volume)
ITALY: A. D. 1901, 1903, and after.
GIORGIS, GENERAL DE:
Command of Gendarmerie in Macedonia.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.
GLADSTONE, HERBERT J.:
Secretary of State for Home Affairs.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.
First Governor-General of United South Africa.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.
GOBAT, ALBERT.
See (in this Volume)
Nobel Prizes.
GOETHALS, LIEUTENANT-COLONEL GEORGE W.:
Chief Engineer of the Panama Canal.
See (in this Volume)
PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1905-1909.
GOLGI, CAMILLO.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
GOLUCHOWSKI, Count.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.
GOMEZ, José Miguel:
President of Cuba.
See (in this Volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1906-1909.
GOMEZ, General Maximo:
Military head of the last Cuban Rising against Spain.
See (in this Volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1902.
GOMEZ, General:
Acting President of Venezuela.
See (in this Volume)
VENEZUELA: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1907-1909.
GOMPERS, Samuel:
Sentence for alleged Violation of an Injunction.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.
GORDON MEMORIAL COLLEGE, at Khartoum.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: EGYPT.
GOREMYKIN, Ivan Logginovich.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.
GORGAS, Dr. W. C., United States of America:
In charge of the Sanitation of the Panama Canal Zone.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH: PANAMA CANAL.
GOVERNORS’ CONFERENCE, on Conservation of Natural Resources.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.
"GRAFT," so called, in Municipal Government.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
GRAND TRUNK PACIFIC RAILWAY PROJECT.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1903.
GRAY, Justice George:
On the Anthracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commission.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.
GREAT BRITAIN.
See (in this Volume and Volume II)
ENGLAND.
GREECE: A. D. 1905.
Assassination of Prime Minister Delyannis.
His successors.
Theodoros Delyannis, the Premier of Greece, was assassinated
on the 13th of June, 1905, by a revengeful gambler whose place
had been closed by the police. A new Ministry formed by M.
Ralli conducted the Government until December, when its defeat
in the election of a president of the representative assembly
forced a resignation. It was succeeded by a Cabinet formed
under M. Theotokis, the leader of the Opposition.
GREECE: A. D. 1905-1908.
Barbarities of Greek bands in Macedonia.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.
GREECE: A. D. 1905-1906.
Insurrection in Crete.
Demand for Union with "her Mother Greece."
Investigation by the Powers.
Resignation of Prince George.
Appointment of M. Zaimis.
See (in this Volume)
CRETE; A. D. 1905-1906.
GREECE: A. D. 1907-1909.
The Cretan Situation as dealt with by the
Four Protecting Powers.
See (in this Volume)
CRETE: A. D. 1907-1909.
GREECE: A. D. 1909 (July).
Destructive Earthquake in Ellis.
See (in this Volume)
EARTHQUAKES: GREECE.
GREECE: A. D. 1909.
The Government dominated by a Military League.
Its submission to the Dictatorship.
Whatever vitality may previously have animated the forms of
constitutional government in Greece was extinguished suddenly
in July, 1909, by a demonstration of power on the part of a
league of army officers to give orders to it. The Military
League was backed, evidently, by a strong popular feeling
against the Government, partly well founded, perhaps, but
largely due to an unreasoning desire for rash undertakings to
secure the annexation of Crete. The revolution in Turkey had
stimulated this by seeming to open opportunities for breaking
the island away from the claimed sovereignty of the Turks.
What Bulgaria had been able to do in the situation for
herself, and what Austria had done in annexing Bosnia and
Herzegovina, it must be that the Powers which held Crete in
commission, so to speak, could do for Greece, in the present
state of things, if Greece had a competent Government to deal
with affairs. This seems to have been the feeling, to a large
extent, which produced the Military League and the popular
threatenings whereby the Ministry of M. Theotoki was impelled
to resign office on the 17th of July. The new Cabinet
constructed by the King, under M. Ralli, held the semblance of
power a little more than a month, and then had to choose
between dropping it and taking orders from the League.
{300}
When it hesitated, and ventured an arrest of several leaders
of the military combination, the latter, in a body, to the
number of over 500, with about 2000 of the men of their
commands, took possession of a hill outside of Athens, on the
27th of August, and established there a menacing camp. Parley
was then opened with them and they submitted a programme of
demands which M. Ralli declined to accept, and resigned.
According to a manifesto published by the League on the 27th,
its demands, summarized in a letter from Athens, were as
follows: "The officers belonging to the Military League
respectfully ask the King and the Government to carry out
radical reforms, and especially to proceed with the
reorganization of the army and navy, in order that Greece
might not in the future have to undergo any more humiliations
such as she had had to tolerate in the past. The commands held
by the Royal Princes in the army and navy are considered by
the league to be prejudicial to their own prestige and to the
accomplishment of their duties. The officers consequently
insist that the Crown Prince, who is commander-in-chief of the
army, and the other Royal Princes, should not hold any command
in the army. They demand that the army shall be controlled by
a council composed of the commanders of the three divisions
under the presidency of the eldest of them, and the
superintendence of the Crown Prince. They further ask that the
two War Ministries should be invariably entrusted to the best
officers in the army and navy and not to civilians. Among the
detailed features of their programme they ask that four
classes of the reserve should be called to the colours
annually for manoeuvres, that a battleship of not less than
10,000 tons, and eight destroyers of not less than 150 tons
each, should be constructed, that the existing three cruisers
should be repaired, that all the useless small ships should be
sold, including the Royal yachts, with the exception of one
for the King, that a war school should be established, that a
foreign general with some officers should be called in to
organize a Staff service and to look after the theoretical and
practical training of the army and navy, and that a more
efficient corps of _Gendarmerie_ should be organized. In
order to provide the necessary funds to carry out these
reforms the league suggests that large retrenchments should be
made in the general Budget."
The King found a compliant premier, M. Mavromichalis, who
submitted to these dictations in principle, amnestied the
whole League, and took one of its leaders, Colonel
Lapathiotis, into his Cabinet, as Minister of War. Since that
day the actual Government of Greece has been transferred from
the King, his Constitutional Ministers and the "Boule," or
Legislative Chamber, to the Military League. The nominal
Government turned a cheerful face to the world by publishing a
semi-official explanation which began as follows:
"Now that the situation has become clearer it becomes plain
that the sole object of the military movement was the
reorganization of the army and the reform and improvement of
the Administration. The movement was at no time directed
against the King or the dynasty, nor had it as its object the
diminution of the rights and privileges of the Crown or the
violation of the Constitution. The request of the Military
Committee that the Crown Prince and the Royal Princes should
be relieved of their high commands in the army was only
formulated in their Highnesses’ interests, and with a view to
relieve them of grave responsibilities likely to injure their
prestige and in order to avert the discord and hatred which
personal favoritism and the sympathies of the Princes would
inevitably have engendered among the officers serving under
them."
That the League had strong backing in the country was shown by
popular demonstrations, one of which, at Athens, on the 27th
of September, brought 50,000 people, it was said, to the Champ
de Mars, to pass a resolution and to convey it to the King.
"The resolution began by expressing profound satisfaction at
the initiation of the struggle by the Military League against
the mischievous influence of parties on State affairs, and
against the misuse of interest in the army and navy, and …
concluded by declaring the determination of the people to
exercise constant supervision over the Government and the
Chamber until their demands had been completely fulfilled.
"The demonstrators then marched to the Royal Palace, where the
committee were received by the King and handed his Majesty the
resolution. The King, after congratulating them upon the
orderly and lawful way in which the people had made known
their wishes, expressed his conviction that his Government and
the Chamber would consider them and would vote the requisite
laws."
The Chamber, however, was less compliant, and showed marked
signs of refusing legislation for the removal of the royal
Princes from active service in the army. This angered the
military dictators, and fresh trouble was threatened. It was
averted by the resignation of the Princes, and by the speedy
adoption of the whole series of measures demanded by the
League, no less than twenty-three bills being enacted within
the space of an hour.
The dictatorial work of the League, however, had not gone far
enough to satisfy one of its chiefs, a Lieutenant Typaldos,
commander of a fleet of torpedo-boats and submarines, who
suddenly set on foot a naval revolt of his own, withdrawing,
with a few other officers and men, to Salamis and seizing the
arsenal there. But, having the League against him, Typaldos
was easily put to flight, and was captured eventually in
ignominious disguise. For a time after this all went smoothly,
and the Government was credited with a number of good
measures, which its military masters permitted it to adopt.
The situation was ruffled again toward the end of December by
some offensive words in the Chamber from the Minister of War,
Colonel Lapathiotis, which a large part of the deputies
resented. These gave notice that they would not enter the
Chamber again while the Colonel remained in the Ministry.
Fortunately, just at this time, the obnoxious Minister gave
offense to his associates of the League, by promoting several
officers without consulting them, and they were willing that
he should be dismissed.
{301}
GREECE: A. D. 1910.
Agreements for a restored Constitutional Regime.
The dismissal of Colonel Lapathiotis emboldened the party in
the Chamber which follows the lead of ex-Premier Rallis to
make some show of an independent opposition, and provoked
thereby the most arrogant reminder yet given of the
dictatorial power of the Military League. On the 2d of January
two officers from the League appeared in the Chamber, bearing
letters addressed to the Prime Minister and to the two leaders
of Opposition parties, M. Rallis and M. Theotokis, requiring
the Chamber to pass twenty-seven specified measures, besides
the pending budget, and requiring the Government to recall its
diplomatic representatives from Paris, Berlin, Vienna, and
Rome. The messengers announced that they would return at 2 p.
M. for a reply, and when they did so they were assured that
the commands received would be obeyed. A few hours later the
Premier received a fresh mandate to dismiss his Minister of
the Interior. On this, he and his colleagues attempted to
resign, but were so entreated by the King to remain and submit
to the humiliating situation, rather than bring the country to
a state of complete political wreck, that they did so,
excepting the Minister of the Interior, who withdrew.
In the succeeding four weeks, negotiations appear to have
been effected between the League and the leaders of political
parties, with the result announced as follows in a telegram
from Athens to the American Press, January 28:
"An agreement was reached to-day by the Theotokis party, the
Rallis party, and the Military League to convoke the National
Assembly for a revision of the Constitution, with the
condition that the league shall first be dissolved. The powers
of the National Assembly will be limited as to the sections of
the Constitution to be revised, and no interference with the
royal prerogatives will be permitted."
King George assented to the proposed convocation of a National
Assembly for the revision of the Constitution, though the
existing Constitution would be violated by the method of
procedure to be taken, since the choice seemed to lie between
this and a complete wreckage of constitutional government. A
Cretan leader, M. Venezelo, of high reputation for political
sagacity, came to Athens on invitation and conducted a
settlement of the affair with apparent success. The
Mavromichalis Ministry gave way to another, formed under M.
Dragoumis; a programme of constitutional changes to be laid
before the contemplated National Assembly was agreed upon; the
election of the Assembly was appointed for August next and its
meeting for September, and the dissolution of the Military
League was pledged. Such was the situation in the later days
of March, 1910.
GREEN HILLS, Capture of.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).
GREY, ALBERT HENRY GEORGE, EARL:
Governor-General of Canada.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1904.
GREY, SIR EDWARD:
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (December), 1905-1906; and
TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.
GREY, SIR EDWARD:
Correspondence on American Fishing Rights
in Newfoundland waters.
See (in this Volume)
NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.
GREY, SIR EDWARD:
On the Changed Conditions in Europe that make for Peace.
See EUROPE: A. D. 1909.
GREY, SIR EDWARD:
On the Budget of 1909 and the House of Lords.
See ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (April-December).
GROCERS’ ASSOCIATION, Dissolution of the.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.
GROSSCUP, JUDGE PETER S.:
Decision in the Case of the
United States v. Swift & Co., et al.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.
GROSSCUP, JUDGE PETER S.:
Opinion in Standard Oil Case.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.
GRUITCH, GENERAL:
Head of Radical Servian Ministry.
See (in this Volume)
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA: A. D. 1903.
GUANTANAMO:
Coaling and Naval Station leased to the United States.
See (in this Volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1903.
GUATEMALA.
See (in this Volume)
CENTRAL AMERICA.
GUERRA, COLONEL PINO:
Leader of Insurrection in Cuba.
See (in this Volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).
GUIANA, BRITISH: A. D. 1904.
Settlement of Brazilian boundary dispute.
See (in this Volume)
BRAZIL: A. D. 1904.
GULLY, W. C.:
Resignation of the Speakership of House of Commons.
Elevation to the Peerage.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (JUNE).
GUMMERÉ, S. R.:
American Delegate to the Alegeciras Conference
on the Morocco Question.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.
GUTHRIE, GEORGE W.:
Mayor of Pittsburg.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
H.
HAAKON VII., King of Norway.
See (in this Volume )
NORWAY: A. D. 1902-1905.
HABIBULLAH, Ameer of Afghanistan.
See (in this Volume)
AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1901-1904.
HAECKEL, Ernst Heinrich.
Eminent German scientist, retired from his Professorship
at Jena University on his 75th birthday, February 10, 1909.
HAGEN-HAGEN, LIEUTENANT:
Tragically ended Greenland Coast Survey.
See (in this Volume)
POLAR EXPLORATION.
HAGOPIAN, H.:
On the Turkish Revolution.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).
HAGUE TRIBUNAL, The: A. D. 1902.
Decision of the Pious Fund Question between Mexico and
the United States.
See (in this Volume)
MEXICO: A. D. 1902 (MAY).
HAGUE TRIBUNAL, The: A. D. 1903.
Decision on Venezuela Question.
See (in this Volume)
VENEZUELA: A. D 1902-1903.
HAGUE TRIBUNAL, The:
Carnegie Gift to it of a Court House and Library.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1903.
HAGUE, The: A. D. 1907.
The Second Peace Conference.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.
HAICHENG, RUSSIAN EVACUATION OF.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).
HAKKI BEY: Grand Vizier.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (MAY-DECEMBER).
{302}
HALDANE, Richard B.:
Secretary of State for War.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.
HALE vs. HENKEL, The case of.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1906.
HAMID EDDIN, Sheik of the Hadramaut:
His claims to the Caliphate, against the Sultan.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1905.
HAMLIN, Reverend Dr. Cyrus.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: TURKEY, &c.
HANKAU-SZE-CHUAN RAILWAY LOAN.
The question of American participation.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1904-1909.
HANSEN, Ole.
See (in this Volume)
DENMARK: A. D. 1901.
HARBIN,
KHARBIN: A. D. 1905.
Opened to all commerce.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1905 (DECEMBER).
HARCOURT, VERNON.
See VERNON-HARCOURT.
HARDEN, Maximilian:
The Trials of.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1907-1908.
HARDIE, KEIR.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906;
LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1903; and
SOCIALISM: ENGLAND.
HARRIMAN, Edward H.:
His extraordinary Accumulation and Organization of
Railway Properties.
His death.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.
HARRIMAN, Mrs. E. H.
Gift of land to New York for a State Park.
See (in this Volume)
NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909-1910.
HARVARD UNIVERSITY:
Interchanges of Professors with French and German Universities.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES.
HASSAN FEHMI EFFENDI,
Assassination of.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).
HATSUSE,
Sinking of the.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).
HATTI HUMAYUN, The Turkish.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).
HAUSA LAND.
See (in this Volume)
AFRICA: A. D. 1903 (NIGERIA).
HAVANA: A. D. 1907.
Population.
See (in this Volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1907.
HAY, John:
Secretary of State.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909.
HAY, John:
Negotiation of the Hay-Bond Reciprocity Treaty.
See NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1902-1905.
HAY, John:
Negotiation of Treaty with China to open two new Ports
to Foreign Trade.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1903 (MAY-OCTOBER).
HAY, John:
Honorary President of Second International Conference
of American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
HAY, John:
Proclamation of his death.
See UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905 (JULY).
HAY-PAUNCEFOTE CANAL TREATY, Interoceanic.
See (in this Volume)
PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1901-1902.
HAITI: A. D. 1901-1902.
Participation in Second International Conference of
American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
HAITI: A. D. 1902.
Revolution and Civil War produced by a Blunder of Law.
Resignation of President Sam.
Election of General Nord Alexis.
An outbreak of revolution in Haiti occurred under singular
circumstances on the 12th of May, 1902. As related in a
despatch of a few days later by Mr. W F. Powell, United States
Minister to Haiti, the circumstances were these: When, in
April, 1896. General Theresias Simon Sam was elected President
of the Republic (see, under HAYTI, in Volume VI. of this
work), on the sudden death of President Hypolite, "Congress
enacted a law requiring him to enter upon the duties of the
Presidential office at once, and to remain in office until May
15, 1903. This law, it seems now," wrote Mr. Powell, "was not
constitutional, as the constitution states: ‘That upon the
death, resignation, malfeasance in office, or removal
therefrom of the President before the 15th of May (in any
year) the cabinet or council of ministers is charged with
these functions until the 15th of May, when the newly elected
President shall assume the duties of the Presidency; but if a
President should accept office or enter upon the duties of the
same prior to this time (15th of May), then his term of office
must expire on the 15th of May of the year preceding the time
that it actually expired, thus not allowing the incumbent to
remain in office the full seven years, the time for which he
was elected.’
"For some reason this provision of the constitution was not
thought of, or else forgotten, at the time General Sam was
elected. No mention was made of this section until about a
year ago, when the question was launched upon the public view
by the enemies of the Government. The more this question was
discussed the more potent it became, until it occupied the
attention of all classes to the exclusion of all other
matters. … The several political arrests and the exile of many
persons within the past two years have been on account of this
discussion, they demanding that this article of the
constitution should be literally followed, the Government, on
its part, believing that in the arrest and exile of all such
persons all discussions and agitation of this matter would
cease. But this rigor on the part of the Government produced,
instead of friends, enemies, who were daily gaining strength.
"At the several interviews I had with the President up to the
time I left for Santo Domingo (February 10) he stated that it
was his intention to remain in office until he had finished
his term (to May 15, 1903) and that he would not resign or
cease to be President prior to that time. He had also
impressed this fact upon the members of his cabinet up to May
1 of the present year, when it was learned that it was his
intention to resign at an early day." This announcement
brought a number of candidates into the field, and Mr. Powell,
on returning to Port au Prince on the 11th of May, found a
precarious situation there. He secured an interview with
President Sam the following morning, and "was informed that he
had determined to resign, that his resignation was ready to be
sent to Congress, that he was tired of this constant
agitation, and that he would leave by the French steamer then
in port for France, where he would pass the remainder of his
life in quietness and peace; that since it was the wish of the
people to have a new President he would not oppose them, but
would abide by article 93 of the national constitution, and if
the chambers did not elect a President to-day, Monday, the
country would be without a President."
{303}
One of the candidates, General Leconte, a member of the
Government about to be dissolved, "felt certain that he would
be elected, as he had sufficient votes pledged in both houses
to elect him. This news spread rapidly, the streets became
full of armed citizens wending their way toward the chambers
to prevent, forcibly if necessary, his election. At first it
was difficult to get the members together. The streets in the
neighborhood of the legislative halls were thronged with
people and the Government troops, the latter to protect the
members in case of violence. Several secret meetings of the
members were held. At last the doors were opened, and as soon
as opened every available space not occupied by the two houses
was filled by the friends and foes of General Leconte. As the
balloting was about to commence some one in the chambers fired
his revolver. In an instant shooting commenced from all parts
of the room. One or two were killed and the same number
wounded. The members all sought shelter in the most available
places they could find—under benches or desks. Others forgot
the way they entered and sought exit by means of the windows.
By this means the populace prevented the election of General
Leconte, forcibly adjourned the chambers without date, and
dispersed the members of both chambers. The Government troops
immediately retired to the palace, the arsenal, the barracks,
or the arrondissement, as it was thought that an attack would
be immediately made on each place.
"A committee of safety was at once formed to safeguard the
interests of the city, and as the news reached the other
cities of the Republic similar committees were named with like
duties. The next object was to secure the palace, arsenal, and
the Government buildings. A concerted attack was made on each
of the above places at 10 p. m., lasting about twenty minutes,
in which the Government troops were the victors. It is
supposed that in these engagements about one hundred persons
were either killed or wounded."
The next day, on the ex-President’s request, Mr. Powell, as
dean of the diplomatic corps, arranged with his associates to
escort General and Mrs. Sam, together with General Leconte, to
the steamer on which they wished to embark, and their
departure was undisturbed.
On the 26th of May a Provisional Government, with General
Boisrond Canal for its President, was established by delegates
sent from "the several sections of the Republic." Elections
for a new Chamber of Deputies were appointed to be held early
in July; though the Constitution had declared that such
elections "must occur during the first weeks in the month of
January." This gave a fine opening for future troubles.
Meantime, irregular skirmishing, preliminary to positive civil
war, was bringing all business to an end. On the 26th of July
Mr. Powell reported to Washington that civil war had been
declared. The contest for the Presidency seemed narrowed to
two candidates. General Nord Alexis, Minister of War and
Marine in the Provisional Government, and Mr. A. Firmin, whose
cause was supported by the Haytian navy, of two gunboats,
commanded by Admiral Killick. It is needless to give details
of the hostilities that ensued.
The elections were determined and the Chamber of Deputies was
organized about the 20th of August. The Deputies had then to
choose the Senatorial body, and the strife of factions among
them prevented that election until late in the year, when the
forces of the Provisional Government had achieved successes
which brought the civil war practically to an end. General
Nord Alexis, who had been campaigning for months, returned
triumphantly with his army to Port au Prince on the 14th of
December; was acclaimed President by the Army on the 17th, and
was formally elected by the National Assembly on the 21st. He
was then reported to be 85 years old.
HAITI: A. D. 1908.
Revolution once more.
Overthrow and expulsion of President Nord Alexis.
General Antoine Simon his elected successor.
The Government under President Nord Alexis was maintained for
six years, by its own unsparing use of power, it would seem,
rather than by the good will of the country. Revolutionary
projects had been crushed with prompt vigor before they had
much chance of development, until November, 1908, when one,
led by a displaced military commander, General Antoine Simon,
ran so rapid a course that it arrived at complete success on
the 2d of the following month. The aged but indomitable Nord
Alexis strove hard to resist it, even to the last inch of
fighting in his own palace; but Port au Prince rose against
him; his partisans fell away; his soldiers deserted; and
finally, on the afternoon of December 2d, he consented to be
taken on board a French training-ship, then in port. In doing
this there was difficulty in saving him from an angry city
mob. The escape of the fallen President was described in a
Port au Prince despatch to the Associated Press as follows:
"So serious was the situation that the French minister, M.
Carteron, and other foreign representatives, with members of a
specially appointed committee, forced themselves upon the
President, who finally consented to withdraw. Shouts greeted
him as he stepped to his carriage. M. Carteron, carrying the
French tri-color, threw the folds of the flag over the
shoulders of the de posed president to protect him. All along
the route the people who lined the streets shouted, jeered and
cursed the fallen President, but when the landing stage was
reached, the mob lost all restraint. The scene was tragic and
shameful. Infuriated women broke through the cordon of troops
and shrieked the coarsest insults into the very face of the
President, who strove bravely to appear undismayed. They
hurled themselves, fighting with hands and feet, against the
soldiers, who found difficulty in forcing them back. One woman
with a murderous knife, got to the President’s side and made a
sweep at his body, but the blow fell short, and, before she
could follow it with another, she was seized by a soldier. A
man struck the President a glancing blow with his fist on the
neck. Alexis, shaking his head, so, turned to M. Carteron and
said: ‘I told you your excellency.’
{304}
"To clear space, the troops fired several volleys over the
heads of the mob. For a moment, they gave way, and Alexis,
with the French colors draped about him, was bustled into a
skiff, in tow of a steam launch, his disordered suite tumbling
in after him. As the launch drew away, three Haytian gunboats
and the American warships in the harbor fired a salute to the
fallen President.
"A trunk which was left behind on the precipitate departure of
the President and his party from the wharf, was seized upon by
the rioters and broken open. It was found to contain some
$10,000 in gold and 20,000 Haytian gourdes. The specie was
scattered about and promptly pillaged."
According to a despatch of the next day, "riot and pillage
swept through the night following the flight of the fallen
President, Nord Alexis. The populace, maddened by a taste of
revolt, gave themselves over to absolute license, They looted
stores and residences and then fought among themselves over
the booty until an armed force, hastily gathered together by
General Poitevin, fired a volley into the mob and finally
drove them into hiding. In all, twelve persons were killed and
many wounded before order was restored. …
"Past 90 years of age—how many years beyond nobody knows—Nord
Alexis had faced his foes with the strength and determination
of a man in the very prime of life. To-day he said: ‘The
courageous conduct of M. Carteron (the French minister) saved
my life.’ … The President was broken-hearted over the attitude
of his people, of whose hostility he was entirely ignorant.
‘They always cheered me when I appealed in the streets,’ he
said mournfully, ‘and I have always labored for their good.’
"He protested against the ‘legend’ that he ever had shown any
enmity toward the whites, and, for the first time, expressed
his views with regard to the summary executions which took
place on March 15th last, when many men were shot to death by
order of General Leconte. He had always been convinced, he
said, that the men had been killed during an attack upon the
palace. His officials and those upon whom he depended had kept
back the truth from him.
"With regard to his destination, Nord Alexis said that he
would wait until he could be transported to Jamaica, Saint
Thomas or Martinique."
General Simon and his victorious army of rebellion entered the
capital on the 5th. Some degree of order had been restored by
a Committee of Safety, under ex-President Legitime, but fresh
strifes were imminent between rival candidates for the vacant
presidency. Simon, with his military following, brushed them
aside, and obtained a unanimous election by the Haitian
Congress on the 17th, assuming office as President on the
20th.
HAITI: A. D. 1909.
The Haitian People.
The splendid industry of the Women.
The curse of the country in its Military Government.
"Four-fifths of the Haitians—the peasantry of the country,
that is to say—are hard working, peaceable country people.
These four-fifths of 3,000,000 are entirely negro in race, and
probably represent a mingling of West African types from
Senegambia, Dahomé, and the Congo. It is a race which
exhibits, away from the towns, a fine physical development;
its skin colour is much darker and the negro type more
pronounced than in the United States. … The women are the best
part of the nation They are splendid, unremitting toilers. In
the face of all discouragements with, which a bad Government
clouds their existence the women of Haiti almost remind one of
certain patient types of ant or termite, who, as fast as you
destroy their labour of months or days, hasten to repair it
with unslacking energy.
"The curse of Haiti from the day she established her
independence in 1804 to the present time is the tyrannical and
wasteful Government of the military party. … Scarcely a
President in the history of Haiti has not been a military man
and the favourite leader, for the time being, of the major
portion of the army. … That President Antoine Simon will
follow in the bloody footsteps of all his Presidential
predecessors is improbable. He is a man of obviously kindly
nature, with a record of 22 years’ essentially clement
government of the great southern province of Haiti; but he is
an old man of imperfect education, and though he may turn out
a complete surprise, yet so far he has done nothing to improve
the conditions of political elections. The whole power of the
country is still entirely based on the soldiers."
_Sir Harry Johnston,
in The London Times, April 13, 1909._
HEARST, William R.:
Candidacy for Mayor of New York.
See (in this Volume)
NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905 and 1909.
HEARST, William R.:
Candidacy for Governor of New York State.
See (in this Volume)
NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1910.
HEDERVARY MINISTRY.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903.
HENEY, FRANCIS J.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO,
and UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.
HENRIQUES, CAMPOS.
See (in this Volume)
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.
HENRY PHIPPS INSTITUTE.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH: TUBERCULOSIS.
HENRY, Prince of Prussia:
Visit to the United States.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).
HEPBURN ACT.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1870-1908, and 1906-1909.
HERMANN, BINGER:
U. S. Commissioner of the Land Office, involved in Land Frauds.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.
HERO FUNDS.
See (in this Volume)
CARNEGIE HERO FUNDS.
HERREROS, The.
See (in this Volume)
AFRICA: A. D. 1904-1905, and
GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.
HERRING, A. M.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.
HERVÉ, Gustave:
Apostle of Anti-Militarism in France.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.
HERZEGOVINA.
See (in this Volume)
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.
HETCH HETCHY PROJECT, The.
See (in this Volume)
SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1901-1909.
HICKS-BEACH, SIR MICHAEL:
Retirement from the English Chancellorship of the Exchequer.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JULY).
HIGHBINDER ASSOCIATIONS, CHINESE.
See (in this Volume)
SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1902.
{305}
HILL, David Jayne:
Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.
HILL, James J.:
His connection with the Northern Securities Case.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.
HILMI PASHA.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1902-1903; 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.
HINDU DISAFFECTION.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.
HINDU IMMIGRATION:
The Resistance to in South Africa, Australia, and elsewhere.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS.
HISGEN, Thomas L.:
Nominated for President of the United States.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).
HITCHCOCK, Ethan Allen:
Secretary of the Interior.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905, 1903-1906, and 1905-1909.
HITCHCOCK, Frank H.:
Postmaster-General.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).
HOFF, JACOBUS HENRICUS VAN’T.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
HOHENLOHE, Prince.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.
"HOLDING COMPANY," The:
Decision of its Illegality as a method of Combination
between Corporations.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.
HOLLAND.
See (in this Volume and Volume III)
NETHERLANDS.
HOLSTEIN, Herr von:
On the German "Navy Fever."
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1909.
HOLSTEIN-LEDREBORG MINISTRY.
See (in this Volume)
DENMARK: A. D. 1905-1909.
HOLY SEE.
See (in this Volume and Volume IV)
PAPACY.
"HOLY WAR," IN ARABIA.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1905.
HOMEL, JEWISH MASSACRE AT.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.
HONDURAS.
See (in this Volume)
CENTRAL AMERICA.
HORUP, M.
See (in this Volume)
DENMARK: A. D. 1901.
HOTTENTOTS, REVOLT OF THE.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.
HOURS OF LABOR.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902;
GERMANY: A. D. 1908.
Also,
LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR; and
LABOR REMUNERATION: WAGES AND COST OF LIVING.
HOUSING AND TOWN-PLANNING ACT.
See (in this Volume)
SOCIAL BETTERMENT: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
HSIHOYEN, BATTLE OF.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).
HSUAN-TUNG:
Child-Emperor of China.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).
HUDSON BAY REGION: A. D. 1903-1904.
Canadian measures to establish Sovereignty over Land and Sea.
See (in this Volume )
CANADA: A. D. 1903-1904.
HUDSON BAY REGION:
Projected Railway from the Canadian Northwest.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: CANADA: A. D. 1908-1909.
HUDSON-FULTON COMMEMORATION.
See (in this Volume)
NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909.
HUDSON TUNNELS.
See (in this Volume)
NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900-1909.
HUGHES, Charles Evans:
Counsel of the Legislative Joint Committee to Investigate
Life Insurance Companies in New York.
See (in this Volume)
INSURANCE, LIFE.
HUGHES, Charles Evans:
Governor of the State of New York.
See (in this Volume)
NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1910.
Also,
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES, and PUBLIC UTILITIES.
HUGHES, Charles Evans:
On the Proposed Income Tax Amendment to the Constitution
of the United States.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (JULY).
HUMPHREY, Judge:
Immunity Decision in "Beef Trust" Case.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.
HUNGARY.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY.
HYDE, Dr. Douglas:
Founder of Gaelic League.
See (in this Volume)
IRELAND: A. D. 1893-1907.
HYDE, HENRY B.:
Founder of the Equitable Life Assurance Society.
See (in this Volume)
INSURANCE, LIFE.
HYDE, James Hazen:
Relations to the Equitable Life Assurance Society.
See (in this Volume)
INSURANCE, LIFE.
I.
ICELAND:
Its Ancient Claims to Nationality.
Within the last few years the Icelanders have been asserting
their ancient right to a national life of their own so
seriously that the King of Denmark has exerted himself to
soothe their discontent with but partial success. For many
historical reasons Iceland ought to have an independent
standing among the European states. For some of those reasons
its people seem fairly entitled to recognition as the foremost
representatives of the old Norse or Scandinavian race. Their
ancestors were men of the best blood of Norway, who quitted
that country in the ninth century and took possession of the
arctic island, because they would not submit to the despotism
established by Harold the Fairhaired. That they took with them
the best culture of their race and time is proved by the fact
that almost everything we know of the old Norse literature,
and of the mythology and history embedded in it, was preserved
by their pens. Learning was cherished and cultivated among
them from the first: and they had the capacity and the spirit
for self-government from the first. Before the end of the
tenth century they had adopted a republican constitution and
founded a commonwealth which endured for about 300 years. This
antedated the rise of the city republics of Italy and the free
cantons of the Swiss by one or two centuries at the least.
The Icelandic republic was destroyed at last by feuds among
its leading families, which invited Norwegian intervention
from time to time, and subjected the island to the parent
kingdom in the end. Late in the fourteenth century the three
Scandinavian kingdoms of Norway, Sweden, and Denmark were
joined in a union which did not endure.
{306}
Its dissolution left Norway, with Iceland as a dependency,
attached to Denmark, and that connection was maintained till
1814. Norway was then transferred from the Danish to the
Swedish crown; but Iceland was still kept as a part of the
dominion of the Danish King. Norway regained national
distinctness and independence in 1905, and now it is to be
hoped that Iceland will have its just turn.
The island has never been governed as a mere province of
Denmark, but always under its own laws. Its old representative
assembly, the Althing, was suspended during most of the first
half of the last century, but revived in 1845 as a merely
consultative assembly. As such it voiced very steadily the
claim of the Icelanders to more of autonomy and political
distinctness than their Danish lord was willing to yield. In
1874, however, at the 1,000th anniversary of the Icelandic
settlement, he granted a constitution which reinvested the
Althing with legislative powers, and met the wishes of the
island in other important ways; but not so far as to produce
content.
IDAHO: A. D. 1905-1907.
Murder of ex-Governor Steunenberg.
Trial and acquittal of Haywood.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1899-1907.
IDE, HENRY CLAY:
Governor-General of the Philippine Islands.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1906-1907.
IGNATIEFF, COUNT ALEXEI:
Assassination.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.
ILLINOIS: A. D. 1899.
Enactment of the first Juvenile Court Law.
See (in this Volume)
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.
IMAM, ALI.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.
----------IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: Start--------
IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: Australia: A. D. 1909.
The needs of the country.
The attitude of the people toward Immigration.
The difficulties.
Speaking at a dinner in his honor, given in London, after his
return from five years of service as Governor-General of
Australia, Lord Northcote touched on what he described as "the
Aaron’s rod of all political questions in Australia, which, if
it does not swallow up the others, at all events the others
depend upon it,"—meaning the increase of Australia’s
population. As to the attitude of Australia to the immigration
question he said: "No doubt, from time to time certain
over-zealous officials have made mistakes which have
prejudiced Australia in the eyes of the British public, but I
do not believe that anything in the nature of a fixed desire
to keep out men who are able to sustain themselves by their
labour has ever existed. Of course, Australia has her number
of unemployables, and is not prepared to import more from the
old country. Then I come to the very important question of
coloured immigration, and that is a question we should look at
from an Australian as well as from a British point of view. …
"Suppose Australia or Canada confronted by the presence of a
large number of Asiatics, men of ability enough to hold their
own, men who, if they come there, come to stay, and it is
quite conceivable from an Australian point of view that if
they do not rigidly secure themselves against the possibility
of being swamped by Asiatic labour, they may be presented with
a problem even more serious than is the great negro question
in the United States. I say this to show that there is more to
be said for the Australian point of view than some people are
inclined to suppose. Of course a great deal depends upon
whether the huge northern territory can be populated by white
men. Upon that I hesitate to pronounce a definite opinion. I
believe it is possible for a white man, if he is steady,
sober, and careful, to colonize for a time this great tropical
land; but it is a very serious matter how far the climate is
suitable for women and children, and whether we can hope from
generation to generation that a healthy and virile race can
continue to live and breed in that climate. The territory is
over half a million square miles in extent, and the white
population is well under 2,000 people. …
"There is plenty of land all through Australia for men who
are willing to go there and will be steady and sober and work
hard. I have been North, South, East, and West. I can claim
for myself the credit that I have travelled fairly hard, and I
have seen in every State of Australia plenty of land available
for close settlement. If the great landowners are disinclined
to sell their holdings—and I quite acknowledge that a great
deal of the best land in Australia is in comparatively few
hands—at all events the State Governments have very large
reserves of land; and by the application of irrigation and
other methods of scientific farming they could compete on even
terms at least with these squatters, and they could turn these
waste lands into fertile country fit for settlers. I am very
glad to think that both in New South Wales and Victoria very
large irrigation works are in progress and will be completed
in a very short time, adding enormously to the acreage of land
fit for cultivation; and I say deliberately and advisedly, I
care not for reports of Commissions or individuals, that there
is land and to spare for generations for men who are ready to
undertake the cultivation."
A correspondent of the London _Times_, writing from
Sydney in January, 1909, on the subject of the vast quantity
of fertile land in Australia that is locked up by private
owners in vast sheep runs, to the exclusion of settlement, had
this to say: "You may take it as an axiom that immigration to
Australia will do no good till the fertile lands are thrown
open. And a very large proportion of the closed land is
controlled from London, either by ex-Australians who live
there and draw their income from Australian property, or by
big British companies. … It is necessary to warn seriously
shareholders and directors of the big companies that they must
put pressure on their officials out here, or prepare to have
more drastic pressure forced on themselves. At present, those
officials are often responsible for Australian dislike of the
absentee company."
{307}
In another letter to the same paper it was said: "Somehow or
other the locked-up lands must be opened for agricultural
uses. No one now doubts that, and only a few owners, usually
either absentees or corporations, pretend to doubt it. The
Labour recipe is a Federal land tax on estates over £5,000 in
value, of such a kind that fair use of the land will produce
profit on which the tax will be a mere fleabite, while it will
be a serious charge on fertile land that is used only for
sheep runs. The proposed tax is to be Federal simply because
there is no hope of passing the requisite Bill through several
of the State Upper Houses; otherwise it is more properly a
State concern. Now what we have to remember is that this is
not only Labour’s remedy. I believe it would be quite possible
to carry such a proposal in the present Federal Parliament, so
definitely has public opinion swung round against the big
owners who keep their land idle. If it is not carried next
session, it will be because Mr. Deakin gave his word two years
ago that he would not introduce the subject in this
Parliament; but Mr. Deakin’s attitude is this—that he wishes
the States would do it, that he does not consider this
Parliament has any mandate to legislate for it, but that he
personally has always favoured such a tax, and, if the
States take no steps in that direction, he will support, or
even propose, the measure when it has been submitted to the
country at a general election. It is useless, therefore, for
any one to decry the tax as merely a Labour idea, a
‘Socialistic’ nostrum. The support given it in Australia is
far wider than that. And, apart from the many who advocate it
as the best remedy for the present land-hunger, there is an
increasing body of electors who are being forced into
supporting it because no other remedies seem practicable."
The attitude of the Australian Labor Party on the inseparable
immigration and land questions was stated very clearly and
succinctly in a letter to the London _Times_, dated at
Newcastle, New South Wales, June 30, 1909, by a member of the
Party, Frank Pittock, who signs himself "a Magistrate of the
Territory." He writes: "We cannot at present obtain land for
our own genuine land-seekers, skilled in the peculiar
requirements of pastoral and agricultural work on the
Australian soil. We certainly are unable to give our own
unemployed a chance on the land. Any importations of labour
from over the seas merely serve to render more distressful the
unfortunate position of the colonial out-of-works. On the
other hand, we do now, and always have, welcomed new arrivals
who may be able, in the near future, to effectively augment
our productive wealth. The party fully recognizes the need of
population—of the right sort. We have vast empty spaces all
over the continent, now grazing grounds for sheep, yet
eminently suitable for intense settlement. The Australian
Labour party seeks the support, at the forthcoming general
election, of all who believe, as does your own Australian
Correspondent, that the satisfying of the earth-hunger of our
people is the great outstanding need of the day. Can we but be
authorized to force the huge monopolists to surrender portions
of their holdings we shall have, not only land for our own
landless, but land and to spare for those who seek it from the
British Isles. … We dare not, as a conscientious and
humanitarian party, invite our kith and kin from other parts
to come here now. We should be traitors to the Empire,
betrayers of the race, if we endorsed in any way the attitude
of those who seek, apparently, to flood this fair land with
any population at all, regardless of the evil consequences to
the immigrants themselves, and alike regardless of the grave
injustice thereby done to native-born landless and, in many
cases, at present, work-seeking Australians."
A Press despatch from Sydney, October 30, made the following
announcement: "Under the closer settlement amendment Bill,
which is now before the Legislative Council of New South
Wales, the Government will be empowered by proclamation to
earmark estates in the vicinity of towns which might impede
settlement. When such estates are of the value of £10,000 and
upwards the Government may agree with the owners to subdivide
them on terms and areas to be agreed upon, so as to ensure
_bona fide_ settlement. If the owners fulfil the
agreement, the proclamation will be cancelled; if the owners
refuse to subdivide within five years, the Government reserves
the power to resume at the value on the date of proclamation."
IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: Brazil: 1908-1909.
Increasing Influx.
"During the year [1908] 112,234 persons came into the country,
of which 17,539 were visitors and 94,695 immigrants. This
shows a notable increase of 26,908 immigrants, or about forty
per cent. over the number registered in 1907. Of these 74,999
came at their own expense and 11,109 at the cost of the Union.
The increase continues this year, as will be seen from the
record of the Port of Rio de Janeiro alone, which received
13,580 immigrants during the first quarter of this year, as
compared with 8,607 in 1908 and 5,943 in 1907. In spite of the
small grant allotted to this service, it has been conducted
with the greatest efficiency. The Department for the Peopling
of the Soil has effected the location of immigrants in 26
colonies, situated respectively in the States of Espirito
Santo, Rio de Janeiro, Minas Geraes, São Paulo, Parana, Santa
Catharina, and Rio-Grande-do-Sul, eleven of which are directly
under the supervision of the Union. All the nucleus colonies
founded last year enjoy unrestricted prosperity, and it has
been even necessary to acquire neighbouring lands in order to
satisfy the constant demand for more land on the part of the
families settled."
_President’s Message to Congress,
May 3, 1909._
IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: Canada: A. D. 1896-1909.
The "American Invasion" of the Northwest.
Immigration of the last decade.
See (in this Volume )
CANADA: A. D. 1896-1909.
IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: England: A. D. 1905-1909.
The Aliens Act.
Restrictions on the admission of Aliens.
A new policy.
Until 1905, England offered practically an open door to the
aliens who sought either a permanent home or a temporary
residence on her island soil. Little scrutiny was given to
them and almost no restriction on their coming in. But some
years before that date a growing criticism of such
unconditioned hospitality was begun.
{308}
In 1888 it induced the appointment of a Select Committee of
the House of Commons "to inquire into the laws existing in the
United States and elsewhere on the subject of the immigration
of destitute aliens, and the extent and effect of such
immigration into the United Kingdom, and to report whether it
is desirable to impose any, and if so, what, restrictions on
such immigration." The Commission reported in 1889 that it
thought "the alien population was not numerous enough to
create alarm," and that it was "not prepared to recommend
legislation at present," but saw "the possibility of such
legislation becoming necessary in the future." Several
proposals of restrictive measures were urged without success
in the course of the next dozen years, and, in 1902, a Royal
Commission was appointed, "to inquire into—
(1) the character and extent of the evils which are attributed
to the unrestricted immigration of aliens, especially in the
Metropolis;
(2) the measures which have been adopted for the restriction
and control of alien immigration in foreign countries and in
British colonies."
The Commission produced an elaborate report in 1903
(Parliamentary Papers, Cd. 1741). Reviewing the hospitality of
the past, it found that the migrant aliens of former
generations had made the English people "their debtors"; but
they were of a different stamp from the immigrants of the
present movement, which "may be said to have begun about 1880,
and is drawn mainly from the Jewish inhabitants of Eastern
Europe." The causes of this recent exodus have been partly
economic and partly due to oppressive measures; and the result
of the Commission’s investigation of it was the expressed
opinion that "in respect of certain classes of immigrants,
especially those arriving from Eastern Europe, it is necessary
in the interests of the State generally, and of certain
localities in particular, that the entrance of such immigrants
into this country and their right of residence here should be
placed under conditions and regulations coming within that
right of interference which every country possesses to control
the entrance of foreigners into it. Such regulations should,
in our opinion," the report went on to say, "be made in order
to prevent so far as possible this country being burdened with
the presence of ‘undesirable aliens’ and to provide for their
repatriation in certain cases.
"But we think that the greatest evils produced by the presence
of the alien immigrants here are the overcrowding caused by
them in certain districts of London, and the consequent
displacement of the native population. There seems little
likelihood of being able to remedy these great evils by the
enforcement of any law applicable to the native and alien
population alike. We therefore think that special regulations
should be made for the purpose of preventing aliens at their
own will choosing their residence within districts already so
overcrowded that any addition to dwellers within it must
produce most injurious results. On this point the Commission
recommended specifically that if it be found that the
immigration of aliens into any area has substantially
contributed to any overcrowding, and that it is expedient that
no further newly-arrived aliens should become residents in
such area, the same may be declared prohibited area.
"We are also of opinion that efforts should be made to rid
this country of the presence of alien criminals (and other
objectionable characters)."
An Act embodying substantially the recommendations of the
Commission passed Parliament in 1905. Both the Act and the
administration of it have been criticised since, as lacking
stringency. Its working was reviewed at considerable length in
_The Times_ of February 9, 1909 which made the following
statements, among others, on the subject:
"The Act, as now administered, does not subject all alien
immigrants, or even all steerage immigrants, to inspection. To
begin with, the regulation of alien immigration is confined,
practically, to the traffic between the United Kingdom and
ports in Europe or within the Mediterranean Sea."
In fact, according to _The Times_, "the vast majority of
aliens are not affected by the Act. A foreigner may enter this
country unchallenged—If he comes from an ‘extra-European’
port (with some exceptions); if he is a cabin passenger; if he
is an exempted second-class passenger; if he is a
transmigrant; if he is a passenger in a ship containing fewer
than 21 ‘alien steerage passengers.’
"Then also, though nominally a subject for inspection, he is
not called upon to satisfy the full requirements of the Act,
if he is proceeding to a destination outside the United
Kingdom; if he holds a return ticket; if he is a seaman; if he
is fleeing from religious or political persecution."
IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: Germany: A. D. 1904-1908.
Remarkable decrease of Emigration.
"German emigration has dwindled so steadily and rapidly that
at present it would seem to have reached the low-water mark in
its downward trend. A glance at the official statistics of
emigration will indicate the remarkable extent of this
retrogression. In 1852, Germans, to the number of 145,918, and
in 1854, to the number of 215,009, went to the United States
alone. In 1872, just after the unification of the Empire, the
grand total of German emigration amounted to 128,152; in 1873,
to 110,438; in 1881, to 220,902; in 1882, to 203,585 persons.
During the years succeeding 1882 up to 1892, the figures, in
the average, still surpassed 100,000, but since then they have
shown a notable falling off. Thus only 22,309 in 1900; 22,073
in 1901; 32,098 in 1902; 36,310 in 1903; 27,984 in 1904—were
recorded as having gone from Germany to lands beyond the sea.
"This retrogressive tendency appears the more surprising when
it is remembered that Germany’s population, mainly as a result
of the excess of births over deaths, but partly through its
inland migration, has, since the foundation of the Empire,
increased at an average annual rate of over half a million,
during recent years at the still higher rate of 800,000 per
annum. The cause for this seeming anomaly lies in the
extraordinary economical development of Germany during the
last decade, in the consequent steady improvement of the
social status of its laboring classes, brought about by a
progressive rise in wages, and in the elimination, thereby, of
one of the strongest incentives to emigration in former days."
_Baron Speck von Sternburg,
The Phantom Peril of German Emigration and
South American Settlements
(North American Review, May, 1906)._
{309}
Of the emigrants from Germany in 1908, the United States
Consul-General reported that they numbered only 19,880, being
11,816 less than in 1907.
"From 1897 to 1907 the yearly mean average was 27,526, or 0.47
per cent. of the population. Altogether since 1871 the German
Empire has lost only 2,750,000 people by emigration, or as
many people as can be made good in four years by the excess of
births over deaths."
IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: Italy: A. D. 1908.
Great falling off in the Movement of Emigration.
As reported in a Press despatch from Rome, in June, 1909, the
statistics of 1908 showed a marked falling off in Italian
emigration. "In 1907 the total number of emigrants was
704,675; in 1908 it was only 486,674. The most notable
reduction is in the number of emigrants to the United States,
which has fallen from 298,124 in 1907 to 131,501 in 1908. This
chiefly affects Southern Italy, the Abruzzi, Campania,
Calabria, Basilicata, and Sicily; the northern emigration,
which for the most part is directed towards European
countries, is also diminished, but in a less proportion.
Unfortunately, this change is not due to more favourable
labour conditions in Italy, but to a smaller demand for labour
in North America. The number of emigrants to Argentina has
slightly increased from 78,493 to 80,699; but the great market
for Italian labour, the United States, is, to judge from the
figures of this year as well as last year, surely and
irretrievably growing smaller."
IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: Peru: A. D. 1906.
Decree for the Encouragement of Immigration.
The following decree was promulgated by President Pardo the
10th of August, 1906:
"First.
The State will provide third-class passages for the natives of
Europe and America who may wish to introduce industrial or
private enterprises, provided that they fulfill the following
conditions:
(_a_) That they are from 16 to 50 years of age, if they
are males, and from 10 to 40 if they are females, fulfilling
the conditions of morality and health laid down in the rules
now in force.
(_b_) That they come to engage in agriculture, in mining,
or in other industries, or to devote themselves to these
occupations for account of colonization, immigration, or
irrigation enterprises.
"Second.
The payment of the passages will be made through the consuls
of the Republic in the ports of shipment in view of the orders
cabled by the ministry of fomento, to which office must be
presented in writing the request of the interested parties for
such payment, indicating at the same time the number of
immigrants, the agricultural estate or industrial
establishment to which they are destined, and declaring
themselves obliged to provide lodging, board, and medical
attendance for the immigrants from the port of landing to the
place of destination.
"Third.
The consuls of the Republic, on receipt of the order from the
minister of fomento, shall make the payment of the passages to
the steamer companies direct, with previous personal and
individual evidence that the immigrants fulfill the conditions
set forth in Article 1 of this decree, and for this purpose
they shall give a certificate to each immigrant, which shall
be collected by the maritime authorities of the port of
landing and afterwards forwarded to the ministry of fomento.
"Fourth.
A general register of immigrants shall be opened in the
agricultural section of the ministry of fomento, in accordance
with the models and instructions obtained from that
department."
IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1868-1908.
Chinese Exclusion Laws vs. Treaties with China.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1868-1900, and 1905-1908.
IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: A. D. 1905-1909.
National Conference of 1905.
The New Immigration Law.
Excluded Classes.
Congressional Commission to investigate Immigration.
Its Preliminary Report.
Information for Immigrants.
Measures for distributing them.
Backward turn of the tide in 1908.
At a National Conference on the subject of Immigration, held
at New York in December, 1905, under the auspices of the
National Civic Federation, the Commissioner-General of
Immigration, Mr. Frank P. Sargent, presented some facts of the
immigration of the preceding statistical year which claimed
very grave consideration. During the twelve months ending June
30 there had been 1,026,499 arrivals in this country, and of
this number seven hundred and seventy-seven thousand, or 76
per cent., settled in six States—New York, Pennsylvania,
Massachusetts, Illinois, New Jersey, and Ohio. New York
received over three hundred and fifteen thousand, while the
West received only forty three thousand; Pennsylvania received
over two hundred and ten thousand, while the South received
only forty-six thousand. Fifty-seven thousand came to New
Jersey, while North Carolina’s share was one hundred and
eighty-three. These figures gave point to Mr. Sargent’s
statement that the immigrants go where their friends are.
Their only sources of information concerning this country are
the agents of the transportation companies and their friends
who have come here before. The resulting lack of knowledge
concerning those parts of the country in which they are most
needed is the chief cause of the congestion in the large
cities and the more densely populated States which is one of
the most serious aspects of the immigration problem.
Nearly twelve thousand immigrants were refused admission
during the year, of whom eight thousand were paupers, two
thousand diseased, and one thousand brought in violation of
the contract labour law. "It is right," said Mr. Sargent,
"that they should be denied admission, wrong that they ever
should have been started from home."
In the new Immigration Law enacted by Congress in February,
1907, provision was made for giving information to immigrants,
after their landing in the country, such as may guide them in
the choice of their place of settlement. It authorized the
Commissioner-General of Immigration to establish a Division of
Information, the duty of which shall be "to promote a
beneficial distribution of aliens admitted into the United
States among the several States and Territories desiring
immigration." To which end "correspondence shall be had with
the proper officials of the States and Territories, and said
division shall gather from all available sources useful
information regarding the resources, products, and physical
characteristics of each State and Territory, and shall publish
such information in different languages and distribute the
publications among all admitted aliens who may ask for such
information at the immigrant stations of the United States and
to such other persons as may desire the same." Agents
appointed by any State or Territory to represent to arriving
immigrants the inducements it can offer to them are to have
perfect freedom and opportunity to do so.
{310}
For checking the immigration of prohibited classes of aliens
at the foreign starting-points of their journey to America,
instead of at the landing places on this side of the ocean,
the new law only lays more rigid restrictions and heavier
penalties on the transportation companies, to make them
exercise a more careful discrimination in their acceptance of
passengers. It adds several classes to the former list of
aliens to be excluded from admission to the United States. The
list now reads: "All idiots, imbeciles, feeble-minded persons,
epileptics, insane persons, and persons who have been insane
within five years previous; persons who have had two or more
attacks of insanity at any time previously; paupers; persons
likely to become a public charge; professional beggars;
persons afflicted with tuberculosis or with a loathsome or
dangerous contagious disease; persons not comprehended within
any of the foregoing excluded classes who are found to be and
are certified by the examining surgeon as being mentally or
physically defective, such mental or physical defect being of
a nature which may affect the ability of such alien to earn a
living; persons who have been convicted of or admit having
committed a felony or other crime or misdemeanor involving
moral turpitude; polygamists, or persons who admit their
belief in the practice of polygamy, anarchists, or persons who
believe in or advocate the overthrow by force or violence of
the Government of the United States, or of all government, or
of all forms of law, or the assassination of public officials:
prostitutes, or women or girls coming into the United States
for the purpose of prostitution or for any other immoral
purpose; persons who procure or attempt to bring in
prostitutes or women or girls for the purpose of prostitution
or for any other immoral purpose,"—together with contract
laborers, so called, assisted immigrants, and children under
sixteen years of age unaccompanied by one or both of their
parents.
The new law created a Commission to investigate the subject of
immigration and to report its findings and recommendations to
Congress. The Commission to be composed of three Senators,
three Representatives, and three persons to be appointed by
the President. A preliminary report from this Commission was
presented to Congress on the 1st of March, 1909. This
indicated no more than the progress that had been made in a
most exhaustive investigation, which probably would require
the greater part of another year to carry it to completion. It
was covering every phase of the immigration question,
including Oriental aliens and other excluded classes, peonage,
charity among immigrants, white slave traffic, conditions of
steerage, anthropology, congestion in large cities, alien
criminality, competition of immigrants, school inquiries,
administration of the immigration laws, distribution of
immigrants, and other questions. In its work the Commission
had employed 198 persons, of whom 82 were in Washington, 2 in
New York, 2 in San Francisco, 92 in field work, and 20 in
special lines of inquiry.
The preliminary report of the Commission indicates that the
present provisions of law for the exclusion of undesirable
persons are stronger in theory than they are effective in
practice, and that thousands of very undesirable immigrants
enter the country every year. The Commission expresses a
confident expectation of finding means of prevention that will
be effective. It is conducting an inquiry of great importance
into the subject of alien criminality. The higher criminal
courts of New York city are keeping records, at its request,
in detail, of each person convicted of crime, and it is
intended that a study of foreign-born criminals, and criminals
of the second generation, will be made in that city. The
investigation, however, is not confined to the larger cities.
The Division of Information in the Department of Commerce and
Labor which the new Immigration Law provided for was organized
with Mr. Terence V. Powderly, former Commissioner-General of
Immigration, as its Chief. In July, 1909, there was an
announcement of its undertaking to bring about coöperation
with the Governors of States and Territories, in organized
measures to accomplish a better distribution through the
country of the foreigners that come to it.
Dr. L. Pierce Clark has lately called attention to the fact
that the increase of immigration into the United States has
reached the point of making the influx of aliens the principal
source of population, and that "its character has changed so
fundamentally that it has assumed an entirely new relation to
American social problems. Up to 1900 the average annual
immigration had not exceeded one-half of one per cent of the
population of the United States, and the races which had made
the first settlement in the country were still contributing
more than 75 per cent. of the whole number of arrivals. By
1901 the new immigration had fairly started, the English,
Irish, German, and Scandinavian had been supplanted by
Hebrews, Slavs, and Italians, and the impetus had been
received which, four years later, was to carry immigration
past the million-a-year mark. More than one-fifth of all the
immigrants who have come to this country have arrived since
1900, and, with the changed source of immigration, a
remarkable transformation in the composition of our
foreign-born population is in progress."
The industrial depression of 1907, however, produced evidence
that much of this later immigration has not been for permanent
settlement; that the facilitation and cheapening of travel
have brought about extensive movements of people, from
southern and southeastern Europe, especially, who come to
America only to earn and save a little fund which suffices for
a comfortable remainder of life in their own land. The check
to such earning which occurred in 1907 turned the tide of
migration instantly back from America to Europe. According to
statistics prepared by Mr. Watchorn, the late
Commissioner-General of Immigration, the excess of departures
over arrivals at the port of New York, in the half year from
January 1 to July 1, 1908, was 129,511. In the whole fiscal
year that ended June 30, 1908, the departures from New York
were 631,458; the arrivals 689,474; showing the gain of
population to the country that year from incomers through the
port of New York to have been only 58,016, even if all became
permanent inhabitants.
See, also (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS, AND CANADA.
----------IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: End--------
{311}
IMPERIAL CONFERENCE.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.
IMPERIAL PRESS CONFERENCE, The.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (JUNE).
INCOME TAX:
Proposed amendment to the U. S. Constitution.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (JULY).
INDEMNITY FOR THE BOXER RISING:
Remittance of part of it by the United States.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.
INDEPENDENCE LEAGUE.
See (in this Volume)
NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905, and
NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1910.
INDEPENDENCE PARTY, or KOSSUTH PARTY.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903, and 1904.
INDEPENDENT FILIPINO CHURCH.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902.
INDEPENDENT LABOR PARTY, BRITISH.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1903, and 1905-1906; also,
SOCIALISM: ENGLAND.
INDEPENDENTS.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.
INDEPENDISTAS.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.
INDETERMINATE SENTENCES.
See (in this Volume)
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.
----------INDIA: Start--------
INDIA: A. D. 1902-1903.
Ravages of the Bubonic Plague.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH: BUBONIC PLAGUE.
INDIA: A. D. 1902-1904.
Forced opening of Tibet to trade.
The mission and expedition of Colonel Younghusband.
See (in this Volume)
TIBET: A. D. 1902-1904.
INDIA: A. D. 1903.
The question of Indian Labor in South Africa.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903.
INDIA: A. D. 1903 (January).
Great Durbar at Delhi.
A great _Durbar_ or reception was held at Delhi, on the
first of January, 1903, by the Viceroy and by the Duke and
Duchess of Connaught, specially deputed to represent their
majesties the Emperor and Empress of India. About 100 ruling
chiefs were in attendance, and the visitors drawn by the
spectacle were estimated to number 173,000.
INDIA: A. D. 1903-1908.
Hostility in the Transvaal to British Indian Immigration.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903-1908.
INDIA: A. D. 1904-1909.
Coöperative Industrial Movement.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: INDIA.
INDIA: A. D. 1905 (April).
Terrific earthquake in the Punjab and United Provinces.
See (in this Volume)
EARTHQUAKES: INDIA: A. D. 1905.
INDIA: A. D. 1905 (August).
Resignation of Lord Curzon.
Announcement of the resignation of the Viceroyalty by Lord
Curzon was made August 21. The immediate cause of his action
was understood to be the refusal of the Home Government to
approve his nomination of an officer, General Barrow, whom he
wished to have placed on the Viceroy’s Council. But friction
between Lord Curzon and the Commander-in-Chief in India, Lord
Kitchener, over questions of military administration and the
authority belonging to their respective offices had been
troublesome for some time past, and the Viceroy had seemed to
regard the attitude of the government at home as more
favorable to Lord Kitchener than to himself.
INDIA: A. D. 1905 (August).
Agreement concerning India between Great Britain and Japan.
See (in this Volume)
Japan: A. D. 1905 (August).
INDIA: A. D. 1905-1908.
The Starving Poverty of the Mass of the People.
"Suppose we divide the past century into quarters, or periods
of twenty-five years each. In the first quarter there were
five famines, with an estimated loss of life of 1,000,000.
During the second quarter of the century were two famines,
with an estimated mortality of 500,000. During the third
quarter there there were six famines, with a recorded loss of
life of 5,000,000. During the last quarter of the century,
what? Eighteen famines, with an estimated mortality reaching
the awful totals of from 15,000,000 to 26,000,000. And this
does not include the many more millions (over 6,000,000 in a
single year) barely kept alive by government doles.
"What is the cause of these famines, and this appalling
increase in their number and destructiveness. The common
answer is, the failure of the rains. But there seems to be no
evidence that the rains fail worse now than they did a hundred
years ago. Moreover, why should failure of rains bring famine?
The rains have never failed over areas so extensive as to
prevent the raising of enough food in the land to supply the
needs of the entire population. Why then have people starved?
… Because they were so indescribably poor. All candid and
thorough investigation into the causes of the famines of India
has shown that the chief and fundamental cause has been and is
the poverty of the people,—a poverty so severe and terrible
that it keeps the majority of the entire population on the
very verge of starvation even in years of greatest plenty. …
"And the people are growing poorer and poorer. The late Mr.
William Digby, of London, long an Indian resident, in his
recent book entitled, _Prosperous India_, shows from
official estimates and Parliamentary and Indian Blue Books,
that, whereas the average daily income of the people of India
in the year 1850 was estimated as four cents per person (a
pittance on which one wonders that any human being can live),
in 1882 it had fallen to three cents per person and in 1900
actually to less than two cents per person. Is it any wonder
that people reduced to such extremities as this can lay up
nothing? …
{312}
"One cause of India’s impoverishment is heavy taxation.
Taxation in England and Scotland is high, so high that
Englishmen and Scotchmen complain bitterly. But the people of
India are taxed more than twice as heavily as the people of
England and three times as heavily as those of Scotland.
According to the latest statistics at hand, those of 1905, the
annual average income per person in India is about $6.00,
and the annual tax per person about $2.00. …
"Notice the single item of salt-taxation. Salt is an absolute
necessity to the people, to the very poorest; they must have
it or die. But the tax upon it which for many years they have
been compelled to pay has been much greater than the cost
value of the salt. Under this taxation the quantity of salt
consumed has been reduced actually to one-half the quantity
declared by medical authorities to be absolutely necessary for
health. …
"Another cause of India’s impoverishment is the destruction of
her manufactures, as the result of British rule. … Great
Britain wanted India’s markets. She could not find entrance
for British manufactures so long as India was supplied with
manufactures of her own. So those of India must be sacrificed.
England had all power in her hands, and so she proceeded to
pass tariff and excise laws that ruined the manufactures of
India and secured the market for her own goods.
"A third cause of India’s impoverishment is the enormous and
wholly unnecessary cost of her government. …
"Another burden upon the people of India which they ought not
to be compelled to bear, and which does much to increase their
poverty, is the enormously heavy military expenses of the
government. …
"Perhaps the greatest of all the causes of the impoverishment
of the Indian people is the steady and enormous drain of
wealth from India to England, which has been going on ever
since the East India Company first set foot in the land, three
hundred years ago, and is still going on with steadily
increasing Volume. … Says Mr. R. C. Dutt, author of the
_Economic History of India_ (and there is no higher
authority), ‘A sum reckoned at twenty millions of English
money, or a hundred millions of American money [some other
authorities put it much higher], which it should be borne in
mind is equal to half the net revenues of India, is remitted
annually from this country [India] to England, without a
direct equivalent.’"
_J. T. Sunderland,
The New Nationalist Movement in India
(Atlantic Monthly, October, 1908)._
INDIA: A. D. 1905-1909.
The Partition of Bengal.
Resentment and Disaffection of the Bengalese.
The Swadeshi Movement.
Reported improvement of conditions in the new province of
Eastern Bengal and Assam.
The partition of Bengal, in October, 1905, one of the latest
measures of Lord Curzon’s administration of the Government of
India, gave rise to much native agitation and disaffection,
and is still under criticism in England, but not likely to be
undone. In the view of the Anglo-Indian Government the
partition was a necessity, because of the magnitude of the
province, in territory and population, which made the task of
provincial administration too difficult. It was far the
largest of the administrative divisions of British India,
containing nearly a third of the Indian subjects of the
English King. Assam, formerly joined with it, had been
separated from it administratively in 1874, under a Chief
Commissioner. Fifteen of the eastern districts of Bengal,
adjacent to Assam, were now united with the latter to form a
new province, called Eastern Bengal and Assam, and this
disruption of the old province was resented very passionately
by a large part of the Bengalese. They refused to believe the
reasons given for the partition, but gave it an offensive
explanation, which one of the native journals in Calcutta put
briefly as follows: "The objects of the scheme are, briefly,
first, to destroy the collective power of the Bengali people;
secondly, to overthrow the political ascendency of Calcutta;
and, thirdly, to foster in East Bengal the growth of a
Mohammedan power which it is supposed will have the effect of
keeping in check the rapidly growing strength of the educated
Hindu community." In the official British view, on the other
hand, the whole stir of Bengalese feeling was artfully wrought
up for mischievous ends; but it is easier to believe that
something in the nature of a historic sentiment of nationality
was really hurt and angered by the partition. Yet Bengal
cannot be said to have had anything that resembled a distinct
national history for many centuries before it came under the
rule of the British East India Company, in 1765. Nor had its
name been precisely and continuously attached to any
well-defined territory.
Whatever the source of excited feeling may have been, however,
it was ardent and persistent, especially in the educated
class, and it gave a start to what received the name of the
Swadeshi or national movement of hostility to all things
English, directed mainly to the boycotting of English
merchandise, and to the organization of efforts for promoting
home production in all industrial fields. The Swadeshi
movement soon spread beyond Bengal; but its stimulations have
been centered there. The intensity of the feeling in Bengal
was such that on the 16th of October, 1905, when the partition
took effect, the Hindus of Calcutta put on mourning garments,
suspended business and work, and vowed that its anniversaries
should be memorial mourning days. Pupils in native schools
became so offensive in their anti-English demonstrations that
the Lieutenant-Governor of the new province, Sir Bampfylde
Fuller, in February, 1906, unwisely requested the Calcutta
University to disaffiliate two schools in the Pabna district,
taking away the pecuniary aid they received. The request was
disapproved by Lord Curzon’s successor in the Viceroyalty,
Lord Minto, and rather than withdraw it the
Lieutenant-Governor resigned.
In the winter of 1909 the London _Times_ sent a special
correspondent into Eastern Bengal to study the results of the
partition, so far as developed in three years. His
observations and conclusions were communicated in a long,
interesting letter from Dacca, February 15th. He wrote:
"No one can visit the new province, and endeavour to inquire
impartially into its condition before the ‘partition,’ without
realizing that some administrative division of Bengal had
become imperative. Until five years ago, Eastern Bengal was
the ‘Cinderella’ of the provinces of India. Good
administration stopped short on the line of the Ganges. Beyond
that line officers were few, and the interest of the central
authorities in their work and in the welfare of the people in
their charge was comparatively limited. …
{313}
Land revenue administration was persistently neglected in the
temporary settled tracts. Calcutta and its immediate vicinity,
and the more accessible districts of Old Bengal, absorbed the
greater part of the time and attention of the Bengal
Government. Money was poured out upon Calcutta and its
environs, and Eastern Bengal was financially starved. Very
little was spent upon education, and the whole riverain region
was most inadequately policed. Crime was far more rife in the
southern districts of the province than in any other part of
India. The peasantry groaned beneath the exactions of the
representatives of absentee landlords, and they were left
unregarded and unprotected. The whole province suffered
because its rulers were immersed in the preoccupations of
Calcutta. The very railways were constructed, not to serve the
needs of these 30 millions of people, but to meet the
requirements of the city on the Hughli. …
"It is remarkable to note how, in the short space of three
years, the old deplorable conditions of Eastern Bengal have
already undergone a satisfactory process of modification. The
province is no longer content to be dragged at the tail of Old
Bengal. A new and independent provincial spirit is springing
up. Eastern Bengal is beginning to recognize all that a
separate existence means to it. Its Civil servants, from the
Lieutenant-Governor downwards, take a pride in the great work
of regeneration which has been entrusted to them. Their task
is enormous, and the workers are far too few. They are like
men who have been set to create a new colony out of a land of
chaos. They have before them almost as formidable an
undertaking as the making of modern Egypt, but it is an Egypt
of green rice-fields with half-a-dozen Niles. …
"The demand for higher education in Eastern Bengal is perhaps
greater than in any other part of India. The admirable
Government College at Dacca has now been provided with
splendid buildings, begun, however, before the 'partition.'
The whole province is being supplied with a set of colleges
adequate to its needs. The staffs of the colleges are being
augmented and their administration overhauled. The principal
private colleges are also being assisted with liberal grants
and transformed into institutions which will give a sound
education. The exceptionally large number of 'high' English
schools in Eastern Bengal had also been greatly neglected,
both those under the Government and those in private hands.
All are now being improved, and are receiving liberal
assistance. …
"Another important task undertaken by the new Government is
that of conducting an elaborate survey and framing a Record of
Rights in the zemindari tracts which constitute the bulk of
the province. The undertaking was devised before the
‘partition,’ but it has been expedited by the change. It is an
extraordinary thing that in all these permanently settled
areas there has been hitherto no record and no map. The
consequence was that the cultivators were constantly bullied
and harassed by the agents of the absentee zemindars, and were
never able to feel any reasonable security of tenure of the
land they tilled. Land disputes were incessant, and were
constantly accompanied by loss of life. In the Backergunge
district, the most turbulent area in India, there were
frequent riots, of which murders were an almost invariable
feature. Since the framing of the Record of Rights in
Backergunge this class of crime has already decreased by 50
per cent.
"I have yet to meet anybody, English or Indian, who can tell
me in what respect the ‘partition’ has injured a single living
soul; while one has only to visit this province, invigorated
with new life and inspired by new aspirations, to realize the
benefits the severance has conferred upon millions of
neglected people. To alter or to modify it now would be
suicidal folly; it would be worse, for it would be a criminal
blunder. It would not placate the wordy ‘patriots’ of
Calcutta, who have used the ‘partition’ as a rallying cry for
lack of a better grievance; and it would alienate the 18
millions of backward Mahomedans in the province who have
placed their alliance in British honour and British pledges.
The Nawab of Dacca, with whom I had a long conversation on the
subject, declared that any attempt to meddle with the
‘partition’—an attempt he still seemed to fear was
possible—would produce the most deplorable results among his
co-religionists. … Nor is there the slightest need for change
or modification. The ‘partition’ is already thrice justified
in the eyes of all men, save only a few malcontent members of
Parliament who know nothing of present conditions in Bengal.
Even in Calcutta the outcry, which was always less against the
fact of the ‘partition’ than against the motive which the
Bengalis erroneously believed to have prompted it, has long
ago died away. Yet, justifiable and necessary though the
‘partition’ was, it remains to be added that, apart from its
complex administrative problems, Eastern Bengal will never be
a very easy province to control. The high-caste Hindus, the
Brahmins, the Baidyas, and the Kayasths—the Brahmins and the
lesser Brahmins,—rule the roast, and it will be long years
before the teeming millions of Mahometan cultivators emerge
from their depressed condition. The few Mahomedan families who
can claim noble birth are decadent and disappearing. The
Hindus have absorbed their lands, the clever lawyers have
converted themselves into rich landowners. It is from the
ranks of these high-caste Hindus that are drawn the members of
the revolutionary societies to which I alluded in a
telegraphic despatch sent from this city yesterday. These
classes show a persistent and increasing spirit of hostility
to the British Raj which no amount of conciliatory measures
will overcome. It is impossible to move about the province and
to converse with the men who know it best without feeling that
the situation is full of dangerous possibilities. The men of
Eastern Bengal are more courageous, more determined, more
persistent than their compatriots in Old Bengal; and the
better classes of Hindus have qualities which are not easily
discernible in the Calcutta _babu_. They approach more
nearly to the spirit of the Mahrattas of the Deccan than any
other section of the people on this side of India. It is a
significant fact that most of the prisoners now under trial at
Alipur in connexion with the anarchist conspiracy came from
Eastern Bengal. But even as one writes one realizes how
difficult it is to generalize in this country of startling
paradox.
{314}
Yesterday, in Dacca, 200 Hindu pundits assembled to present a
Sanscrit address to the Lieutenant-Governor, Sir Lancelot
Hare. Many of them had come long distances. They were all old
men with great nobility of countenance, some with long beards,
others with the face of the Cæsars. And at the conclusion of
the ceremony each kindly and venerable scholar advanced, and
with great dignity presented the Lieutenant-Governor with a
rose. From the bombs of last week to the roses of yesterday,
what a gulf lies between the two!"
INDIA: A. D. 1907.
Hostility in Western Canada to Hindu Laborers.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: CANADA.
INDIA: A. D. 1907 (December).
Meeting and Resolution of the All-India Moslem League.
Mahomedan loyalty to the British Government.
A new factor in Indian politics.
"On December 30th last a Mahomedan Conference, in session at
Dacca, the capital of the newly-created Province of Eastern
Bengal, departing absolutely from its traditions, openly
discussed the question of the protection of Mahomedan
interests from a political standpoint, and finally carried
unanimously a motion for the formation of an ‘All-India Moslem
League’ to promote among the Mahomedans of India feelings of
loyalty to the British Government, and to remove any
misconceptions that may arise as to the intentions of
Government with regard to any of its measures; to protect and
to advance the political rights and interests of the
Mahomedans of India, and respectfully to represent their needs
and aspirations to Government, and to prevent the rise among
Mahomedans in India of any feelings of hostility towards other
communities, without prejudice to the other objects of the
League. A strong Provisional Committee was formed, with power
to add to its number, and the joint secretaries appointed were
the Nawabs Vicar-ul-mulk and Mohsin-ul-mulk, two of the most
important members of the Mahomedan community in India and men
of great intellectual capacity. The Committee was charged to
frame a constitution within a period of four months, and
further to convene a meeting of Indian Mahomedans at a
suitable time and place to lay the constitution before such
meeting for final approval and adoption. The Rubicon has been
crossed; the Mahomedans of India have forsaken the shades of
retirement for the political arena; henceforth a new factor in
Indian politics has to be reckoned with."
_E. E. Lang,
The All-India Moslem League
(Contemporary Review, September, 1907)._
INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908.
The Outbreak of Anarchism.
Summary Measures of Suppression.
The native disaffection in Bengal which became anarchistic in
its violence in 1907, and which perpetrated a number of
murders before it was suppressed, culminated on the 10th of
February, 1909, in the assassination of a prominent native
lawyer, Ashutosh Biswas, who had taken part in the prosecution
of some of the anarchists. Writing of that crime, from
Calcutta, a special correspondent of the London _Times_,
who had been pursuing an investigation of the terrorist
conspiracy from its beginning, gave an extended account of
what he had learned, part of which is given in the following:
"All that can be said with certainty is that the gospel of
violence, the creed which advocates the use of any form of
force against the British, is Mahratta in its origin; but so
far it is the Bengalis alone who have put it into practice. It
was conceived in Poona, which city has always continued to
inspire and direct it; it was transferred to Baroda, where it
flourished in secret among a limited circle; and it was
transplanted to Calcutta, where it grew apace, somewhere
between the years 1902 and 1904. Certain classes of Bengalis,
who are all adepts at intrigue, took up the new idea with
enthusiasm; but not all who knocked were admitted to the inner
circle. The real conspirators were still probably few in
number when the ‘partition’ of Bengal gave the politicians
their opportunity. The anarchists were furious at the
partition agitation. They were quite content that less
militant persons should prepare the ground for them, by
preaching to the people of the iniquities of the British Raj;
but they were reluctant to see the popular mind actively
diverted to such minor issues as _swadeshi_ and the
boycott. The extermination of the British was their one and
only aim.
"However, as the Congress politicians had succeeded in
arousing intense excitement about the partition, the anarchist
gang sought to turn the situation to their own advantage. …
Recruits were, however, only gradually admitted into the inner
ring; and there were many people who associated with the
anarchists, and sometimes furnished them with funds, who never
took part in their operations. Propaganda formed a prominent
feature of the anarchists’ work. In this department the worst
types of seditious journals, which have now disappeared,
played a great part. Such newspapers as the _Yugantar_
started ‘messes’ and ‘hostels,’ to which subscribers,
particularly those residing up-country, were invited to come
free of charge. They stayed for a day or two, heard the new
gospel preached, and then made way for others. …
"The existence of this considerable organization was not
really suspected by the police until after the attempt to
wreck Sir Andrew Fraser’s train in December, 1907. Some of the
anarchists were under suspicion, and were being watched as
notoriously disaffected persons, but even the shooting of Mr.
B. C. Allen, District Magistrate of Dacca, in the same month,
did not reveal the conspiracy. The police were, however, on
the right track; and a couple of days after two unfortunate
ladies had been killed by a bomb at Muzaffarpur, on April 30,
1908, they acted. At a house in Calcutta, and in a garden on
the outskirts, large seizures of bombs, explosives, and
revolvers were made and about 30 alleged anarchists were
arrested. Other arrests followed. The famous Manicktollah
garden was the principal scene of anarchist activity. It is so
secluded that one wonders it was ever discovered. Far on the
confines of Calcutta, through a network of mean huts beneath
waving palms, a series of winding paths leads to a couple of
mouldering gate-pillars innocent of any gate. Within, under
shady trees, stands a small building in the last stage of
disrepair. It is mean and dirty and squalid, the true squalor
of anarchism. If it is only in such a spot that any movement
can be hatched for the overthrow of the British Raj, then the
British Raj is safe for a long time.
{315}
"The prisoners were taken to the Alipur Gaol, and their trial
was commenced at the Alipur Police Court. I visited the Court
one day—I think it was the seventieth day of the trial—and
marvelled afresh. They were ranged in rows, about 50 men, all
young, all huddled together and squatting on their haunches.
The only man among them with an intellectual face was Arabindo
Ghose, the alleged leader, who sat in a far corner. He has the
face of a dreamer, as indeed he is, and with his long hair and
short beard might very well pass for a certain type of
artistic Frenchman. Whether he be guilty or not is no affair
of mine, but his record excites pity. He went to England with
brilliant gifts and high hopes, and he had a distinguished
career at school and University. But men who profess to know
say that he had more than the ordinary share of the rough and
tumble of juvenile life amidst alien and often thoughtless
comrades, and that those years were made thoroughly unhappy
for him. When at last, after he had passed for the Civil
Service, he was rejected because he could not pass the
horsemanship test, one can perhaps understand that a man of
his temperament returned to India with black rage and despair
at his heart. But his associates seemed to be mere boys,
haggard, wild looking youths of a peculiarly low physical
type."
The trial of the prisoners described above, at Alipur,
resulted in the condemnation of two to death, six to
transportation for life, one to imprisonment for life, and
five to imprisonment for terms ranging from one to ten years.
The remainder, including the alleged leader, Arabindo Ghose,
were acquitted. With the sanction of Lord Morley, the
Secretary for India, summary measures were taken to silence
the seditious journalism and speech which took a terroristic
tone and instigated crime. Loud protests against these
measures were called out in England, and one hundred and
forty-six Liberal, Labor, and Irish Members of Parliament
addressed a note in May last to the Prime Minister, asking his
attention to "the fact that ever since the 8th December last
nine British subjects in India have been deported from their
homes and detained in prison without having been charged with
any offence or informed even of the grounds of suspicion
entertained against them by the Government of India. Some of
them are admitted to be men of high character. None are
alleged to have been previously convicted of any crime. Under
these circumstances," said the writers, "we may venture to
make an urgent appeal to you that they may be either brought
to trial or set at liberty."
In his reply Mr. Asquith said: "Such an appeal is perfectly
natural, and I am not surprised to find that it is widely and
influentially supported. Deportation without trial as a method
of dealing with political agitation must necessarily be
repugnant to Englishmen, and to no one has the necessity of
resorting to such a measure been more repugnant than to Lord
Morley. When, however, I am appealed to on behalf of the
persons so deported, I must ask you and those who are acting
with you to bear in mind that deportation has been resorted to
for the sole purpose of preserving the country from grave
internal commotion. It is a preventive not a punitive measure,
and the responsibility for fixing the period of detention
must, therefore, rest with those who are charged with the
arduous and anxious duty of maintaining order in India.
"The Secretary of State and the Government of India are, I
submit, the only possible judges of the circumstances which
may warrant the release or the further detention of the
persons deported, and the decision is one which, in my
view—and I hope that you and your co-signatories may find
yourselves in agreement with me—may be left with absolute
confidence in their hands.
"It is particularly necessary at a moment when a great
extension of popular representative elements in Indian
administration has just been sanctioned by Parliament that
none of the various forms of anarchical violence should be
tolerated, and that no lawful instrument for suppressing them
should be discarded."
One of the trials for seditious journalism which caused most
excitement throughout India did not arise from publications in
Bengal, but in Bombay. The accused was Bal Gangadhar Tilak, a
Brahmin, professor of law and mathematics, who conducted a
native paper called the _Mahratta_. The specific charge
against him was that in his newspaper he had urged the people
to demand the restoration of the old Shiwaji religious
festivals and, if it was refused, to throw bombs until it was
granted. The government contended that he had not incited the
people to violence in overt words, but by subtle insinuations
and unmistakable innuendo. At his trial in July, 1908, he
spoke in his own defence, with great ability, for five days.
He was convicted and sentenced to imprisonment for six years.
INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908.
Mortality Statistics and Birth Rate.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH.
INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.
The recent Movements of Discontent.
Their Character, Causes, and Meaning.
Hindu and Moslem feeling.
English attitude.
The Past of British Government and its Fruits.
Neglect of Education and Political Training.
Slight Organization of Local Self-Government.
The Governed not taken into the confidence of the Government.
Is Democracy forbidden to Asiatic peoples?
The political disaffection in India which has been expressing
itself violently within the last few years, not only in
seditious speech and print, but in the manner of the Russian
terrorists, with bombs and other instruments of anarchy and
assassination, was not started by the Bengal Partition and the
resentments which that measure gave rise to, but those gave a
fresh and strong impulse to feelings that had been in
fermentation for some time. Behind that immediate impulse was,
undoubtedly, a much stronger one, which came from the
startling revelation of the Russo-Japanese War, that one
Asiatic people, at least, could outfight one, at least, of the
proud and domineering Powers of Europe, and outdo them all in
a practical handling of the boasted "Science of the West."
Torpid energies and sleeping ambitions were pricked in India
by the amazing triumph of the Japanese, as they were elsewhere
throughout the East; and it is since 1905 that the demand of
the Hindus for a political life of their own has taken a tone
which commands the ear of all open-minded and generous
Englishmen, like John Morley, and draws from them the response
they are now trying to make.
{316}
So far as it is a demand for an Independent Indian Empire,
with the whole fabric of British rule swept away, it comes
manifestly from nothing that has weight or force in India
itself. Probably no Hindu who could make intelligent use of
political freedom ever dreams of the present possibility of a
nationalized India, in which the 200,000,000 of his own race
and creed and the 60,000,000 of Mohammedans (saying nothing of
the added millions of other lineages and other faiths) would
be peaceful fellow citizens, administering the institutions of
self-government in harmony together. The Moslems, at least,
are under no illusion as to what would happen if the
incongruous elements of the enormous population of India were
left politically to themselves, under the conditions that now
exist. In 1908, when that idea seemed to be growing in Hindu
thought, they organized an "All-India Moslem League,"
avowedly, as declared by the Nawab of Dacca, "to save
themselves from being submerged by an enormous and noisy
majority of the other race." "The safety of the Mohammedans,"
said the president of the conference, "lay in loyalty to the
government; they must be prepared to fight for the government
if necessary." Thus British rule in its present form has the
Moslem dread of Hindu ascendency to give it a substantial
support, even though the Hindus outnumber the Moslems by more
than three to one. In thinking power, the Hindu is perhaps the
higher type of man; but the blood of the Afghan and Mongol
conquerors of Hindustan must have transmitted more of
political as well as military energy to the Moslems of the
present day. The Hindu mind is too mystically metaphysical for
the politics of a world that is dominated by its least
metaphysical minds.
But the higher intelligence of the Hindus appears to agree
with that of the Moslems in understanding that India is in no
present condition for taking its political fortunes into its
own hands. The really intelligent classes have been making it
plain, however, that they do want a more effective
participation in the management of their own affairs than has
been allowed to them hitherto, and it is the claim of that
class which Lord Morley and his colleagues in the British
Government are acknowledging and aiming to satisfy. It seems
to have been generally and fairly represented in the great
conventions assembled annually for many years past, under the
name of the "Indian National Congress," an unofficial
Congress, possessing no authority, but exercising an influence
that has increased. Its character was described a few years
ago in one of the American reviews by a writer who said that
he had watched it from its birth:
"The Indian National Congress," he wrote, "is avowedly
national in its name and scope. The Provincial Congresses
which meet in every province for the discussion of provincial
matters, unite together in a National Congress, which is
annually held at a chosen centre, for the furtherance and
discussion of national interests. A Congress consists of from
five hundred to one thousand of the political leaders of all
parts of India, comprising representatives of noble families,
landowners, members of local Boards and municipalities,
honorary magistrates, fellows of universities, and
professional men, such as engineers, bankers, merchants,
shopkeepers, journalists, lawyers, doctors, priests and
college professors. The delegates are able to act in concert
and to declare in no uncertain accents the common public
opinion of the multitude of whom they are the mouthpiece. They
are as representative in regard to religion as to rank and
profession; Hindus, Parsis, Mohammedans and Christians have in
turn presided.
"The deliberations are marked by acumen and moderation. The
principal items of their propaganda constitute a practical
programme displaying insight and sagacity, and covering most
of the political and economic problems of the Indian Empire. I
take it upon myself to say, as a watchful eye-witness from its
birth, that the Indian National Congress has discharged its
duties with exemplary judgment and moderation."
_Sir Henry Cotton,
The New Spirit in India
(North American Review, November, 1906)._
The meeting of this Indian Congress in 1908 was held at Madras
on the 27th of December, not long after Lord Morley had
explained his plan for the enlargement of the Legislative
Councils in India and for the election of a certain number of
their members by popular vote. In the address of the President
of the Congress, Dr. Rash Bihari Ghose, the proposed reforms
were discussed at length, and welcomed with warmth, as going
near, apparently, to satisfying the claims of the majority of
those represented in the Congress. "We are now," said the
speaker, "on the threshold of a new era. An important chapter
has been opened in the history of the relations between Great
Britain and India—a chapter of constitutional reform which
promises to unite the two countries together in closer bonds
than ever. A fair share in the Government of our own country
has now been given to us. The problem of reconciling order
with progress, efficient administration with the satisfaction
of aspirations encouraged by our rulers themselves, which
timid people thought was insoluble, has at last been solved.
The people of India will now be associated with the Government
in the daily and hourly administration of their affairs. A
great step forward has thus been taken in the grant of
representative government for which the Congress had been
crying for years. … We do not know what the future destiny of
India may be. We can see only as through a glass darkly. But
of this I am assured, that on our genuine co-operation with
the British Government depend our future progress and the
development of a fuller social and political life. Of this
also I am assured, that the future of the country is now in a
large measure in our own hands."
At about the same time the All-India Moslem League held its
meeting at Amritsar, and gave an equally hearty welcome to the
principle of the proposed reforms, but appealed against the
mode of election contemplated, which might be to the
disadvantage of the Moslem minority. In the address of the
President, Mr. Ali Imam, he said: "It is impossible for
thoughtful men to approach the subject without regard to the
pathetic side of the present situation.
{317}
It is the liberalism of the great British nation that has
taught Indians, through the medium of English education, to
admire democratic institutions, to hold the rights of the
people sacred above all rights and to claim for their voice
first place in the government of the country. The mind of
close upon three generations of the educated classes in the
land has been fed on the ideas of John Stuart Mill, Milton,
Burke, Sheridan and Shelley, has been filled with the great
lessons obtainable from chapters of the constitutional history
of England and has been influenced by inexpressible
considerations arising out of the American War of
Independence, the relation of Great Britain with her Colonies,
and last, though not least, the grant of Autonomy to the Boers
after their subjugation at an enormous sacrifice of men and
money. The bitterest critic of the educated Indian will not
hold him to blame for his present state of mind. It is the
English who have carefully prepared the ground and sown the
seed that has germinated into what some of them are now
disposed to consider to be noxious weed. It will be a dwarfed
imagination however that will condemn the educational policy
of the large-hearted and liberal-minded Englishmen who laid
its foundation in this country. Those who inaugurated it aimed
at raising the people to the level where co-operation and good
understanding between the rulers and the ruled are possible.
Under the circumstances, the desire of the educated Indian to
take a prominent part in the administration of his country is
neither unnatural nor unexpected. …
"The best sense of the country recognizes the fact that the
progress of India rests on the maintenance of order and
internal peace, and that order and internal peace in view of
the conditions obtaining in our country at present and for a
very long time to come, immeasurably long time to come, spell
British occupation. British occupation not in the thin and
diluted form in which Canada, Australia and South Africa stand
in relation to England, but British occupation in the sense in
which our country has enjoyed internal peace during the last
50 years. Believe me that as long as we have not learnt to
overcome sectarian aggressiveness, to rise above prejudices
based on diversity of races, religions and languages, and to
alter the alarming conditions of violent intellectual
disparity among the peoples of India, so long British
occupation is the principal element in the progress of the
country. The need of India is to recognize that true
patriotism lies in taking measure of the conditions existing
in fact, and devoting one’s self to amelioration. … The creed
of the All-India Muslim League is cooperation with the Rulers,
coöperation with our non-Muslim countrymen and solidarity
amongst ourselves. This is our idea of United India."
These expressions from prominent leaders of the two principal
races of India are quite in accord with the judgment of
liberal-minded Englishmen, as to the present duty of their
government to the people of this great Asiatic Dependency.
They are quite in accord with the judgment that has dictated
the measure undertaken by the present British Government. They
recognize that the relation which England bears to India,
however unjustifiable in its origin it may be, is one that
cannot be suddenly changed without great danger and certain
harm. As Goldwin Smith has said:
"To attempt to strike the balance between the advantages and
disadvantages of British rule in India would be to enter into
a boundless controversy. Foreign rule in itself must always be
an evil. India was rescued by Great Britain from murderous and
devastating anarchy. Though at the time she was plundered by
official corruption of a good deal of the wealth which, being
poor though gorgeous, she could ill afford to lose, she has
since enjoyed general peace and order; both, we may be sure,
to a far greater extent than she otherwise would have done.
The deadly enmity between her races and religions has been
controlled and assuaged. …
"It does not appear that there is any considerable migration
from the provinces directly under British dominion to those
which are under native rule. The people, no doubt, are
generally fixed to their habitations by poverty and difficulty
of movement; still, if they greatly preferred the native rule,
a certain amount of migration to it there would probably be.
That the masses of India in general are miserably poor cannot
be denied. The question is, whether under the Mogul Emperors
they were better off. … The population has vastly increased,
and its increase may in some measure account for dearth. With
regard to fiscal and commercial questions, it may safely be
said that, at all events in late years, there has been no
disposition on England’s part to do anything but justice to
India.
"India’s complaints, speaking generally, seem to be of things
inseparable from foreign rule, the withdrawal of which would
be the only remedy. But suppose British rule withdrawn from
India, what would follow? Is there anything ready to take its
place? would not the result be anarchy, such as prevailed when
England came upon the scene, or a struggle for ascendency
between the Mahometan and the Hindoo, with another battle of
Paniput? Suppose the Mahometan, stronger in spirit though
weaker in numbers, to prevail, would his ascendency be more
beneficial and less galling to the Hindoo than is that of the
English Sahib?"
_Goldwin Smith,
British Empire in India
(North American Review, September 7, 1906)._
Of the ultimate possibilities of a nationalized unification of
the mighty masses of population in the vast peninsula, there
can, perhaps, be as much or more said hopefully as against the
hope. A writer who believes that there may be an independent
India has put an outline of the argument, pro and con, in
these few following words:
"India, we are almost tired of hearing, is as large as Europe,
putting aside Russia and Scandinavia, with as great a
population, as many diverse and heterogeneous nationalities,
differing from each other in language, in custom, in religion,
and in everything that makes for individuality; and we might
as well speak of the Indian nation as the European nation. …
To this contention Young India opposes the most emphatic
contradiction. India is a nation, a people, a country: its
interests and aspirations are one and unique. Railways,
telegraphs, post-office, the Press, education, knowledge of
English, have welded into one harmonious whole all the
manifold centrifugal forces of its vast area.
{318}
Young India will quote Switzerland as an example of a country
with several languages and two conflicting religions, and yet
undoubtedly constituting a nation. If the only tongue in which
the Madrassi and the Bengali can communicate is English, so
let it be. It is sufficient that a medium of communication
exists. And it does exist. The educated Indian speaks and
writes in English as easily as in his own mother-tongue. It is
in English that the most vehement tirades against British
rule, whether printed, spoken, or dealt with in private
correspondence, are hurled across the land. Politically
speaking, Lahore is a suburb of Calcutta. The fact cannot be
gainsaid and must be reckoned with. India, as a whole, as a
political unit, has found a voice. There is a national India,
as there is not a national Europe."
_E. C. Cox,
Banger in India
(Nineteenth Century, December, 1908)._
This view recognizes, as was recognized in the address of the
President of the All-India Moslem League, quoted above, that
English rule and English influence have done much towards
preparing both the country and the people for the
self-government to which the latter are now beginning to
aspire. It must be said, however, that most of this
preparation has been casually consequent on policies that had
no such deliberate intent. Until quite late years there is
little sign to be seen in British Indian policy of a thought
of developing opportunity and capability in the people to
become more than valuable customers and docile wards. While
India was in the hands of a commercial company it was managed,
naturally, like an imperial estate, with strictly economic
objects in view. Even then there was wisely economic
consideration given to the general welfare of the people; but
it was welfare as seen from the estate-owners' standpoint. The
proprietary government did many things for its subjects and
servants; bettered their conditions in many ways; added
greatly to the equipment of their lives; but it did very
little, if anything, toward putting them in the way of
bettering things for themselves. It contemplated nothing for
India but the perpetuity of its management as an imperial
estate, entailed in the possession of a proprietary race.
The taking of this imperial estate from company management
into national management has not seemed hitherto to alter the
business nature of its administration very much. Its many
millions of inhabitants have been better governed and better
cared for, without doubt; but the idea of benevolence to them
has never been much enlarged beyond the idea of an honestly
good overseeing care. Institutions have been provided or
encouraged for the educating of a class among them which could
be of useful assistance in the caretaking of the mass; but
common education for the mass, to qualify them better for the
care of themselves, received scant attention till 25 years
ago. In the very explanation that is often given of the
present discontent in India there is an impeachment of the
past treatment of the country by its able and powerful
masters. It is said that the educated Hindus find no
satisfying career for themselves outside of the service of the
government, and that an increasingly large class in excess of
the openings which that service can afford has been educated
in recent years; that, consequently, the swelling crowd of
disappointed place-seekers, whose intelligence and ambition
have been whetted in the higher schools and colleges of the
Indian Empire, are the disturbers of public content. After a
century and a half of supreme British influence and power in
India, there ought to have been more and better openings of
opportunity for educated young Hindus than through the doors
of public office. There would have been if the development of
country and people had been conducted with more reference to
their benefit, and with less close attention to the interests
of British trade.
Since 1882-1883 there has been more endeavor to establish and
assist native primary schools; but the percentage of
population that they reach is small. The statistics given in
an official "Statement exhibiting the Moral and Material
Progress and Condition of India during the year 1905-1906"
make the following showing:
Provinces. Number of Number of
Institutions Pupils
Bengal 43,996 1,232,278
United Provinces 15,708 576,336
Punjab 3,762 211,464
Burma 20,996 385,214
Central Provinces 3,090 209,680
Eastern Bengal and Assam 21,790 722,371
Coorg 116 4,666
North West Frontier Province 1,087 28,496
Madras Presidency 28,258 918,880
Bombay and Sind Presidency 13,865 736,209
Total 152,668 5,025,594
Except in the Punjab and in Eastern Bengal and Assam these
figures include both public and private institutions of
education, of all grades, from primary schools to colleges.
All institutions in which the course of instruction conforms
to standards prescribed by the Department of Education or by
the University, and which either undergo inspection by the
Department or present pupils at public examinations, are
classed as "public," but may be under either public or private
management. While the schools and colleges seem numerous, it
will be seen that they average but 33 pupils each, and give
teaching to a slender fraction of the children of the
294,000,000 of people under British rule. In the report from
which we quote the proportion of pupils to the estimated
population of school-going age is given as 28.4 per cent. of
boys and 2.9 per cent. of girls in Bengal; 8.06 per cent. of
boys and 0.96 per cent. of girls in the United Provinces; 21.8
per cent. of boys and 1.8 of girls in the Central Provinces;
28.2 per cent, of boys and 2.9 per cent. of girls in Eastern
Bengal and Assam; 29 per cent. of boys and 5.4 per cent. of
girls in Madras; 31.8 per cent. of boys and 6 per cent of
girls in Bombay. The total expenditure on education, from all
sources, including fees, was £735,043 in Bengal (increased to
£830,415 in 1907-1908); £441,421 in the United Provinces
(increased to £491,723 in 1907-1908); £331,038 in the Punjab;
£218,445 in Burma; £145,389 in the Central Provinces; £318,788
in Eastern Bengal and Assam; £624,602 in the Madras Presidency
(increased to £712,740 in 1907-1908); £685,444 in the Presidency
of Bombay (increased to £756,168 in 1907-1908). Total in 1905-1906,
£3,500,170. Education in British India cannot be made wide or
deep on expenditure of this scale.
{319}
Education in the literary meaning, then, was tardily
undertaken and is very limited yet in its extent. Quite as
tardy, and quite as scant in the measure until John Morley got
the handling of it, has been the political training that
England,—greatest of political teachers as she has been for
the world at large,—has allowed her Indian subjects to
receive. It must not be understood that nothing of
self-government has been conceded hitherto to these people.
The exact measure of their participation in the management of
their own public affairs, and the period within which they
have exercised it, are described in the official "Statement
exhibiting the Moral and Material Progress and Condition of
India" from which the above exhibit of educational
institutions is taken. The following is quoted partly from the
"Statement" of 1905-1906 and partly from the later one of 1907-1908:
"Local self-government, municipal and rural, in its present
form, is essentially a product of British rule. Beginning in
the Presidency towns, the principle made little progress until
1870, when it was expressly recognised by Lord Mayo’s
Government that ‘local interest, supervision, and care are
necessary to success in the management of funds devoted to
education, sanitation, medical charity, and local public
works.’ The result was a gradual advance in local
self-government, leading up to the action taken by Lord
Ripon’s Government in 1883-1884, and to various provincial Acts
passed about that time, which form the basis of the provincial
systems at present in force. Municipal committees now exist in
most places having any pretension to importance, and have
charge of municipal business generally, including the care and
superintendence of streets, roads, fairs and markets, open
spaces, water supply, drainage, education, hospitals, and the
like. Local and district boards have charge of local roads,
sanitary works, education, hospitals, and dispensaries in
rural districts. A large proportion of their income is
provided by provincial rates. Bodies of port trustees have
charge of harbour works, port approaches, and pilotage. There
is also a smaller number of non-elective local bodies
discharging similar duties in towns other than constituted
municipalities, and in cantonments.
"The municipal bodies exist, raise funds, and exercise powers
under enactments which provide separately for the special
requirements of each province and of the three presidency
capitals, Bombay, Calcutta, and Madras. In the municipalities
as a whole about half of the members are elected by the
townsfolk under legal rules; in every town some, and in a few
minor towns all, of the members are appointed by the
Government. In almost every municipal body one or more
Government officials sit as members. The number of Indian and
non-official members, however, in every province, largely
exceeds the number of Europeans and officials. The municipal
bodies are subject to Government control in so far that no new
tax can be imposed, no loan can be raised, no work costing
more than a prescribed sum can be undertaken, and no serious
departure from the sanctioned budget for the year can be made,
without the previous sanction of the Government; and no rules
or bye-laws can be enforced without similar sanction and full
publication.
"There were 746 municipalities at the end of 1907-1908,
containing within their limits over 16 million people or 7 per
cent. of the total population. Generally speaking, the income
of municipalities is small. In 1907-1908 their aggregate income
amounted to £3,910,000, excluding loans, sales of securities,
and other extraordinary receipts. About 40 per cent. of the
total is provided by Calcutta, Bombay, Madras, and Rangoon. …
"The interest in municipal elections, and in municipal affairs
generally, is not usually keen, save in a few cities and large
towns; but, as education and knowledge advance, interest in
the management of local affairs gradually increases. In most
provinces municipal work is fairly well done, and municipal
responsibilities are, on the whole, faithfully discharged,
though occasional shortcomings and failures occur. The
tendency of local bodies, especially in the smaller towns, is
to be slow in imposing additional taxes, in adopting sanitary
reforms, and in incurring new expenditure. Many members of
municipal bodies are diligent in their attendance, whether at
meetings for business or on benches for the decision of petty
criminal cases."
The elected members of these municipal committees number less
than five thousand. This, therefore, is the extent of the
class in the whole of British India, which now receives an
elementary political training. Nothing more is needed for
proving that India cannot possibly be prepared for independent
self-government.
In a memorable speech made by Lord Macaulay in 1833 he
predicted a time when England’s Indian subjects might demand
English institutions, and exclaimed: "Whenever the day comes
it will be the proudest in English history." The day has come,
and it does not bring pride to England; because her wards in
India have not been made ready for what they ask. It will need
time to repair the long neglect; but there is no grander fact
in recent history than the beginning of the labor of repair.
It is to be a work of education, not for the people of India
alone, but for Englishmen as well. They are to learn, and have
begun to learn, the mistake of egotism and self-sufficiency in
their government of these people. Some months ago there was
published in _The Times of India_, at Bombay, a number of
articles on the causes of the existing discontent, some by
English writers, some by Hindus, some by Mohammedans, all
seriously and frankly studying the situation, and most
suggestive in their thought. The cause emphasized most by one
of the English writers is that which always has worked and
always will work when one self-complacent and self-confident
people undertakes to be an overruling providence for another
people, by making laws for it and managing its affairs. The
more consciousness there is on the ruling side of just
intention and superior knowledge, the less likely it is to
satisfy the ruled; because the satisfying of its own judgment
of what is good for the latter is assumed to be enough.
During the last half century, at least, the British Government
has endeavored, without a doubt, to do good to its Indian
subjects, and it has done them great good; but everything has
been done in its own way, from its own points of view and upon
its own judgment of things needful and good and right. And
this is why its Indian subjects not only feel wronged, but are
wronged.
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As the writer in _The Times of India_ reminds his
countrymen, "right is a relative term," and not, he says, "as
we Islanders would have it, an absolute one. A thing that is
right for us, with our past training and traditions, may not
only seem, but really be, a grave wrong to those whose
environment differs from our own." He cites instances of grave
mistakes in well-intended legislation that would have been
avoided, if the makers of the laws had counseled sufficiently
with natives of experience in the matters concerned. One
example is in a land alienation act, for the Punjab, which was
framed with purely philanthropic motives, being intended to
free the native peasantry—the ryots—from thraldom to money
lenders, but which, by making the recovery of debts difficult,
has trebled the rate of interest to the ryot, who borrows just
as much, and mortgages himself instead of mortgaging his land.
Alluding to this and to another act of excellent intention but
irritating effect, the writer says: "When these worthy aims of
government were debated in the Bombay and Punjab legislatures,
who was there, among the officials, in touch with Indian
feeling and sentiment? Who among the senators ever suggested
the possibility that the evil of mortgage and borrowing was
not intrinsically an evil in India, but that legislation—our
own past legislation—had made it so? Was there no officer of
government who could advise the authorities that every Hindoo,
almost, is at heart a money lender; that it is second nature
to him; that indebtedness in itself is neither reproach nor
handicap in his eyes; and that if you take from him his
freedom of barter you do take his life?"
"We have failed," says this writer, "to avail ourselves of the
material we ourselves have trained." That, undoubtedly, is the
cardinal mistake that the English in India have made. Until
now, they have not taken the best of India into their
confidence and their counsels.
Another of the writers referred to above gave another
characterization of the British rule as the natives more
generally feel it, in which a deeper working of more subtle
irritations can be seen. He wrote:
"Personal rule, the will of the king, God’s anointed and
therefore invested with quasi-divine sanction, is the only
rule to which the East has been used, which it can like and
respect. The people can understand, even while they suffer
under, the most extravagant individual caprices; and when the
tyranny becomes too intolerable, they always had in the last
resort an excellent chance of being able to overthrow it. But
they cannot and probably never will understand, still less
appreciate, the cold, implacable, inhuman impersonality of the
English government. They might as well be governed by a
dynamo, without human bowels or passions. It cannot be humanly
approached; it has no human side; its very impeccability is
exasperating; and the exactitude with which it metes out its
machine-made justice, according to inflexible rules and
formulae into which no human equation enters, chills and
repels the Eastern mind, and its strength is commensurate with
its remorselessness."
"They might as well be governed by a dynamo!" That, in this
connection, is a powerfully expressive phrase. The dynamo and
everything of a dynamic nature—every mechanical motor-working
of forces, whether material or political, are naturally
congenial to the man of the Western world—understandable by
him, serviceable to him—and they are not so to the man of the
East. Somewhere in the process of their evolution the one got
an aptitude for projecting work outwardly from the worker—
action at some remove from the actor—shuttle throwing, for
example, carried out from the weaver to the arms and fingers
of a machine, and government from the personally governing
will to an organic political system—while the other did not.
In this, more than in anything else, perhaps, the radical
difference of nature between the Occidental and the Oriental
peoples is summed up. The one is endowed with a self-enhancing
power to act through exterior agencies, of mechanism in his
physical labors, of representative institutions in his
government, of systems and organisms in all his doings, which
the other lacks.
This might have seemed a generation ago to set an
insurmountable barrier against the passing of democracy and
democratic institutions into Asia; but we have little right
to-day to imagine that anything can stop their march.
INDIA: A. D. 1908.
American Mission Schools.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: INDIA.
INDIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
Passage of the Indian Councils Bill by the British Parliament.
Popular Representation in the Legislative Councils introduced.
Lord Morley’s explanations of the Measure.
Appointment of a native member of the
Viceroy’s Executive Council.
The great project of reform in the Government of India which
Lord Morley, as Secretary for India in the British
Administration, brought before Parliament in December, 1908,
embodied fundamentally in what was known during the discussion
of it as the Indian Councils Bill, had its origin more than
two years before that time, not in the councils of the British
Ministry, but in those of the Government of India. The facts
of its inception and preliminary consideration were indicated
in a British Blue Book of 1908 (Cd. 4426), which contained
proposals on the subject from the Government of India, dated
October 1, 1908, and the reply of Lord Morley to them,
November 27. More recently the early history of the reform
project was told briefly by the Viceroy of India, the Earl of
Minto, in a speech in Council, on the 28th of March, 1909. He
said:
"The material from which the Councils Bill has been
manufactured was supplied from the Secretariat at Simla, and
emanated entirely from the bureaucracy of the Government of
India. It was in August, 1906, that I drew attention in
Council in a confidential minute to the change which was so
rapidly affecting the political atmosphere, bringing with it
questions we could not afford to ignore, which we must attempt
to answer, pointing out that it was all-important that the
initiative should emanate from us, that the Government of
India should not be put in the position of appearance of
having its hands forced by agitation in this country or by
pressure from home, and that we should be the first to
recognize the surrounding conditions and place before his
Majesty’s Government the opinion which personal experience and
close touch with the everyday life of India entitle us to
hold.
{321}
I consequently appointed the Arundel Committee. That minute
was the first seed of our reforms sown more than a year before
the first anarchist outrage sent a thrill of shocked surprise
throughout India—the attempt to wreck Sir Andrew Fraser’s
train in December, 1907. The policy of the Government of India
in respect to reforms has emanated from mature consideration
of political and social conditions, while the administrative
changes they advocated, far from being concessions wrung from
them, have been over and over again endangered by the
commission of outrages which could not but encourage doubts as
to the opportuneness of the introduction of political changes,
but which I steadfastly refused to allow to injure the
political welfare of the loyal masses in India."
The Indian Councils Bill was printed on the 20th of February,
1909, and its second reading in the House of Lords was moved
by Lord Morley in an explanatory speech on the 23d. A
prefatory memorandum accompanying the text of the Bill was as
follows:
"The object of this Bill is to amend and extend the Indian
Councils Acts, 1861 and 1892, in such a way as to provide:
"(i.)For an enlargement of the Legislative Council of the
Governor-General and of the existing Provincial Legislative
Councils;
"(ii.) For the election of a certain proportion of their
members by popular vote; and
"(iii.) For greater freedom to discuss matters of general
public interest and to ask questions at their meetings, and
more especially for the discussion of the annual financial
statements.
"The Executive Councils of the Governments of Madras and
Bombay are enlarged, and powers are taken to create Executive
Councils in the other Provinces of India, where they now do
not exist. Provision is also made for the appointment of
Vice-Presidents of the various Councils.
"The details of the necessary arrangements, which must vary
widely in the different Provinces, are left to be settled by
means of regulations to be framed by the Government of India
and approved by the Secretary of State."
In his speech on moving the second reading of the Bill, Lord
Morley said: "I invite the House to take to-day the first
definite and operative step in carrying out the policy which I
had the honour of stating to your lordships just before
Christmas, and which has occupied the active consideration
both of the Home Government and of the Government of India for
very nearly, if not even more than, three years. The statement
was awaited in India with an expectancy that with time became
almost impatience, and it was received in India—and that,
after all, is the point to which I looked with the most
anxiety—with intense interest and attention and various
degrees of approval, from warm enthusiasm to cool assent and
acquiescence. So far as I know … there has been no sign in any
quarter, save possibly in the irreconcilable camp, of
organized hostile opinion among either Indians or
Anglo-Indians. …
"There are, I take it, three classes of people that we have to
consider in dealing with a scheme of this kind. There are the
extremists, who nurse fantastic dreams that some day they will
drive us out of India. In this group there are academic
extremists and physical force extremists, and I have seen it
stated on a certain authority—it cannot be more than guessed—
that they do not number, whether academic or physical force
extremists, more than one-tenth, I think, or even 3 per cent.,
of what are called the educated class in India. The second
group nourish no hopes of this sort, but hope for autonomy or
self-government of the colonial species and pattern. And then
the third section of this classification ask for no more than
to be admitted to co-operation in our administration, and to
find a free and effective voice in expressing the interests
and needs of their land. I believe the effect of the reforms
has been, is being, and will be to draw the second class, who
hope for colonial autonomy, into the third class, who will be
content with being admitted to a fair and full co-operation."
As to the objections raised by the Mahomedans of India, to the
plans of the measure for their representation in the Councils,
Lord Morley announced the readiness of the Government to yield
to them. "We," he said, "suggested to the Government of India
a certain plan. We did not prescribe it, we did not order it,
but we suggested and recommended this plan for their
consideration—no more than that. It was the plan of a mixed or
composite electoral college, in which Mahomedans and Hindus
should pool their votes, so to say. The wording of the
recommendation in my dispatch was, as I soon discovered,
ambiguous—a grievous defect, of which I make bold to hope I am
not very often in public business guilty. But, to the best of
my belief, under any construction the plan of Hindus and
Mahomedans voting together in a mixed and composite electorate
would have secured to the Mahomedan electors, wherever they
were so minded, the chance of returning their own
representative in their due proportion. The political idea at
the bottom of that recommendation which has found so little
favour was that such composite action would bring the two
great communities more closely together, and this idea of
promoting harmony was held by men of very high Indian
authority and experience who were among my advisers at the
India Office. But the Mahomedans protested that the Hindus
would elect a pro-Hindu upon it, just as I suppose in a mixed
college of say 75 Catholics and 25 Protestants voting together
the Protestants might suspect that the Catholics voting for
the Protestant would choose what is called a Romanizing
Protestant and as little of a Protestant as possible. … At any
rate, the Government of India doubted whether our plan would
work, and we have abandoned it. I do not think it was a bad
plan, but it is no use, if you are making an earnest attempt
in good faith at a general pacification, out of parental
fondness for a clause interrupting that good process by
sitting too tight.
"The Mahomedans demand three things. I had the pleasure of
receiving a deputation from them and I know very well what is
in their minds. They demand the election of their own
representatives to these councils in all the stages, just as
in Cyprus, where, I think, the Mahomedans vote by themselves.
They have nine votes and the non-Mahomedans have three, or the
other way about.
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So in Bohemia, where the Germans vote alone and have their own
register. Therefore we are not without a precedent and a
parallel for the idea of a separate register. Secondly, they
want a number of seats in excess of their numerical strength.
Those two demands we are quite ready and intend to meet in
full. There is a third demand that, if there is a Hindu on the
Viceroy’s Executive Council—a subject on which I will venture
to say a little to your lordships before I sit down—there
should be two Indian members on the Viceroy’s Council and that
one should be a Mahomedan. Well, as I told them and as I now
tell your lordships, I see no chance whatever of meeting their
views in that way to any extent at all."
Turning to a much criticised feature of the projected
remodelling of Indian Government—namely, the announced
intention of the Government to name an Indian member of the
Viceroy’s Executive Council—the Secretary reminded the House
that this was not touched by the pending bill, for the reason
that the appointment of that Council lies already within the
province of the Crown. In meeting the objections raised to
this part of the reform project, he amused the House greatly
by remarking: "Lord MacDonnell said the other day: ‘I believe
you cannot find any individual native gentleman who has
enjoyed the general confidence who would be able to give
advice and assistance to the Governor-General in Council.’ It
has been my lot to be twice Chief Secretary for Ireland, and I
do not believe I can truly say I ever met in Ireland a single
individual native gentleman who ‘enjoyed general confidence.’
And yet I received at Dublin Castle most excellent and
competent advice. Therefore I will accept that statement from
the noble lord. The question is whether there is no one of the
300 millions of the population of India who is competent to be
the officially-constituted adviser of the Governor-General in
Council in the administration of Indian affairs. You make an
Indian a Judge of the High Court, and Indians have even been
acting-Chief Justices. As to capacity, who can deny that they
have distinguished themselves as administrators of native
States, where far more demand is made on their resources,
intellectual and moral? It is said that the presence of an
Indian member would cause restraint in the language of
discussion. For a year and a half I have had two Indians at
the Council of India, and I have never found the slightest
restraint whatever."
Debate on the Bill in the House of Lords was resumed on the
4th of March, and it was amended by striking out a clause
which gave power to constitute provincial executive councils
in other provinces than Madras and Bombay, where they were
already existing. It then passed through Committee, and on the
11th of March it was read a third time and passed by the Upper
House.
A fortnight later, Lord Morley brought into exercise the
authority possessed by the Crown, to appoint on its own
judgment a native member of the Viceroy’s Executive Council.
His choice fell on a distinguished Hindu lawyer, Mr. Satyendra
Prasanna Sinha, of whom the London _Times_, on announcing
the appointment, said: "Mr. Sinha now fills the office of
Advocate-General of Bengal, to which he was not long ago
promoted, and he will succeed Sir Henry Richards as Legal
Member of Council. Of his fitness to discharge the
departmental duties of his new position we make no question.
Lord Morley has doubtless satisfied himself that the
qualifications of his nominee in this respect will not
discredit the experiment on which he has ventured. But,
however high those qualifications, and however well they may
stand the test of experience, gifts and attainments of another
order are needed for the post to which Lord Morley has named
him. A member of the Viceroy’s Executive Council is much more
than a departmental chief. … For him there are no State
secrets and no confidential documents. He has a right to know
and to debate the _imperii arcana_. The most delicate
mysteries of diplomacy, the most carefully guarded of military
precautions, are trusted to his faith and to his discretion.
Breadth of political knowledge and of judgment, insight into
men and things, a sure sense and grasp of realities, coolness,
courage, and rapid decision in emergencies, absolute
impartiality between native races, creeds, and classes, and an
instinctive devotion to England, to her traditions and to her
ideals, are amongst the qualities which have been deemed the
best recommendations for so immense a trust. Mr. Sinha may
possess them all, but they are rare amongst the men of any
race, and some of them are notoriously uncommon amongst
Orientals."
This expresses the English opinion that objects to the
admission of Indians to the Executive Councils of Indian
Government, even while assenting to their representation in
the Legislative Councils of the dependency. It is to be hoped
that Mr. Sinha will help to weaken that opinion. Reports from
India on the appointment were to the effect that it had given
great general satisfaction.
On the return of the Councils Bill to the Commons the clause
which the Lords had stricken out was restored, but in a
modified form. Authority to extend the creation of provincial
executive councils was given, but with the reservation to the
House of Lords as well as to the House of Commons of a veto
upon the establishment of such councils in any new provinces,
except Bengal. As thus amended the clause was accepted by the
Upper House and became law, May 25, 1909.
The following are the essential provisions of the Act:
"I.
(1) The additional members of the councils for the purpose of
making laws and regulations (hereinafter referred to as
Legislative Councils) of the Governor-General and of the
Governors of Fort Saint George and Bombay, and the members of
the Legislative Councils already constituted, or which may
hereafter be constituted, of the several Lieutenant-Governors
of Provinces, instead of being all nominated by the
Governor-General, Governor, or Lieutenant-Governor in manner
provided by the Indian Councils Acts, 1861 and 1892, shall
include members so nominated and also members elected in
accordance with regulations made under this Act, and
references in those Acts to the members so nominated and their
nomination shall be construed as including references to the
members so elected and their election.
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"(2) The number of additional members or members so nominated
and elected, the number of such members required to constitute
a quorum, the term of office of such members and the manner of
filling up casual vacancies occurring by reason of absence
from India, inability to attend to duty, death, acceptance of
office, or resignation duly accepted, or otherwise, shall, in
the case of each such council, be such as may be prescribed by
regulations made under this Act:
"Provided that the aggregate number of members so nominated
and elected shall not, in the case of any Legislative Council
mentioned in the first column of the First Schedule to this
Act, exceed the number specified in the second column of that
schedule.
" 2.
(1) The number of ordinary members of the councils of the
Governors of Fort Saint George and Bombay shall be such number
not exceeding four as the Secretary of State in Council may
from time to time direct, of whom two at least shall be
persons who at the time of their appointment have been in the
service of the Crown in India for at least twelve years.
"(2) If at any meeting of either of such councils there is an
equality of votes on any question, the Governor or other
person presiding shall have two votes or the casting vote.
"3.
(1) It shall be lawful for the Governor-General in Council,
with the approval of the Secretary of State in Council, by
proclamation, to create a council in the Bengal Division of
the Presidency of Fort William for the purpose of assisting
the Lieutenant-Governor in the executive government of the
province, and by such proclamation—
"(_a_) to make provision for determining what shall be
the number (not exceeding four) and qualifications of the
members of the council; and
"(_b_) to make provision for the appointment of
temporary or acting members of the council during the
absence of any member from illness or otherwise, and for
the procedure to be adopted in case of a difference of
opinion between a Lieutenant-Governor and his council, and
in the case of equality of votes, and in the case of a
Lieutenant-Governor being obliged to absent himself from
his council from indisposition or any other cause.
"(2) It shall be lawful for the Governor-General in Council,
with the like approval, by a like proclamation to create a
council in any other province under a Lieutenant-Governor for
the purpose of assisting the Lieutenant-Governor in the
executive government of the province: Provided that before any
such proclamation is made a draft thereof shall be laid before
each House of Parliament for not less than sixty days during
the session of Parliament, and, if before the expiration of
that time an address is presented to His Majesty by either
House of Parliament against the draft or any part thereof, no
further proceedings shall be taken thereon, without prejudice
to the making of any new draft.
"(3) Where any such proclamation has been made with respect to
any province the Lieutenant-Governor may, with the consent of
the Governor-General in Council, from time to time make rules
and orders for the more convenient transaction of business in
his council, and any order made or act done in accordance with
the rules and orders so made shall be deemed to be an act or
order of the Lieutenant-Governor in Council.
"(4) Every member of any such council shall be appointed by
the Governor-General, with the approval of His Majesty, and
shall, as such, be a member of the Legislative Council of the
Lieutenant-Governor, in addition to the members nominated by
the Lieutenant-Governor and elected under the provisions of
this Act.
"4. The Governor-General, and the Governors of Fort Saint
George and Bombay, and the Lieutenant-Governor of every
province respectively shall appoint a member of their
respective councils to be Vice-President thereof, and, for the
purpose of temporarily holding and executing the office of
Governor-General or Governor of Fort Saint George or Bombay
and of presiding at meetings of Council in the absence of the
Governor-General, Governor, or Lieutenant-Governor, the
Vice-President so appointed shall be deemed to be the senior
member of Council and the member highest in rank, and the
Indian Councils Act, 1861, and sections sixty-two and
sixty-three of the Government of India Act, 1833, shall have
effect accordingly.
"5.
(1) Notwithstanding anything in the Indian Councils Act, 1861,
the Governor-General in Council, the Governors in Council of
Fort Saint George and Bombay respectively, and the
Lieutenant-Governor or Lieutenant-Governor in Council of every
province, shall make rules authorising at any meeting of their
respective legislative councils the discussion of the annual
financial statement of the Governor-General in Council or of
their respective local governments, as the case may be, and of
any matter of general public interest, and the asking of
questions, under such conditions and restrictions as may be
prescribed in the rules applicable to the several councils.
"(2) Such rules as aforesaid may provide for the appointment
of a member of any such council to preside at any such
discussion in the place of the Governor-General, Governor, or
Lieutenant-Governor, as the case may be, and of any
Vice-President.
"(3) Rules under this section, where made by a Governor in
Council, or by a Lieutenant-Governor, or a Lieutenant-Governor
in Council, shall be subject to the sanction of the
Governor-General in Council, and where made by the
Governor-General in Council shall be subject to the sanction of
the Secretary of State in Council, and shall not be subject to
alteration or amendment by the Legislative Council of the
Governor-General, Governor, or Lieutenant-Governor.
"6. The Governor-General in Council shall, subject to the
approval of the Secretary of State in Council, make
regulations as to the conditions under which and manner in
which persons resident in India may be nominated or elected as
members of the Legislative Councils of the Governor-General,
Governors, and Lieutenant-Governors, and as to the
qualifications for being, and for being nominated or elected,
a member of any such council, and as to any other matter for
which regulations are authorised to be made under this Act,
and also as to the manner in which those regulations are to be
carried into effect. Regulations under this section shall not
be subject to alteration or amendment by the Legislative
Council of the Governor-General.
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"7. All proclamations, regulations and rules made under this
Act, other than rules made by a Lieutenant-Governor for the
more convenient transaction of business in his council, shall
be laid before both Houses of Parliament as soon as may be
after they are made."
FIRST SCHEDULE.
MAXIMUM NUMBERS OF NOMINATED AND ELECTED
MEMBERS OF LEGISLATIVE COUNCILS.
Maximum
Legislative Council. Number.
Legislative Council of the Governor-General 60
Legislative Council of the Governor of Fort
Saint George 50
Legislative Council of the Governor of Bombay 50
Legislative Council of the Lieutenant-Governor
of the Bengal division of the Presidency of
Fort William 50
Legislative Council of the Lieutenant-Governor
of the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh 50
Legislative Council of the Lieutenant-Governor
of the Province of Eastern Bengal and Assam 50
Legislative Council of the Lieutenant-Governor
of the Province of the Punjab 30
Legislative Council of the Lieutenant-Governor
of the Province of Burma 30
Legislative Council of the Lieutenant-Governor
of any Province which may hereafter be constituted 30
As will be seen, the Act only conveys in outline to the
Government of India the authority needed for introducing the
intended reforms, leaving all constructive details to be
filled out by the latter in regulations and rules. Six months
were occupied in that task by the Indian Government, and the
resulting prescriptions were published on November 15th, in a
document filling 450 pages of print. The following is a
summary of them, communicated to _The Times_ by its
Calcutta correspondent:
"They comprise, first, a short notice bringing the new
Councils Act into force; secondly, the rules and regulations
for guiding the constitution of the enlarged Imperial and
Provincial Councils, with election rules; thirdly, rules for
the discussion of the annual financial statement and general
resolutions and for the asking of questions; and, fourthly, a
Government resolution explaining the reasons for the changes
made and their main details.
"The resolution shows that the Imperial Council will consist
of 68 members, while the number of members in each of the
Provincial Councils will be as follows:—Bengal, 51; Madras and
Bombay, each 48; the United Provinces, 49; Eastern Bengal and
Assam, 43; the Punjab, 27; and Burma, 18.
"The Viceroy’s Council has an official majority of three,
while all the Provincial Councils have non-official
majorities, ranging from 14 in Bengal to three in Burma. In
the Viceroy’s Council the Mahomedans will have in the first
Council six members elected by purely Mahomedan electorates,
and will also presumably get seats in Sind and the Punjab, as
the resolution says that a representative of the Bombay
landholders on the Imperial Council will be elected at the
first, third, and subsequent alternate elections by the Sind
landholders, the great majority of whom are Mahomedan, and at
the other elections by the Sirdars of Gujarat and the Deccan,
the majority of whom are Hindus.
"Again, the Punjab landholders consist equally of Mahomedans
and non-Mahomedans, and presumably a Mahomedan will be
alternately chosen. Accordingly, it has been decided that at
the second, fourth, and alternate elections, when these two
seats shall not be held by Mahomedans, there shall be two
special electorates consisting of Mahomedan landholders who
are entitled to vote for the member representing them in the
Imperial Council, and the landowners of the United Provinces
and of Eastern Bengal and Assam respectively. The Bombay
Mahomedan member of the Imperial Council will be elected by
the non-official Mahomedan members of the Provincial Council.
"The tea and jute industries get five members on the
Provincial Councils of the Bengals and Madras.
"All members are required to take the oath of allegiance to
the Crown before sitting on any of the Councils, and no person
is eligible for election if the Imperial or a Provincial
Government is of opinion that his election would be contrary
to public interest. This provision takes the place of the old
power to reject members selected by the electorate.
"The examination of the annual financial proposals is divided
into three parts. The first allows a chance for discussing any
alteration in taxation and any new loan or grant to a local
Government. Under the second any head of revenue or
expenditure will be explained by the member in charge of the
Department concerned and any resolution may be moved, and at
the third stage the Finance Minister presents his budget and
explains why any resolutions will not be accepted, a general
discussion following.
"The resolution concludes as follows:
"The new Provincial Councils will assemble early in January
and the Imperial Council in the course of that month. …
"‘The _maximum_ strength of the Councils was 126; it is
now 370. There are now 135 elected members against 39, while
an elected member will sit as of right, needing no official
confirmation. The functions of the Councils are greatly
enlarged. Members can demand further information in reply to
formal answers and discussion will be allowed on all matters
of public interest. They will also in future be enabled to
take a real and active part in shaping financial proposals.
They will have liberal opportunity to criticize and to
initiate and suggest definite resolutions.'"
As operative at the center of discontent, in Bengal, an
unfortunate defect in the regulations was soon discovered,
which made trouble at once. It was reported to _The
Times_ as follows:
"The regulations for the election of the new Councils have
produced a political situation here which will be scarcely
intelligible to those who are not acquainted with the
peculiarities of the Bengali character. The educated classes
in Calcutta were in despair when they discovered that the
rules virtually excluded their leaders, and the more extreme
men seized the opportunity of advocating a boycott of the
reforms. Sir Edward Baker, however, promptly recognized that
the regulations required modification. The rule which
restricted the candidates for the representation of district
boards and municipalities to present members of these bodies
was at once altered so as to include those who had at any time
served for three years on a local authority. The effect of
this concession was to render eligible many previously
excluded.
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Further, when it was pointed out that Mr. Surendranath
Banerjee was shut out by the rule disqualifying dismissed
Government servants, Sir Edward Baker spontaneously intimated
to the Bengali leader that he was exempted from the operation
of this regulation. But, in spite of these conciliatory steps,
pressure is being put on Mr. Banerjee to refuse to stand,
apparently on the ground that, as many of the well-known
Moderates are still ineligible, it is incumbent on Mr.
Banerjee to refuse his services to his country rather than
weaken the force of a united protest."—These persuasions had
success. Mr. Banerjee refused to be a candidate.
The following report from Dacca, December 29, indicates the
result: "The Council elections for Eastern Bengal are not yet
complete. They show, however, a marked preponderance of
Mahomedan representation, due to the deliberate abstention of
the Hindu electorate. This abstention has been worked from
Calcutta in accordance with the manifesto issued by the
Bengali leaders. It is very noticeable among the Zemindar
voters, who are mainly Hindu. The idea is that the Government
will nominate Hindu representatives and will thus defeat the
object of the Reform Scheme."
INDIA: A. D. 1909 (July).
Assassination in London of Sir W. Curzon-Wyllie by
an Indian Anarchist.
The virulence of the hostility in India to British rule, as
developed in schools of anarchism and terrorism, was shown
startlingly to England on the 1st of July, 1909, when
Lieutenant-Colonel Sir William Curzon-Wyllie and Dr.
Cawas-Lalcaca, a Parsee, were shot dead by an Indian student,
at the close of a reception held in the Imperial Institute at
London. Sir Curzon-Wyllie, formerly of the Indian Staff Corps,
had been serving since 1901 as political aide-de-camp to the
Secretary of State for India, at London. The reception at
which he was assassinated was one of the evenings "At Home" of
the National Indian Association, held mainly for the purpose
of giving the many young Indians residing temporarily in
England an opportunity for social intercourse with friendly
English people. The assassin, a student named Dhinagri, came
as a guest. His brother, a doctor in Calcutta, hearing that he
had been coming under anarchist influences, had asked Sir
Curzon-Wyllie some time before to talk with him, and that
gentleman had done so, with no effect apparently, but to rouse
his resentment. The motive of the crime, however, appears to
have been wholly in the desire to make a display of
"patriotism" and to achieve distinction as a martyr to the
cause of liberty for India. The victim might easily have been
some other. Sir Curzon-Wyllie was leaving the place when he
paused to speak to Dhinagri, and received two deadly bullets
at close range, in the face. Dr. Lalcaca, who stood near,
rushed forward to intervene, and the pistol was turned on him.
Others seized the assassin before he could do more.
When tried and convicted, on the 23d of July, and asked if he
had anything to say, Dhinagri replied angrily: "I have told
you over and over again that I do not acknowledge the
authority of the Court. You can do whatever you like. I do not
mind at all. You can pass sentence of death on me. I do not
care, but remember that one day we shall be all powerful, and
then we can do what we like. That is all I want to say." On
being sentenced to death, the prisoner, making an Oriental
salute to the Judge, said,—"Thank you, my Lord. I don’t care.
I am proud to have the honour of laying down my life for the
cause of my country."
The family of Dhinagri, in India, employed counsel to attend
his trial, who announced to the court that they viewed his
crime with the greatest abhorrence.
----------INDIA: End--------
INDIAN (EAST) IMMIGRATION:
The resistance to it in South Africa, Australia, and elsewhere.
(See in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS.
INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS, The.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.
INDIAN TERRITORY.
United with Oklahoma to form the State of Oklahoma.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES. A. D. 1906 (JUNE).
INDIANS, The American:
End of the Tribal Autonomy of the Five Civilized Tribes.
The last of the proceedings for ending the autonomy of the
Five Civilized Tribes making them citizens of the United
States, and dividing their tribal lands among them
individually, was finished in the summer of 1902, by the
Cherokee Council, which ratified agreements already accepted
by the other four tribes.
See, Volume VI.,
INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.
According to Mr. William Dudley Foulke, who investigated the
circumstances, the Creek nation has suffered grievous frauds
in the final settlement of their land affairs, by the
operation of the Curtis Act, in the matter of the sale of town
sites. Mr. Foulke’s account of the case is given in an article
entitled "Despoiling a Nation," published in January 2, 1908.
INDUSTRIAL ARBITRATION.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR.
INDUSTRIAL COMBINATIONS (capitalistic).
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL.
INDUSTRIAL COMBINATIONS (of the employed).
See (in this Volume)
LABOR.
INDUSTRIAL COMMISSION (UNITED STATES), of 1898-1902:
On the Sherman Anti-Trust Act, of 1898, applied to Railroads.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1890-1902.
INDUSTRIAL COMMISSION (UNITED STATES), of 1898-1902:
On Hours of Labor.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902.
INDUSTRIAL TRAINING.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION.
INHERITANCE TAX:
Defeated Proposal in Germany.
See (in this Volume)
Germany: A. D. 1908-1909;
also, DEATH DUTIES.
INITIATIVE.
See (in this Volume)
REFERENDUM.
INJUNCTIONS, in Labor Disputes.
See (in this Volume)
LAW AND ITS COURTS: UNITED STATES.
INLAND WATERWAYS COMMISSION.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.
INMEDIATISTAS.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.
INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL RIGHT, The.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
INSURANCE, AGAINST UNEMPLOYMENT.
See (in this Volume)
POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: UNEMPLOYMENT; GERMANY.
{326}
INSURANCE, Industrial.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR PROTECTION.
INSURANCE, Life:
The Legislative Investigation of Companies doing business in
the State of New York, in 1905.
Startling Disclosures of Vicious Management in the greater
organizations, and of Perfunctory State Superintendence.
Report and Recommendations of the Committee.
Remedial Legislation.
A conflict in the Board of Directors of the Equitable Life
Assurance Society of New York, which came to public knowledge
in February, 1905, afforded the beginning of exciting
revelations, as to practices and conditions in the management
of the stupendous organizations of life insurance that are
centered in New York City.
The Equitable Society was founded in 1859 by Henry B. Hyde as
a stock company, with a capital of $100,000, in 1000 shares,
and neither its legal constitution nor its capital had been
changed; but its assets at the end of the year 1904, according
to its statement, had grown to the enormous total of
$412,438,380, and it held a surplus over liabilities of
$80,394,861. This prodigious fund had come under the control
of the holders of the small capital stock of the
company—$100,000; and practically it was controlled by one
stockholder, James Hazen Hyde, son of the deceased founder,
who had inherited a majority of the shares. By the Charter of
the Society, its stockholders were entitled to semi-annual
dividends at a rate not exceeding 3½ per cent., and its
business was to be conducted on the mutual plan: that is,
earnings and receipts above dividends, losses and expenses
were to be accumulated and policy holders were to be credited
with equitable shares of the net surplus, after sufficient
deduction to cover outstanding risks and other obligations.
Nevertheless, the opportunities for personal enrichment,
afforded by the controlling of the great floods of money
poured into its coffers had been found to be immense.
James Hazen Hyde, inheritor of the majority of stock, was Vice
President of the company. Under the terms of his father’s will
he had not yet come into personal possession of his
inheritance, but would do so in a short time. The President of
the company, James Alexander, appears to have become anxious
as to the use the young man would make of the power of that
possession when it came to him, and he entered on a movement
toward changing the organization of the Equitable Society, to
make it a mutual institution in reality, by securing to the
policy holders a voice in the election of directors, leaving
their board no longer a body to be chosen by a single man.
This movement became necessarily public, and the situation in
the company was exposed to public knowledge in a sudden and
startling way. Flood-gates of discussion were opened and
questions started which ran from the Equitable to other
mammoths of life insurance organization that had grown up.
Facts came to light which showed the magnitude of financial
power they had drawn into small circles of men and families,
and the extravagance of compensation appropriated to
themselves by some of these self-appointed and
self-perpetuated administrators of life insurance funds. Such
disclosures became the sensation, not merely of a day, but of
months.
At the outset of the undertaking of President Alexander to
reform the constitution of the Equitable, Vice-President Hyde
was able easily to defeat his movement and make good his own
mastery of the board of directors; but as the public became a
party to the controversy, more and more, it bore down Mr.
Hyde. In April the directors were constrained to appoint a
committee to investigate and report on "the present management
of the society." The committee, composed of H. C. Frick, E. H.
Harriman, Brayton Ives, Cornelius N. Bliss, and M. E. Ingalls,
made a report on the 2d of June which was a deadly indictment
of the society, on many counts,—for "excessive salaries,
excessive commissions, excessive expenses, superfluous
offices," and a "general looseness in the administration of
its affairs." Mr. Hyde and his board made a show of disputing
the findings of the committee and rejecting its
recommendations, but the atmospheric pressure from outside
proved irresistible, and they gave way to it. Mr. Hyde sold
his 502 shares of stock to Thomas F. Ryan for $2,500,000 cash,
Mr. Ryan making it a condition of the purchase that the
Honorable Paul Morton, formerly prominent in railway
administration and lately Secretary of the Navy in President
Roosevelt’s cabinet, should be chairman of the Equitable board
of directors and should have a free hand in reorganizing its
management. Mr. Ryan then, on the 15th of June, placed the
shares in a voting trust, composed of ex-President Grover
Cleveland, Justice Morgan J. O’Brien, and George Westinghouse.
The deed of transfer to these trustees empowered them to carry
out a plan of mutualization, to the end that the society’s
policy holders should elect a majority of the directors in its
board.
The Equitable Life Assurance Society was now in a fair way to
be placed on a footing that would justify its name; but the
events which accomplished this had created an imperative
demand for thorough proceedings of law, to reform and regulate
the whole system under which the profoundly serious
obligations and responsibilities of life insurance are
fulfilled. The first step to that end was taken by the
Legislature of the State of New York on the 20th of July,
1905, when it appointed a joint committee of the Senate and
Assembly and directed the committee "to investigate and
examine into the business and affairs of life insurance
companies doing business in the State of New York, with
reference to the investments of said companies, the relation
of the officers thereof to such investments, the relation of
such companies to subsidiary corporations, the government and
control of said companies, the contractual relations of said
companies to their policy holders, the cost of life insurance,
the expenses of said companies, and any other phase of the
life insurance business deemed by the committee to be proper,
for the purpose of drafting and reporting to the next session
of the Legislature such a revision of the laws regulating and
relating to life insurance in this State as said committee may
deem proper."
{327}
This most notable investigating committee was composed of
Senators William W. Armstrong, William J. Tully, D. J.
Riordan, and Assemblymen James T. Rogers, W. W. Wemple, Ezra
P. Prentice, John McKcown. It was organized on the 1st of
August, with Senator Armstrong as its chairman, and opened
public hearings on the 5th of September following, having
engaged for its counsel Messrs. Charles E. Hughes and James
McKeen. Mr. Hughes was little known to the public at large
when he accepted the duty of conducting this investigation. It
revealed him to the State and the Nation, and was the
fortunate introduction to public life of a man of rare
nobility in character and of remarkable powers.
Eighteen insurance companies doing business in New York were
subjected to investigation; but interest in the proceeding was
centered with intensity on the probing of the affairs of a few
of the greater institutions, such as the Equitable, the Mutual
Life, the New York Life, the Prudential, and the Metropolitan.
The disclosures were rich in sensation; a few only can be
noted here. As to salaries, for example: in the Equitable, the
late Henry B. Hyde and his successor, Mr. Alexander, as
presidents, had received $75,000 per annum in the early years
and $100,000 in the later years of their terms. James H. Hyde,
graduated from college in 1898 and made vice-president the
next year, on his father’s death, received in the first year
$25,000, in the next two years $30,000, in his fourth year
$75,000, and thereafter $100,000. Second vice-presidents were
paid as high as $50,000 per annum; third vice-presidents as
high as $40,000; fourth vice-presidents as high as $30,000.
Salaries of secretaries and comptrollers had run up to $25,000
and $30,000. Thirteen executive officers in the society whose
salaries aggregated $297,600 in 1900, were drawing $448,500 in
1905.
Executive officers in the Mutual Life surpassed even this
experience of bounty. The president’s salary had been $30,000
from 1877 to 1885, $50,000 from 1886 to 1892, then raised to
$75,000 in 1893, to $90,000 in 1895, to $100,000 in 1896, and
to $150,000 in 1901. Richard A. McCurdy had been president for
twenty years and vice-president for the preceding twenty. The
vice-president’s salary had grown from $20,000 in 1877 to
$50,000 in 1902; the treasurer’s had been $40,000 since 1896.
In the New York Life the salary of the president, John A.
McCall, had stopped its increment at $100,000, which it
reached in 1901. The second vice-president’s salary went to
$75,000 the same year. The total salaries of executive
officers were raised from $149,000 in 1893 to $322,000 in
1905.
Agency commissions were sometimes richer sources of income
than the fixed salaries of these generous companies. In the
Mutual Life Company, the president’s son, Robert H. McCurdy,
had an interest in the general agency of the company for New
York City from which he drew $530,788 between 1889 and 1904;
besides which, as superintendent of the foreign department of
the company, he was paid commissions on its foreign business
which yielded him $1,268,390 between 1886 and 1905; some part
of which commissions, however (to an amount not ascertained),
were shared by him with his partner in the New York City
agency. The total net profits of that metropolitan agency,—in
which the president’s son-in-law was likewise a partner,—were
found by the investigating committee to have been $2,389,123
in the twelve years 1893-1904.
These, however, were not the worst, in their moral
implications, of the disclosures that resulted from the search
light brought to bear on the administration of certain life
insurance companies by the Legislative Committee and Mr.
Hughes. A startling share of the prodigal expenditures of some
boards, from the excessive profits of their business, went
secretly, with no accounting, to undiscoverable purposes,
which were purposes, of course, that would not bear
questioning. The following, from the report of the
investigating Committee on the Mutual Life Company, is
indicative of the glimpses given of foul uses to which the
funds of that company were applied. "For a considerable
period," says the report, "it has been the practice for the
Committee on Expenditures to authorize the payment to its
chairman of $25,000 every few months, or from $75,000 to
$100,000 a year, upon the request of one of the executive
officers. The persons to whom the moneys were to be paid by
the company, or the services, if any, for which the payment
was to be made, were not known to the committee, and the only
voucher was the receipt of the chairman of the committee who
received and paid over the money in cash. There was no reason
for this practice save to conceal the purposes for which the
moneys were used, and it obviously facilitated improper
payments.
"There were also a large number of payments charged to legal
expenses which were made upon the recommendation of one Andrew
C. Fields, who for many years was the head of the ‘Supply
Department.’ He was in actual charge of and gave a large part
of his time to matters of legislation. For many years the
company maintained under his care a house at Albany, and
through him and his agents a close watch was kept upon the
proceedings of the Legislature. The rent of this house, the
supplies there consumed, and the wages of the cook and other
servants, were charged to ‘legal expenses.’ Fields left for
parts unknown soon after the Committee began its hearings and
it has not been able to procure his testimony. It appears,
however, that he acted also for the Equitable, and from their
records have been produced a series of memoranda of
instructions sent Fields by Thomas D. Jordan, its comptroller,
whose whereabouts the Committee has been unable to ascertain,
although it has made diligent effort to do so."
The Committee quotes extensively from these memoranda of "T.
D. J.," who instructs his Albany lobbyist what bills the
latter is to "kill," and what he is to support. There are
depths of corruption suggested by this story of the hospitable
Andrew Fields, the vigilant Thomas D. Jordan, their "legal
expenses" for hospitable house-keeping at Albany, and the
sudden vanishment of both when Mr. Hughes began to do his
questioning; but the depths are left unfathomed, because the
Committee found no sounding line.
"The testimony taken by the committee," says their report,
"makes it abundantly clear that the large insurance companies
systematically attempted to control legislation in this and
other States which could affect their interests, directly or
indirectly, and that in this effort Fields, who concerned
himself mainly with this State, played a most important role.
{328}
The three companies [Mutual, New York Life, and Equitable]
divided the country, outside of New York and a few other
States, so as to avoid a waste of effort, each looking after
legislation in its chosen district and bearing its appropriate
part of the total expense." The so-called "legal expenses" of
the Mutual in seven years, 1898-1904, exceeded two millions of
dollars. "In 1904 they amounted to $364,254.95, while those of
the New York Life and Equitable for the same year were
$172,698.42 and $204,019.25 respectively."
The New York Life employed one Andrew Hamilton to give
attention to matters of legislation throughout the country,
and the company was found to have paid him no less than
$1,167,697 for "legal expenses," between 1895 and 1905, no
vouchers being filed beyond Hamilton’s receipt. And these
"legal expenses were in addition to all the ordinary outlays
in connection with suits or legal proceedings or the work of
the legal department of the company."
In the accounts of the Equitable, "among the disbursements
charged to legal expenses appear annual retainers of $20,000
paid Chauncey M. Depew [United States Senator from New York]
and $5000 (for one year—1900—$7500) to David B. Hill. Mr.
Depew testifies … that his services consisted of advising the
late Mr. Hyde in regard to matters of investment, settlement
of controversies and troublesome questions of various sorts. …
During this time Mr. Depew was a director and member of the
Executive Committee. The testimony as to the services is very
general, and it does not appear," says the committee, "that
outside of those which the society was fairly entitled to
receive from him as a director, the services were such as to
warrant the payments made. … The Equitable contributed to the
Republican National Committee $50,000 in 1904; undoubtedly
contributions were made in prior national campaigns, but their
amount has not been stated. For many years the society has
made an annual contribution of $10,000 to the Republican State
Committee through Senator Platt." Senator Platt was a
collector, also, of similar contributions from the Mutual
Life, and that company gave $40,000 to the Republican National
Committee in 1904, as well as smaller sums in previous years.
Of the management in these great companies of the enormous
surplus of profit, which even their inordinate
self-appropriations left in their keeping, no clear account
could be given here. It is set forth in the Committee’s report
by examples of investments, in stocks, bonds, and real
property, so conducted, through subsidiary organizations,
etc., as to yield a personal profit to the skilful financiers
within the life insurance circle. The details which make the
matter plain cannot be abridged and require more space than
can be afforded in this place.
From the investigation of the life insurance companies the
Committee and its counsel passed to the State Department which
was instituted to scrutinize and supervise these
organizations, for the detection and prevention of such abuses
in their management as had now come to light. Their findings
in this direction were stated partly as follows:
"It would seem that the Superintendent [of Insurance] has had
ample power, and has been charged with the correlative duty,
to inquire into and to ascertain the transactions of insurance
companies, to the end that abuses may be exposed and correct
administration assured. The scheme by which the superintendent
may require detailed written statements duly verified, as to
any matter of corporate business and may supplement these
statements by an examination of the company’s books and of the
officers and agents under oath, would appear well calculated
to prevent the secret growth of improper practices. Not only
through the visitorial powers of the superintendent were a
wholesale publicity and the consequent enforcement of the law
to be assured, but the superintendent was also charged with
the duty of recommending to the Legislature annually such
amendments to the law as in his judgment were needed to
correct evils found to be without the purview of existing
statutes.
"But the supervision by the department has not proved a
sufficient protection against extravagance and
maladministration. Annual statements from the corporations
have been received, filed and published, but in many
particulars without sufficient detail to exhibit the real
efficiency of honesty of the management. Nor has there been
suitable effort upon the facts actually reported to detect and
expose evasions of departmental requirements and the resort to
artifice and double dealing in order to avoid a true
disclosure of the companies’ affairs. For the most part a
critical examination of the reports so made seems to have been
neglected, and the verification of the annual statements has
been left to examinations conducted at irregular intervals. No
rule seems to have been adopted with reference to the
frequency of examinations. Thus the Security Mutual Insurance
Company has been examined four times since its reincorporation
in 1898, at its request and apparently with no other object
than to enable it to use the department’s certificate in
support of its annual statement, while the Provident Savings
Life Assurance Society has been examined only once in the past
ten years (1897) and it would seem that this was the only
examination in its history. The Metropolitan Life Insurance
Company has also been examined only once during ten years,
that is, in 1900. The advisability of frequent examinations is
sufficiently illustrated by the case of the Washington Life
Insurance Company, where it appeared on the examination in
1904 that during the interval of four years since the prior
examination it had, in at least two annual statements,
deceived the department by glaringly false returns of its
existing liabilities, and that instead of having an alleged
surplus of considerable amount its capital was seriously
impaired. In connection with this company it may be noted that
a more careful scrutiny of the reports to the department of
lapsed and restored policies would have led at an earlier date
to the investigation which appears finally to have been
induced by outside criticism."
As to remedial legislation, the main recommendations of the
Committee were in substance these:
(1) Investments in stocks of banks and trust companies, in the
common stock of any corporation, in syndicate participations,
and in speculative bonds, to be forbidden.
(2) No political contributions or lobby expenditures to be
permitted.
(3) Full publicity regarding salaries and expenses.
(4) New business of the "big three" companies restricted to
$150,000,000 a year each, and the business of other companies
limited.
{329}
(5) Agents’ commissions to be based on the amount of the
policy and not on the amount of the premium.
(6) Only four kinds of standard policies to be permitted—term,
straight life, limited payment and endowment.
(7) Investment policies to be discouraged and deferred
dividends forbidden.
(8) All dividends on participating policies to be apportioned
annually.
(9) No company to be permitted to sell both participating and
non-participating policies.
(10) The present trustees of mutual companies to be removed.
New ones to be elected under a system whereby the
policy-holders really elect.
The Committee presented the elaborate report of its
investigation to the Legislature on the 22d of February, 1906,
and its recommendations were embodied for the most part in an
enactment, the drafting of which, to a large extent, was the
careful work of Mr. Hughes, the master mind of the whole
proceeding of investigation.
The statements made above are drawn entirely from the
Committee’s Report, as published in Volume 10 of the printed
testimony and report.
_Assembly Document Number 41,
State of New York, 1906._
"INTELLECTUALS."
See (in this Volume)
SOCIALISM: FRANCE: A. D. 1909.
INTELLIGENZIA, The.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.
INTEMPERANCE.
See (in this Volume )
ALCOHOL PROBLEM.
INTERFEROMETER, Professor Michelson’s.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT.
INTERNATIONAL AGREEMENTS.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE.
INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST, AND ARBITRATION, INTERNATIONAL.
INTERNATIONAL BARBARISM.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.
INTERNATIONAL BUREAU OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
INTERNATIONAL BUREAU OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLICS:
Resolution of the Third International Conference of
American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF AMERICAN REPUBLICS, Second and Third.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF ARTS AND SCIENCES.
See (in this Volume)
ST. LOUIS. A. D. 1904.
INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS ON ALCOHOLISM.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM: INTERNATIONAL.
INTERNATIONAL CONGRESSES, of Science.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION.
INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL OF WOMEN.
See (in this Volume)
WOMEN.
INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE, Central American.
See (in this Volume)
CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1907.
INTERNATIONAL FISHERIES COMMISSION, United States and Canada.
See (in this Volume)
FOOD FISHES.
INTERNATIONAL GEOGRAPHIC CONGRESS.
See (in this Volume)
GEOGRAPHIC CONGRESS.
INTERNATIONAL HARVESTER COMPANY:
Profit-sharing with Employees.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR REMUNERATION: PROFIT-SHARING.
INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE OF AGRICULTURE.
See (in this Volume)
AGRICULTURE.
INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES, Educational.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES.
INTERNATIONAL LAW:
Convention providing for a Commission of Jurists to draft a
Code for Regulation of Relations between American Nations.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS: THIRD INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE.
INTERNATIONAL MERCANTILE MARINE COMPANY, Formation of the.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL (INTERNATIONAL).
INTERNATIONAL PEACE CONGRESSES.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904.
INTERNATIONAL RAILWAY CONGRESS.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905.
INTERNATIONAL RIGHT, The Institute of.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
INTERNATIONAL SCHOOL OF PEACE.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.
INTERNATIONAL WOMAN SUFFRAGE ALLIANCE.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.
INTERNATIONALISM, SUPERSEDING NATIONALISM.
See (in this Volume)
WORLD MOVEMENTS: FICHTE’S PROPHECY.
INTEROCEANIC CANAL.
See (in this Volume)
PANAMA CANAL.
INTERPARLIAMENTARY UNION, The.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904-1909.
INTERSTATE COMMERCE ACT, and Commission.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES; also,
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES.
INTERSTATE COMMERCE COMMISSION.
On the passage, in 1906, of the Hepburn Act, amendatory of the
Interstate Commerce Law, the Commission was reconstructed by
fresh appointments, in making which the President retained
Messrs. Knapp, of New York, Prouty, of Vermont, Clements, of
Georgia, and Cockrell, of Missouri. His new appointees were
Franklin K. Lane, of California, Edgar Erastus Clark, of Iowa,
and James S. Harlan, of Illinois.
INTOXICANTS, PROBLEMS OF THE.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM, AND OPIUM PROBLEM.
INTRANSIGENTES.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.
INVENTORY OF CHURCH PROPERTY, THE FRENCH.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.
{330}
----------IRELAND: Start--------
IRELAND: A. D. 1870-1903.
The Working of the successive Land Laws.
The Act of 1903.
Text of its main provisions.
The French writer, L. Paul-Dubois, whose work, _L’Irlande
Contemporaire_, published in 1907, has appeared since in an
English translation, seems to have made a very careful and
intelligent study of the working of the successive land-laws
for Ireland, intended to be beneficial to the tenants, which
began with that of Gladstone in 1870.
See in Volumes III and VI
IRELAND.
Mr. Gladstone, himself, in the Act of 1881, endeavored to
remedy the defects of the Act of 1870; but M. Paul-Dubois
finds that, while the later Act "brought and continues to
bring immense good to the country," yet "the system
established by it is, as a matter of fact, no longer bearable
for any one,"—for the reason that "the first great
characteristic of the Gladstonian legislation is duality of
ownership." It is, as he explains, an unhealthy system,
unsound both economically and socially,—this dual ownership,
which turns the landlord and tenant into co-proprietors of the
soil. It paralyses agriculture by preventing the investment of
capital on either side, and by destroying all interest of
either landlord or tenant in the good farming of the land. The
landlord feels himself no longer called upon to do anything
for his property, and has no care left but that of collecting
his rents. The tenant, on the other hand, refrains from making
any improvement or advances that might cause his rent to be
raised at the next quindecennial revision; the land is thus
starved of both labor and capital. We may add, also, that the
new regime gives rise to an infinity of ruinous lawsuits
between the co-owners. … For a quarter of a century there has
been only one class of men whose affairs have prospered,
namely, the solicitors. Their number has increased by 30 per
cent." In his view of the results, M. Paul-Dubois is
sympathetic with both landlords and tenants. But in his
judgment the tenants were not fairly dealt with under the
Gladstonian laws by the Land Commission or by the courts. The
courts, especially, in interpreting the Act of 1881, which
left "fair rent" undefined, established rulings which
practically nullified the intentions of the law, until, as
this writer expresses it, "the Act of 1896 brought the Irish
judges to reason."
Eleven years before that time, however, a little experiment
was begun on the line of a true solution of the Irish land
question, namely, toward the buying of the soil of the island
from its landlords and making its cultivators the owners of
it. This was in the Ashbourne Land Purchase Act of 1885, which
provided a fund of £5,000,000 for advances to be made to
tenant purchasers, with provision for the repayment of the
loan in forty-nine annuities. In 1889 this fund was increased
to £10,000,000. By 1891 the fund had been exhausted, and
"25,367 tenants had been turned into owners of their farms.
Its success even alarmed some of the landlords, who began to
fear that the farmers would combine and force them to sell
their land. However this may be," says the French writer, "in
1891 the Conservative Government passed a new Act which, under
the pretence of regulating the progress of the operation,
complicated it to such an extent that the machine almost
stopped working. In 1896, by another Act, the existing evils
were slightly remedied, but only to an insufficient extent. …
Finally, in 1903, it was found that under the new system
established in 1891 and 1896, only 38,251 tenants had been
turned into proprietors; and at that same date the total
number of peasant owners created from first to last had
reached no higher figure than 73,917. As Land Purchase was
progressing more and more slowly, it was felt that some new
impulse must be given to the machine. This was the aim of the
great Land Act of 1903."
_L. Paul-Dubois,
Contemporary Ireland, part 2, chapters 1-2
(Maunsel & Co., Dublin, 1908)._
"The Irish Land Purchase Act of 1903 was in every respect
epoch-making. It was preceded by, and founded upon, the report
of a conference held between the representatives of landlord
and tenant in Dublin. The Landlords’ Convention, the official
representative of the landlord party, held aloof and refused
to join in the conference. Typical landlords, such as the Duke
of Abercorn, Lord Barrymore, and Colonel Saunderson, refused
to serve, ridiculing the project as absurd and quixotic. Lord
Dunraven led a saner section of landlords, with the result
that, after a session of five days, the conference agreed to a
report, upon which the government acted. The official
landlords, seeing the reasonableness of the findings and
recognizing their own folly, succumbed at once, and fell in
with the general tendency for settlement. Substantially, the
Act of 1903 accepted the principle of universal sale of the
landlord’s interest to the occupier. It ignored legal
compulsion. But it accepted what was finely called the
principle of compulsion by inducement. It placed the sum of
£100,000,000 ($500,000,000) at the disposal of landlord and
tenant for the purposes of the act. It went further,—for it
enacted that out of a fund called the Land Purchase Aid Fund
each landlord who sold should receive a bonus (Latin for gift)
of 12 per cent. on the purchase money. It appointed a new
tribunal to administer the Act. And to this tribunal were
given powers of re-settling congested districts by the
purchase of grass lands, the enlargement of uneconomic
holdings, and the restoration of certain evicted tenants where
possible."
_Thomas W. Russell, M. P.,
The Workings of the Irish Land Law
(American Review of Reviews, November, 1905)._
The following are among the important provisions of the Land
Act of 1903:
"1.
(4) Notwithstanding any provisions to the contrary contained
in the Purchase of Land (Ireland) Amendment Act, 1888, an
advance may be sanctioned under the provisions of the Land
Purchase Acts not exceeding the sum of seven thousand pounds
to one purchaser where, in the opinion of the Land Commission,
it is expedient to make any such advance for the purpose of
carrying out the sale of a holding to which the Land Law Acts
apply. …
{331}
"2.
(1) In the case of the sale of an estate advances under the
Land Purchase Acts may be made for the purchase of parcels
thereof by the following persons:
(_a_) A person being the tenant of a holding on the
estate;
(_b_) A person being the son of a tenant of a holding
on the estate;
(_c_) A person being the tenant or proprietor of a
holding not exceeding five pounds in rateable value,
situate in the neighbourhood of the estate; and
(_d_) A person who within twenty-five years before the
passing of this Act was the tenant of a holding to which
the Land Law Acts apply, and who is not at the date of the
purchase the tenant or proprietor of that holding. Provided
that in the case of the death of a person to whom an
advance under this paragraph might otherwise have been
made, the advance may be made, to a person nominated by the
Land Commission as the personal representative of the
deceased person.
"(2) Advances under this section shall not, together with the
amount (if any) of any previous advance under the Land
Purchase Acts then unrepaid by the purchaser, exceed one
thousand pounds:
"Provided that the limitation in this subsection may, subject
to the other limitations in the Land Purchase Acts, be
exceeded where the Land Commission consider that a larger
advance may be sanctioned to any purchaser without prejudice
to the wants and circumstances of other persons residing in
the neighbourhood.
"(3) The Land Purchase Acts shall, subject to the provisions
of this section, apply to the sale of a parcel of land in
pursuance of this section, in like manner as if the same was a
holding, and the purchaser was the tenant thereof at the time
of his making the purchase, and the expression "holding" in
those Acts shall include a parcel of land in respect of the
purchase of which an advance has been made in pursuance of
this section. …
"6.
(4) In the case of a congested estate as defined by this
section, if the Land Commission, with the consent of the
owner, certify to the Lord Lieutenant that the purchase and
resale of the estate are desirable in view of the wants and
circumstances of the tenants thereon, then the Land Commission
may purchase the estate for a price to be agreed upon, and in
such case the condition in this section as to resale without
prospect of loss may be relaxed to such extent as the Lord
Lieutenant may determine.
"(5) The expression "congested estate" means an estate not
less than half of the area of which consists of holdings not
exceeding five pounds in rateable value, or of mountain or bog
land, or not less than a quarter of the area of which is held
in rundale or intermixed plots. …
"8.
The Land Commission may purchase any untenanted land which
they consider necessary for the purchase of facilitating the
resale, or redistribution, of estates purchased, or proposed
to be purchased, by them, and the foregoing provisions of this
Act, with respect to advances for the purchase of parcels of
land comprised in estates, shall apply in the case of the sale
by the Commission of any parcel of such untenanted land.
"9.
(1) There shall not be at any time vested in the Land
Commission lands exceeding in the aggregate, according to the
estimate of the Commission, as approved by the Treasury, the
capital value of five million pounds in respect of which
undertakings to purchase have not been received by the
Commission. …
"12.
(1) The Land Commission may take such steps and execute, or
cause to be executed, such works as may appear expedient for
the benefit or improvement of estates, or untenanted land,
purchased or proposed to be purchased under this Act, or for
the use or enjoyment thereof or generally for the purposes of
this Act. …
"19.
Where an estate is purchased by the Land Commission and
tenants on the estate to the extent of three-fourths in number
and rateable value have agreed to purchase their holdings, the
Estates Commissioners may, if, having regard to the
circumstances of the case, they think it expedient, order that
the remaining tenants, or any of them, shall be deemed to have
accepted the offers made to them, and the Land Purchase Acts
shall apply accordingly, where the tenant could have obtained
an advance of the entire purchase money, and the Land
Commission have offered in the prescribed manner to make the
advance."
IRELAND: A. D. 1893-1907.
The Gaelic League.
"At the eve of the great famine, the mass of the people,
outside the large towns, still spoke Irish; to-day partly
owing to emigration, Irish is only spoken by 600,000 persons,
out of four and a half millions, and that concurrently with
English. Twenty thousand persons speak Irish only; these are
mainly of the West. … An glicisation had begun its work, when
the old language had been lost. Therefore, must not the Irish
renaissance begin with the readoption of that language? So
thought a small and elite group of Irish patriots, men of
talent and enthusiasm, imbued with the national gospel
preached by Thomas Davis forty years earlier—a gospel which
Ireland had to some extent forgotten amidst the sufferings of
the Great Famine, Fenianism and the Land Wars. Prominent in
this group was the descendant of an old Protestant family of
Roscommon, a Celtic scholar and folklorist, a poet of merit in
English, a poet in Irish also, so say the connoisseurs, Dr.
Douglas Hyde. He had the genius for propaganda, and when the
country was ripe for it, gave body to his ideas by founding
the Gaelic League, with the aid of his early friends, in 1893.
The Gaelic League—though to limit the Irish renaissance by
placing it under this title would be to limit its actual
scope—may be said to be a faithful representative of the
general ideas underlying the new Irish movement. It has
declared its objects to be, the preservation of Irish as the
national language, the study of ancient Irish literature, and
the cultivation of a modern literature in the Irish language.
But we must be careful not to judge it by its name. The Gaelic
League is not a society of scholars, and leaves to others all
that concerns literature and philology, pure and simple. It is
occupied with propaganda, the application of its doctrine of a
national renaissance on the basis of a national language. It
intends to confer anew upon the country a psychological
education, and, by means of the national language, by the
revival of national art and literature, and the reconstitution
of a national social system, to regenerate its soul from
within and teach Ireland how she may again be a nation. …
Though still growing, it has already in Ireland 964 branches,
local and popular centres of activity, whose work it is to
spread the national idea and the national language by every
means, and to make them active factors in the every-day life
of the family and social circle. Their primary duty is to
organise Irish language classes for the benefit of their
members.
{332}
These classes are practical above all in their scope, and are
conducted sometimes by paid teachers and sometimes by generous
volunteers whose work is almost always good. … Such a teacher
in the country manages, on his rounds, to hold a dozen classes
or so regularly every week. There are special classes for
workmen, for students, for ladies; special classes for
beginners, for veterans, Irish history classes, singing and
even dancing classes, where the old national airs are taught
and the national reel and jig. … In the summer, during holiday
time, the enthusiasts of Irish speech come together in the
western villages for the _Sgoil Saoire_ (Summer school).
There their teachers are the old peasants, from whom they
learn not only the correct accent, the music of the language,
but the spirit and tradition of ancient Irish culture, of
which these peasants, who, from generation to generation, have
gathered up the songs and legends of former times, are the
most faithful guardians. In the summer also the _Seilge_
are organised, that is to say, excursions to places of
historical interest, with national sports and recreations. A
_seilg_ in Galway in 1901 was attended by no less than
2,000 pilgrims. In the winter evenings each branch holds
reunions from time to time, lectures (_seanchus_),
followed by discussions on Irish subjects, concerts
(_sgoruidheacht_), with choirs, Irish dances and songs,
and _ceilidhe_, informal meetings on the lines of ancient
village gatherings, where serious conversation—in
Irish—alternates with music or a ‘recital,’ that is to say, a
story or a piece of news, told, according to popular custom,
by the author or a raconteur. Every year the Gaelic and
National Festival, that of St. Patrick, is celebrated
throughout Ireland, but notably in Dublin. … A start—the first
and greatest difficulty—has been made, and now the League is a
power in Ireland. It sells annually 20,000 Gaelic books and
pamphlets, in which are included _editiones principes_ of
the poets of the eighteenth century, and new Irish
publications, tales, and novels. Its financial resources are
moderate. They represent, however, the spontaneous obol of the
poor; and a large part of the annual subscription to the
Language Fund, during St. Patrick’s week, is made up of pence
and of half-pence. From the start the League has had the good
sense officially to declare that it was both necessary and
desirable that it should stand apart from all political and
religious struggles; such has been its line of conduct, and
now within it are found representatives of every party, from
the strongest Orangemen to the fiercest separatists."
_L. Paul-Dubois,
Contemporary Ireland,
part 3, chapter 2
(Maunsel & Co. Dublin, 1908)._
Public meetings have been held in Ireland during the past year
(1909) to support the demand of the Gaelic League "that the
Irish language, both oral and written, and Irish history be
made essential subjects for matriculation in the new national
University, and that proper provision be made for the teaching
of Irish in all its colleges."
IRELAND: A. D. 1901 (March).
Census
"4,456,546 Persons (2,197,739 Males and 2,258,807 Females)
were returned in the Enumerators’ Summaries as constituting
the population of Ireland on the night of Sunday, the 31st of
last March—thus showing a decrease since 1891 of 248,204
persons, or 5.3 per cent.—the decrease in the number of males
was equal to 5.2 per cent., and in the number of females to
5.3 per cent.
"There was during the decade a decrease of 41,297 persons, or
3.5 per cent. in the Province of Leinster; 98,568, or 8.4 per
cent. in the Province of Munster; 38,463, or 2.4 per cent. in
the Province of Ulster; and 69,876, or 9.7 percent, in the
Province of Connaught."
In 1841 the population enumerated in Ireland as a whole had
been 8,196,597; in 1851 it had been 6,574,278; in 1861,
5,798,967; in 1871, 5,412,377; in 1881, 5,174,836; in 1891,
4,704,750. Excepting in 1861 the showing is a steady decrease,
and this latest census finds the island almost half
depopulated.
"According to the Summaries furnished by the Enumerators,
3,310,028 persons returned themselves as Roman Catholics, this
number being 237,279 or 6.7 per cent under the number so
returned in 1891; 579,385 were returned under the head of
‘Protestant Episcopalians,’ being a decrease of 20,718, or 3.5
percent., compared with the number tabulated under that head
in 1891; 443,494 were returned as Presbyterians, being a
decrease of 1,480 or 0.3 per cent. compared with 1891; the
number of Methodists returned on the present occasion amounts
to 61,255, being an increase of 5,745 or 10.4 per cent, on the
number returned on the Census Forms in 1891."
In Dublin City, as extended under the Dublin Corporation Act
of 1900, the population enumerated in 1901 was 289,108, being
a gain of 20,521 since 1891. With the Urban Districts of
Rathmines and Rathcar, Pembroke, Blackrock and Kingstown
added, the total population of Dublin and suburbs was
373,179,—an increase in the decade of 27,220.
The following table shows the population of the 14 towns in
which more than 10,000 inhabitants were found: compared with
the enumeration of 1891.
Towns. 1891. 1901.
Belfast 273,079 348,965
Cork 75,345 75,978
Limerick 37,155 38,085
Londonderry 33,200 39,873
Waterford 26,203 26,743
Galway 13,800 13,414
Drogheda 13,708 12,765
Newry 12,961 12,587
Dundalk 12,449 13,067
Lisburn 12,250 11,459
Wexford 11,545 11,154
Lurgan 11,429 11,777
Kilkenny 11,048 10,493
Sligo 10,862 10,862
Total 554,446 637,222
IRELAND: A. D. 1902 (February).
Lord Rosebery and Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman at issue on
the Home Rule question.
In a speech delivered at Liverpool in February Lord Rosebery
pronounced a most positive funeral oration on what he assumed
to be the death and burial of the Irish Home Rule question in
British politics. A few days later Sir Henry
Campbell-Bannerman, speaking at the annual meeting of the
General Committee of the National Liberal Federation, took
occasion to resurrect the supposedly buried issue and take it
under his protection, as one of the responsibilities of the
Liberal Party.
{333}
Home Rule, he said, was often spoken of as if it were "a
strange, fantastic, almost whimsical and mad-cap policy,
rashly adopted in a random way, to secure the Irish vote. It
is to be easily and lightly dropped at any moment when an
equal amount of support can be obtained from any other
quarter! Not a very noble view of the case! Not, in truth, a
very creditable or even a decent view of the case, but
intelligible enough if there were in the way no principles and
no facts." One such fact he found in the "fixed constitutional
demand of the Irish people"; and Sir Henry concluded that the
"old policy" remains "the sole remedy for the condition of
Ireland, which is the most serious weakness in the whole
British Empire and the most grave blot upon its fame."
By these two sharply opposed utterances the Liberals of the
United Kingdom were called to decide which leading they would
follow—that of Lord Rosebery or that of Sir Henry. Not being
in power, however, nor measurably within reach of it, decision
of the party did not need to be made in haste.
IRELAND: A. D. 1902-1908.
Conditions in the matter of Disorder and Crime.
In the course of a debate in the British Parliament on
conditions in Ireland, which took place on the 24th of
February, 1909, Lord Percy, charging the Liberal Government
with responsibility for an increase of disorder and crime
since it came into power, brought statistics in evidence as
follows: "Take the indictable offences against property and
firing into houses. In 1906 the total number of these offences
was 20; in 1907, 29; in 1908, 80. Outrages on the person by
the use of firearms, agrarian and non-agrarian, were:—In the
first 11 months of 1906, 20 agrarian and 36 non-agrarian; in
1907, 56 agrarian and 53 non-agrarian; in 1908, 128 agrarian
and 65 non-agrarian. In addition to these open outrages there
was the system of boycotting and intimidation. In
cattle-driving—a new offence unheard of before the days of the
Chief Secretary—there were 390 cases in 1907 and 681 in 1908.
The number of persons under police protection on January 31,
1907, was 196; in 1908, 270; and in 1909, 335. The cases of
boycotting had risen from 162 on November 30, 1905, to 874 on
January 31, 1908. An impression prevailed that the cases of
boycotting were ‘minor cases,’ and of no great importance; but
the Lord Chief Justice, at the Clare Spring Assizes on one
occasion, referring to these so-called minor cases, pointed
out that no one dealt with or spoke to the boycotted person,
and that he had to go 20 miles to Limerick for the necessaries
of life. People also had to go to mass and to weddings
protected by police; and he asserted that the Government could
not point to a civilized country in Europe in which the
Government would tolerate a large section of its population
living daily and hourly under the shadow of a terror like
this."
The Chief Secretary for Ireland, Mr. Birrell, retorted with
the following: "For the purpose of making a comparison between
the condition of Ireland to-day and as it was when the
Government was led by the right honourable gentleman the
leader of the Opposition, when they introduced and made
permanent their Crimes Act, we must consider what was the
state of things in 1886 as compared with what it is now. I
will give the House the figures. Murders in 1886, seven; in
1908, one; manslaughter in 1886, three; now, none; firing at
the person, 16; now, 15; firing into dwellings—and here is a
most formidable addition, I admit—43; now, 66; incendiary
fires and arson, 103; now, 54; killing, cutting, and maiming
cattle—a horrible and brutal crime—73; now, 22—far too many;
riots and affrays, nine; now, 13; threatening letters or
notices, 434; now, 233; intimidation, 92; now, 57; injury to
property, 150; now, 89; other offences, 136; now, 26; showing
in 1886 a total of 1,056, and now a total of 576. On January
1, 1886, there were 175 persons wholly boycotted, and 716
partially boycotted—a total of 891. In those days, I admit,
the police made no distinction between partial and minor
boycotting. In 1887 there were 145 persons wholly boycotted,
and 763 partially boycotted, making a total of 908. On January
1, 1909, there were 15 wholly boycotted, 10 partially
boycotted, and 172 cases of minor boycotting, making in all
197. Persons under constant police protection on December 31,
1887, numbered 252, and those under protection by patrol,
704—a total of 956. On December 31, 1908, there were 74
persons under constant protection, 270 under protection by
patrol, a total of 344 against the total of 956. I leave the
House to draw their own inference from those figures."
An official return to Parliament, from the Royal Irish
Constabulary Office, Dublin Castle, of the number of cases of
boycotting and of persons boycotted throughout Ireland on the
31st day of January, 1908, and on various days in several
preceding years, showed 5 cases of entire boycotting,
affecting 26 persons, and 9 cases of partial boycotting,
affecting 39 people, on the date mentioned in 1908; 4 cases of
entire boycotting, affecting 20, with seven cases of the
partial boycott, affecting 35, on the 31st of July, 1907. On
the 31st of July, 1903, there had been 4 cases of entire and
21 cases of partial boycotting affecting 25 and 131 persons
respectively; while the cases on the 31st of March, 1902, of
entire boycotting had numbered 5, the partial cases 46, and
they were directed in the first instance against 26 people,
and against 275 in the second.
IRELAND: A. D. 1905.
Defective working of the Land Purchase Act of 1903.
Inadequacy of its financial provisions.
Baffled in the Western Counties by cupidity of landlords.
The first two years of the working of the Irish Land Purchase
Act of 1903 sufficed to show that the splendid promise of that
measure could not be realized satisfactorily without
fundamental changes in its plan. By that time the agreements
effected between landlords and tenants for transfers of land
from the former to the latter called for purchase payments far
in excess of the sums which the Act had provided for supplying
at so early a stage of the operation. The process of transfer
was checked and the feelings that helped it on were chilled by
increasing delays in the completion of transactions when
begun.
But this was not the worst disappointment in the working of
the Act. Another more serious is charged to the cupidity of
landlords in the poorer counties of the west. In the article
by Mr. Thomas W. Russell from which a quotation is given above
he explains it as follows:
{334}
"It was quite impossible to apply the same rule to Connaught
and to other similar areas as to Ulster, Leinster, and
Munster. In the west the holdings are small and hopelessly
uneconomic in their character. Parliament felt, and rightly
so, that to make the occupier of a five-acre bog holding an
owner was to do him no good. Such a feat in statesmanship
merely freed the western landlord from a risky security and
transferred the risk to the state. It was, therefore, enacted
that the large grass holdings which abound in that region,—and
which are held by graziers on a tenure of eleven months, the
object of the term being to avoid the creation of a tenancy,
—should be bought and wherever possible should be distributed
among the small holders, thus rendering a decent living
possible. And in several cases this has been successfully done
by the congested districts board, with the very best results.
… The landlords as a whole professed at the land conference
and in Parliament their entire willingness to sell, provided
they received a price equivalent when securely invested to
their second-term net income. To enable this to be done the
bonus of £12,000,000 was sanctioned by Parliament. The whole
thing was a bargain—a clear case of contract. And what the
western landlords have been guilty of is a simple breach of
faith. They are quite ready to sell the bog holdings, the
barren mountain tracts out of which a decent living cannot be
had, demanding for this wretched land in many cases more than
is being asked in Antrim and Down for the best land in these
counties. But the grass ranches they refuse to part with. And
so the whole plan of the act,—the whole scheme for the
re-settling of the land, and raising the station of the small
holder,—has been brought to naught.
"In this connection another difficulty has arisen. When the
western sections of the act were being passed, Mr.
Wyndham,—who was in grim earnest about these poor
people,—provided for the sale of congested estates to the
estates commissioners or to the congested districts board.
Special inducements were given to sales under these sections.
The cost of sale was borne almost entirely by the state, and
the commissioners were authorized in such cases to spend money
upon the improvement of the holdings. The policy was
excellent. But the landlords have ruined it. They quickly
discovered that if they sold to the estates commissioners the
land would be inspected by an expert valuer, and its price
would depend upon its value. This was not their idea of how
things should be done. They preferred to sell to the tenant
direct, against whom they could use the screw of arrears of
rent, and from whom they could exact a higher price. Hardly a
case of sale to the estates commissioners has taken place
under these well-meant sections. And for the reasons stated. …
The fact is, compulsory powers of purchase in all such cases
ought to have been frankly given. But to mention the word
compulsion to the then chief secretary was to send him into a
fury. He would not hear of it."
_T. W. Russell,
Workings of the Irish Land Purchase Act
(American Review of Reviews, November, 1905)._
IRELAND: A. D. 1905.
Formation of the Sinn Fein Party.
"While the outside world was looking to the Irish
Parliamentary Party as the guardian of the national conscience
of Ireland, a Young Ireland Party, determined, virile,
thoughtful, idealistic and, strange though it may seem,
practical, was gradually forming, becoming a power, sweeping
away outworn ideas, preaching new and putting them into
practice, and working wonders in the revival of a genuine
national spirit throughout the country. … Naturally, and very
gradually, the various units gravitated toward one another;
and, less than two years ago, under the guidance of a Dublin
boy named Arthur Griffith, they elected a National Council,
and formed themselves into a party known as the ‘Sinn Fein
Party,’ which included probably three-fourths of the national
thinkers in Ireland. Since its inception, the Sinn Fein Party
has been rapidly gaining power, raising itself upon the ruins
of a fast crumbling Parliamentary agitation, and eventually
leaping into greater popular prestige when, recently, the
ludicrous Irish Councils Bill was submitted to the nation as
the fruits of a generation of Parliamentary agitation.
"'_Sinn Fein_' is Gaelic for 'Ourselves.' The doctrine of
the Sinn Fein Party is that the salvation of a nation is to be
wrought out by the people and upon the soil of that nation,
and it holds that ‘God helps those who help themselves.’ It
asks Ireland to cultivate, what for a long time it neglected,
self-reliance, and aims at regenerating the Irish nation, not
merely politically, but also linguistically, industrially,
educationally, morally and socially. Almost all preceding
national movements made the grave mistake of considering
politics coincident with patriotism; the Sinn Fein policy
provides for all-round upbuilding of the nation, and is
successfully working along many lines on which no political
movement touched before."
_Seumas MacManus,
Sinn Fein
(North American Review, August, 1907)._
IRELAND: A. D. 1905 (December).
Change of Government.
On the change of government which took place in the United
Kingdom in December, Mr. Balfour resigning the Premiership and
Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman forming a Liberal Ministry, the
Earl of Aberdeen was appointed Lord Lieutenant and Mr. James
Bryce Chief Secretary for Ireland.
IRELAND: A. D. 1907.
Effects of the Land Purchase Act as seen by
a revisiting Irishman.
Notwithstanding the defects in the working of the Land
Purchase Act, as described above, Mr. T. P. O’Connor, the
well-known Irish journalist in London, on returning from a
visit to Ireland in the spring of 1907 after a somewhat
protracted absence, wrote enthusiastically to the New York
Tribune of the happy wakening he had found in the country to a
new life. "You are seeing in Ireland," said a lady to him,
"not merely a revolution but a renaissance," and he found her
characterization to be true. He concludes, too, that there was
no exaggeration in her further remark, that "so much is going
on in Ireland now that you dare n’t leave it even for a
month." "Everybody," writes Mr. O’Connor, "seemed to be doing
something and something new for Ireland"; with Catholics and
Protestants working together, as they have never worked
before. And the main cause of this "renaissance" is traceable
to the working of the Land Purchase Act of 1903. Already, says
Mr. O’Connor, under the working of this splendid measure,
nearly half the soil of Ireland has changed hands, and "the
second half will be transferred at a much accelerated speed."
{335}
"For seven centuries there has been a continual, a bloody, a
desperate war in Ireland between two races, and the prize for
which they fought—was the land. … And now, at last, before our
own eyes, in this generation of men to which we belong, this
secular struggle is at an end; the battle has been fought and
has been won; the land belongs again to the ancient Celtic
race from which it was stolen centuries ago. … If you want to
realize further what all this means, do not forget that these
people who are now brought into full liberty are able to
appreciate it the more from the fact that the greater part of
them were born into slavery, and know all that slavery means.
I myself, though no septuagenarian, can remember the time when
the Irish farmers were driven to the polls to vote for their
landlords like so many cattle. I remember the poor, wretched,
cringing slaves which they had to be in those not very far off
days; how they bowed and cried, ‘Yer Honor,’ at every second
word; and how, in fact, they revealed by their outward bearing
the knowledge that when they stood in the presence of the
landlord they were confronted by the master of their life or
death.
"The despair of the impossible situation in the Ireland of 40
or 50 years ago was worse almost than the servitude. There was
no room left for hope in a system which permitted the landlord
to rob the tenant of every addition the latter made to the
wealth of the soil; and there could be no hope or prospect in
a system which kept the tenant liable to eviction from his
holding whenever the landlord wished to do so. And now realize
that on half the soil of Ireland the people never see a
landlord or a landlord’s representative; that every year
brings them nearer to the time when they will be the absolute
owners of their holdings; but they know that their children
will secure full possession and complete ownership if they do
not, and you can understand what a new strong tide of hope and
exultation there must be in the breasts of these people."
IRELAND: A. D. 1907.
The Evicted Tenants Act.
The healing of an Irish Sore of Twenty Years.
"The passing of the Evicted Tenants Act in the recent session,
defective though it may be in one respect, is an admission on
the part of all parties in Parliament that a long pending
Irish controversy must be closed, and that the demand
persistently and pertinaciously made by the great majority of
the Irish members and people for over twenty years for the
reinstatement of a large body of evicted tenants must be
conceded. …
"The wholesale evictions of tenants, whom it is now decided to
reinstate, were primarily due to the agricultural crisis of
1885, when the great fall of price of Irish farm produce
commenced. This averaged not less than 20 to 30 per cent. in
respect of cattle and dairy produce, the main sources of
income to Irish farmers. Tenants for the most part paid their
rents in that year, hoping for better times, but many who
lived from hand to mouth, with little or no margin, fell into
arrears. The position was far worse in the following year,
when it became clear that the fall of prices was a permanent
one. The Land Court recognised this by fixing judicial rents
at 18 to 20 per cent. less than those fixed between 1881 and
1885. An universal demand consequently arose on the part of
all other tenants for a reduction of rent in proportion to the
new range of prices. They claimed this not only in the case of
yearly tenancies, but of holdings where judicial rents had
been adjudicated before 1885, and of holdings under leases.
The majority of Irish land-owners in 1886 recognised the
justice of the claim, and allowed rebatements of rent,
averaging between 20 and 30 per cent. in respect of all
classes of holdings. The claim of the tenants was not for the
forbearance of the land-owners, but was founded on right, on
the traditional claim to a property in their holdings—a claim
to which the Land Act of 1881 had given Parliamentary and
legal sanction. That great agrarian Act had in fact
established Dual Ownerships of land in Ireland. It secured to
the occupiers a property in their holdings by enabling them to
appeal to a Land Court for the settlement of rent, and by
giving them fixity of tenure and the right of bequeathing or
assigning their interests. Beneficent and generous as the Act
was, it had serious defects. …
"As a result of these defects the Land Act of 1881, great as
it was in principle, did not afford a sufficient remedy in the
crisis caused by the great fall of prices in 1885-1886. A
minority of Irish landowners refused to follow the example of
the larger and better class of owners, and to make rebatements
of rent in 1886. They justified their refusal on the ground
that since the Act of 1881 the tenants had no longer a claim
for forbearance in respect of rent. They insisted, therefore,
on full payment, and began to evict on a large scale those in
default. …
"Numerous combinations of tenants were formed to refuse full
payment of rent and to resist evictions to the utmost. With
the object of assisting and strengthening resistance of the
tenants, a new form of combination was devised by Mr. T.
Harrington, M. P., known as the ‘Plan of Campaign.’ The
essential feature of it was the payment by the tenants of an
estate adopting it of 50 per cent. of the rent due into a
common fund, to be administered by a committee of tenants for
the purpose of resisting eviction, and supporting the evicted
families. The fund thus created was beyond the reach of the
landowners and of the individual members of the combination.
It afforded, therefore, great security for the maintenance of
the combination.
"The tenants, before adopting the plan, were advised to offer
arbitration of their rents to their landlords. If evictions
took place the tenants were to stand by one another, and not
to come to agreement with their landlords, except upon terms
that the evicted men were to be reinstated in their holdings.
Those taking farms from which tenants were evicted were to be
rigidly boycotted.
"The plan thus devised was commended to the tenants of
Ireland, where landowners refused reasonable abatements of
rents, by many of the Irish members, such as Mr. Dillon, Mr.
W. O’Brien, and others. … Mr. Parnell held aloof from it, not
so much from disapproval of its method, as from fear that it
might injure the Home Rule cause with English constituencies.
Many of the Catholic Bishops expressed their disapproval. It
was denounced by the Government as a fraudulent and dishonest
attempt to break contracts. They prosecuted Mr. Dillon and
other leaders for conspiracy under the ordinary law. The Irish
judges pronounced the scheme of combination to be a criminal
conspiracy on the ground that it subjected landlords to
unlawful pressure. …
{336}
"By the commencement of the session of 1887 the Royal
Commission appointed by the Government to report on
agricultural prices and the claim for a revision of judicial
rents, presided over by Lord Cowper, an ex-Lord Lieutenant,
reported in favour of all that had been contended for by Mr.
Parnell in his Bill of the previous year. They emphatically
affirmed that a great and permanent fall of prices had taken
place. They advised that judicial rents, fixed before the year
1885, should be revised and reduced, and that leaseholders
should be admitted to the privileges of judicial rents. The
Government, at the instance, as it is believed, of Mr.
Chamberlain and the Liberal Unionists, were compelled to
legislate in accordance with this report. …
"This measure, which so greatly extended the Act of 1881, was
accompanied by a new Coercion Act dispensing with trial by
jury in agrarian cases, and enabling resident magistrates—mere
nominees of the Government—to try and convict in such cases.
…
"The Act of 1887, by providing a legal alternative, put an end
to further combinations of tenants. The Plan of Campaign was
not adopted in any fresh cases. It had been put in force on
111 estates where the owners refused general abatements of
rent. In 94 of these it had the effect of inducing the owners
to come to terms with their tenants for reductions of rent of
a reasonable character and sufficient to avoid further
trouble. In seventeen estates only the owners were obdurate,
and declared war against their tenants. …
"After the passing of the Coercion Act wholesale evictions
were resumed on the Campaign estates, and were supported by
all the forces at the disposal of the Government. … In 1891, a
great step was taken by the late Government in the direction
of a more conciliatory attitude to the evicted tenants. In the
Land Purchase Act of that year a clause was inserted enabling
the Land Commissioners to admit the evicted tenants as
purchasers of holdings, where their former landlords agreed to
their reinstatement. The clause was to have effect for one
year only, and very few transactions took place under it. …
"Nothing more was done till 1903. Meanwhile this Irish sore
remained unhealed. The evicted men continued to live in
temporary dwellings near to their former homes, patiently
expecting reinstatement at some future time. Nor have they
been mistaken in this respect, though many of them had to wait
nine more years, and the remainder still longer.
"In 1903 it became advisable for the Tory Government to bid
for the support of the Irish Nationalists for Mr. Wyndham’s
measure aiming at an universal scheme of land purchase in
Ireland—a scheme offering very great inducements to landlords
to sell to their tenants. It was again provided in this Act
that the evicted tenants might be reinstated, not as tenants,
but as owners by purchase of their former holdings, Provision
was made for the advance of money from an Irish fund for
buying out the Planters, for rebuilding the houses of the
evicted men, for restocking their farms, and for buying
untenanted land on which to replace the evicted men, where it
was not possible to reinstate them in their former farms. … As
a result, however, all the remaining Campaign estates except
two were dealt with under this Act, and nearly all the men
evicted from them were reinstated on the most favourable
terms. …
"The Act of 1903, however generous and successful so far as it
went, failed to deal with the whole case. It is wanting in
backbone—in coercive power as against a residuum of
landowners. Two Campaign estates—the Clanricarde and the Lewis
estates—remained undealt with, and about 2000 tenants evicted
from other, not Campaign, estates were left out in the cold.
It was to supply coercive power for dealing with these
remaining cases that the recent Act was passed."
_Eversley,
The Evicted Tenants (Ireland) Act
(Fortnightly Review, December, 1907)._
IRELAND: A. D. 1907 (May).
Proposed Bill for the creation of a Representative Council.
Rejected by the National Party.
Abandoned by the Government.
A Bill proposing half-way progress toward Home Rule for
Ireland was introduced in the British Parliament by the Chief
Secretary for Ireland, Mr. Augustine Birrell, in May, 1907.
Its main feature was the creation of a Representative Council,
not to be legislative in function, but having large
administrative powers. This Council was to consist of 107
members, eighty-two elected by the Irish householders
(including peers and women), and twenty-five nominated by the
crown. Eight of the existing Irish departments, including
agriculture, public works, congested districts, and the
registrar’s office were placed under its control and a new
one, the education department, created. In addition to the
$10,000,000 of annual expenditure controlled by these
departments, the bill provided for an increase of $3,250,000
to be spent on public works and "general improvement." The
provisions of the Bill did not extend to the constabulary, the
courts, the prisons, or the Land Commission. The Lord
Lieutenant was to have general supervisory control.
Apparently the Liberal Ministry had been led to expect that
Mr. John Redmond and other leaders of the Irish National Party
would accept this measure, as an installment of the
self-government they claimed for Ireland. If so, then the
leaders who encouraged that expectation were overborne by
their followers, for the Bill was denounced and rejected, on
motion of Mr. Redmond, at a convention of the National Party,
in Dublin, on the 21st of May, and was therefore withdrawn.
In offering this plan of government the English Liberals had
turned back to what was the original Gladstone project of
Irish home rule, contemplated and discussed, without result,
by the Liberal cabinet in 1885. As Mr. Morley relates in his
Life of Gladstone, there were two main opinions in the cabinet
at that time: "One favored the erection of a system of
representative county government in Ireland. The other view
was, that besides the county boards, there should be in
addition a central board for all Ireland, essentially
municipal and not political; in the main executive and
administrative, but also with a power to make bye-laws, raise
funds, and pledge public credit in such modes as parliament
should provide.
{337}
The central board would take over education, primary, in part
intermediate, and perhaps even higher; poor law and sanitary
administration; and public works. The whole charge of justice,
police, and prisons would remain with the executive."
This defines, practically, a measure of home rule within the
same limits that Mr. Birrell proposed. It appears to have been
suggested to Mr. Gladstone by Mr. Chamberlain and to have been
accepted by the premier, with the understanding that it would
satisfy Mr. Parnell, for the time being, at least. It was not
acceptable, however, to a majority of the Cabinet, and, when
rejected, Gladstone remarked bitterly to one of his
colleagues: "Within six years, if it please God to spare their
lives, they will be repenting in sackcloth and ashes." The
wearing of the sackcloth was not postponed so long.
IRELAND: A. D. 1909.
Amended Land Purchase Act.
The defects which have been noted above in the very promising
Land Purchase Act of 1903 raised increasing difficulties in
the operation of it, until the pressing need of amendatory
legislation was acknowledged by all parties. Wide differences
of view, however, between different interests involved made
the attainment of such legislation no easy task. A Bill for
the purpose, brought forward in the autumn of 1908, by the
Chief Secretary for Ireland, Mr. Birrell, was pushed over into
the next session, and reintroduced in March, 1909. Mr. Birrell
then reviewed the circumstances which had rendered amendments
of the Act necessary, stating that "28 millions had now been
advanced for land purchase, and that there were pending
agreements involving the advance of 56 millions. The total
acreage of the land sold and agreed to be sold exceeded
7,000,000 acres. The country was now in the very middle of
this great agrarian revolution. Mr. Wyndham, the author of the
Act of 1903, thought that £100,000,000 would suffice to carry
this revolution through, but already £84,000,000 had been
accounted for and there was every reason for supposing that
Mr. Wyndham’s estimate should have been £183,000,000. With
regard to the loss on the flotation of land stock, he
expressed the opinion that for a decade, at any rate, it would
be unsafe to assume that a higher issue price would be
obtained than £85, and he calculated that if nothing were done
a charge of £855,000 annually would eventually have to be made
good by the ratepayers. It was impossible to expect them to
bear this enormous burden, and if the law were not amended the
scheme of land purchase must break down. His proposal in
regard to the bonus was that, instead of fixing it at 3 per
cent., it should be paid according to a scale under which the
lower the price given for the land the higher would be the
bonus. For this at least £3,000,000 would be required over and
above the original £12,000,000. By this Bill the Exchequer was
assuming, everything considered, a total capital liability of
about £30,000,000. Calling attention to the principal
provisions of the Bill, he reminded the House that landlords
were empowered to take payment partly in cash and partly in
stock at 92. He then mentioned the steps that were being taken
to accelerate the work of the Estates Commissioners and stated
that advances to the amount of £10,000,000 were never likely
to be exceeded in one year; they now had reached £8,000,000."
On a question arising as to one part, called a "bonus,"
provided for in the transaction of purchase, Mr. Wyndham, who
had been Chief Secretary in 1903, and author of the original
Act, said. "Some honourable members sitting for English
constituencies might think that the bonus was not necessary.
They might think that if the State lent its credit, landlord
and tenant could come to terms, and that the bonus was
something thrown in as a sop to the landlords. If the transfer
of land in Ireland were sporadic, he agreed that landlords
might sell without the assistance of a direct bonus from the
State. The question to be solved in Ireland, however, was that
of the general transfer of ownership of land throughout the
country, and that, broadly speaking, could not be effected
unless the present owners received an equivalent to the income
which they now enjoyed. In the past nearly all the cases of
the sporadic transfer of ownership of land had been got rid
of, and there were now left those cases which could not be
dealt with unless a bonus were given. It had been generally
recognized by all parties that a bonus should be given rather
than that the land difficulties in Ireland should continue,
and six years ago the decision arrived at was supported by the
unanimous opinion of all parties in the House. Now it was
proposed that the method of giving a substantial bonus at a
uniform rate should be set aside in such a way as to increase
the discrepancy between pending and future agreements. Already
by altering the rate of instalments in future agreements, and
by giving stock instead of cash, they had created a wide
difference between the two classes. On the top of that they
were now going to do away with the bonuses and apply a method
which he thought he would be able to show would prove most
injurious; and if it did prove injurious, it would touch the
cardinal point in the whole matter."
Mr. Wyndham opposed the new Bill on this point, apparently
without success. Strong opposition to a grant of the power of
compulsory purchase which the Bill embodied was raised, in the
House of Commons, as well as ultimately in the House of Lords.
Its contemplated changes in dealing with what are called
"congested estates" and "congested districts," being those in
which the holdings of tenants are too small to yield a decent
living, were also a subject of criticism and opposition.
The Bill received some amendment in the House of Commons,
before having its third reading and passage on the 18th of
September. In the House of Lords it met with harder treatment,
and was returned to the Commons with amendments which the
latter rejected _in toto_. Informal conferences brought
about an accommodation of the differences between the two
Houses and placed the Act on the statute book. The peers
yielded on the question of compulsory purchase, as well as
with regard to the tribunal which should have a deciding
authority in the matter, these being the two points most in
dispute.
IRELAND: A. D. 1909 (January).
Disclosures of Poverty by the Old Age Pensions Act.
See (in this Volume)
POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: PENSIONS.
IRELAND: A. D. 1909 (October).
Organization of the two new Irish Universities.
See (in this Volume)
Education: Ireland.
{338}
IROQUOIS THEATER, Burning of the.
See (in this Volume)
CHICAGO: A. D. 1903.
IRRIGATION.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.
ISLE OF PINES:
United States Supreme Court Decision concerning.
See (in this Volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1907 (APRIL).
ISTHMIAN CANAL.
See (in this Volume)
PANAMA CANAL.
ISVOLSKY, Alexander: Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs.
His Aide Memoire on Macedonian Affairs.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).
ISVOLSKY, Alexander:
Convention with Great Britain.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).
ITAGAKI, Count.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (JUNE).
----------ITALY: Start--------
ITALY: A. D. 1870-1905.
Increase of Population compared with other European Countries.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.
ITALY: A. D. 1901.
The First Year of the Reign of King Victor Emmanuel III.
Greatly improved conditions.
Restored Liberty of Speech and Meeting.
Neutrality of Government in Labor Disputes.
Zanardelli and Giolitti in the Ministry.
In the early months of 1901, when Volume VI. of this work went
to press, Italy was in an uncertain and anxious state. It had
not recovered from the shock of the assassination of King
Humbert, and could not foresee what length the sobering
effects of that tragedy would have. It had hope that the new
reign just beginning would quiet the dreadful disorders that
had become rife in Parliament and in the country at large, but
fear to the contrary was more than equal, perhaps, to the
hope. Happily it was the hope that found justification within
the passing year, as will be learned from the following report
of conditions, published in the last month of 1901:
"Those who expected that King Victor Emmanuel III’s reign
would be coincident with a marked improvement in Italy, have
so far been amply justified. Few ventured to hope that his
Liberal Ministry under Signors Zanardelli and Giolitti would
weather a Parliamentary session. As it is, despite some
weakness and a few mistakes, it has come out triumphant.
Compared with eighteen months ago, Italian politics have
undergone what is little less than a revolution. The closing
months of the last reign saw the most dangerous constitutional
crisis that United Italy has known. A reactionary Government
was threatening Parliamentary liberty; the Liberals and
Socialists were making a desperate stand, which at all events
preserved the Constitution, and perhaps saved Italy from
revolution. Now the signs of danger have almost passed. The
Crown is fast getting back its popularity. Parliament is
asserting itself as it has not done for many years, and is
able to give its time to quiet, useful work. The Extreme Left,
stubbornly obstructionist last year, is giving an independent
but fairly cordial support to the Ministry. Outside Parliament
Italians have for once a government ‘which allows them to
breathe and move and speak.’ For the first time since Crispi
introduced coercion, seven years ago, there is liberty of
speech and public meeting. Still, occasionally, the
unteachable censorship suppresses an issue of some democratic
paper. But there is no prosecution for political speeches, no
arbitrary political imprisonment, no harrying of cooperative
or benefit societies from empty fear of political designs or
at the bidding of shopkeepers.
"But this is of small account beside the altered attitude of
the Government towards labour questions. Hitherto its
influence had been always more or less on the side of the
employers. Trade Unions were dissolved and sometimes their
members arrested; their organisers were imprisoned for
‘exciting to class-hatred,’ and under the military courts of
1898 it was an offence to plead, however moderately, in
defence of the claims of labour. When the agricultural
labourers of the lower Po valley struck for a living wage, the
Government sent soldiers to reap the crops. Suddenly and
radically all this has changed. At last the law is observed,
and Trade Unions are allowed the legal sanction which
nominally they have had for years. The Government has
announced its neutrality in labour disputes, so long as there
is no violence or interference with individual liberty. The
result has been an epidemic of strikes. The Italian working
man, long cowed by his powerlessness before the alliance of
employer and Government, is using his new freedom to raise his
miserable wage. Signor Giolitti estimated in the middle of
last June that since the beginning of the year there had been
511 strikes, affecting 600,000 workmen (a number almost
unparalleled even in England) and resulting in an increase of
wages by nearly £2,000,000, a huge sum in poverty-stricken
Italy. Probably by now the total of strikers has reached a
figure which has never been equalled within a year in any
European country. … Thanks to the vigorous advocacy of
arbitration by the Chambers of Labour, the urban strikes have
generally been short, and, so far as I know, except for some
not very serious trouble at Naples, there has been no case of
disorder in them."
_Bolton King,
The New Reign in Italy
(Contemporary Review, December, 1901)._
ITALY: A. D. 1902 (June).
Renewal of the Triple Alliance.
See (in this Volume)
TRIPLE ALLIANCE.
ITALY: A. D. 1902-1904.
Coercive Proceedings against Venezuela concerted with
Great Britain and Germany.
Settlement of claims secured.
Reference to The Hague.
See (in this Volume)
VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.
ITALY: A. D. 1903 (March).
General Strike in Rome.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: ITALY.
ITALY: A. D. 1903 (October).
Change of Ministry.
Signor Giuseppe Zanardelli, President of the Council, or
Premier, since February, 1901, gave his resignation to the
King in October, 1903, on account of ill-health, and a new
Ministry was formed by Signor Giolitti, who had been Minister
of the interior in the administration of Zanardelli, and who
still retained that portfolio after assuming the presidency of
the Council.
ITALY: A. D. 1903-1905.
Initiation of the International Institute of Agriculture
by the King.
See (in this Volume)
AGRICULTURE.
ITALY: A. D. 1904.
Tokens of a Disposition to bring the Church and the
State into better Accord.
Several marked tokens of a conciliatory disposition on both
sides of the long break in relations between the Papacy and
the Government of the Kingdom of Italy appeared in the course
of the year 1904. The Government brought in a bill for
increasing the public salaries of curés. Its diplomatic agents
in South America were instructed to give attention to a Papal
nuncio who travelled thither on a mission from the Vatican as
though he represented the King. The King conveyed a piece of
ground to the Pope which enlarged his domain. A Cardinal took
part in a reception to the King at Bologna and sat at table
with them. These were such amenities between the royal and
pontifical courts as had not been seen for a generation, and
they seemed to bear much significance; but little came from
them in the end.
{339}
ITALY: A. D. 1904 (October-December).
Dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies.
The Government sustained in the Elections.
Increased Participation by the Catholics.
The Chamber of Deputies was dissolved by royal decree on the
17th of October, and elections appointed to be held on the 6th
and 13th of November. The canvass was more animated than
usual, Catholics taking part in it, and in the subsequent
voting, more numerously than hitherto. The Ministry of Premier
Giolitti, representing the Liberals and Moderates in politics,
between groups of the extreme Right and Left, secured a strong
majority. Those of the Left lost a number of seats, though the
Socialists claimed to have made large gains in the popular
vote.
ITALY: A. D. 1905.
Effect of the Russo-Japanese War on the Triple Alliance.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.
ITALY: A. D. 1905.
Action with other Powers in forcing Financial Reforms
in Macedonia on Turkey.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.
ITALY: A. D. 1905 (September).
Earthquake in Calabria.
See (in this Volume)
EARTHQUAKES.
ITALY: A. D. 1905-1906.
Illness and Retirement of Premier Giolitti.
The Fortis and Sonnino Ministries.
The Demoralized Railway Service.
Catholic Abstention from Politics relaxed.
Return of Giolitti to Power.
The Italian Premier, Signor Giolitti, was forced by illness to
withdraw from office early in the year, and Signor Fortis was
commissioned by the King to form a new Ministry. He did not
succeed, and Signor Tittoni was then required by the King to
take the lead in Government with the late colleagues of Signor
Giolitti. Tittoni soon resigned, however, and Fortis was again
called, late in March, to form a Cabinet, which he now found
himself able to do. In the following December, however, a
reconstruction of the Fortis Ministry occurred, the King
requiring the Premier to retain his place, while his
colleagues were partly changed.
Throughout the year the Government and the country were
greatly troubled by a general demoralization in the management
and service of the railways. Travel and freight transportation
were exasperatingly delayed; accidents were of constant
occurrence, and strikes, having no result but the public
affliction, were repeated again and again.
Early in the summer an encyclical on the attitude to be taken
by the faithful in political controversies was addressed to
the Italian bishops by the Pope. Not distinctly, but by
inference, it was taken to be a relaxation of the policy of
abstention from politics, and to prompt political action by
Catholics, but always under clerical guidance and advice.
The Fortis Ministry held its ground in the Government, against
much attack, until February, 1906, when it lost the support of
a majority in the Chamber, and gave place to a coalition
Cabinet formed by Signor Sonnino, which conducted the
administration till the following May, when, on a question of
the purchase of the Southern railways, it suffered defeat.
Whereupon Signor Giolitti returned to power, in the face of a
threat from the employees of the railways that they would
proclaim a general strike if he took up the reins again. The
strike did not occur, and a notable access of vigor and
activity of Government appeared.
ITALY: A. D. 1906.
At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco Question.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.
ITALY: A. D. 1906 (April).
Violent eruption of Mount Vesuvius.
See (in this Volume)
VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS.
ITALY: A. D. 1906-1909.
The Giolitti Administration.
Its recent resignation.
The Giolitti Ministry was maintained in the direction of the
Government for nearly four years, by virtue of the energetic
and efficient administration it conducted. Its capabilities
were demonstrated somewhat notably before the close of 1906,
by the conversion of the Italian rentes (Government bonds)
from 4 to 3 per cent.,—a financial operation which had been
discussed and fumbled over, apparently, for a long time.
Premier Giolitti brought the question to a determination in
the Chamber after less than one day of debate; and the
conversion of 8,000,000,000fr. of national debt was so readily
accepted by the rente-holders that only 1,700,000fr. needed to
be paid off.
Relations between the Government and the Papacy were improved
by the breach of the latter with France, which led to the
substitution of Italy for France as the protector of Catholics
and Catholic interests in the Empire of the Turks. This was
not, however, agreeable to Austria, and began a coolness
between these two of the parties to the Triple Alliance which
all the disturbing occurrences in the Near East have tended
since to increase. The Alliance with Austria and Germany had
been renewed in 1902; but there have been several occasions
within the past three years on which Italian ill-feeling
toward the former has flamed out quite threateningly in Press
and Parliament, and sometimes in popular demonstrations.
A disturbing agitation of the question of religious
instruction in the schools occurred in 1908, bringing demands
from anti-clerical parties for its prohibition; but the
Government was upheld in refusing such action. A disturbing
excitement in Sicily was produced that year by the conviction,
after a much prolonged and sensational trial, of Signor Nasi,
ex Minister of Public Instruction, on charges of embezzlement
of public moneys. The convicted Minister was a Sicilian, and
his fellow-countrymen resented the prosecution of him as an
indignity to themselves. To pacify them, Signor Nasi, after a
short detention in his own house, had the remainder of his
sentence of imprisonment remitted.
The Giolitti Ministry came to its end somewhat unexpectedly on
the 2d of December, 1909. It had brought forward, not long
before, a Bill embodying proposals for the reform of taxation,
avowedly to transfer some larger proportion of its burden from
the poor to the rich, especially by death duties and income
taxes. When the election of a committee to deal with the Bill
occurred December 2, the opponents of the Government secured a
majority, whereupon Premier Giolitti and his Cabinet resigned.
A new Ministry was formed, under Baron Sonnino, the leader of
the Opposition. The parliamentary support it must depend on is
said to be made up of extremely contradictory elements.
{340}
ITALY: A. D. 1908.
Falling off in Emigration.
See (in this Volume)
IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: ITALY.
ITALY: A. D. 1908 (December).
The Awful Destruction of Messina and Reggio by Earthquake.
See (in this Volume)
EARTHQUAKES: ITALY.
ITALY: A. D. 1908.
Election of a Jewish Mayor of Rome.
Whether specially significant or not, the election in Rome, in
1908, of Ernesto Nathan, a Jew and an ex-Grand Master of the
Order of Free Masons, to be Mayor of the City, was an event
which excited wide interest and remark. Mr. Nathan’s birth,
and his education partly, were in England, but he acquired
citizenship in Italy, and rose in reputation and influence at
Rome, until he had become the leading figure in the hard
fought municipal election of the winter of 1908, which
defeated the Church party and elected sixty Radical members
out of eighty composing the City Council. The Mayor is elected
by the Council, and it gave the office to Nathan.
ITALY: A. D. 1909.
Church Movement of Agricultural Labor Organization.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: ITALY.
ITALY: A. D. 1909.
Tardy Construction of "Dreadnoughts."
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.
ITALY: A. D. 1909 (March).
Parliamentary Elections.
Socialist, Republican, Radical, and Catholic Gains.
Conservative Losses.
Large, but Reduced Majority for the Government.
Extensive changes in the representation of the numerous
parties in Italian politics resulted from the Parliamentary
elections held in March, 1909. As finally reported, after
seventy four second ballots had been taken, the outcome was as
follows:
From seven Deputies the Catholics rose to 24. The Socialists
went up from 26 to 42, the extreme Radicals from 32 to 42, and
the Republicans from 19 to 24. The parties of the Extreme Left
had thus risen from 77 to 108. The Moderate Liberals, or
Constitutional Opposition, as they call themselves, declined
the most, numbering between 60 and 70. But the gains made by
the parties of the extreme Left had only recovered for them
the ground they had lost in the election of 1904.
"An interesting feature of the elections is that the Pope’s
supporters are said to have taken a more active part than they
have done since the beginning of united Italy. The Papal
inhibition against going to the polls was removed in
seventy-two constituencies, or one-seventh of the whole number
voting. The result has been no gain in Rome, where the
Anti-Clerical bloc repeated its victories of the preceding
year, and a fairly slight gain in the rural districts. In
general, it may be questioned whether the Papal _non
expedit_ has really kept Catholics out of politics to a
very considerable extent. If we take the enrolled electors in
Germany, we find that they constitute 20 per cent. of the
entire population; in France the ratio is nearly 24 per cent.;
in Italy it is less than 8 per cent. At first sight that would
indicate that an enormous number of Italians boycott the
polls. We find, however, that the Italian franchise demands
not only the ability to read and write, but a certain degree
of additional elementary education. At the same time we find
that in 1901 nearly 44 per cent, of all males over twenty
years of age were illiterate. This at once nearly doubles the
electoral ratio. Add the fact that there are very considerable
property qualifications for the franchise, and we get for
Italy a ratio not far removed from Germany’s 20 percent. It
would follow that the number of Italians who refrain from
availing themselves of their electoral rights is not very
large."
_New York Evening Post,
March 8, 1909._
ITALY: A. D. 1909 (May).
Proposed Payment of Members of Parliament.
A Press despatch from Rome, May 9, 1909, reported:
"Leave was asked yesterday to introduce in the Chamber of
Deputies two Bills for the payment of members of Parliament.
According to the first Bill, proposed by Signor Galli, all
Deputies and Senators would receive £240 a year; the second
Bill, proposed by Signor Chimienti, would make a payment of
24s. for every sitting attended. Signor Giolitti said that the
idea of the payment of members of Parliament was evidently
gaining ground, and that the Government would not oppose the
introduction of the Bills. On the other hand, he deprecated
the contention which had been advanced, that the non-payment
of Deputies was in any way responsible for a scanty
attendance, and earnestly recommended the Chamber to give the
question its very careful consideration before committing
itself either way."
ITALY: A. D. 1909 (November).
Naval strength.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.
----------ITALY: End--------
ITO, Prince Hirobumi:
Visit to the United States.
Mission to St. Petersburg.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.
ITO, Prince Hirobumi:
President of the Japanese Council.
His Party.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (June).
ITO, Prince Hirobumi:
Resident-General in Korea.
See (in this Volume)
KOREA: A. D. 1905-1909.
ITO, Prince Hirobumi:
His assassination.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).
J.
JAMAICA: A. D. 1906.
Harmony of relations between the White minority and the
Colored majority of inhabitants.
How explained.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: JAMAICA.
JAMAICA: A. D. 1907.
Destructive Earthquake.
See (in this Volume)
EARTHQUAKES: JAMAICA.
JAMES, Professor William:
Plan for ending War.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904.
JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.:
Premier of Cape Colony.
His Continuance of the Policy of Cecil Rhodes.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1904.
JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.:
At the Imperial Conference of 1907.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.
{341}
JAMESON, Dr. L. S.:
In Movement for South African Union.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.
JAMESTOWN TERCENTENIAL EXPOSITION.
The three hundredth anniversary of the first permanent English
settlement in America was celebrated on the site of the
settlement, at Jamestown, Virginia, by an Exposition which was
opened by President Roosevelt on the 26th of April, 1907. The
advantages of the place for naval display tempted Congress to
give that character, in the main, to so much of the
celebration as was organized under national auspices that
other features were quite eclipsed. As an illustration of
three centuries of progress from the beginnings of civilized
life in the United States it cannot be said to have had much
success. But the show, from many nations, of battle ships and
the paraphernalia of naval war was superb.
JANNARIS, Professor, Imprisonment of.
See (in this Volume)
CRETE: A. D. 1905-1906.
----------JAPAN: Start--------
JAPAN: A. D. 1901 (July).
Unveiling of a Monument to commemorate the Advent
of Commodore Perry.
A monument to commemorate the arrival of Commodore Perry in
Japan, in 1853, was unveiled with imposing ceremonies, at
Kurihama, on the 14th of July, 1901, that being the
forty-eighth anniversary of the event. Commodore Rodgers, with
three vessels of the Asiatic Squadron of the United States,
attended to represent the United States officially in the
ceremonies of the day. The monument was erected by the
Japanese "America Association of Japan."
JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.
Persistent occupation of Manchuria by the Russians.
Japanese negotiations and demands, without satisfaction.
"In spite of repeated promises to evacuate the points seized
and held by Russian forces when, after the relief of the
Legations, these forces were withdrawn from Peking and Chili,
to be concentrated in Manchuria [see Manchuria, in Volume
VI.], and in disregard of the interests of the other allies,
the policy of keeping all that she had gained, and of gaining
more as far as possible, was steadily pursued by Russia. … It
was the probable effect of a continued occupation of Manchuria
by Russia upon their business interests which led Great
Britain and America to wish that the repeated Russian
assurances of good faith toward China and toward all foreign
nations should manifest themselves in works. The case could
not be wholly the same with Japan. Her interests of trade
were, indeed, if not at the time so large, more close and
vital than those of any other nation outside of China. But her
other interests were incomparable. So that when Russia failed
to carry out her engagements, even under a convention which
was so much in her favor [see, in this Volume, China. A. D.
1901-1902], there was a revival of suspicion and apprehension
on the part of the Japanese Government and the Japanese
people. Manchuria and Korea both pointed an index finger of
warning directed toward Russia.
"It was to further a peaceful adjustment of all the disturbed
conditions of the interests of Russia and Japan in the Far
East that Marquis Ito went, on his way home from his visit to
the United States, at the end of 1901, on an unofficial
mission to St. Petersburg. The failure of the overtures which
he bore discouraged those of the leading Japanese statesmen
who were hoping for some reconciliation which might take the
shape of allowing Russian ascendency in Manchuria and Japanese
ascendency in Korea. It also strengthened the conviction which
prevailed among the younger statesmen that the St. Petersburg
Government regarded Manchuria as not only its fortress in the
Far East, but also as its path to the peninsula lying within
sight of Japan’s shores. ‘The Japanese Government,’ says Mr.
D. W. Stevens, ‘at last felt that the vital interests of Japan
might be irrevocably jeopardized in Korea as well as in
Manchuria, if it continued to remain a mere passive spectator
of Russian encroachments; and in August, 1903, it resolved to
take a decisive step. In the most courteous form and through
the usual diplomatic channels Japan intimated at St.
Petersburg that her voice must be heard, and listened to, in
connection with Far Eastern questions in which her interests
were vitally concerned.’ The answer of Russia was the
appointment of Admiral Alexeieff as Viceroy over the Czar’s
possessions in the Far East, with executive and administrative
powers of a semi-autocratic character. … Negotiations having
in view the peaceful adjustment of the conflicting interests
of Russia and Japan in the Far East, which were begun by the
latter country in the summer of 1903, were further continued.
Mr. Kurino, the Japanese Minister at St. Petersburg, was
informed by Baron Komura, who was then Japanese Minister of
Foreign Affairs, that the recent conduct of Russia at Peking,
in Manchuria, and in Korea, was the cause of grave concern to
the Government at Tokyo. ‘The unconditional and permanent
occupation of Manchuria by Russia would,’ said Baron Komura,
‘create a state of things prejudicial to the security and
interests of Japan. The principle of equal opportunity would
thereby be annulled, and the territorial integrity of China be
impaired. There is, however, a still more serious
consideration for the Japanese Government; that is to say, if
Russia was established on the flank of Korea it would be a
constant menace to the separate existence of that empire, or
at least would make Russia the dominant power in Korea. But
Korea is an important outpost in Japan’s line of defence, and
Japan consequently considers its independence absolutely
essential to her own repose and safety. Moreover, the
political as well as the commercial and industrial interests
and influence which Japan possesses in Korea are paramount
over those of other Powers. These interests and this influence
Japan, having regard to her own security, cannot consent to
surrender to, or share with, another Power.’
{342}
"In view of these reasons, Mr. Kurino was instructed to
present the following note to Count Lamsdorff, the Russian
Minister of Foreign Affairs:
‘The Japanese Government desires to remove from the relations
of the two empires every cause of future misunderstanding, and
believes that the Russian Government shares the same desire.
The Japanese Government would therefore be glad to enter with
the Russian Imperial Government upon an examination of the
condition of affairs in the regions of the extreme East, where
their interests meet, with a view of defining their respective
especial interests in those regions. If this suggestion
fortunately meets with the approval, in principle, of the
Russian Government, the Japanese Government will be prepared
to present to the Russian Government their views as to the
nature and scope of the proposed understanding.’
"The consent of Count Lamsdorff and the Czar having been
obtained, on August 12th articles were prepared and submitted
by the Japanese Government which it wished to have serve as a
basis of understanding between the two countries. The
essential agreements to be secured by these articles were:
(1) A mutual engagement to respect the independence and
territorial integrity of the Chinese and Korean empires, and
to maintain the ‘ open door’ in these countries; and
(2) a reciprocal recognition of Japan’s preponderating
interests in Korea and of Russia’s special interests in
Manchuria.
These demands were not altered in any very important way by
Japan during all the subsequent negotiations. It was their
persistent rejection by Russia, together with her long delays
in replying while she was meantime making obvious preparations
of a warlike character, which precipitated the tremendous
conflict that followed some months later."
_George T. Ladd,
In Korea with Marquis Ito, chapter 10
(copyright, 1908, C. Scribner’s Sons)._
JAPAN: A. D. 1902.
Defensive Agreement between Great Britain and Japan.
An agreement of great importance, in the nature of a defensive
alliance, between Great Britain and Japan, was concluded at
London on the 30th of January, 1902. On the publication of the
Treaty, a few days later, it was accompanied by a
communication from the British Secretary for Foreign Affairs,
the Marquis of Lansdowne, to Sir C. MacDonald, the British
Minister at Tokyo, in which the actuating motives of the
Agreement were set forth, as follows:
"Sir: I have signed to-day, with the Japanese minister, an
agreement between Great Britain and Japan, of which a copy is
inclosed in this dispatch.
"This agreement may be regarded as the outcome of the events
which have taken place during the last two years in the Far
East, and of the part taken by Great Britain and Japan in
dealing with them. Throughout the troubles and complications
which arose in China consequent upon the Boxer outbreak and
attack upon the Pekin legations, the two powers have been in
close and uninterrupted communication, and have been actuated
by similar views. We have each of us desired that the
integrity and independence of the Chinese Empire should be
preserved, that there should be no disturbance of the
territorial status quo either in China or in the adjoining
regions, that all nations should, within those regions, as
well as within the limits of the Chinese Empire, be afforded
equal opportunities for the development of their commerce and
industry, and that peace should not only be restored, but
should, for the future, be maintained.
"From the frequent exchanges of views which have taken place
between the two Governments, and from the discovery that their
Far Eastern policy was identical, it has resulted that each
side has expressed the desire that their common policy should
find expression in an international contract of binding
validity. …
"His Majesty’s Government have been largely influenced in
their decision to enter into this important contract by the
conviction that it contains no provisions which can be
regarded as an indication of aggressive or self-seeking
tendencies in the regions to which it applies. It has been
concluded purely as a measure of precaution, to be invoked,
should occasion arise, in the defense of important British
interests. It in no way threatens the present position or the
legitimate interests of other powers. On the contrary, that
part of it which renders either of the high contracting
parties liable to be called upon by the other for assistance
can operate only when one of the allies has found himself
obliged to go to war in defense of interests which are common
to both, when the circumstances in which he has taken this
step are such as to establish that the quarrel has not been of
his own seeking, and when, being engaged in his own defense,
he finds himself threatened, not by a single power, but by a
hostile coalition."
JAPAN:
Agreement between Great Britain and
Japan, signed at London, January 30, 1902.
"The Governments of Great Britain and Japan, actuated solely
by a desire to maintain the _status quo_ and general
peace in the extreme East, being moreover specially interested
in maintaining the independence and territorial integrity of
the Empire of China and the Empire of Corea, and in securing
equal opportunities in those countries for the commerce and
industry of all nations, hereby agree as follows:
"Article I.
The High Contracting Parties having mutually recognized the
independence of China and of Corea, declare themselves to be
entirely uninfluenced by any aggressive tendencies in either
country. Having in view, however, their special interests, of
which those of Great Britain relate principally to China,
while Japan, in addition to the interests which she possesses
in China, is interested in a peculiar degree politically, as
well as commercially and industrially, in Corea, the High
Contracting Parties recognize that it will be admissible for
either of them to take such measures as may be indispensable
in order to safeguard those interests if threatened either by
the aggressive action of any other Power, or by disturbances
arising in China or Corea, and necessitating the intervention
of either of the High Contracting Parties for the protection
of the lives and property of its subjects.
"Article II.
If either Great Britain or Japan, in the defence of their
respective interests as above described, should become
involved in war with another Power, the other High Contracting
Party will maintain a strict neutrality, and use its efforts
to prevent other Powers from joining in hostilities against
its ally.
"Article III.
If in the above event any other Power or Powers should join in
hostilities against that ally, the other high contracting
party will come to its assistance and will conduct the war in
common, and make peace in mutual agreement with it.
{343}
"Article IV.
The High Contracting Parties agree that neither of them will,
without consulting the other, enter into separate arrangements
with another Power to the prejudice of the interests above
described.
"Article V.
Whenever, in the opinion of either Great Britain or Japan, the
above-mentioned interests are in jeopardy, the two Governments
will communicate with one another fully and frankly.
"Article VI.
The present agreement shall come into effect immediately after
the date of its signature, and remain in force for five years
from that date. In case neither of the High Contracting
Parties should have notified twelve months before the
expiration of the said five years the intention of terminating
it, it shall remain binding until the expiration of one year
from the day on which either of the High Contracting Parties
shall have denounced it. But if, when the date fixed for its
expiration arrives, either ally is actually engaged in war,
the alliance shall, ipso facto, continue until peace is
concluded. In faith whereof the undersigned, duly authorized
by their respective Governments, have signed this agreement,
and have affixed thereto their seals."
In August, 1905, the above Treaty was replaced by a fresh
Agreement of similar tenor.
See, below,
JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (AUGUST).
JAPAN: A. D. 1902 (August).
Success of Prince Ito’s Party in the Parliamentary Election.
"Thus far parties, so called, have been magnetized around men.
They have not crystallized along the axes of principles.
Marquis Ito, ultra-conservative in politics but radical and
reformer in things social, is at one pole. Count Okuma,
radical in politics, sternly conservative of social life and
the traditionary ethics, is at the other.
"The August elections of 1902 show apparently at least that
the day of party government has dawned, for now and for the
first time Marquis Ito leads in the Lower House a host of the
friends of the Constitution (_Rikken Seiyu Kai_) that has
an overwhelming majority of seats and in time of a ‘division’
nearly if not wholly a plurality of votes. The returns are
just in and the table stands about thus:
Seiyu Kai (Constitution Friends) 193
Progressists 106
Independents 56
Imperialists and others 21
"It was a smart stroke of policy for Ito, two years ago, to
unite in one organization [see in Volume VI. of this work,
Japan: A. D. 1900 (August-October)] the Radicals under Hoshi
Toru and his own following of ‘clansmen, capacities and young
statesmen.’ It was the union of the strong and the subtle,
taking the name not of a party but of an ‘Association,’ with a
purpose of upholding the constitution (in the Prussian sense),
in order to control both the educational and the economic
policy of the country, to complete the radical transformation
of the Japanese into a modern man, and ‘to screen Japan’s
Western evolution against all possibility of reaction.’"
_W. E. Griffis,
in The Independent._
JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (June).
The Marquis Ito accepts Presidency of the Council
to strengthen the Government.
To strengthen the Ministry of Count Katsura in the Diet, the
Marquis Ito, powerful head of the Rikken Seiyu-kai
(Association of the Friends of the Constitution, foreseeing
trouble to come from the proceedings of Russia in Manchuria,
consented in June to accept the post of President of the
Council, and was joined in the Council by Marquis Yamagata and
Count Matsukata. The Government was thus greatly reinforced
for dealing with the difficulties that now approached very
fast. A section of the Seiyu-kai seceded from it, however, and
formed the Doshishukai (Assembly of Fellow-thinkers), under
Count Itagaki.
See (in Volume VI.)
JAPAN: A. D. 1900, AUGUST-OCTOBER.
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (February-July).
War with Russia.
Sudden opening of Hostilities.
Occupation of Korea.
Battles at the Yalu.
The Armies in Manchuria.
Movement of General Nogi on Manchuria.
Simultaneously with the rupture of diplomatic relations with
Russia, on the 6th of February, 1904, the Japanese Government
dispatched from Sasebo a fleet of 7 battle-ships, 18 cruisers,
and flotillas of torpedo boats and destroyers, under
Vice-Admiral Togo, with transports conveying troops, to open
operations of war. The transports were convoyed to Chemulpho,
the port of Seoul, Korea, by 4 cruisers and a number of
torpedo boats, under Rear-Admiral Uryu; while Admiral Togo
proceeded with the remainder of his fleet to Port Arthur. The
troops sent to Chemulpho were landed on the 8th, and Admiral
Uryu, the next day, attacked a Russian cruiser and gunboat in
Chemulpho harbor with such effect that they were destroyed by
their commanders. On the night of the 8th Togo’s torpedo boats
were sent against the Russian fleet at Port Arthur and
crippled it to a serious extent. A second body of 14,000
troops was landed at Chemulpho on the 15th.
The Japanese had now a strong footing in Korea, with Seoul
securely in hand, and the First Japanese Army, under General
Kuroki, was ready to begin its northward advance. Phyangyang
was occupied on the 20th, after which further troops could be
landed at Chinampho, saving a long march. By the end of March
there were about 45,000 men in the force moving toward the
Yalu. The first encounter with the Russians was near Chengju,
where 600 of the latter’s cavalry were driven back. On the 4th
of April the Japanese advance guard reached the Yalu, which
forms the boundary between Korea and Manchuria, and occupied
Wiju, near its mouth, the opposing cavalry having been
withdrawn to the opposite bank of the river on the preceding
day. The main body arrived at Wiju April 20. The Russians, on
the other side of the Yalu, were then concentrating a force of
about 25,000 men, with Liaoyang and Fenghuangcheng for its
first and secondary bases.
For ten ensuing days both armies were busy in preparations and
manoeuvres, the one for attempting to force a crossing of the
Yalu, the other to resist it. How their preparations compared
in effectiveness is described by an experienced correspondent,
David Fraser, who accompanied the Japanese and wrote the story
of the campaign, publishing it subsequently in a book entitled
"A Modern Campaign." The difference that Mr. Fraser saw
between the painstaking, the thoughtfulness and the carefully
acquired knowledge which went into the Japanese preparation
for their attack,—the concealment of their forces, the masking
of their batteries, the obscuring of all that they did,—and
the contrasting carelessness of the Russians in the same
particulars, was the difference that gave success to the one
and brought defeat on the other.
{344}
Before the Japanese moved they knew everything they needed to
know,—the fordable places on the streams they had to cross,
the points of advantage on every mile of the ground to be
traversed, the positions of the enemy,—and the Russians did
not. And the Japanese were able to repeat much of the same
feinting and maneuvering by means of which they had forced the
passage of the Yalu at the same place, against the Chinese, in
1894.
On the 25th of April the Japanese were ready to bring their
preparations into use, and on that and the next two days they
drove the Russian outposts from the islands they needed to
occupy, and began building bridges at night. In the end, ten
bridges were built, some of them invisible to the enemy. Many
signs of Japanese movement down the river were then exhibited
to the Russians. A Japanese battery became busy at a point
some distance below Wiju; gunboats and other vessels were
collected in that direction; troops were in motion in the same
direction; but quiet reigned at and around Wiju, the batteries
behind which had not yet betokened their existence. That quiet
in this part of the Japanese line was broken suddenly at
midday on the 29th, when a pontoon train, with accompanying
troops, was hurried to the river, the pontoons launched,
manned and paddled to the opposite bank. A Russian outpost
which fired on these invaders drew the first revelation of a
hitherto hidden and silent Japanese battery, and fled from its
shells. Possession of the further shore was thus secured for
sufficient time to enable the construction of the pontoon
bridge, which the strong current in the river made a difficult
task. It was ready, however, for the crossing of the river
that night by the infantry of the entire 12th division of the
Japanese Army.
The thrilling episode of the battle of the next two days was
the opening of fire from the hitherto hidden and unsuspected
batteries of Japanese heavy guns. Mr. Fraser tells us that the
Russians had believed it impossible to bring heavy artillery
over the Korean roads, and were in consternation when the
howitzers belched forth their shells in a fairly overpowering
way. "The trees," he says, "screened the flashing of the
Japanese guns from the Russian eyes. There was no smoke to
indicate their whereabouts. The indirect fire of the howitzers
was as deadly as if it had been aimed point-blank. The
Russians, on the other hand, fired at random into the belt of
trees; they had been able to locate only two of the Japanese
guns. Their fire had little or no effect upon the
well-protected Japanese gunners. In ten minutes the Russian
shooting grew wild. … After twenty-five minutes both batteries
were silenced."
It is the testimony of all witnesses of the fighting on both
days of the battle, especially on the 1st of May, that the
Russians showed desperate courage; but every advantage, of
position, of equipment, of numbers, and, above all, of
generalship, was in favor of the Japanese. They drove the
enemy from all his entrenchments, and entered Manchuria, to
pursue there an equally successful campaign, for the same
reasons, of superior ability and more thorough preparation.
The reported loss of the Japanese in the conflicts on the Yalu
was 5 officers and 218 men killed, 33 officers and 780 men
wounded. They captured 22 field guns, 8 machine guns, a
quantity of rifles and ammunition, and took 628 prisoners,
including 18 officers. General Zasulich, the Russian
commander, reported 70 officers and 2324 men killed, wounded
and taken prisoners. Another Russian report of losses gave 28
officers and 564 men killed, 38 officers and 1081 men wounded,
and 6 officers and 679 men missing.
The Russians retreated on Fenghuangcheng, but made no stand
there, and the Japanese, who followed, occupied the place on
the 6th of May. The advance of the latter was halted at that
point until late in June, waiting for operations in other
parts of the field.
Meantime, between the 4th and the 22d of May, the Second
Japanese Army, General Oku commanding, had been landed near
Pitsewo, on the western coast of the Liao-tung peninsula, and
this began a general advance on the 25th. It fought a severe
battle on the following day, at Nanshan, or Kinchou, from
which the Russians fell back. The victory of the Japanese cost
them heavily, their reported loss being 739 killed and 5455
wounded; while General Stössel, the Russian commander,
reported a loss of 30 officers and 800 men killed and wounded.
On June 6th this Second Army was divided into two, one of
which, passing to the command of General Nogi, became the
Third Japanese Army, and was marched presently toward Port
Arthur, to open the famous siege of that stronghold. General
Oku, retaining about 50,000 men in the Second Army, and
starting northward on the 15th, was opposed by Russian forces
under General Stackelberg. The first important conflict was on
June 15 at or near Telissu station, which gave the battle its
name. Again the Russians were forced back, with a loss of 103
officers and about 2600 men, killed and wounded, besides a
missing list of 764. The Japanese loss was 50 officers and
1113 men killed and wounded. Hard fighting occurred again
between the 6th and 9th of July, on the approach of the
Japanese to Kaiping and the Kaiping River, beyond which their
opponents were driven. "The occupation of Kaiping and the
country immediately to the north placed General Oku’s army on
the edge of the Liao Valley, opened the way to the Yingkon and
Newchwang, and facilitated his further advance to the north by
allowing supplies to be received from the sea, thus shortening
his line of communications."
A Fourth Japanese Army, under General Nodzu, had now been
landed at Takushan, on the eastern coast of the Liao-tung
peninsula, and was reconnoitering toward Oku’s forces, as well
as toward the First Japanese Army, which had remained in the
vicinity of Fenghuangcheng until the 24th of June, waiting for
these cooperative masses of troops to be got into place. It
was now being moved in three columns, one of which was soon in
touch with the Fourth Army (Nodzu’s), and the two began
working to the west and northwest. The Russians gave up
Fenshuiling, and by the 9th of July, when Oku, with the Second
Army, occupied Kaiping, the three Japanese armies in the
northern part of the Liao-tung peninsula—the First, Second,
and Fourth—"were united on a front from Kaiping east to
Fenshuiling, thence northeast through Motienling, with
covering detachments of Kobi troops eastward at Saimachi,
Hsienchang and Huaijen.
{345}
The Russians were concentrated in the Liao Valley at
Tashihchiao, Haicheng, Anping and Liaoyang." On the 6th of
July Field Marshal Oyama had left Tokyo to take active command
of this united army, and the great operations of the
Manchurian campaign were about to begin.
_Epitome of the Russo-Japanese War,
United States War Department,
Second [Military Information] Division,
General Staff, Number 11._
At this time General Nogi, with the Third Japanese Army, was
fighting his way slowly toward Port Arthur, against obstinate
resistance, not arriving at the front of the land defences
proper until the 14th of August.
The Russians had evacuated Dalny (formerly called Talienwan),
with its fine harbor, on Talienwan Bay, thirty miles distant
from Port Arthur, and the Japanese had occupied it on the 30th
of May. This was an acquisition of great importance to them.
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (February-August).
The War with Russia: Siege of Port Arthur.
The Naval Surprise.
Unreadiness of the Defence.
Naval operations of the six months.
Fate of the Russian fleets in the East.
Mr. E. K. Nojine, "accredited Russian War Correspondent," who
went through the whole experience at Port Arthur, from first
to last of the war, and who wrote what he entitles "The Truth
about Port Arthur," opens his severely critical narrative with
the following statement:
"When, one hour before midnight on February 8, 1904, our
warships began to belch fire from their many steel mouths, and
the seaward batteries suddenly thundered forth their angry
death-dealing tidings, no one dreamed that the noise was War,
for no one had taken the constant rumors of the rupture of
diplomatic relations and of approaching hostilities at all
seriously. … Although the sky in the East had for weeks been
blood-red with the menace of immediate war, yet when it came
the surprise was absolute, its horror intensified by our
complete unreadiness."
What this writer tells of the unreadiness, and of the slowness
with which the serious need of more readiness was comprehended
by the controlling authority at Port Arthur, during the weeks
that passed before the stronghold was fully invested, goes
almost beyond belief. He writes bitterly and contemptuously of
General Stössel, who held command of the district, and
admiringly of General Smirnoff, Commandant of the fortress,
whom Stössel could overrule. He seems to have been sustained
in his judgment by the court-martial which subsequently
condemned Stössel to death.
The sound of midnight battle on its sea-front (February 8-9)
which announced a beginning of war to the surprised garrison
of Port Arthur came from the attack of Admiral Togo’s torpedo
boats on the Russian fleet in the harbor. Three of the Russian
ships were crippled, but not seriously. The next day Togo made
a general attack with his whole fleet of fifteen vessels,
including five battle-ships, and did some damage to four more
of his enemies’ vessels; but a fortnight is said to have
repaired them all. The general result of the two operations
was "to insure the at least temporary immobility of the Port
Arthur fleet," so that "the transport of the army from Japan
to Korea might go on without fear of molestation." A squadron
was then detached to look after four cruisers at Vladivostock,
and that harbor was cannonaded for the same purpose on the 6th
of March. Meantime, on the 9th of February, a Russian cruiser
and a gunboat, attempting to leave Chemulpho harbor, were
driven back, and were then destroyed by their Russian
commander.
The main Japanese fleet hovered constantly near Port Arthur,
not only maintaining a strict blockade, but making frequent
close approaches, to sink vessels and plant mines in the
entrance channels of the harbor; to harass the Russian fleet
with torpedo attacks, or to come boldly within range of its
shore defenses and give battle to them, as well as to bombard
the fortress and town. There were heavy bombardments on the
10th and the 22d of May. The Russian fleet, commanded by
Vice-Admiral Makaroff, made retaliatory sorties, in returning
from one of which, on the 13th of April, the admiral’s
flag-ship, the Petropalovsk, struck and exploded a line of
floating mines. The huge battle-ship was so shattered by the
explosion that she sank in two minutes, carrying down the
admiral, the famous painter, Verestchagin, who was his guest,
and 550 other officers and men. Of all on board only 85 were
saved.
In the course of the next month the Japanese suffered several
of the same disasters, two of their battle-ships, the Hatsuse
and the Yashima, and two other vessels of less importance,
being blown up by the explosion of mines. Of the crew of the
Hatsuse nearly 500 perished, while all on board the Yashima
were said to have been saved. By collision in a fog one of the
Japanese cruisers was sunk, with all but 90 of her crew. And
the three most calamitous of these happenings, to the two
battle-ships and the cruiser, occurred on the same day—the
15th of May. Admiral Togo’s fleet was weakened very seriously
by these losses. Somewhat later the same fate befell a number
of Russian ships, but the loss in them was less.
Though watched by a Japanese squadron under Vice-Admiral
Kamimura, the Russian war-ships at Vladivostock were able to
slip out for occasional cruises, in which they captured or
destroyed Japanese transports and merchant ships. In more than
one instance—notably that of the Kinshu-Maru—the soldiery on
captured transports refused to surrender and committed
"hara-kiri" in a body, or were engulfed by the sea. "It is
quite true that the work done by the Vladivostock squadron was
not great in amount, but they must have caused some
inconvenience to the military forces of Japan engaged in the
campaign."
On the 23d of June Rear-Admiral Vithöft, who had succeeded the
late Admiral Makaroff in the naval command at Port Arthur,
sailed out of the harbor with six battle ships, five cruisers
and ten torpedo boats, apparently intending to offer battle to
the Japanese. The Russians had repaired their damaged vessels
and now seemed to have a fleet that was equal to Togo’s in
strength, since he opposed only four battle-ships to their
six. Nevertheless when the Japanese approached them they
withdrew, returning to Port Arthur, pursued by torpedo-boats,
and nearly losing the battle ship Sevastopol, which struck a
mine and was disabled for six weeks.
{346}
Little occurred during that period on the naval side of the
Port Arthur campaign. Then, on the 10th of August, it was
reopened startlingly, to be ended with practical completeness
within the next few days. On that morning the Port Arthur
fleet and the Vladivostock squadron put to sea from their
respective harbors, evidently attempting a junction. The Port
Arthur fleet was the first to encounter its enemy, which it
did the same day, when no more than 25 or 30 miles out from
the port. Admiral Vithöft now had with him only five battle
ships, having left one, probably disabled, behind. With these
were the four cruisers, two gunboats and a number of torpedo
craft. Admiral Togo brought against this force four
battle-ships and four armored cruisers in the battle that
ensued. It "took the form of a long-range engagement between
the fleets, steering nearly the same course towards the east.
… At a time which is variously reported, but probably about
6.15 p. m., a 12-inch shell … burst near the conning tower of
the Cesarevitch [the flagship], killing Admiral Vithöft and
wounding the captain of the ship. At the same time the
Cesarevitch’s steering gear was damaged, the helm jammed, and
she made a sudden sheer to port. This threw the Russian line
into confusion. … The Russian formation was now broken up, and
the ships fell into a confused group at which the Japanese
directed a hot fire at the comparatively short range of 3500
yards. At times the Russian ships were hidden by the smoke of
exploding shells, and about 7 p. m. their fire slackened
perceptibly. One report states that a second-class battle-ship
and two coast-defence vessels had joined the Japanese, besides
another ship of a class not certainly known. The whole twelve
Japanese ships concentrated their fire on the six Russian
battle-ships and four unarmored cruisers till 8 p. m. Prince
Ukhtomsk, who had succeeded to the Russian command on Admiral
Vithöft’s death, then signalled to the fleet to follow him,
and turned toward Port Arthur. All could not follow, and some
made for shelter in other ports, harassed by torpedo attacks,
but not otherwise pursued.
The result of the Russian sally from Vladivostock was much the
same. The three armored cruisers from that port were not
intercepted by the Japanese until the morning of the 14th,
three days after the defeat of the Port Arthur fleet which
they had hoped to join. They were then attacked by four
armored and two unarmored cruisers. They fought obstinately
and suffered frightful losses in officers and men,—415 wounded
and 251 killed. One of the ships, reduced to helplessness, was
sunk by its own surviving crew, most of whom were picked up by
the Japanese. The other two escaped to Vladivostock in a
wrecked state.
These engagements "really ended the naval campaign of 1904. Of
the ships [from Port Arthur] that got through the Japanese
fleet, one battle ship, the Cesarevitch, and three destroyers
were disarmed and interned at Kiachow (Tsingtau); one cruiser,
the Askold, and one destroyer had the same fate at Shanghai,
and another cruiser, the Novik, was destroyed … at Korsakovsk.
A third cruiser, the Diana, was disarmed and interned at the
neutral French port of Saigon. One destroyer had been seized
at Chefoo by the Japanese for disregard of Chinese neutrality,
and one was wrecked on the coast of Shantung. The rest of the
fleet which got back to Port Arthur remained there only to be
destroyed in nearly every case by their own crews, to save
them from the fate of being surrendered to their enemy on the
fall of the fortress. … The grand total of the Russian loss
[of officers and men] in the six battle-ships and four
cruisers amounted to 81 killed and 420 wounded. … The total
Japanese loss, as reported at the time, was 61 killed and 124
wounded." Later statements brought the total loss up to 225.
_Admiral Sir Cyprian Bridge,
The Naval Annual, 1905, chapter 7._
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (July-September).
The War with Russia: Campaign in Manchuria.
Japanese advances; Russian retreats.
The great battle and Japanese victory at Liao-Yang.
On the 4th of July the Russians, who had given up Motienling
to the Japanese five days before, made an attempt to recover
it, but failed. They repeated the attempt on the 17th, and
again without success. On the 10th a force from the Fourth
Japanese Army (Nodzu’s), advancing from Fenshuiling toward
Tomucheng, met with a repulse. The right column of Kuroki’s
army (the First) fought a considerable engagement with the
Russians at Hsihoyen on the 19th. Oku’s army (the Second),
advancing from Kaiping, fought them at Tashinchiao on the
24th. Nodzu was engaged with them again on the 31st at
Tomucheng, and Kuroki’s right column at Yushulingtzu on the
same day; while the left column, simultaneously, expelled them
from Yangtzuling. On the 2d of August the Russians retired
from Haicheng and the Japanese occupied it the following day.
The Russians had been steadily forced back to the vicinity of
Liao-Yang, where they had prepared themselves for a determined
stand.
"The front of the Russian forces at and in the vicinity of
Liao-Yang extended from Anshantien through Lantzushan and the
mountain range east of Anping to the Taitzu River. The
Japanese front extended from Haicheng through Tomucheng and
Yantzuling to Yushulingtzu."
_Epitome of the Russo-Japanese War,
United States War Department,
Second [Military Information] Division.
General Staff, Number 11._
Both sides were now making ready for the first of the two most
terrific battles of the war; but the month of August was near
its close before the Japanese began their assault on the
formidable works behind which the Russians awaited their
attack. In the "Epitome" cited above the effective Russian
force taking part in this struggle is estimated at about
140,000, commanded by General Kuropatkin.
Lord Brooke, Reuter’s special correspondent in Manchuria, in
his book entitled "An Eye-witness in Manchuria," describes the
battle of Liao-Yang as "the biggest artillery battle of which
history has record." The Russians occupied a line of rocky
hills south and east of Liao-Yang. Oku opposed their right and
center; Nodzu the center and left; Kuroki was farther east,
intending to force the passage of the Tai-tze-ho and reach the
rear of their main body. Artillery on both sides opened the
battle at dawn, August 30, and a terrible duel was fought for
five hours.
{347}
Then, at half-past eleven, General Oku delivered the first
infantry assault, which cost a fearful loss of life, and
failed. Late in the afternoon a resolute turning movement on
the Russian right was attempted by the Japanese and pressed
until darkness came, with success only to the extent of
driving the enemy from one village. Then a night attack on the
Russian center was made, and that, too, was repelled.
The morning of the 31st brought a renewal of the artillery
duel, followed by assault after assault from Oku’s indomitable
troops on the Russian right flank, with the result of driving
it back to the cover of the railway embankment. Meantime
General Kuroki, whose army was on the extreme right of the
Japanese line, had forced the passage of the Tai-tze-ho River,
at a ford 26 miles east of Liao-Yang. This compelled
Kuropatkin to withdraw some of his troops from the outer
fortifications south and east of Liao-Yang and send them
against Kuroki. The crisis of the struggle was now in the
battles fought on the next two days with Kuroki, in vain
attempts to cut him off from the river ford and crush his not
large army. At the same time the Japanese were making a direct
attack on Liao-Yang and endeavoring to cut Kuropatkin’s
communications with Mukden. Neither Russians nor Japanese had
success in these attempts, but the former were brought to a
situation which compelled retreat. On the fourth of September
they evacuated Liao-Yang and withdrew from the surrounding
works. "As soon as the evacuation began," wrote Lord Brooke,
"the Japanese guns opened fire on the Russians, who had for
line of retreat only the railway bridge and the two pontoons
across the Tai-tze-ho. Nevertheless the retirement was carried
on with great coolness, and the loss sustained in crossing the
river was comparatively small in view of the difficult
position from which the Russians had to extricate themselves.
All the artillery was got away. But if the evacuation of
Liao-Yang was cleverly effected, the army of Kuropatkin was
still in great danger, and the Commander-in-chief seemed
really afraid that a large part of his force would be cut off.
It was a reasonable apprehension, for General Kuroki’s army
began the day with renewed vigor. … In a melancholy frame of
mind the whole army marched northward, with Kuroki continually
pressing its flank and the fear that Oku would ere long be on
his heels."
Pursuit by the Japanese was given up on the morning of
September 6th.
In the "Epitome" of the war, prepared and published by the
American Army Staff, the total Russian loss in the Liao-Yang
battles is given as reported to have been 54 officers and 1810
men killed; 252 officers and 10,811 men wounded; 5 officers
and 1211 men missing. The Japanese reported a total loss of
17,539 officers and men, without details.
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (October).
War with Russia: Quiet Aspect of Life during the War.
Spartan Discipline of Japanese Feeling and Conduct.
"For all industrial civilization the contest is one of vast
moment;—for Japan it is probably the supreme crisis in her
national life. As to what her fleets and her armies have been
doing, the world is fully informed; but as to what her people
are doing at home, little has been written.
"To inexperienced observation they would appear to be doing
nothing unusual; and this strange calm is worthy of record. At
the beginning of hostilities an Imperial mandate was issued,
bidding all non-combatants to pursue their avocations as
usual, and to trouble themselves as little as possible about
exterior events;—and this command has been obeyed to the
letter. It would be natural to suppose that all the
sacrifices, tragedies, and uncertainties of the contest had
thrown their gloom over the life of the capital in especial;
but there is really nothing whatever to indicate a condition
of anxiety or depression. On the contrary, one is astonished
by the joyous tone of public confidence, and the admirably
restrained pride of the nation in its victories. Western tides
have strewn the coast with Japanese corpses; regiments have
been blown out of existence in the storming of positions
defended by wire-entanglements; battle-ships have been lost;
yet at no moment has there been the least public excitement.
The people are following their daily occupations just as they
did before the war; the cheery aspect of things is just the
same; the theatres and flower displays are not less well
patronized. The life of Tokyo has been, to outward seeming,
hardly more affected by the events of the war than the life of
nature beyond it, where the flowers are blooming and the
butterflies hovering as in other summers. Except after the
news of some great victory,—celebrated with fireworks and
lantern processions,—there are no signs of public emotion; and
but for the frequent distribution of newspaper-extras, by
runners ringing bells, you could almost persuade yourself that
the whole story of the war is an evil dream.
"Yet there has been, of necessity, a vast amount of
suffering—viewless and voiceless suffering—repressed by that
sense of social and patriotic duty which is Japanese religion.
… The great quiet and the smiling tearlessness testify to the
more than Spartan discipline of the race. Anciently the people
were trained, not only to conceal their emotions, but to speak
in a cheerful voice and to show a pleasant face under any
stress of moral suffering; and they are obedient to that
teaching to-day. It would still be thought a shame to betray
personal sorrow for the loss of those who die for Emperor and
fatherland."
_Lafcadio Hearn,
A Letter from Japan
(Atlantic Monthly, November, 1904)._
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (May-January).
War with Russia: Operations against Port Arthur.
Preliminary battles.
Investment and Siege.
The Defences.
Desperate assaults in August.
Story of Lieutenant Sakurai.
The assault on 203 Metre Hill and its capture.
Surrender of the Fortress.
Trial and condemnation of General Stössel.
As stated heretofore, the Japanese began landing their Second
Army, under General Oku, at Petsiwo, for operations against
Port Arthur, on the 4th of May. Very quickly thereafter the
railway was cut and Port Arthur was blockaded by land as well
as by sea. On the 8th the last train from the north was
brought in. By the 25th Oku was ready to advance, and on the
following day he attacked the Russians at Kinchou (the battle
bearing sometimes the name of Nan-shan), and expelled them
from that position, the loss of which, according to the
correspondent Nojine, sealed the fate of Port Arthur.
{348}
He accuses General Stössel of having boastfully assumed that
the Japanese could never take Kinchou, denouncing as traitors
all who questioned the sufficiency of its fortification and
urged the strengthening of the works. The expulsion from
Kinchou necessitated the abandonment of the important port of
Dalny, which was done with great haste on the night of the
26th. "In Dalny," says Nojine, "there were numerous buildings,
docks, and the most splendid breakwaters running out into
the sea for a distance of one and a half miles. … Owing to
want of time nothing except a few of the railway bridges was
blown up. … Besides the numerous town, harbor and railway
buildings, there was an immense amount of private house
property, as well as large warehouses, stocked with food and
stores of all sorts, both public and private. The enemy got
possession of them all undamaged, just as they were. After the
capture of Arthur the Japanese confessed that by not
destroying Dalny we had assisted them enormously in their
difficult task of disembarking their siege-train, and that the
railway had enabled them easily to get it into position in the
investing lines. …
"The enemy having now taken complete possession of Dalny, at
once used it as their base. There, quietly and comfortably,
without any interference from us, they carried out the landing
of troops for the investment. Ten transports would arrive
daily, bringing everything necessary for the concentrating
army. The railway from Dalny and all the rolling stock was in
perfect order; … our fleet did not hinder them in any way;
they had command of both land and sea."
On the 6th of June Oku’s army was divided, that general
leading part of it (still called the Second Army) northward,
leaving the remainder, as a Third Japanese Army, under General
Nogi, to conduct the investment and siege of Port Arthur.
At about this time, according to Nojine, Stössel was persuaded
by Smirnoff to permit the latter to fortify some of the outer
hills of the peninsula, which had been neglected hitherto;
these were Kuen-san Hill, the Green Hills, Angle Hill, Wolf’s
Hill, Ta-ku-shan and Sia-gu-shan hills. "The latter," says
Nojine, "were of immense importance, as they were quite
inaccessible, and protected the whole of the western front of
the Fortress, but only so long as Wolf’s Hills were in our
possession." On the 26th and 27th of June the Japanese
attacked and captured Kuen-san and Green Hills. The latter
were recovered by the Russians on the 4th of July, but they
failed to retake Kuen-san. The loss of the latter was very
serious; for the Japanese from its summit could look into the
works on the Green Hills and, by telephone, direct the fire of
their batteries on them.
Until the 26th of July not much occurred, as the assailants
were busy strengthening the positions they had acquired. Then
they began a determined attack on Green Hill, and continued it
through two days. On the morning of the 28th the Russians gave
up the position and drew back towards Port Arthur, to what is
called the Wolf’s Hills line. They were driven from this on
the 30th, and the close investment of Port Arthur began then.
_E. K. Nojine,
The Truth about Port Arthur,
chapters 11-22._
As described in the "Epitome of the Russo-Japanese War"
prepared for the United States of America General Staff, the
immediate "defences of Port Arthur, divided into eastern and
western sectors by the valley through which the railway enters
the town, consisted of permanent masonry forts whose gorges
were connected by the old Chinese Wall, temporary works
constructed just prior to and during the siege, and connecting
and advance trenches. The west sector followed an irregular
crest, with an elevation of about 500 feet, around the new
town, and terminated on Laotiehshan, the highest point in the
vicinity, with an elevation of about 1000 feet. The east
sector encircled the old town at a distance of from two to two
and a half miles, running along an irregular crest, about 350
feet in elevation, within which was an elevation (Wangtai or
Signal Hill) of about 800 feet. The permanent forts were
polygonal in trace and had ditches with caponieres and
galleries. The gap between the two sectors was covered by the
fort on Paiyushan (Quail Hill).
"Of the works most intimately connected with the siege the
Sungshushan, Ehrlungshan, North and East Tungchikuanshan,
Itzushan, and Antzushan forts were strong permanent
fortifications. The two Panglungshan forts, East and West,
were semi-permanent redoubt-shaped fortifications; 203 Meter
Hill and Aksakayama were semi-permanent works with two lines
of advance trenches. Kuropatkin Fort was a strong field-work
with deep ditch; the Shuishihyung lunettes were also provided
with ditches, but not so deep. P. H., Kobu and Hachimakiyama
were more in the nature of semi-permanent trenches with
bomb-proofs."
_Epitome of the Russo-Japanese War,
United States War Department,
Second [Military Information] Division,
General Staff, Number 11, pages. 28-29._
"In this fortress, for the first time, were utilised all those
terrible agencies of war which the rapid advance of science in
the past quarter of a century has rendered available. Among
these we may mention rapid-fire guns, machine-guns, smokeless
powder, artillery of high velocity and great range, high
explosive shells, the magazine rifle, the telescopic sight,
giving marvellous accuracy of fire, the range-finder, giving
instantaneously the exact distance of the enemy, the
search-light, the telegraph and the telephone, starlight
bombs, barbed-wire entanglements, and a dozen other
inventions, all of which were deemed sufficient, when applied
to such stupendous fortifications as those of Port Arthur, to
render them absolutely impregnable.
"The Russians believed them to be so—certainly the indomitable
Stössel did. And well he might, for there was no record in
history of any race of fighters, at least in modern times,
that could face such death-dealing weapons and not melt away
so swiftly before their fury as to be swept away in defeat.
But a new type of fighter has arisen, as the sequel was to
tell."
_Richard Barry,
How Port Arthur Fell
(Fortnightly Review, March, 1905)._
"The first bombardment from the land side began suddenly on
August 7. … The bombardment continued all day, though doing
little material damage. Next morning, from 2 to 5 A. M., we
heard heavy musketry fire from the direction of Ta-ku-shan:
the enemy leaving the town and the main defences in peace,
were turning their attention to it.
{349}
This hill corresponded in the east to 203 Metre Hill in the
west, and was equally important and equally unfortified. It
and Sia-gu-shan, the natural forts of Arthur on the eastern
front, had a bad time. In the first place they had not been
made the most of, for in the original plan of defence of Port
Arthur they had been thought to be important points and so had
been neither fortified nor armed as their position with regard
to the Fortress warranted, and Smirnoff had only recently
succeeded in arming them to a small extent. In the second
place they became, after the abandonment of Wolf’s Hills, open
to flanking fire, and therefore untenable. The companies of
the 13th East Siberian Rifle Regiment sent there went
literally to their death, but, together with the gunners, they
held on as long as possible."
Both of the hills were taken by the Japanese that night. The
Russians immediately concentrated a heavy artillery fire on
the new occupants, and the next day they attempted to retake
Ta-ku shan by assault, but failed. On the 11th they repeated
the attempt, with no better success. On the 16th General Nogi
sent in a flag of truce, bearing the proposal of "a discussion
of negotiations for the surrender of the Fortress," saying:
"The Russians have given signal proofs of their gallantry, but
Arthur will be taken all the same." The invitation was
declined. On the 20th the Japanese gained Angle Hill and
Pan-lun-shan redoubt; but the Russians recaptured the latter
on the following night.
The Japanese now hoped to be able to take the Fortress by a
general assault, and made the attempt with extraordinary
determination on the 21st, 22d, and 23d. "On the night of the
23d," writes Nojine, "the Japanese made the most desperate of
all their attacks so far. They made three separate and most
determined assaults on Zaredoubt Battery, on the line between
it and Big Eagle’s Nest, and on Ruchevsky Battery. Though
temporarily successful at one or two points, they were finally
driven back out of all with shocking slaughter." It is of this
assault that Lieutenant Tadayoshi Sakurai tells the terrible
story in one of the chapters of his book, entitled "Human
Bullets: A Soldier’s Story of Port Arthur," from which the
following is quoted:
"I gathered my men around me and said: ‘I now bid you all
farewell. Fight with all your might. This battle will decide
whether Port Arthur is to fall or not. This water you drink,
please drink as if at your death moment.’
"I filled a cup with water that was fetched by one or two
soldiers at the risk of their lives, and we all drank farewell
from the same cup. Soon we received orders to advance to a
point half-way up the side of Panlung. … This fortress of
Panlung had been captured with the flesh and blood of the
Ninth Division of the Seventh and Eighth Regiments of the
Second Reserve, and was now an important base from which a
general assault on the northern forts of East Kikuan and
Wantai was to be made. This critical spot was finally taken
after a terrible struggle and a valiant action by the men of
General Oshima’s command. The sad story was eloquently told by
the horrible sights of the ravine. While running through the
opening in the wire-entanglement beyond, I noticed many
engineers and infantry men dead, piled one upon another caught
in the wire, or taking hold with both arms of a post, or
grasping the iron shears.
"When we reached the middle of the side of Panlung, I saw the
regimental flag that I used to carry, flying above our heads
in the dark. My heart leaped at the sight of the dear flag. …
As soon as we were gathered together the Colonel rose and gave
us a final word of exhortation, saying: ‘This battle is our
great chance of saving our country. To-night we must strike at
the vitals of Port Arthur. Our brave assaulting column must be
not simply a forlorn-hope ("resolved-to-die"), but a
"sure-death" detachment. I as your father am more grateful
than I can express for your gallant fighting. Do your best,
all of you.’
"Yes, we were all ready for death when leaving Japan. Men
going to battle of course cannot expect to come back alive.
But in this particular battle to be ready for death was not
enough; what was required of us was a determination not to
fail to die. Indeed we were ‘sure death’ men, and this new
appellation gave us a great stimulus. Also a telegram that had
come from the Minister of War in Tokyo was read by the
aide-de-camp, which said, ‘I pray for your success.’ This
increased the exaltation of our spirits.
"Let me now recount the sublimity and horror of this general
assault. I was a mere lieutenant and everything passed through
my mind as in a dream, so my story must be something like
picking out things from the dark. I can’t give you any
systematic account, but must limit myself to fragmentary
recollections. If this story sounds like a vain-glorious
account of my own achievements, it is not because I am
conscious of my merit when I have so little to boast of, but
because the things concerning me and near me are what I can
tell you with authority. If this partial account prove a clue
from which the whole story of this terrible assault may be
inferred, my work will not have been in vain.
"The men of the ‘sure-death’ detachment rose to their part.
Fearlessly they stepped forth to the place of death. They went
over Panlung-shan and made their way through the piled-up
bodies of the dead, groups of five or six soldiers reaching
the barricaded slope one after another. I said to the colonel,
‘Good-by, then!’ With this farewell I started, and my first
step was on the head of a corpse. Our objective points were
the Northern Fortress and Wang-tai Hill.
"There was a fight with bombs at the enemy’s
skirmish-trenches. The bombs sent from our side exploded
finely, and the place became at once a conflagration, boards
were flung about, sand bags burst, heads flew around, legs
were torn off. The flames mingled with the smoke, lighted up
our faces weirdly, with a red glare, and all at once the
battle-line became confused. Then the enemy, thinking it
hopeless, left the place and began to flee. ‘Forward! forward!
now is the time to go forward! Forward! Pursue! Capture it
with one bound!’ and, proud of our victory, we went forward
courageously. Captain Kawakami, raising his sword, cried,
‘Forward!’ and then I, standing close by him, cried,
‘Sakurai’s company, forward!’ Thus shouting I left the
captain’s side, and, in order to see the road we were to
follow, went behind the rampart. What is that black object
which obstructs our view? It is the ramparts of the Northern
Fortress. Looking back, I did not see a soldier. Alack, had
the line been cut? In trepidation, keeping my body to the left
for safety, I called the Twelfth Company.
{350}
"‘Lieutenant Sakurai!’ A voice called out repeatedly in
answer. Returning to the direction of the sound, I found
Corporal Ito weeping loudly. ‘What are you crying for? What
has happened?’ The corporal, weeping bitterly, gripped my arm
tightly. ‘Lieutenant Sakurai, you have become an important
person.’ ‘ What is there to weep about?’ I say, ‘what is the
matter?’ He whispered in my ear, ‘Our captain is dead.’
Hearing this, I too wept. Was it not only a moment ago that he
had given the order ‘Forward’? Was it not even now that I had
separated from him? And yet our captain was one of the dead.
In a moment our tender, pitying Captain Kawakami and I had
become beings of two separate worlds. Was it a dream or a
reality, I wondered?
"Corporal Ito pointed out the captain’s body, which had fallen
inside the rampart only a few rods away. I hastened hither and
raised him in my arms. ‘Captain!’ I could not say a word more.
But as matters could not remain thus, I took the secret map
which the captain had, and, rising up boldly, called out,
‘From henceforward I command the Twelfth Company.’ And I
ordered that someone of the wounded should carry back the
captain’s corpse. A wounded soldier was just about to raise it
up when he was struck on a vital spot and died leaning on the
captain. One after another of the soldiers who took his place
was struck and fell.
"I called Sub-Lieutenant Ninomiya and asked him if the
sections were together. He answered in the affirmative. I
ordered Corporal Ito not to let the line be cut, and told him
that I would be in the center of the skirmishers. In the
darkness of the night we could not distinguish the features of
the country, nor in which direction we were to march. Standing
up abruptly against the dark sky were the Northern Fortress
and Wang-tai Hill. In front of us lay a natural stronghold,
and we were in a caldron-shaped hollow. But still we marched
on side by side.
‘The Twelfth Company forward!’ I turned to the right and went
forward as in a dream. I remember nothing clearly of the time.
‘Keep the line together!’ This was my one command. Presently I
ceased to hear the voice of Corporal Ito, who had been at my
right hand. The bayonets gleaming in the darkness became
fewer. The black masses of soldiers who had pushed their way
on now became a handful. All at once, as if struck by a club,
I fell down sprawling on the ground. I was wounded, struck in
my right hand. The splendid magnesium light of the enemy
flashed out, showing the piled-up bodies of the dead, and I
raised my wounded hand and looked at it. It was broken at the
wrist; the hand hung down and was bleeding profusely. I took
out the already loosened bundle of bandages, tied up my wound
with the triangular piece, and then wrapping a handkerchief
over it, I slung it from my neck with the sunrise flag, which
I had sworn to plant on the enemy’s fortress.
"Looking up, I saw that only a valley lay between me and
Wang-tai Hill, which almost touched the sky. I wished to drink
and sought at my waist, but the canteen was gone; its leather
strap alone was entangled in my feet. The voices of the
soldiers were lessening one by one. In contrast, the glare of
the rockets of the hated enemy and the frightful noise of the
cannonading increased. I slowly rubbed my legs, and, seeing
that they were unhurt, I again rose. Throwing aside the sheath
of my sword, I carried the bare blade in my left hand as a
staff, went down the slope as in a dream, and climbed Wang-tai
Hill.
"The long and enormously heavy guns were towering before me,
and how few of my men were left alive now! I shouted and told
the survivors to follow me, but few answered my call. When I
thought that the other detachments must also have been reduced
to a similar condition, my heart began to fail me. No
reinforcement was to be hoped for, so I ordered a soldier to
climb the rampart and plant the sun flag overhead, but alas!
he was shot and killed, without even a sound or cry.
"All of a sudden a stupendous sound as from another world rose
around about me. ‘Counter-assault!’ A detachment of the enemy
appeared on the rampart, looking like a dark wooden barricade.
They surrounded us in the twinkling of an eye and raised a cry
of triumph. Our disadvantageous position would not allow us to
offer any resistance, and our party was too small to fight
them. We had to fall back down the steep hill. Looking back, I
saw the Russians shooting at us as they pursued. When we
reached the earthworks before mentioned, we made a stand and
faced the enemy. Great confusion and infernal butchery
followed. Bayonets clashed against bayonets; the enemy brought
out machine-guns and poured shot upon us pell-mell; the men on
both sides fell like grass. But I cannot give you a detailed
account of the scene, because I was then in a dazed condition.
I only remember that I was brandishing my sword in fury. I
also felt myself occasionally cutting down the enemy. I
remember a confused fight of white blade against white blade,
the rain and hail of shell, a desperate fight here and a
confused scuffle there. At last I grew so hoarse that I could
not shout any more. Suddenly my sword broke with a clash, my
left arm was pierced. I fell, and before I could rise a shell
came and shattered my right leg. I gathered all my strength
and tried to stand up, but I felt as if I were crumbling and
fell to the ground perfectly powerless. A soldier who saw me
fall cried, ‘Lieutenant Sakurai, let us die together.’"
_Tadayoshi Sakurai,
Human Bullets, chapter 26
(Houghton Mifflin Co., Boston).
https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/47548_
The soldier who offered to die with him stayed with the
Lieutenant till morning, binding his wounds, and finally
creeping away to find and bring help if he could. He, too, had
been wounded, and Sakurai found him later in a hospital. At
the end of many hours of constantly imminent death, the
helpless and suffering Lieutenant was saved by two soldiers
who bore him, stealthily and with infinite difficulty out of
the range of the Russian rifles and to a field hospital, where
he found himself among intimate friends.
{351}
Of the scene on the morning following the terrific assaults of
August 23d, the correspondent Nojine writes:
"The rising sun showed up sheaves of corpses on the ground
that was still ours. Death had indeed triumphed, and had
claimed 22,000 lives. From this time forward the enemy
remained content with the slower advance of regular siege
operations. … The enemy had got close up to our positions, and
the salient angle of the north-east was almost in their hands.
I say ‘almost,’ because the ruins of these works remained the
greater part of the time untenanted, neutralized by the
gun-fire of both sides." A month passed before another serious
assault was undertaken by the Japanese. Then, on the 21st of
September, they attacked what was called "203 Metre Hill."
"Column after column rushed forward on to 203 Metre Hill,
covering all its fore hills and slopes with heaps of dead; but
at 8.45 a. m. they were repulsed. This assault was
distinguished by particular obstinacy. … Having got
three-quarters of [the hill] they meant to get possession of
the rest at all costs: they slowly crawled upwards, fell dead,
rolled back, and others dashed forward; they lay concealed and
waited for reinforcements; nothing would drive them back. All
their thoughts, all their endeavors were to get possession of
this hill. Our men began rolling down great boulders from the
top. These bounded down, flattened out the dead and sought out
the living, who, in trying to dodge, exposed themselves and
were shot by our men on the lookout. … During the night of the
21st about 900 corpses were collected under 203 Metre Hill."
Nevertheless the assault was repeated on the following day.
"From the moment this assault was beaten back, the trenches in
front of 203 Metre Hill were gradually evacuated and the enemy
went to earth only on Angle Hill. All their sapping was
confined to the north-east. On the western front of the
Fortress there now remained in our possession only 203 Metre,
Flat and Divisional Hills. … October 1 was an epoch in the
history of the defence of Port Arthur, for it was on this day
that the first of the 11-inch shells fell into the Fortress,
and so changed the aspect of affairs. … Nowhere could we find
real safety from them. … The concrete of the forts, the armor
on the battle ships, were penetrated clean through." Mining
and counter-mining, by the besiegers and the besieged, were
now in progress, and the explosion of such mines was begun
near the end of October. On the 30th of that month the
Japanese made another general assault, after a "cruel
bombardment" of four days. "The October attacks were short,
but most determined and bloody. As regards their success, it
was but slight. The enemy had gained some dozens of yards—no
more. … The Japanese had fired over 150,000 shells." The
"November assault season" began on the 20th. Its climax was on
the 26th, "when time after time, the enemy threw themselves
with extraordinary gallantry and persistence on forts
Ehr-lung-shan, Chi-kuan-shan and B Battery. Thousands were
mown down, but the living surged onwards. But it could not go
on forever, and at 3.30 the infantry attacks slackened and
ceased. … All next day and night an incessant stream of
wounded poured into Arthur, our losses being more than 1500
men. … The slopes below and beyond Tumulus Hill were thickly
spread with dead Japanese. A thick, unbroken mass of corpses
covered the cold earth like a coverlet. On the day of the
assault the following order had been issued by Major-General
Nakamura, who commanded the Japanese force told off for that
forlorn hope: … ‘Our objective is to sever the Fortress on two
parts. Not a man must hope to return alive. If I fall, Colonel
Watanabe will take over the command; if he also falls, Colonel
Okuno will take his place. Every officer, whatever his rank,
must consider himself his senior’s successor. The attack will
be delivered mainly with the bayonet. No matter how fierce the
Russian fire, our men will not reply by a single shot until we
have established ourselves. Officers will shoot any men who
fall out or retire without orders.’ … This is the kind of foe
we had to fight. …
"We now come to the culmination of the tragedy, and perhaps
the bloodiest scene of carnage of the whole war—the fight for
and capture of 203 Metre Hill." The attack began November 27
and was continuous for eight days, excepting that an hour’s
truce was obtained by the Japanese, December 2, for the burial
of their dead. The next day "the fight on the hill was, if
possible, more exasperated. In the Fortress the feeling of
alarm was intensified, and all unemployed men had been got
under arms, … and the other points denuded, in order to feed
the maw of 203 Metre Hill. Even the hospitals gave their
contribution. December 4—bright and frosty—ushered in a fresh
hell. It was now hardly a fight between men that was taking
place on this accursed spot; it was a struggle of human flesh
against iron and steel, against blazing petroleum, lyddite,
pyroxiline and mélinite, and the stench of rotting corpses. It
was the last day but one of the long-drawn agony." At noon on
the 5th the Japanese gained the top of the hill, and held it
against an attempt that evening to drive them off. "203 Metre
Hill was lost, and with it more than 5000 Russians."
The end was now near. On the 15th four generals, and other
officers, including General Kondratenko, the most valued
assistant of General Smirnoff, were holding a consultation in
one of the casemates, and were killed by a 11-inch shell,
which penetrated even that shelter. On the 18th Chi-kuan-shan
Fort was captured; on the 28th Ehr-lung-shan was lost; on the
31st the Japanese took fortification Number 3, and on New
Year’s Day they won the Eagle’s Nest. That day General Stössel
sent a flag of truce to open negotiations for surrender. The
capitulation was signed the next day. "Of 18,000 sick and
wounded reported on the day the garrison marched out, 6000
only were wounded; the balance were cases of scurvy."
_E. K. Nojine,
The Truth about Port Arthur
(Dutton & Co., New York).
https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/59972_
General Stössel was subsequently ordered for trial before a
military commission, on a number of charges, including
disobedience of orders from the General Commanding in
Manchuria, false reports to headquarters, improper
interference with the commandant of the Fortress, and personal
absence from most of the engagements that had taken place in
and around Port Arthur. He was condemned to death, but the
Tzar commuted the sentence to imprisonment for ten years. He
began serving the sentence in March 1908, and was pardoned and
released on the 19th of May, 1909.
{352}
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (September-March).
War with Russia: The Campaign in Manchuria.
From the Battle of Liao-Yang to the end of
the Battle of Mukden.
Early in October, a month after the escape of the Russian army
from its defeat at Liao-Yang, General Kuropatkin attacked the
Japanese at the Sha-ho river and fought a desperate battle
with no substantial success. Extensive movements were then
interrupted by the approach of winter, and the campaign was
practically suspended for the next four months. "The three
Japanese armies had maintained the same relative positions in
which they had fought their way from Hai-Cheng northward.
Kuroki’s was the right, Oku’s the left, and Nodzu’s the
center. By the middle of February, Marshal Oyama had been
reënforced by Nogi’s one hundred thousand veterans of Port
Arthur, hereafter to be known as the fourth Japanese army,
operating to the west of Oku. A somewhat mysterious fifth
army, under command of General Kawamura, had been operating
somewhere between Kuroki and Vladivostok, and, while its
movements had not been known definitely, it had been expected
to threaten General Kuropatkin’s left. Both Russians and
Japanese were within a few miles of Mukden, the sacred city of
the Manchus. This city of half a million people lies in a
plain,—really the valley of the Hun River,—with the Hun and
the Liao rivers twenty to thirty miles west and southwest.
Eastward are the Mao-Tien Mountains, extending along the line
of the Port Arthur & Harbin Railway. The Russian and Japanese
lines formed a huge bow or crescent, the Japanese to the
southward, extending over a hundred miles of plains and hill
from Chang-Tan eastward across the railway to Lone Tree
(Putiloff) Hill, almost all the strong positions being held by
the Russians." In this position of the two stupendous armies
the long series of engagements known collectively as the
Battle of Mukden was opened by the Japanese on the 20th of
February, 1905. The center of the Russian army rested on the
Sha-ho; its right wing, commanded by General Kaulbars, was
distant from its left wing, commanded by General Linevitch,
more than one hundred and twenty miles. The Japanese attack
was begun by Kuroki, commanding their right. Crossing the
Sha-ho, he "swung around the Russian left, driving it from the
mountains in the vicinity of Tie Pass to Fushun, an important
fortified post (and the Russian coal depot) on the Hun River;
Nogi’s force had attacked General Kuropatkin from the west.
Nogi had marched through the neutral zone south of the Liao
River, to Sin-Min-Tun, a violation of neutrality against which
the Russians and Chinese had protested. This neutral zone,
however, had already been used by the Russians as a base to
forward coal and supplies to their army, so the Japanese
Government claimed that the neutrality had become null and
void. On March 3, Nogi rolled up the Russians in flight, and
his advance was not checked until his right wing had come into
touch with Oku’s left, only about eight miles south of Mukden.
While the armies of Oku and Nodzu continued to pound the
Russian center, with tremendous losses to themselves and to
the enemy, Nogi’s left, after a forced march of forty miles,
fell upon the Russian center. Through this Oku and Nodzu drove
a wedge, and, although Generals Linevitch and Kaulbars had
made a desperate defense and General Rennenkampf’s Cossacks
had performed prodigies of valor, the Russians had found
themselves (by the end of the first week in March) attacked in
so many places on the north of their flanks that it had become
a question with Kuropatkin, not only of retreat, but of saving
large bodies of troops from being surrounded and annihilated.
"Early on the morning of March 10, the Japanese occupied
Mukden, and the Russian retreat had become a rout. The next
day the important fortified town of Fushun was seized by the
Japanese, and thereafter the Russians, disorganized and
suffering from hunger and the weather, poured northward to Tie
Pass, forty miles from Mukden,—outmarched, outgeneraled, and
outfought."
_American Review of Reviews,
April and May, 1905._
"The sufferings caused by the retreat cannot be exaggerated.
It must be remembered that the weather remained intensely cold
and that the arrangements for collecting the wounded were all
disorganised. … Defeat, it may be added, was wholly unexpected
by the Manchurian Army, and that view was shared by the
foreign attaches and the war correspondents. Whatever their
opinions might be as to the possibility of General Kuropatkin
marching on Liao-Yang, they felt confident that the Japanese
would be unable to turn the Russians out of the positions so
long and so carefully prepared. The Japanese accomplished this
seemingly impossible task. …
"Following on the disaster of Mukden, General Kuropatkin was
relieved of his command, exchanging places with General
Linevitch. The new Commander-in-Chief fixed his headquarters
at Guntzuling, where the shattered army was re-formed."
_Lord Brooke,
An Eye Witness in Manchuria,
chapter 37._
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (October-May).
War with Russia: The expedition of the Baltic Fleet
to relieve Port Arthur.
The Dogger Bank incident.
The Seven Months Voyage.
Battle of Tsushima.
Destruction of the Fleet.
After the sea-fights of August 10-14, between Port Arthur and
Vladivostok (see above, A. D. 1904, February-August) Russia
had no naval force of any importance in the Pacific, and
hastened preparations for sending out a fleet from the Baltic
Sea.
See above,
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (February-August).
Under the command of Admiral Rozhdestvensky, this intended
reinforcement of the defence of Port Arthur was despatched
from Reval and Libau, sailing from the latter port on October
15. At the outset of its voyage, while traversing the North
Sea, the Russian fleet experienced a misadventure which
occasioned much excitement for a time and threatened to raise
a serious question between the Russian and British
governments. Briefly stated, the main facts of the case,
according to evidence accepted subsequently by an
International Commission of Inquiry, were these:
Before sailing from Reval, and, further, while anchored at the
Skagen, making ready to pass to the North Sea, Admiral
Rozhdestvensky had been warned by agents of his government
that suspicious vessels were on the coast of Norway, and that
he must beware of hostile undertakings, which were likely to
have the form of torpedo attacks. Accordingly he sailed from
the Skagen, October 20, twenty-four hours earlier than he had
planned, sending off the fleet in six divisions, that which he
accompanied being the last, and starting at 10 p. m.
{353}
In one of the preceding divisions a transport, by reason of
defects in her engine, fell behind the cruisers which escorted
her, and at 8 p. m. on October 21 was some fifty miles astern
of the remainder of the fleet. She then met several Swedish
vessels which she imagined to be torpedo craft, and fired on
them, sending a wireless message to the Admiral that she was
attacked by torpedo boats on all sides. This message led the
Admiral to signal to his captains that they might expect
attacks and must keep a doubly vigilant watch. At an early
hour in the following morning his own immediate squadron
arrived at the Dogger Bank, where, as usual, many fishing
craft, mostly English, were "shooting their trawls," and doing
so in a regulated way, under the direction of a fishing master
or captain, who signalled with rockets to his fleet. One of
the preceding divisions of the Russian armada had passed these
without alarm, recognizing what they were; but Admiral
Rozhdestvensky and the officers of his flagship were so
expectant of enemies that the sight of a green rocket shot
into the air, and a distant glimpse of some kind of a ship
which seemed to be headed straight for them, at a great rate
of speed, convinced them instantly that they were in the midst
of swarming foes, and they opened fire.
According to testimony, their fire was kept up for about half
an hour, as they passed through the fishing fleet, one of the
vessels in which was sunk, her skipper and one other man
killed, while all but one of the remaining crew received
wounds. Two others of the fishing craft were struck, and the
hospital ship of the National Mission which attended the fleet
received some damage. Ultimately it was learned that the
Russians, in their wild firing, did harm to one another, so
seriously that the chaplain of one of their ships received a
wound from which he died.
Wild excitement was created in England by the news of this
strange performance. Hurried naval preparations were made for
vigorous action, if found necessary, and formal demands for
apology, inquiry and compensation were presented at St.
Petersburg. Nothing, however, was done rashly, and the two
governments concerned agreed sensibly and quickly to an
investigation of the affair by an International Commission,
which gave hearings in Paris soon afterwards. The Commission
found precedents in recent naval experience—even in the
manoeuvres of the British navy—of a similar mistaking of
fishing boats and other vessels for torpedo craft, and was
able to deal gently and pacifically with the facts brought
before it. It decided that the fishing fleet had committed no
hostile act, and that no torpedo boat was either among them or
near them, and that, consequently, the Russian Admiral was not
justified in opening fire. As for his not stopping to
ascertain the damage he had done, the conclusion was that
enough uncertainty on the subject of danger had been raised in
his mind to warrant that neglect; but a majority of the
commissioners expressed regret that he had not given notice of
what had happened when he passed through the Straits. Then, as
_The Naval Annual_ remarked, in reviewing the incident,
"diplomacy steps in and seeks to soothe military and national
susceptibilities by declaring that Admiral Rozhdestvensky’s
‘valeur militaire’ is unimpaired, and his ‘sentiments
d’humanité’ unimpeachable."
_Naval Annual, 1905,
chapter vi._
Between the English and Russian governments the affair was
settled amicably by an indemnity of £65,000 from the latter to
the fishermen who suffered.
The first halt in Rozhdestvensky’s voyage was off Tangier,
where he divided his fleet, sending one division, under
Admiral Folkersahm, by the Suez Canal route, and leading the
other in person down the Atlantic and round the Cape. They met
off Madagascar on the 3d of January, and got news there of the
fall of Port Arthur and, later, of the defeat of the Russian
army at Mukden. The stay of the reunited fleet at Nossi Bé
island, off the west coast of Madagascar, near its northern
extremity, was prolonged, awaiting orders, till the 17th of
March. Nothing was known of its next movements until it was
seen off Singapore, April 8. Thence it proceeded to Kam-ranh
Bay, in French Indo-China, where it stayed for some weeks,
waiting to be joined by another squadron from the Baltic,
which came under the command of Admiral Nebogatoff. This use
of the waters of a neutral Power was bitterly complained of in
Japan and sharply criticised elsewhere. The whole fleet
resumed its northward voyage on the 14th of May, and on the
27th, in the Korean Straits, off the island of Tsushima, it
was intercepted by Admiral Togo’s fleet. An account of the
circumstances of the interception, and of the wonderfully
decisive battle which ensued, derived by Mr. George Kennan
from both Russian and Japanese participants in the engagement,
was published in _The Outlook_ of July 29, 1905. Mr.
Kennan, who had been with the Japanese forces during the siege
of Port Arthur, and had described it for _The Outlook_,
obtained permission to visit some of the wounded and captured
officers of Rozhdestvensky’s fleet in hospital at one of the
naval stations in Japan. As he spoke their language they
talked with him freely, and information from both victors and
vanquished is thus combined in the account from which we quote
a few passages, as follows:
"When the Baltic fleet left the coast of Annam, on its way to
Vladivostok, Admiral Rojesvensky [so Mr. Kennan writes the
name] had no accurate information with regard to the
whereabouts of the Japanese squadrons. They might all be
concentrated in the Tsushima Strait, between Japan and Korea,
or they might be watching, in three separate detachments, the
three channels that give access to the Sea of Japan, viz,
Tsushima, Tsuguru, and La Perouse. Thinking that Togo would
not dare to leave wholly unguarded the two northern passages,
which are nearest to Vladivostok, Rojesvensky assumed that the
Japanese fleet had been divided into three sections, and that,
on any route which he might select, he would probably have to
deal with only one of them. …
"Admiral Togo, however, did not divide his fleet.
Anticipating, with acute prescience, the reasoning and the
decision of the Russian commander, he concentrated his whole
force in the Tsushima Strait, and concealed it so perfectly in
unfrequented harbors at the southern end of Korea that nobody
ever saw it or discovered its location. … It seems to have had
its main base near Masampho, Korea. The arrangements made for
discovering the approach and reporting the movements of the
Russian fleet were as comprehensive and perfect as possible.
{354}
All along the southwestern coast of Japan signal stations had
been established on prominent islands and on the tops of high
mountains, and every one of these ‘watch-towers,’ as they were
called, was connected by telephone, either with Sasebo or with
Maizuru. Fast scouting ships, equipped with wireless telegraph
instruments, patrolled the entrance to the strait, and on the
charts carried by them, as well as by all other vessels of the
Japanese fleet, the whole stretch of water between Japan and
Korea had been divided into small numbered squares, so that
the exact location of the enemy at any moment might be
designated by a number. There was no possibility of
Rojesvensky’s getting through the strait unobserved unless he
should be favored by dense fog.
"At five o’clock on the morning of Saturday, May 27, the
scouting ship Shinano-maru reported by wireless telegraphy
from the vicinity of Quelpart Island, ‘Enemy's fleet sighted
in square 203. He seems to be steering for the East Channel’
(the passage between Tsushima Island and the Japanese
mainland, which is called on English charts Krusenstern
Strait). The Japanese fleet, which was all ready for sea, left
its Korean base at once. Admiral Togo himself, with four
battle-ships and eight armoured cruisers, took a northerly
course in order to get ahead of the enemy and stop his
progress at or near Oki Island (Okinoshima), while Admirals
Kamimura, Uriu, Dewa, and Kataoka sailed in a southeasterly
direction for the purpose of enveloping his rear. The officers
last named came into touch with the Russian fleet between Iki
Island and Tsushima soon after ten o’clock; but as the
Japanese plan of action did not contemplate an attack at that
point, they merely kept the enemy in sight and reported to
Admiral Togo by wireless telegraphy the number and disposition
of his ships. Rojesvensky had in all thirty-eight vessels, and
they entered the strait in two parallel columns.
"The Russians, of course, saw on their left flank and in their
rear the squadrons of Admirals Kamimura, Kataoka, Uriu, and
Dewa, but, as these ships showed no disposition to attack,
they (the Russians) were confirmed in their belief that only a
part of the Japanese fleet was there, and that they should get
through the strait without a serious fight. They remained
under this delusion until half past one o’clock in the
afternoon, when, to their great surprise, Admiral Togo, with
four battle-ships and eight armored cruisers, appeared
directly ahead. … At 1.55 p. m., when the flag-ships of the
two fleets were a little more than four miles apart, Togo
hoisted the following signal: ‘The fate of the Empire depends
upon this battle. Let every man do his best.’ At two o’clock
the Japanese squadrons on the flank and rear of the Russians
closed in a little, and eight minutes later the fight began,
Admiral Togo opening fire at a distance of about four miles.
It became evident at once to the officers of the Orel that in
the matter of marksmanship they were wholly outclassed. The
fire of the Japanese was a little wild at first, but in a few
minutes they got the range with surprising accuracy, and
struck the leading battle-ships of the two Russian columns
with almost every shot. Ten minutes after the fight began, a
twelve-inch shell entered the forward turret of the Kniaz
Suvaroff, burst there with terrific violence, exploded three
or four rounds of ammunition that had just been brought up
from the magazine, wrecked both guns, and blew the top of the
turret completely off. In less than an hour the Russian
flag-ship had lost one mast and both funnels, and had taken
fire fore and aft; the Oslabya and the Alexander III. were
also in flames; the Orel, the Sissoi Veliki, and the Borodino
had been severely if not fatally injured; the Russian columns
had been broken up and thrown into disorder; and the issue of
the battle had been fully determined. In other words, the
Baltic fleet had been overwhelmed and defeated, by gun-fire
alone, in less than forty-five minutes. Most of the
second-class Russian vessels were still in fighting condition,
but the battle-ship section had lost more than half of its
original efficiency, and there was no longer any doubt as to
the outcome of the engagement. … Admiral Togo says, in his
detailed official report, that ‘at 2.45 p. m. the result of
the battle had been decided.’ And in this judgment the
officers of the Orel virtually coincide. They frankly admit
that they were overwhelmed from the very first by the accuracy
and destructiveness of Admiral Togo’s long-range gun-fire."
Though the result of the battle was made certain within its
first hour, the destruction of Russian ships went on to the
end of the day and through most of the night, with pursuit of
those in flight continued until the 26th. Twenty-two of the
Russian vessels of all classes were sunk, 6 were captured, 6
were afterwards interned in neutral ports, and two only made
their way to Valdivostok. The Japanese lost 3 torpedo boats;
116 of their officers and men were killed, and 538 received
wounds. The prisoners they captured numbered about 6000.
Admiral Rozhdestvensky, accused of cowardice in the battle,
was tried by court-martial and acquitted by a verdict rendered
in July, 1906.
JAPAN: A. D. 1904: A. D. 1904-1905.
War with Russia: Japan’s greatest achievement.
Sanitation of the Army.
"Without minimizing for a moment the splendor of Japanese
victories on land and sea, at Mukden, Port Arthur, Liao-Yang,
or with Togo off Tsushima, in the Korean Straits (and two of
these battles are among the bloodiest in history), I yet
unhesitatingly assert that Japan’s greatest conquests have
been in the humanities of war, in the stopping of the needless
sacrifice of life by preventable diseases. This dreadful and
unnecessary waste of life, especially in conflicts between
so-called civilized and Anglo-Saxon races, is one of the most
ghastly propositions of the age. The Japanese have gone a long
way toward eliminating it. …
"Longmore’s tables, which are accepted as the most reliable
statistics of war, and which are based on the records of
battles for the past two hundred years, show that there has
rarely been a conflict of any great duration in which at least
four men have not perished from disease for every one from
bullets. In the Russo-Turkish War, 80,000 men died from
disease and 20,000 from wounds. In the Crimean campaign, it is
asserted on eminent French authority that in six months the
allied forces lost 50,000 soldiers from disease and only 2,000
from casualties.
{355}
In the French campaign in Madagascar, in 1894, of the 14,000
men sent to the front 29 were killed in action and 7,000 from
disease, most of which was preventable. In our Spanish
American War, in 1898, in a campaign the actual hostilities of
which lasted six weeks, the deaths from casualties, as given
me by the surgeon-general of the United States army, last
week, were 293, while those from disease amounted to 3,681, or
nearly 14 to 1.
"Compare these frightful figures with the record of killed,
wounded, and sick in the Japanese army from February, 1904, to
May, 1905, as furnished me by Minister of War General
Terauchi, in Tokio, in August last. There were killed on the
field 43,892, or 7.32 per cent. of the entire army in the
field; there were wounded 145,527, or 24.27 percent.; there
died of wounds 9,054, or 1.51 percent.; there died from
sickness and disease, including contagious cases, 11,992, or
about 2 per cent. of the army. In other words, the total
number of deaths from casualties and wounds amounted to
52,946, or nearly 9 per cent, of the army, while the total
deaths from sickness amounted to 11,992, or 2 per cent. of the
army. This record is unparalleled and unapproached in the
history of warfare. How did the Japanese accomplish it? In
three preeminently fundamental ways. First, thorough
preparation and organization for war, such as was never before
made in history; second, through the simple, non-irritating,
easily digested ration furnished the troops; and third,
because of the brilliant part played by the members of the
medical profession in the application of practical sanitation
and the stamping out of preventable disease in the army,
thereby saving its great hosts for the legitimate purpose of
war, the defeating of the enemy in the field. …
"She organized her medical department on broad, generous
lines, and gave its representatives the rank and power their
great responsibilities merited, recognizing that they had to
deal with a foe which history has shown has killed 80 percent.
of the total mortality in other wars. She even had the
temerity (strange as it may seem to an American or an English
army official) to grade her medical men as high as the
officers of the line, who combat the enemy who kills only 20
per cent., and to accord them equal authority, except, of
course, in the emergency of battle, when all authority
devolves, as it should, on the officers of the line. In her
home land she organized the most splendid system of hospitals
that has ever been devised for the treatment of sick and
wounded, and with her army at the front she put into execution
the most elaborate and effective system of sanitation that has
ever been practised in war. Upon the declaration of war, she
was prepared to house, scientifically treat, and tenderly care
for 25,000 wounded in Japan alone, and as the war progressed
the hospital capacity was rapidly increased, so that one and
one-half years after its commencement, or on the sixth day of
July, 1905, the twelve military home hospitals possessed a
normal capacity of 58,261."
_Major Louis L. Seaman, M. D.,
Lessons for America in the Japanese Medical Service
(American Review of Reviews November, 1905)._
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905. War with Russia:
Casualties of the entire war on the Japanese side.
The following is an official Japanese statement of the
casualties of the entire war on the Japanese side:
"Killed in battle. 47,387
Died of wounds 11,500
Wounded, but recovered 161,925
Total killed and wounded 220,812
Died of sickness 27,158
Sick, but recovered 209,065
Total sick 236,223
Total of killed,
wounded, and sick 457,035
Total of fatal casualties 86,045
"These figures relate to the field only, not including cases
among the troops in Japan or Formosa, and they may be slightly
altered when all the reports of hospitals are compiled. Of
those who succumbed to disease nearly three-fourths died in
the field and one-fourth after reaching home.
"To find the total number of killed in battle and patients
treated the following additions must be made:
Total of killed, wounded,
and sick in the field 457,035
Patients treated at home 97,850
Russian prisoner patients 77,803
Grand total 632,688
"The above figures do not include slight cases remaining with
the Japanese regiments. In April, 1906, when these figures
were published, the Japanese missing had been reduced to
3,000.
"Comparative statement of the result of treatment, by wars:
Sick and wounded Wounded treated
treated in Hospital. in Hospital.
Recovered Died. Recovered Died.
completely. completely.
Per cent. Per cent. Per cent. Per cent.
Chinese-Japanese war 50.94 14.24 63.23 7.49
Russo-Japanese war 54.81 7.65 71.58 8.83
"The difference between each of the totals and 100 represents
men incapacitated for active service.
"Comparative statement of cases and deaths from sickness and
wounds, by wars:
Wounded. Sick. Died of Died of
Wounds. Disease.
Chinese-Japanese 1 6.93 1 12.09
North China 1 4.37 1 1.97
Russo-Japanese 1 1.07 1 0.46
"Comparative statement of percentage of sickness in total
number of troops in field, by war:
Percentage of Percentage of deaths
sickness for all from sickness for
troops engaged. all troops engaged.
Chinese-Japanese 59.20 9.29
North China war 34.88 4.33
Russo-Japanese 36.04 2.99
"The average monthly percentage of sickness during the
twenty-one months of the Russo-Japanese war was 8.69, while
the average monthly percentage for 1902, which is said to have
had an exceptionally good medical record, was 10.21."
_Charles Lynch,
Report (United States War Department,
Reports of Military Observers …
during the Russo-Japanese War, part 4)._
{356}
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905.
General Consequences in Europe of the Russo-Japanese War.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905.
Conventions with Korea, establishing a Protectorate over
that Empire, with Control of its Finances and its
Foreign Relations.
See (in this Volume)
KOREA: A. D. 1904-1905.
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905.
The Red Cross Society.
See (in this Volume)
RED CROSS SOCIETY.
JAPAN: A. D. 1905.
Report on treatment of the Opium Problem in Formosa.
See (in this Volume)
OPIUM PROBLEM.
JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (June-October).
Ending of the war with Russia.
Mediation offered by the President of the United States
and accepted.
Negotiation and Conclusion of the Peace Treaty of Portsmouth.
In the third article of the Convention for the Pacific
Settlement of International Disputes agreed to and signed at
the First International Peace Conference, at The Hague, in
1898, it was recommended, "in case of serious disagreement or
conflict," "that one or more Powers, strangers to the dispute,
should on their own initiative, and as far as circumstances
may allow, offer their good offices or mediation to the States
at variance." To this recommendation was added the declaration
that "Powers, strangers to the dispute, have the right to
offer good offices or mediation, even during the course of
hostilities"; and "that the exercise of this right can never
be regarded by one or the other of the parties in conflict as
an unfriendly act."
The first important action on this recommendation was taken by
the President of the United States, Mr. Roosevelt, on the 8th
of June, 1905, when he directed a communication from the then
acting Secretary of State, Mr. Loomis, to be dispatched by
telegraph to the Ambassadors of the United States at Tokyo and
St. Petersburg, identically the same to each, and to be
presented by the latter to the Governments of Russia and
Japan. The communication was in the following words:
"The President feels that the time has come when, in the
interest of all mankind, he must endeavor to see if it is not
possible to bring to an end the terrible and lamentable
conflict now being waged. With both Russia and Japan the
United States has inherited ties of friendship and good will.
It hopes for the prosperity and welfare of each, and it feels
that the progress of the world is set back by the war between
these two great nations. The President accordingly urges the
Russian and Japanese Governments, not only for their own
sakes, but in the interest of the whole civilized world, to
open direct negotiations for peace with one another. The
President suggests that these peace negotiations be conducted
directly and exclusively between the belligerents—in other
words, that there may be a meeting of Russian and Japanese
plenipotentiaries or delegates without any intermediary, in
order to see if it is not possible for these representatives
of the two powers to agree to terms of peace. The President
earnestly asks that the Russian Government do now agree to
such meeting, and is asking the Japanese Government likewise
to agree. While the President does not feel that any
intermediary should be called in in respect to the peace
negotiations themselves, he is entirely willing to do what he
properly can if the two powers concerned feel that his
services will be of aid in arranging the preliminaries as to
the time and place of meeting; but if even these preliminaries
can be arranged directly between the two powers, or in any
other way, the President will be glad, as his sole purpose is
to bring about a meeting which the whole civilized world will
pray may result in peace."
The despatch to Tokyo was delayed in transmission and did not
reach Minister Griscom until the evening of the 9th, but was
delivered to the officials of the foreign office the same
night, and the following reply from Baron Komura was handed to
Mr. Griscom at 1 o’clock on the morning of the 10th:
"The Imperial Government have given to the suggestion of the
President of the United States, embodied in the note handed to
the minister for foreign affairs by the American minister on
the 9th instant, the very serious consideration to which,
because of its source and its import, it is justly entitled.
Desiring in the interest of the world as well as in the
interest of Japan the reestablishment of peace with Russia, on
terms and conditions that will fully guarantee its stability,
the Imperial Government will, in response to the suggestion of
the President, appoint plenipotentiaries of Japan to meet
plenipotentiaries of Russia at such time and place as may be
found to be mutually agreeable and convenient, for the purpose
of negotiating and concluding terms of peace directly and
exclusively between the two belligerent powers."
At St. Petersburg, the reply from Count Lamsdorff, Minister
for Foreign Affairs, was given to Ambassador Meyer on the 12th
as follows:
"I have not failed to place before my august master the
telegraphic communication which your excellency has been
pleased to transmit to me under instructions of your
government. His Majesty, much moved by the sentiments
expressed by the President, is glad to find in it a new proof
of the traditional friendship which unites Russia to the
United States of America, as well as an evidence of the high
value which Mr. Roosevelt attaches, even as His Imperial
Majesty does, to that universal peace so essential to the
welfare and progress of all humanity. With regard to the
eventual meeting of Russian and Japanese plenipotentiaries,
‘in order to see if it is not possible for the two powers to
agree to terms of peace,’ the Imperial Government has no
objection in principle to this endeavor if the Japanese
Government expresses a like desire."
This Russian response seemed somewhat equivocal to the
Japanese Government, and Foreign Minister Komura asked for an
assurance as to the powers to be conferred on the peace
plenipotentiaries from St. Petersburg. How the assurance was
obtained has not been made known to the public; but Japan
received it soon through President Roosevelt, and Baron Komura
requested Mr. Griscom to "assure the President that the
attitude taken by the Japanese Government regarding the nature
of the powers to be conferred on the peace plenipotentiaries
was not in any degree inspired by a desire to raise
difficulties or delay negotiations.
{357}
Experience has taught the necessity of caution, and the
Japanese Government thought that by securing at the outset a
common understanding upon this subject they would preclude
possibility of any difficulty arising in the initial stage of
negotiations and would smooth the way for the real work of the
negotiators; but having entire confidence in the wisdom of the
President, the Japanese Government accepts his interpretation
of the intention of Russia and will without further question
appoint plenipotentiaries with full powers to negotiate and
conclude terms of peace."
In consultations as to the place of meeting, Russia suggested
Paris and Japan proposed Chefu, but objections were raised to
both, as well as to The Hague and Geneva, recommended by
President Roosevelt. Japan wanted it nowhere in Europe and
Russia would have it nowhere in the East; so Washington became
the chosen point. But, when one of the first ten days of
August became the appointed time of assembly for the
negotiation, the probable heat of Washington was forbidding,
and Portsmouth, New Hampshire, where the Government of the
United States possesses an island domain of its own, for
navy-yard uses, was finally fixed on for the most important
peace-parley that has taken place in the world within a
century, at the least.
The plenipotentiaries commissioned by Japan were Baron Komura
Iutaro and Mr. Takahira Kogoro, then Japanese Minister at
Washington. Mr. Nelidoff, Russian Ambassador at Paris, was
named in the first instance for chief plenipotentiary by the
Tzar, but illness prevented his serving. Mr. Nicholas
Mouravieff, Ambassador at Rome, was then appointed, but became
equally disabled in health, and M. Sergius Witte took his
place, with Baron Roman Rosen, Russian Ambassador at
Washington, associated in the mission. On Saturday, the 5th of
August, on board the Government yacht _Mayflower_, at
Oyster Bay, the summer residence of President Roosevelt, the
four plenipotentiaries, attended by members of their
respective suites, were received by the President, introduced
to each other, and entertained at a lunch. Thence they were
conveyed, by separate vessels, first to Newport, where Sunday
was spent, and afterwards to Portsmouth. Their conference was
opened on Wednesday, the 9th, and the resulting Treaty of
Peace was signed by the negotiators, September 5th.
At the outset of their communications with each other the
differences of mind seemed insurmountable. How they were
brought to agreement has been told by two writers who had
better opportunities, perhaps, for knowing the inner
circumstances of the negotiation than any other persons
outside of the plenipotentiaries themselves. One of these was
Dr. Frederick de Martens, the eminent Russian Professor of
International Law, who came as a special consulting delegate
with M. Witte. In an article on "The Portsmouth Peace
Conference," published in _The North American Review_ of
November, 1905, he wrote:
"During three long weeks the _pourparlers_ between the
representatives of the two Powers seemed to show the absolute
impossibility of attaining the desired object, that is, peace.
There were especially two obstacles in the way—the Japanese
demands that Russia should cede Saghalin and that Russia
should pay Japan a war indemnity. These two conditions Russia
categorically rejected, and the failure of the Conference
seemed inevitable. Then it was that the President of the
United States, again basing his action on the principles of
the Hague Convention, considered himself once more justified
in intervening between the two disputing nations. At first,
Mr. Roosevelt proposed that a Commission composed of neutrals,
whose decision however, would not be binding on the contending
parties, should fix the amount of the sum that Russia should
pay to Japan. But this proposal was immediately abandoned
because of its evidently impracticable nature. The second
intervention of the President was more effective and happy.
Japan was now to be asked to withdraw her demand for an
indemnity, and the Tsar, who desired sincerely to see the
unfortunate war ended, was to consent to the cession of the
southern portion of the island of Saghalin. It was at the
sitting of August 29th that an accord, based on these mutual
concessions, was brought about; and, during the six days that
followed, the stipulations of the definitive treaty of peace
were drawn up by a commission named for that purpose. At last,
on September 5th, the treaty was concluded, and a battery of
artillery, in front of the building where the sittings had
been held, fired a salute of nineteen guns in honor of the
great event."
_F. de Martens,
The Portsmouth Peace Conference
(North American Review, November, 1905)._
To the same effect Dr. E. J. Dillon, the well known publicist,
who had been an intermediary in some of the preliminary
unofficial diplomacy, wrote in _The Contemporary Review_
of October as follows:
"The Peace of Portsmouth is the outcome of rare moral courage
meeting, assailing and worsting a combination of forces, the
classification and labelling of which had best be left to the
future historian and biographer who can appreciate, without
bias and blame, without apprehension. The first man to display
that unwonted moral courage was Theodore Roosevelt, whose
influence for good on the living and working of nations is a
beneficent force to which the world is beginning to look as to
some permanent institution. It is not too much to say that if
Japan and Russia are at peace today, if countless human beings
doomed seemingly until a few weeks ago to a terrible death on
the battlefield are now about to return to their homes and
families and set about building up instead of pulling down,
the credit for this welcome change in international relations
is due in the first place to the President of the United
States. …
"There was hardly a man in Russia acquainted with the elements
of the problem who considered Mr. Roosevelt’s invitation to a
peace conference as other than a voice crying in the
wilderness. He had felt his way some months before and
convinced himself that it then led nowhither. Soon afterwards
I was myself authorised to put forth a feeler and inquire
whether a war indemnity formed part of Japan’s irreducible
minimum. And the result of that inquiry was that hostilities
were allowed to take their course.
{358}
"After the Battle of Mukden Mr. Roosevelt again returned to
the attack, moving slowly and very cautiously, but creating
his opportunity as well as utilising it, advising as well as
questioning, exhorting almost as much as he argued. With
Japan, whose statesmen he knew well, and with the mainsprings
of whose action he was perfectly familiar, he experienced no
difficulty. What Nippon said, she really meant; what she
promised—but not one iota more—she religiously fulfilled; and
both her declarations and her promises apparently flowed from
a desire to do what every man in the forum of his own
conscience would term the right thing. Probably never before
in human history has the world’s cultivated sense of what is
fair and just been taken by any nation, Christian or
non-Christian, as its own standard of ethics, its own rule of
action regardless of immediate consequences. …
"And Japan’s capacity and readiness to sacrifice the less to
the greater, the material to the moral, was, so to say, the
fulcrum on which Mr. Roosevelt rested his lever. All the force
of his endeavours was concentrated here, all his fund of
optimism was derived from this source.
"But it takes two to make peace as well as to make war. And
the President’s great and greatest difficulty was to persuade
Russia, not indeed to imitate Japan’s example, but to consult
what to outsiders appeared to be her own national interest and
to make peace on acceptable terms."
_E. J. Dillon,
The Story of the Peace Negotiations
(Contemporary Review, October, 1905)._
The Treaty of Peace thus happily agreed upon at Portsmouth was
duly ratified by the Emperors of Russia and Japan, at St.
Petersburg and at Tokyo simultaneously, on the 14th of
October, 1905. The following is the text of the Treaty in
full:
JAPAN:
The treaty of peace signed at Portsmouth.
By the helping grace of God, we, Nicholas II, Emperor and
Autocrat of all the Russias, etc., hereby declare that, in
consequence of a mutual agreement between us and His Majesty,
the Emperor of Japan, our plenipotentiaries concluded and
signed at Portsmouth, August 23, 1905, a treaty of peace
which, word for word, reads as follows:
His Majesty, the Emperor of all the Russias, on the one hand,
and His Majesty, the Emperor of Japan, on the other baud,
being animated by the desire to restore the benefits of peace
for their countries and their peoples, have decided to
conclude a treaty of peace and have appointed for this purpose
their plenipotentiaries, to wit:
His Majesty the Emperor of Russia—
His Excellency, Mr. Sergius Witte, his secretary of state and
president of the committee of ministers of the Empire of
Russia, and
His Excellency, Baron Roman Rosen, master of the Imperial
Court of Russia and his ambassador extraordinary and
plenipotentiary to the United States of America:
And his Majesty, the Emperor of Japan—
His Excellency, Baron Komura Iutaro, Iusammi, knight of the
Imperial Order of the Rising Sun, his minister of foreign
affairs, and His Excellency, Mr. Takahira Kogoro, Iusammi,
knight of the Imperial Order of the Sacred Treasure, his envoy
extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the United
States of America;
Who, after having exchanged their full powers, found in good
and due form, concluded the following articles:
Article I.
There shall be in the future peace and friendship between
Their Majesties the Emperor of all the Russias and the Emperor
of Japan, as well as between their respective nations and
subjects.
Article II.
The Imperial Government of Russia, recognizing that Japan has
predominant political, military, and economic interests in
Korea, agrees not to interfere or place obstacles in the way
of any measure of direction, protection, and supervision which
the Imperial Government of Japan may deem necessary to adopt
in Korea.
It is agreed that Russian subjects in Korea shall be treated
in exactly the same manner as the citizens of other foreign
countries; that is, that they shall be placed on the same
footing as the citizens of the most-favored nation.
It is likewise agreed that, in order to avoid any cause of
misunderstanding, the two high contracting parties shall
refrain from adopting, on the Russo-Korean frontier, any
military measures which might menace the security of the
Russian or Korean territory.
Article III.
Russia and Japan mutually engage:
1. To completely and simultaneously evacuate Manchuria, with
the exception of the territory over which the lease of the
peninsula of Liao tung extends, in accordance with the
provisions of additional Article I annexed to this treaty, and
2. To entirely and completely restore to the exclusive
administration of China all parts of Manchuria now occupied by
Russian and Japanese troops, or which are under their control,
with the exception of the above-mentioned territory.
The Imperial Government of Russia declares that it has no
territorial advantages or preferential or exclusive
concessions in Manchuria of such a nature as to impair the
sovereignty of China or which are incompatible with the
principle of equal opportunity.
Article IV.
Russia and Japan mutually pledge themselves not to place any
obstacle in the way of general measures which apply equally to
all nations and which China might adopt for the development of
commerce and industry in Manchuria.
Article V.
The Imperial Government of Russia cedes to the Imperial
Government of Japan, with the consent of the Government of
China, the lease of Port Arthur, of Talien, and of the
adjacent territories and territorial waters, as well as the
rights, privileges, and concessions connected with this lease
or forming part thereof, and it likewise cedes to the Imperial
Government of Japan all the public works and property within
the territory over which the above-mentioned lease extends.
The high contracting parties mutually engage to obtain from
the Government of China the consent mentioned in the foregoing
clause.
The Imperial Government of Japan gives on its part the
assurance that the property rights of Russian subjects within
the above-mentioned territory shall be absolutely respected.
{359}
Article VI.
The Imperial Government of Russia obligates itself to yield to
the Imperial Government of Japan, without compensation and
with the consent of the Chinese Government, the Chan-chun
(Kwan-Chen-Tsi) and Port Arthur Railroad and all its branches,
with all the rights, privileges, and property thereunto
belonging within this region, as well as all the coal mines in
said region belonging to this railroad or being operated for
its benefit.
The two high contracting parties mutually pledge themselves to
obtain from the Chinese Government the consent mentioned in
the foregoing clause.
Article VII.
Russia and Japan agree to operate their respective railroads
in Manchuria for commercial and industrial purposes
exclusively, but by no means for strategic purposes. It is
agreed that this restriction does not apply to the railroads
within the territory covered by the lease of the Liao tung
peninsula.
Article VIII.
The Imperial Governments of Russia and Japan, with a view to
favoring and facilitating relations and traffic, shall
conclude, as soon as possible, a separate convention to govern
their operations of repair on the railroads in Manchuria.
Article IX.
The Imperial Government of Russia cedes to the Imperial
Government of Japan, in perpetuity and full sovereignty, the
southern part of the island of Saghalin, and all the islands
adjacent thereto, as well as all the public works and property
there situated. The fiftieth parallel of north latitude is
adopted as the limit of the ceded territory. The exact
boundary line of this territory shall be determined in
accordance with the provisions of additional Article II
annexed to this treaty.
Japan and Russia mutually agree not to construct within their
respective possessions on the island of Saghalin, and the
islands adjacent thereto, any fortification or similar
military work. They likewise mutually agree not to adopt any
military measures which might hinder the free navigation of
the Straits of La Perouse and Tartary.
Article X.
The right is reserved to Russian subjects inhabiting the
territory ceded to Japan to sell their real property and
return to their country; however, if they prefer to remain in
the ceded territory, they shall be guarded and protected in
the full enjoyment of their property rights and the exercise
of their industries, provided they submit to the laws and
jurisdiction of Japan. Japan shall have perfect liberty to
withdraw the right of residence in this territory from all
inhabitants laboring under political or administrative
incapacity, or to deport them from this territory. It pledges
itself, however, to fully respect the property rights of these
inhabitants.
Article XI.
Russia obligates itself to reach an understanding with Japan
in order to grant to Japanese subjects fishing rights along
the coast of the Russian possessions in the Seas of Japan,
Okhotsk, and Bering. It is agreed that the above-mentioned
obligation shall not impair the rights already belonging to
Russian or foreign subjects in these regions.
Article XII.
The treaty of commerce and navigation between Russia and Japan
having been annulled by the war, the Imperial Governments of
Russia and Japan agree to adopt as a basis for their
commercial relations, until the conclusion of a new treaty of
commerce and navigation on the basis of the treaty in force
before the present war, the system of reciprocity on the
principle of the most favored nation, including import and
export tariffs, custom-house formalities, transit and tonnage
dues, and the admission and treatment of the agents, subjects,
and vessels of one country in the territory of the other.
Article XIII.
As soon as possible, after the present treaty takes effect,
all prisoners of war shall be mutually returned. The Imperial
Governments of Russia and Japan shall each appoint a special
commissioner to take charge of the prisoners. All prisoners in
the custody of one of the governments shall be delivered to
the commissioner of the other government or to his duly
authorized representative, who shall receive them in such
number and in such suitable ports of the surrendering nation
as the latter shall notify in advance to the commissioner of
the receiving nation.
The Governments of Russia and Japan shall present to each
other, as soon as possible after the delivery of the prisoners
has been completed, a verified account of the direct
expenditures made by them respectively for the care and
maintenance of the prisoners from the date of capture or
surrender until the date of their death or return. Russia
agrees to refund to Japan, as soon as possible after the
exchange of these accounts, as above stipulated, the
difference between the actual amount thus spent by Japan and
the actual amount likewise expended by Russia.
Article XIV.
The present treaty shall be ratified by Their Majesties the
Emperor of all the Russias and the Emperor of Japan. This
ratification shall, within the shortest possible time and at
all events not later than fifty days from the date of the
signature of the treaty, be notified to the Imperial
Governments of Russia and Japan, respectively, through the
ambassador of the United States of America at St. Petersburg
and the minister of France at Tokyo, and from and after the
date of the last of these notifications this treaty shall
enter into full force in all its parts. The formal exchange of
the ratifications shall take place at Washington as soon as
possible.
Article XV.
The present treaty shall be signed in duplicate, in the French
and English languages. The two texts are absolutely alike;
however, in case of difference of interpretation the French
text shall prevail.
In witness whereof the respective plenipotentiaries have
signed the present treaty of peace and affixed thereto their
seals.
Done at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, the twenty-third day of
August (fifth of September) of the year one thousand nine
hundred and five, corresponding to the fifth day of the ninth
month of the thirty-eighth year of Meiji.
IUTARO KOMURA. [L. S.]
K. TAKAHIRA. [L. S.]
SERGIUS WITTE. [L. S.]
ROSEN. [L. S.]
In conformity with the provisions of Articles II and IX of the
treaty of peace between Russia and Japan under this date, the
undersigned plenipotentiaries have concluded the following
additional articles:
{360}
I. To Article III:
The Imperial Governments of Russia and Japan mutually agree to
begin the withdrawal of their military forces from the
territory of Manchuria simultaneously and immediately after
the entrance into force of the treaty of peace; and within a
period of eighteen months from this date the armies of the two
powers shall be entirely withdrawn from Manchuria, with the
exception of the leased territory of the peninsula of
Liao-tung.
The forces of the two powers occupying advanced positions
shall be withdrawn first.
The high contracting parties reserve the right to maintain
guards for the protection of their respective railroad lines
in Manchuria.
The number of these guards shall not exceed 15 men per
kilometer, and within the limit of this maximum number the
commanders of the Russian and Japanese armies shall, by mutual
agreement, fix the number of guards who are to be employed,
this number being as low as possible and in accordance with
actual requirements. The commanders of the Russian and
Japanese forces in Manchuria shall reach an understanding
regarding all the details connected with the evacuation, in
conformity with the principles herein above set forth, and
shall, by mutual agreement, adopt the measures necessary to
carry out the evacuation as soon as possible and at all events
within a period not exceeding eighteen months.
II. To Article IX:
As soon as possible after the present treaty takes effect, a
boundary commission composed of an equal number of members
appointed respectively by the two high contracting parties
shall mark on the spot and in a permanent manner the exact
line between the Russian and Japanese possessions on the
island of Saghalin. The commission shall be obliged, as far as
topographical conditions permit, to follow the 50th parallel
of north latitude for the line of demarcation, and in case any
deviations from this line are found necessary at certain
points compensation shall be made therefor by making
corresponding deviations at other points. It shall also be the
duty of said commission to prepare a list and description of
the adjacent islands which are comprised within the cession,
and finally the commission shall prepare and sign maps showing
the boundaries of the ceded territory. The labors of the
commission shall be submitted to the approval of the high
contracting parties.
The additional articles mentioned hereinabove shall be
considered as being ratified by the ratification of the treaty
of peace, to which they are annexed.
Portsmouth, August 23 (September 5), 1905, corresponding to
the 5th day, 9th month and 28th year of Meiji.
IUTARO KOMURA.
K. TAKAHIRA.
SERGIUS WITTE.
ROSEN.
The ratification by the Tsar was in the following terms:
Therefore, after mature consideration of this treaty and the
two additional articles, we approved, confirmed, and ratified
them, and do hereby approve, confirm, and ratify them in their
full purport, pledging our imperial word for ourselves, our
successors, and our heirs, that everything set forth in the
above-mentioned acts shall be inviolably observed. In witness
whereof we, having signed this, our imperial ratification,
with our own hand, have ordered affixed thereto our imperial
seal.
Given at Peterhoff, the first day of October, in the year of
our Lord one thousand nine hundred and five and of our reign
the eleventh.
On the original is written in His Imperial Majesty’s own hand:
L. S. "NICHOLAS."
countersigned
COUNT LAMSDORFF,
_Secretary of State, Minister of Foreign Affairs._
JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (August).
New Defensive Agreement between Great Britain and Japan.
On the 12th of August, 1905, three days after the
plenipotentiaries of Japan and Russia had held their first
meeting at Portsmouth and opened the negotiations which
resulted in a Treaty of Peace, a new Agreement of defensive
alliance between Japan and Great Britain, replacing that of
three years before, was signed at London, but not made public
until the 6th of September, the day following the conclusion
of the Russo-Japanese Treaty of Peace.
See, above,
JAPAN: A. D. 1902.
It was then communicated to the Governments of Russia and
France, through the medium of the British Ambassadors at St.
Petersburg and Paris, with an accompanying explanatory
despatch from Lord Lansdowne, as follows:
"Sir, I inclose, for your Excellency's information, a copy of
a new Agreement concluded between His Majesty’s Government and
that of Japan in substitution for that of the 30th January,
1902. You will take an early opportunity of communicating the
new Agreement to the Russian Government. It was signed on the
12th August, and you will explain that it would have been
immediately made public but for the fact that negotiations had
at that time already commenced between Russia and Japan, and
that the publication of such a document whilst those
negotiations were still in progress would obviously have been
improper and inopportune.
"The Russian Government will, I trust, recognize that the new
Agreement is an international instrument to which no exception
can be taken by any of the Powers interested in the affairs of
the Far East. You should call special attention to the objects
mentioned in the preamble as those by which the policy of the
Contracting Parties is inspired. His Majesty’s Government
believe that they may count upon the good-will and support of
all the Powers in endeavouring to maintain peace in Eastern
Asia, and in seeking to uphold the integrity and independence
of the Chinese Empire and the principle of equal opportunities
for the commerce and industry of all nations in that country.
"On the other hand, the special interests of the Contracting
Parties are of a kind upon which they are fully entitled to
insist, and the announcement that those interests must be
safeguarded is one which can create no surprise, and need give
rise to no misgivings.
"I call your especial attention to the wording of Article II,
which lays down distinctly that it is only in the case of an
unprovoked attack made on one of the Contracting Parties by
another Power or Powers, and when that Party is defending its
territorial rights and special interests from aggressive
action, that the other Party is bound to come to its
assistance.
{361}
"Article III,
dealing with the question of Corea, is deserving of especial
attention. It recognizes in the clearest terms the paramount
position which Japan at this moment occupies and must
henceforth occupy in Corea, and her right to take any measures
which she may find necessary for the protection of her
political, military, and economic interests in that country.
It is, however, expressly provided that such measures must not
be contrary to the principle of equal opportunities for the
commerce and industry of other nations. The new Treaty no
doubt differs at this point conspicuously from that of 1902.
It has, however, become evident that Corea, owing to its close
proximity to the Japanese Empire and its inability to stand
alone, must fall under the control and tutelage of Japan.
"His Majesty’s Government observe with satisfaction that this
point was readily conceded by Russia in the Treaty of Peace
recently concluded with Japan, and they have every reason to
believe that similar views are held by other Powers with
regard to the relations which should subsist between Japan and
Corea.
"His Majesty’s Government venture to anticipate that the
alliance thus concluded, designed as it is with objects which
are purely peaceful and for the protection of rights and
interests the validity of which cannot be contested, will be
regarded with approval by the Government to which you are
accredited. They are justified in believing that its
conclusion may not have been without effect in facilitating
the settlement by which the war has been so happily brought to
an end, and they earnestly trust that it may, for many years
to come, be instrumental in securing the peace of the world in
those regions which come within its scope.
JAPAN:
Agreement between the United Kingdom and Japan.
"PREAMBLE.
The Governments of Great Britain and Japan, being desirous of
replacing the agreement concluded between them on the 30th of
January, 1902, by fresh stipulations, have agreed upon the
following articles, which have for their object—
(a) The consolidation and maintenance of the general peace in
the regions of Eastern Asia and of India.
(b) The preservation of the common interests of all powers in
China, by insuring the independence and integrity of the
Chinese Empire and the principle of equal opportunities for
the commerce and industry of all nations in China.
(c) The maintenance of the territorial rights of the high
contracting parties in the regions of eastern Asia and of
India, and the defense of their special interests in the said
regions.
"ARTICLE I.
It is agreed that whenever in the opinion of either Great
Britain or Japan any of the rights and interests referred to
in the preamble of this agreement are in jeopardy, the two
governments will communicate with one another fully and
frankly and will consider in common the measures which should
be taken to safeguard those menaced rights or interests.
"ARTICLE II.
If by reason of unprovoked attack or aggressive action,
wherever arising, on the part of any other power or powers
either contracting party should be involved in war in defense
of its territorial rights or special interests mentioned in
the preamble of this agreement, the other contracting party
will at once come to the assistance of its ally and will
conduct the war in common and make peace in mutual agreement
with it.
"ARTICLE III.
Japan possessing paramount political, military, and economic
interests in Korea, Great Britain recognizes the right of
Japan to take such measures of guidance, control, and
protection in Korea as she may deem proper and necessary to
safeguard and advance those interests, provided always that
such measures are not contrary to the principle of equal
opportunities for the commerce and industry of all nations.
"ARTICLE IV.
Great Britain having a special interest in all that concerns
the security of the Indian frontier, Japan recognizes her
right to take such measures in the proximity of that frontier
as she may find necessary for safeguarding her Indian
possessions.
"ARTICLE V.
The high contracting parties agree that neither of them will
without consulting the other enter into separate arrangements
with another power to the prejudice of the objects described
in the preamble of this agreement.
"ARTICLE VI.
As regards the present war between Japan and Russia, Great
Britain will continue to maintain strict neutrality unless
some other power or powers should join in hostilities against
Japan, in which case Great Britain will come to the assistance
of Japan and will conduct the war in common and make peace in
mutual agreement with Japan.
"ARTICLE VII.
The conditions under which armed assistance shall be afforded
by either power to the other in the circumstances mentioned in
the present agreement, and the means by which such assistance
is to be made available, will be arranged by the naval and
military authorities of the contracting parties, who will from
time to time consult one another fully and freely upon all
questions of mutual interest.
"ARTICLE VIII.
The present agreement shall, subject to the provisions of
Article VI., come into effect immediately after the date of
its signature and remain in force for ten years from that
date. In case neither of the high contracting parties should
have notified twelve months before the expiration of the said
ten years the intention of terminating it, it shall remain
binding until the expiration of one year from the day on which
either of the high contracting parties shall have denounced
it. But if when the date fixed for its expiration arrives
either ally is actually engaged in war the alliance shall
_ipso facto_ continue until peace is concluded."
JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (December).
Treaty with China relative to Manchuria.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1905 (DECEMBER).
JAPAN: A. D. 1905-1909.
Korea under Japanese Control.
The rule of Prince Ito.
Insurrection and its suppression.
Constructive and Reformative Work.
See (in this Volume)
KOREA: A. D. 1905-1909.
JAPAN: A. D. 1905-1909.
Disputes with China.
The Fa-ku-menn Railway and
the Antung-Mukden Railway Questions.
Settlement of the latter by Japanese Ultimatum.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1905-1909.
JAPAN: A. D. 1906.
Chinese Students in the Country.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1906.
{362}
JAPAN: A. D. 1906.
Resentment at Segregation of Oriental Children in
San Francisco Schools.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.
JAPAN: A. D. 1907.
Riotous attacks on Japanese laborers in British Columbia
and the State of Washington.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: CANADA.
JAPAN: A. D. 1907 (June).
Treaty with France concerning affairs in the East.
A treaty between the governments of Japan and France was
signed on the 10th of June, 1907, according to which France
recognizes the rights of Japan in Korea and her special
interests in Manchuria, and Japan, on her side, promises not
to interfere with French possessions in Siam and Indo-China.
JAPAN: A. D. 1908 (May).
Slender victory of the Saionji Ministry in
the Parliamentary Elections.
Parliamentary elections in May, 1908, gave the Ministry a bare
probability of support by combinations of the party of Prince
Ito—the Rikken Seiyu-kai—with some of the other partly
sympathetic groups. The maintenance of the prudent policy of
Government since the close of the great war, against the Jingo
element, was left somewhat precarious.
JAPAN: A. D. 1908 (November).
Exchange of Notes with the United States, embodying an
important Declaration of Common Policy in the East.
On the 30th of November, 1908, distinct form was given to a
common understanding between Japan and the United States, as
to their agreement in purposes and policy touching affairs in
the East. The form was not that of a treaty, but of a simple
Declaration, identical in notes exchanged at Washington
between Secretary Root and Ambassador Takahira. The following
is the text of the Declaration:
"I.
It is the wish of the two Governments to encourage the free
and peaceful development of their commerce on the Pacific
Ocean.
"II.
The policy of both Governments, uninfluenced by any aggressive
tendencies, is directed to the maintenance of the existing
_status quo_ in the region above mentioned, and to the
defense of the principle of equal opportunity for commerce and
industry in China.
"III.
They are accordingly firmly resolved reciprocally to respect
the territorial possessions belonging to each other in said
region.
"IV.
They are also determined to preserve the common interests of
all Powers in China by supporting, by all pacific means at
their disposal, the independence and integrity of China and
the principle of equal opportunity for commerce and industry
of all nations in that Empire.
"V.
Should any event occur threatening the _status quo_ as
above described, or the principle of equal opportunity as
above defined, it remains for the two Governments to
communicate with each other, in order to arrive at an
understanding as to what measures they may consider it useful
to take.
JAPAN: A. D. 1908-1909.
Suppression of Race-track Gambling.
See (in this Volume)
GAMBLING.
JAPAN: A. D. 1909.
Material Development of the Country.
"The mileage of Japanese railways, now over 5,000 miles, has
been quadrupled within 20 years—without counting the Korean
and South Manchurian railways, which are owned by Japanese
companies. The development of posts, telegraphs, and
telephones has proceeded on an even greater scale, and the
revenues of the department, which only amounted in 1899 to
£1,740,000, exceeded £3,850,000 in 1909, whilst the amount
invested in postal savings banks rose during the same decade
from under £2,200,000 to £10,698,409. The Japanese merchant
flag, represented by a steam tonnage of nearly one and a
quarter million tons, is known in every sea, and the Nippon
Yusen Kaisha, on one of whose excellent steamers I crossed the
Pacific a few weeks ago, has alone a well-equipped fleet of
265,000 tons in the aggregate, running not only to the United
States and to Europe, but to South America and Australia,
besides local services in Japanese, Chinese, and Korean
waters. …
"Powerful firms like the Mitsui, the Mitsubishi, Messrs.
Okura, Messrs. Takata, &c., take a leading part in every
branch of a national import and export trade which has risen
within 30 years from under £6,000,000 to nearly £100,000,000
in 1907. Great industrial cities have grown up like Osaka, the
centre of the cotton-spinning industry, whose population, less
than 400,000 a quarter of a century ago, now exceeds
1,200,000. The aggregate capital of Japanese industrial
companies, which in 1882 was estimated at £10,000,000, rose
within the same period to more than £126,000,000, and in the
cotton industry alone the number of spindles increased from
65,000 to over one and a half million. According to statistics
collected by Mr. Takahashi and Mr. Igarashi, the national
wealth of Japan was assessed at the beginning of 1905 at close
upon £2,500,000,000, to which must now be added, over and
above any normal increment, the economic value of the position
she has acquired in Southern Manchuria and Korea."
_Correspondent of The Times, London._
JAPAN: A. D. 1909.
Parties in Domestic Politics.
The present parties in the lower house of the Japanese
Parliament were thus described by the Tokio correspondent of
the London _Times_, in January, 1909:
"The Lower House consists of 379 members. These are divided
into five sections—namely,
the _Seiyu-kai_ (192 members),
the Progressists (67),
the _Boshin_ Club (42),
the _Yushin-kai_ (44) and
the _Daido_ Club (34).
If any man were required to indicate clearly the lines of
division between these sections, he would be much perplexed to
do so. On the broad bases of Liberalism and Conservatism the
first four occupy the same Liberal platform, while the last
stands as the sole exponent of Conservative views. Yet the
four Liberal sections are not more hostile to each other than
the fifth is to all. They are held asunder by traditions and
by prejudices.
"The Seiyu-kai has fought its way to an overwhelmingly strong
position in the face of perennial opposition from the
Progressists. Once only did the two join hands, but their
union lasted no more than a few weeks, and they separated with
a strong access of mutual rancour. Yet both had entered the
arena originally as champions of the same cause,
constitutional government, and nothing held them apart save
personal rivalries. In the course of their 28 years of
strenuous evolution, they gradually sloughed off their
extremists, and these constitute the present
_Yushin-kai_, a coterie of brilliant Radical free-lances,
whose hand may be said to be against every one.
{363}
The _Daido_ Club are frank Conservatives. They are the
only unequivocal supporters of the Cabinet now in office. …
There remain the _Boshin_ Club. They are an association
of business men—the first political association of that
complexion in Japan. The early Diets were all conspicuously
deficient in representatives of the commercial and
manufacturing classes; mainly because politics had become a
more or less discredited pursuit before ever a general
election was held, and partly because the urban population did
not return a due proportion of members. The latter defect
having been remedied by the new election law of 1901, there
was thereafter found in the Lower House a group of men calling
themselves ‘Independents,’ but always seen in the Government
lobby. In fact their sense of business interests prompted them
to lend their support to the principle of stable Cabinets
above everything."
JAPAN: A. D. 1909.
Present Status of Christianity.
See (in this Volume)
MISSIONS, CHRISTIAN.
JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (July-September).
The State of the War Debt and its Payment.
The following is a Press despatch from Tokyo to London, July
17, 1909:
"At the close of 1906, when Japan came to make out the
accounts of her war with Russia, she found that she had
incurred a total expenditure of about 1,700 million yen
(£170,000,000). By that amount her national debt was
increased. She then determined to lay aside every year a sum
of at least 110 million yen (£11,000,000) for the service of
the debt. That did not mean, of course, that redemptions
aggregating 110 millions were to be made annually. These 110
millions were for the service of the debt; in other words,
they were for the purpose of paying interest as well as
principal. The portion applicable to redemption would be from
30 to 37 millions yearly, and the loan would thus be
completely paid off in about 30 years. That was the programme
when the Marquis Katsura came into office. But very soon he
announced the Treasury’s intention of increasing the
redemption fund to 50 millions. That is to say, he added some
16 millions to the money available for paying off the debt;
and evidently, if the increase were permanent, the whole
indebtedness would be wiped off in about 20 years instead of
30, as originally planned. Still better things, however, are
said to be contemplated. The sum actually devoted to the
sinking fund during the last fiscal year was 50,800,000 yen,
and since the interest on that amount will go to augment the
redemption fund during the current year, the amount paid off
from that source will be 53,340,000 yen. To this it is
proposed to add another 10 millions obtained from the national
growth of the State’s income, for the experience of the last
year encourages the belief that such growth may be confidently
expected, the actual development of the ordinary revenue
having reached a sum of over 30 millions. It is further
expected that from 1912 onwards the yield from the Customs
duties will advance from 38 to 53 millions, unless Japan
manages her negotiations for tariff revision clumsily."
Speaking to the Bankers’ Club at Tokyo in September, 1909,
Premier Katsura expressed the belief that the financial
condition of the country was encouraging, and while
maintaining that the present system of finances was excellent,
he expressed the hope to improve it steadily until perfection
is reached. The premier said that the government’s policy
would begin this year, and the development of resources and
the avoidance of unproductive expenditure would be
consistently followed. He announced the following measures as
forming part of the financial programme for the ensuing year:—
1. Reduction and modification of the war taxes in order to
relieve the pressure on the people.
2. Increase of the sinking fund. By the allocation of a
considerable amount out of the surplus of previous years the
sum of 53,000,000 yen (£5,300,000) previously fixed for this
service will be greatly exceeded.
3. The raising of the salaries of all Government officials by
30 per cent. This reform had been delayed by the outbreak of
the Russo-Japanese war.
JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (August).
The Burning of Osaka.
See (in this Volume)
OSAKA.
JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (September).
Visit of a Commercial Commission to the United States.
A large party of prominent Japanese business men, headed by
Baron Shibusawa, and coming as a Commercial Commission to seek
more intimate commercial relations between Japan and the
United States, landed at Seattle on the 1st of September,
1909, and toured the country for a number of weeks. The party
received much attention and were entertained most hospitably
everywhere, nowhere with more warmth than on the Pacific
Coast, where ill-feeling toward Japan had been manifested in
some circles a few years before. In a statement to the Press
at Seattle Baron Shibusawa said: "It is interesting to note
that while different European nations are talking about the
increase of armament, and when especially great rulers are
exchanging visits accompanied by warships, the Japanese people
are perfectly satisfied in sending us plain business men on a
peaceful mission to this great commercial country. I have been
told that Japan is spoken of as a warlike nation, but this is
altogether absurd. We are all deeply interested in the
development of the Japanese-American commercial relations,
which, of all reasons, prompts us to pay a visit to your
country. Let us therefore work for the extension of commercial
relations to our mutual interests. We must go hand in hand
with you to develop the vast field in the East."
JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (October).
Assassination of Prince Ito.
Prince Hirobumi Ito, the man of most light and leading, as he
appears to have been, in the transformation of Japan within
the past half century, was foully assassinated on the 26th of
October, 1909, at Kharbin, or Harbin, Manchuria. He had gone
to Kharbin to meet M. Kokovsoff, Russian Minister of Finance,
for a conference on the Manchurian questions that had arisen
between Russia and Japan. As he stepped from the railway train
which brought him to the city, and was approaching the
Minister, who came to welcome him, he was fired upon from the
surrounding crowd. Three revolver shots struck the Prince, two
of which inflicted wounds that caused his death within twenty
minutes. Three of his attendants were wounded, not fatally, by
other shots. All were found to have been fired by one
bystander, who proved to be a Korean. The assassin made no
attempt to escape, but exclaimed when seized: "I came to
Kharbin for the sole purpose of assassinating Prince Ito, to
avenge my country." He had two companions who boasted of being
parties to the crime. He was subsequently identified as Indian
Angan, formerly editor of a newspaper at Seoul.
{364}
Since retiring from his responsible post in Korea, as
Resident-General, Prince Ito had resumed the presidency of the
Privy Council, in the Japanese Government, which Prince
Aritomo Yamagata had filled during his absence. Prince
Yamagata was now reappointed to that office. He and Prince Ito
had been intimate friends, and yet political opponents,
differing in opinions and heading rival parties, but always
acting together on the vital questions of national policy.
JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (December).
Naval Armament, Present and Prospective.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL: JAPAN.
----------JAPAN: End--------
JAPANESE IMMIGRATION:
The Resistance to it in America, Australia, and South Africa.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS.
JEANES, Miss Anna T.:
Great Gift to Schools for Southern Negroes.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES. A. D. 1907.
JEROME, William Travers:
Reelection as District Attorney of the County of New York.
See (in this Volume)
NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905.
JEWS, THE: In Roumania.
Oppressions.
Remonstrance of the United States.
See (in this Volume)
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: ROUMANIA.
JEWS, THE:
Persecution and Massacre in Russia.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904, and 1903 (APRIL).
JIMENEZ, President: His overthrow.
See (in this Volume)
SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1907.
JOAN OF ARC, Beatification of.
See (in this Volume)
PAPACY: A. D. 1909 (APRIL).
JOINT STATEHOOD ACT.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.
JOLO, Sultan of.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901-1902.
JONES, John Paul:
Recovery and removal of his remains from Paris.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-JUNE).
JOUBERT-PIENAAR, General F.:
On Slavery in Portuguese Africa.
See (in this Volume)
AFRICA: PORTUGUESE: A. D. 1905-1908.
JUAREZ, BENITO:
Celebration of his centenary.
See (in this Volume)
MEXICO: A. D. 1906.
JUDSON, Harry Pratt:
President of the University of Chicago.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: A. D. 1901-1909.
JUNIOR REPUBLIC, The.
See (in this Volume)
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.
JUSTH, M. de.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.
JUVENILE COURTS.
See (in this Volume)
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.
JUVENILE REFORM.
See (in this Volume)
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.
K.
KAFFIR, The Problem of the.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: IN SOUTH AFRICA.
KAIPING.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and (JULY-SEPTEMBER).
KAJAR TRIBE, The:
The Tribe of the Persian Imperial Dynasty.
See (in this Volume)
PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.
KAMIMURA, Admiral.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).
KANO:
British capture.
See (in this Volume)
AFRICA: A. D. 1903 (NIGERIA).
KANSAS: A. D. 1904.
Legislation and action against the Standard Oil Company.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.
KARAGEORGEVICH.
See (in this Volume)
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.
KATANGA, Railway Lines to.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: CENTRAL AFRICA.
KATSURA, Count:
His Ministry strengthened by Marquis Ito.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (JUNE).
KAULBARS, General.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (SEPTEMBER-MARCH).
KAWAMURA, General.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (SEPTEMBER-MARCH).
KELANTAN:
Cession of Suzerainty to Great Britain.
See (in this Volume)
SIAM: A. D. 1909.
KELLY, Charles F.:
Confessions as a "Boodler."
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
KENNEDY, John Stewart, the Bequests of.
See (in this Volume)
GIFTS AND BEQUESTS.
KENTUCKY: A. D. 1905-1909.
The Tobacco Farmers’ Union and its Night Riders.
"Kentucky has been having an experience unique, costly,
tragic, and probably to some extent valuable, with the farmers
engaged in the chief agricultural industry of the state—
growing tobacco. Some 80,000 of them, representing probably
400,000 of the population of the state, have been engaged in a
union demonstration for the purpose of securing higher pay.
The result has been in some sections anarchy, in all great
distress. …
"A trust having arisen in New York which was able to control
the output, and therefore to make prices to suit itself, the
farmers have answered this trust by forming under the equity
society a union of their own, and going on a strike for higher
prices. … The union to which I refer is the Burley Tobacco
Society, in Kentucky. It is organized to oppose the exactions
of the American Tobacco Company of New Jersey. Tobacco is
grown in several distinct districts in Kentucky, and there, as
elsewhere, each district has, by reason of soil or climate, a
virtual monopoly of its own type. Down in the southwestern
corner, in the so-called Black Patch, embracing several
counties of Tennessee, a dark and heavy leaf is grown and
fire-cured for the foreign trade. This is bought by
government, or so-styled ‘regie’ buyers. North of this is a
heavy leaf stemmed for the British trade. North and east of
this is the region in which a dark air-cured leaf is grown for
domestic uses. East of this, embracing all Blue Grass and
extending to Maysville, is the Burley district, in which is
grown the famous red and white Burley tobacco. …
{365}
"Pooling tobacco in Kentucky started down in the Black Patch,
or received its greatest impetus there. The regie buyers
combined, or were formed into a combination by their
superiors, and the Patch was districted, each man being given
an exclusive territory, and no farmer being allowed to sell to
any one but his own buyer. In this way a set price as low as
four cents was made, and the farmer had no option but to take
it; no option, at least, that was open to the farmer not rich
enough to ship his crop to Bremen and seek European
competition. In this situation a group of canny planters
formed a tight little corporation of $200 capital, for the
avowed purpose of holding, handling, buying, and selling
tobacco. They induced about a thousand of their
neighbors—there are forty thousand dark-tobacco growers in the
Patch—to pledge their crops with them, and they planned to
hold this much off the market and compel the regie buyers to
pay a higher price for it. This proving popular, they soon had
five thousand pledges. Then they—or interests closely allied
with them—organized a band of Ku-Klux, called Night Riders,
who, first by so-called ‘peace armies,’ and then by raiding at
night all who resisted, frightened or forced—during the next
three years—all the forty thousand to sign.
"The tight little corporation thus had a monopoly of the dark
tobacco. It forced the regie buyers to pay a price raised by
slow degrees to 11 cents round, exacted large commissions and
profits,—as much as 1500 per cent a year on the capital,—and
now controls the Black Patch absolutely. All its pledges
expire in January, 1909, and the situation will then become
anarchistic. The success of this Black Patch plan was entirely
due to the employment of Night Riders, who correspond to the
professional ‘sluggers’ of a labor union, or the hired
assassins of a Black-Hand league."
_J. L. Mathews,
The Farmers’ Union and the Tobacco Pool
(Atlantic Monthly, October, 1908)._
KHARBIN, OR HARBIN, RUSSIAN CONTROL AT.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1909 (MAY).
KHARBIN: A. D. 1909.
Assassination of Prince Ito.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).
KHARKOFF, DISTURBANCES IN.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.
KHARTUM, THE NEW.
See (in this Volume)
SUDAN, THE: A. D. 1907.
KHARTUM, THE NEW:
Gordon Memorial College.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: EGYPT.
KIAMIL PASHA: GRAND VIZIER.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.
KIEFF, DISTURBANCES IN.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.
KINCHOU, BATTLE OF.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (February-July), and
1904-1905 (May-January).
KINGSTON, Jamaica: A. D. 1907.
Destruction of Kingston.
See (in this Volume)
EARTHQUAKES: JAMAICA.
KINSHU-MARU, THE INCIDENT OF THE.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).
KIPLING, RUDYARD.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
KIRDORF, HERR:
Head of the Coal and Steel Syndicates in Germany.
His attitude towards the Workingmen.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: GERMANY: A. D. 1905-1907.
KISHINEFF, JEWISH MASSACRE AT.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1903 (APRIL).
KITCHENER OF KHARTUM, GENERAL LORD:
In South Africa.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.
KITCHENER OF KHARTUM, GENERAL LORD:
In India.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1905 (AUGUST).
KLERKSDORP CONFERENCE.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.
KNIAZ POTEMKIN, MUTINY ON THE.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).
KNIGHTS OF LABOR.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.
KNOX, PHILANDER C.:
Attorney-General.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.
KNOX, PHILANDER C.:
Secretary of State.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).
KOCH, Robert.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
KOCHER, E. T.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
KOMURA, BARON IUTARO,
Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.
KOMURA, BARON IUTARO,
Japanese Plenipotentiary for negotiating
Treaty of Peace with Russia.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).
KONDRATENKO, General.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).
KOREA: A. D. 1901-1904.
Japanese distrust of Russian designs.
Negotiations and demands.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.
KOREA: A. D. 1902.
Agreement respecting Korea between Great Britain and Japan.
See (in this Volume)
Japan: A. D. 1902.
KOREA: A. D. 1904 (February).
Occupation by the Japanese.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).
KOREA: A. D. 1904-1905.
Conventions with Japan, creating Protectorate Relations
with that Empire and submitting Financial and
Diplomatic Affairs to Japanese control.
On the 25th of February, 1904, the text of a protocol,
concluded on the 23d, between the Governments of Japan and
Korea, was communicated to the Government of the United States
(and, of course to others), by the Government of Japan, with
an accompanying explanation, as follows:
"In the prosecution of the present war the use of some of the
ports and some portions of the territory of Korea is found
inevitable, and therefore, with a view to facilitate military
operations and to show that such use of ports and territory is
made with the full knowledge and consent of Korea, and not in
disregard or violation of her independence or territorial
integrity, and also in order to prevent future complications,
the Japanese Government concluded with the Korean Government
on the 23d instant the following protocol. …
"ARTICLE I.
For the purpose of maintaining permanent and solid friendship
between Japan and Korea and firmly establishing peace in the
Far East, the Imperial Government of Korea shall place full
confidence in the Imperial Government of Japan and adopt the
advice of the latter with regard to improvements in
administration.
"ARTICLE II.
The Imperial Government of Japan shall, in a spirit of firm
friendship, insure the safety and repose of the Imperial House
of Korea.
{366}
"ARTICLE III.
The Imperial Government of Japan definitively guarantee the
independence and territorial integrity of the Korean Empire.
"ARTICLE IV.
In case the welfare of the Imperial House of Korea or the
territorial integrity of Korea is endangered by the aggression
of a third power or internal disturbances, the Imperial
Government of Japan shall immediately take such necessary
measures as circumstances require, and in such case the
Imperial Government of Korea shall give full facilities to
promote the action of the Imperial Japanese Government. The
Imperial Government of Japan may, for the attainment of the
above-mentioned object, occupy, when circumstances require it,
such places as may be necessary from strategic points of view.
"ARTICLE V.
The Government of the two countries shall not in future,
without mutual consent, conclude with a third power such an
arrangement as may be contrary to the principles of the
present protocol.
"ARTICLE VI.
Details in connection with the present protocol shall be
arranged as the circumstances may require between the
representative of Japan and the minister of state for foreign
affairs of Korea."
On the 30th of August, 1904, an additional Agreement between
the Governments of Japan and Korea, signed in part on the 19th
and in part on the 22d of that month, was communicated by the
Japanese Ambassador to the United States to the State
Department at Washington, with a note saying: "In
communicating this agreement to the Government of the United
States I am instructed to say that it is nothing more than the
natural consequence or development of the protocol concluded
between the Japanese and Korean Governments on the 23rd of
last February, which I had the honor to communicate at that
time for the information of the Government of the United
States. I am further directed to say that the agreement does
not in anywise interfere with the full operation or validity
of Korea’s existing treaties; and that Article II thereof is
not intended to place any impediment in the way of legitimate
enterprise in Korea, but merely to check, as far as possible,
the future conclusion of unwise and improvident engagements,
which in the past have been fruitful sources of trouble and
complication."
The Agreement thus announced was in the following terms:
"ARTICLE I.
The Korean Government shall engage a Japanese subject
recommended by the Japanese Government as financial adviser to
the Korean Government, and all matters concerning finance
shall be dealt with after his counsel shall have been taken.
"ARTICLE II.
The Korean Government shall engage a foreigner recommended by
the Japanese Government as diplomatic adviser to the foreign
office, and all important matters concerning foreign relations
shall be dealt with after his counsel shall have been taken.
"ARTICLE III.
The Korean Government shall consult the Japanese Government
before concluding treaties and conventions with foreign
powers, and also in dealing with other important diplomatic
affairs, such as grants of concessions to or contracts with
foreigners."
Writing of this Agreement a few days later to the State
Department at Washington, the American Minister to Japan, Mr.
Lloyd Griscom, remarked:
"It is interesting to note that Mr. Megata, selected to be
financial adviser to the Korean Government, was educated in
America and is a graduate of Harvard University, and Mr.
Stevens, who has been chosen as adviser to the foreign office,
is an American gentleman about whom it would be superfluous to
inform you."
Under a third Agreement, signed April 1, 1905, Japan took over
the control and operation of the post, telegraph, and
telephone services of Korea, in order to "rearrange the system
of communications in that country, and, by amalgamating it
with that of Japan, to unite the two systems into one."
Finally, on the 17th of November, 1905, a fourth Agreement was
signed, which definitely surrendered to Japan the "control and
direction of the external relations and affairs of Korea," in
the following stipulations:
"ARTICLE I.
The Government of Japan, through the department of foreign
affairs in Tokyo, will hereafter have control and direction of
the external relations and affairs of Korea and the diplomatic
and consular representatives of Japan will have the charge of
the subjects and interests of Korea in foreign countries.
"ARTICLE II.
The Government of Japan undertake to see to the execution of
the treaties actually existing between Korea and other powers,
and the Government of Korea engage not to conclude hereafter
any act or engagement having an international character,
except through the medium of the Government of Japan.
"ARTICLE III.
The Government of Japan shall be represented at the court of
His Majesty the Emperor of Korea by a resident general, who
shall reside at Seoul primarily for the purpose of taking
charge of and directing the matters relating to diplomatic
affairs. He shall have the right of private and personal
audience of His Majesty the Emperor of Korea. The Japanese
Government shall have the right to station residents at the
several open ports and such other places in Korea as they may
deem necessary.
"Such residents shall, under the direction of the resident
general, exercise the powers and functions hitherto
appertaining to Japanese consuls in Korea, and shall perform
such duties as may be necessary in order to carry into full
effect the provisions of this agreement.
"ARTICLE IV.
The stipulations of all treaties and agreements existing
between Japan and Korea not inconsistent with the provisions
of this agreement shall continue in force.
"ARTICLE V.
The Government of Japan undertake to maintain the welfare and
dignity of the Imperial House of Korea."
With the communication of this Agreement to foreign Powers
there went a declaration by the Japanese Government, in part
as follows:
"The relations of propinquity have made it necessary for Japan
to take and exercise, for reasons closely connected with her
own safety and repose, a paramount interest and influence in
the political and military affairs of Korea. The measures
hitherto taken have been purely advisory, but the experience
of recent years has demonstrated the insufficiency of measures
of guidance alone.
{367}
The unwise and improvident action of Korea, more especially in
the domain of her international concerns, has in the past been
the most fruitful source of complications. To permit the
present unsatisfactory condition of things to continue
unrestrained and unregulated would be to invite fresh
difficulties, and Japan believes that she owes it to herself
and to her desire for the general pacification of the extreme
East to take the steps necessary to put an end once for all to
this dangerous situation."
KOREA: A. D. 1904-1905.
Status of the Korean Empire under Japanese Control.
The Japanese View.
"After her quick entry into Seoul at the outbreak of the war,
Japan found herself precisely in the position which she had
long desired to establish. The plan of joint non-intervention
in Korean affairs as agreed upon between Japan and Russia in
1896 and 1898 [see, in Volume VI. of this work, Korea], which
had again and again resulted in competitive intervention, had
proved disastrous to the interest of Japan and of general
reform; but now Russia had abruptly withdrawn from Seoul, and
Japan found herself free to move alone. Thereupon she hastened
to impose upon the Korean Foreign Minister a treaty of
alliance [as above], on February 23, 1904, which laid the
foundation for all Japan’s subsequent conduct in the
peninsula. …
"An analysis and interpretation of the forces which the war
has set loose and which are bringing their inevitable
consequences would be highly instructive. Let us, however,
content ourselves here by pointing to the Korean clauses in
the three important documents concluded within the last two
years, in which the rapid development of the Korean problem is
easily traceable,—namely, the Korean-Japanese treaty of
alliance of February 23, 1904, the Russo-Japanese treaty of
peace signed on September 5, 1905 [see, in this Volume, JAPAN;
A. D. 1905 (June-October)], and the Anglo Japanese agreement
of alliance concluded on August 12 [see JAPAN: A. D. 1905
(August)], and published with Lord Lansdowne’s dispatch to the
British Ambassador at St. Petersburg on September 26, 1905. It
will be remembered that the first instrument at once placed
Korea under Japan’s military protection and administrative
guidance, and bound Japan to uphold Korea’s independence and
territorial integrity, including the safety of her Imperial
house. One will readily observe that two distinct points are
here involved. These two points the further progress of
events, some of which have already been described, seems to
have put so far apart, that in the treaty of Portsmouth
Japan’s preponderance over Korea was recognized by Russia,
while little was said of the independence of the peninsular
empire. It was even said that M. Witte insisted during the
discussion of the clause that Baron Komura should declare in
his proposed terms that Japan intended to make of Korea a
province of the Japanese Empire. This the Baron is reported to
have emphatically declined, presumably because he would not
consider the protection by Japan and the territorial integrity
of Korea incompatible with each other. The difference between
the theoretical and practical situation is, however, reflected
unmistakably in the Anglo-Japanese agreement, the third
article of which reads: ‘Japan possessing paramount political,
military, and economic interests in Korea, Great Britain
recognizes Japan’s right to take such measures for the
guidance, control and protection of Korea as she may deem
proper and necessary to safeguard and advance those interests,
providing the measures so taken are not contrary to the
principle of equal opportunities for the commerce and industry
of all nations.’ In other words, Japan is left free to control
Korea and then prevail upon the latter to open her door
equally wide to all nations, including Japan herself. After
specially dwelling on the substance of this article, Lord
Lansdowne says in his dispatch: ‘The treaty at this point
differs conspicuously from that of 1902. It has, however,
become evident that Korea, owing to its close proximity to the
Japanese Empire, and to its inability to stand alone, must
fall under the control and tutelage of Japan. His Majesty’s
Government observes with satisfaction that this point has been
readily conceded by Russia in the treaty of peace, and there
is every reason to believe that similar views are held by the
other Powers with regard to the relations which should subsist
between Japan and Korea.’ Thus are Korea’s alleged incapacity
of self-government and Japan’s need of control over the
peninsular affairs openly recognized by a third Power, and it
is taken for granted that no other Power will deny these
points. Such a declaration could not be made, it is admitted,
in 1902, when the first treaty of alliance was concluded, nor
perhaps even at the time when the Korean-Japanese protocol was
signed in February, 1904. Yet the doctrine of Korea’s
independence is still not theoretically contradictory with
this situation now recognized by the Russian and British
governments, nor has it become less effective than in the last
year, for, while the control by Japan has since been
tightened, Korea remains a separate empire with all the
sovereign rights of an independent State. Japan, speaking
technically, exercises a supervisory control and discharges
administrative functions entrusted to her care. The future
trend of affairs—whether the Korean independence will vanish
into a mere fiction as the Japanese control advances, or
whether under the latter the peninsular people will be trained
to an effective self-government—must largely be determined by
the mutual interaction of the complex factors, both Korean and
Japanese, public and private, conscious and unconscious, which
are steadily working out the destiny of the peninsula."
_K. Asakawa,
Korea and Manchuria under the New Treaty
(Atlantic Monthly, November, 1905)._
KOREA: A. D. 1905 (August).
New Agreement concerning Korea between Great Britain and Japan.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (AUGUST).
KOREA: A. D. 1905-1909.
Japanese Control of Korean Affairs.
Under Prince Ito.
Attempted appeal of Korea to the Hague Conference of 1907.
Enforced abdication of the Emperor.
Elevation of his Son to the Throne.
Extensive and fierce Revolt rigorously fought down.
Retirement of Prince Ito.
Recent Measures.
As to the use made by the Japanese of the entireness of their
domination in Korea, as conceded to them in the treaties
referred to above, by the Government of Korea, primarily, and
by Great Britain and Russia, secondarily, in their recognition
and endorsement of the status thus established, there has been
much controversy since.
{368}
The Koreans themselves have been loud complainants of harsh
and oppressive exercises of Japanese power in their country,
and have found many sympathizers among the western peoples to
denounce their alleged wrongs. On the other hand, many foreign
visitors to Korea, after careful observation of conditions in
the country, have borne strong testimony in favor of the
Japanese conduct of Korean affairs. Professor George T. Ladd,
for example, of Yale University, is one of these witnesses
whose judgment has great weight. Having gone to Japan to give
a course of lectures there, Professor Ladd was asked by Prince
Ito, the Japanese Resident-General in Korea, to visit the
latter country as an observer, and lend counsel to the Prince
relative specially to some matters that touched American
missions. His subsequent book, entitled "In Korea with Prince
Ito," represents, beyond question, a careful and candid study
of conditions which he had the best of opportunities for
becoming rightly acquainted with. It does not approve or
justify everything that the Japanese dictators of Korean
administration were doing, but it represents the general
motive and intent of their undertakings to have been for the
improvement of the people and country whose affairs they had
taken into their hands. The same may be said of what has been
written of Korea since the Russo-Japanese war by Mr. George
Kennan, the experienced traveller in the East and student of
its peoples and their life.
The truth appears to be that the Japanese are using their
power in Korea as justly, as honestly, as rightly as the
English are using similar power in Egypt, as the Americans are
using it in the Philippine Islands, or as any people has ever
used the power to dictate government to another people. The
question of right and wrong in all such cases goes back of the
mode of using the overlordship, and is a question of the right
to hold it for any mode of use. That there was compulsion in
the procurement of the convention by which the Emperor of
Korea and his decadent Government surrendered themselves to
the dictatorial protection of Japan goes without saying. That
there is not a strong nation in the world to-day that would
not, in the same circumstances, have exercised the same
compulsion and wrung the same surrender, is just as
indisputable; but the political morality of the world is still
too undeveloped for that fact to be exonerating. It only
"sights" the political ethics of Japan along the level of our
Christendom, and finds her to be, at least, not below it.
Soon after the Convention of November 17, 1905 had been
signed, Marquis Ito, the Japanese Resident-General in Korea,
invited the newspaper editors in Seoul to a luncheon, at which
he addressed them, as reported at the time, partly in these
words:
"If the state of affairs in Korea be examined, it is found
that the relations between sovereign and subject, government
and governed, are of a very distant nature, and are by no
means so close as those in Japan. Hence it becomes inevitable
to adopt toward the Government measures of a more or less
compulsory nature. The people, however, are eminently peaceful
and quiet, and toward them, therefore, the policy pursued must
be one of gentle persuasion. Those are points which have to be
kept in view not merely by our officials, but also by all
Japanese subjects residing in Korea. Such Japanese subjects
must carefully refrain from all acts of violence to which
their country’s victories may prompt them, and must be guided
by a spirit of kindness in their dealings with the Koreans.
Already the United States representative in Seoul has received
instructions from his Government for the removal of the legation,
and it may be assumed that the other powers will similarly
recognize Japan’s convention. It will then be for Japan not to
forget the duties that heaven has delegated to her, but to
lead Korea gently and helpfully along the path of progress,
for assuredly anything like arbitrary or coercive conduct will
earn for Korea the sympathy of the nations, and will defeat
the true and abiding policy of Japan."
Discontent, complaint, resistance in Korea were inevitable,
whatever treatment the country in so helpless and humbled a
situation might receive. By a dexterous movement in 1907 it
compelled the world to take notice of its plight. The Emperor,
or his immediate entourage, succeeded by some means in fairly
smuggling out of the country a delegation commissioned to
claim a hearing before the Peace Conference at The Hague.
Their claim was effectually extinguished by the agreement of
1904, which turned over to Japan the whole management of the
foreign affairs of Korea; but the Korean situation was
discussed widely for a time. Nothing of benefit to the native
Korean Government, however, came from the event. The iron hand
of Japanese control was laid in heavier pressure on the feeble
court, at once. The nominal Korean Ministry was made to demand
and compel the abdication of the Emperor, on the ground that
he had endangered the national welfare by violation of the
treaty of August, 1904. His young son was crowned in his
stead, and Korea was required to submit to a new Agreement,
signed on the 24th of July, 1907, by which the
Resident-General "acquired initiative as well as consultatory
competence to enact and enforce laws and ordinances, to
appoint and remove Korean officials, and to place capable
Japanese subjects in the ranks of Korean officialdom." Special
provision was made for the separation of the Judiciary and the
Executive, so as to put an end, wrote an English
correspondent, "to the grievous corruption practised under a
system which invested provincial governors and district
magistrates with judicial functions, reducing the
administration of justice to a mere matter of favour or
interest." Under this new agreement the Resident-General
acquired authority sufficient to overcome obstruction, for it
pledged the Government of Korea to act under his guidance in
matters of administrative reform; not to enact any laws or
take any important measures without his previous assent; and
not to appoint or dismiss high officials without his
concurrence.
The attempt to carry an appeal to the Hague Conference was not
fortunate for Korea in the result. As a coup it was skilfully
executed, but can hardly be regarded as shrewd in the
planning. It was attributed, in both plan and execution, to an
American, Mr. Homer B. Hurlbert, who went to Korea as an
educator some years before, under an appointment by the
Government of the United States, on an official request from
Korea; who had acquired much influence there and was
strenuously a partisan of the Koreans, as against the
Japanese.
{369}
Publishing a small periodical, the _Korean Review_, Mr.
Hurlburt became an effective champion of their cause, publicly
as well as privately in the native counsels of the overlorded
empire. In the latter capacity he was pitted against another
American, Mr. Durham White Stevens, whose appointment by
Japanese selection, in 1904, to be adviser to the Korean
Foreign Office, is mentioned above. Originally in the service
of his own country, Mr. Stevens had then become official
adviser to the Japanese Legation at Washington, and passed
from that to the service in Korea. His fidelity to Japanese
interests centered on him the animosity of the rebellious
element in Korea, and he fell a victim to their hate.
The forcing of the old Emperor from the throne and the
exaction of a more direct and complete submission of Korea to
Japanese rule had provoked an extensive revolt. This was made
more serious by an acknowledged mistake committed by Prince
Ito, in disbanding the Korean army. A correspondent of the New
York _Evening Post_, who wrote from Tokyo on the 14th of
December, 1908, gave this account of the effect, and of the
dreadful suffering of the country from the conflict that
followed, in 1907-1908:
"The discharged soldiers, stung by the disgrace of dismissal
and the dishonor of forced submission to hated intruders,
quickly spread all over the country, stirring up their
compatriots to a fearless and often a fatal zeal against the
alien administration. The Japanese authorities forthwith set
about a vigorous suppression of the malcontents, even to the
extent of a merciless annihilation of life and a wholesale
destruction of property. … The rebel forces only waxed more
formidable, until by the approach of spring the insurgent
bands were so widely distributed and menacing that no Japanese
could safely venture beyond the confines of well-guarded towns
and cities.
"Accordingly the imperial authorities were driven to replace
their new policy of remaining on the defensive by the former
one of extermination, and no quarter. Last summer, therefore,
a well-organized campaign for completely wiping out the
insurrectionary forces was resolved upon and put into
execution. … A proclamation had previously been issued to the
effect that all Koreans affording food or shelter to the
insurgents, or in any way rendering assistance liable to
involve a charge of complicity, would be summarily dealt with;
while those who surrendered to the proper authorities would be
pardoned. The message placed the people between the devil and
the deep sea. If the natives refused assistance to the
insurgents, obedience would be required of them at the point
of the bayonet by their insulted fellow-patriots; while if
they were suspected of thus acquiescing, they perished at the
hands of the Japanese soldiery. Under the circumstances the
Koreans naturally chose rather to die serving their own people
than to suffer the same fate by resisting them."
A tragical incident of this fierce struggle was the
assassination of Mr. Durham White Stevens, while visiting the
United States. He had been marked for death by the Korean
insurgents, and was slain by their emissaries, in March, 1908,
soon after his landing in California.
The correspondent above quoted regarded the insurrection as
having spent its force at the time of his writing, December,
1908. Against the enormous destruction of life and property
which the suppression of it had cost, he proceeded to set a
brief summary of the simultaneous constructive and reformative
work which the Japanese had been carrying on. This was
described more broadly, however, a little later, by a writer
in the London _Times_, from whom we quote;
"The coasts have been lighted and buoyed; posts, telegraphs,
and, telephones have been provided; roads and railways have
been built; public buildings have been erected; various
industrial enterprises have been started, as printing,
brick-making, forestry, and coal-mining; model farms have been
laid out; the cultivation of cotton has been commenced and
promises to become a great industry; an industrial training
school has been built and equipped; an exposition has been
held in Seoul; sanitary works have been inaugurated; fine
hospitals and medical schools have been opened; an excellent
educational system modelled on that of Japan has been
organized; waterworks have been constructed in several towns;
and, last though not least, complete freedom of conscience has
replaced the old anti-Christian bigotry."
In June, 1909, the veteran statesman, Prince Ito, was relieved
of the trying office of Resident-General in Korea, and
succeeded by Viscount Sone, who had previously served with him
as Vice Resident-General. A Tokyo correspondent wrote of the
change:
"It was first planned to appoint Viscount Terauchi, minister
of war in the Japanese Cabinet, to the residency in Korea, but
Prince Ito objected, pointing out to the ministers that the
selection of Viscount Terauchi, a lieutenant-general, would be
considered as a triumph for the military regime and an
abandonment and disavowal of Prince Ito’s policy for the
peaceful development of Korea. As usual, Prince Ito’s advice
was accepted by his fellow statesmen, and Viscount Sone, who
received his training in Korea under the administration of
Prince Ito, was named to the post.
"A high officer said to-day that when the Korea residency was
created it was incumbent upon Japan to send her most able
statesman, Prince Ito, to fill the important post. He
formulated his policy of administration without interference,
and while some of the leading men of Japan were inclined to
doubt the wisdom of that policy they are now virtually
converted to his ideas, and it is generally believed that the
feeling of confidence and friendship for Japan can be created
among the Koreans and make the country doubly valuable."
Further changes in the administration of Korean affairs
attended this official change. They were reported to the
London _Times_ by its Tokyo correspondent, July 18, as
follows:
"Japan has just taken some important steps in Korea, the
occasion chosen being the simultaneous presence of the
outgoing and the incoming Residents-General in Seoul. She has
made arrangements for the establishment of a central bank
under official auspices, and she has negotiated for the
abolition of the two Departments of War and Justice. … The
capital will be one million sterling in £10 shares, 30,000 of
which shares will be allotted to the Korean Government, the
remainder being offered for subscription in Korea and Japan.
… An important feature is that all the bank’s officers will
be nominated by the Japanese Government, though they may
include Korean subjects.
{370}
"This being a purely financial measure which falls naturally
into its place in the sequence of Japan’s protectorate
programme has not attracted any special attention. Not so,
however, the abolition of the Korean Department of Justice,
and its replacement by a bureau in the Residency-General. The
immediate effect of that change is to convert the Korean
Courts of law into branches of the Japanese tribunals of
justice. Korean laws will, of course, be administered—and
their revision and codification cannot be accomplished in a
moment—but all the occupants of the bench will be selected
and appointed by Japan, and if competent Koreans cannot be
found, or until they are educated, Japanese alone will be
nominated. Japan is to bear the charges of this arrangement—
namely, £50,000 annually. The innovation is not so radical as
it appears at first sight. Already the assistant Judges in the
principal Courts were Japanese subjects, so that what is now
done is to extend the system rather than to alter it. …
"These things may be regarded as a definite step towards the
reality of Japan’s control in Korea. There have been three
distinct stages in her attitude towards her neighbour: first,
the advisory stage; then the stage of subordinate
administration; and finally the stage of well-nigh effective
direction. The first stage was antecedent to the Convention of
November, 1906. During that period Japan limited herself to
tendering counsels which Korea adopted or rejected at will.
The second stage was marked by assumption of entire authority
in the realm of foreign affairs; entire authority in the
domain of communications; practically entire authority in
military and police affairs, and vicarious authority in the
Departments of State by means of Vice-Ministers, in the field
of justice by the agency of assistant judges, and in
provincial administration by means of secretaries who ranked
as assistant-governors. The third stage has just been
inaugurated; military control has been made complete; judicial
control has been made complete, and financial control has been
made well-nigh complete. Very little remains to be done."
----------KOREA: End--------
KOSSUTH, Ferencz:
Leader of the Independence Party in Hungary.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903; 1904;
1905-1906; 1908-1909.
KRATZ, Charles:
Municipal "Boodler" of St. Louis.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
KRONSTADT:
Revolutionary Disturbances.
The treachery that defeated the Rising of 1906.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER), and
1906 (AUGUST).
KUANG-HSU: Emperor of China.
His death.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).
KUENSAN HILL, CAPTURE OF.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).
KULTURKAMPF, The.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: PRUSSIA; A. D. 1904.
KURINO: JAPANESE MINISTER AT ST. PETERSBURG.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.
KUROKI, General.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and after.
KUROPATKIN, General:
In the Russo-Japanese War.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and after.
KUYPER, REVEREND DR. ABRAHAM.
See (in this Volume)
NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1905-1909.
L.
LABOR EXCHANGES ACT, British.
See (in this Volume)
POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: ENGLAND.
----------LABOR ORGANIZATION: Start--------
Trade Unions
Labor Parties
Strikes
Lockouts
Mediations
Arbitrations
Industrial Agreements
LABOR ORGANIZATION: Australia: A. D. 1886-1906.
The Rise of the Labor Party.
Its rigorous organization.
Some account of the part played in Australian politics by the
Labor Party is given elsewhere.
See, in this Volume,
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904, and after.
The circumstances of the rise and growth of the party are
related briefly and the rigorousness of its organization is
described in the following:
"To trace the origin of the movement we must go back to the
fall of prices which began about 1886, to the succeeding lean
years 1886-1892, and the miseries of the consequent period of
unsuccessful strikes. The strikers and their working-class
sympathizers were taunted with appealing to brute force, and
recommended to depend rather upon constitutional political
methods for the redress of grievances. The workingmen took the
advice and bettered it. The trades unions devoted a portion of
their funds and much of their energy to political propaganda.
First in New South Wales, later in all the colonies and in
many widely separated districts, labor leagues were organized
which sketched out a policy and laid down a pledge which all
candidates supported by the leagues must sign. These formed
the nucleus of a new and independent political party which
gave their votes to either Liberal or Conservative
indifferently, regardless of which was in office, in return
for legislative concessions from either. The new party
springing thus almost simultaneously to life all over the
continent was at first regarded as a pathetic joke. They were
few in numbers, uneducated, inexperienced in affairs of state,
and had opposed to them all the wealth and the legal
astuteness in every chamber where they held seats. But they
were determined, united, and, with rare exceptions,
self-sacrificing. They were mutually bound not to take office
except with the consent of their fellow-laborites, so that
they were labeled from the first as ‘Not for sale.’ And from
their point of view the plan has succeeded.
{371}
"Friend and foe alike pay tribute to the magnificent
organization and discipline of the movement, and to the
personal disinterestedness of the leaders. A great economy of
effort is assured by having a platform and organization
practically identical for the Federal, State and municipal
elections, and for general propaganda work, and consequently
being able to utilize the same bodies—the local political
labor leagues—and the same workers for what seems to them
social righteousness, whether in national, State, or municipal
concerns. The Labor party was born of trades-unionism, and its
whole administration has been based on trades union methods.
The political labor leagues were at first composed of
trades-unionists, and are still closely in touch with trades
unions. These are the bodies who vote for the selection of
candidates for all elections and for delegates to the annual
and triennial State and Federal conferences of the party. The
Labor party in Parliament may be the controlling force, but no
other party in Australia has to carry out the behests of its
constituents as does this.
"We now come to the pledge and the caucus. The pledge, which
was first drafted by the New South Wales Labor Conference in
1895, reads as follows: ‘I hereby pledge myself not to oppose
the candidate selected by the recognized political Labour
organisation, and, if elected, to do my utmost to carry out
the principles—embodied in the Federal Labour Platform, and on
all questions affecting the Platform to vote as a majority of
the Parliamentary Party may decide at a duly constituted
caucus meeting.’
"As the pledge binds all members to carry out the general
principles of a platform decided for him by the united labor
vote of Australia, so each man has his vote in the legislature
decided for him beforehand on all details of that policy by
the caucus vote of his party in the legislature, before or
during the course of debate. The advocates of the system say
that this is the only way in which any consistent policy can
be carried out to a successful end. Opponents assert that in
it we have the germs of machine politics, and that labor may
by and by pay dearly for its present victory. The large amount
of direct representation in Australia, and the increasing
probabilities of the initiative and referendum being more
largely used, may check this tendency."
_Alice Henry,
The Australian Labor Movement
(The Outlook, November 3, 1906)._
LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1905-1909.
Failures of the Compulsory Arbitration Law.
In this Volume, under the heading—AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906,—
an instance of failure in the operation of the compulsory
Arbitration Law to arrest a strike of coal miners in New South
Wales is recorded. The failure was repeated in the same field
in the fall of 1909, when 12,000 miners of the Newcastle and
Maitland collieries of New South Wales stopped work. "The
men," it was reported, "demand an open conference to deal with
the principal grievances, with resort, in the event of
failure, to the Federal Arbitration Court or a special
commission. The owners, on the other hand, insist on a
conference with closed doors and the settlement of undecided
questions under the State Industrial Act. They further want
work to be resumed simultaneously with the opening of the
conference. The men, however, refuse to hew coal until their
grievances have been settled, but offer to carry on during the
conference all work necessary to keep the mines in working
order."
The correspondent who reported this went on to say:
"The public seems to be without a remedy against the strikers,
since it is impossible to imprison the whole mass, and the
imprisonment of the leaders would mean a general strike. In
addition the only available labour for colliery purposes is
controlled by the trade unions."
Evidently, however, the law was vindicated in the end, since a
report from Sydney on the 29th of December, made known that 13
officials of the miners’ union had been fined £100 each, with
two months hard labor in default.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: Austria: A. D. 1902.
During a strike of about 6500 men in various employments at
Trieste, in February, 1902, there were conflicts with the
military in which about 40 were killed and wounded. The demand
was for an eight hours day, and it was conceded in the end,
after an arbitration which decided in their favor. In the
following August serious labor disturbances occurred in
Galicia, where the peasants claimed better wages, and troops
had to be sent to the region to restore order.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: Belgium: A. D. 1902.
General Strike of Workmen as Protest against
the Plural Suffrage.
See (in this Volume)
BELGIUM: A. D. 1902.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1903.
Compensation for Injuries to Workmen.
After months of debate an Act prescribing compensation for
accidents injurious to workmen was passed, attempts to attach
to it the principle of compulsory insurance having failed.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: Canada: A. D. 1907-1908.
The Act known as "The Industrial Disputes
Investigation Act."
Its main provisions.
Its object, not Compulsory Arbitration, but the
Compulsory Attempting of Arbitration.
General success of the Act.
Failure to prevent Canadian Pacific Railway Strike.
In the judgment of many who give thought and study to labor
questions, the most promising experiment yet made in
legislation for dealing with disputes between employers and
workmen is the Canadian Act of March, 1907, entitled "An Act
to aid in the Prevention and Settlement of Strikes and
Lockouts in Mines and Industries connected with Public
Utilities." The essence of the Act is in its 56th to 61st
sections, which read as follows:
"56.
It shall be unlawful for any employer to declare or cause a
lockout, or for any employee to go on strike, on account of
any dispute prior to or during a reference of such dispute to
a Board of Conciliation and Investigation under the provisions
of this Act, or prior to or during a reference under the
provisions concerning railway disputes in the Conciliation and
Labour Act: Provided that nothing in this Act shall prohibit
the suspension or discontinuance of any industry or of the
working of any persons therein for any cause not constituting
a lockout or strike: Provided also that, except where the
parties have entered into an agreement under section 62 of
this Act, nothing in this Act shall be held to restrain any
employer from declaring a lockout, or any employee from going
on strike in respect of any dispute which has been duly
referred to a Board and which has been dealt with under
section 24 or 25 of this Act, or in respect of any dispute
which has been the subject of a reference under the provisions
concerning railway disputes in the Conciliation and Labour
Act.
{372}
"57.
Employers and employees shall give at least thirty days’
notice of an intended change affecting conditions of
employment with respect to wages or hours; and in every case
where a dispute has been referred to a Board, until the
dispute has been finally dealt with by the Board, neither of
the parties nor the employees affected shall alter the
conditions of employment with respect to wages or hours, or on
account of the dispute do or be concerned in doing, directly
or indirectly, anything in the nature of a lockout or strike,
or a suspension or discontinuance of employment or work, but
the relationship of employer and employee shall continue
uninterrupted by the dispute, or anything arising out of the
dispute; but if, in the opinion of the Board, either party
uses this or any other provision of this Act for the purpose
of unjustly maintaining a given condition of affairs through
delay, and the Board so reports to the Minister, such party
shall be guilty of an offence, and liable to the same
penalties as are imposed for a violation of the next preceding
section.
"58.
Any employer declaring or causing a lockout contrary to the
provisions of this Act, shall be liable to a fine of not less
than one hundred dollars, nor more than one thousand dollars,
for each day or part of a day that such lockout exists.
"59.
Any employee who goes on strike contrary to the provisions of
this Act shall be liable to a fine of not less than ten
dollars, nor more than fifty dollars, for each day or part of
a day that such employee is on strike.
"60.
Any person who incites, encourages or aids in any manner any
employer to declare or continue a lockout, or any employee to
go or continue on strike contrary to the provisions of this
Act, shall be guilty of an offence and liable to a fine of not
less than fifty dollars nor more than one thousand dollars.
"61.
The procedure for enforcing penalties imposed or authorized to
be imposed by this Act shall be that prescribed by Part XV. of
the Criminal Code relating to summary convictions."
A sufficient understanding of the practical operation of the
Act may be derived from the following prescriptive sections:
"5.
Wherever any dispute exists between an employer and any of his
employees, and the parties thereto are unable to adjust it,
either of the parties to the dispute may make application to
the Minister for the appointment of a Board of Conciliation and
Investigation, to which Board the dispute maybe referred under
the provisions of this Act: Provided, however, that, in the
case of a dispute between a railway company and its employees,
such dispute may be referred, for the purpose of conciliation
and investigation, under the provisions concerning railway
disputes in the Conciliation and Labour Act.
"6.
Whenever, under this Act, an application is made in due form
for the appointment of a Board of Conciliation and
Investigation, and such application does not relate to a
dispute which is the subject of a reference under the
provisions concerning railway disputes in the Conciliation and
Labour Act, the Minister, whose decision for such purpose
shall be final, shall, within fifteen days from the date at
which the application is received, establish such Board under
his hand and seal of office, if satisfied that the provisions
of this Act apply.
"7.
Every Board shall consist of three members who shall be
appointed by the Minister. Of the three members of the Board
one shall be appointed on the recommendation of the employer
and one on the recommendation of the employees (the parties to
the dispute), and the third on the recommendation of the
members so chosen."
"11.
No person shall act as a member of the Board who has any
direct pecuniary interest in the issue of a dispute referred
to such Board."
"23.
In every case where a dispute is duly referred to a Board it
shall be the duty of the Board to endeavour to bring about a
settlement of the dispute, and to this end the Board shall, in
such manner as it thinks fit, expeditiously and carefully
inquire into the dispute and all matters affecting the merits
thereof and the right settlement thereof. In the course of
such inquiry the Board may make all such suggestions and do
all such things as it deems right and proper for inducing the
parties to come to a fair and amicable settlement of the
dispute, and may adjourn the proceedings for any period the
Board thinks reasonable to allow the parties to agree upon
terms of settlement.
"24.
If a settlement of the dispute is arrived at by the parties
during the course of its reference to the Board, a memorandum
of the settlement shall be drawn up by the Board and signed by
the parties, and shall, if the parties so agree, be binding as
if made a recommendation by the Board under section 62 of this
Act, and a copy thereof with a report upon the proceedings
shall be forwarded to the Minister.
"25.
If a settlement of the dispute is not arrived at during the
course of its reference to the Board, the Board shall make a
full report, thereon to the Minister, which report shall set
forth the various proceedings and steps taken by the Board for
the purpose of fully and carefully ascertaining all the facts
and circumstances, and shall also set forth such facts and
circumstances, and its findings therefrom, including the cause
of the dispute and the Board’s recommendation for the
settlement of the dispute according to the merits and
substantial justice of the case.
"26.
The Board’s recommendation shall deal with each item of the
dispute and shall state in plain terms, and avoiding as far as
possible all technicalities, what in the Board’s opinion ought
or ought not to be done by the respective parties concerned.
Wherever it appears to the Board expedient so to do, its
recommendation shall also state the period during which the
proposed settlement should continue in force, and the date
from which it should commence."
"28.
Upon receipt of the Board’s report the Minister shall
forthwith cause the report to be filed in the office of the
Registrar and a copy thereof to be sent free of charge to the
parties to the dispute and to the representative of any
newspaper published in Canada who applies therefor, and the
Minister may distribute copies of the report, and of any
minority report, in such manner as to him seems most desirable
as a means of securing compliance with the Board’s
recommendation."
{373}
The fundamental object of the law, as will be seen, is not to
compel arbitration, but to compel an attempt at arbitration,
before any strike or lockout is permitted, and to give
authentic and full publicity to all the circumstances which
can justify or condemn a strike or lockout, if one occurs. So
far in the experience of Canada with this wise enactment it
has generally been successful in bringing about a peaceful
settlement of labor disputes. It failed in the case of a
disagreement between the Canadian Pacific Railway Company and
its mechanical employés, which arose in April, 1908, when the
Company served notice of a reduction of wages to one class of
boiler-makers, and of an increase in the proportion of
apprentices to be employed in its shops, together with some
changes of rules concerning machine tools, etc. The men
applied for the appointment of a Conciliation Board, in
accordance with the law, but were not satisfied with the
conclusions reported by a majority of the Board, and struck,
as the law then permitted them to do. The strike was weakened
by the unfavorable public opinion which the investigation
produced.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: England: A. D. 1892-1901.
A Statistical Study of Ten Years of Trade Disputes.
The following is the concluding summary of an elaborate
statistical study of Strikes and Lockouts in England during
the ten years from 1892 to 1901, made by an eminent
statistician, Mr. J. H. Schooling:
"To sum up the chief practical points that seem to have come
out of this examination of trade disputes during 1892-1901,
these are:
"(_a_)
An improvement during 1897-1901 as compared with 1892-1896.
"(_b_)
An altogether undue predominance of the Mining and Quarrying
Trades in trade disputes, not only actually, but also
relatively to the industrial population of each group of
trades compared. This is a most unsatisfactory feature, for
the reason that so many other trades depend upon
non-interruption of coal mining for their successful working.
Therefore, efforts to prevent disputes should be specially
directed to the Mining and Quarrying Trades.
"(_c_)
Nearly two-thirds of all trade disputes are caused by disputes
about wages, and nearly one-half of all trade disputes are
caused by a demand by workpeople for ‘an increase of wages.’
Only 6 per cent. of all disputes are caused by resistance
‘against decrease of wages.’ …
"(_d_)
Trade Unionism is not so productive of strikes as it is
commonly supposed to be.
"(_e_)
Conciliation Boards, etc., do not cause the settlement of many
disputes after the dispute has commenced. Their work is in the
direction of preventing strikes and lock-outs. That this work
is effective and that it should be zealously promoted is
evidenced by the fact that in 1901, 75 per cent. of all
changes in wages and in hours of labour were arranged by
sliding scales, wages boards, or by other peaceful methods,
while only 2 per cent. of these changes followed upon strikes
or lock-outs.
"(_f_)
The respective chances of success by workpeople or by
employers when a trade dispute is entered upon are, in round
numbers:
150 chances for the employers; and
100 chances for the workpeople.
"In addition to this relatively small chance of success by
workpeople when they strike, the cost to them and to their
trade organisations is relatively greater than the cost to
employers."
_J. H. Schooling,
Strikes and Lock-outs, 1892-1901
(Fortnightly Review, May, 1904)._
LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1900-1906.
The Taff Vale Decision.
Trades Unions made liable for Damages.
Resulting amendment of the English Law.
In the summer of 1900 a strike of employés of the Taff Vale
Railway Company occurred, which lasted only a fortnight or
thereabouts, but had large and important consequences. During
the strike the Company applied for an injunction to restrain
two officers of the Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants
from interfering as such with the affairs of the road. The
Society opposed the application, on the ground that it was not
a corporation or an individual and could not be sued. Justice
Farwell, before whom the case came, held that a trade union
was a corporate body, responsible for illegal acts committed
by its officers. This decision was a serious menace to the
unions generally, and they cooperated extensively with the
Amalgamated Society in carrying an appeal to the higher
courts. The case was argued in the Court of Appeals in
November, 1900, and the justices of that court reversed the
decision of Justice Farwell. The plaintiff in the suit, the
Railway Company, then carried it to the tribunal of last
resort, the House of Lords, and there, in July, 1902, the
judgment of the Court of Appeals was set aside and that of
Justice Farwell was sustained, making it the law of Great
Britain, that a trade union is a legal entity, capable of
suing and being sued. On this decision the Taff Vale Railway
Company brought suit against the Amalgamated Society for
damages, and obtained a verdict on the 20th of December which
awarded the Company £28,000.
A strenuous endeavor to overcome the effect of the decision
rendered by the House of Lords, through amendatory
legislation, was begun by the Labor Party, with strong
sympathy among the Liberals, and it had success. An Act (which
became law on the 21st of December, 1906) "to provide for the
regulation of Trades Unions and Trade Disputes," added the
following "as a new paragraph after the first paragraph of
section three of the Conspiracy and Protection of Property
Act, 1875":
"An act done in pursuance of an agreement or combination by
two or more persons shall, if done in contemplation or
furtherance of a trade dispute, not be actionable unless the
act, if done without any such agreement or combination, would
be actionable."
Further provisions of the new Act were as follows:
"2.
It shall be lawful for one or more persons, acting on their
own behalf or on behalf of a trade union or of an individual
employer or firm in contemplation or furtherance of a trade
dispute, to attend at or near a house or place where a person
resides or works or carries on business or happens to be, if
they so attend merely for the purpose of peacefully obtaining
or communicating information, or of peacefully persuading any
person to work or abstain from working. …
{374}
"3.
An act done by a person in contemplation or furtherance of a
trade dispute shall not be actionable on the ground only that
it induces some other person to break a contract of employment
or that it is an interference with the trade, business, or
employment of some other person, or with the right of some
other person to dispose of his capital or his labour as he
wills.
"4.
(1) An action against a trade union, whether of workmen or
masters, or against any members or officials thereof on behalf
of themselves and all other members of the trade union in
respect of any tortious act alleged to have been committed by
or on behalf of the trade union, shall not be entertained by
any court.
(2) Nothing in this section shall affect the liability of the
trustees of a trade union to be sued in the events provided
for by the Trades Union Act, 1871, section nine, except in
respect of any tortious act committed by or on behalf of the
union in contemplation or in furtherance of a trade dispute.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1903.
Political effect of the Taff Vale Decision of the
House of Lords, stimulating the growth of the Labor Party.
The Taff Vale Decision rendered by the House of Lords gave an
immediate great impetus to the growth and the independence of
the Labor Party, pledged by a resolution adopted at a "Labor
Representation Conference" held in February, 1903, to insist
that Labor candidates and Labor Members of Parliament when
elected should "strictly abstain from identifying themselves
with the interests of any section of the Liberal or
Conservative parties," holding themselves free to act solely
for the purpose of "securing the social and economic
requirements of the industrial classes." The same conference
took action for the creation of a fund for the payment of
Labor Members of Parliament and for assisting in the payment
of election expenses. The effects of the movement were soon
felt in Parliamentary elections.
See (in this Volume),
SOCIALISM: ENGLAND.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1906 (March).
Report of Royal Commission on Labor Disputes.
A Royal Commission on Labor Disputes, appointed in England in
1903, submitted its report in March, 1906. The trades unions
had declined to take part in its investigations, though their
interests were represented on the Commission by one of the
ablest and staunchest champions of the rights of labor, Sidney
Webb. Coal mine owners were represented by one member; the
remaining three members were Lord Dunedin, President of the
Court of Session, Sir Godfrey Lushington, formerly of the Home
Office, and an eminent lawyer of Liberal politics, Arthur
Cohen. The most important recommendation of the Commission was
that "an agreement or combination by two or more persons to do
or procure to be done any act in contemplation or furtherance
of a trade dispute shall not be the ground of a civil action,
unless the agreement or combination is indictable as a
conspiracy, notwithstanding the terms of the ‘Conspiracy and
Protection of Property Act of 1875.’" The Act of 1875 had so
modified the old conspiracy law that no combination to do what
would not be punishable by imprisonment if done by a single
person could be made the subject of a criminal proceeding. The
Commission now advised an extension of the same rule to civil
actions. But, by unanimous agreement the Commission approved
the decision rendered by the House of Lords in the Taff Vale
case (see above), which took away from trades unions in Great
Britain the immunity from being sued which they had formerly
enjoyed. As to the right of "picketing," in the prosecution of
a labor strike, the Commission would have it limited only to
prevent coercion by menace or intimidation in the performance.
It recommended punishment for a workman who "acts in such a
manner as to cause a reasonable apprehension in the mind of
any person that violence will be used to him or to his wife or
family, or damage be done to his property."
In the judgment of the Commission the incorporation of trades
unions is much to be desired. These are the main conclusions
to which it was led by its long study of the subject of
industrial disputes.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1907-1909.
Excellent Settlement of a threatened Railway Strike.
Adopted System of Conciliation and Arbitration Boards.
A general railway strike in Great Britain was threatened very
seriously in the autumn of 1907, when the Amalgamated Society
of Railway Servants, ably led by its Secretary, Mr. Richard
Bell, who is a Member of Parliament, presented demands to the
companies which the latter would not yield to. Mr. David
Lloyd-George, the then President of the Board of Trade—which
is a department of the National Government—undertook to
negotiate a peaceable settlement of the dispute, and
accomplished it with remarkable success. The outcome of his
skilful diplomacy was the acceptance, November 6, 1907, by
both companies and men of a comprehensive scheme for
conciliation and arbitration, which provided for the formation
of boards for each railway, consisting of representatives of
the company and of the men, to consider thereafter any
question relating to rates of wages and hours of duty. The
scheme further provided that questions which these boards were
unable to settle were to be referred to a single arbitrator.
The London and North-Western was the first railway company to
complete its arrangements in connection with the scheme, and
demands from most of the grades concerned in the working of
traffic, numbering about 39,000 men, were considered by the
newly-formed conciliation boards. The principal grades
concerned were: Engine drivers, firemen and cleaners;
signalmen; brakesmen and shunters; passenger guards and
platform porters; carriage cleaners, wagon examiners and
greasers; permanent way men; goods staff; cartage staff.
As agreement in the London and North-Western case was found
impossible, reference was made to arbitration, and Sir Edward
Fry was chosen to be arbitrator. He gave hearings on the
questions in controversy in December, 1908, and his award was
announced in the February following. He decided that the
railway company had made good its contention that it could not
pay an "all round advance" in wages of two shillings per week,
which had been the demand for all grades in the service.
{375}
He allowed, in fact, few increases in wages; but awarded, on
the contrary, some reductions in wage which the company
claimed. On other points, concerning the pay for overtime,
etc., his award was to the satisfaction of the railway
employés. On the whole, it seems to have ended the dispute
with considerable satisfaction all round. On this first
decision under the new arrangement for settling disputes, Mr.
Bell expressed himself as "very pleased to find that a great
many of the concessions asked for have been embodied by the
arbitrator in his award. We have got," said he, "rate and a
quarter for overtime for all classes uniformly. We have got
rate and a quarter for Sunday duty for signal men, as well as
other grades who have hitherto not been paid extra rates. We
have got payment for Sunday labour for the passenger staff
—men who were formerly not paid for Sunday duty; we have
established the principle that men doing the work of a higher
grade for more than one day shall be paid at the rate of the
higher grade. That is the principle we have been fighting for
for several years, and it will mean many shillings per week to
thousands of men. A very important item of the award is the
decision that no alteration shall be made in the shape of
increased hours or reduced wages in regard to men whose claims
were submitted to the arbitrator, but whose conditions have
not been altered by the award. We have always, hitherto, had
to complain about companies ‘cutting,’ but the London and
North-Western cannot do it here."
Mr. Bell mentioned that several other similar claims against
other companies were going to arbitration, but while he
thought that Sir Edward Fry’s decisions might have some
influence upon future conferences, he pointed out that other
arbitrators will possibly refuse to accept any lead, but
decide matters entirely upon their own views after dealing
with the particular cases.
A general report to the Board of Trade, on the working of the
Railway Conciliation Boards, under the agreement of November
6, 1907, was published in March, 1909, as a Blue Book, from
which the following is taken:
"The agreement was signed initially on behalf of 11 of the
principal railway companies, but adhesion to its terms was
afterwards signified, subject in the case of the Scottish
companies to modifications of certain clauses upon matters of
detail, by 35 other companies, making a total of 46 railway
companies that have adopted the arrangements proposed by the
Department for avoiding the serious results that would attend
a cessation of labour on railways. The assenting companies
include nearly all those having as many as 200 _employés_
in their service, and in fact the only companies that have not
adopted the scheme are small companies for which the formation
of conciliation boards was not thought to be required, and a
few of the larger companies to whose lines the provisions of
the agreement were for special reasons unsuitable. …
"For the 46 railways dealt with under the scheme, the number
of boards to be formed, apart from the central conciliation
boards, was 169, and the total number of representatives to be
elected on such boards was 877. On 44 of the railways there
was provision for a central board in addition to the sectional
boards, thus making a total of 213 conciliation boards to be
formed altogether under the scheme. … Eight hundred and fifty
representatives of _employés_ were to be elected in these
416 elections, and for these places the total number of
candidates nominated was 1,608.
"The total number of _employés_ eligible to vote upon the
various railways coming within the scheme is estimated at a
little over 270,000. After allowing for cases where the
representatives were returned unopposed, it is found that
where voting papers have actually been issued, over 77 per
cent. of the _employés_ eligible have availed themselves
of the franchise."
LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1908.
"A Notable Labor Treaty."
The Shipbuilding Agreement between Employers and
Trade Unions to avert Strikes and Lockouts.
In the early part of 1908 the woodworkers in the shipbuilding
yards of the north of England went on strike against a
reduction in wages, which was equivalent to one that the
ironworkers in all the British shipyards and the woodworkers
in the Scotch yards had accepted. The Federation of
Shipbuilding Employers then notified a national lockout unless
the strikers resumed work pending the adjustment of the
dispute by conference. For some time past there had been
negotiations on foot between the federated employers and
certain of the other shipbuilding labor unions, aiming at the
conclusion of a permanent working agreement for the prevention
of strikes. The woodworkers were now brought into this
negotiation, and after a long threshing out of disputes, in a
joint committee of representatives from twenty-six trade
unions and from the employers’ federation a "Memorandum of
Agreement" was produced which all signed on the 16th of
December, 1908, and which the London _Times_, making it
public on the 11th of January, characterised rightly as "A
Notable Labor Treaty." The provisions of this industrial
agreement seem to be of so much historical importance that we
give the important sections entire:
"I.—GENERAL FLUCTUATIONS IN WAGES.
"(1) Changes in wages due to the general conditions of the
shipbuilding industry shall be termed general fluctuations.
Such general fluctuations in wages shall apply to all the
trades comprised in this agreement and in every federated firm
at the same time and to the same extent. Differences in rates
of wages in any trade in different districts can be dealt with
as heretofore under clause II., section 3.
"(2) In the case of all such general fluctuations the
following provisions and procedure shall apply, viz.:
(_a_) No step toward an alteration in wages can be
taken until after the lapse of six calendar months from the
date of the previous general fluctuation.
(_b_) Before an application for an alteration can be
made, there shall be a preliminary conference between the
federation and the unions, in order to discuss the position
generally. Such conference shall be held within 14 days of
the request for the same,
(_c_) No application for an alteration shall be
competent until the foregoing preliminary conference has
been held, and no alteration shall take effect within six
weeks of the date of the applications.
(_d_) The application fora proposed alteration shall
be made as follows: The federation to the unions parties to
this agreement; or the said unions to the federations,
(_e_) Within 14 days after the receipt of an
application the parties shall meet in conference.
(_f_) The conference may be adjourned by mutual
agreement, such adjourned conference to be held within 14
days thereafter.
(_g_) Any general fluctuation in trademen’s rates
shall be of the following fixed amount, viz.:—Piecework
rates, 5%; and Time rates 1 /- per week [sic], or ¼d. per
hour where payment is made by the hour.
{376}
"II.
QUESTIONS OTHER THAN GENERAL FLUCTUATIONS IN WAGES.
"(1) When any question is raised by or on behalf of either an
employer or employers, or of a workman or workmen, the
following procedure shall be observed, viz.:—
(_a_) A workman or deputation of workmen shall be
received by their employers in the yard or at the place
where a question has arisen, by appointment, for the mutual
discussion of any question in the settlement of which both
parties are directly concerned; and failing arrangement, a
further endeavour may, if desired, be then made to
negotiate a settlement by a meeting between the employer,
with or without an official of the local association, on
the one hand, and the official delegate, or other official
of the workmen concerned, with or without the workman or
workmen directly concerned, as deemed necessary.
(_ b _) Failing settlement the question shall be
referred to a joint committee consisting of three employers
and three representatives of the union or of each of the
unions directly concerned, none of whom shall be connected
with the yard or dock where the dispute has arisen,
(_c_) Failing settlement under subsection (_b_),
the question shall be brought before the employers’ local
association and the responsible local representatives of
the union or unions directly concerned in local conference.
(_d_) Failing settlement at local conference, it shall
be competent for either party to refer the question to a
central conference to be held between the executive board
of the federation and representatives of the union or
unions directly concerned, such representatives to have
executive power.
"(2) If the question is in its nature a general one affecting
more than yard or dock, it shall be competent to raise it
direct in local conference, or if it is general and affecting
the federated firms or workmen in more than one district, it
shall be competent to raise it direct in central conference
without in either case going through the prior procedure above
provided for.
"(3) The questions hereby covered shall extend to all
questions relating to wages, including district alterations in
wages and other matters in the shipbuilding and ship repairing
trade, which may give rise to disputes.
"III.—GRAND CONFERENCE.
"In the event of failure to settle any question in central
conference under clause II., section 1, subsection (_d_),
either party desirous to have such question further considered
shall prior to any stoppage of work refer same for final
settlement to a grand conference to be held between the
federation and all the unions parties to this agreement. A
conference may by mutual agreement be adjourned. On any
occasion when a settlement has not been reached, the
conference must be adjourned to a date not earlier than 14
days nor later than one month from the date of such
conference. …
"VI.—GENERAL PROVISIONS.
"At all meetings and conferences the representatives of both
sides shall have full powers to settle, but it shall be in
their discretion whether or not they conclude a settlement.
"In the event of any stoppage of work occurring in any
federated yard or federated district either in contravention
of the foregoing or after the procedure laid down has been
exhausted, entire freedom of action is hereby reserved to the
federation, and any federated association, and to the unions
concerned, notwithstanding the provisions of this agreement.
The suspension of the agreement shall be limited to such
particular stoppage, and the agreement in all other respects
shall continue in force.
"Pending settlement of any question other than questions of
wages, hours, and piece prices (the last-named of which is
provided for above), two or three employers not connected with
the yard where the question has arisen shall give a temporary
decision, but such decision shall be without prejudice to
either party, and shall not be adduced in evidence in the
ultimate settlement of the question.
"The expression ‘employer’ throughout this agreement shall
include an employer’s accredited representative.
"Until the whole procedure of this agreement applying to the
question at issue has been carried through there shall be no
stoppage or interruption of work either of a partial or of a
general character.
"VII.—DURATION OF AGREEMENT.
"This agreement shall continue in force for three years, and
shall thereafter be subject to six months’ notice in writing
on either side, said notice not to be competent until the
three years have elapsed."
Signed by the President of the Shipbuilding Employers
Federation and by seven representatives of the Trades Unions.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1909.
Educational Demands of the Trade Unions.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: ENGLAND.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1909.
Trade Unions forbidden to pay Members of Parliament.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (JULY-DECEMBER).
LABOR ORGANIZATION: France: A. D. 1884-1909.
Organized Labor in the French Republic.
The Syndicats and Syndicalism.
A Trade Union version of Socialism.
The Confédération Générale du Travail,
and the idea of a general strike.
Its revolutionary implication.
The strike of government employés in the French telegraph and
postal service, begun in March, 1909, and which was recognized
instantly as a most alarmingly revolutionary movement, roused
inquiry everywhere concerning the form and character that
labor organization in France has taken on. The London
_Times_ gave elaborate satisfaction to this inquiry by a
series of five articles, published in April, by a writer whose
evident knowledge of the subject was complete. The statements
here following are condensed from that source:
{377}
The organization of labor in France differs in important
respects from that in Great Britain and the United States.
"The French term for trade unions is syndicats, or, more
correctly, _syndicats professionnels_; but the two terms
are not equivalent or synonymous. For, whereas the word 'trade
union’ is applied only to combinations of persons employed,
the syndicats include also combinations of employers and of
both together." The employers’ associations are called
_syndicats patronaux_. "A trade union is a combination of
persons engaged in the same trade without any reference to
locality; they may be and generally are widely distributed in
many places; the bond is the trade, not the locality; hence
the use of the singular number. There is another kind of
combination formed by several trades in the same locality and
called a trades council; the bond is the locality, not the
trade. Both forms of organization exist in France; the trade
union is called _syndicat ouvrier_, and the trades
council _bourse du travail_. … Both play a part in the
movement, and, though in the aggregate they are composed of
the same individuals, their policy and interests are not
always or necessarily identical. Both are further combined
into federations.
"The effective development of trade unionism in France only
dates from 1884, when the law authorizing the formation of
_syndicats professionels_ was passed." Unions had existed
before, but under difficulties, without sanction of law. "The
peculiarity of the struggle for the right of combination in
France was that the necessity remained under numerous changes
and diverse forms of government … and that the democratic
State was not less but rather more oppressive than the others.
… It was the National Assembly, travailing with the
Revolution, which, in the sacred name of liberty and the
rights of man, forbade the citizens to form trade
organizations by the law of 1791; and for nearly 100 years
this ban remained through all the subsequent changes,
sometimes fortified, sometimes relaxed, but never removed."
The law of 1791 was relaxed under Napoleon III., but the
severity of it was renewed by the Government of the Third
Republic, down to 1884. In that year, according to official
returns, there existed but 68 regularly constituted unions in
France. By 1890 the number had increased to 1006, with a
membership of 139,692. In 1908 the reported number of unions
was 5524, and their membership 957,102. "The aggregate is as
yet comparatively small, and, numerically, trade unionism is
still relatively weak in France; but the example of Germany
shows how rapidly this movement may increase in strength.
According to the occupational census of 1901 the number of
persons in France who might be enrolled in trade unions was
approximately 9,000,000; and the numbers would not be
substantially higher now, so that the official returns show
roughly about 10 per cent. organized. … With regard to
organization by industries the largest number of trade
unionists belonged in 1907 to the following groups:
Transport, 260,869;
metal industries, 103,835;
textiles, 78,854;
building trades, 66,678;
miners, 64,194;
agriculture and forestry, 51,407;
food and drink, 48,353.
But trade union strength depends, for economic purposes, more
upon the proportion of workers organized in a given trade than
upon the actual number. From this point of view the strongest
groups are, with the percentage of workers organized, as
follows:
Miners, 35 per cent;
chemical industries, 31.2;
transport, 23.4;
paper and printing, 20.9;
leather, 20.0;
metal workers, 18.7.
These figures have an important bearing on the situation,
because of the division, which will be discussed in a
subsequent article, of the unions into revolutionary and
moderate groups. As for geographical distribution, Paris is
the great centre, and the north of France is much stronger
than the south."
"The term _bourse du travail_ means literally 'labour
exchange,' and that was the original function of these
organizations; it still is one of them, but is overshadowed by
the all-devouring political aims which in France seem to seize
hold of all things, one after another, and swallow them up.
The _bourses_ were started in 1886, two years after trade
unionism received its charter. … But instead of being used for
their original purpose, strictly as labour exchanges, they
soon became a form of labour organization corresponding as
nearly as possible to our trade councils, though supported by
municipal or departmental subventions. … According to M.
Mermeix, to whose brilliant work on ‘Le Syndicalisme contre le
Socialisme’ I am indebted for much information, the syndicats
were promptly seized upon by the Guesdist or Social Democratic
party as soon as they began to develop freely after 1884, and
the other Socialist bodies, who were then in violent
antagonism, responded by cultivating the _bourses du
travail_. The inevitable result was a strong political turn
given to both sets of organizations; but it was not the turn
intended by the Socialists. For presently the _syndicats_
and the _bourses_, which really represent ‘Labour’ turned
against the politicians called Socialists, who do not
represent ‘Labour,’ and made common cause against them."
"The most obvious feature of the movement in recent years has
been a great increase of industrial restlessness. We need not
put it all down to the trade unions, but they have had a good
deal to do with it, and have undoubtedly been devoting their
energies in an increasing measure to strikes." This "began in
1899 and has continued, with fluctuations, ever since. It
reached its high-water mark in 1906, and then somewhat
subsided, but recent events show that the same spirit is still
active. And besides increasing in number, extent, and
duration, the strikes have frequently been marked by acts of
violence and attended in several cases by loss of life. All
this, in spite of a system of conciliation and arbitration and
strong organization on the part of employers. What is the
cause? There has been nothing in the economic situation to
account for industrial disorder continued over a series of
years. …
"_Syndicalisme_ is the distinctive mark of the present
labour movement in France. … Perhaps the essential character
of _Syndicalisme_ is best expressed by saying that it is
a purely trade union version of Socialism, definitely and even
violently opposed to Collectivism and more nearly allied to
anarchism, yet distinct from it. … The object of Syndicalisme
is revolution, sudden and complete, in which the State, with
all the apparatus of government, is to disappear, and the
possession and control of material means—which alone count—is
to pass from the hands of its present owners, whether private
or public, into those of organized labour. This original idea
is Socialistic or Collectivist in so far as it is directed
against capitalism; it is anarchistic in so far as it
contemplates the disappearance of the State; but, above all,
it is trade unionist, for the _syndicat_ is posited as
the unit or cell of the future social organism. …
{378}
To complete this brief outline of the idea of
_Syndicalisme_ it is only necessary to add that the means
whereby the revolution is to be accomplished is the general
strike, and that, pending that consummation, ordinary strikes
are systematically encouraged as good practice, in which, as
by skirmishes or manoeuvres, the labour forces are trained and
prepared for the great encounter."
The idea of a general strike was put forward in 1888 by an
anarchist Parisian carpenter named Tortelier, and the militant
forces of organized labor rallied to it. It brought together
the two sets into which labor organization had split—the
Guesdist party, controlling the _Syndicats_, and their
opponents in possession of the _bourses du travail_. It
"caused the rout and withdrawal of the Social Democrats, and
so led to the birth of _Syndicalisme_. The turning point
was reached in 1894 at a joint congress held at Nantes, when
after a set debate the general strike was adopted by 65 votes
against 37, with nine abstinents. In the following year the
Confédération Genérale du Travail was formed as a new and
united federation of trade unions, purged of politics, or, at
least, of Parliamentary politics; and thenceforward the two
sets of organizations—trade unions and trades councils—drew
the labour car together; but at first and for some years they
by no means pulled together." In 1902 they were harmonized,
"mainly by the efforts of M. Niel," who has been called the
real creator of the _Confédération Générale_, to the head
of which, as general secretary, "which means president," he
was elected in February, 1909. "The word ‘president’ is
eschewed, as savoring of the _bourgeois_ state." M. Niel
is a compositor. "He is of the best type of trade unionist; a
calm, capable, level-headed man, devoted to trade unionism,
but no crazy theorist or violent fanatic."
"The numerical strength of the Confederation or its want of
strength is a point on which its enemies are never tired of
insisting. In October last the official figures presented to
the congress at Marseilles were: First section, 2,586
_syndicats_, with an aggregate membership of 294,398;
second section, 154 _bourses du travail_, representing
2,014 _syndicats_. The figures must not be added
together, because the two sections represent the same or
almost the same forces, differently organized. The returns of
the first section show the effective membership, and we may
call it 300,000. Now the official statistics of the
_Ministère du Travail_ give the total membership of
_syndicate ouvriers_ at the beginning of 1908 as 957,102.
The Confederation, therefore, embraces less than one-third of
the organized labour in France. But that calculation is open
to some criticisms; the Government returns are said to be too
high, those of the Confederation too low. There is probably
some truth in both statements."
LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1902.
Extensive Strike of Coal Miners.
Strikes at Marseilles.
On the 8th of October, 1902, the National Committee of French
Miners, meeting at Paris, voted to declare a general strike,
and issued a manifesto to their comrades in Europe, America,
and Australia, appealing for aid and stating their cause, in
these words; "We are pushed to the last extremity in fighting
to obtain a slight improvement in our miserable condition—more
equitable remuneration, with the regulation of our work for
the present, and legislation sheltering us against the strict
needs of old age. We are sure you understand your duty. We
leave to you the initiative in such measures as are most
convenient to you in aiding us in this struggle." The strike
had actually begun in part before this order was given and it
was estimated that some 42,000 men had left work in the
northern coal fields. The whole number of French miners was
calculated by the _Temps_ to be 162,000 men, of whom,
however, only 60,000 belonged to the federation. The mine
owners refused to discuss the matter, declaring that the
strike began before any warning had been given them and
without any sufficient motives, and also that the chief points
in dispute were already before parliamentary committees.
Troops were sent to the mining districts, and some conflicts
occurred. The Government attempted arbitration, and late in
October an agreement was reached which brought the strike to
an end.
At the same time troublesome strikes of dock-laborers,
stokers, and sailors were going on at Marseilles, for some
weeks.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1906.
Serious Strikes and Labor Disturbances.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1906.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1909 (March-May).
Serious Strike of Government Employés in the Telegraph
and Postal Service.
Overcome by the firmness of the Government.
Disciplinary proceedings.
Court decision against Trade Unions among
Employés of the State.
The organizations involved in the strike of government
employés in the telegraph and postal service of France, which
began on the 13th of March, 1909, are outside of the Labor
_Syndicats_ embraced in the _Confédération Genérale du
Travail_ described above; but in part they have been
brought into close connection with that combination and have
striven for identification with it. As explained by the Paris
correspondent of the London _Times_, "the associations of
French Civil servants include two quite separate groups—one
in favour of Parliamentary action, the other sympathizing with
the General Confederation of Labour and desiring to be allowed
to combine freely and, when it suits them, to strike. The
former group is represented by a Comité d’Études so-called,
and includes a large number of primary school teachers and
_Lycée_ professors, the association of the Law Courts
clerks, sub-_employés_ at the Post Office,
_employés_ of the Roads and Inland Communications
Department of the Ministry of Public Works, and so forth.
These various associations, forming the first group, are
convinced that their lot can be quite adequately improved if
Parliament will only vote a satisfactory Bill on the
_status_ of functionaries. The second group has no
confidence whatever in such a measure. It does not count on
Parliament for a panacea. Under the title of ‘Central
Committee for the defence of the syndical rights of
wage-earners of the State, the departments, and the communes,’
it has always worked in unison with the revolutionary unions
of the General Confederation of Labour, and it was this group
which wrote two years ago to M. Clemenceau an open letter
stating their demands, among which the most important of all
was the right to strike.
{379}
In consequence of that manifestation, which was regarded as
illegal, a certain number of functionaries were dismissed,
notably, as readers of _The Times_ will recall, a school
teacher by the name of Nègre, an official of the Ministry of
the Interior, M. Janvion, a postman named Simonnet, and an
electrician, M. Pataud."
These dismissed officials, M. Pataud especially, were the
leaders of the strike that was undertaken on the 13th of
March, when twelve hundred men employed in the central offices
of the Paris Telegraph Department stopped work at about 2
o’clock in the afternoon, "in order to express ‘sympathy’ with
three hundred men of the postal service who had invaded the
offices on the 12th, and had made a demonstration against M.
Simyan, the Under-Secretary of State for Posts and
Telegraphs." "The precise grievances of the strikers," said
_The Times_, "are probably known to their superiors; but,
so far as we have seen, they have not been placed before the
outside world in any form which renders it possible even
clearly to understand them."
On the other hand, a special correspondent of the New York
_Evening Post_ wrote from Paris on the 25th of March:
"The strike of these government employees may have been a side
development of the general movement which threatens to
transform the Parliamentary French republic into a
_république syndicale_; but, in itself, it was something
far different. And, for another reason, it is a direct
object-lesson for the United States, where the trade unions
are not yet revolutionary. The entire strike has been a
spontaneous uprising of civil service in possession against
the invasion of a spoils system. The strike would not have
been possible if these civil service appointees—‘government
functionaries’—had not formed themselves into strongly
organized unions, just as private service employees have long
been doing; and in this they have been encouraged by
successive republican governments, unforeseeing perhaps such
strikes as the inevitable consequence. The spoils system in
the present case means the intervention of political influence
in civil service appointments and promotions." The strikers,
said this writer, want essentially two things, "First, that
politicians—and particularly Postmaster-General Simyan, who
was taken over from M. Combes into the present
government—should cease interfering with civil service
appointments and promotions and no longer use their power in
behalf of the favorite of some deputy with ‘influence.’"
The situation produced in Paris by the strike was thus
described by this correspondent of _The Post_: "We of
Paris were for eight days in the same condition as Frenchmen
were before Richelieu invented a State postal service for the
use of private persons. For example, my last letters were
sent—one to Havre by a special messenger who was carrying by
hand cable messages for several correspondents to be forwarded
from that port; one to London by another special messenger,
who posted it with many others in a channel boat; and a third
to Cherbourg by the kindness of the American Chamber of
Commerce of Paris, which organized a service of its own for
its members. … If there had been a sudden outbreak between
Servia and Austria last week, the French government would have
known little about it, and, in case of need, army mobilization
would have been impossible."
A system of public service in which such situations as this
are made possible could not exist long without destruction of
government and of all social order. No argument was needed to
demonstrate that it must not be paltered with; but the
Government of France was forced momentarily to yield so much
show of deference or respect to its rebellious servants, whose
demands were made with arrogance of spirit and insolence of
tone, that the arrogance and insolence appeared to have
triumphed in the encounter with national sovereignty and law.
The tenor of an interview given on the 22d by the Premier, M.
Clemenceau, and the Minister of Public Works, Posts, and
Telegraphs, M. Barthou, to a committee from the striking
employés of the State, was thus stated in a Press despatch at
the time:
"The two conditions which had been submitted to the Ministers
were, first, immunity from disciplinary penalties for all the
strikers; secondly, the resignation of M. Simyan, the
obnoxious Under-Secretary of State. The Ministers had agreed
to the first of these conditions for all strikers who should
have returned to work by Tuesday morning. The second condition
was refused by the Ministers on the ground that M. Simyan is
responsible to the Chamber of Deputies, but not to the postal
employés. M. Barthou had, however, made it plain that, in
accordance with the terms of his speech in the Chamber last
Friday, the Government contemplated appointing in place of M.
Simyan an official with the qualification of technical
knowledge. ‘When, on Friday,’ he said, ‘I discussed before the
Chamber the transformation of the Under-Secretaryship of Posts
and Telegraphs into a technical directorship, I was not
employing an empty phrase. I consider that the reform is of
practical interest and that it ought to be effected at an
early date.’ This was as near a promise to fulfil the
strikers’ demands as constitutional considerations would
permit." This brought about a return to duty of postal clerks
and operators of the telegraph and the telephone; but they
returned as victorious revolutionists, and the news from Paris
in the following weeks was filled with accounts of their
manifestations of contempt and defiance for the Government,
and the extensive insubordination among them that prevailed.
But the Government, on its side, supported strongly by a great
majority of votes in the Chamber of Deputies, and by resolute
expressions of public opinion from every part of France, was
now taking measures to prepare itself for defeating any future
attempt to paralyze the service of the posts and wires. The
engineer troops and other technical branches of the service
were warned to be ready for emergencies, carrier pigeons were
collected, and preliminary arrangements made for an elaborate
service of motor-cars. Chambers of commerce throughout the
country were called on to be prepared to coöperate with the
Government in organizing an auxiliary mail service. By such
measures it was soon rendered safe to begin applying
discipline to the insubordination that had become rife. Seven
flagrant offenders were tried by a Council of Discipline and
dismissed, on the 8th of May, and this precipitated an attempt
to renew the strike, and to make it introductory to the
long-threatened revolutionary strike of all labor in France.
{380}
A few anxious days followed, while the menace kept a serious
show, and then it vanished, like an emptied cloud. The firm
attitude of the Government and the hostility of national
opinion had daunted the revolutionary _syndicats_ which
inclined to join fortunes with the revolutionists of the
public service, and the latter were left to confront official
authority alone. Their second strike came to nothing. A
despatch from Paris on the 16th of May stated that 548 postmen
who were prominent in the rebellion of the strike had been
expelled from the service, and that others were receiving less
severe punishments from the Disciplinary Court.
Ultimately, sixteen officials of the Post Office were
prosecuted by the Government for illegally forming a trade
union. They were brought to trial in July, with the result
announced on the 29th as follows: "The 16 officials who were
prosecuted by the Government have been condemned to a purely
nominal fine of 12s. 6d., and their union has been declared to
be contrary to the law. The Court argued that in the present
state of the law there was no doubt whatever that the
Waldeck-Rousseau Bill of 1884, permitting the organization of
trade unions, solely had application to the interests of
private individuals, and that the Chamber of Deputies had not
meant to extend the provisions of that law to Civil servants.
The considerations of this important legal judgment
furthermore declare it to be utterly preposterous that State
_employés_ should arrogate to themselves the right to
strike, since they are the _employés_ of the nation, and
enjoy moreover such special privileges as servants of the
State that no comparison can be drawn between them and the
working classes, whose right to strike is not contested."
The judgment of the Paris Correctional Court, in the case of
the sixteen officials who were prosecuted for illegally
forming a trade union was followed, on the 7th of August, by a
kindred decision from the Conseil d'État, to which two
dismissed postmen had appealed. Their application to be
restored to the service was denied. The decree of the Conseil
expressly declared that a strike of civil servants is an
"illegal act," and added that a State official "has accepted
all the obligations arising from the necessities of the public
service and has renounced all privileges incompatible with the
essential continuity of the national life," that civil
servants who declare a strike place themselves collectively
outside the pale of the laws and regulations which guarantee
the exercise for them of the rights which they normally
possess as servants of the State.
Having thus vindicated its authority over the servants of the
State, the Government exercised a wise clemency at once. Two
days after the decision of the Conseil d’État, the new
Minister of Public Works authorized the publication of the
following note: "In consequence of the decision of the Conseil
d’État, M. Millerand has decided, while approving the
suspensions pronounced by their respective chiefs, that 30
officials of both sexes, five subaltern officials, and ten
Post Office workmen who have been dismissed should resume work
the day after tomorrow." Further reinstatements were announced
in the course of the following month.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: Germany: A. D. 1905.
Strikes.
Upwards of 100,000 miners in the coal fields of the Ruhr
district began a strike in January which did not end until the
middle of February, and which caused most of the iron works
and machine shops of Rhenish Prussia and Westphalia to be
closed. Low wages (of 4 marks or a little less than a dollar
per day) and inhuman and dishonest treatment were the chief
complaints in the miners. A bill to reform conditions in the
mines was passed soon afterwards. The cost of the strike to
all concerned was estimated to have been more than
$30,000,000. A very serious strike of about 40,000 men in
electrical industries occurred at Berlin in September and
October, resulting in a concession of six per cent. increase
of wages to the men. Statistics published in the next year
showed a startling increase of labor conflicts in 1904 and
1905. From 1899 to 1903 the yearly average of strikes had been
1242. In 1904 the number rose to 1870, and in 1905 to 2057.
Lockouts had averaged 42 in each of the previous five years,
but increased to 120 in 1904. Apparently the labor conditions
were no more peaceable in 1906.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: Germany: A. D. 1905-1906.
The Operation of Industrial Courts.
Desire for Voluntary Boards of Conciliation.
"In the event of actual dispute the official machinery of the
Industrial Courts is always at call, should the disputants be
willing to use it. The law requires the formation of these
Courts in all towns with over 20,000 inhabitants, but they may
be formed elsewhere at the option of the Government of the
State or on the joint requisition of a given number of
employers and workpeople, and they consist of equal numbers of
both. That the 406 Courts now in existence do not mediate
oftener would appear to be less the fault of the workpeople
than of the employers. During 1905 they acted as boards of
conciliation on 350 occasions: on 165 in response to
invitations from both sides, on 175 on the invitation of the
workpeople alone, and on ten only on the sole invitation of
the employers. Only in 128 cases was it possible to bring the
disputing parties together. …
"At the annual meeting of the German Society for Social
Reform, held in Berlin in December, 1906, resolutions were
adopted ‘affirming the meeting’s conviction that industrial
peace would best be promoted by the development of collective
arrangements between employers and work-people in the form of
(1) wages agreements,
(2) voluntary boards of conciliation and arbitration, and
(3) workmen’s committees for individual works’;
and it was urged that, ‘after the example of Great Britain,
conciliation boards suited to the various industries should be
generally formed, these to cooperate with higher tribunals and
to call in on occasion the help of prominent public men as
advisers and arbitrators.’"
_William H. Dawson,
The Evolution of Modern Germany,
page 136
(Unwin, London; Scribners, New York., 1909)._
LABOR ORGANIZATION: Germany: A. D. 1905-1909.
The Spirit of the Struggle between Capitalists and Workmen.
Attitude of the Latter.
"The struggle between labour and capital in Germany is a
little less refined than in some other countries. …
Rhineland—Westphalia is its chosen battle ground. Here all the
conditions of economic warfare exist in a rare degree. It is a
striking fact that a large part of the natural resources,
industry, and wealth-production of that unresting workshop of
Germany is under the control of a dozen men of commanding
business genius—men of strong and masterful character, born
rulers of the sternest mould, without sentiment, not
insusceptible to justice, yet never going beyond it,
inflexible in decision, of inexhaustible will-power, and
impervious to all modern notions of political liberalism.
{381}
These men, who have so conspicuously helped to create modern
industrial Prussia, and who are a greater real power in the
land than Ministers and legislators put together, typify in
modern industry the feudalism which is slowly dying upon the
great estates of the East. Their attitude towards the unions
in which their workmen are organised to the number of hundreds
of thousands is frequently expressed in the maxim, ‘We intend
to be masters in our own house,’ and nothing is wanting in the
vigour with which this maxim is applied. On the occasion of
the Mannheim conference of the Association for Social Policy
in September, 1905, Herr Kirdorf, probably the best known
industrialist of Westphalia, and the head of the Coal and
Steel Syndicates, was invited to give an employer’s reply to
an indictment of the syndicates made by Professor Gustav
Schmoller. In the course of his statement occurred the
following observations on the question of labour
organisation:—
"‘It is regrettable that our workpeople are able to change
their positions at any time. An undertaking can only prosper
if it has a stationary band of workers. I do not ask that
legislation should come to our help, but we must reserve to
ourselves the right to take measures to check this frequent
change of employment. The proposal has been made that all
workpeople should be compelled to join organisations and that
employers should be required to negotiate with these
organisations. For myself I would remark that I refuse to
negotiate with any organisation whatever.’ …
"Public opinion naturally finds itself often in conflict with
the Westphalian industrialists’ attitude, which more than
anything else was responsible for the solid gain won by the
men in the great colliery strike of 1905. It was the same Herr
Kirdorf who declared during that strike, 'The movement can
only end by the men recognising that they can get nothing by a
strike and returning to the mines. We will negotiate with
every man singly, but we will not concede workmen’s
committees.’ It was this inflexible attitude, persisted in too
long, which turned first the public and then the Government
against the colliery owners. By refusing to meet the colliers’
‘Committee of Seven’ they created the impression that the men
were wishful for peace but were unable to gain an ear for
their overtures. In the end not only were workmen’s committees
granted by force of law, but the hours of labour were
curtailed, fines were abolished, and other concessions were
made which cost the colliery owners dearly, until the extra
burden could be transferred to the public."
_William H. Dawson,
Evolution of Modern Germany,
pages 122-125
(Unwin, London; Scribners, New York, 1909)._
LABOR ORGANIZATION: Germany: A. D. 1909.
Extent of Trade Unionism.
The twentieth International Congress of Miners was held in
Berlin, and at its opening, on the 31st of May, 1909, Herr
Ritter, president of the Federation of Berlin Trade Unions, in
welcoming the Congress, said that there were now 223,000 trade
unionists in Berlin, as compared with 40,000 when the congress
held its last meeting there 15 years ago. Another German
speaker said that during the last 15 years the number of trade
unionists in the whole Empire had increased from 300,000 to
1,800,000.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: Italy: A. D. 1901.
Changed Attitude of the Government toward Labor Unions.
See (in this Volume)
ITALY: A. D. 1901.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: Italy: A. D. 1909.
A Church Movement of Agricultural Labor Organization.
"An agitation among agricultural labourers in North Umbria
seems to have taken a new and very unusual form, since, from
all accounts, it is directly promoted and supported by the
clergy. The parish priests in the neighbourhood of Perugia are
said not only to have put themselves at the head of the
movement, but to have actually initiated it with a manifesto
denouncing the grievances of the labourers, and calling upon
them to organize themselves in order to extort more favourable
conditions from the landowners who employ them. The Church
seems to have satisfied itself that the mutual relations of
capital and labour were unfair to the labourer, and to have
determined to be beforehand with the Socialist agitator,
creating an organization which will call itself
_democristiana_, or Christian democrat, in anticipation
of what might have been a more revolutionary Socialist league.
The manifesto was issued last May, and contained much the same
demands as have been successfully made by labour in other
parts of Italy. … So far the landowners have proved absolutely
recalcitrant. A league of resistance has been formed on their
side, and an attempt was made at reprisals by boycotting
parish priests, stopping any payment of tithes to the Church,
dismissing any private chaplains who belonged to the secular
clergy, and employing the regular clergy instead of the
parochial in any cases where their services were required.
"The parish clergy were not to be intimidated by financial
loss, and the proprietors then appealed to the Archbishop of
Perugia to put his veto on their agitation. The Archbishop,
Monsignor Mattei-Gentile, could only inform them that he had
already given his sanction to the movement. The proprietors,
by the friendly mediation of a Cardinal, then appealed to the
Pope. After some consideration, Pius X. sent a certain Signor
Giovanni Passamonti, a lawyer who has had a good deal of
experience in Umbrian affairs, to make an inquiry, and attempt
some kind of compromise. Neither side, however, would listen
to suggestions of conciliation. … So the matter now stands.
The position is certainly an interesting one, as it is the
first time that the Church has actually taken the lead in a
labour movement."
_Rome Correspondent, London Times,
July 21, 1909._
{382}
LABOR ORGANIZATION: Netherlands: A. D. 1903.
Laws against Railway Strikes.
Failure of Labor Strike to prevent their Passage.
Early in 1903 it was made known that the Government of the
Netherlands intended to bring forward in the States-General a
bill prohibiting strikes among railway employees, on the
ground that they were engaged in a public service which must
not suffer interruption. At once the railway men gave notice
that they would, if this measure were undertaken, appeal to
all workmen in the country for a general strike. The
Government then prepared itself for a struggle by summoning a
certain quota of the infantry and engineers of the Reserves to
arms, and, on the 25th of February, its proposed legislation
was introduced. It amended the penal code, in order to punish
strikes by persons in the public service as misdemeanors and
to attach penalties of more severity to all attacks on the
freedom of labor. It provided, further, for the organization
of a military railway brigade, to insure service on the lines
in case of a strike; and finally, it created a commission to
investigate the condition of the railway service and of its
employees. Pending the discussion of these measures the
threatened strike was undertaken, and was seen very soon to
have failed. Without any serious conflict with the authorities
it was given up, and, on the 11th of April, the bills became
Law.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: New Zealand: A. D. 1896-1908.
The Compulsory Arbitration Law.
Its working.
At the meeting of the National Civic Federation of the United
States, in December, 1908, Mr. Hugh H. Lusk, of New Zealand,
spoke of the compulsory arbitration law of that country.
See, in Volume VI. of this work.
NEW ZEALAND.
"In form," he said, "the law is not compulsory upon all men,
but only upon those who become amenable to it by registering
their associations under the law. Since associations, both of
workers and of employers, are generally registered, it is and
has been for twelve years now past absolutely compulsory
arbitration. About six years ago the law was extended to the
Commonwealth of Australia, where it is now in force. In New
Zealand compulsory arbitration has hitherto been a great
success, It has had the effect of preventing all strikes and
all lockouts for twelve years in that country until the other
day. The history of its extension to Australia has been the
greatest tribute that could be made to its success in New
Zealand. It has not been in all respects as great a success in
Australia as in New Zealand. New Zealand has a million white
inhabitants, Australia nearly five million; therefore, by the
extension of the law from New Zealand to Australia you have
got, as it were, a stepping stone from which you can easily
see how far it would be likely to be a success in a country as
much greater and as much more populous than Australia as is
this country.
"The law of New Zealand, and now of Australia, compels all
associated workers who are registered under the act to submit
to the law if they have causes of difference with their
employers. In the first place, they have to go to a member of
the Board of Conciliation, one of which exists in any
considerable district, and the Conciliation Board failing in
its object they can remove the cause into the Court of
Arbitration, which passes final judgment.
"For twelve years the law operated without serious breakdown
in New Zealand. It has been carried on for five years without
a serious breakdown in Australia. Now, what is wrong with the
Act and its operations? At first the workers were perfectly
satisfied with the court because, as a general rule, it was
with them. Later on, the court as a rule has been against
them. They have been inclined to the belief that the
constitution of the court is unfavorable, the court being
constituted of two representatives of labor and two
representatives of capital, together with one Judge of the
Supreme Court, sitting as president or chairman. They have
come to the conclusion that it is the fifth man who really
gives the decision. The difficulty in such a case as this is
that if the representative man who gives his decision has not
the confidence of both parties the court fails in its object.
It is believed that the decisions are, in general, those of a
man belonging to the capitalist class—since laborers do not
often find their way to the Supreme Court bench in any
country. This seems to be the bottom of the difficulty both in
New Zealand and in Australia. I do not think you could enact a
law either as a Federal law or as a State law, to-day, such as
the law in New Zealand and enforce it. The people are not
ready for it. The Canadian plan seems to me to be a step,
although perhaps rather a timid step in the right direction."
The exceptional strike to which Mr. Lusk referred, as
occurring "the other day," was in February, 1907. The strike
was of men in the freezing works of the frozen meat trade.
They stopped work as individuals, not as a union, each
claiming his right to take a rest from work; but the law was
applied to them, nevertheless, and they were fined £5 each.
Mr. Gompers, who spoke after Mr. Lusk, declared himself
emphatically against the New Zealand system, saying: "I would
not have employers do as they please; I would not want workmen
to do as they please; but I believe that by the organization
of industry and by the organization of labor we are gathering
forces conscious of their power, which, intelligently and
wisely wielded, bring forth a spirit of conciliation that no
court of arbitration ever yet was able to impose. There is in
the United States more genuine conciliation between organized
employers and organized workmen than exists in any other part
of the world."
LABOR ORGANIZATION: Russia: A. D. 1904-1905.
Revolutionary Strikes.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: Scotland: A. D. 1904-1909.
Five Years of Peace in Coal Mining.
A threatened conflict averted.
In 1904 the coalmasters of Scotland made an agreement with
their men for regulating wages according to a fixed scale, to
be neither below 37½ per cent., nor over 100 per cent. above
what is called the basis of 1888, which was 4s. per day. In
effect the range was from 5s. 6d. to 8s. per day, and within
these limits the Coal Conciliation Board was empowered to
adjust questions of wages as they arose. Under this agreement
the Conciliation Board operated satisfactorily till the summer
of 1909, and under the constitution of the board there was
power to refer any question on which the representatives of
the masters and men could not agree to a neutral chairman,
whose decision was to be absolute.
{383}
During the first three years of the agreement trade was
prosperous and wages rose nearly to the maximum under which
the Conciliation Board could adjudicate. Then came the period
of general depression, and wages went down, along with prices
of coal, until, finally, the coalmasters applied for a further
reduction to the minimum of the agreement, 5s. 6d. per day.
The men's representatives on the Board refused to entertain
the proposal. The disagreement became acute in a few weeks,
and the Miners’ Federation of Great Britain threatened a
general strike in support of the contention of its Scottish
members. On a ballot taken in July, 518,361 of the coal miners
of the United Kingdom voted for a general stoppage of work, in
support of the demands of the Scottish miners against 62,980
who opposed the undertaking. But the efforts of the
Government, exerted through the Board of Trade, were
successful in averting the threatened catastrophe. Conferences
between delegates from the coal miners and the coal owners,
held at the offices of the Board of Trade and under
chairmanship of the President of the Board, Winston Churchill,
resulted in an agreement signed on the 30th of July, which is
to be in force until August 1st, 1912, and indefinitely
thereafter unless six months notice of a wish to terminate it
is served by one party to it on the other. The agreement
provides for the continuation of the former Conciliation Board
"with the provision that there shall be obligatory a neutral
chairman (whose decision in cases of difference shall be final
and binding) to be selected by such method as shall be
mutually agreed upon by the parties, and, failing agreement,
by the Speaker of the House of Commons."
On the point of wages, the opinion of the miners’ delegates
was reported to be that the agreement was "fair to all
parties, for it secured the owners against having to pay an
increased wage unless all the circumstances of the trade,
considered over a reasonable period, were taken into account
by a perfectly impartial arbitrator. The concession of the
principle of the 50 per cent. increase on the 1888 basis as a
_minimum_ wage would, as far as could be foreseen,
obviate trouble in the future, and the safeguards which had
been introduced into the grant of the concession were, in the
opinion of all the delegates who were willing to express their
views, eminently fair to all the interests concerned."
LABOR ORGANIZATION: South Africa: A. D. 1903-1904.
The question of Asiatic Labor for the mines in the Transvaal.
Admission of Chinese Coolies.
The political side of the Opposition to White Labor.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903-1904.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: Spain: A. D. 1902.
Great Strike at Barcelona.
Barcelona, the scene of frequent and much disturbance, both
political and industrial, produced, in the middle of February,
a general strike of 80,000 workmen, between whom and the
troops of General Weyler, the Minister of War, a week of
battle in the streets occurred, with martial law in force.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: Spain: A. D. 1909.
Insurrection and Strike at Barcelona.
See (in this Volume)
SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: Sweden: A. D. 1909.
The Lockout and the attempted General Strike of all
Labor in the Kingdom.
The labor conflicts of 1909 were marked most impressively by
two attempts, in two countries, to combine all unionized
labor, of all trades and employments, in the oft-threatened
"general strike," whereby an absolute paralysis of society
might be brought about. The first of these attempts was
planned in France, for the enforcement of the demands of the
postal and telegraphic employees of the Government, who
claimed the right to engage in conflict with the State by an
organized "strike." This came happily to naught; and, the
second, undertaken in Sweden, had the same result.
A dispute in the paper, woolen, and cotton industries of
Sweden led, first, to a lockout of about 13,000 workmen in
those factories, the employers acting in a compact
association, which seems to have embraced all important fields
of production. On the 26th of July the lockout was extended to
certain other allied trades, affecting about 40,000 employees
in all; and it was then announced that on the 2d of August, if
the men did not come to terms, the closing of works would be
carried into the iron trades, and further still. This
challenged the Allied Trade Unions to summon a "general
strike" of all their membership, and the call went out for an
universal dropping of work on August 4th. Exception, however,
was made in the call, of employees in the water-works,
lighting and sanitation departments of the public service, and
of those on whom hospitals, funerals and living animals were
dependent for care. Railway, postal, telegraph and telephone
employees were not included in the Labor Federation, and did
not strike. Between lockout and strike, however, the
suspension of industry was so extensive as to reduce
Stockholm, especially, to a very grave situation; but the
emergency was faced with remarkable energy and courage by both
Government and people.
Neither employers nor employees would listen to any mediation
between them by King or Ministers, and the measures of
Government were directed solely to the repression of disorder
and the checking of all that savored of revolutionary aims.
How the public of Stockholm saved itself from paralysis is
told by a correspondent who wrote from that city on the 28th
of August, when the strike was in its fourth week. "How is
it," he asked, "that the trams are running, cabs are plying
for hire in the streets, the steam ferries are working as
usual, streets and houses are lighted, and there seems no lack
of provisions or transport? The explanation is that these and
many other of the most important social services are being
performed by a brigade of volunteers, who have come forward in
the public interest and who devote their time and energies
gratuitously to supplying the most pressing needs of society
at large. …
"On July 31 plans were first formed for meeting the situation
by the organization of a band of voluntary helpers, and on
August 2 a meeting was held at which definite action was
determined upon. A ‘Public Security Brigade’ (Frivilliga
skyddskaren) was to be enrolled, and the following services,
amongst others, were to be undertaken: The protection of
banks, insurance officers, and similar institutions liable to
attack or plunder by the strikers; the working of trams and
steamboats, and of gas, water, and electric lighting
machinery; the driving of motor and other cabs; the conveyance
of the sick to the hospitals, and the rendering to the
hospital staff of any necessary help; the unloading and
transport of the necessities of life, such as food, coal,
wood, &c. The object of the organization was not to help
individual sufferers or to safeguard individual interests, but
in every way possible to maintain such services as should be
considered necessary for the security and welfare of the
community.
{384}
"The appeal for volunteers met with a generous and
enthusiastic response, and within a week of the first meeting
on August 2 the whole organization was in full working order.
All classes supplied their _quota_. Counts and barons,
military and naval officers, professional and business men,
engineers, clerks, students from the Universities and
technical schools, alike volunteered their services. The
importance of such a movement can hardly be overestimated. The
fact that the executive body has no connexion with the
Government or municipality and yet is working in constant
touch and in perfect harmony with both speaks Volumes for the
spirit in which the work has been undertaken and the
efficiency with which it is being carried out. It is an
object-lesson in the capacity of the upper and middle classes
to meet such an emergency. And lastly, if, as is thought
probable by some, the institution should become a permanent
one, Sweden will have one of the best guarantees for
industrial peace in the future."
When this was written, the struggle, so far as it involved an
attempted general strike, was near its end. On the 3d of
September the Labor Federation announced its willingness that
those organizations which were not connected with the original
dispute, but which had joined the strike to help make it
general, should return to work, if the Government would renew
its proffer of mediation in the primary dispute. This the
Government did willingly; but at the end of September it was
announced that the negotiations undertaken had broken down and
that 60,000 men were still without work.
The most serious feature of the conflict was the apparent
readiness with which many labor organizations broke agreements
and contracts, in order to take part in it, even when not
called on to do so by the general Federation. According to the
claim of the Employers’ Federation, moreover, it was
faithlessness to such contracts which had most to do with
bringing of the Lockout on. On the other hand, the workmen
maintain that it is the aim of the employers to break down
their unions, and that self-preservation justifies them in
breaking contracts when that course is necessary to defeat
such attempts. Where the very truth lies is questionable, here
as in most such conflicts.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States:
The Organization of Labor.
"Most of the national trade unions are affiliated to one great
federal organization, known as the American Federation of
Labor. The railway brotherhoods, so called, keep their
separate organizations, without affiliating to any other body.
There are some independent unions; while the Knights of Labor
are a body entirely distinct from all other organizations, and
have a different organic law. It is difficult to ascertain the
membership of unions. In Great Britain the law requiring
registration enables the Government to state with fair
accuracy the strength of unions in that country. According to
the latest reports available, the English trade unions had a
membership of 1,802,518, while in the United States,—with
double England’s population,—the estimated membership of labor
organizations on July 1 last was 1,400,000. It is estimated at
the present time that there are nearly 18,000,000 persons
(men, women, and children) in the United States working as
wage-earners. The percentage embraced in the labor unions is
not large, therefore, being not more than 8 per cent. of the
whole body. It must be remembered, however, that in many
trades the members are organized up to a large proportion,
—sometimes 90 per cent.—of the total number engaged. The
American Federation of Labor probably represents 850,000
members, and the Knights of Labor perhaps 200,000. The Order
of Railway Conductors of America,—whose head, Mr. E. E. Clark,
has been appointed on the Coal Commission,—has nearly 25,000
members; the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, over
34,000; the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen, nearly 38,000;
the Brotherhood of Railway Trainmen, about 44,000; and there
are at least four other influential railroad organizations."
_Carroll D. Wright,
Labor Organization in the United States
(Contemporary Review, October. 1902)._
LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States:
The Trade Union as a factor in the Assimilation of the
Foreign-born Population, and in its Political Education.
"Whatever our judgment as to the legality or expediency of the
industrial policy of our American unions, no student of
contemporary conditions can deny that they are a mighty factor
in effecting the assimilation of our foreign-born population.
Schooling is primarily of importance, of course, but many of
our immigrants come here as adults. Education can affect only
the second generation. The churches, particularly the Catholic
hierarchy, may do much. Protestants seem to have little
influence in the industrial centres. On the other hand, the
newspapers, at least such as the masses see and read, and the
ballot under present conditions in American cities, have no
uplifting or educative power at all. The great source of
intellectual inspiration to a large percentage of our inchoate
Americans, in the industrial classes, remains in the
trade-union. It is a vast power for good or evil, according as
its affairs are administered. It cannot fail to teach the
English language. That in itself is much. Its benefit system,
as among the cigarmakers and printers, may inculcate thrift.
Its journals, the best of them, give a general knowledge of
trade conditions, impossible to the isolated workman. Its
democratic constitutions and its assemblies and conventions
partake of the primitive character of the Anglo-Saxon
folkmoot, so much lauded by Freeman, the historian, as a
factor in English political education and constitutional
development. Not the next gubernatorial or presidential
candidate; not the expansion of the currency, nor the reform
of the general staff of the army; not free-trade or
protection, or anti-imperialism, is the real living thing of
interest to the trade-union workman. His thoughts, interests,
and hopes are centred in the politics of his organization. It
is the forum and arena of his social and industrial world."
_W. Z. Ripley,
Race Factors in Labor Unions
(Atlantic Monthly, March, 1904)_.
{385}
LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1899-1907.
The Western Federation of Miners.
Its adoption of a Socialist Platform.
Its fierce Conflict with Mine Owners.
Alleged Criminal Instigations by its Leaders.
Orchard’s Confessions.
Trial and Acquittal of Secretary Haywood.
The Western Federation of Miners was organized in Butte,
Montana, in 1893. The domain of the organization was and is
mainly the metal mining fields west of the Mississippi River;
while that of the organization called the United Mine Workers
was and is the coal fields east of the Mississippi. The
strongly marked difference in character between these two
comprehensive unions of mining labor is indicated in an
article by William Hard, contributed to _The Outlook_ of
May 19, 1906. "The United, Mine Workers," wrote Mr. Hard,
"accepts the present industrial system and regards the
employer as its partner. The Western Federation of Miners
denounces the present industrial system and regards the very
existence of the employer as an evil. The United Mine Workers
is interested mainly in the division of the proceeds of the
present industrial system between itself and its partner, the
employer. It wants to increase its own share of the proceeds
and it wants to reduce its partner’s share. The Western
Federation of Miners, on the other hand, is interested mainly
in the elimination of the employer. It wants more wages, of
course, but if it should succeed in establishing a scale of
even a hundred dollars a day it would still be bound by its
principles to spurn the relaxing comforts of prosperity and to
nerve itself to a continuation of the struggle.
"Edward Boyce, as President of the Federation, addressed its
annual Convention in 1902 as follows: ‘There are only two
classes of people in the world. One is composed of the men and
women who produce all. The other is composed of men and women
who produce nothing, but live in luxury upon the wealth
produced by others.’" The Convention, at the same session,
adopted the following declaration: "We, the tenth annual
Convention of the Western Federation of Miners, do declare for
a policy of independent political action, and do advise and
recommend the adoption of the platform of the Socialist Party
of America."
Says Mr. Hard, in comment on this Socialist pronouncement by
the Western Federation: "There is usually one of two reasons
for the presence of a large number of Socialists in any trade
union. One is the influence of Europeans; the other is a
particularly spectacular triumph of the machine over the man,
and a particularly cruel displacement of human beings by
superhuman tools. … The Western Federation of Miners,
however, has not been devoured by the machine, and it does not
contain more than a small percentage of Europeans. Whatever of
lawlessness there has been in the history of the Western
Federation has been American lawlessness. Whatever of
radicalism there has been in that history has been radicalism
cherished and propagated by Americans. That favorite National
scapegoat, ‘the foreigner,’ cannot be loaded with the sins of
the Western Federation. … The Western mines are full of
longlimbed, franked-eyed men who have adventured themselves
far and wide upon the face of the earth. There are Eastern
miners who were blacklisted after leading unsuccessful
strikes. There are cowboys who tired of the trail. There are
farmers who preferred prospecting to plowing. There are city
men who burst the bars of their cages to breathe the open air
of the West. These adventurous characters, going out into a
new country and plunging into the virgin, everlasting hills,
where it would seem that at last all men would stand on the
same footing, have suddenly discovered that amid these
primitive surroundings the modern industrial system is not
only found, but is found at its worst. No one would try to
find a parallel anywhere else on earth for the reckless
unscrupulous and maddening insolence of the corporations of
the Rocky Mountain States. And practical anarchism among
corporations is always a strong promoter of theoretical
Socialism among trade unions. …
"The internal policy of the Western Federation of Miners is
consistent with its published principles. The most important
part of this policy is an aversion to the signing of contracts
with employers. A contract is regarded as a manacle. It binds
one union when another union might need its help. … In
consequence of not demanding a contract, the Federation
naturally does not demand a closed shop. As it does not ask
the employer to bind himself by a contract to anything, it
does not ask him to bind himself to the exclusive employment
of union men. In three other respects besides its failure to
demand a closed shop the Western Federation of Miners follows
a policy which has often been admired by enemies of trade
unions. The Western Federation has no apprentice system. It
does not restrict output. And it discountenances
jurisdictional quarrels between rival trade organizations. …
"So much for the philosophy of the Western Federation of
Miners. Now for the lawlessness with which it has been
charged. There can be no doubt that members of the Western
Federation of Miners have frequently coerced non-union men. …
A programme of intimidation has at times, in certain mining
camps, become the equivalent of a closed shop contract. The
employer was not asked to exclude non-union men. The union
excluded them spontaneously, without bothering the employer
about it. … In addition to the coercion of individual
non-unionists, there have been a few occasions on which armed
bodies of union men have stormed mining property and captured
it."
On the other side of the case this writer recounts the acts of
violence and the barbarous "deportations" which the miners of
the Western Federation have suffered at the hands of the
Mine-Owners’ Association and the Citizens’ Alliance in
coöperation with them; and he emphasises this fact:—"that the
members of the Citizens’ Alliance and the members of the
Western Federation of Miners are brothers under their skins.
They come in the main from exactly the same breed. Two men go
out prospecting. They come from the same town in Ohio. Their
claims are half a mile apart. One man strikes gold. The other
doesn’t. One man becomes a millionaire and a member of the
Mine-Owners’ Association. The other becomes a workingman and a
member of the Western Federation. … They were all of them
American adventurers before they became employers and
employees. Practically identical in breed, the mine-owners and
the miners are practically identical in temperament. They
transact their affairs on both sides with an untrammeled
recklessness which is appalling, but which, if the distinction
be admitted, savors of anarchy rather than of illegality.
{386}
The situation is like that in the rough early mediaeval States
before the central authority had established its power by
means of police. … That these frontiersmen, as workingmen and
as members of the Western Federation, have used their guns in
trade union controversies is indubitable. That the Western
Federation, however, is an organized criminal clique, and that
it accentuates and stimulates the gun-playing proclivities of
its members, is, so far, unsupported by evidence."
_William Hard,
The Western Federation of Miners
(The Outlook, May 19, 1906)._
The question on which Mr. Hard threw doubt, as to whether the
leaders of the Western Federation of Miners, or any of its
responsible members, had been implicated in the dreadful
crimes of murder and destruction of property which attended
the conflict between the Federation and the mine-owners of the
Far West, came to trial in connection with the horrible murder
of ex-Governor Frank Steunenberg, of Idaho. The victim had
been Governor of that State in 1899, when, during a strike in
the Cœur d’Alene district, a mill at Wardner was blown up by a
mob. Governor Steunenberg obtained the aid of Federal troops
and vigorously crushed the disorder. Six years afterwards, on
the 30th of December, 1905, at the gate of his residence in
Caldwell, he was blown to pieces by a bomb, so placed that it
was exploded by the opening of the gate. A man named Harry
Orchard was arrested on suspicion and held until, finally, he
not only confessed the crime in question, but owned, or
claimed to have participated in, or had knowledge of, an
appalling number of other murders, deadly explosions, and
other barbarities, all of which he alleged to have been
committed at the instigation and under the direction of
officials in the Western Federation. Its President, Charles H.
Moyer, its Secretary, W. D. Haywood, and George A. Pettibone
of its executive were especially implicated by Orchard’s
confession in the murder of Governor Steunenberg. These
accused men were in Colorado at the time, and there, on a
requisition from the Governor of Idaho, they were arrested on
the 15th of February, 1906, and taken hurriedly to Boise,
having no opportunity to resist what was claimed to be the
illegal extradition. Subsequently, however, when the question
was carried from the Supreme Court of Idaho up to the Supreme
Court of the United States, the legality of the proceeding was
affirmed by all of the tribunals which reviewed it.
Intense feeling in labor circles was enlisted in behalf of the
accused chiefs of the Western Federation of Miners. Very
generally their innocence of the imputed crimes was believed,
and they were looked on as victims of an implacable
conspiracy, in which capitalists and politicians were leagued,
to hunt them to their death. More than a year intervened
between their arrest and the trial of Haywood, who was the
first to be arraigned. This greatly exciting trial was opened,
at Boise City, the capital of Idaho, in May, 1907, and was
concluded on the 28th of July, resulting in the acquittal of
the accused. Orchard’s testimony does not seem to have been
seriously shaken, otherwise than by the incredible horrors of
his story; but corroborative evidence was lacking, and nobody
could trust a witness whose moral irresponsibility was so
plain a fact. The announcement of the verdict of acquittal was
gladly received. It was followed at once by the release of
President Moyer on bail.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1900-1909.
Labor Unions and Oriental Immigration.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1900-1909.
Study and treatment of Industrial Problems by the
National Civic Federation.
See (in this Volume)
SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1901.
Teamsters’ Strike in San Francisco.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1901.
The unfortunate Strike of the Amalgamated Association
of Iron, Steel, and Tin Plate Workers.
Its conflict with the United States Steel Corporation.
Breaches of Contract involved.
Failure.
A strike which involved breaches of contract between employés
and employers, and which resulted most unfortunately to those
engaged in it, was ordered in July, 1901, by the heads of the
National Amalgamated Association of Iron, Steel, and Tin Plate
Workers of the United States. As in the case of the Anthracite
Coal Strike of 1902, which is told of below, the circumstances
of this strike received a very thorough study and a very clear
exposition to the public, in an article from the pen of Dr.
Talcott Williams, published in the _American Review of
Reviews_ for September, 1901, and what is stated here is
drawn from that article:
The industries concerned in what occurred had been carried on
for a considerable period under conditions too complicated to
be described in this limited place. It must suffice to say
that there were union mills and non-union mills, and also a
third class, of "open" mills, in which union and non-union men
worked together. A truce had sprung up during a period of
prosperity in which, says Dr. Williams, "there had come to be
a quasi, only a quasi, general understanding that certain
mills were to be considered as union, certain as non-union,
and certain as ‘open.’" While "the trade was still divided
among hundreds of mill-owners," the Amalgamated Association of
workers in them "equalized conditions for all of them. It
lifted wage disputes out of the narrow mill atmosphere. It
forced all concerned to look at the trade as a whole. It gave
continuity and uniformity to contracts for wages. It
established standards of wages"—for union and non-union, both.
But when, in June, 1901, "the Amalgamated came to its annual
collective bargaining," it had to deal, not with numerous
independent mill-owners, but with the great consolidation of
them that had just occurred, in the formation of the mammoth
United States Steel Corporation.
"Two courses," says Dr. Williams, "were open to the president
and officers and Advisory Council of the Amalgamated. They
might, after the usual conference, for which its constitution
provides, through a special committee, have signed its ‘scale’
for the union mills in which its membership worked and wait
for the social and political pressure of public opinion, as in
1900, to force this new representative of capital—the
‘Trust’—in its various forms to accept a collective bargain
for part of its mills, trusting to events, the steady
gravitation of skilled labor to its ranks, and the greater
economic efficiency of the union—for unless it is that it
cannot survive—to win a slow battle. Much depended for
organized labor all over the country in formally committing
the United States Steel Corporation, the greatest employer of
labor on the planet, to the recognition of a union scale as
the best regulator of wages, union and non-union.
{387}
It looked as if this waiting plan were adopted when the scale
was signed for one year to come, carrying a new
non-interruption clause, with the American Tin Plate Company.
… On the last day on which the scale could be signed—June 29—
and it generally is not signed before, the demand was made
that the scale should be signed for all [of certain] non-union
mills. The advance in wages asked was conceded. Mr. Persifor
F. Smith, for the company, offered to sign for twenty-one
mills accepted in the past as union. President Shaffer refused
to sign for any, unless all were accepted as union. Mr. Smith
refused to sign for mills non-union in the past, and claimed
that two, Salzburg and Old Meadow, hitherto union, had
abandoned the organization, a position later conceded. The
issue raised was whether the change from individual to
collective bargaining could be required under penalty of a
strike, not only in the mills in question, but in all the
mills of the company. The men involved had a right to require
a collective bargain for as many as they chose to include. The
company had its right, equally, to decide where it would have
individual and where collective bargaining. …
"The Amalgamated was … strong, until it struck. Its demand for
wages and hours were all accepted. It had been allowed to
organize lodges in various non-union mills, after the
corporation had bought them, where before it was excluded.
When it attempted, on its own demand and instance, to change
the status of these mills and act for their labor, it proved
right in its claim that the men wished to be union in four out
of five of the steel hoop mills and wrong in five out of the
seven mills claimed in the Sheet Steel Company. Each
contestant claimed more than it could control. A compromise
was in order. A compromise was offered. Twelve mills in all
were in dispute. The corporation offered four. The Amalgamated
demanded all or none. … A strike was ordered July 15, and
the American Tin Plate Company men broke their year’s contract
of a fortnight before."
The strike was "circumscribed at first by members of the
Amalgamated in the Federal Steel Company plants at Chicago,
Joliet, and Milwaukee refusing to break their contracts and
strike. Here, the membership of the Amalgamated was less than
a tenth of the whole number involved. It is not over this
proportion in the general body of men on the pay-roll of the
United States Steel Corporation. The proportion in union mills
varies. In none does it include all. In some, those without
its membership are a small fraction, in others, more than
half. By the men of the National Steel Company and the
National Tube Company, annual contracts were broken,
sacrificing the annual collective bargain."
"Nothing can be accomplished for labor, even that tenth share
of it organized in the Amalgamated, until this share has
learned that contracts must be kept and the line drawn between
wages and business control. The successful efforts of the
Amalgamated to induce its members to break their contracts,
first in the tin works and later at various works in the
Federal Steel Company, has deepened the conviction among
business men and the public that men in the union cannot be
trusted to keep promises; and until this trust is possible,
nothing is possible."
The strike failed in its objects completely, and came to an
end on the 14th of September, having lasted sixty-one days.
Under the agreement which then terminated it, the union mills
which the Amalgamated Association had been able to keep closed
were recognized as being within its sphere, but no provision
could be made for the displaced union men of mills which had
been wholly or partly reopened during the progress of the
strike, and large bodies of the strikers were left to seek
employment where they could.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1902.
Remarkable Conference on the Peaceful Settlement of Labor
Disputes, under the auspices of the National Civic Federation.
Appointment of a Committee of Conciliation.
In January, 1902, a remarkable conference, to discuss the
relations between labor and capital and to seek means for the
peaceable settlement of industrial disputes, was held in New
York, under the auspices of the National Civic Federation.
Notable men of all professions, of high circles in business,
of high leadership in trade unions, and of high official
positions, came together, with the Honorable Oscar S. Straus
presiding, and held frank and free talk on a subject which
concerned them all in the greatest possible degree. The main
practical result of the Conference was the appointment of a
powerful standing Committee, to act for the Civic
Confederation as an agency of conciliation and intermediation
between the parties in industrial disputes. The Committee,
which has exercised its good offices many times since, not
always with success, but always with an influence that must be
of growing effect, was appointed as follows:
On Behalf of the Public.
Grover Cleveland;
Cornelius N. Bliss;
Charles Francis Adams;
Archbishop John Ireland;
Bishop Henry C. Potter;
Charles W. Eliot, president of Harvard University;
Franklin MacVeagh, Chicago;
James H. Eckels;
John J. McCook;
John G. Milburn, Buffalo;
Charles J. Bonaparte, Baltimore;
Oscar S. Straus;
Ralph M. Easley.
Representatives of Organized Labor.—
Samuel Gompers, president of the American Federation of Labor;
John Mitchell, president of the United Mine Workers;
F. P. Sargent, grand master of the Brotherhood of
Locomotive Firemen;
T. J. Shaffer, president of the Amalgamated Association
of Iron, Steel, and Tin Workers;
James Duncan, secretary of the Granite Cutters’ Association;
Daniel J. Keefe, president of the International Association
of ’Longshoremen;
Martin Fox, president of the National Iron Molders’ Union;
James E. Lynch, president of the International
Typographical Union;
Edward E. Clarke, grand conductor, Brotherhood of
Railway Conductors;
Henry White, secretary of the Garment Workers of America;
Walter Mac Arthur, editor of the
_Coast Seamen's Journal_, San Francisco;
James O’Connell, president of the International
Association of Machinists.
Representative Employers.
Senator Marcus A. Hanna, Cleveland;
Charles M. Schwab, president of the
United States Steel Corporation;
S. R. Callaway, American Locomotive Works;
Charles Moore, president of the National Tool Company;
J. D. Rockefeller, Jr.;
H. H. Vreeland, Metropolitan Street Railway Company;
Lewis Nixon, Crescent Shipyard, Elizabethport, New Jersey;
James A. Chambers, president of the American Glass Company,
Pittsburg, Pennsylvania;
William H. Pfahler, president of the National Association
of Stove Manufacturers, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania;
E. P. Ripley, president of the Atchison,
Topeka & Santa Fe Railway;
Marcus M. Marks, president of the National Association
of Clothing Manufacturers;
J. Kruttschnitt, president of the Southern
Pacific Railway Company.
{388}
LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1902-1903.
The Great Strike of Anthracite Coal Miners.
Distress and Alarm in the Country.
Intermediation of President Roosevelt.
Arrogant Attitude of Mine-owning Interests.
Final submission to Arbitration Commission appointed by
the President.
Award of the Commission.
A prolonged general strike of miners in the anthracite coal
fields of Pennsylvania, beginning in May, 1902, was one of the
most serious in its public effects and the most alarming that
has ever occurred in the United States. It may be said to have
had its origin in a previous strike that came about in the
fall of 1900, resulting from which the miners had obtained an
advance in wages of ten per cent. That increase was guaranteed
until the 1st of April, 1901. In the interval Mr. John Mitchell,
the able and much respected President of the United Mine
Workers of America, strove to secure from the railway magnates
who are the masters of the anthracite coal property and trade
some recognized right on the part of the miners as a body to
discuss and arrange the terms and conditions of their work.
The rebuffs that he met with were near to causing another
strike in the spring; but some powerful influences were
brought to bear, it was said, by New York financiers, which
patched up a truce for the ensuing year. The ten per cent
increase of wages was continued for that further period, and
the miners, in some way, rightly or wrongly, acquired an idea
that the next year was to bring about an arrangement of free
and fair representative conferences between their union and
the union of mine-owners and operatives, like that which had
been established in the bituminous coal regions. In this
expectation they were wholly disappointed when the year came
to its end, as it did on the 1st of April, 1902.
The National Civic Federation, in which every great social
interest, of capital, labor, politics, education, religion,
philanthropy, is splendidly represented, intervened in the
disputes which followed, and brought about some meetings on
the subject; but the capitalist side of the controversy was
entrenched in its determination to give no recognition to any
union of miners, and to refuse an arbitration of the dispute,
while the miners were provoked to the making of larger demands
than they might have insisted upon, probably, if they had been
differently met. By a small majority of the delegates to a
convention held in May the miners voted to strike—against the
judgment of President Mitchell it is said—and work in the
mines was stopped about the middle of the month.
On both sides of the conflict there were real difficulties in
the way of approach to a common ground of negotiation. These
were fairly set forth by Dr. Talcott Williams, of the
Philadelphia Press, in The _Review of Reviews_ for July,
1902. On the side of the anthracite railroad managers and mine
operators he pointed to the fact that they were "under a
grinding competition with bituminous coal. To accept a union
of United Mine Workers of America, in which the bituminous
workers were two to one, was, they believed, to render it
certain that on most issues the management of the union would
keep bituminous mines busy rather than anthracite." Further to
the fact that "anthracite mining varies greatly from mine to
mine, and a uniform ‘scale,’ as in bituminous mines, is
difficult." But, said he, "it cannot be impracticable, for
veins as narrow, tortuous and varying are mined under a
‘scale' in England." As for difficulties of concession on the
part of the mine-workers, this just analyzer of the conflict
described their division into three classes having different
and unequal footings in the industry. These were the miners
who break out or detach the coal in the mines; the laborers
whom the miners employ to load and remove what the latter
detach; and, finally, the men employed as mine bosses and to
operate engines and pumps. The miners are paid for the
quantity taken out; the laborers (who aspire to become miners)
receive wages for a ten hours day; the bosses and engineers
are employed by the year and have continuous work, because the
pumps cannot be stopped, whether mining goes on or not. These
three interests must be consolidated in a union of the
mine-workers if it is to have any effective strength; and this
raises knotty problems among them. The attitude of the
railroad managers and operators had prevented such a
consolidation, with bad results, in Dr. Williams’s opinion. As
he summed up the situation, it was this: "Had the miners’
union in the past eighteen months exerted the rigid discipline
of big well-managed unions, prevented small strikes, and
worked for a cheap output, it might have divided capital. But
it had not been ‘recognized.’ Therefore, its control was often
loose. Local unions irritated local operators. In the Reading
mines, the proportion of coal mined per miner fell one-eighth.
It is part of a bad system of over-manned mines under which
miners try to distribute work. Output was reduced and wages
increased. The result was that the miners were without the
responsible control of a big union, and the railroad managers
and operators irritated by small strikes and ready for a
fight."
In his conclusions this well-informed critic of the situation
justified the public feeling of the time which held the
capitalists of the controversy more accountable than the
laborers for the loss and suffering inflicted on the country.
He closed his article with these words:
"Under competition, the anthracite plant is one-half larger in
mines and one-half greater in labor than the utmost demand of
the public. Two-thirds of the mines and two-thirds of the men,
run more regularly and systematically, could in spite of the
lack of demand in summer, produce the coal cheaper and more
profitably, and at a higher individual aggregate average, even
if at a lower per diem or per ton than the present system.
{389}
What the anthracite coal industry really needs is a
reorganization like that after the London dock strike of 1889,
reducing the number of men but increasing work for each. As it
is, men who prefer working all the year to working two-thirds
of the year, and often half a day at that, have, by a natural
elimination, been weeded out steadily, and have left a large
share of men, bred to a habit of irregular work and short
hours. This one fact is at the bottom of much fitful
irregularity in the mines.
"The railroad managers, holding public franchises weighted by
public responsibilities, have clearly no right, as they have
all united in doing, to refuse all compromise, conciliation,
or adjustment, and simply stop work, letting the public pay
the cost in higher coal. They are bound either to reach an
adjustment themselves, to let some one else reach one for
them, or to reorganize the whole industry on a basis which
will reduce the material and moral waste of the present
system, where poor mines are worked and men are one-third of
the year idle even in a prosperous year."
The powers which controlled the mines did not, however, see
their duty to the public in this light, and the strike went
on. Before the summer ended the pinch of scarcity in the
supply of fuel to the country was being felt widely, in most
industries and in domestic life. The pinch increased, and the
price of coal went higher as cold weather came on. Control of
the rougher elements among the miners and mine laborers was
lost by their leaders, and rioting broke out, with dark
outrages of crime, calling for a strenuous employment of
militia and police. There were threatenings, too, of a
sympathetic strike of bituminous miners, which might easily
produce a fuel famine of frightful effect; but President
Mitchell and other intelligent leaders succeeded in persuading
the miners of the bituminous district that their best help to
the anthracite unions was by adhering to their yearly contract
and continuing the work which enabled them to contribute funds
to the support of the existing strike. In August they were
reported to be sending to the idle anthracite men no less than
$130,000 a week. With this and other help these seemed likely
to maintain their stand for months. By the first of October
the supply of anthracite coal was so meagre that "factory
managers were put to their wits’ end to get fuel enough at $15
or $20 a ton to keep their machinery running; whereas, in
normal times, their supplies had cost perhaps $3 a ton. The
great majority of the retail coal dealers were entirely sold
out, and for the poor who were obliged to buy in small
quantities the price had reached a cent a pound, or even more,
with prospect of a total cessation of the anthracite supply.
Soft coal was being largely substituted for hard coal; but it
also, in the East, had advanced 300 or 400 per cent. in price,
and it was not well adapted for chimneys, furnaces, stoves and
grates that had been constructed for anthracite. Furthermore,
the cessation of anthracite mining during that half of the
year in which the bulk of the winter’s supply is produced had
created a situation of scarcity that could not have been
wholly overtaken by the utmost effort to substitute the
bituminous article."
The situation was now so grave that the whole country was
demanding an intervention of government by some means to end
the obstinate dispute. The Federal Executive could find no
legal authority to act; but President Roosevelt determined to
bring the prestige and weight of his high office and of his
vigorous personality into an exercise of persuasive influence
in the case. He invited the representatives of both parties in
the conflict to meet him, and the meeting took place October
3d. In opening a discussion of the subject he disclaimed any
right or duty to intervene between them on legal grounds, but
said that "the urgency and the terrible nature of the
catastrophe impending over a large portion of our people " had
impelled him to think it incumbent on him to use such
influence as he could to "bring to an end a situation which
has become literally intolerable." "With all the earnestness
that is in me," he pleaded, "I ask that there be an immediate
resumption of operations in the coal mines in some such way as
will, without a day’s unnecessary delay, meet the crying needs
of the people. I do not invite a discussion of your respective
claims and positions. I appeal to your patriotism, to the
spirit that sinks personal considerations and makes individual
sacrifices for the general good." Mr. Mitchell then spoke
briefly, saying that he and his associates did not feel that
they were responsible for "this terrible state of affairs";
and he made the following proposition; "We are willing to meet
the gentlemen representing the coal operators to try to adjust
our differences among ourselves. If we cannot adjust them that
way, Mr. President, we are willing that you shall name a
tribunal who shall determine the issues that have resulted in
the strike; and if the gentlemen representing the operators
will accept the award or decision of such a tribunal, the
miners will willingly accept it, even if it is against their
claims."
To say that the President’s appeal and Mr. Mitchell’s proposal
of arbitration had an arrogant response from the chiefs of the
coal monopoly is to speak mildly of the spirit and language of
their replies. "I now ask you," said one of them, "to perform
the duties vested in you as President of these United States
and to at once squelch the anarchistic condition of affairs in
the coal region by the strong arm of the military at your
command." "The duty of the hour," cried another dictatorially,
"is not to waste time negotiating with the fomenters of this
anarchy and insolent defiance of law, but to do as was done in
the War of the Rebellion—restore the majesty of the law."
With one consent they rejected the proposal of arbitration
with scornful defiance, and the meeting broke up without
result.
But, behind the men in immediate command of the railway and
the mining companies there was a bigger-brained financial
power that could comprehend, as they could not, the
recklessness of so arrogant a challenge, which went straight
past the miners and the President of the United States to a
suffering public. As the captain of that force, Mr. J.
Pierpont Morgan took the business in hand, and, after a
conference with Secretary Root and some talk with railway
presidents, brought the latter to a different state of mind.
On the 13th of October he went to Washington with the proposal
of a Commission, to be appointed by the President, to which
the companies were willing that "all questions between the
respective companies and their own employés" should be
referred.
{390}
"The Commission to be constituted as follows:
(1) An officer of the Engineer Corps of either the military or
naval service of the United States;
(2) an expert mining engineer, experienced in the mining of
coal and other minerals, and not in any way connected with
coal-mining properties, either anthracite or bituminous;
(3) one of the judges of the United States courts of the
Eastern District of Pennsylvania;
(4) a man of prominence, eminent as a sociologist;
(5) a man who by active participation in mining and selling
coal is familiar with the physical and commercial features of
the business."
There were added the stipulations that upon the constitution
of such Commission the miners should return to work and "cease
all interference with and persecution of any non-union men who
are working or shall hereafter work," and that the
Commission’s findings should govern the conditions of
employment between the respective companies and their own
employees for a term of at least three years. On this basis,
with some modifications, an agreement with Mr. Mitchell,
acting for the miners, was arrived at, and the appointment of
the Commission, named as follows, was announced on the 16th:
Brigadier General John M. Wilson, U. S. A., retired
(late Chief of Engineers), Washington, D. C.,
"as an officer of the Engineer Corps."
Edward Wheeler Parker, Washington, D. C.,
chief statistician of the coal division of the Geological
Survey, and editor of the Engineering and Mining Journal;
"as an expert mining engineer."
Honorable George Gray, Wilmington, Delaware,
"as a Judge of a United States Court."
Edgar E. Clark, Cedar Rapids, Iowa, Grand Chief of the Order
of Railway Conductors, as a sociologist, the President
assuming that for the purpose of such a Commission the term
sociologist means a man who has thought and studied deeply on
social questions and has practically applied his knowledge."
Thomas H. Watkins, Scranton, Pennsylvania,
"as a man practically acquainted with the mining and
selling of coal."
Bishop John L. Spalding, Peoria, Illinois
(The President added the Bishop’s name to the Commission.)
Carroll D. Wright, Commissioner of Labor;
appointed Recorder of the Commission.
Mr. Mitchell’s acceptance of the plan of settlement, as
finally worked out by the President, was ratified by a miners’
convention at Wilkes-barre, and the strike was declared at an
end October 21st. The Arbitration Commission was organized at
the White House on the 24th, under the presidency of Judge
Gray. Carroll D. Wright, appointed originally as recorder of
the Commission, was added as a seventh member to the board,
all parties consenting. Public hearings by the Commission were
opened at Scranton on the 14th of November, President Mitchell
being the first witness, under cross-examination by railway
attorneys for five days. The investigation was laborious and
long, and it was not until the 21st of March, 1903, that the
award of the Commission was made. The following summary of its
important decisions is derived from an exposition of it by
Walter E. Weyl, Ph. D., in The _Review of Reviews_ for
April, 1903:
"There were four demands of the miners,--namely, for an
increase of pay, a decrease in hours, the weighing of coal
where practicable, and the recognition of the union. The first
two demands of the miners have been compromised, the miners
receiving over half of the increase demanded; the third demand
was refused, but the conditions reformed; while for the fourth
demand, the men secured practically what they desired,
although formal recognition was denied them.
"At the beginning of the hearings, the commission decided that
any increase in the rate of pay, or any decrease in the hours,
should be retroactive, and be effective from the first day of
November. There would have been difficulty in carrying out
this plan, however, especially in the case of a reduction in
hours, and in substitution therefor the commission provided
for a 10 per cent. increase in all wages of all employees
during the five months of investigation, from November 1,
1902, to April 1, 1903. … With regard to future wages and
future hours of labor, the commission has adopted the plan of
awarding increases for the various classes of employees and
making this increased wage the minimum of a sliding scale. In
other words, during the three years from April 1, 1903, to
April 1, 1906, wages may not fall below the increased scale
now awarded, no matter what the price of coal may be, but must
rise above that rate in case the price of coal advances. The
contract miners asked for an increase of 20 per cent., and
have received a minimum of 10 per cent." The engineers
hoisting water and the firemen were awarded the reduction in
hours that they asked for, from twelve to eight, without
reduced pay. Other engineers and pump men who asked the same
received a five per cent. increase of pay with a reduction of
working days per week from seven to six. The work day of men
paid by the day was cut down from ten hours to nine. "These
wages, however, are not necessarily the wages which will
prevail, but merely the irreducible minimum of wages during
the next three years. It was suggested by Mr. Baer that a
sliding scale should be adopted, and that the wages of all
mine workers should not fall below what they were in April,
1902, but should be increased by one per cent. for every five
cents increase in the price of the large sizes of coal in New
York City." This seems to have made part of the award.
"The commission says that it does not consider the question of
recognition within the scope of the jurisdiction conferred
upon it, although it states that ‘the suggestion of a working
agreement between employees and employers embodying the
doctrine of collective bargaining is one which the commission
believes contains many hopeful elements for the adjustment of
relations in the mining region.’ This concession, however, is
qualified by the statement that ‘the present constitution of
the United Mine Workers of America does not present the most
inviting inducements to the operators to enter into
contractual relations with it.’ Notwithstanding its disclaimer
of jurisdiction, however, the Anthracite Coal Strike
Commission has in practical effect compelled the operators to
grant to the union full, plenary, and distinct recognition.
The recognition of the United Mine Workers is clearly
indicated by the language of the award.
{391}
Section 4 provides that ‘Any difficulty or disagreement
arising under this award, either as to its interpretation or
application, or in any way growing out of the relations of the
employees and employers, which cannot be settled or adjusted
by conciliation between the superintendents or managers of the
mine or mines and the miner or miners directly interested, or
is of a scope too large to be settled or adjusted, shall be
referred to a board of conciliation, to consist of six
persons, appointed as hereinafter provided. That is to say, if
there shall be a division of the whole region into three
districts, in each of which there shall exist an organization
representing a majority of the mine workers of such district,
one member of said board of conciliation shall be appointed by
each of said organizations, and three other persons shall be
appointed by the operators, the operators of said district
appointing one person.’ The award of this board of
conciliation shall be final, and in case of dispute the matter
shall be referred to an umpire appointed by one of the Circuit
judges of the Third Judicial Circuit of the United States.
There could be no clearer, no more definite, recognition of
the union than is herein provided."
LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1902-1909.
The National Farmers’ Union and the
American Society of Equity.
A history of the Farmers’ National Union has been written by
its President, Charles Simon Barrett, from whose narrative the
following account is drawn. It is quoted here from the
_National Civic Federation, Review_.
"In the little town of Emory, Texas, in the year 1902, ten men
met together at various times and discussed the methods of
formulating rules and plans by which the laboring masses might
be allowed a voice in the pricing of their farm products. From
this meeting of a few plain men the Texas Union was formed.
Credit as the founder of the Farmers’ Union is given to Newt.
Gresham, of Texas, an indefatigable worker for the good of
farmers, who was long identified with the Farmers’ Alliance as
one of the organizers of that association.
"From local and State unions the organization has grown to be
a national union, holding annual conventions and gathering
into its fold an aggregation of between two and three million
members.
"The most striking feature of this great organization is the
fact that its membership is made up of employers and employés.
No line is drawn separating the farm owner, operator or
laborer, but all are received in the Farmers’ Union on one
broad platform of mutual aims and interests. Recognizing that
the good of all is the good of the individual, the Farmers’
Union, in democratic fashion, labors for the greatest good for
the greatest number.
"The Farmers’ Union works along the most practical lines.
There have been four great national meetings, the first being
held in Texarkana in 1905, and the convention of 1906 at the
same place; in 1907 the national meeting was at Little Rock,
Arkansas, and in 1908 at Fort Worth, Texas, where President
Gompers appeared. Besides the annual meetings of the National
Union several important conventions have been held: one in
January, 1907, in Atlanta, Georgia, was called as a grand
national rally. At Memphis, Tennessee, the same year, a
convention of the Farmers’ Union was held for the purpose of
devising ways and means by which the cotton then held by the
membership of the Union might be sold advantageously. At New
Orleans, 1908, another cotton growers' meeting was held, and
at Topeka, Kansas, and Atlanta, Georgia, very important
meetings were arranged between the cotton spinners and growers
of the South and representatives from many English and
continental cotton mills of Europe.
"The purpose and principles of the Farmers’ Union, as
enunciated in its constitution, afford material for an
interesting study. It declares the following purposes:
‘To establish justice.
To secure equity.
To apply the Golden Rule.
To discourage the credit and mortgage system.
To assist members in buying and selling.
To encourage the agricultural class in scientific farming.
To teach farmers the classification of crops,
domestic economy and the process of marketing.
To systematize methods of production and distribution.
To eliminate gambling in farm products by boards of trade,
cotton exchanges and other speculators.
To bring farmers up to the standard of other industries
and business enterprises.
To secure and maintain profitable and uniform prices for
grain, cotton, live stock and other products of the farm.
To strive for harmony and good will among all
mankind and brotherly love among ourselves.’"
Another extensive organization of farmers bears the name of
the American Society of Equity, which was reported in 1906,
when it went into alliance with the American Federation of
Labor, to have a membership of 268,000. This membership was
scattered principally throughout Kentucky, Indiana, Illinois,
Wisconsin, Minnesota, and Nebraska, with some members in
Kansas, Oklahoma, and Michigan.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A.D. 1903.
Establishment of the Department of Commerce and Labor
in the Federal Government.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES; A. D. 1903 (FEBRUARY).
LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1904.
President Roosevelt on Combinations among
Employees of the Government.
"There is no objection to employees of the Government forming
or belonging to unions; but the Government can neither
discriminate for nor discriminate against nonunion men who are
in its employment, or who seek to be employed under it.
Moreover, it is a very grave impropriety for Government
employees to band themselves together for the purpose of
extorting improperly high salaries from the Government.
Especially is this true of those within the classified
service. The letter carriers, both municipal and rural, are as
a whole an excellent body of public servants. They should be
amply paid. But their payment must be obtained by arguing
their claims fairly and honorably before the Congress, and not
by banding together for the defeat of those Congressmen who
refuse to give promises which they can not in conscience give.
The Administration has already taken steps to prevent and
punish abuses of this nature; but it will be wise for the
Congress to supplement this action by legislation."
_President's Message to Congress,
December 16, 1904._
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LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1904-1905.
Long unsuccessful Strike of Operators in the
Fall River Cotton Mills.
From July 25, 1904, until January 18, 1905, about 25,000
workers in the Cotton Mills of Fall River, Massachusetts, were
idle, and seventy-two mills were substantially out of
business, as the consequence of a reduction of wages which the
operatives would not consent to. Great suffering among the men
and women concerned was said to have been endured. It was
through the mediation of Governor Douglas that a settlement
was finally brought about, the work people submitting to the
reduced wages, but having the promise of some increase later
on, if an independent examination of the books of the mill
companies should show a certain stipulated percentage of
profit.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1905 (April-July).
Strike of the Teamsters’ Union at Chicago.
One of the most violently conducted strikes that has ever
occurred in the United States was brought on at Chicago, in
the spring of 1905, by an attempt of the Teamsters’ Union in
that city to give sympathetic support to a strike of the
Garment Workers Union. The latter selected for special attack
the firm of Montgomery Ward & Co., which carries on an
enormous mail-order business, selling goods of all
descriptions through no agencies, but dealing directly with
customers in small towns and rural districts throughout the
country. This company employed few garment workers relatively:
but, probably because the magnitude and diversity of its
shipments made it particularly vulnerable to such an attack,
the teamsters began their undertaking by refusing to move its
wagons or goods. From this the movement spread, as teamsters
refusing to deliver goods to Montgomery Ward & Co. were
discharged, and the concerns discharging them were boycotted
in turn. Presently business in Chicago, to a large extent, was
brought to a stand-still. The membership of the Teamsters’
Union in the city was said to exceed 35,000, and 4000 were
estimated to be on strike at the end of the first week in May.
From this time the heat of passion in the conflict rose fast.
An Employers’ Teaming Association was organized, and the
business interests of Chicago showed readiness to fight the
striking union to a finish. Fierce attacks were made on the
non-union teamsters brought into the work, but they seem to
have been well defended by the police. In a hundred ways the
whole city was divided into factions and deplorably disturbed.
Children refused to attend schools which received coal from
boycotted companies or wagons; and arrests of both children
and parents were necessary to enforce the compulsory education
laws.
While the strike was in its earlier weeks, President Roosevelt
visited Chicago, and was called on by the President of the
Teamsters’ Union, Mr. Shea, who protested against a supposed
design to call Federal troops to the city. In reply to him the
President said: "I have not been called upon to interfere in
any way, but you must not misunderstand my attitude. In every
effort of Mayor Dunne to prevent violence by mobs or
individuals, to see that the laws are obeyed and that order is
preserved, he has the hearty support of the President of the
United States—and in my judgment he should have that of every
good citizen of the United States. … I am a believer in
unions. I am an honorary member of one union. But the union
must obey the law, just as the corporation must obey the law;
just as every man, rich or poor, must obey the law. As yet no
action whatever has been called for by me, and most certainly
if action is called for by me I shall try to do exact justice
under the law to every man, so far as I have power. But the
first essential is the preservation of law and order, the
suppression of violence by mobs or individuals."
At a banquet the same evening the President recurred to the
subject and added, with fine emphasis: "This Government is not
and never shall be the government of a plutocracy. This
Government is not and never shall be the government of a mob."
Those immediately responsible for dealing with a local
situation, the President said, must first exhaust every effort
before a call is made upon any outside body. "But," he added,
"if ever the need arises, back of the city stands the State,
and back of the State stands the Nation."
Chicago kept the conflict within itself, fighting it out
through 105 days. It ended in the unconditional defeat of the
Teamsters’ Union, which called off the strike on the 20th of
July. It was followed by a grand jury investigation of charges
which each side had hurled freely against the other, of
blackmail attempts by one, of bribery and attempted bribery by
the other. The evidence obtained left little doubt that
labor-leaders had extorted money for the prevention of
strikes, and that business men had paid for exemption from
trouble.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1906.
Suspension of Coal Mining, both Anthracite and
Bituminous, throughout the Country.
Final Agreement for Three Coming Years.
On the 31st of March, 1906, the agreements between mine owners
and miners under which the latter had been working, in the
bituminous mines for two years and in the anthracite for
three, expired, and agreements for the future working had not
been arrived at in either case. Miners in the bituminous field
had accepted a wage reduction of five and a half per cent. in
1904, and now wanted it restored. Part of the mine owners, in
Western Pennsylvania, were willing to concede it; others, in
the more western States, stood out against them. In the
anthracite field there was also a question of wages between
miners and operators, and both sides offered arbitration, but
differed as to the point to be submitted. The miners claimed
arbitration of the general question of wages and conditions in
the mines; the operators maintained that those had been
adjudicated by the arbitration of 1903, and that the only
proper question now was whether any change in conditions had
occurred which called for a readjustment. That question they
would submit to at least a majority of the members of the
former Anthracite Coal Strike Commission, or they would agree
that the awards made in 1903 by that Commission "and the
principles upon which they were established by the Commission,
and the methods established for carrying out their awards,
shall be continued for and during the further term of three
years from the first day of April, 1906."
{393}
The 1st of April found these disagreements still existing, and
coal mining, both anthracite and bituminous, was generally
suspended throughout the United States. More than 300,000
miners, on the whole, stopped work. In the anthracite field
the suspension of work lasted until the 10th of May, when it
was resumed under an agreement which continued for another
three years (until March 31, 1909) the award of 1903. During
the forty days of idleness there were few disorders of any
kind in this region. In the soft coal fields the suspension
was more protracted. It was ended in different localities at
different times. Some mine owners, in several States, made
terms with their men at an early day. Some kept their mines
idle until the middle of July. Serious disturbances and
conflicts of rioters with police and militia occurred in a
number of States. At the end the miners had won a restoration
of the wages of 1904, but had made concessions on other points
of dispute which differed in different States.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1907.
President Roosevelt’s Foundation for the
Promotion of Industrial Peace.
President Roosevelt, having been awarded the Nobel Prize of
the year 1906 for his services in the interest of
international peace, devoted the sum received, being somewhat
more than $40,000, to the creation of a fund "the income of
which shall be expended for bringing together in conference at
the city of Washington, especially during the sessions of
congress, representatives of labor and capital for the purpose
of discussing industrial problems, with the view of arriving
at a better understanding between employers and employés, and
thus promoting industrial peace." To carry out this purpose,
an organization was incorporated by Act of Congress, March 2,
1905, under the name of the "Foundation for the Promotion of
Industrial Peace," with trustees named as follows:
Chief Justice Melville W. Fuller, president;
Seth Low of New York, representing the general public,
treasurer;
John Mitchell of the United Mine Workers of America,
representing labor, secretary;
Thomas G. Bush of Birmingham, Ala.,
representing general public;
Marvin A. Hughitt, representing capital, and
Secretaries James Wilson and Oscar Solomon Straus.
Vacancies in the board to be filled by the President of the
United States. The Trustees to pay over the income of the
Foundation, or such part as they may apportion, to an
Industrial Peace Committee, of nine members, selected and
appointed by the Trustees, "three members of this committee to
be representatives of labor, three to be representatives of
capital, each chosen for distinguished services in the
industrial world in promoting righteous industrial peace, and
three members to represent the general public." As originally
appointed, this Committee was made up of the following
persons:
"Archbishop John Ireland,
Marcus M. Marks of New York,
Ralph M. Easley of New York,
Elbert H. Gary, chairman finance committee
United States Steel Corporation;
Lucius Tuttle, president of Boston & Maine railroad;
J. Gunby Jordan of Columbus, Georgia;
Samuel Gompers, president of the
American Federation of Labor;
Daniel Keefe, president of the Longshoremen’s association, and
Warren S. Stone, president International Brotherhood
of Locomotive Engineers."
LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1907.
Abortive Strike of Telegraphers.
A widely organized and considerably prolonged strike of
American telegraph operators, in the fall of 1907, was made
abortive by the fact that the supply of men and women who have
some training for the ordinary work of telegraphy is too large
for a trade union to control the employment of it. The
telegraphic service was made very imperfect for some weeks,
and the public was subjected to much inconvenience; but the
employing companies were brought to no such straits as could
be coercive. The struggle of the operators was mainly for the
recognition of their union, to secure negotiation with them as
a body, for the adjusting of some conditions of which they
complained. They suffered absolute defeat, and had to make
terms individually at the end.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1907 (April).
Threatened Railway Strike averted by Federal Intermediation.
A strike of trainmen and conductors on railways west of
Chicago which threatened to be very serious was averted, in
April, 1907, by the intermediation of the Chairman of the
Interstate Commerce Commission and the Commissioner of Labor,
acting in obedience to the Erdman Law, so called, of 1898.
Both parties to the dispute made concessions. The employés
withdrew their demand for a nine-hour work day, and the
railway companies made an advance in wages which was estimated
to add over $5,000,000 to the earnings of 50,000 men during
the ensuing year.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1908.
The Work of the National Civic Federation in Promotion
of Trades Agreements.
The following is from the annual address of President Seth Low
to the National Civic Federation, at its annual meeting in New
York on the 14th of December, 1908. The special subject of
discussion at the meeting was "The Trade Agreement," on which
Mr. Low spoke in part as follows:
"It has been our good fortune during the year to associate Mr.
John Mitchell with the active work of the Federation, as the
Chairman of its Trades Agreement Department. Mr. Mitchell
entered upon his duties on August 1, and we have already had
many opportunities to perceive the advantage to our work
likely to result from his permanent connection with it.
Through correspondence with labor unions and with the
employers who have trade agreements with labor unions, he is
building up an exceedingly strong department, the influence of
which ought to be very helpfully felt in furthering the use of
the trade agreement as a means for promoting industrial peace
and progress.
"There are still some, though they are fewer in number than
they used to be, who maintain that the relation of the
employer to the employé is an individual one, and who
therefore will not deal with men as members of an organization
in matters relating to their employment. I read in the paper
the other day that there are 89,000 stockholders in the
Pennsylvania Railroad Company. No one contends that these
people organize into a company in order to fight labor. They
organize because they have to in order to work together, and,
as a result of organizing, they are represented in every use
made of their capital by their officers. Can any one seriously
contend that these 89,000 stockholders, speaking through their
officers, are justified in saying to their 160,000 employés,
‘We insist upon dealing with you, man by man; we will not
recognize your organization.’ Is it not rather clear, that the
160,000 employés, so far as their interests are common, must
unite if they are to have anything at all to say as to the
conditions upon which they will work, and, if they unite, they
must have an organization and they must be represented by
their officers? …
{394}
"Take another illustration: The United States Steel
Corporation employs, in round numbers, 200,000 men. Of this
vast army of workmen about 44,000, nearly all of them
representatives of organized labor, own stock in the
corporation. In their capacity as stockholders, these 44,000
workmen are represented by the officers of the corporation.
Can it be contended that they are any the less free, or have
any less right, to be represented, in their capacity as
workmen, by the chosen representatives of their trade
organization? And when the two attributes of holding stock and
taking employment are thus united in the same persons, will
any one any longer contend that these men, as workmen,
organize for the purpose of antagonizing themselves as
capitalists?
"Now it is out of conditions that have produced a situation
like this that the so-called ‘trade agreement’ has sprung. In
its simplest statement, a trade agreement is an agreement
between organized stockholders and organized workmen, both
acting through their chosen representatives, to determine, for
the period of the agreement, the general terms of employment
of the various classes of workingmen concerned. That each side
tries to make the best bargain it can, goes without saying.
That conditions favor sometimes one side and sometimes the
other is equally true. That each side tends, when it has in
its turn the upper hand, to push the other too hard is not
improbable. But just as certainly as a pendulum, after
swinging from one side to the other, tends to rest in a
position of equilibrium, so such trade agreements tend to
relieve the trade to which they apply of the extreme swing
from conditions favoring capital to conditions favoring labor,
and _vice versa_, which so often spells disaster to
capital and labor alike. In other words, trade agreements that
are revisable from time to time certainly make for industrial
peace, and they ought as certainly to make for industrial
progress. In the meanwhile they are constantly educating
everybody concerned into a realization of the fundamental
importance of keeping faith."
LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1908-1909.
The Question of Injunctions in Labor Disputes.
See (in this Volume)
LAW AND ITS COURTS: UNITED STATES.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1908-1909.
Union Boycotting a Violation of the Sherman Anti-Trust Law.
The American Federation of Labor and the Bucks Stove Company.
Alleged Contempt of Court by President Gompers and others.
Early in 1908 the Supreme Court of the United States gave
final decision to a case in which the Hatters’ Union and the
American Federation of Labor were proceeded against, for
boycotting the goods of a hat manufacturing firm which refused
to unionize its factory. As the plaintiffs in the suit sold
their hats in many States, the boycott was alleged to be a
combination in restraint of interstate commerce, and a
violation, therefore, of the anti-trust law. The United States
Circuit Court had dismissed the complaint, and the Court of
Appeals had affirmed its decree; but the Supreme Court, by a
unanimous decision, overruled both. It held that the law in
question is violated by a combination to prevent the sale of
non-union articles in different States.
[Under this decision, in a suit by the hat manufacturing
company against the Hatters’ Union for damages, a jury at
Hartford, Connecticut, on the 3d of February, 1910, awarded
$74,000 to the former. The Union has appealed from the
verdict.]
The attitude of law toward trade union boycotting was
exhibited a year later in another more notable case, which
arose from action taken by the American Federation of Labor
against the Bucks Stove Company. In March 1907, the Federation
had proclaimed a boycott against that company, advertising it
in the official organ of the Federation as one which "we don’t
patronize," and taking measures to prevent tradesmen from
buying the company’s stoves. A suit to enjoin this boycott was
brought, and the injunction was granted, in December, 1907, by
Judge Gould, of the Supreme Court of the District of Columbia.
The issuance of the injunction was made dependent, however, on
the filing of a bond by the plaintiff, to make good all
damages if the injunction should not finally be sustained, and
an interval of six days occurred before the filing of the bond
made the injunction effective. In that interval, many copies
of a publication which the injunction would forbid were sent
out by mail from the headquarters of the Federation, and more
or less of these copies reached their destination after the
injunction became of force. This proceeding, together with
various devices by which the officers of the Federation had
sought to evade the injunction, through covert allusions to
the boycott, became the ground of a charge that the principal
officers of the Federation, Samuel Gompers, John Mitchell, and
Frank Morrison, had violated the injunction and been guilty of
contempt of court. On this charge, in July, 1908, these
officials were ordered to show cause, on the 8th of September
following, why they should not be punished for contempt. The
case came then before another judge, Daniel T. Wright, whose
judgment, rendered near the end of the year, held them guilty
of contempt and sentenced them to imprisonment, severally, for
one year, for nine months and for six months.
Appeal from the injunction, meantime, had been taken to the
Court of Appeals of the District of Columbia, and there, on
the 11th of March, 1909, it received a modification which
seems, practically, to have extinguished the contempt. The
Court held that the decree should be modified to the extent
that it shall only restrain the defendants from conspiring or
combining to boycott the business of the Bucks Stove & Range
Company or threatening or declaring any boycott or assisting
therein, and from printing the name of the complainant, its
business or product in the "we don’t patronize" or "unfair"
list of defendants in furtherance of any boycott. The court
held that the defendants cannot be restrained from all
publications referring to the Bucks company, but only such as
are made in furtherance of an illegal boycott.
On the appeal from the decree of the Court which adjudged
Gompers, Morrison, and Mitchell to be guilty of contempt of
court, the District Court of Appeals, on the 2d of November,
1909, affirmed that decree, and the sentence of Judge Wright
was thus in force. A stay was given to it for a time, during
which a writ of certiorari was obtained from the Supreme Court
of the United States, which will review the whole case, but
not until October, 1910.
{395}
LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1909.
Expiration and Renewal of the Three Year Agreement
in the Anthracite Coal Districts.
Report of the Conciliation Board for the past Three Years.
Again, in the spring of 1909, at the end of a three year term
of agreement (see above, A. D. 1906), the anthracite coal
miners and their employers were in controversy over a renewal
of the agreement. The latter proffered a renewal, without
change, for another three years. The miners, in convention, at
Scranton, on March 23d and 24th, refused the offer unless the
agreement should be signed by them as members of the United
Mine Workers of America, recognizing their organization. In
this they were upheld by the new President of the United Mine
Workers, Thomas L. Lewis, successor to Mr. John Mitchell,
whose state of health had compelled him to resign. The old
agreement expired on the 31st of March, and nothing was
formulated at the time in its place, except a verbal
understanding that, pending further conferences, the miners
would continue work on the former terms. Later, however, it
was stated that the Board of Conciliation, created by the
strike commission of 1902, had been continued for a further
period of three years.
At the end of August, 1909, the Conciliation Board published a
report of the last three years of its work, in the settling of
differences between mine-workers and operators. Only
twenty-three grievances were presented to the mediators
between April 1, 1906, and April 1, 1909, as compared with 150
grievances in the preceding three years. The Volume issued
three years ago contained 336 pages. This year only 69 pages
are required to tell of the grievances and settlement. A
number of the grievances covered in the new report were
settled out of court. Of the others, some were decided in
favor of the employees, some for the employers. In three years
only three grievances had to be referred to an umpire. As the
purposes of the board have become more clearly understood, a
greater number of differences have been settled without
reaching the stage of formal complaints. The members use their
influence with the contestants to effect a compromise,
avoiding the delay occasioned by a formal investigation.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1909 (May-June).
The Georgia Railroad Strike.
See (in this Volume)
Race Problems: United States: A. D). 1909.
LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1909-1910.
Strike of Girls in the Shirtwaist Trade at New York.
Its Social Significance.
One of the most important of recent labor strikes, in its
social aspect, was undertaken in November, 1909, by the
shirtwaist-makers of New York City, mostly girls. At the
outset, the strikers numbered between 25,000 and 30,000; but
half of them, by the middle of December, had made terms with
their employers and resumed work. Ten or fifteen thousand were
still in heroic contention with obstinate masters of the
trade, and having public opinion and sympathy very strongly on
their side. "The strike began," says the New York _Evening
Post_, "in a multiplicity of causes. Wages, sanitary
conditions in the shops, humane treatment by foremen and
forewomen, and recognition of the Waistmakers’ Union all
played a part. The contest has now [December 15] settled down
to the single question of the union shop. The employers
profess themselves ready to arbitrate every other point in
dispute. The strikers maintain that recognition of their union
is their only guarantee against the recurrence of conditions
such as precipitated the conflict. … It would be easy to
exaggerate the significance of the eager way in which the
Suffragist leaders have thrown themselves into the conflict.
It is even easy to exaggerate the significance of the way in
which women of wealth and social prominence have come out in
support of the strike. More significant to us is the zeal with
which women of no very great social prominence, but still not
of the working class, have from the beginning given their
services in organizing and managing the strike, and
particularly in doing picket duty on the streets and defending
the rights of the girl employés before the police magistrates
and in the courts. Here evidently is a sex-sentiment which
cuts across the boundaries of class and bids fair to give a
new aspect to labor conflicts of the future in which women are
involved. The present strike has a social significance quite
beyond the questions immediately at issue. It is our first
great woman’s strike, and as such it signalizes in a dramatic
fashion woman’s invasion into the field of industry."
----------LABOR ORGANIZATION: End--------
----------LABOR PROTECTION: Start--------
EMPLOYERS’ LIABILITY
INDUSTRIAL INSURANCE
HOURS OF LABOR,
etc.
LABOR PROTECTION:
Safety Guards.
Employers’ Liability.
Insurance, etc.
The Needed Law.
"In order to protect workingmen against injury by disease or
negligent arrangements of machinery and ways, we need a state
code of regulations which will prescribe protective devices,
provide faithful inspectors and punish those guilty of
violating the law. The roundabout method of making employers
liable for damages in case of negligence has little effect,
because employers can buy legal protection and wage-earners
have no money for law suits. Employers’ liability laws may be
made more severe and drastic; by statutes the obnoxious
‘fellow servant’ factor may be eliminated; various other
provisions may be enacted by Congress and by state
legislatures to extend somewhat the definition of negligence;
but no law of this kind ever was made or ever can be made
which will protect workmen from the loss of wages not clearly
due to negligence of employers. An employer cannot be made
‘liable’ for defects for which he or his agent is not
responsible. It is sheer waste of time to labor for
improvement of a law whose fundamental principle covers only
cases of employers’ fault, because a vast number of injuries
are due to causes which the utmost care cannot prevent.
{396}
"In order to secure income in periods of incapacity for labor
several legal ways are open. The British method has much to
commend it and finds favor with many Americans, the method
based on the principle of ‘compensation.’ In Great Britain the
old liability law is left to stand, like a rotting trunk, by
the side of the new and living tree of the ‘compensation’ law.
By the terms of this new law, enacted in 1897 and extended
1907 to certain trade diseases, the employer is required to
pay indemnity to any employé who is injured in health or limb
by accident or any cause due to the trade, and in case of
death his dependent family is paid a certain sum for support.
The employer resting under this obligation is permitted to
meet it any way he can find. Usually he will bargain with an
insurance company to carry his legal risk for a premium. It is
said the insurance companies are putting up the rates, but
Britishers will discover a way to cover the risk in the
cheapest form. Already our federal government has embodied
this ‘compensation’ principle in a law which gives a meagre
sum to its own employés of certain classes when injured in its
service; and the example of the central government will
probably soon be imitated in several states. Bills are now
being drawn for this purpose.
"The ‘social insurance’ principle is entirely different from
that of either ‘liability’ or ‘compensation.’ The word
‘compensation’ carries a little of the flavor of the ancient
damage suit, while ‘insurance’ is simply an amicable business
arrangement to provide in advance for the inevitable average
risk of the trade, which may be extended beyond the perils of
the shop and mill to all places and conditions of the
workman's life.
"Historically the unquestioned tendency is from the liability
principle to the direct insurance principle, with a wayside
inn, perhaps, in some law like that of Great Britain, the law
of France being almost squarely on the social insurance ground
so far as it goes.
"The Illinois Industrial Insurance Commission proposed a law
based on the insurance principle, though its friends were
compelled to stop at a compromise with existing laws and
constitutions. The bill offered by that commission was based
on permission and persuasion; it offered to the employers who
would provide an adequate system of insurance against trade
accidents, freedom from the sword of the existing liability
law; and it offered to the workmen, if they were willing to
accept these terms, an assured income in case of injury and to
their dependents relief in case of death due to occupation. A
law passed by the Legislature of Massachusetts, in May, 1908,
has actually embodied this idea and set it to work in the
field of experiment. It remains to be seen whether the motives
mentioned will induce employers and employés to agree on the
plan. Without agreement the law will be a dead letter, for it
is merely permissive, and agreements will not be made unless
the economic motive is adequate. Up to this writing (December
7) not a single employer has organized a scheme under this
law.
"The Wisconsin Board of Labor has made what seems a wise
proposition to the effect that employers be compelled to
insure their employés up to the ordinary amount already known
to be spent for litigation, casualty insurance premiums and
other expenses; and they also properly suggest state
organization for the collection and administration of the
premiums.
"The recent International Congress on Workingmen’s Insurance,
after many years of debate, reached conclusions of vast
import, happily without dissent. One conclusion was that all
attempts to insure the workmen who most need it, whose pay is
small and uncertain, and who are not organized, must prove
failures. Delegates from France and England who have always
stood for ‘liberty’ have come to admit this truth. Not even
subsidies to voluntary insurance associations have been
effective. Only when insurance is made compulsory on all does
it reach the multitude of the wage-earners. But compulsion to
insure may include liberty of method, if the plan adopted is
approved by legal authority and by actuaries. Either private
companies, mutual associations, or state departments of
insurance may be trusted to conduct the plans once they are
obligatory on all.
"Another interesting conclusion at the Rome congress was that
compulsory insurance can cover only a minimum guarantee of
income to the sick, wounded or invalid workman; while above
this minimum, with advancing wages, workmen and their
employers can well unite in providing more generously for loss
of income by voluntary payments of higher premiums. Trade
unions, fraternal societies and other organizations, as well
as casualty companies, have before them an indefinite field
for expanding their activities in this direction."
_Charities and the Commons,
March 13, 1909._
LABOR PROTECTION: Accident and Sickness Insurance:
Proposed Amendments to the German Compulsory Insurance Laws.
A Bill to amend the compulsory insurance laws of Germany which
was laid by the Imperial Government before the Federal Council
in April, 1909, to be acted on in the course of the ensuing
year, is described in part elsewhere.
See, in Volume IV. of this work,
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1883-1889.
See in Volume VI.
GERMANY: A. D. 1897-1900.
See in this Volume,
POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: PENSIONS.
Of the contemplated amendments that relate to accident and
sickness insurance it was announced, that "the proposed
amendments of the law of accident insurance are mainly formal,
but the scheme of insurance against illness is to be largely
extended, and will include practically all classes of workers
for whom insurance against invalidity and old age is or is to
be compulsory. On the one hand, the system will in future
include agricultural labourers, workers engaged for less than
one week, and assistants and apprentices, whose insurance is
not at present compulsory. On the other hand, it will include
such categories of workers as stage and orchestra
_employés_, and teachers who are not in the service of
the State, if their salaries do not exceed £100 a year. The
crews of seagoing ships, as well as of vessels plying on
inland waterways, are now brought into the general sick
insurance system."
{397}
LABOR PROTECTION:
Accidents to Workmen in the United States.
The Death Roll.
Appalling Statistics.
"Mr. Frederick L. Hoffman, of the Bureau of Labor, Department
of Commerce and Labor, has compiled some striking statistics
concerning the subject of accidents to workingmen. The
importance of this subject is apparent when it is considered
that between 30,000 and 35,000 workmen lose their lives in
accidents in the course of their employment in this country
during a year. Statistics have been secured from official
sources and from insurance experience which show that the
accident liability to which American workmen are subject is
indeed high. Census reports covering the years 1900 to 1906
show that out of over 1,000,000 deaths of males more than nine
per cent. were due to accident. The liability of workmen to
accidental injury or death is brought under five general
classifications, including factories and workshops, electrical
industries, mines and quarries, transportation by rail and
transportation by water. Of those employed in factories and
workshops, probably the most exposed class is the workers in
iron and steel. Of 8,456 accidents during the years 1901 to
1905, 4.1 per cent, of the accidents to men employed in
rolling mills resulted fatally. According to industrial
insurance experience, the fatal-accident rate of electricians
and of electric linemen is excessive. Of 645 deaths of
electricians, 14.7 per cent., and of 240 deaths of linemen,
46.7 per cent., were due to accidents. In the anthracite mines
of Pennsylvania state inspectors have found that during ten
years there have averaged annually 3.18 fatal accidents for
every 1,000 men employed, and the rate is even higher than
this for certain specific occupations in the mines. That this
rate is excessive is shown by comparison with the death rate
from accident of 1.29 per 1,000 in the British coal mines.
Reports of the Interstate Commerce Commission show that during
ten years 16,363 railway trainmen lost their lives in
accidents. This is equivalent to 7.46 deaths per 1,000
employés."
_Electrical Review,
January 2, 1909._
LABOR PROTECTION:
Child Labor.
See (in this Volume)
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS WORKERS.
LABOR PROTECTION: Employers’ Liability in Great Britain.
The Workmen’s Compensation Act of 1906.
The Workmen’s Compensation Act which passed the British
Parliament in December, 1906, has the core of its purpose in
the first of two appended schedules, which fixes the "Scale
and Conditions of Compensation," in the following terms:
"(1) The amount of compensation under this Act shall be—
"(_a_) where death results from the injury—
"(_i_) if the workman leaves any dependants wholly
dependent upon his earnings, a sum equal to his earnings in
the employment of the same employer during the three years
next preceding the injury, or the sum of one hundred and
fifty pounds, whichever of those sums is the larger, but
not exceeding in any case three hundred pounds, provided
that the amount of any weekly payments made under this Act,
and any lump sum paid in redemption thereof, shall be
deducted from such sum, and, if the period of the workman’s
employment by the said employer has been less than the said
three years, then the amount of his earnings during the
said three years shall be deemed to be one hundred and
fifty-six times his average weekly earnings during the
period of his actual employment under the said employer;
"(_ii_) if the workman does not leave any such
dependants, but leaves any dependants in part dependent
upon his earnings, such sum, not exceeding in any case the
amount payable under the foregoing provisions, as may be
agreed upon, or, in default of agreement, may be
determined, on arbitration under this Act, to be reasonable
and proportionate in the injury to the said dependants; and
"(_iii_) if he leaves no dependants, the reasonable
expenses of his medical attendance and burial, not
exceeding ten pounds;
"(_b_) where total or partial incapacity for work results
from the injury, a weekly payment during the incapacity not
exceeding fifty per cent. of his average weekly earnings
during the previous twelve months, if he has been so long
employed, but if not then for any less period during which he
has been in the employment of the same employer, such weekly
payment not to exceed one pound:
"Provided that—
"(_a_) if the incapacity lasts less than two weeks no
compensation shall be payable in respect of the first week;
and
"(_b_) as respects the weekly payments during total
incapacity of a workman who is under twenty-one years of age
at the date of the injury, and whose average weekly earnings
are less than twenty shillings, one hundred per cent, shall be
substituted for fifty per cent. of his average weekly
earnings, but the weekly payment shall in no case exceed ten
shillings.
"(2) For the purposes of the provisions of this schedule
relating to ‘earnings’ and ‘average weekly earnings’ of a
workman, the following rules shall be observed:—
"(_a_) average weekly earnings shall be computed in such
manner as is best calculated to give the rate per week at
which the workman was being remunerated. Provided that where
by reason of the shortness of the time during which the
workman has been in the employment of his employer, or the
casual nature of the employment, or the terms of the
employment, it is impracticable at the date of the accident to
compute the rate of remuneration, regard may be had to the
average weekly amount which, during the twelve months previous
to the accident, was being earned by a person in the same
grade, employed at the same work by the same employer, or, if
there is no person so employed, by a person in the same grade
employed in the same class of employment and in the same
district;
"(_b_) where the workman had entered into concurrent
contracts of service with two or more employers under which he
worked at one time for one such employer and at another time
for another such employer, his average weekly earnings shall
be computed as if his earnings under all such contracts were
earnings in the employment of the employer for whom he was
working at the time of the accident;
"(_c_) employment by the same employer shall be taken to
mean employment by the same employer in the grade in which the
workman was employed at the time of the accident,
uninterrupted by absence from work due to illness or any other
unavoidable cause;
"(_d_) Where the employer has been accustomed to pay to
the workman a sum to cover any special expenses entailed on
him by the nature of his employment, the sum so paid shall not
be reckoned as part of the earnings.
{398}
"(3) In fixing the amount of the weekly payment, regard shall
be had to any payment, allowance, or benefit which the workman
may receive from the employer during the period of his
incapacity, and in the case of partial incapacity the weekly
payment shall in no case exceed the difference between the
amount of the average weekly earnings of the workman before
the accident and the average weekly amount which he is earning
or is able to earn in some suitable employment or business
after the accident, but shall bear such relation to the amount
of that difference as under the circumstances of the case may
appear proper.
"(4) Where a workman has given notice of an accident, he
shall, if so required by the employer, submit himself for
examination by a duly qualified medical practitioner provided
and paid by the employer, and, if he refuses to submit himself
to such examination, or in any way obstructs the same, his
right to compensation, and to take or prosecute any proceeding
under this Act in relation to compensation, shall be suspended
until such examination has taken place."
Further clauses of this schedule, and of the second schedule,
which relates to the arbitration of disputed matters, are
prescriptive in detail of procedure for carrying out the
orders stated above. The liability of the employer and its
limitations are set forth in the body of the Act, as follows:
"I.
(1) If in any employment personal injury by accident arising
out of and in the course of the employment is caused to a
workman, his employer shall, subject as hereinafter mentioned,
be liable to pay compensation in accordance with the First
Schedule to this Act.
(2) Provided that—
"(_a_) The employer shall not be liable under this Act in
respect of any injury which does not disable the workman for a
period of at least one week from earning full wages at the
work at which he was employed:
"(_b_) When the injury was caused by the personal
negligence or wilful act of the employer or of some person for
whose act or default the employer is responsible, nothing in
this Act shall affect any civil liability of the employer, but
in that case the workman may, at his option, either claim
compensation under this Act or take proceedings independently
of this Act; but the employer shall not be liable to pay
compensation for injury to a workman by accident arising out
of and in the course of the employment both independently of
and also under this Act, and shall not be liable to any
proceedings independently of this Act, except in case of such
personal negligence or wilful act as aforesaid:
"(_c_) If it is proved that the injury to a workman is
attributable to the serious and wilful misconduct of that
workman, any compensation claimed in respect of that injury
shall, unless the injury results in death or serious and
permanent disablement, be disallowed.
"(3) If any question arises in any proceedings under this Act
as to the liability to pay compensation under this Act
(including any question as to whether the person injured is a
workman to whom this Act applies), or as to the amount or
duration of compensation under this Act, the question, if not
settled by agreement, shall, subject to the provisions of the
First Schedule to this Act, be settled by arbitration, in
accordance with the Second Schedule to this Act."
LABOR PROTECTION: In New Zealand:
Compensation for "Miners’ Disease."
In the later part of 1908 a singular labor strike was caused
in New Zealand by legislation making "miners’ disease" a
ground of compensation from employers. The men refused to be
examined for the disease, and the masters refused to engage
them without examination; while the Government, which
apparently expected masters to take the risk of engaging men
already diseased, itself refused to admit the miners to the
benefits of State insurance without examination.
A despatch from Wellington, January 9, 1909, announced: "The
Waihi miners have unanimously refused to submit to medical
examination, and 1,700 men will cease work on Monday unless
the owners concede the point. The outlook is serious and the
township is depressed. The Auckland coal miners remain idle,
and consequently part of the coast fleet is laid up and a
number of hands have been discharged." But a later despatch of
the same date added: "The Government have now resolved to
accept the risk of insuring the miners without examination,
pending an amendment of the Act next session.
LABOR PROTECTION: In the United States:
On Interstate Railways.
In his message to Congress, December, 1908, the President
referred to this enactment, which he had approved in the
previous April:
"Among the excellent laws which the Congress passed at the
last session was an employers’ liability law. It was a marked
step in advance to get the recognition of employers’ liability
on the statute books; but the law did not go far enough. In
spite of all precautions exercised by employers there are
unavoidable accidents and even deaths involved in nearly every
line of business connected with the mechanic arts. This
inevitable sacrifice of life may be reduced to a minimum, but
it can not be completely eliminated. It is a great social
injustice to compel the employee, or rather the family of the
killed or disabled victim, to bear the entire burden of such
an inevitable sacrifice. In other words, society shirks its
duty by laying the whole cost on the victim, whereas the
injury comes from what may be called the legitimate risks of
the trade. Compensation for accidents or deaths due in any
line of industry to the actual conditions under which that
industry is carried on should be paid by that portion of the
community for the benefit of which the industry is carried
on—that is, by those who profit by the industry. If the entire
trade risk is placed upon the employer he will promptly and
properly add it to the legitimate cost of production and
assess it proportionately upon the consumers of his commodity.
It is therefore clear to my mind that the law should place
this entire ‘risk of a trade’ upon the employer. Neither the
Federal law, nor, as far as I am informed, the State laws
dealing with the question of employers’ liability are
sufficiently thorogoing. The Federal law should of course
include employees in navy-yards, arsenals, and the like."
{399}
The following is the text of the Act:
"Section 1.
That every common carrier by railroad while engaging in
commerce between any of the several States or Territories, or
between any of the States and Territories, or between the
District of Columbia and any of the States or Territories, or
between the District of Columbia or any of the States or
Territories and any foreign nation or nations, shall be liable
in damages to any person suffering injury while he is employed
by such carrier in such commerce, or, in case of the death of
such employee, to his or her personal representative, for the
benefit of the surviving widow or husband and children of such
employee; and, if none, then of such employee’s parents; and,
if none, then of the next of kin dependent upon such employee,
for such injury or death resulting in whole or in part from
the negligence of any of the officers, agents or employees of
such carrier, or by reason of any defect or insufficiency, due
to its negligence, in its cars, engines, appliances,
machinery, track, roadbed, works, boats, wharves, or other
equipment.
"Section 2.
That every common carrier by railroad in the Territories, the
District of Columbia, the Panama Canal Zone, or other
possessions of the United States shall be liable in damages to
any person suffering injury while he is employed by such
carrier in any of said jurisdictions, or, in case of the death
of such employee, to his or her personal representative, for
the benefit of the surviving widow or husband and children of
such employee; and, if none, then of such employee’s parents;
and, if none, then of the next of kin dependent upon such
employee, for such injury or death resulting in whole or in
part from the negligence of any of the officers, agents, or
employees of such carrier, or by reason of any defect or
insufficiency, due to its negligence, in its cars, engines,
appliances, machinery, track, roadbed, works, boats, wharves,
or other equipment.
"Section 3.
That in all actions hereinafter brought against any such
common carrier by railroad under or by virtue of any of the
provisions of this Act to recover damages for personal
injuries to an employee, or where such injuries have resulted
in his death, the fact that the employee may have been guilty
of contributory negligence shall not bar a recovery, but the
damages shall be diminished by the jury in proportion to the
amount of negligence attributable to such employee:
_Provided_, That no such employee who may be injured or
killed shall be held to have been guilty of contributory
negligence in any case where the violation by such common
carrier of any statute enacted for the safety of employees
contributed to the injury or death of such employee.
"Section 4.
That in any action brought against any common carrier under or
by virtue of any of the provisions of this Act to recover
damages for injuries to, or death of, any of its employees,
such employee shall not be held to have assumed the risks of
his employment in any case where the violation by such common
carrier of any statute enacted for the safety of employees
contributed to the injury or death of such employee.
"Section 5.
That any contract, rule, regulation, or device whatsoever, the
purpose or intent of which shall be to enable any common
carrier to exempt itself from any liability created by this
Act, shall to that extent be void: _Provided_, That in
any action brought against any such common carrier under or by
virtue of any of the provisions of this Act, such common
carrier may set off therein any sum it has contributed or paid
to any insurance, relief benefit, or indemnity that may have
been paid to the injured employee or the person entitled
thereto on account of the injury or death for which said
action was brought.
"Section 6.
That no action shall be maintained under this Act unless
commenced within two years from the day the cause of action
accrued.
"Section 7.
That the term ‘common carrier’ as used in this Act shall
include the receiver or receivers or other persons or
corporations charged with the duty of the management and
operation of the business of a common carrier.
"Section 8.
That nothing in this Act shall be held to limit the duty or
liability of common carriers or to impair the rights of their
employees under any other Act or Acts of Congress, or to
affect the prosecution of any pending proceeding or right of
action under the Act of Congress entitled ‘An Act relating to
liability of common carriers in the District of Columbia and
Territories, and to common carriers engaged in commerce
between the States and between the States and foreign nations
to their employees,’ approved June eleventh, nineteen hundred
and six."
_Statutes of the United States of America
passed 1st at Session of the 60th Congress, 1907-1908,
part 1, chapter 149._
LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR:
Judicial Limitation of Police Power to regulate them
in the United States.
By a decision from the Supreme Court of the United States, in
April, 1905, an Act of the Legislature of New York, limiting
the hours of labor to be exacted from workmen in bakeries, was
pronounced unconstitutional. The law in question provided that
"no employee shall be required or permitted to work in a
biscuit, bread or cake bakery or confectionery establishment
more than sixty hours in any one week, or more than ten hours
in any one day, unless for the purpose of making a shorter
work day on the last day of the week; nor more hours in any
one week than will make an average of ten hours per day for
the number of days during such week in which such employee
shall work." The New York Court of Appeals had passed on this
enactment and declared it constitutional, as a measure for the
protection of public health. A majority of the Supreme Court—
five to four—rejected this view, saying, in the opinion
written by Justice Peckham: "We think the limit of the police
power has been reached and passed in this case. There is, in
our judgment, no reasonable foundation for holding this to be
necessary or appropriate as a health law to safeguard the
public health or the health of the individuals who are
following the trade of a baker." In the dissenting opinion of
Justice Harlan, Justices White and Day concurring, it was
said: "The rule is universal that a legislative enactment,
Federal or State, is never to be disregarded or held invalid
unless it be, beyond question, plainly and palpably in excess
of legislative power. If there be doubt as to the validity of
the statute, that doubt must therefore be resolved in favor of
its validity, and the courts must keep their hands off,
leaving the Legislature to meet the responsibility for unwise
legislation."
LABOR PROTECTION: LIMITATION OF WORKING HOURS FOR TRAINMEN.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.
{400}
LABOR PROTECTION: THE "ENGLISH COAL MINES (EIGHT HOUR) ACT."
The Act so called, passed in 1908, came into force on the 1st
of July, 1909, except as respects mines in the counties of
Northumberland and Durham, where its operation was deferred
until the 1st of January, 1910. The Act provides that "a
workman shall not be below ground in a mine for the purpose of
his work, or of going to and from his work, for more than
eight hours during any consecutive twenty-four hours"; but
this is qualified by the condition that "no contravention of
the foregoing provisions shall be deemed to take place in the
case of a workman working in a shift if the period between the
times at which the last workman in the shift leaves the
surface and the first workman in the shift returns to the
surface does not exceed eight hours." This rule, it is said,
makes the nominal working day of eight hours "one that will
vary, according to local conditions, from eight and a half to
nine hours." On the other hand, the Coal Owners’ Association
of South Wales and Monmouthshire, in a manifesto issued
shortly before the Act became operative, declared: "The Act
does not permit eight hours’ work underground, but a
considerable portion of this time is taken up in travelling to
and from the actual place of work, and in many of the older
collieries not more than 6½ hours’ effective work will be
performed. The owners are strongly of opinion that it will be
found impossible to work such collieries and maintain them in
repair with all the pumping of water, boilers, engines,
horses, officials, and attendants necessary for 24 hours per
day on 6½ hours’ productive work, especially in view of the
fact that in South Wales a much larger proportion of the
collier’s time is occupied in other work than in producing
coal than is the case in most other coalfields."
The conditions are described as being different in the Welsh
mines from those in other British coal fields, and it seems to
have been there only that trouble arose when the Act came into
effect.
LABOR PROTECTION:
Germany’s Latest Code.
"The coal miners of Prussia have secured a legal eight-hours
day for underground work, but in industry generally the number
of hours worked is ten daily, or sixty weekly, and these hours
generally fall between six and six or seven and seven. In some
industries, and especially the textile industries, from
sixty-three to sixty-six hours per week are commonly worked by
both sexes. … Just as there was once a time when the textile
industry of the Rhineland worked to a large extent seventeen
hours a day in order to facilitate competition with England’s
more highly developed factories and more skilled workers, so
now a day of ten and eleven hours is maintained in the same
industry purely out of fear of the foreigner. … The only
limitation of hours introduced by the amendment to the
Industrial Code which was passed in 1908 applied to female
workers, and it merely fixed the rule of sixty hours, subject
to many exceptions. An investigation made in 1902 by the
Government into the hours worked by females employed in
factories and workshops showed that of 813,560 such
workpeople, employed in 38,706 works, 86,191 (in 6,768 works),
or 10.6 per cent., worked nine hours or less, while 347,814
(in 18,267 works), or 42.8 per cent., worked from nine to ten
hours (inclusive), so that over half already enjoy the
protection which the new law is to afford. The Socialists at
present demand a ten-hours day for both sexes, for the whole
country and for all industries, but they regard this no longer
as their final objective, but as a stage on the way towards
the goal of an eight-hours day, via a halfway house of nine
hours."
_William H. Dawson,
The Involution of Modern Germany,
pages 129-131
(Unwin, London; Scribners, New York, 1909)._
"On December 28 last [1908] an industrial amendment Act was
passed by the German Reichstag and became law. It introduces a
number of new and more stringent regulations for the
protection of women and children, which will have the effect
of securing a large reduction of the hours of labour in many
manufacturing industries. In its application it goes beyond
the existing factory law, which applies to _Fabriken_,
and it includes all _Betriebe_ (industrial
establishments) in which ten or more persons are employed. It
reduces the maximum number of hours for women from 11 to 10 on
ordinary week days and from 10 to 8 on Saturday. That is to
say, it reduces the statutory maximum week from 65 to 58
hours. It extends the period during which night-work is
prohibited by an hour, and fixes it from 8 p. m. to 6 a. m.,
instead of from 8.30 p. m. to 5.30 a. m. as heretofore. It
further provides that after each day’s work an unbroken
interval of 11 hours’ rest must elapse; and this also applies
to workers of both sexes under 16. The latter, who already
enjoy the daily and weekly maximum now granted to women, will
also have the statutory times of beginning and leaving off
work altered from 5.30 A. M. to 6 A. M. for beginning and from
8.30 A. M. to 8 P. M. for leaving off."
LONDON TIMES,
MARCH 15, 1909.
LABOR PROTECTION:
Japanese Legislation in Prospect.
The following report from Japan came to the American Press in
a telegram dated December 15, 1909, at Victoria, British
Columbia: Factory owners of Japan, who employ 642,000 hands,
of whom 392,000 are women and a big percentage children, are
excited over factory laws to be advocated at this session of
the Diet, according to news brought here yesterday. The law
will provide against employment of children less than twelve
years old, but those above ten now employed will be permitted
to continue. Workers under sixteen and females may not be
worked more than twelve hours a day, and must be given two
days rest each month. In days of ten hours, an hour’s rest
must be given.
LABOR PROTECTION:
Report of the United States Industrial Commission in 1902.
Recommendations for State Legislation.
Child Labor and Woman’s Labor.
The Utah Law on Labor in Mines.
"Perhaps the subject of greatest public interest to-day is
that of the regulation of the hours of labor permitted in
industrial occupations, and especially in factories. Most of
the Northern and Eastern States prohibit the employment of
persons under the full age in factories or other mechanical
establishments for more than a prescribed time per diem,
usually ten hours, and not exceeding sixty hours per week.
Obviously, Congress has no power without a constitutional
amendment to legislate directly on this subject. The
Commission are of the opinion that a uniform law upon this
subject may wisely be recommended for adoption by all the
States.
{401}
We believe that such legislation can not, under the Federal
and State constitutions be recommended as to persons, male or
female, above the age of 21, except, of course, in some
special industries where employment for too many hours becomes
positively a menace to the health, safety or well-being of the
community; but minors not yet clothed with all the rights of
citizens are peculiarly the subject of State protection, and
still more so young children. The commission are of opinion,
therefore, that a simple statute ought to be enacted by all
the States to regulate the length of the working day for young
persons in factories (meaning by 'young persons’ those between
the age of majority and 14); and in view of the entire absence
of protection now accorded by the laws of many States to
children of tender years we think that the employment of
children in factories in any capacity, or for any time, under
the age of 14, should be prohibited. The question of shops and
mercantile establishments generally appears even more subject
to local conditions than that of factories; therefore the
Commission see no need for even recommending to the States any
uniform legislation upon this subject. But child labor should
be universally protected by educational restrictions,
providing in substance that no child may be employed in either
factories, shops, or in stores in large cities, who cannot
read and write, and, except during vacation, unless he has
attended school for at least twelve weeks in each year.
Further regulation, especially in the line of bringing States
which now have no factory acts up to a higher standard, is
earnestly recommended.
"The Supreme Court of the United States has affirmed the
constitutionality of the Utah law limiting the length of the
day’s labor in mines or under-ground workings, even in the
case of male citizens of full age. The Commission would
therefore recommend that the provisions of the Utah
constitution and statutes be followed in all the States, by
which the period of employment of workmen in all under-ground
mines or workings shall be eight hours a day, except in cases
of emergency, when life or property is in imminent danger, and
also that the employment of children under the age of 14 and
of all women and girls in mines or under-ground quarries and
workings shall be forbidden."
_Final Report (1902) of Industrial Commission,
pages 946-948._
LABOR PROTECTION:
Hours of Labor for Women.
Right of the State to put other Limitations than on Men.
U. S. Supreme Court Decision.
The constitutional right of a State to put other limitations
on the hours of labor for women than it puts on the hours of
labor for men was questioned by the proprietor of a laundry in
Oregon, and the question was carried to the Supreme Court of
the United States. The decision of that tribunal was rendered
early in 1908, affirming the right of a State to make such
distinction in labor limitations between the two sexes, and
the ground of the decision introduces a principle of enormous
importance into law. A legal limitation of the hours of labor
touches the contractual rights of the individual, and the
Court conceded that in those rights women stand on the same
plane as men; but the State, it declares, has the
constitutional right, for the public good, to limit the
contractual right of the individual, and its reasoning on the
matter before it turns therefore on the question whether the
protection of women by this special limitation of contractual
rights is or is not for the public good? On this question the
counsel for the State of Oregon, Mr. Louis D. Brandeis, had
submitted a remarkable mass of testimony, social and
physiological, which the Court accepted as conclusive, and
founded its decision thereon. This testimony the Court
declared to be "significant of a widespread belief that
women’s physical structure, and the functions she performs in
consequence thereof, justify special legislation restricting
or qualifying the conditions under which she should be
permitted to toil." Though "constitutional questions … are not
settled by even a consensus of present public opinion," yet
the Court held that "when a question of fact is debated and
debatable, and the extent to which a special constitutional
limitation goes is affected by the truth in respect to that
fact, a widespread and long-continued belief concerning it is
worthy of consideration." Applying that principle in this
case, the Court affirmed that "as healthy mothers are
essential to vigorous offspring, the physical well-being of
woman becomes an object of public interest and care in order
to preserve the strength and vigor of the race." On account of
her physical constitution, "she is not an equal competitor
with her brother." In spite of the removal of legal and other
disabilities, "she will still be where some legislation to
protect her seems necessary to secure a real equality of
right." Such legislation to defend woman, to use the Court’s
phrase, "from the greed as well as the passion of man," is not
merely for her benefit, but for the well-being of the race.
"The two sexes," said Justice Brewer, who delivered the
decision of the Court, "differ in structure of body, in the
functions to be performed by each, in the amount of physical
strength, in the capacity for long-continued labor,
particularly when done standing, the influence of vigorous
health upon the future well-being of the race, the
self-reliance which enables one to assert full rights, and in
the capacity to maintain the struggle for subsistence. This
difference justifies a difference in legislation and upholds
that which is designed to compensate for some of the burdens
which rest upon her."
LABOR PROTECTION: ORIENTAL COMPETITION:
The Force of the Objection to it in Countries under
the Protective Tariff System.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS; UNITED STATES.
LABOR PROTECTION: A. D. 1900-1909.
Study and Treatment of Industrial Problems in
the United States by the National Civic Federation.
See (in this Volume)
SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES.
----------LABOR PROTECTION: End--------
{402}
----------LABOR REMUNERATION: Start--------
LABOR REMUNERATION.
Cooperative Organization.
Pensions.
Profit-sharing.
Wages Regulation, etc.)
LABOR REMUNERATION:
The Bonus System.
Its Working in the Shops of the Bethlehem Steel Company.
"Awarding extra compensation for extra work has long been the
practice of successful manufacturing; but the particular
method of awarding a _bonus_ above referred to is of
recent origin, and fills an important need in modern systems
of management. It may be briefly described as follows:
Alternative ways of doing a piece of work are carefully
investigated by the most competent expert available and the
results recorded. The best method is determined and taught to
an ordinary workman, who is awarded extra compensation in
addition to his day’s pay for doing the work in the time and
manner specified. This method of compensation was the outcome
of an attempt to introduce in complicated work equitable piece
rates determined as nearly as possible by scientific methods."
The original working out of this method into a system is
ascribed by the writer of the above to Mr. Fred W. Taylor, in
the early eighties, he being then in the employ of the Midvale
Steel Company. After setting forth the principles involved in
the system, this writer concludes his article by stating:
"The principles above outlined were applied during the spring
and summer of 1901 to the ordnance and armor-plate machine
shops of the Bethlehem Steel Company, and resulted in a short
time in more than doubling the output of those shops. The
system is still in use substantially as introduced, and the
superintendent, Mr. Archibald Johnston, in his testimony
before the House Committee on Labor, February 13, 1902, makes
the following statement regarding it:
"This arrangement has worked very satisfactorily, both to the
men and the company, for it has enabled us to get work out
more quickly, and to add to the producing capacity of our
invested capital; while for the men it has been a great
benefit, as we have many instances of employees who have
bought homes for themselves principally from their extra
earnings on the bonus system, and from overtime work. The
system has been a stronger incentive to industry than any
other we have been able to put into effect in our plant."
_H. L. Gantt,
The Bonus System of Rewarding Labor
(American Review of Reviews)._
LABOR REMUNERATION: COÖPERATIVE ORGANIZATION:
France, Italy, etc.
Cooperative Production.
A book published in 1905, entitled "Labor Problems," by T. S.
Adams and Helen L. Sumner, gives an interesting account of
coöperative associations for contract labor in France, of
which there were 296 on the 1st of January, 1901, seemingly
having considerable success, 106 of the number being in the
building trades. Similar organizations were reported in Italy
and New Zealand. In France, the law provides for dividing
public contracts, and for making payments on them in such ways
as to bring them within the means of these associations of
workmen. In Germany and Holland there is said to have been a
less degree of success in organizing this mode of productive
coöperation.
LABOR REMUNERATION: GREAT BRITAIN:
The Coöperative Union and Coöperative Congress.
Recent Statistics of Membership, Organizations, and Operations.
Rapidly increasing Coöperation in Agriculture.
As reported at the annual Coöperative Congress of 1905, the
Coöperative Union of Great Britain had then a membership of
2,200,000, conducting coöperative undertakings with a total
capital of £36,500,000 and a trade of £92,000,000. At that
meeting a proposition to act with the Labor Representation
Committee, for increasing the representation of labor
interests in Parliament, was defeated by 801 votes against
135.
Four years later, at the Congress held in May, 1909, the
reported membership of the Coöperative Union had increased to
2,516,194, in 1560 affiliated societies. Among other
statistics reported for the previous year were the following:
"The two large wholesale societies—one in England and the
other in Scotland—had a membership of 1414 in 1908, or a
decrease of three as compared with the total for 1907; the
shares held amounted to £1,984,676, a rise of £190,131; the
loans were £5,114,201, an increase of £382,990; the sales for
the year amounted to £32,433,968, an increase of £43,940, and
the interest on capital was £96,350, an increase of £5,498.
The year’s trading, however, resulted in a decrease of profits
amounting to £137,197, the total profits being £731,124. There
were 1428 distributive societies, a decrease of 15, but the
membership rose to 2,404,595, or 81,217 more; the shares held
went up to £30,037,352, an increase of £998,703; the loans
amounted to £4,558,021, a rise of £212,377; the sales
increased by £1,635,749, the total being £60,783,278; but the
profits dropped to £10,773,005, or a decrease of £126,327.
"Coöperative production forms a large and important branch of
the movement. Some facts relating to it are given from the
last annual report of the Chief Registrar of Friendly
Societies in order to supplement the figures of the central
board. According to the Chief Registrar’s report, 1251
societies, including distributive, wholesale, and productive
societies, made returns showing that, they carried on
production to the extent of £16,989,764 in the year,
calculated on wholesale prices. The workpeople employed in
production numbered 44,188—men, 25,809; women, 12,212; boys,
6167—and the wages paid to these (exclusive of bonus) amounted
to £2,324,674. The board’s annual summary of the operations
carried on by the productive societies and the productive
departments of the two wholesale societies shows a total
production in 1908 of £11,112,220. To this is added an
estimated production of £7,750,000 by the distributive
societies, making the total production of the coöperative
movement for the year about £18,862,000. The number of
productive societies to which the Board’s returns relate is
122, a decrease of five as compared with the total for the
previous year. The number of people employed by these
societies during the year was 28,575, an increase of 1637; the
capital invested was £4,610,072, an increase of £259,137; the
trade, as stated above, was £11,112,220, an increase of
£450,802; the profits amounted to £352,398, a decrease of
£15,317; and the losses amounted to £68,650, as against £8336.
{403}
"Among the industries engaged in coöperative production, corn
milling had a trade last year amounting to £4,564,706, which
was considerably higher than the total for the previous year.
Increases were also recorded in the cotton, linen, silk, and
wool industries, and by societies engaged in woodwork,
building, and quarrying, printing and bookbinding, baking, and
laundry-work. But the societies producing boots, shoes, and
leather, metal and hardware, and various other goods had a
reduced trade."
In an article on "The Coming of Coöperation," in Agriculture,
the London _Times_ of May 3, 1909, made the following
statements: "The coöperative movement, on which more than
anything else the success of all small farmers and many big
farmers depends, is advancing with a rapidity very little
realized even by farmers themselves.
"The position at present is this. In Ireland, in Scotland, and
in England exist three organization societies which decided in
July of last year to amalgamate for certain purposes. Under
the lead of Sir Horace Plunkett the three societies decided
that joint action would be effective in all the three branches
of cooperative trade—
‘(1) The acquisition of farmers’ supplies of the best
quality at the lowest price;
(2) the marketing of produce in the most economical manner; and
(3) the interchange of certain products.’
"Into this third attribute of cooperation it is worth while
inquiring closely. The idea, which may mean an immense advance
in the production of the farm, small or great, has not become
familiar even to some of the best local coöperative societies
we have. A few examples will illustrate the possibilities. No
one will doubt the value of geographical knowledge to the
farmer. One of the biggest successes made on the Fen farms in
recent years resulted from the accident that a Fen farmer went
to shoot snipe in Ireland, and there came upon a potato which
proved to be exceptionally suited to the Fen soil. Many small
fortunes have been made in potato farming by the use of Scotch
seed. To-day, of course, every one is aware of its excellence,
due partly to the red soil, partly to the wise custom of the
Scotch farmer in digging his potatoes before they are mature.
But this knowledge penetrated very slowly. …
"An admirable instance, illustrating the same point, may be
found in the unpublished history of the French wheats recently
introduced into England. The whole tale is full of suggestions
for English farmers and for the organization societies. French
farmers, as we all know, are very closely federated; and every
sort of work—in buying, in marketing, and in advancing
money—is carried on by the local and federated syndicates.
Some years ago the leaders of these syndicates came to the
conclusion that their wheats greatly improved by a year or two
in English soil. They preferred their own varieties, but found
them more prolific when the seed was imported from England.
Several difficulties met them. They had first to persuade
English growers to grow these varieties, and secondly they had
to compel them to keep the stock pure. The second difficulty
might have been insuperable without joint action, but it was
soon overcome by the syndicates.
"At present Ireland is a long way ahead of England, and
England of Scotland, in co-operative organization; but
certainly in England, as well as Ireland, co-operation has
advanced more rapidly in the last year or two than seemed at
all likely at the beginning of the century. The Agricultural
Organization Society, which was formed for propaganda work, is
already able to give proof of valuable results from joint
action towards what may be called the self-sufficiency of
Britain. The advance has been made possible by the new
federations of farmers, as well as by the multiplication of
local co-operative societies."
LABOR REMUNERATION:
Exhibition of Coöperative Productions.
An exhibition of coöperative productions was opened in August,
1909, at the Crystal Palace, London, in connection with a
National Co-operative Festival. On the one side goods were
shown from the various co-partnership productive societies,
including boots and shoes, baskets, cloth, velvets, cutlery,
watches, and printing; and on the other side were specimens of
the Co-operative Wholesale Society’s goods, such as working
exhibits of sweet-boiling, soap-milling, and cigar and
cigarette making. In addition to the exhibits from workshops,
the Tenant’s Housing Societies showed plans of their houses
owned on the coöperative principle by groups of workmen and
others. It was pointed out by the promoters of the exhibition
that such houses may be completely equipped for habitation
with articles produced under cooperative conditions.
LABOR REMUNERATION: India:
Rapidity of the Movement.
"The co-operative movement in India, which was started five
years ago by the passing of the Cooperative Credit Societies
Act, has made steady and satisfactory progress in all the
Provinces, and there are now 2,000 societies with 185,000
members and a working capital of over half a million sterling.
Each Province has its official registrar and staff of
inspectors, whose business it is to preach the benefits of
co-operation, to encourage the formation of new societies, to
help each society to draw up its by-laws, to check and audit
its accounts free of charge, to point out mistakes, and to put
things right. The ordinary type of co-operative society is the
village bank of from 50 to 100 members, all residents of the
same neighbourhood, who know intimately each other’s needs and
resources, and, above all, each other’s character."
_Correspondent London Times,
December 17, 1909._
LABOR REMUNERATION: New Zealand:
The Labor Group Method.
"What distinguishes New Zealand as a State is the way in which
governmental powers have been used, not to stop competition in
the socialistic sense, but to force a higher and fairer level,
on which it acts for the many rather than for the few. Every
startling step has been of this nature. New Zealand is
democratizing competition. If the public is there threatened
with monopoly prices in coal or in insurance, the State acts
competitively for the whole people. Our great interest in this
method is that it may have immeasurable development without
landing us in Socialism. It has the soul of democracy in it
while preserving great areas on which those forms of private
property may be maintained which Socialism usually attacks.
Even more significant is the other illustration which New
Zealand offers.
{404}
"It is the allotment of work to labor groups under the
co-operation method. It unifies at once the political and the
industrial practice. If the digging and laying up of a cellar,
a section of roadway, or the foundations of a bridge are
assigned to twelve laborers for the sum of fifty pounds, they
elect their own manager, agreeing upon the distribution of the
work. A standard of efficiency is set, which the inspector
enforces. The lump sum of fifty pounds is assumed by the
authorities to give first a ‘fair wage,’ but beyond that a
margin is given which extra zeal and fidelity may very
materially increase. Under private contractors working for
profit, this is of course a very old story. It is not an old
story for the State or town to do it, with the express purpose
of avoiding certain evils of competition, like insecurity and
lack of work."
_John Graham Brooks,
Industrial Democracy
(The Outlook, November 17, 1906)_.
LABOR REMUNERATION: Russia: A. D. 1903.
Statistics of Consumers’ Associations.
In 1903 "the number of co-operative consumers’ associations in
Russia was 824. In order to compile some statistics, in regard
to these, the ‘Permanent Commission for Co-operative
Associations’ sent out some inquiry blanks which, in 204
cases, were properly filled out and returned. From these
reports is gathered that the 204 associations had together
91,417 members and 26,402 annual subscribers, making a total
number of about 118,000 customers. The average membership of
the associations was 577. The number of employees was 3258, or
16 per association, and the expenses for wages and maintenance
of these amounted to 1,131,307 rubles, or averaging 5515
rubles for each association. The total capital reached a sum
of more than 4,000,000 rubles, which item was counterbalanced
by a total indebtedness of nearly an equal amount. Of the
entire net profit,—1,270,000 rubles,—256,539 rubles were
distributed as dividends on shares, 590,857 rubles as premiums
on purchases, and 68,155 were paid into the government as
taxes."
_Herman Rosenthal
(American Review of Reviews)._
LABOR REMUNERATION: United States:
Coöperative Distribution and Coöperative Production.
"Today in Utah are eighty-seven coöperative distribution
societies and in California sixty; and elsewhere are signs
that the excellent principles of united effort may soon enter
upon another and very likely its most notable revival. In San
Francisco before the earthquake the coöperators had a large
wholesale store doing a good business. At Lawrence,
Massachusetts, the flourishing Arlington Store Society, an
admirably conducted Rochdale venture, has 4,360 members and
does an annual business of more than $500,000, and at
Lewiston, Maine, is a store managed on lines of modified
coöperation with annual sales of more than $600,000. Through
the country the coöperative stores number about 250, with
60,000 or more members and $7,000,000, of annual business; a
showing that looks small compared with the gigantic operations
of the British societies. But with the development of the
Cooperative Association of America, a new enterprise managed
by men like Frank Parsons, B. O. Flower, Charles E. Lund and
other advanced thinkers, there is likely to be in the next few
years a new and very different story to tell of coöperation in
America.
"Coöperative production has already made a different story,
although even that is flecked with enough of failure. … So far
back as 1868, in Minneapolis, four journeymen coopers had
formed a cooperative society, steadily enlarged as the milling
interests increased. In 1874, when the flour output was about
500,000 barrels a year, so many coopers had come to town that
the Coöperative Barrel Manufacturing Company was formed and
twelve years afterwards two-thirds of all barrels made in
Minneapolis were made in coöperative shops. And then somehow
the things began to decline. Of seven great coöperative shops
existing in 1886 only three survive. … In other lines of
productive effort Coöperation has often achieved notable
success. The coöperative creamery, for instance, has been a
boon to millions of farmers. Of such creameries in the United
States there are about 3,800 with a membership in their
associations of more than 300,000 and an annual product worth
more than $80,000,000. In Minnesota six-sevenths of all the
creameries are coöperative; six hundred have been organized in
the last ten years with a membership of 50,000. The idea is
steadily gaining; it is very strong in all the Western States,
and even in Massachusetts twenty-eight of fifty creameries are
coöperative. In the operation of these societies there has
been almost uniform success. The farmers indeed have done far
more than the workingmen to show the benefits of union. There
are in the United States about 4,000 farmers’ purchasing and
distributing societies with 500,000 members. Fruit growers’
associations have been formed in nine states and have now more
than 100,000 members. The Southern California Fruit Exchange,
organized in 1891, handles more than half the orange business
in California. It has seventy associations with 4,000 members.
One third of all the fruit grown in California is now handled
coöperatively.
"There are also coöperative bee keepers, coöperative sheep
herders, coöperative poultry raisers, cattle breeders, wool
growers, cotton growers and milk-dealers, and in six states
are flourishing coöperative grain elevators. …
See above,
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.
Of coöperative insurance companies we have about 3,800,
including mutual life, fire, hail and live-stock insurance.
Three thousand of these are among the farmers, with a total
membership of 2,700,000 and total risks reaching the amazing
sum of $3,000,000,000. Premiums among the farmers’ coöperative
insurance companies average twenty-four cents for each $100 of
insurance against an average among all companies, as reported
by the United States census, of $1 for every $100 of
insurance. In Michigan, Iowa, Indiana, Kansas, Nebraska,
Minnesota, Wisconsin, and the Dakotas farmers’ coöperative
telephone companies have had a phenomenal growth and have
effected in some degree a transformation of rural life. …
Coöperative distribution … has lately been revived in America
through the well-considered efforts of the Coöperative
Association of America, and still more recently through the
Golden Rule Fraternity.
{405}
The Coöperative Association began in Lewiston, Maine, in 1900,
as ‘A Trust for the People.’ It has utilized the ordinary
trust machinery towards communal good instead of personal
profit. There is a holding company called the ‘Co-Workers’
Fraternity’ and this owns a controlling interest in stock of
the Coöperative Association of America, in the National
Production Company of New Jersey, in the Massachusetts
Coöperative Society, and is to own a similar control in the
other coöperative societies now being formed. On this modern
and comprehensive basis coöperation is being reformed and
reorganized in America. Its pitfalls hitherto have been
chiefly those of management. On the new plan of organization
these should be avoided. … The revived prospects of
Coöperation in America are due chiefly to the altruistic
efforts of a certain band of thoughtful men and women that
believe this to be the first step towards a cure of the
national evils."
_Charles D. Russell,
The Uprising of the Many,
pages 30-37 (New York, Doubleday, Page & Co., 1907)._
"I spent nearly four weeks, from March 3 to March 27, [1908]
visiting a chain of co-operative stores, fifty-five in number,
in the vicinity of Minneapolis, Minnesota. These stores are
organized on the famous Rochdale plan, for the benefit of the
consumer instead of the capitalist. The profits are divided in
proportion to purchases, except that the general public who
have not yet chosen to become members or shareholders receive
only half-dividend or benefit. Goods are not sold cheaper; it
is aimed to create capital by earning good profits. An
accounting is had and the profits ascertained once in three or
six or twelve months. These profits are then distributed
between a surplus fund, an educational or propaganda fund, and
dividend on purchases, which is paid in cash if the shareholder
has paid in full, or credited on his share if only part paid.
This is the nub of the Rochdale System, departures from which
have been the cause of a long and almost unbroken line of
failure in American attempts in co-operative stores.
"These Minnesota and Wisconsin stores have all been organized
on a nearly uniform plan by a propaganda organization known as
the Right Relationship League, consisting of three active
officers, two additional directors, eight field organizers,
and an associate membership of all the store shareholders who
pay a fee of one dollar. The stores are incorporated by
counties; when there are several stores in one county, they
are ‘departments’ or branches. For example, the Polk County
(Wisconsin) company has ten stores, the Pepin County company
nine stores, and each has a general manager and a joint
warehouse. Instead of starting a new store with a new manager
and no established trade, the newly organized co-operative
company buys out the best or next best general store in the
town and continues the former owner as manager.
"Of the old guard who wrote and hoped for co-operation twenty
to thirty years ago, all gave up the fight long since, myself
excepted. Edward Everett Hale, Richard T. Ely, Carroll D.
Wright, Washington Gladden, E. W. Bemis, John R. Commons, will
be glad to know that the lost cause is reviving and may yet,
in their lifetime, justify their early faith and repay their
labors."
_N. O. Nelson,
The Co-operative Movement in the United States
(The Outlook, July 4, 1908)._
In February, 1909, it was reported that the stores of the
above League had increased in number to seventy-six; that the
membership and capital had been doubled within a year, and
that a wholesale company had been formed, each store
subscribing $1000.
In "Labor Problems," by T. S. Adams and Helen L. Sumner, a
considerable number of successful undertakings in producers’
co-operation in the United States are enumerated, including
establishments operated by labor unions in the iron, glass,
garment and cigar-making, box-workers, wood-workers, building
trades, etc., east and west; besides co-operative laundries
and restaurants. The most interesting of these organizations
appears to be that of the Workers’ Coöperative Association of
Boston, formed in 1900 by members of the building trades.
LABOR REMUNERATION:
The "New Protection": Australia: A. D. 1907-1908.
The "New Protection," so called, introduced in Australia, "is
an extension of the principle of the Wages Boards Acts, which
aim to preserve for the workers a certain assured
remuneration. Under the New Protection, the field of this
minimum wage legislation is extended to the trades subsidized
or assisted under protective duties, so as to compel the
manufacturers to share the accruing advantage with their
employees. The Tariff Excise Act is the first installment of
the new legislation. It came into force on January 1, 1907,
and was specially intended to protect the agricultural
implement industry from American and Canadian competition. It
placed upon imported harvesters a duty of sixty dollars. The
Federal Labor party supported the manufacturers in obtaining
the duty, on condition that there was inserted a clause
imposing upon locally produced harvesters an excise duty of
half the amount of the import duty. Manufacturers would,
however, be exempt from the payment of this excise upon
showing proof that their workmen had been paid ‘fair and
reasonable remuneration.’
"At the close of the manufacturing season one hundred and
twelve manufacturers of harvesters filed applications for
exemption from excise duty." This, at once on a test case,
carried the question, what is a "fair and reasonable
remuneration" for wage-paid labor into the Court of
Conciliation and Arbitration, and its judge, much against his
will, was required to determine it. He decided that not less
than $9.50 per week, in Australia, for the lowest class of
unskilled labor, could be regarded as a "living wage." "This
formed the basis of the entire Tariff Excise scale, since from
it the court calculated the rates of payment for all other
employees. This was the easier because there was but little
difference of opinion between the employers and the respective
unions as to the proportionate wages to be paid to various
classes of skilled labor, and, with the price for unskilled
labor raised, a similar increase followed in all the skilled
trades in the business of manufacturing harvesters.
"The Harvester legislation is only the fore-runner of plans
for extensive control over industry to be brought forward as
soon as the import duties under the recently introduced tariff
are decided.
{406}
"In this the three objects to be gained are not always easily
reconciled, and the detail work, besides, of drafting rules
and regulations to result in a moderately practicable working
Act will be enormous. These objects are:
1. To conserve the market for the Australian manufacturer.
2. To insure fair remuneration to the employee.
3. To protect the consumer by placing a limit upon the
price which may be charged.
The rough outline of the proposals is as follows: All dutiable
goods bearing the Commonwealth Trade-Mark (a sort of universal
label) as a guarantee that they have been manufactured under
fair and reasonable conditions as to remuneration of labor
will be exempt from excise. A board of excise, to consist of
three members, to be appointed to give effect to these
proposals. All goods manufactured under conditions which are
in accordance with the State or Commonwealth industrial award
or agreement, or which are declared to be fair and reasonable
by the newly created board of excise, will be entitled to have
the Commonwealth Trade-Mark affixed."
_Alice Henry,
Australia’s "New Protection"
(The Outlook, February 8, 1908)._
The constitutionality of the Tariff Excise Act was soon
brought to a test, and the Federal High Court decided in June,
1908, that wages could not be regulated in the method
proposed. In the following October proceedings were opened in
Parliament to secure such an amendment of the Constitution as
would empower the desired legislation.
LABOR REMUNERATION: Pensions:
The German State-aided System.
See (in this Volume)
POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: PENSIONS.
LABOR REMUNERATION:
System adopted by American Railroad Companies.
On the 10th of November, 1909, announcement was made by the
New York Central Railroad Company that it had adopted an
employees’ pension system, by which 100,000 men would be
affected. Under the plan, employees reaching the age of
seventy years are retired. If they have been continuously in
the service of the company for at least ten years preceding
their retirement, they will be entitled to a pension. An
employee who has been at least twenty years in continual
service and has become unfit for duty may be retired with a
pension, although he has not reached the age of seventy. The
amount of the pensions is 1 per cent, for each year of
continuous service, based upon the average rate of pay
received for the ten years next preceding retirement. The
pension system became effective on January 9, 1910.
The latest government report on the number of railroad
employees puts the total for the country at 1,672,074. "Of
these," says the New York _Evening Post_, "approximately
665,000, or about 40 per cent., serve the roads which have
pension systems. These companies are the New York Central, the
Rock Island, the Pennsylvania, the Buffalo, Rochester and
Pittsburg, the Chicago and Northwestern, the Illinois Central,
the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe, the Union Pacific, Southern
Pacific, and their affiliated lines, the Delaware, Lackawanna
and Western, the Baltimore and Ohio, the Atlantic Coast Line,
the Reading, and the Central of New Jersey."
LABOR REMUNERATION: Profit-sharing:
Plan of Furness, Withy & Company.
One of the greatest of the British ship-building and shipping
concerns, that of the incorporated firm of Furness, Withy &
Co. of which Sir Christopher Furness is the managing director,
announced in the fall of 1908 that it could not continue its
business unless the constant troubles between itself and its
employees over wages questions could be brought to an end.
With that view it was proposed to the workmen that they should
become partners in the business by taking shares of the
company’s capital stock and paying therefor by a five per cent
reduction of their wages until the price of their shares
should be covered. Additional shares of stock would be issued
for the purpose, on which four per cent of dividend would be
paid, whether the company divided any surplus on the general
stock or not. A certain percentage of the earnings of the
business would be allotted to capital, and to cover
depreciation and development, over and above which the
employee-partners would participate in all profits. With
reference to these allotments, to capital, etc., Sir
Christopher Furness, speaking to a Labor Union meeting on the
subject of his proposal, said: "I am aware that a section of
working-men criticise the amounts laid aside by some companies
for these various purposes as if they were devices for
stealing the real earnings of the company from their
employees, but, take my word for it, these allotments cannot
be dispensed with, that is to say, if the directors have any
regard for the continuance of the company with a reasonable
hope of prosperity. Possibly an arrangement might be reached
that nothing beyond a definite percentage on an average of
years should be put aside."
Importantly in connection with the arrangement of
profit-sharing co-partnery, Sir Christopher planned to
organize what he called a Works Council, to be composed of an
equal number of representatives of the workmen and
representatives of the company. It would be, he said, a kind
of Court of Reference and Committee of Counsel rolled into
one. The proposals of the firm were accepted by its employees
and the co-partnery arrangement was carried out.
A year and a half later, on May 22, Sir Christopher Furness
and two others purchased an extensive colliery, the Wingate
Colliery, and made a similar proposition to the workmen there,
offering them one quarter of the shares of the company to be
formed, on the same terms of payment as in the case of the
ship-building company. This gave evidence that the plan had
worked satisfactorily thus far in its earlier trial.
On the 15th of December, 1909, the secretary of the Company
addressed a letter to its Employé Shareholders, saying: "I
have to acquaint you that my board have had under
consideration the working of the company since the adoption of
the co-partnery scheme, and I am directed to say that they
consider the results, from every point of view, to be very
satisfactory." The substantial results to the employees were
thus stated:
"On the financial side you will also be pleased to hear that
the working results are equally satisfactory. The audited
accounts up to September 30 last, and the estimated results
from that date to the present time, show such a balance as
enables the directors to declare a dividend. They propose
therefore, to make a distribution on the agreed basis of the
scheme—viz., the guaranteed 4 per cent. to the _employé_
shareholders, the fixed 5 per cent. to the Ordinary
shareholders, with a bonus of 5 per cent. to both classes of
shareholders. This will yield to the _employé_
shareholders a return at the rate of 9 per cent. per annum,
and to the Ordinary shareholders at the rate of 10 per cent.
per annum, for the nine months ending December 81, 1909.
{407}
"For better convenience it has been decided by my board to
make the financial year end on December 31.
"The amount due to each _employé_ shareholder will be
paid at the offices of the company at the respective
ship-yards on the pay-day, Friday, December 24."
Promising as this plan of profit-sharing appeared, it did not
prove satisfactory to the employés, and, on the 1st of April,
1910, they voted against its continuance, complaining that
their expectation of full employment had not been realized,
and that the system tended to break up trade unions, which are
labor’s surest support and defence.
LABOR REMUNERATION:
The Plan of the United States Steel Corporation,
and other Great Corporations.
"An occurrence of tremendous and far-reaching importance is
the success of the United States Steel Corporation’s
wage-earners’ investment and profit-sharing plan. When this
plan was announced, January 1, [1903], every thoughtful man in
the country gave it close attention. … With all, the question
of questions was, Will it succeed? … We have not been
compelled to wait long for the answer. The directors of the
Steel Corporation offered 25,000 shares of stock to their
168,000 employees. The books were to be kept open thirty days.
No one dared believe that within this month, while the plan
was so new, while all sorts of prejudices or fears might deter
subscribers, and while the great mass of employees would still
be studying and thinking about the offer which to them must
have seemed somewhat novel and complicated, all or even
one-half of the proffered stock would be taken up. Yet, when
the books closed Saturday evening, January 31, it was found
that the 25,000 shares offered had been subscribed for more
than twice over. Twenty-seven thousand six hundred and
thirty-three employees had subscribed for 51,125 shares. …
"The company’s proposal was to share profits with all
employees who would demonstrate their interest and thrift by
buying the company’s stock. Consequently, the great bulk of
the stock set aside for purchase by employees was offered to
the men who earn the smallest salaries. This was done by
dividing the 168,000 employees into six classes, according to
their salaries—Class A, over $20,000 a year; Class B, $10,000
to $20,000, down to Class E, $800 to $2,500 a year, and Class
F, under $800 a year—and then by limiting the amount of stock
employees could take to the following proportions of their
annual salaries: Class A, 5 per cent.; Class B, 8 per cent.;
Class C, 10 per cent.; Class D, 12 per cent.; Class E, 15 per
cent.; and Class F, 20 per cent. It will thus be seen why 90
per cent. of all the stock subscribed for in January goes to
the two classes of mechanics and workmen whose salaries are
under $2,500 a year.
"The method is really a very simple one. Employees subscribe
for stock, one or two shares apiece. The shares cost $82.50,
or less than the market value. Each employee pays in monthly
installments, taken from his wages, and he may have the
payments made small or large, as he likes, save that not more
than 25 per cent. of his wages may be so used in any month,
and he may not be more than three years in completing payment.
Dividends at the rate of 7 per cent. a year go to the
subscriber from the date of his first payment. Interest at 5
per cent. is charged on the deferred payments. In other words,
the corporation sells stock below the market price, on credit,
and pays the holder 2 per cent. a year in dividends more than
he has to pay in interest. Here is a direct inducement to the
investment of savings. But this is not all. Inducements are
offered the employee to complete payment for his stock and to
hold it. As soon as he has fully paid for it, the certificate
is issued in his name, and he is free to dispose of it. But to
make it worth his while to hold it and at the same time keep
his place as a working partner in the company’s service, the
corporation says to him: ‘If you hold your stock, and
beginning with January next year you show it to the treasurer
of your company, and present a letter from the proper official
that during the preceding year you have been in the employ of
the company, and have shown a proper interest in its welfare
and progress, and you do this each January for five years, we
will give you, in addition to the dividends paid you, a bonus
of five dollars per share for each year. During the second
period of five years, we will pay you a further yearly bonus,
as a reward for your continuous faithful service.’ The amount
of the second bonus cannot now be fixed, but it will doubtless
be larger than the first one. Ample provision is made for the
protection of subscribers who from one cause or another are
unable to complete payment. Subscribers who discontinue
payments get their money back and keep the difference between
the 7 per cent. dividends and the 5 per cent. interest. In the
case of subscribers who die or are disabled while faithfully
serving the corporation, after having paid for their stock,
the five dollars per share yearly bonus is not lost, but is
paid over to them or to their estates."
_Walter Wellman,
The Steel Corporation Points the Way
(American Review of Reviews, March, 1903)._
"On December 31, 1908, it was reported that 22,960 employees
had purchased shares under this plan and at that date either
held the certificates or were making monthly payments for them
on account. This is about 10 per cent. of the total number of
employees, so that the scheme has not failed to enlist
support. Indeed, it appears that in certain years, in 1907,
for instance, the allotments of stock to employees were
over-subscribed by 100 per cent. In May of this present year
it was announced that since the scheme went into effect
193,493 shares of preferred stock and 15,318 of common stock
had been sold to the employees at a total price of
$17,491,680. For 1909, the preferred was allotted at $110 per
share, and the common on the basis of $50 per share. Indeed,
one might opine that of late the attention of the lucky
employee-holders might have been concentrated more on the
ticker than on the steel hammer. Their paper profits have been
figured at over $6,000,000, and it is asserted that much of the
stock has been sold by the fortunate investors."
_New York Evening Post,
July 29, 1909._
{408}
A plan of profit-sharing with its employees similar to that of
the United States Steel Corporation was introduced by the
International Harvester Company, 1909, and by the Youngstown
Sheet and Tube Company at about the same time. The plan of the
former company was described very fully to the National Civic
Federation, at its tenth annual meeting in New York, November,
1909, by Mr. George W. Perkins, chairman of the finance
committee of the company. The result of the plan is "that a
man begins to buy a share of the company’s stock at a price
below the market value; he is allowed to pay for it in
instalments, paying 5 per cent. interest on deferred payments;
he is credited with 7 per cent. dividends on the preferred
stock and whatever dividends are declared on common stock. In
addition to this, he is credited with, respectively, $4 and $3
per share, each year, on the preferred and common stock, and
at the end of five years receives a further benefit by way of
a share in a fund made up of such $4 or $3 deposits as are
made by the company on account of those who do not continue
under the plan. It will be seen that this offers the men an
exceedingly satisfactory form of investment in the business in
which they are employed, and gives to the company the great
advantage of anchoring its organization to the business.
"The stock offered last summer was largely over subscribed,
and the company to-day has more than 4,300 employees as
stockholders."
LABOR REMUNERATION:
Wages Regulation by Law.
The English Trade Boards Bill.
To Suppress "Sweating" in certain Industries.
A Bill known as the Trade Boards Bill, which had passed the
House of Commons already, had its second reading in the House
of Lords, almost without opposition or serious criticism, on
the 20th of August, 1909. The second reading was moved by Lord
Hamilton of Dalzell, who said in doing so that "its object was
the establishment of a _minimum_ rate of wages in certain
sweated industries. The establishment by statute of a
_minimum_ rate of wages was, he supposed, a new
departure, but the regulation of the conditions of labour in
certain trades was by no means new, and ever since the passing
of the first Factory Act Parliament had from time to time
agreed to legislation having that object. Every one knew what
sweating was, and every one acknowledged it to be a great
evil. It was not a new thing, but the Government were of
opinion that the time had now come when the only practical
remedy should be applied. He understood that in Germany
legislation dealing with this subject was imminent. He
commended that fact to any one who might be afraid that by
legislation of this sort the trade of this country would be
driven abroad.
"As a matter of fact there was no reason to believe that any
trade would be killed by the Bill. He did not know of any
better proof of that than was found in the fact that almost
all connected with the trades mentioned in the schedule, both
masters and men, warmly supported the bill. He imagined that
there would be a levelling up process. Employers who had paid
fair wages would continue to do so; employers who would like
to pay fair wages but were afraid of having their prices cut
by the class below would now be able to do so, while the
genuine sweater would have to pay fair wages whether he liked
it or not. Girls living at home with their families and
married women who had no children were often willing to work
at considerably less than the market rate for the purpose of
earning a little pocket money, and it might be said that if
both parties were agreeable to this arrangement there was no
reason to interfere. Seeing, however, that these people
dragged down the level of wages and inflicted a serious injury
on those who had to carry on trade for their living, they were
included in the Bill. If their work was worth having, it must
be worth paying for. The trades selected for the purpose of
the Bill were certain parts of the tailoring trade, the paper
box making trade, certain parts of the common lace finishing
trade, and certain parts of the chain making trade. These were
all trades in which sweating was acknowledged to exist. The
Bill could be extended to other trades by a Provisional Order
Bill, and in this way the control of Parliament would be
maintained. The _minimum_ rate of wages in the specified
trades would be regulated by a Central Trade Board assisted by
local committees. Notice would be given when it was intended
to fix a minimum rate of wages, and there would be an interval
of three months to give those who desired to raise objections
an opportunity of being heard. During the intermediary period,
which would last six months, the rate of wages fixed by the
Board would not be compulsory. He admitted that the
establishment of a minimum rate of wages was a new principle.
In certain quarters it had been objected to as an undue
interference with freedom of contract, but the principle would
only be applied where the workpeople had shown themselves
incapable of any action for themselves. The conditions in
those extreme cases clearly called for legislative action, in
the interests of the community as well as of the workpeople
themselves."
Almost every speaker who discussed the Bill, Liberal and
Conservative alike, gave it cordial support.
LABOR REMUNERATION: Wages and Cost of Living:
Germany and England compared, 1908-1909.
Results of a statistical study of labor conditions in Germany,
compared with those in Great Britain, were published by the
British Government in the summer of 1908, and the showing
favors the British workingmen. As nearly as the different
housing of their class in the two countries can be compared,
the average of German rents is to rents in England as 123 to
100; while the cost of food to the Germans is to that of the
English as 115 to 100. On the side of necessary expenditure,
therefore, the wages of the German workman are drawn upon more
heavily than the Englishman’s by fifteen or twenty per cent.,
at the least. In other words, he would need to have higher
wages than the Englishman, by as much as fifteen or twenty per
cent., to put him on a footing of equality with the latter in
the circumstances of his living. Instead of which his wages
are lower by a number of points, the statistical ratio being
83 to 100 in the average of weekly wages, and 75 to 100 in the
average of hourly rates. But this does not end his
disadvantages, for he renders more hours of work, in the
measure of 111 to 100. Notwithstanding all which handicaps, it
is quite commonly conceded that the German workingman is
physically more vigorous than the English, as a rule, and
contrives, by more thriftiness in his living, to keep it on a
higher level. Which is an extraordinarily creditable fact.
{409}
That the German workman lives and labors under the conditions
produced by a high protective tariff, which is claimed to be
protective of high wages as well as high prices, while the
British workman’s conditions of life and labor are the product
of free trade in everything but a few tariff-taxed articles of
luxury, such as wines, tobacco, silks, jewels and the like,
are facts to be borne in mind when these comparisons are
considered.
The following is from a report by the British Consul-General
on the trade and commerce of the consular district of
Frankfort-on-the-Main for the year ending April 30, 1909.
"In last year’s report it was stated that the belief was
gaining ground that wages in Germany were not only approaching
those paid in the United Kingdom for the same class of work,
but in some cases even exceeded them. That the German workman
to-day lives better than he used to there can be little doubt.
The standard of life has been raised all round; the lowest
aspect and standard of years gone by no longer exists. Food
has improved, clothes have improved, Germany has become a rich
country without the lowest grades of poverty which exist
elsewhere. Wages have been increased in keeping with the
higher level. Yet I do not think that, generally speaking, the
German workman lives as well as the British workman."
After giving a table relating to savings bank deposits the
report says that while during 1900-1905 the number of deposit
books increased by 22.7 percent, and the total deposits by 44
per cent., during 1905-1907 they increased by only 7.95 and 10
per cent. respectively. This is considered to be attributable
to the increased cost of living, and also to the fact that
"with increasing wealth people are apt to become less
thrifty."
LABOR REMUNERATION: France, Germany, and England:
Workmen’s Living Expenses compared, 1909.
A British Board of Trade report on the conditions of
industrial life in France, published in May, 1909, summarizes
as follows, in a prefatory note, the conclusions drawn from
the mass of facts collected, as to the comparative cost of
living to workmen in France, Germany, and England: "As regards
rents, it appears that the French workman pays somewhat less
than the English workman for a corresponding amount of housing
accommodation, and therefore much less than the German
workman; but against this must be set the fact that his
housing accommodation is, as a rule, decidedly inferior in
quality. The difference between the rent-levels of the capital
and of the rest of the country is quite as marked in France as
in England or Germany.
"The range of town price-levels is not very wide in any one of
the three countries investigated, and in France, as in the
other two, the differences between one town and another in the
cost of living (so far as it relates to expenditure on food)
are, as a rule, by no means great. When the relative levels of
food-prices in the three countries are compared, so far as the
_data_ permit, it appears that the general ratio of
French prices to English prices for corresponding
commodities is the same as that of German prices.
"On the assumption which has been adopted for the purposes of
these international comparisons it follows that an English
workman, with an average family, who should go to France and
endeavour to maintain there his accustomed mode of living,
would find his expenditure on rent, food, and fuel
substantially increased—though not to so large an extent as
if he had gone to Germany. On the other hand, he would find
his wages to be lower than in the latter country and much
below the English level, in spite of longer hours.
"The results of the comparison are somewhat modified if we
take as its basis the foreign rather than the English mode of
living. A French workman living in England according to his
French standard would find a certain reduction in the cost of
food, but a rise in the cost of housing accommodation. On the
whole his expenses of living would be somewhat decreased, but
in a proportion by no means so great as that by which the
English workman would find his expenses increased on migration
to France."
LABOR REMUNERATION: United States: 1905-1906 compared with 1890.
Gains to Labor.
Bulletin No. 71 of the United States Bureau of Labor,
published in July, 1907, is devoted mainly to an elaborate
report on Wages and Hours of Labor in Manufacturing
Industries, 1890 to 1906, exhibiting "the average wages per
hour, the average hours of labor per week, and the number of
employees in both 1905 and 1906, in the leading wage-working
occupations of 4,034 establishments in the principal
manufacturing and mechanical industries of the United States."
The report does not cover salaried employees in any
industries. With it, in a separate article, the retail prices
of food in different parts of the country, 1890-1906, are
tabulated. A summary of deductions from the figures detailed
is submitted by way of preface to the tables and from this the
following is taken:
"In the year 1906 the average wages per hour in the principal
manufacturing and mechanical industries of the country were
4.5 per cent higher than in 1905, the regular hours of labor
per week were 0.5 per cent lower than in 1905, and the number
of employees in the establishments investigated was 7 per cent
greater than in 1905. The average full-time weekly earnings
per employee in 1906 were 3.9 per cent greater than in 1905.
"The variation in the purchasing power of wages may be
measured by using the retail prices of food, the expenditures
for which constitute nearly half of the expenditures for all
purposes in a workingman’s family. According to that article
[on prices] the retail prices of food, weighted according to
consumption in representative workingmen’s families, were 2.9
per cent higher in 1906 than in 1905. As the advance in wages
per hour from 1905 to 1906 was greater than the advance in the
retail prices of food, the purchasing power of an hour’s
wages, as measured by food, was greater in 1906 than in 1905.
{410}
In 1906 the purchasing power of an hour’s wages as expended
for food was 1.4 per cent greater than in 1905, and the
purchasing power of a full week’s wages was 1 per cent greater
in 1906 than in 1905, or, expressed in other words, an hour’s
wages in 1906 in the manufacturing and mechanical industries
in the United States would purchase 1.4 per cent more food
than an hour's wages in 1905, and a full week’s wages in 1906
would purchase 1 per cent more food than a full week’s wages
in 1905.
"As compared in each case with the average for the years from
1890 to 1899, the average wages per hour in 1906 were 24.2 per
cent higher, the number of employees in the establishments
investigated was 42.9 per cent greater, and the average hours
of labor per week were 4.6 per cent lower. The average
earnings per employee per full week in 1906 were 18.5 per cent
higher than the average earnings per full week during the ten
years from 1890 to 1899.
"The retail price of the principal articles of food, weighted
according to family consumption of the various articles, was
15.7 per cent higher in 1906 than the average price for the
ten years from 1890 to 1899. Compared with the average for the
same ten-year period, the purchasing power of an hour’s wages
in 1906 was 7.3 per cent greater, and of a full week’s wages
2.4 per cent greater, the increase in the purchasing power of
the full week’s wages being less than the increase in the
purchasing power of hourly wages, because of the reduction in
the hours of labor."
In 40 of the 41 industries covered by this report the greatest
increase of wages "was in the manufacture of cotton goods,
where the average wages per hour in 1906 were 11.2 per cent
higher than the average wages per hour in 1905. In the
manufacture of electrical apparatus and supplies there was an
increase in wages per hour of 10.1 per cent. In street and
sewer work done by contract the increase in wages per hour was
8.7 per cent; in iron and steel, Bessemer converting, 8.5 per
cent. and in the manufacture of cigars, 8.4 per cent. In the
manufacture of bar iron the increase in wages per hour was 6.9
per cent, and in the building trades 6.1 per cent. Briefly
stated, two industries show an increase in hourly wages of
more than 10 per cent., 7 industries an increase of 5 per cent
but less than 10 per cent., and 31 industries an increase of
less than 5 per cent. In one industry, paper and wood pulp,
there was a decrease of wages of 1.1 per cent. In the
industries as a whole, weighted according to importance, the
increase in wages was 4.5 per cent. …
"The per cent of change in hours of labor in 1906, as compared
with 1905, was not so great as the per cent of change in wages
per hour. In 5 industries there was a decrease of hours of 1
per cent or more, while in 25 industries there was a decrease
of less than 1 per cent. In 5 industries there was an increase
in hours of labor per week; in no instance, however, was the
increase more than 0.3 per cent. Five industries show no
change in hours of labor. The hours of labor were not reported
for slaughtering and meat packing, for the reason set forth in
footnote on page 58. The decrease in hours of labor in the
industries taken as a whole was 0.5 per cent.
"In 1906 there was an increase in the retail price of food,
weighted according to family consumption of 2.9 per cent as
compared with 1905, an increase of 3.6 per cent as compared
with 1904, an increase of 4.9 per cent as compared with 1903,
an increase of 4.3 per cent as compared with 1902, and an
increase of 10 per cent as compared with 1901. The retail
price of food was 21.2 per cent higher in 1906 than in 1896,
the year of lowest prices, and 15.7 per cent higher than the
average price for the ten years, 1890 to 1899."
----------LABOR REMUNERATION: End--------
LABOR TRAINING:
Technical and Industrial Education.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION.
LADRONES.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901-1902.
LAFAYETTE, Marquis de:
Representatives of the Family invited Guests
of the United States.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902 (MAY).
LA FOLLETTE, Robert Marion.
See (in this Volume)
WISCONSIN: A. D. 1900-1909; also,
PUBLIC UTILITIES, REGULATION OF.
LAGERLOF, Selma.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
LAKES-TO-THE-GULF DEEP WATERWAY.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.
LALLA R’KIA.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1903.
LAMA, The Dalai.
See (in this Volume)
TIBET.
LAMSDORFF, Count: Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.
LAND: In the United States:
Reclamation of Arid Lands.
Wasteful Culture.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.
LAND: The Small Holdings Act in Great Britain.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908.
LAND: Taxation proposed in the British Budget of 1909.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).
LAND LAWS, IRISH: THE WORKING OF THE SUCCESSIVE LAWS.
The Act of 1903.
See (in this Volume)
IRELAND: A. D. 1870-1903, 1905.
LAND LAWS, RUSSIAN: THE AGRARIAN LAW.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (APRIL).
LAND OFFICE FRAUDS.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.
LAND PURCHASE ACT, of 1909, IRISH.
See (in this Volume)
IRELAND: A. D. 1909.
LAND QUESTION, IN AUSTRALIA.
See (in this Volume)
IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: AUSTRALIA.
LAND, RUSSIAN CROWN: SALE TO PEASANTS OPENED.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.
LAND SYSTEM, OF NEW ZEALAND.
See (in this Volume)
NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1905.
LANDIS, Judge K. M.:
Judgment against the Standard Oil Company, imposing a Fine
of $29,000,000.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &C.:
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.
LANDLORDISM:
Overthrown Politically in Denmark.
See (in this Volume)
DENMARK: A. D. 1901.
LANGLEY, Samuel P.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.
{411}
LANSDOWNE, Henry Charles, Marquess of:
Secretary for Foreign Affairs.
Despatch explanatory of Agreements between England and France,
April, 1904.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).
On each of the Two Defensive Agreements with Japan.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1902, AND 1905 (AUGUST).
On the Budget of 1909.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).
LARRINAGA, Tulio:
Delegate to Third International Conference
of American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
LATHAM, Hubert.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION; RECENT: AERONAUTICS.
LATIN BIBLE, Revised Translation of.
See (in this Volume)
PAPACY: A. D. 1907-1909.
LAURIER, Sir Wilfred, Premier of Canada:
At Colonial Conference in London, 1902.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE.
At the Imperial Conference of 1907.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.
LAURIER MINISTRY:
Supported in the Canadian Elections, 1904.
See CANADA: A. D. 1904.
LAVERAN, Charles L. A.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
LAW AND ITS COURTS: England:
Institution of a Court of Criminal Appeal.
An important innovation in the administration of criminal law
was introduced in Great Britain by an Act of Parliament "to
Establish a Court of Criminal Appeal," approved August 28,
1907. In part, the enactment was as follows:
"1.
(1) There shall be a Court of Criminal Appeal, and the Lord
Chief Justice of England and eight judges of the King’s Bench
Division of the High Court, appointed for the purpose by the
Lord Chief Justice with the consent of the Lord Chancellor for
such period as he thinks desirable in each case, shall be
judges of that court.
"(2) For the purpose of hearing and determining appeals under
this Act, and for the purpose of any other proceedings under
this Act, the Court of Criminal Appeal shall be summoned in
accordance with directions given by the Lord Chief Justice of
England with the consent of the Lord Chancellor, and the court
shall be duly constituted if it consists of not less than
three judges and of an uneven number of judges.
"If the Lord Chief Justice so directs, the court may sit in
two or more divisions. The court shall sit in London except in
cases where the Lord Chief Justice gives special directions
that it shall sit at some other place. …
"3. A person convicted on indictment may appeal under this Act
to the Court of Criminal Appeal—
(_a_) against his conviction on any ground of appeal
which involves a question of law alone; and
(_b_) with the leave of the Court of Criminal Appeal
or upon the certificate of the Judge who tried him that it
is a fit case for appeal against his conviction on any
ground of appeal which involves a question of fact alone or
a question of mixed law and fact, or any other ground which
appears to the court to be a sufficient ground of appeal;
and
(_c_) with the leave of the Court of Criminal Appeal
against the sentence passed on his conviction, unless the
sentence is one fixed by law.
"4.
(1) The Court of Criminal Appeal on any such appeal against
conviction shall allow the appeal if they think that the
verdict of the jury should be set aside on the ground that it
is unreasonable or cannot be supported having regard to the
evidence, or that the judgment of the court before whom the
appellant was convicted should be set aside on the ground of a
wrong decision of any question of law or that on any ground
there was a miscarriage of justice, and in any other case
shall dismiss the appeal: Provided that the court may,
notwithstanding that they are of opinion that the point raised
in the appeal might be decided in favour of the appellant,
dismiss the appeal if they consider that no substantial
miscarriage of justice has actually occurred.
"(2) Subject to the special provisions of this Act, the Court
of Criminal Appeal shall, if they allow an appeal against
conviction, quash the conviction and direct a judgment and
verdict of acquittal to be entered.
"(3) On an appeal against sentence the Court of Criminal
Appeal shall, if they think that a different sentence should
have been passed, quash the sentence passed at the trial, and
pass such other sentence warranted in law by the verdict
(whether more or less severe) in substitution therefor as they
think ought to have been passed, and in any other case shall
dismiss the appeal.
"5.
(1) If it appears to the Court of Criminal Appeal that an
appellant, though not properly convicted on some count or part
of the indictment, has been properly convicted on some other
count or part of the indictment, the court may either affirm
the sentence passed on the appellant at the trial, or pass
such sentence in substitution therefor as they think proper,
and as may be warranted in law by the verdict on the count or
part of the indictment on which the court consider that the
appellant has been properly convicted.
"(2) Where an appellant has been convicted of an offence and
the jury could on the indictment have found him guilty of some
other offence, and on the finding of the jury it appears to
the Court of Criminal Appeal that the jury must have been
satisfied of facts which proved him guilty of that other
offence, the court may, instead of allowing or dismissing the
appeal, substitute for the verdict found by the jury a verdict
of guilty of that other offence, and pass such sentence in
substitution for the sentence passed at the trial as may be
warranted in law for that other offence, not being a sentence
of greater severity.
"(3) Where on the conviction of the appellant the jury have
found a special verdict, and the Court of Criminal Appeal
consider that a wrong conclusion has been arrived at by the
court before which the appellant has been convicted on the
effect of that verdict, the Court of Criminal Appeal may,
instead of allowing the appeal, order such conclusion to be
recorded as appears to the court to be in law required by the
verdict, and pass such sentence in substitution for the
sentence passed at the trial as may be warranted in law.
"(4) If on any appeal it appears to the Court of Criminal
Appeal that, although the appellant was guilty of the act or
omission charged against him, he was insane at the time the
act was done or omission made so as not to be responsible
according to law for his actions, the court may quash the
sentence passed at the trial and order the appellant to be
kept in custody as a criminal lunatic."
{412}
LAW AND ITS COURTS: France:
Reform of Judicial Procedure in Criminal Trials.
Criticism of French judicial procedure in criminal trials,
under the system which puts the duties of a prosecuting
attorney on the judge, was much sharpened in the autumn of
1909 by the attention drawn to a sensational murder trial at
Paris—the Steinheil case. The result was to impel the
Government to undertake measures of reform, beginning with the
appointment, November 20, of an extra-Parliamentary commission
to study the whole question of reform. Within a month after
the appointment of the commission one of its leading members,
in an article in the _Matin_, indicated the main points
of the recommendations which the commission was already
prepared to make. It would recommend that the authority of the
President of the Assize Court should remain intact, and that
the Judge should as heretofore continue to direct the jury and
preside over the whole process of the instruction or
preliminary inquiry. In the view of the Commission the Judge's
moral authority cannot but be augmented by the proposal to
relieve him of the duty of cross-examining a prisoner at the
bar. It would be recommended that in future a summary
statement of the case by the Public Prosecutor, or in a civil
suit by the plaintiff, should be followed by a presentation of
the defendant’s case on the part of counsel for the defence.
The jury would thus be made acquainted with the issue, and the
witnesses would then be called. Each witness would be liable
to cross-examination on behalf both of the defence and of the
prosecution, and the Judge, remaining aloof from the
discussion in his new rule as arbitrator, could not but gain
moral authority in a degree which would materially promote the
ends of even-handed justice.
A Bill on these lines was introduced by the Minister of
Justice in the following month.
LAW AND ITS COURTS: International:
Naval Prize Court, and proposed Judicial Arbitration Court.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).
LAW AND ITS COURTS: United States:
The Question of Injunctions in Labor Disputes.
The question of the issuance of writs of injunction by the
courts in connection with labor disputes came much into
discussion during the canvass preliminary to the American
presidential election of 1908, and was a prominent subject of
declaration in the platforms of the political parties.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908, APRIL-NOVEMBER).
Subsequently, President Taft, in his first annual message to
Congress, cited the pronouncement of the Republican party on
this question, and said: "I recommend that in compliance with
the promise thus made, appropriate legislation be adopted. The
ends of justice will best be met and the chief cause of
complaint against ill-considered injunctions without notice
will be removed by the enactment of a statute forbidding
hereafter the issuing of any injunction or restraining order,
whether temporary or permanent, by any Federal court, without
previous notice and a reasonable opportunity to be heard on
behalf of the parties to be enjoined; unless it shall appear
to the satisfaction of the court that the delay necessary to
give such notice and hearing would result in irreparable
injury to the complainant and unless also the court shall from
the evidence make a written finding, which shall be spread
upon the court minutes, that immediate and irreparable injury
is likely to ensue to the complainant, and shall define the
injury, state why it is irreparable, and shall also endorse on
the order issued the date and the hour of the issuance of the
order. Moreover, every such injunction or restraining order
issued without previous notice and opportunity by the
defendant to be heard should by force of the statute expire
and be of no effect after seven days from the issuance
thereof, or within any time less than that period which the
court may fix, unless within such seven days or such less
period, the injunction or order is extended or renewed after
previous notice and opportunity to be heard."
LAW AND ITS COURTS: National and State Legislation.
Need of Uniformity.
Movements to secure it.
Speaking in 1906 at a dinner of the Pennsylvania Society, the
Honorable Elihu Root, then United States Secretary of State,
addressed, in a few words, a very pregnant suggestion and
admonition to the lawmakers of the States in the American
Union. He spoke first of the strongly nationalized sentiment
of patriotism that has had its rapid growth of late in the
country, saying: "Our country as a whole, the noble and
beloved land of every citizen of every State, has become the
object of pride and devotion among all our people. North and
South, within the limits of the proud old colonial
commonwealths, through out that vast region where Burr once
dreamed of a separate empire dominating the valley of the
Mississippi, and upon the far distant shores of the Pacific:
and by the side of this strong and glowing loyalty to the
nation, sentiment for the separate States has become dim and
faint in comparison." Then he added, warningly: "There is but
one way in which the States of the Union can maintain their
power and authority under the conditions which are now before
us, and that way is by an awakening on the part of the States
to a realization of their own duties to the country at large.
Under the conditions which now exist, no State can live unto
itself alone and regulate its affairs with sole reference to
its own treasury, its own convenience, its own special
interests. Every State is bound to frame its legislation and
its administration with reference not only to its own social
affairs but with reference to the effect upon all its sister
States."
Quoting and affirming these remarks of the thoughtful
statesman, the _National Civic Federation Review_, of
July, 1909, says: "The plain truth is that the movement of
people and of merchandise goes on in our day without any
regard to State lines; and it is becoming increasingly clear
that unless the States will legislate with substantial
uniformity on a number of subjects the tendency toward
centralization and a corresponding increase of Federal power
cannot permanently be resisted."
In its preceding issue, of March, the _Review_ had made
the following announcement: "The National Civic Federation,
through its experience in holding national conferences on such
subjects as the trusts, taxation, immigration and election
reform—conferences to which the Governors of States sent
official representatives—has become impressed with the
necessity for a systematic national effort toward securing,
within reasonable limits, more uniform legislation in the
States of the Union.
{413}
"There are useful national organizations of farmers,
manufacturers, wage-earners, bankers, merchants, lawyers,
economists and other organizations which hold national
meetings for the discussion of affairs peculiar to their own
pursuits and callings. The Civic Federation, however, provides
a forum in its annual conference for representatives of all
these elements to discuss national problems in which they have
a common interest. Heretofore there has been no effort to
crystallize into State organizations this representative
membership for the accomplishment of concrete aims.
"A committee has been appointed to organize a Council of one
hundred representative men in each State. Mr. John Hays
Hammond has accepted the chairmanship of this committee, of
which the following are also members: Messrs. Alton B. Parker,
New York; Myron T. Herrick, Ohio; David R. Francis, Missouri;
Curtis Guild, Jr., Massachusetts; Nahum J. Bachelder, New
Hampshire; Edwin Warfield, Maryland; Herman Ridder, New York;
C. F. Brooker, Connecticut; Bruce Haldeman, Kentucky; Victor
Rosewater, Nebraska; Clark Howell, Georgia; P. I. Bonebrake,
Kansas; James Lynch, Indiana; Harry Pratt Judson, Illinois; A.
H. Revell, Illinois; John B. Lennon, Illinois; John H.
Holliday, Indiana, and Benjamin Ide Wheeler, California.
"The continued existence for eighteen years of the Annual
Conference of Commissioners on Uniform State Laws, created by
the different States at the instance of the American Bar
Association, shows that the State Executives and Legislatures
are fully alive to the importance of this subject. The
last-named organization has been instrumental in securing the
passage in thirty-five States of a uniform negotiable
instruments law, and is promoting other commercial measures,
including a uniform food law to conform to the national law.
"This necessity for uniform legislation is further illustrated
by the proceedings at the annual meetings of the National
Association of the State Attorneys General and of the State
Labor Commissioners, Insurance Commissioners, etc., etc."
Discussing the subject in the July issue of the _Review_,
President Amasa M. Eaton of the Commissioners on Uniform State
Laws, said: "The subject of uniform legislation is in the air
all over the United States. At the instance of the President,
a National Conference to secure the conservation of our
national resources has been held in Washington, and to carry
into effect the conclusions of this Conference there must
follow uniform State legislation. At the instance of Governor
Guild a conference of the Governors of the New England States,
with other delegates, met in Boston last fall on the subject
of forestry, shell fisheries and automobiles, all subjects
calling for uniform legislation. A similar conference of the
Governors of New York and the adjoining States has met in New
York, at the instance of Governor Hughes of New York, to
consider a uniform automobile law. A National Divorce
Congress, called by Governor Pennypacker by virtue of an act
of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, has framed a uniform
divorce law which has been indorsed by the Conference of
Commissioners on Uniform State Laws. In March a Conference on
Uniform Child Labor Laws in the Southern States was held in
New Orleans at the call of the Governor of Louisiana, at which
the Governors and Delegates of those States were present. The
result was the formation of a permanent organization, with the
Governor of Louisiana as Chairman, and the executive committee
of that organization is to draft a Uniform Child Labor Law and
to submit it to the legislatures of the several Southern
States.
"All these are but expressions of the deep-seated necessity
for uniform legislation that has existed ever since we
acquired our independence of Great Britain, intensified by the
requirements of a progressive civilization knitting us ever
more and more closely into union as a nation."
The whole movement was planned to receive effective
organization at a National Conference in Washington which the
National Civic Federation, after consultation with other
bodies, announced, in the summer of 1909, its intention to
call, for January 5-7, 1910. The Conference was held
accordingly, in conjunction with a meeting of the Governors of
States, which gave attention to the same subject.
LAW AND ITS COURTS:
President Taft’s Recommendations for Expediting Procedure.
The following is from President Taft’s first annual Message to
Congress, December, 1909:
"The deplorable delays in the administration of civil and
criminal law have received the attention of committees of the
American Bar Association and of many State Bar Associations,
as well as the considered thought of judges and jurists. In my
judgment, a change in judicial procedure, with a view to
reducing its expense to private litigants in civil cases and
facilitating the dispatch of business and final decision in
both civil and criminal cases, constitutes the greatest need
in our American institutions. I do not doubt for one moment
that much of the lawless violence and cruelty exhibited in
lynchings is directly due to the uncertainties and injustice
growing out of the delays in trials, judgments, and the
executions thereof by our courts. Of course, these remarks
apply quite as well to the administration of justice in State
courts as to that in Federal courts, and without making
invidious distinction, it is, perhaps, not too much to say
that, speaking generally, the defects are less in the Federal
courts than in the State courts. But they are very great in
the Federal courts. The expedition with which business is
disposed of both on the civil and the criminal side of English
courts, under modern rules of procedure, makes the delays in
our courts seem archaic and barbarous.
"The procedure in the Federal courts should furnish an example
for the State courts. I presume it is impossible, without an
amendment to the Constitution, to unite under one form of
action the proceedings at common law and proceedings in equity
in the Federal courts, but it is certainly not impossible by a
statute to simplify and make short and direct the procedure
both at law and in equity in those courts. It is not
impossible to cut down still more than it is cut down the
jurisdiction of the Supreme Court so as to confine it almost
wholly to statutory and constitutional questions. Under the
present statutes, the equity and admiralty procedure in the
Federal courts is under the control of the Supreme Court, but
in the pressure of business to which that court is subjected,
it is impossible to hope that a radical and proper reform of
the Federal equity procedure can be brought about.
{414}
I therefore recommend legislation providing for the
appointment by the President of a commission with authority to
examine the law and equity procedure of the Federal courts of
first instance, the law of appeals from those courts to the
courts of appeals and to the Supreme Court, and the costs
imposed in such procedure upon the private litigants and upon
the public treasury, and make recommendation with a view to
simplifying and expediting the procedure as far as possible,
and making it as inexpensive as may be to the litigant of
little means."
See (in this Volume),
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.
LEAGUE, ALL-INDIA MOSLEM.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1907 (DECEMBER).
LEAGUE OF LIBERATION.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.
LEAGUE OF UNION AND PROGRESS.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.
LECOT, Cardinal.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.
LEGARDA, BENITO.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.
LEGISLATION.
See (in this Volume)
LAW AND ITS COURTS.
LEGUIA, Augusto B.:
President of Peru.
See (in this Volume)
PERU: A. D. 1908-1909.
LENARD, PHILIPPE.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
LEO XIII.: Death.
See (in this Volume)
PAPACY: A. D. 1903 (JULY-AUGUST).
LEOPOLD II., KING OF BELGIUM:
His Administration of the Congo State.
See (in this Volume)
CONGO STATE.
LEOPOLD II., KING OF BELGIUM:
His death.
See (in this Volume)
BELGIUM: A. D. 1909 (DECEMBER).
LERROUX, Señor:
Socialist-Republican Leader in Spain.
See (in this Volume)
SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.
LÈSE MAJESTÉ:
Prosecutions in Germany.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1903 .
LETCHWORTH PARK.
See (in this Volume)
NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1907.
LEWIS, THOMAS L.:
President of the United Mine Workers of America.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.
LEWIS AND CLARK EXPOSITION.
See (in this Volume)
PORTLAND, OREGON.
LEWIS ESTATE, Evicted Tenants of the.
See (in this Volume)
IRELAND: A. D. 1907.
LHASA: A. D. 1904.
Reached by British Expedition under Colonel Younghusband.
See (in this Volume)
TIBET: A. D. 1902-1904.
LIAO-TUNG PENINSULA.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).
LIAO-YANG, Battle of.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).
LIAUTEY, General:
Operations in Morocco.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909, and 1909.
LIBERAL-CONSERVATIVE SEPARATIST PARTY.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904.
LIBERIA: A. D. 1904-1905.
Good Relations between Colonists and Natives.
Improved Prospects.
"When it was decided in the United States to found a home for
repatriated Africans, the prior experiment of Sierra Leone
turned attention toward the same coast, and in 1821 and at
subsequent dates settlements were effected, firstly at
Monrovia, and later on at Roberts Port, Grand Basa, Sino, and
Harper (Cape Palmas). Usually those who conducted the
enterprise went through the form of buying small plats of land
from local headmen or chiefs; but, as a rule, the promoters of
this movement did not trouble overmuch about the rights of the
‘bush niggers,’ as the indigenous natives were termed.
Consequently the first fifty years of the history of Liberia
were marked by constant struggles between the
American-Liberian invaders and the native blacks. During the
last ten years, however, there has been a marked advance in
good relations between the American settlers and their native
subjects, as many of them may fairly be called. The wise
policy of President Barclay has greatly promoted this good
feeling since 1904. He has been able to assemble at different
times at the capital chiefs or their representatives from
almost all parts of Liberia, even from the Mandingo districts
just beyond the limits of the coast belt. Therefore they have
no subject of disagreement. Curiously enough one example of
this mild rule of black by black is that the white man in
Liberia is everywhere received with great friendliness,
because he is not associated in the minds of the natives with
anything like conquest or oppression.
"How far the original experiment will succeed the next twenty
years will, perhaps, indicate. The negroes of American origin
who have settled in Liberia have not, as a general rule, been
able to stand the climate very much better than Europeans,
and, as a rule, they have not been able to rear large families
of children. Yet it seems to me as though Liberians of the new
generation born in the country are beginning to take hold, but
this is partly due to the increasing and I think very sensible
practice of intermarriage with women of the fine, vigorous,
indigenous races. Probably the future of Liberia will be a
negro state very like Sierra Leone in its development, with
English as its government language, and such English or
American institutions as may prove to be suited to an African
country, a coast belt inhabited by negroes professing
Christianity and wearing clothes of European cut, and a
hinterland of Mohammedans dressed in the picturesque and
wholly suitable costume worn at the present day by the
Mandingos and by most Mohammedan negroes between Senegal and
the White Nile."
_Sir Harry Johnston,
Liberia
(Annual Report, Smithsonian Institution, 1904-1905,
pages 254-255)._
LIBERIA: A. D. 1907-1909.
English, French, and American attention to Conditions
in the Republic.
"The policy of the Liberian Republic has caused anxiety for
some time past both to England and to France, the Powers whose
territory adjoins the Liberian boundary. Some two years ago
President Barclay came to Europe to discuss the situation with
the British and French Governments. As a result of this
exchange of views, Liberia appointed Europeans to her Customs
Department, secured a gunboat to patrol her coast-line, and
arranged for a frontier force. These measures were approved by
the British and French Governments and also by the American
Government, and their execution was facilitated by a loan
negotiated on behalf of Liberia by the Liberian Development
Company.
{415}
The growth of British interests in the Republic led the
Foreign Office to appoint a Consul-General at Monrovia, the
capital, in the person of Captain Braithwaite Wallis, formerly
acting district commissioner in Sierra Leone. So far as the
first part of the reform programme was concerned the
consequences have been eminently satisfactory. Liberia has
been able to pay off some of her debts, and her revenue has
increased."
_Correspondent London Times,
April 22, 1909._
While these movements were in progress, in June, 1908, three
commissioners from Liberia came to Washington asking for aid
in maintaining and administering its government. Probably in
course of this application, the American Ambassador in London,
Mr. Reid, addressed a note to the British Secretary of State
for Foreign Affairs, on the 29th of June, in which he wrote:
"We should be glad to have your views as to how the two
Governments could best co-operate at the present time towards
promoting the welfare of Liberia."
In his reply to this Sir Edward Grey said:
"As I had the honour to explain in March last to the United
States Charge d’Affaires, his Majesty’s Government have in any
measure they may be called upon to take in Liberia no designs
whatever upon the independence or integrity of the country,
and they do not intend to undertake any responsibility with
regard to it. The services of British officials have been lent
to the Liberians solely with a view to the better preservation
of order, more particularly in that part of Liberia which
marches with Sierra Leone, and improved administration.
"The French Government also, as your Excellency is doubtless
aware, takes a special interest in the affairs of the
Republic, and his Majesty’s Government have already assured
them that they would have no objection to the services of some
French officials being lent for the same objects as the
British officials. It is doubtful, therefore, whether there is
at the present time any scope for the co-operation of the
United States Government in the Customs or police, and if they
desire to render active assistance to the Liberian Government
they will perhaps prefer to direct their attention to other
branches of the administration which are as urgently in need
of reform.
"That reforms are required in one other branch at least his
Majesty’s Government have reason to know, for among the chief
difficulties which his Majesty’s Government experience in
regard to Liberia are the frequent complaints received from
British subjects as to the treatment they receive in the
Liberian Courts. If therefore the United States could see
their way to introducing reforms into the judiciary, either by
lending the services of an official to act as judicial advisor
or in some other manner, much good would in the opinion of his
Majesty’s Government be derived not only by the various
subjects of foreign nationalities resident in the country but
also by the Liberians themselves.
"While calling attention more specially to this one branch of
the administration, which has been a frequent source of
trouble, I need hardly add that his Majesty’s Government would
welcome the co-operation of the Government of the United
States with them in Liberia in any other manner which may
appear more suitable or more desirable on a consideration of
all the circumstances."
This and other information obtained by the State Department
led President Roosevelt, on the 18th of January, 1909, to ask
Congress for an appropriation of $20,000 to pay the expenses
of a commission to go to Liberia "to examine into the
situation, confer with the officers of the Liberian
government, and with the representatives of other governments
actually present in Monrovia, and report recommendations as to
the specific action on the part of the United States most apt
to render effective relief to the Republic of Liberia under
the present critical circumstances." The conclusion reached by
the State Department was that it "is quite clear that Liberia
is very much in need of assistance, that the United States can
help her substantially, and that it is our duty to help her."
The seriousness of the situation was set forth by Secretary
Root in a memorandum to the President. Between forty and fifty
thousand civilized negroes, for the most part descendants of
the original colonists from the United States, occupy a
territory comprising 43,000 square miles, in which there are
also over a million and a half members of uncivilized native
tribes. The civilized part of the population have been to a
great degree cut off from any intimate relation with the rest
of the civilized world for two-thirds of a century. They began
with little education, with no acquired skill in the art of
government, and they have had little opportunity to improve
through intercourse with other and more advanced communities.
They find it especially difficult to control the native
tribes, or to conduct their own government in accordance with
modern requirements.
The British colony of Sierra Leone to the north and the French
possessions closing in their hinterland to the east are almost
continuously complaining of the failure of Liberia to maintain
order upon the border. "Notwithstanding the very kindly
disposition on the part of Great Britain, and the similar
disposition on the part of France, there is imminent danger
that the republic, unless it receives outside assistance, will
not be able to maintain itself very long," said Secretary
Root.
The Commission to visit Liberia was appointed in the following
April, and was conveyed soon afterward to Monrovia by a
squadron of three cruiser scouts. It was composed of three
members, Mr. W. Morgan Shuster, who had been for a number of
years in the Philippine service of the United States, Dr.
George Sale, and Mr. Emmett J. Scott, private Secretary of Dr.
Booker Washington. These Commissioners were accompanied by
Captain Sydney A. Cloman, as Military Attache, and by Major
Percy W. Ashburn, of the United States Of America Medical
Department, who would study the sanitary conditions in
Liberia.
Early in October the Commission returned, but its report to
the State Department was not transmitted to Congress until the
25th of March, 1910. It recommended an extension of prompt and
effective aid to the Liberian Government, in the refunding of
its debt, the reform of its finances, the settlement of its
boundary disputes, and the organizing of a competent
constabulary force. Also that the United States establish in
Liberia a naval coaling station and a research station.
{416}
LICENSE LAWS.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM.
LIFE INSURANCE.
See (in this Volume)
INSURANCE.
LILIENTHAL, Otto.
See (in this Volume)
Science and Invention: Aeronautics.
LIMA, WENCESLAO DE.
See (in this Volume)
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.
LINCOLN, ABRAHAM.
February 12, 1909, the 100th anniversary of his birth, was
made a legal holiday by act of Congress. The same bill
appropriated $50,000 for making a highway from Washington to
Gettysburg, to be known as the Lincoln Way.
LINDSEY, JUDGE BEN D.:
His Juvenile Court at Denver.
See (in this Volume)
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW; AS OFFENDERS.
LINEVITCH, General.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (SEPTEMBER-MARCH).
LIPPMAN, GABRIEL.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
LIQUOR QUESTION.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM.
LLOYD-GEORGE, David:
President of the Board of Trade.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.
LLOYD-GEORGE, David:
Address at the Imperial Conference of 1907
on Preferential Trade.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.
LLOYD-GEORGE, David:
Success in arranging for the Pacific Settlement
of Labor Disputes in the English Railway Service.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.
LLOYD-GEORGE, David:
Chancellor of the Exchequer.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (APRIL).
LLOYD-GEORGE, David:
On the Working of the Old Age Pensions Act and
its Disclosures of Poverty.
See (in this Volume)
POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: PENSIONS.
LLOYD-GEORGE, David:
On the Development of the Natural Resources of Great Britain.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: GREAT BRITAIN.
LLOYD-GEORGE, David:
His Budget of 1909.
His speech on it.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).
LOCAL OPTION:
Progress in the United States.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM: UNITED STATES.
LOCKOUTS.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION.
LODGE, SIR OLIVER.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.
LODZ, Disturbances in.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.
LOEB, WILLIAM, JR.:
Collector of Customs at New York.
His unearthing of Corruptions.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).
LOISY, ABBÉ:
Appointment to be Professor of the History of Religions
in the College de France.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).
LONDON, ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.
Control of the London County Council lost by the Progressives.
Defeat in Borough Councils Elections of 1909.
The local party of Progressives, so called, who had controlled
the London County Council since 1889, lost their majority in
the elections of the spring of 1907, and the Conservatives, or
Moderates, or Reformers, as they are variedly styled, were
brought into power, electing 120 members, against 85. The
Progressives, in their eighteen years of ascendancy, had
wrought immense changes in the great city, widening congested
streets, such as the Strand, opening great new thoroughfares
and new parks, electrifying the street railways, remodelling
antiquated public institutions, and the like. The cost of
their works had been heavy, and ratepayers had become
persuaded that there was extravagance in the progressiveness
of the party. It had antagonized many powerful interests in
the city, moreover, and the wonder seems to be that it had
been permitted to conduct the City Government so long.
Again, in elections to the borough councils, in 1909, the
Progressives lost heavily, and the Conservatives, who have
taken the name of Municipal Reformers, are strongly entrenched
in most of the boroughs. Several women were elected, 61 of
their sex having been candidates.
LONDON, ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.
Statistics of Elementary Schools.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
LONDON, ENGLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.
International Naval Conference.
See (in this Volume)
War, The Revolt against: A. D. 1907
(appended to account of Second Peace Conference at The Hague).
LONG, John D.:
Secretary of the Navy.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.
LOPUKHIN, M.:
His exposure of the Police Spy, Azeff,
to the Russian Revolutionists.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-JULY).
LORDS, British House of:
Decision in case of the Free Church of Scotland.
See (in this Volume)
SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904.
LORDS, British House of:
Defeat of Education Bill, 1906.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1906.
LORDS, British House of:
Menaced Limitation of its Legislative Powers
by the House of Commons.
Its own proposals of Constitutional Change.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (APRIL-DECEMBER); 1907-1908;
1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER), and 1910.
LORDS, British House of:
Rejection of Licensing Bill.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.
LORDS, British House of:
Rejection of Budget of 1909.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).
LORENTZ, HENRIK ANTON.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA:
Recent Rapid Growth of the City.
"The advance of this city to the important position of
metropolis of Southern California falls into two quite
distinct periods, each, however, beginning with the advent of
a transcontinental railroad. The first period opened with the
completion of the Southern Pacific Railroad as a through line
from San Francisco to the East, in 1881, and saw the
transformation of Los Angeles from a sleepy, half-Spanish town
of about 12,000 souls into a bustling progressive city of
70,000 population. The second period of advance began with the
entrance of the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railroad in
1885. This improved communication with the States east of the
Rocky Mountains gave an impetus to tourist travel, especially
in the winter season, and the fame of the city and of near-by
localities as places of winter resort spread far and wide. The
people of Los Angeles were quick to recognize the opportunity
for gain and the whole community joined in methods of
advertising of the most systematic character. By the aid of
its local press and through the agency of an energetic Chamber
of Commerce Los Angeles has become one of the best known
cities of North America.
{417}
"Since 1900, railroad communication has been further improved
by the opening of an additional road to San Francisco by way
of the ocean shore and the Salinas and Santa Clara Valleys.
This line, known as the Southern Pacific ‘Coast Line,’ avoids
the heavy grades of the Tehachapi Mountains and greatly
shortens the running time between Los Angeles and San
Francisco. The opening of the San Pedro, Los Angeles and Salt
Lake Railroad eastward of Los Angeles in 1903 gave the city
direct connection with the central Rocky Mountain region.
"Two other important influences within the past decade
contributed to the city’s remarkable advance in wealth and
population. These are the building of a vast system of
suburban electric railways making a large region of fertile
attractive land, now densely populated, directly tributary to
Los Angeles, and secondly, the introduction of cheap fuel
through the discovery of local supplies of oil. The net-work
of suburban electric railways of which Los Angeles is the
center is one of the most perfect in the world. These lines
reach out in every direction through distances of from 10 to
50 miles, and connect Los Angeles with the many rapidly
growing cities of Los Angeles County and its neighbor, Orange
County.
"Manufacturing in Los Angeles was for a long time handicapped
by the high cost of fuel. This difficulty has been removed by
the introduction of crude oil as fuel, and the city now has
over 1500 manufacturing establishments, employing over 12,000
people, with an annual output of over $40,000,000. These
include rolling mills, brass-works, paper-box factories,
manufactories of mining machinery, pumps, glass, etc. Los
Angeles is becoming a manufacturing center for the mining and
agricultural lands of Utah, Southern Nevada, Arizona, New
Mexico and the Northern parts of Mexico, as well as Southern
California itself.
"The steady expansion of Los Angeles has been maintained by a
policy of annexation of suburbs. The latest event in this line
of growth has elevated the city into the rank of a sea-port.
The city has long enjoyed abundant means of ocean traffic by
way of Santa Monica, Redondo and San Pedro, but by the
annexation of San Pedro and Wilmington, in 1906, with a
connecting strip of territory 19 miles long by ½ mile in
width, Los Angeles itself becomes a sea-port with the control
of traffic on San Pedro Bay. The city thus achieves an extreme
length from north to south of 33 miles."
_Frederick H. Clark, Head of History Department,
Lowell High School, San Francisco._
LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA:
Experiments and Experiences in Municipal Government.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1905-1909.
Water Supply.
The Owens River Aqueduct.
"The present water supply of the city of Los Angeles is taken
from the flow of the Los Angeles River, supplemented by the
underground flow of the San Fernando Valley in which the river
lies. The demand for water within the city is supplemented by
the need for water for irrigation purposes in the surrounding
country. Some years ago it became evident that an increased
supply must be obtained, or the further development of the
city and its environs be brought to a standstill. Extensive
investigations resulted in the decision that Owens River
offered the best source of supply. This river, the principal
drainage of the Owens Valley region, at the base of the Sierra
Nevada Mountains, has a large number of tributaries, and
empties into Owens Lake, from which the waters escape by
evaporation only. The Los Angeles authorities adopted the plan
of an aqueduct to conduct the waters of this river along the
mountain slopes, over the Mojave Desert, and, by tunnel,
through the San Fernando Mountains, to their city,--a total
distance of 217½ miles. On the 7th of September, 1905, an
election was held at which the voters of Los Angeles, by a
majority of about fourteen to one, declared in favor of a bond
issue of $23,000,000 for the undertaking. Besides the
construction of the conduit, the project includes the building
of a large reservoir in Long Valley, above the Owens Valley
proper, for the storage of flood waters; also the construction
of a system of additional reservoirs along the line of the
aqueduct for the regulation of flow as well as for storage;
and a terminal reservoir from which the distributing system
proceeds. All of this work is well under way at this date
(1909), and according to the last published report of the
Aqueduct Bureau the chief engineer confidently expects that
this great project will be brought to completion within the
estimated period of five years--and within the estimated cost
of $23,000,000.
"Outside of the above estimates, the City also plans to build
a great electric power plant which will utilize the drop of
1500 feet where the aqueduct emerges from the San Fernando
Mountains. This plant is estimated to cost from $4,500,000 to
$5,000,000, and through the sale of electric power will become
the source of very considerable revenue to the City. Taken
altogether this Owens River Aqueduct is the greatest municipal
undertaking in California at the present time, and one of the
most important engineering achievements of recent years."
_Frederick H. Clark, Head of History Department,
Lowell High School, San Francisco._
LOUBET, Emile:
President of France.
See (in Volume VI.)
FRANCE: A. D. 1899 (FEBRUARY-JUNE).
LOUBET, Emile:
Visit to the King of Italy.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.
LOUBET, Emile:
Expiration of term as President of the French Republic.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1906.
LOUISIANA: A. D. 1908.
Enactment against Race-track Gambling.
See (in this Volume)
GAMBLING.
LOUISIANA PURCHASE EXPOSITION.
See (in this Volume)
ST. LOUIS: A. D. 1904.
LOW, Seth:
Mayor of New York.
See (in this Volume)
NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1901-1903.
LOWELL, ABBOTT LAWRENCE:
President of Harvard University.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.
LOWTHER, JAMES WILLIAM:
Elected Speaker of the House of Commons.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (JUNE).
LUBIN, DAVID:
Originator of International Institute of Agriculture.
See (in this Volume)
AGRICULTURE.
{418}
LUIZ FELIPE, CROWN PRINCE OF PORTUGAL:
His assassination.
See (in this Volume)
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.
"LUSITANIA,"
The Turbine Steamship.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: TURBINE ENGINE.
LUZURIAGA, JOSÉ.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.
M.
McADOO, WILLIAM GIBBS.
See (in this Volume)
NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900-1909.
McANENY, GEORGE:
President of the Borough of Manhattan.
See (in this Volume)
NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1909.
McCALL, JOHN A.:
President of New York Life Insurance Company.
See (in this Volume)
INSURANCE, LIFE.
McCLELLAN, GEORGE B.:
Mayor of New York.
See (in this Volume)
NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1901-1903, and 1905.
McCURDY, RICHARD A.:
President of Mutual Life Insurance Company.
See (in this Volume)
INSURANCE, LIFE.
MACDONALD COLLEGE, The Founding of.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: CANADA: A. D. 1907.
MACEDONIA:
The recent use of the Name.
As employed very commonly at the present time, the name
Macedonia simply signifies that part of the small remainder of
the Turkish Empire in Europe which coincides nearly with the
original Macedonia of ancient history. It is applied to the
three Turkish vilayets or provinces of Salonika, Monastir and
Kossovo, which have been the scene for years of conditions of
strife and misery that are worse, perhaps, than can be found
elsewhere in the world. Whether the wretched inhabitants have
suffered more from their political masters, the Turks, than
from their Bulgarian and Greek neighbors, who covet the ground
they occupy, seems to be much of a question. For some account
of the Macedonian troubles of late years.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY.
MCKENNA, REGINALD: First Lord of the British Admiralty.
Speech on the Navy Estimates, 1909.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.
MACKENZIE BASIN, Report on the.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1909.
MCKINLEY, WILLIAM:
President of the United States.
His assassination.
See (in this Volume)
BUFFALO: A. D. 1901, and
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901 (SEPTEMBER).
MCKINLEY, WILLIAM:
Last public utterance.
See (in this Volume)
TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.
MACLAURIN, RICHARD C.:
President of Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.
MACLEAN, Kaid Sir Harry:
Capture by Raisuli and ransom.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.
MACVEAGH, FRANKLIN:
Secretary of the Treasury.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).
MACVEAGH, FRANKLIN:
On the corruptions in the United States Customs Service.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).
MADAGASCAR:
Agreement of England and France concerning matters in.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).
MADRIZ, Dr.: President of Nicaragua.
See (in this Volume)
CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909.
MAGHRABI, AMINA HAFIZ.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: EGYPT.
MAGHREB EL-AKSA.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO.
MAGOON, CHARLES E.:
Governor of the Panama Canal Zone.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH: PANAMA CANAL.
MAGOON, CHARLES E.:
Provisional Governor of Cuba.
See (in this Volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST-OCTOBER), and 1906-1909.
MAHDI, THE MOORISH: BU HAMARA.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1903-1904.
MAHDI, A New:
His summary destruction.
See (in this Volume)
AFRICA: A. D. 1903 (SUDAN).
MAHMUD SHEVKET PASHA:
Commander of the Turkish Constitutional Forces.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).
MAHOMET and MAHOMETAN.
See (in this Volume)
MOHAMMED and MOHAMMEDAN.
MAKAROFF, Admiral.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).
MALARIA.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH: MALARIA.
MALAY PENINSULA: A. D. 1909.
Cession of Three States to Great Britain.
See (in this Volume)
SIAM: A. D. 1909.
MANCHURIA: A. D. 1901-1904.
Persistent occupation by the Russians.
Remonstrances by the Japanese.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1901.
MANCHURIA: A. D. 1903.
Treaty opening two new Ports to Foreign Trade.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1903 (MAY-OCTOBER).
MANCHURIA: A. D. 1904.
The Russo-Japanese War.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and after.
MANCHURIA: A. D. 1905.
Treaty between China and Japan.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1905 (DECEMBER).
MANCHURIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
The question of Municipalities on the line of the Chinese
Eastern Railway.
New Russo-Chinese Agreement.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1909 (MAY).
MANICKTOLLAH GARDEN, The.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908.
MANIKALAND.
See (in this Volume)
AFRICA.
MANILLA: A. D. 1900-1902.
The Stamping Out of the Bubonic Plague.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH.
MANITOBA: A. D. 1901-1902.
Census.
Increased Representation in Parliament.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.
MANNESMANN CONCESSION, The.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.
MANUEL II.: King of Portugal.
See (in this Volume)
PORTUGAL.
MARCONI, Guglielmo.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.
See, also,
NOBEL PRIZES.
MARISCAL, Ignacio:
Honorary President of Second International Conference of
American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
MARRAKESH (Morocco City), Events at.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.
{419}
MARRIAGE WITH A DECEASED WIFE’S SISTER:
English Act to legalize it.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).
MARSEILLES: A. D. 1902.
Strikes of Dock Laborers, Sailors, and Stokers.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1902.
MARTENS, Frederick de.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
MARTINIQUE:
Volcanic Explosion of Mont Pelée.
See (in this Volume)
VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS: WEST INDIES.
MARYLAND: A. D. 1909.
Defeat of Disfranchising Amendment to the Constitution.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE; UNITED STATES.
MASCHINE, Colonel:
Leader of the Assassins of King Alexander, at Belgrade.
See (in this Volume)
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.
MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1909.
Seeking a Leader for an Educational Revolution.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.
MASSACRES:
In Asia Minor.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).
MASSACRES:
Of "Bloody Sunday" in St. Petersburg.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.
MASSACRES:
Of Jews at Kishineff.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1903 (APRIL).
MATOS, Manuel A.
See (in this Volume)
VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.
MATSUKATA, Count.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (JUNE).
MATTER, New Theory of.
(See in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: PHYSICAL.
MAURA, Señor:
Prime Minister of Spain.
See (in this Volume)
SPAIN: A. D. 1901-1904, and 1907-1909.
"MAURETANIA,"
The Turbine Steamship.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: TURBINE ENGINE.
MAURETANIE, French.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.
MAY LAWS, The.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: PRUSSIA: A. D. 1904.
MECCA:
Railway from Damascus.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS (TURKEY, ASIATIC: A. D. 1908).
MEDJLISS
MEJLIS:
The Persian Parliament or National Assembly.
See (in this Volume)
CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA.
Also
PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.
MELILLA:
Spanish hostilities with Moors.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.
MENDEL, GREGOR, and his Law of Variation in Species.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION: BIOLOGICAL.
MENELEK:
Emperor of Ethiopia.
See (in this Volume)
ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.
MERRY DEL VAL, CARDINAL.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.
MERSINA:
Moslem attack on Armenians.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).
MESSINA:
Its destruction by Earthquake.
See (in this Volume)
EARTHQUAKES: ITALY.
METCALF, VICTOR H.:
Secretary of Commerce and Labor, and Secretary of the Navy.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909.
METCHNIKOFF, PROFESSOR ELIE.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: OPSONINS.
See, also,
NOBEL PRIZES.
MEXICO: A. D. 1901-1902.
Invitation and entertainment of Second International
Conference of American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
MEXICO: A. D. 1902 (May).
Arbitration of the Pious Fund Question, between
the United States and Mexico.
From 1868 until 1902 a claim of the United States against
Mexico had been in dispute. It related to the right of the
Catholic missions in that part of old California which now
forms the American State of California to a portion of the
income from a certain fund which pious people of Spain and
Mexico, more than two centuries ago, had established for the
support of Catholic missions among the California Indians. In
1767 the Jesuits who held the fund were driven from the
country and the Spanish Government assumed the trust, which in
turn devolved on Mexico when that colony acquired
independence. When upper California was ceded to this country
Mexico ceased to pay to the missions there the portion of the
income due them. Their claim was finally taken up by the
American Government, to be pressed against, the Mexican, and,
after years of diplomatic controversy, was referred, May 22d,
1902, to the Hague Tribunal for arbitration. This has the
distinction of being the first controversy submitted to that
permanent tribunal. The decision of the Tribunal was rendered
on the 14th of October, 1902, in favor of the California
claim, requiring Mexico to pay $1,420,682 (Mexican currency)
of past dues, and $43,051 annually thereafter.
MEXICO: A. D. 1903.
New Legislative Palace, and other Government Buildings.
"The cities and towns of Mexico are improving at a surprising
rate, and the capital city especially is just now in the midst
of the greatest building boom that has ever, perhaps, been
known in any Latin-American city except Buenos Ayres. The
interesting monthly publication entitled Modern Mexico informs
us that the federal government alone is entering upon an
investment approximating $50,000,000 in new buildings in the
City of Mexico.
"The greatest of these buildings is the so-called Legislative
Palace, corresponding to our Capitol building at Washington.
The foundations of this building are now being laid, and it
will cost, perhaps, $20,000,000. The City of Mexico has
adopted the wise European plan of carefully regulating the
height of new buildings, and preventing the construction of
anything that would be inartistic or out of keeping with the
harmony of the city’s architecture. Next to the Legislative
Palace, perhaps the most imposing of the new Mexican buildings
will be the National Pantheon, which is to cost more than
$5,000,000, and is to be at once a memorial to Mexico’s
eminent men and a place for their entombment. Several of the
executive departments are to be housed in the buildings now
approaching completion."
_American Review of Reviews,
October, 1903._
MEXICO: A. D. 1903.
Agreement for Settlement of Claims against Venezuela.
See (in this Volume)
VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.
{420}
MEXICO: A. D. 1904-1905.
Arbitration Treaty with the United States.
Reelection of President Diaz for a Seventh Term.
Extension of the Term.
Currency Reform.
End of the Free Zone.
"Mexico was one of the countries with which the United States
government negotiated an arbitration treaty early in the year
[1905], a treaty which was dropped, like its fellows, by the
Washington administration, because of the Senate amendments. …
Though the tentative arbitration treaty between the United
States and Mexico … fell through, another very practical and
useful arbitration convention was concluded between the two
nations during the year. This was the convention agreed to in
principle during the Pan-American Conference in the city of
Mexico in the winter of 1901-1902, which provides for the
settlement by arbitration of all international questions
growing out of pecuniary claims. The representatives of
several of the nations taking part in that conference affixed
their signatures to this preliminary compact, and it has since
become operative among a number of them. It was ratified by
the Mexican Senate during its spring sessions. As pecuniary
claims have in point of fact been one of the most fruitful
sources of difficulty between the United States and the other
nations of the western hemisphere, the conclusion of an
agreement, in a binding form, to dispose by arbitration of any
such cases as may arise in the future, is a distinct gain for
the cause of the rational adjustment of international
controversies, and is a guarantee, not indeed absolute, but
most substantial, of lasting peace among the nations of this
continent. …
"There were no striking developments in the political
situation in Mexico. On December 1 of the previous year (1904)
President Diaz had entered on his sixth consecutive term and
his seventh term in all. By a constitutional amendment, a
regular vice-president of the republic, for the first time
since the early days of Mexico’s history, took the oath of
office at the same time as the president, on December 1, 1904.
The gentleman previously elected, and now occupying the
position of vice-president, is the Honorable Ramon Corral,
formerly governor of the state of Sonora. By virtue of another
constitutional amendment, the present and future presidential
terms will be six years, instead of four as formerly. …
"A measure of vital importance to the economic well-being of
the nation was promulgated on March 25, 1905. This was the
decree for the reform of the currency, issued by the Executive
under an enabling Act of Congress, approved on December 9,
1904. The new monetary system, due to the initiative of the
very able finance minister Señor José Yves Limantour, went
into effect on the first of May, but the free coinage of
silver ceased on April 16. Broadly speaking, the new system
gives Mexico a fifty-cent dollar. It declares that the
theoretical unit of the monetary system of the United Mexican
States is represented by seventy-five centigrams of pure gold,
and is denominated a peso. …
"On July 1 that time-honored institution known as the Free
Zone ceased to exist."
_F. R. Guernsey,
The Year in Mexico
(Atlantic Monthly, February, 1906)._
MEXICO: A. D. 1906.
Celebration of the Centenary of Benito Juarez.
His relation to the Secularizing Movement a generation ago.
Present Pacific Relations between Church and State.
"Though Juarez is generally credited with the paternity of the
laws generically known as the Reform Laws, and although he
undoubtedly was the life and soul of the secularizing movement
of his day, it is worthy of note that he had no formal
participation in the chief measures framed against the Church.
… He was not a signatory of the Constitution of 1857, which
first attacked the existence of the religious orders; the law
for the confiscation of church property was framed by Miguel
Lerdo de Tejada, the Finance Minister of President Comoufort
(1856); and the constitutional amendments which definitely
established the separation of Church and State, instituted
civil marriage, placed monastic communities outside the pale
of the law, and forbade open-air religious services, were not
enacted until 1873 and 1874, after the death of Juarez, and
during the presidency of Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada.
"March 21, 1906, was, by a decree of Congress, observed as a
general holiday in Mexico. Pilgrimages to the tomb of Juarez
took place in the morning; commemorative tablets were unveiled
in the afternoon, and at night General Diaz, surrounded by his
cabinet, presided in the Arbeu Theatre at an apotheosis of
Juarez, during which the career and character of the reforming
president were extolled in an eloquent oration by Honorable
Justo Sierra, Minister of Public Instruction. On the stage
with the President during these exercises were the son and
other surviving descendants of Juarez, who are numerous.
"Curiously enough, a question involving the interpretation of
the Reform Laws arose soon after the celebration of the Juarez
centenary. The ministers of all denominations in Mexico had
been accustomed to conduct a service at the graveside in
connection with the burial of the dead. It was generally held
that this practice did not conflict with Article 5 of the Law
of December 14, 1874, forbidding all forms of religious
service other than those held inside the churches. But in May,
1906, the Interior Department issued a circular declaring
open-air burial services conducted in the cemeteries to be
illegal. This rule has led to the erection of mortuary chapels
in the cemeteries which previously were unprovided with them,
and the burial services are held inside these chapels.
"While this episode shows that there is no intention on the
part of the governmental authorities of Mexico to relax one
iota of the laws which curtailed the power of the Church, it
is worthy of note that there is no serious religious conflict
in Mexico at the present time; and, under laws which are
probably as restrictive as those recently enacted in France,
which have so agitated that country, Church and State in the
Mexican Republic move smoothly in their separate orbits, with
conciliatory if not cordial sentiments toward each other."
_F. R. Guernsey,
The Year in Mexico
(Atlantic Monthly, March, 1907)._
MEXICO: A. D. 1906.
Joint Action with the United States
in Central American Mediation.
See (in this Volume)
CENTRAL AMERICA.
{421}
MEXICO: A. D. 1906.
Participation in Third International Conference
of American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
MEXICO: A. D. 1906.
Nationalizing the Railway System.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: MEXICO.
MEXICO: A. D. 1909.
Extended Governmental Control of Railways.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: MEXICO.
MEXICO: A. D. 1909.
The Last Year of the Sixth Consecutive Term of Porfirio Diaz
in the Presidency.
His long practical Autocracy, and its effects on the Nation.
A Mexican View.
Since Napoleon remodeled a French republic into an empire
there has been nothing of its kind in political workmanship to
equal the masterpiece of practical autocracy which Porfirio
Diaz has erected in Mexico, on a basis of nominal democracy,
within the last 30 years. He has not throned or crowned
himself, as Napoleon did, which saves his work from the
vulgarity that the Corsican could not resist; but he has
exercised more than the sovereignty that imperial seats and
trappings could invest him with.
On the 1st of December, 1909, Diaz entered the last year of
his sixth consecutive term in the presidency—his seventh term
in all—the previous term of four years having now been
lengthened to six. Since 1884 he has held the reins of
Government by what seems to have become sheer mastery,
whatever of free popular election there may have been at the
outset of his official career. If internal and external peace,
general good order, rapid progress on all lines of material
advancement, great gains in public education and a general
uplift of the country in its standing before the world were
sufficient fruits of his government to test its quality by,
then Mexico might well be satisfied with it and with him; for
the beneficence of his autocracy on this side of its working
appears to be beyond dispute. But Mexico appears to have begun
to feel the cost in public character and spirit which
paternalized government must always exact for the superficial
benefits it bestows, and the country is said to be filled with
more than discontent.
A notable Mexican writer, Rafael de Zayes Enriquez, who is
described as a lifelong friend and supporter of Diaz, has been
bold enough to give voice to the existing feeling in a recent
book. The long administration of the masterful president is
recounted and studied with honest friendliness, for the open
purpose of addressing plain truths to the man whose life and
work are discussed. "You have disarmed the judiciary and the
Legislature," he is told, "until they are impotent, and in
reality nothing more than branches of the executive."
"Imitating the high example, almost everyone in Mexico who has
any power abuses it, and the cowed public submits." "Everyone
is permitted to despise the public and to treat it
tyrannically." And the honest friend who thus commands the
attention of Diaz to the evil workings of his dictatorship,
appeals for the ending of it—for the restoration of a
nullified constitution, for free elections, for independent
legislatures and courts; for the averting of otherwise
inevitable storms of revolution, and for the saving of himself
from a verdict of history, that "he created a nation, but
destroyed a people."
On the other hand there are foreign observers in Mexico who
believe that Diaz holds the peace and prosperity of the
country in his hand. A Press correspondent wrote not long
since: "He, Diaz, alone saved us from a disastrous panic last
fall, the effects of which would have reached beyond our
boundaries. The Government compelled the Banco Nacional to
advance ready money to every institution that was in need and
intrinsically sound. The bank was likewise compelled to sell
exchange at a loss, so that the failure to keep silver at a
parity was less apparent. The Government stood this loss.
About January first one of the largest mercantile houses in
Mexico, with many branches, was in serious difficulty. Its
chief went straight to President Diaz, and said that he must
have a million dollars or fail. Recognizing that the failure
of this house would precipitate a panic, the Government let
him have the money. … In my opinion, the most serious menace
to the prosperity of Mexico is the fear that President Diaz is
not as strong physically as is popularly believed. … The least
of the evils which might come from his death, should it occur
soon, would be increase in business stagnation and in popular
unrest. Many politicians seem ready to avail themselves of the
present wide-spread dislike of foreigners. The ferment of
anti-foreign leaven is working among the masses."
Whatever may be the kind and quality of the domination he has
exercised for twenty-five years, Mexico must inevitably be put
to a crucial test when he drops the helm of state.
MEXICO: A. D. 1909.
Meeting of President Diaz with President Taft.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER).
MEXICO: A. D. 1909 (FEBRUARY).
Participation in a North American Conference on the
Conservation of Natural Resources.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: NORTH AMERICA.
MEYER, GEORGE VON L.:
Postmaster-General.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1909; SECRETARY OF THE NAVY.
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).
MICHELSEN, PROFESSOR ALBERT A.:
Inventor of the Interferometer.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT.
See, also,
NOBEL PRIZES.
MICHELSEN, M.:
Premier of Norway.
See (in this Volume)
NORWAY: A. D. 1902-1905.
MICHIGAN: A. D. 1909.
Legislation giving Home Rule to Cities.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: MICHIGAN.
MIDHAT PASHA.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).
MIGNOT, Bishop.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.
MIGUEL, Dom:
Pretender to the Crown of Portugal.
See (in this Volume)
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1909.
MIGUELISTAS.
See (in this Volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1906-1909.
MILIOUKOV, PROFESSOR PAUL.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.
MILLERAND, M.:
Minister of Public Works, Posts, and Telegraphs
in the Briand Cabinet.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (JULY).
MILNER, Alfred, Lord:
In South Africa.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902, and after.
MILWAUKEE REFRIGERATOR TRANSIT CASE.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.
{422}
MIN, General: Assassination of.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.
MINDANAO, Conditions in.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901-1902.
MINE OWNERS’ ASSOCIATION, WESTERN.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1899-1907.
MINERS AND MINING.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR.
MINING, Wasteful.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.
MINNESOTA: A. D. 1908.
Organization of Coöperative Stores.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR REMUNERATION: COOPERATIVE ORGANIZATION.
MINTO, Gilbert John Murray K. Elliott, Earl of:
Governor-General of Canada.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1904.
MINTO, Gilbert John Murray K. Elliott, Earl of:
Viceroy of India.
His initiation of the Reform in Indian Government by
the Indian Councils Bill.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
MIRSKY, Prince Svyatopolk.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.
MISSIONS, Christian:
At Large: Notable Movements of 1910.
"The year 1910 will be notable in the annals of foreign
missions. The Laymen’s Missionary Movement, now holding
meetings in this city, plans an educative campaign covering
over seventy centres and culminating next May in a national
congress in Chicago. The Student Volunteer Movement, which
enrols in its mission study classes over 25,000 collegians,
and which has sent over 4,000 workers to the foreign field,
has just closed a conference at Rochester, where were
assembled nearly 3,000 college men and women. In this month
also is the gathering of medical missionaries at Battle Creek,
Michigan. Next June the important World Missionary Conference
takes place in Edinburgh. In October the country’s oldest
foreign missionary organization, the American Board,
celebrates its centennial in connection with the National
Congregational Council at Boston."
_New York Evening Post,
January 10, 1910._
MISSIONS, Christian: China: A. D. 1906-1907.
"In view of the recent remarkable awakening in China, and the
strong desire on the part of the Chinese for a knowledge of
Western civilisation and science, an influential Committee,
‘The China Missions Emergency Committee,’ was appointed last
year, including in its membership an equal number of prominent
representatives of the Anglican Church as well as of the Free
Churches of Great Britain, to consider in what ways it might
assist the missionary societies and their representatives in
China in adjusting and extending their existing operations, so
that the momentous demands now made upon them by the
surprising changes of thought and policy that have so suddenly
emerged, may be adequately met. …
"It appointed as its representatives the Reverend Lord William
and Lady Florence Gascoyne-Cecil, of Hatfield; Sir Alexander
R. Simpson, of Edinburgh; Professor Alexander Macalister, of
Cambridge; and Mr. Francis William Fox, of London, to attend
the Missionary Conference held at Shanghai from April 26th to
May 7th last, and also to pay a series of visits to
missionaries and mission stations, for the purpose of learning
from the most experienced missionaries what measures should be
adopted to meet the new demands that had arisen."
"We found everywhere throughout the Chinese Empire that
greater religious liberty is enjoyed than is the case in many
other parts of the world, and that, so long as the laws of the
country are observed, there is, theoretically, no interference
with the conscientious opinions of individuals, with, however,
the exceptions that Chinese officials are required
occasionally to perform certain ceremonies of an idolatrous
character. …
"In the year 1906, as before stated, there were approximately
3,750 Foreign Protestant Missionaries residing in China. Of
these, 1,950 were British, 1,457 American, and some 343
Continental and Independent Workers.
The number of Bible Women:
In 1876, 90;
in 1889, 180;
in 1906, 894.
Number of Boys’ and Girls’ Day Schools:
In 1878, 289;
in 1906, 385.
Number of Scholars in Day Schools:
In 1876, 4,909;
in 1889, 16,836;
in 1906, 42,546.
Number of Intermediate, High Schools and Colleges:
In 1906, 389.
Number of Students in Colleges, etc. (male and female):
In 1906, 15,137.
Total number of Scholars and Students:
In 1906, 57,683.
"By the commencement of 1908 it is estimated that the total
number of Foreign Protestant Missionaries in China will be at
least 4,000. The number of Mission Stations (including the sub
or smaller ones) is about 5,750. The ordained Chinese Pastors
and other Chinese Preachers are now about 6,000. The number of
recognized Protestant Church (full) Members and Catechumens is
estimated as 250,000, which, with the addition of children and
others not regarded as in full connection, represents a total
of about 1,000,000 persons who are more or less closely
connected with the Protestant Christian Churches of China."
_F. W. Fox, A. Macalister, and A. R. Simpson,
Christian Missions in China
(Contemporary Review, February, 1908)._
See, also, (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: CHINA.
MISSIONS, Christian: India and Korea:
American Mission Schools.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: INDIA, AND KOREA.
MISSIONS, Christian: Japan.
"Viscount Aoki, a former Minister for Foreign Affairs, is a
Christian, and so is Viscount Okabé, Minister of Justice in
the present Cabinet. There are 10 Christian members of the
Imperial Diet, all men of high character and enjoying the
respect of their fellow-countrymen, for there is no
constituency in Japan which would elect a Christian qua
Christian. It is perhaps among the commercial class that
Christianity is gaining most ground, and at Osaka, the great
industrial city of Japan, there are churches with Japanese
ministers, supported entirely by Japanese congregations, who
have at heart to remove the popular reproach that Christianity
is a foreign creed which cannot live without foreign subsidies.
Missionary activity has always had a free field in Japan, and
its philanthropic aspects have never received wider
recognition than of recent years. The Emperor himself has
frequently marked by handsome contributions his personal
interest in orphanages and hospitals conducted under
missionary auspices. But if Christianity should ever become
the national faith of Japan it will probably be in some new
national form impressed upon it by Japanese teachers rather
than in any sectarian form borrowed from the West.
{423}
What is meanwhile unquestionably increasing very steadily is
the influence of Christian ethics. … To quote a missionary:
‘If there are less than 200,000 professing Christians in
Japan, there are more than a million educated Japanese who
think in terms of Christian ethics, and who try to live up to
them more truly than many millions of professing Christians in
the West.’"
_Correspondent of The Times, London._
In April, 1907, a great international mission conference was
assembled at Tokyo, Japan, of which _The Outlook_ gave
the following account the next month:
"Over six hundred delegates, representing organizations in
twenty-five countries, assembled last month in Tokyo. They
constituted the seventh Conference of the World’s Student
Christian Federation. The body represented is a federation of
various national associations of Christian students. Some of
them are Young Men’s Christian Associations, organized in the
colleges; some of them are student organizations, not
affiliated with the Young Men’s Christian Association. The
delegates received many messages of greeting from officials of
high station; among these were messages from Viscount Hayashi,
the Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs; Marquis Ito, who
sent a letter from Korea accompanied with a gift of five
thousand dollars; Count Okuma, Elder Statesman; the President
of the United States, the King of England, and the King of
Norway.
"The meetings were thronged by ten thousand students, mainly
Japanese and Chinese. The Conference was of course
distinctively Christian in character; it had a definite
purpose of proclaiming a Christian message: it advocated
ethical and intellectual progress by means of the Christian
religion; it assembled in a non-Christian land; yet its
existence, so far from arousing resentment or opposition,
evoked rather the warmest expression of appreciation and even
gratitude. That it stimulated emulation is not surprising. A
Buddhist Conference, for example, was summoned in the same
city at the same time; but at that Conference resolutions
expressing its ‘profound respect’ to the gathering of
Christians were passed, and a deputation to convey these
resolutions was chosen. Similarly, a Conference of Shinto
priests sent a letter to the Christian Conference expressing
their sense of the honor which the Federation had shown to
Japan by convening in Tokyo, and, in lieu of a reception which
could not be arranged for lack of time, presented material
‘mementoes and tokens of esteem,’ in order, to use their own
words, ‘to express our deep appreciation of your coming, and
to commemorate this bright event in Japan’s history.’ The
press of Japan was emphatic in its expression of good will."
MISSIONS, Christian: Turkey and the Near East:
American Mission Schools.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: TURKEY.
MISSOURI: A. D. 1906-1909.
Successful Prosecution of the Waters-Pierce and
Standard Oil Companies.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.
MISSOURI RIVER RATE CASE.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.
MISTRAL, Frederic.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
MITCHELL, JOHN:
President of the United Mine Workers of America.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.
MITCHELL, JOHN:
Resignation on account of ill health.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.
MITCHELL, JOHN:
Chairman of Trades Agreements Department
of National Civic Federation.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908.
MITCHELL, JOHN:
Sentence for alleged Violation of an Injunction.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.
MITCHELL, John H.:
United States Senator, involved in Land Frauds.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.
MODERATE-REPUBLICANS.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE. A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).
MODERNISM, Papal Encyclical against.
See (in this Volume)
PAPACY: A. D. 1907.
Also,
TYRREL, FATHER GEORGE.
MODUS VIVENDI:
On American Fishing in Newfoundland waters.
See (in this Volume)
NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.
MOHAMMED ALI:
Lately deposed Shah of Persia.
See (in this Volume)
PERSIA: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY-SEPTEMBER).
MOHAMMEDAN CONFERENCE.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1907 (DECEMBER).
MOHAMMEDANS OF INDIA:
Their present Feeling.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909, and 1908-1909.
MOHAMID EL AMIN, a new Mahdi.
See (in this Volume)
AFRICA: A. D. 1903 (SUDAN).
MOHAMMID RESCHAD EFFENDI:
Made Sultan of Turkey as Mohammid V.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).
MOHONK (LAKE) PEACE CONFERENCE.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.
MOISSAN, H.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
MOLTKE, COUNT KUNO VON:
His Libel Suit against Maximilien Harden.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1907-1908.
MOMMSEN, THEODOR.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
MONASTIR:
Beginnings of the Turkish Revolution.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).
MONETA, ERNESTO T.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
MONEY. See (in this Volume) Finance and
MONO-RAIL SYSTEM.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION: RAILWAYS.
MONOPOLIES.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL.
MONROE DOCTRINE:
Interpreted relatively to German Claims and Complaints
against Venezuela.
Its Recognition by Germany.
See (in this Volume)
VENEZUELA: A. D. 1901, and
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.
MONROE DOCTRINE:
Impliedly recognized by the Hague Tribunal.
See (in this Volume)
VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.
MONROE DOCTRINE:
In the case of San Domingo.
See (in this Volume)
SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1905.
MONROE DOCTRINE:
Stated as an All-America Doctrine by Secretary Root, at the
Third International Conference of American Republics,
at Rio de Janeiro, in 1906.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
{424}
MONROE PALACE, The.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS: THIRD INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE.
MONTAGUE, A. J.:
Delegate to Third International Conference
of American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
MONTENEGRO.
See BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.
MONTES, I.:
President of Bolivia.
See (in this Volume)
ACRE DISPUTES.
MONT PELÉE, Volcanic explosion of.
See (in this Volume)
VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS: WEST INDIES.
MONTT, Pedro:
President of Chile.
See (in this Volume)
CHILE: A. D. 1906.
MOODY, William H.:
Secretary of the Navy, Attorney-General and Justice of the
Supreme Court.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909.
MOOR, F. R.:
Premier of Natal.
At the Imperial Conference of 1907.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.
MORALES, President Carlos F.
See (in this Volume)
SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1907.
MORENGA, Chief of Hereros.
See (in this Volume)
AFRICA: GERMAN COLONIES.
MORET Y PRENDERGAST:
Premier of Spain.
See (in this Volume)
SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.
MORGAN, J. Pierpont:
His Intervention in the Anthracite Coal Strike of 1902.
See (in this Volume)
labor organization: united states: A. D. 1902-1903.
MORGAN, J. Pierpont:
His organization of the International
Mercantile Marine Company.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: INTERNATIONAL.
MORGAN, J. Pierpont:
Enlarged Control of Banking Interests.
See (in this Volume)
FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909-1910.
MORLEY, John, Viscount:
Secretary of State for India.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.
MORLEY, John, Viscount:
On the Indian Councils Bill.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
MOROCCO (Maghreb el-Aksa):
The Name.
Maroc or Morocco, the name given by Europeans to the empire of
the Moorish Sultan as a whole, is not so applied by the
natives of the country. According to them, the Maroc or
country of Marrakech, the Marruecos of the Spaniards, is only
one of three States submissive to the authority of the
Sultan-Shereef. At the north the kingdom of Fez, at the
southwest the oasis of Tafilet, make up his real empire.
Beyond these, vast territories occupied by numerous
independent tribes, stretch over the space that is marked on
our maps with the name Morocco. Its inhabitants have no common
name for it as a whole. Their country, indicated in a general
manner, with no precise delimitation, is the Maghreb
el-Aksa,—that is to say, "The Extreme West."
_Élisée Reclus,
Nouvelle Geographic Universelle,
Volume 11, page 653._
MOROCCO: A. D. 1896-1906.
The Creeping of the French Algerian Boundary
into Moroccan Territory.
A Justification of the Encroachment.
"Something has happened during the two weeks preceding the
Conference at Algeciras [see EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1906], which
may or may not be brought to the attention of the
international diplomats. France from the start has refused to
submit her doings along the Algerian frontier to the
discussion of the conference. That concerns herself and
Morocco alone. What has been happening would in any case put
the conference in face of an accomplished fact. Some time ago
M. Jonnart, Governor-General of Algiers, was informed that
emissaries from Fez were notifying the frontier tribes, whose
submission to France dates only from the last few years, that
Germany would help the Sultan very shortly to force the French
to evacuate their tribal territories. … M. Jonnart at once set
out on a long and ceremonious visit to the tribes along the
extreme southern frontier. He was accompanied by General
Lyautey, the ‘pacificating’ general, who has been M. Jaurès’
bugbear in this Moroccan affair. The Governor-General returned
to Algiers Friday last, just in time to have his news ready
for the conference. He has reason to be satisfied. Except for
a vague idea that the Moroccan territory along the Algerian
frontier is a ‘hled-es-siba’—a country where the Sultan has
difficulty in collecting his taxes—the foreign press has not
kept pace with what has been going on for the last ten years.
In one word, during that time France has brought under her
domination a stretch of territory of some thousands of square
miles. It is true that this territory is sparsely settled by
wilfully independent tribes, who so far alternately aided in
the Algerian harvests and raided the French outposts. This
situation quite justifies the action of the French troops,
which has consisted in throwing forward the unbroken line of
outposts that enclose and keep in order the French dominion,
and not in any military conquest of volatile tribes. M. Jaurès
always fell foul of the latter policy, which he ascribed to
the military; but it would be as useless as it is absurd. What
General Lyautey has been doing all these years, without
Germany or any other friend of the Sultan giving sign of life,
is not only reasonable: it is better—it has proved effective.
And M. Jonnart’s tour has secured the formal submission of
these tribes whose territory geographers have all along made a
part of Tafilalt--the southeasternmost of the four ancient
kingdoms which, together, make up the empire of Morocco. The
boundary between Morocco and French territory in Algiers has
never been settled since the original treaty of 1845. That
drew a line from the coast southward about a hundred miles to
Teniet-es-Sassi, four degrees of longitude west from Paris,
and then stopped. Whatever was to the south—then a No Man’s
Land, so far as France was concerned—was to be divided
amicably along as natural a line as possible, leaving the east
to France as a sphere of influence (the word had not yet been
invented). During these sixty years the frontier line has
remained about the same on the maps. But France has steadily
prolonged her settled domination southward, gaining over a
Mohammedan population by serving their material interests
without offence to their religion. The railway now reaches
Beni Ounif, only a short distance from Fighig, whose Amel is
among those notified that Morocco with German help will soon
send the French over the desert and far away. At Beni Ounif,
besides the Grand Hotel for tourists, there are extensive
counting houses for the trade of all the Hinterland, with an
appropriate banking system, and everything to draw the
Moroccan tribes. There is no doubt that this territory has
always been nominally a part of Morocco. … And now M. Jonnart
has visited officially the great Zaouia, or religious centre
of Kenadsa, still farther to the west."
_Paris Special Correspondence
New York Evening Post,
February 3, 1906._
{425}
MOROCCO: A. D. 1903.
State of Affairs in the Moorish Sultanate.
Abd el Aziz, the young Sultan.
His expensive tastes.
His enjoyment of the Playthings of Civilization and Science.
"Regarded as a Moorish ruler and leader, the late Sultan,
Mulai Hassan, was a strong man, almost, perhaps, a great man.
The loss of Morocco is that apparently she cannot produce his
like in the present generation. She was richer a few years
ago; and that is part of her decadence. Mulai Hassan had a
companion of his right hand: Ba Hamed, the Grand Wazeer. In
them Morocco could boast the possession of two strong men;
crude, narrow of vision, even brutal and merciless, if judged
by European standards, yet genuinely strong men. The greater
of them died, and his subordinate successfully hid the fact
(though the Court was journeying at the time) from all
Morocco, masquerading as one in close attendance upon a Sultan
whose corpse, as a fact, was tied in its litter, until city
walls were reached, preparations made, and the succession of
the youth Abd el Aziz assured. Be it remembered that Ba Hamed,
the survivor, was a strong man in his own right. Young Abd el
Aziz [who succeeded his father in 1894] was docile perforce,
and Ba Hamed ruled, without pity, with greed, and quite
unhampered by what Europe calls honour or justice. …
"Rather more than two years ago [1901], when already the
country was perturbed by news of the French advance upon and
occupation of Igli, the Moorish town which was regarded as the
depot and junction via which the caravan traffic of the desert
filtered through Morocco to the coast; at this critical
juncture, in the thick of conflicting intrigues, poisonings,
and official treachery, Ba Hamed, the greatly feared, greatly
hated, and rigidly obeyed Wazeer, died at Marrakish, leaving
many scheming heirs-presumptive to his office, but no single
successor to the mantle of his authority, the inherent
masterfulness of his personality.
"Still youthful Abd el Aziz IV. stretched forth both hands and
personally took up the fallen reins of government with a great
flourish of trumpets and display of energy. … Optimistic
Europeans, naturally gratified by the active good sense with
which Abd el Aziz checked his Filali tribesmen’s turbulent
resentment of contact with the French in Igli and its oasis,
freely predicted a new lease of life for the Moorish Empire.
They credited the new broom with powers which, in view of its
origin and environment, had been little short of miraculous.
And they omitted reflection regarding the hand which moved the
new broom. This was a power behind the Parasol, a latent
intelligence, not wholly Moorish, capricious, feminine,
subtle, unstable, and somewhat vitiated from long repression
in an unwholesome atmosphere. The late Mulai Hassan’s
Circassian wife, young Abd el Aziz’s mother, Lalla R’kia, had
also found a dangerous emancipation in the death of Ba Hamed.
…
"Casually observant Nazarenes saw rich, cruel officials swept
from their high estate by wholesale, and predicted the birth
of probity at Court. Notorious gainers by oppression were
loaded with chains in Kasbah dungeons; the young Sultan’s
brother, the One-Eyed, whom cautious Ba Hamed had kept secure
in Tetuan prison, was established on parole at Mcquinez, and
‘Here’s positive purity of administration!’ cried the
surface-reading hopeful in Christian-ridden Tangier.
"Of a sudden, all movement ceased. The young Sultan was lost
sight of—behind the curtain. … It is not given to us to know
anything of pale Lalla R’kia’s attitude during this breathing
space. … (Lalla R’kia died last year.)
"Speaking metaphorically, his Shareefian Majesty Abd el Aziz
reappeared on the arm of a commercial agent, a French
Israelite, with a genius for the ‘placing’ of imported
commodities. Allah’s Chosen had been initiated into the select
manias of Europe, and become addicted to golfing, the use of
the camera, the bicycle, and other less pretty pastimes from
the West. …
"Commercial agents continued to press upon the young Sultan
the latest and most expensive of electrical and other toys,
and those far-seeing gentlemen, the newspaper correspondents,
bade Europe take note of the remarkable enlightenment and
progressive wisdom of the ruler of Morocco, as evidenced by
his interest in motor cars and Broadwood pianos. And the
friends of these optimistic gentry criticised the present
writer as a croaker and a bird of ill-omen when he published
in _The Fortnightly Review_ for July, 1901, the following
extract from a letter sent him by a Moorish friend:
"‘To sum all up, my friend, I grieve because I find the
affairs of my native land in parlous order, demanding as never
before in the history of Morocco the guidance of a strong,
clear mind, a veritable Sultan. That my country’s affairs most
urgently need. They have a governing power composed of half a
dozen corrupt creatures, of a corrupt, short-sighted, cruel,
and desperately greedy Wazeer, whose rightful Lord is occupied
exclusively in—Bah! We have spoken of those whose graves will
be defiled, and of the trumpery gauds from Paris bazaars. And
this, while the turbulent Sus is aflame, the far south-east a
mine charged by French aggression, waiting only the match of
knowledge of our Lord’s indifference; the country between
Tafilalt and Fas is openly given over to brigandage and
anarchy, and even Al Ksar, Arzila, and the Gharb, Tangiers
outskirts, are full of unrest and disorder, crimes and
indifference to crimes.’"
_A. J. Dawson,
Morocco, the Moors, and the Powers
(Fortnightly Review, February, 1903)._
{426}
"I have not seen the Sultan face to face, but I have conversed
with nearly all the leading Europeans who have been with him
either at Marrakesh or Fez, and from what they have told me I
have been forced to conclude that Mulai Abd-el-Aziz is a
charming, kindly, headstrong man, suffering badly from youth,
who delights in reforms for the sake of their novelty and
lacks the brain power that distinguished his father, Mulai el
Hassan, and his grandfather, Mulai Mohammed. While he stayed
in his southern capital he was comparatively free from the
attacks of commercial attaches and other rogues, whose designs
upon his treasury should have been obvious, though he was
guilty of many extravagances, including displays of fireworks
that made his envoy to England speak slightingly of the
special display arranged in his honour at the Crystal Palace.
In Fez the agents surrounded him like summer flies. He has
twelve motor cars and no roads to ride them over; he paid
between three and four thousand pounds for a yacht, sixty feet
long, that was to be used on the Sebu river, which is no more
than thirty feet wide; in spite of the Koran’s prohibition, he
has purchased a crown at a price I am afraid to name. He has
put some of his soldiers into European uniforms and boots,
only to find that they run away from Bu Hamara as readily as
they did when dressed in native garments. He has developed an
enthusiasm for photography—I have seen some of his work—and
in addition to cameras with cases of pure gold, he has one
apartment of his palace loaded from floor to ceiling with dark
plates, and he was persuaded to order ten thousand francs’
worth of printing paper. He has a menagerie in the grounds of
the palace at Fez, and on a day when it was reported that the
lion sent from England had quarrelled with and killed the lion
sent from Berlin, one of the European visitors to the court
suggested to him that a contest between the victorious lion
and the Bengal tiger would afford good sport. ‘No,’ said
Abd-el-Aziz, ‘the lion cost me three thousand pounds!’ All
Europe knows that the Sultan is poor."
_S. L. Bensusan,
Britain, France, and the Moorish Empire
(Contemporary Review, November, 1903)._
MOROCCO: A. D. 1903-1904.
Appearance of the Mahdi, Bu Hamara,
as a leader of Insurrection.
In 1903 there appeared in Morocco one of the prophetic
pretenders called Mahdis, of whom so many have arisen in the
Moslem world, to take advantage of occasions of religious
excitement, and to lead a rising of wild tribes. This Moorish
Mahdi, known as Bu Hamara, was helped to a leadership of
insurrection by an incident which greatly stirred the
religious temper of tribes wherever known. An English
missionary was killed at Fez, and the murderer, flying to a
sanctuary of special sanctity, was pursued thereto by the
Sultan’s guards, and slain within the sacred bounds. Against
this sacrilege, committed to satisfy hated Christians, Bu
Hamara roused the country, preaching extermination of all
Christians within it. The insecure throne of Abd el Aziz was
made more insecure, English influence in Morocco was shaken,
the French frontiers east and south were endangered, and Bu
Hamara’s revolt appears to have had much to do with the
producing of all that followed,—in the Anglo-French Agreement
of 1904, the Algeciras Conference, the dethronement of Abd el
Aziz, etc.
MOROCCO: A. D. 1904.
Declarations of England and France concerning Morocco
in the Agreements of the Entente of 1904.
Explanatory Despatch.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).
MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.
Exploits of El Raisuli.
The Kidnapping and Ransoming of Messrs. Perdicaris and Varley.
The Capture and Ransom of Kaid Sir Harry MacLean.
Present Respectability of Raisuli as a Moroccan Governor.
One of the chiefs in that mountainous strip of northern
Morocco, nearly parallel to the Mediterranean, which is called
"The Riff," has played a startlingly troublesome part in
recent Moroccan history. His name is Mulai Ahmed ben Mohammed,
but he is commonly designated in all news-mentions of his
doings by the title he bears,—El Raisuli, chieftain of a clan.
The first exploit which made this title familiar to all the
world was in May, 1904, when he kidnapped, from their
residence near Tangier, a naturalized American and an
Englishman, Mr. Ion Perdicaris and his stepson, Mr. Varley,
carrying them into the mountains and holding them captive
until he had extorted a ransom of $70,000, despite the utmost
efforts of France, Great Britain, and the United States, with
the aid of the Sultan, to obtain their release on less
humiliating terms. This success failed, however, to satisfy
the audacious brigand, and in July, 1907, he laid hands on
another important hostage, this time a British officer, Sir
Harry MacLean, who had been long in the service of the Sultan
of Morocco, as military adviser, with the title of Kaid. Kaid
MacLean ventured to visit the brigand in his mountain retreat
for some negotiation, and was detained in pawn. Raisuli held
this notable captive until the following February, and
released him then on receipt of $25,000, cash down, with a
pledge of $75,000 more at the end of three years, if he gave
no fresh trouble within that time. Meanwhile, he and
twenty-eight of his family were to be under British
protection. Before this transaction was closed a new Sultan
had won the Moroccan throne (as will be explained below) and
he thought it wiser to employ the energies of Raisuli
officially than to try to maintain a contest of authority with
so unmanageable a subject. Accordingly, in February, 1909,
Raisuli was appointed governor of twelve tribes in Northern
Morocco, and is now one of the most respectable
representatives of government in the last of the Barbary
States.
MOROCCO: A. D. 1905-1906.
German hostility to the Anglo-French Agreement.
The Kaiser’s speech at Tangier.
The International Conference at Algeciras.
The resulting Act.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.
MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.
Mob-murder of Dr. Mauchamp at Morocco City.
Conflict with Tribesmen at Casablanca.
Bombardment by French and Spanish Ships.
Campaign against the Tribes.
Dethronement of Sultan Abd el Aziz by his brother Mulai Hafid.
Fresh friction between France and Germany.
Its Pacific Settlement by Arbitration at The Hague.
Organization of police forces for the service which France and
Spain were commissioned by the Powers at the Algeciras
Conference to perform in Morocco was retarded, necessarily, by
the prevailing anarchy in the Empire, and fresh causes of
disorder occurred before the means for prompt treatment of
them were prepared. In the spring of 1907 a French citizen,
Dr. Mauchamp, at Marrakesh (Morocco City), undertook to
install at his house the apparatus for wireless telegraphy.
His Moorish neighbors suspected some diabolical intention,
when he raised the necessary mast on his house, and proceeded
with fanatic enterprise to kill the man of too much science
and to demolish the house. The French Government demanded
punishment of the outrage, with indemnity to the family of the
victim, and put a force in motion, under General Liautey,
which occupied the city of Ujda, not far from the Algerian
frontier, to hold it until the demands of justice were
complied with. None of the Powers signatory to the Algeciras
Conference raised objections to this proceeding.
{427}
A more serious intervention was occasioned in July, 1907, when
the French took control of the collection of customs at the
ports, as directed by the Algeciras agreement. At Casablanca,
on the Atlantic coast, the tribesmen attacked a number of
European laborers, employed there in quarries, and killed
eight. All the foreign residents of the region were in danger,
and French and Spanish war-ships were hurried to the scene.
The local Moorish official confessed his inability to protect
the threatened foreigners, who had taken refuge in the French,
Spanish, and British consulates, with hostile tribes
swarming around the town, and he asked for help. Marines were
landed on the 4th of August and were attacked. "A sanguinary
battle followed between the Arabs and the European soldiery,
the French cruiser opening fire and shelling the Moorish
batteries. Scenes of great disorder and violence followed upon
the firing, a raging mob of Moors attacking and pillaging the
entire city. The Jews particularly were massacred by hundreds.
Another French warship soon appeared upon the scene,
accompanied by a Spanish cruiser, and troops were landed to
the number of 4000. General Drude, the French commander, was
chosen to head the allied troops, Spanish and French, and
reinforcements were hurried from France." A number of
encounters followed. "The most serious were the attacks, on
August 28, and September 2, upon Casablanca and its outskirts,
both resulting from a reconnaissance in force by the French
Algerian irregular cavalry and the famous Foreign Legion.
Seven or eight thousand Moors attacked the Europeans, sweeping
down from the hills with all the ferocity and courage
traditional in their race. By the aid of machine guns and the
batteries from their warships the French succeeded in
repelling the tribesmen with considerable loss of life."
Justification of the bombardment of Casablanca was somewhat
questioned at the time, and with good reason if the following
account of the circumstances, by an eye-witness, a Scotch
missionary, are to be believed. His statement was published in
the Glasgow _Herald_, and is given here as summarized in
_The Outlook_, of September 21, 1907.
"This missionary, Dr. Kerr, has lived many years in the
country, and he asserts that in many ways the French residents
and officials have continually irritated the Moors and
provoked them to anger. Dr. Kerr states that no further
outbreaks occurred after the massacre of French and Spanish
workmen on July 30, and that when the bombardment began on
August 1 there was absolutely no immediate provocation for it.
He denounces it as contrary to the usages of civilized war and
as ‘wicked and unjustifiable,’ adding that the British
merchants in Casablanca will probably sue the French
Government for damages caused to their property by what they
consider an unnecessary bombardment. The punishment of the
Moors concerned in the murder of the eight workmen, says Dr.
Kerr, no one could object to, but instead of this the
punishment took the form of an unprovoked massacre of persons
many of whom were entirely innocent. The details of the affair
as he gives them are certainly deplorable, and if his
assertion that the landing force of the French fired the first
shot is true, the succeeding episodes described are
unpardonable. One of these episodes may be quoted here:
"‘I saw two young women walking as quickly as they could. …
Suddenly a volley was fired into them by the Spanish marines.
They fell, but picked themselves up, and took refuge in a
ledge of a wall. After waiting a few minutes they made to
return, when another volley was fired at them, and they fell
again. … One of these brave daughters of Ishmael refused to
flee without taking with her the "khaik," or outer garment,
which fell from her [thus leaving her face uncovered, contrary
to Moslem law]. She turned back, picked up her garment, and
fled as fast as she could, bleeding all over.’"
In the fall of 1907 General Drude was succeeded in the command
at Casablanca by General d’Amade, who prosecuted a more
vigorous campaign against the obstinately hostile tribes of
the region, and made but slow progress in reducing them to
submission.
Meantime a rising against Sultan Abd el Aziz, in favor of one
of his brothers, Mulai Hafid, had been started and was making
rapid headway. Mulai Hafid was proclaimed Sultan at Marrakesh
on the 25th of August, 1907, and on the 4th of the following
January his supporters had gained possession of Fez and
proclaimed him there. Abd el Aziz kept the field against his
rival until August, 1908, when he had practically no following
left, and the direction of Government was assumed formally by
Mulai Hafid. His authority had soon become established so
fully that the German Government addressed a note to the
Powers proposing an immediate recognition of it. France and
Spain objected, insisting that Mulai Hafid must confirm
existing treaties, accept responsibility for the debts of the
previous regime, give pledges of indemnity for the Casablanca
outbreak, disavow the "Holy War" which he had countenanced and
which had given him his success, and take effective measures
for securing the safety of foreigners in the Empire. Their
objection was approved generally; Germany assented to the
requirements proposed, and it was not until Mulai Hafid had
satisfied them that he obtained recognition as the legitimate
sovereign of Morocco. This was given in the following note,
handed to his representative on the 5th of January, 1909, by
the _doyen_ of the Diplomatic Body at Tangier:
"The signatory Governments of the Act of Algeciras have
received the letter which Mulai Hafid sent to them through the
agency of the Diplomatic Body at Tangier in reply to their
_communiqué_ of November 18. The Governments represented
in Morocco received with satisfaction this reply, in which
they saw a proof that the explanations which they formulated
in their Note of November 18, in the interest of the relations
of friendship and confidence which they desire to maintain
with the sovereign authority of the Shereefian Empire, are in
accordance with the views of Mulai Hafid. In consequence the
signatory Powers of the Act of Algeciras have decided to
recognize his Majesty Mulai Hafid as legitimate Sultan of
Morocco, and have charged the _doyen_ of the Diplomatic
Body at Tangier to notify their recognition of him to the
representatives of his Majesty in that town."
{428}
Before this settlement was reached an incident had occurred at
Casablanca on the 15th of September, 1908, which irritated the
chronic sensitiveness of feeling between Germany and France.
Five or six soldiers of the Foreign Legion in French service
at Casablanca, including three Germans, deserted, and the
German Consulate attempted to protect the Germans when their
arrest was undertaken by French gendarmes. There was some
struggle, but the arrest was accomplished, and the demand of
the Consul for the release of the three Germans was refused.
Germany demanded satisfaction for the treatment of her Consul.
France maintained that satisfaction was due to herself for the
interference of the Consul with her military rights; but
offered to submit the affair to the Hague Tribunal for
arbitration. Germany was willing to arbitrate the questions
involved if France would first express regret for the official
conduct on her side of the matter. France in reply suggested
expressions of regret by both parties; and on these terms,
supposedly vindicating national dignity on each side, the case
went to The Hague. The Court of Arbitration held its first
meeting on the 1st of May, 1909, and announced its judgment on
the 22d of the same month. As summarized in an English
despatch from The Hague, the opinion of the Court was as
follows:
"The Court considered that in this case there was a conflict
of jurisdiction between the Consular and the military
authority of two foreign Powers, the one Power exercising full
Consular authority over her subjects, who happened to be
soldiers in the Foreign Legion of the other Power. The latter
Power had effected the military occupation of a certain
territory, and in consequence exercised full authority over
that territory. As it was impossible to decide this conflict
by any absolute ruling, which might indicate in a general way
the precedence of either jurisdiction, the Court considered
that the question must be determined by the particular
circumstances of any given case.
"In this case the jurisdiction of the occupying force had
precedence because the persons in question did not leave the
territory occupied by that force. The Court decided that the
Secretary of the German Consulate at Casablanca wrongly and
through a grave and manifest error tried to embark in a German
steamer deserters of the French Foreign Legion, who were not
of German nationality. The German Consul and the other
officials of the Consulate were not responsible for that fact;
the Consul, however, in signing the safe conduct, which was
laid before him, committed an unintentional error.
"The German Consulate in the circumstances obtaining at that
time was not entitled to grant its protection even to
deserters of German nationality; the legal error, however,
which was committed in this connexion by the officials of the
Consulate could not be reckoned either as an intentional or as
an unintentional error.
"The French military authorities were wrong in not respecting,
as far as possible, the _de facto_ protection exercised
over those deserters in the name of the German Consulate. The
circumstances did not justify either menace by revolver on the
part of the French soldiers, or the blows given to the
Moroccan soldier of the Consulate."
This proved satisfactory to all concerned, and the Casablanca
incident was happily closed.
A more important adjustment of matters between Germany and
France, aiming at a general clearing of causes of friction in
their relations, so far as concerned Morocco, had preceded the
Casablanca arbitration by nearly three months. All Europe had
been surprised and delighted on the 9th of February, 1909, by
the announcement of a Franco-German Agreement, just concluded,
in the following words:
"The Government of the French Republic and the German Imperial
Government, actuated by an equal desire to facilitate the
execution of the Act of Algeciras, have agreed to define the
significance which they attach to its clauses with a view to
avoiding any cause of misunderstanding between them in the
future.
"Consequently, the Government of the French Republic, wholly
attached to the maintenance of the integrity and of the
independence of the Shereefian Empire, decided to safeguard
economic equality there, and accordingly not to impede German
commercial and industrial interests, and the German Imperial
Government, pursuing only economic interests in Morocco,
recognizing at the same time that the special political
interests of France are closely bound up in that country with
the consolidation of order and of internal peace, and resolved
not to impede those interests, declare that they will not
prosecute or encourage any measure calculated to create in
their favour or in favour of any Power whatsoever an economic
privilege, and that they will endeavour to associate their
nationals in business for which these may be able to obtain
contracts (_l’entreprise_)."
This most important agreement resulted from negotiations that
were said to have been opened by a suggestion from the German
Foreign Secretary, Baron von Schön. Its importance to Europe
was hardly exaggerated by the Paris _Matin_, when it
said:
"It is a great and happy event, the importance of which need
not be emphasized. … This close of the Moroccan quarrel may,
if such be the desire, mark a date of capital importance in
the history of Europe. In fact, as Prince Bülow has said and
repeated, Morocco was only a pretext. If therefore it has
become an object of agreement, it is not merely because it has
been recognized that the local problem was not insoluble, but
also because the general situation has changed or because the
‘opportunity’ no longer exists."
MOROCCO: A. D. 1908.
A German Statement of the Moroccan Policy of Germany.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1908.
{429}
MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.
Discontent with the new Sultan.
His struggle with Pretenders.
Spanish War with the Tribes of the Riff.
Success of Mulai Hafid against his Rivals.
French operations in and around the Moorish Empire.
French Mauretanie.
French Demands.
The Mannesmann Mining Concession.
France and Spain were now strengthened in the execution of
their Algeciras commission, by a harmonious backing in Europe,
and the native Government in Morocco had acquired, seemingly,
a strong and capable man at its head. Sultan Mulai Hafid made
that impression very positively on a correspondent of the
London _Times_, to whom he gave audience on the 13th of
February, and who wrote of him that day: "It is quite evident
that Mulai Hafid is a man of large and independent ideas, with
a leaning toward democracy. In appearance and manner he is
most attractive, and both his looks and his conversation
betoken a character at once strong and of quick decision.
Everything he says is very much to the point, and his remarks
are often touched with humour and even cynicism. His
openmindedness and cordiality extend almost to breaches of the
rigorous Moorish etiquette."
Five days later the same correspondent wrote again: "The Fez
Moors had hoped at Mulai Hafid’s accession for material though
indefinite advantages, for they felt that the new Sultan, who
owed his throne not to inheritance but to election, would be
an instrument in their own hands, and that they would be able
to exert their influence for their own purely selfish ends.
But they had counted without Mulai Hafid. Once on the throne,
he consolidated, at all events locally, his power, and the Fez
population, who during the previous reign had undoubtedly held
and used considerable influence, found themselves in the hands
of a firm, masterful man, who did not hesitate to tax them to
an extent formerly unknown, and gave them clearly to
understand that he would brook no interference in matters of
policy. The effect was instantaneous. The Fezzis began openly
to regret the slack _régime_ of Mulai Abdul Aziz, and
Mulai Hafid became unpopular, as any monarch who really
governs in Morocco must always be.
"But if Mulai Hafid was unpopular, he inspired at the same
time a wholesome fear. His indifference to public opinion, his
breaches of the absurd prescriptions of Moorish etiquette, his
personal supervision of every detail, and the publicity in
which he lives show not only remarkable courage, but also
remarkable knowledge of the people whom he governs. … Yet he
has but a small army, and he is financially hampered. He
receives Europeans publicly, and grants audiences in the
presence of the whole Court, often before the whole army. He
invites his guests to be seated, and chats in a natural and
sympathetic manner on all kinds of subjects. But it is quite
apparent that his _entourage_ is in terror of him. Never
have the viziers had less freedom or fewer opportunities for
plunder. The Government is Mulai Hafid, and Mulai Hafid alone,
and yet Mulai Hafid is a democrat. He desires to put down—and
has already largely done so—the fanatical and always
mischievous influence of the great Shereefian families. He
works from morning till night, and keeps every one else
working. His negotiations with the French Minister are
progressing in a way that astonishes every one. … Mulai Hafid
obtained the throne by preaching a holy war against Europeans.
He will maintain himself upon the throne by a policy of reform
which will win for him the assistance of France against his
own fanatical people."
But subsequent events did not realize the confident
expectations of this writer. A month later he reported:
"Shereef Sid Mohammed Kittani, a descendant of a former
dynasty and chief of an important reactionary religious sect,
who was freely spoken of as possible Sultan before Mulai
Hafid’s proclamation, left Fez secretly yesterday. Apparently
he had previously succeeded in dispatching his family and
movable property from time to time to some spot in the Berber
tribelands without exciting suspicion. His flight has caused
what can only be described as consternation. His influence is
very great, and he is known to lay claim to the Throne."
Within another month this pretender had defeated Mulai Hafid’s
forces in a sharp engagement and had an army encamped about
eighteen miles east of Fez. French officers were reported to
be doing notable work in organizing and equipping the Sultan’s
troops. On the 8th of May there was alarming news that Mulai
el Kebir, another brother of Mulai Hafid and of the ex-Sultan,
Abd el Aziz, "who was accompanying the Southern Kaids to Fez,
had left their camp secretly by night and had fled into the
Zimmour country," and "many believe that he will take
advantage of the Sultan’s unpopularity to raise a rebellion."
Two days later "nothing is known of the whereabouts of Mulai
el Kebir," and "the Sultan does not conceal his anxiety.
Mulai-el-Kebir was on the best terms with his Majesty, but the
Sultan’s severe treatment of other members of his family no
doubt filled him with fear."
From Paris, on the 26th of May, it was telegraphed that the
Sultan’s Minister of Finance, El Mokri, then visiting Paris on
a financial mission, "observes that Mulai Hafid’s authority is
more solidly established at present than might at first sight
appear to be the case. At no time has any Sultan been
recognized over a much wider area of Moroccan territory. In
the Beled el Makhzen his sway is uncontested. The kaids of the
Haouz and the southern Atlas have always been his partisans.
El Mokri has no fear of the pretenders."
There were now two pretenders in the field: for Mulai Kebir
had been heard from, "beyond Mekinez," where he had raised the
standard of revolt. And Bu Hamara was on the stage of civil
war again, east of Fez, with an army which "is camped at less
than four hours distance from the capital," and which is
"actively pillaging the only tribe that remains loyal to Mulai
Hafid in that region." Troops sent against him a few days
later were said to have been badly beaten. The Sultan was
reported to be in quarrel with his viziers; was ill,—invisible
in the palace,—and the situation did not seem to look well for
him.
Then, suddenly, all news reports from Morocco became silent as
to Mulai Hafid and his rivals, and gave entire attention to a
serious outbreak of warfare in that northeastern corner of the
empire, known as the Riff, where Spain has had a long
recognized "sphere of influence," and where she had undertaken
the working of valuable iron mines near Melilla. Hostilities
were begun in July by an attack of tribesmen on the miners,
killing several, and the Spanish troops sent to the scene met
disaster, being insufficient in force. In the end, so
extensive a rising of Moorish tribesmen had occurred that
Spain was obliged to put a large army into the field against
them and organize a costly campaign. It was not until late in
September that much success attended the Spanish arms, and not
until late in November that the campaign was regarded as
closed, the Spanish forces having secured positions which,
when fortified, were expected to give them a firm footing in
the region, and having brought most of the tribes to terms.
{430}
Meantime, the war had been bitterly unpopular among large
classes in Spain, and the feeling had been manifested in
destructive rioting at Barcelona and elsewhere.
See (in this Volume)
SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.
What France had been doing meanwhile, in and around Morocco,
has been told by a writer in _The Atlantic Monthly:_
"During the year [May, 1908, to May, 1909] the French army
under General d’Amade, has continued occupying Casablanca, and
the fertile Chaouïa (Shawia) region. It has forced peace, law,
and order, and open markets on the inhabitants, to their great
advantage. Agriculture has revived; and German trade itself
has run up two million francs. Even so the ‘economic
interests’ of Germany in Morocco are scant indeed compared
with those of France and England; they are perhaps less than
those of Spain—and yet they have long threatened the peace of
Europe. … Meanwhile the interior of Morocco has been chiefly
occupied in the unmaking and making of Sultans. Toward the
German Emperor these fighting Moors have now a feeling much
like that of the Transvaal Boers when the Kruger telegram
failed to lead to eventualities. … The real success of France
is along the entire land-frontier of Morocco. For its whole
length this is now also the frontier of French
territory,--Algiers to the east, the Sahara with its line of
French posts to the south, and so on to the Atlantic Ocean
through the new French civil territory of ‘Mauritanie.’ Here
foreign geography will still be incomplete for some time; but
it is childish to dismiss these territorial stretches as so
many acres of sand. The empire which France might have had in
Canada was, in like manner, denounced by Voltaire as acres of
snow.
"France absolutely refused to allow any question concerning
this land-frontier to be brought up at the Conference of
Algeciras. It is no business of Europe; it concerns the two
neighbors, France and Morocco, only.
"General Lyautey has had its more than eight hundred miles
well under control. … Of late years France has successfully
occupied territory farther and farther to the south, pushing
forward the railway, and throwing out a long line of military
posts through the Sahara. People who amuse themselves marking
obscure changes of conquest on the map, may safely stick their
pins one full degree farther west all along this part of
Algiers, beginning where Spain at Melilla blocks the way along
the Mediterranean coast."
_Stoddard Dewey,
The Year in France
(Atlantic Monthly, August, 1909)._
When newspaper attention reverted to Mulai Hafid a great
improvement was found in his affairs. Seemingly, the
pretenders to his throne had disappeared, and Bu Hamara, the
rebel, now styled El Roghi, was decisively routed by troops of
the Sultan on the 16th of August, captured a few days later,
and taken to Fez in an iron cage. On the 13th of September it
was announced that he had been executed the day before. Later,
this was contradicted, and there seems to be no certainty as
to his fate.
The Moroccan Government was now being sharply pressed by
France with demands over which negotiation had proceeded
hitherto very slowly. M. Pichon, the French Minister for
Foreign Affairs, made a statement on the subject to the
Chamber of Deputies on the 23d of November, to the following
effect: "On August 14 the representatives of the Sultan
received a note summing up the conditions imposed by the
French Government. These conditions were the evacuation of the
Shawia region on condition of the organization by the Maghzen
of a force; the evacuation of Casablanca when the French
Government felt convinced that the organization of the Shawia
police had become sufficiently effective; the organization of
the police service on the Algero-Moroccan frontier; the
payment of the Maghzen’s debts and the reimbursement of the
costs of the French military expeditions. The Maghzen owed at
present £3,200,000, more than £400,000 of which was due to
private creditors. The French Government would allow the
Moroccan Government to raise a loan in France in order to
facilitate the payment of its debts. … The French conditions
had been acknowledged to be very moderate by all who had had
cognisance of them. Germany had recently informed the Maghzen
that it was high time to contract a loan. M. Pichon dwelt on
the loyalty with which the Franco-German Agreement had been
observed by the Berlin Government. Nevertheless the adhesion
of the Moroccan Government had not yet been obtained. That
Government had admitted the principle of the loan of
80,000,000f. and that of the indemnity of 70,000,000f. for the
French military expedition, but there was disagreement still
in regard to the guarantees required for the realization of
that operation. Mulai Hafid, moreover, demanded the immediate
evacuation of the Shawia and of Casablanca. On November 6 M.
Pichon informed the Sultan’s envoys that it was futile to
continue the _pourparlers_ if France did not obtain a
satisfactory reply. It would not be without danger for the
Moroccan Government to persevere in its attitude."
A little later it was made known that the Sultan had yielded
to the terms prescribed by the French Government and was to
obtain the loan which would help toward the payment of his
debts.
By this time a new Morocco question had sprung out of a
sweeping mining concession which certain German exploiters,
the Brothers Mannesmann, had obtained from Sultan Mulai Hafid,
in distinct violation of the agreements at Algeciras which the
Sultan had been a party to. The Mannesmann mining rights under
this concession, if allowed, would swallow up all others, and
large interests, French, Spanish, German, English, Italian,
and Dutch, were arrayed against their claims. The backing of
the Mannesmanns in Germany, however, by commercial and
newspaper influence, appears to have been very powerful, and
it has not been easy for the Government to resist being drawn
into alliance with it. But the attitude of the Imperial
Government appears to have been strictly loyal to the
Algeciras agreements, and it has gone no farther for the
Mannesmanns and their partisans than to negotiate with the
other Powers concerned for a submission of the question of
legality in the Mannesmann concession to a Court of
Arbitration. That will probably be the mode of settling it.
{431}
MOROS, The.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901-1902.
MORRIS, SIR EDWARD:
Premier of Newfoundland.
See (in this Volume)
NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.
MORTON, PAUL:
Secretary of the Navy.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.
MORTON, PAUL:
President of Equitable Life Assurance Society.
See (in this Volume)
INSURANCE, LIFE.
MOSCOW,
Risings and Disturbances in.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA.
MOSLEM LEAGUE.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1907 (December); also, 1907-1909.
MOSQUITO TERRITORY, THE.
See (in this Volume)
CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1905.
MOTIENLING.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).
MOVING PICTURE SHOWS.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION.
MUIJTEHEDS:
The higher Persian Priests.
See (in this Volume)
PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.
MUKDEN: A. D. 1903.
Opened to Foreign Trade.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1903 (MAY-OCTOBER).
MUKDEN: Battle of.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (SEPTEMBER-MARCH).
MULAI AHMED BEN MOHAMMED, EL RAISULI.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.
MULAI HAFID:
Sultan of Morocco by Dethronement of his Brother.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909, and 1909.
MULAI HASSAN, Late Sultan of Morocco.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1903.
MULLAH, ABDULLA MUHAMMED.
See (in this Volume)
AFRICA: SOMALILAND.
MULLAS:
The common Persian Priests.
See (in this Volume)
PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.
MUNICIPAL COMMITTEES IN INDIA.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.
----------MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: Start--------
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT:
American Democracy’s most Serious Problem.
Present Interest in it.
Hopeful Movements.
Americans have long been forced to acknowledge that political
democracy in the United States makes its worst showing in the
government of municipalities; and those who give any searching
thought to the matter have little dispute over reasons for the
fact. It connects very plainly with another fact, namely, that
_municipal politics_, as a political interest distinct
and apart from the interests of government in Nation and
State, has had no growth in the country as yet. Up to the time
of the formation of the national union, the few cities of
America had a quite positive political life of their own,
which might have carried them into conditions very different
from what they have realized since, if it had not undergone
the absorption that it did in the politics of a national
government. The national political parties formed then on
exciting issues, sectional, constitutional, and economic,
caught all political feeling into their embrace, not
instantly, but gradually, and surely, and appropriated the
whole mechanism of political organization to themselves.
Cities are the natural centers of such mechanism, and the
great parties of Federal politics were able easily to impose
on them a domination which left no free working of public
opinion on the immediate concerns of the cities themselves.
All political action was drawn into the mill which turns out
Presidents, Congresses, Tariffs, Bank Acts, etc., and the mere
by-product of Mayors, Aldermen, and City Ordinances which it
drops incidentally into the cities, receives almost no stamp
of quality or design from the local mind.
Until the wheels of local government are loosened in some way
from the clutch of the great party machines, and can work
independently, under motive forces of their own, to produce
the satisfaction of local needs, interests, and aims, there
will be little success in undertakings of municipal reform.
How to accomplish that political ungearing is one of the
greatest, if not the greatest, of the problems now occupying
the minds of the American people. Fortunately it is occupying
their minds. Within the last few years they have given more
thought to this subject than it ever received from them
before; and it has been bold thought, as well as profoundly
earnest. It has not been afraid of hospitality to new ideas
and new experiences, but is giving them fair hearings and fair
tests. The present attitude of the whole country in this
matter is of the happiest hopefulness, and every day brightens
the prospect of a better future for municipal government in
America.
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: BOSTON: A. D. 1909.
A Plan of Government chosen by popular vote.
In connection with the election of November 2, 1909, the
citizens of Boston, Massachusetts, had two plans of City
Government submitted to their vote, and the charter under
which the City will be ruled and its business conducted after
the beginning of February, 1910, was determined by the choice
between these plans which a majority expressed at the polls.
One of the plans emanated from an official body, called the
Finance Commission, which had been appointed to investigate
bad conditions in the City Government, and whose
investigations had given rise to the demand for a radical
reform. This plan had the approval, moreover, of a citizens
Committee of One Hundred, which had given much attention to
the subject; but it was exceedingly unsatisfactory to the
party politicians, whose personal interests were flagrantly
disregarded in its scheme. These drafted a form of charter
which fitted their own purposes, and the two plans were
submitted to the Legislature in the winter of 1909. That body
escaped the responsibility of a decision between them by
referring both to the voters of Boston. The charter wanted by
the party managers was designated as "Plan No. 1"; that of the
Finance Commission and the Committee of One Hundred as "Plan
No. 2."
{432}
A strenuous campaign of education was fought for some weeks
before election day by the supporters of Plan No. 2, who seem
to have included practically all single-minded seekers of good
government, and an equally active campaign of wire-pulling was
carried on by the champions of Plan No. 1. The education was
successful in convincing 39,175 voters that Plan 2 should be
preferred, while 35,306 were persuaded to the contrary, and
about 34,000 remained so indifferent or undecided that they
gave the question no vote. But public considerations prevailed
over party motives and influences by 3869 votes, which is a
highly important fact.
The charter thus adopted for Boston differs in many features
from what has acquired the name of "the Des Moines plan," but
is fundamentally akin to it in principle and aim. Its prime
purpose is to divorce local politics from national politics,
freeing municipal elections from the baneful control of
parties which have nothing rightly to do with the city’s
affairs. Its secondary object is to concentrate official
responsibility in a moderated way. It subjects the mayor of
Boston, at the middle of his term, to a reconsideration of the
vote which elected him (in the nature of the Swiss "recall"),
but it does not introduce the initiative and referendum. The
operation of the new charter under its provisions was outlined
as follows by the Boston _Herald_ on the day following
its adoption:
"By the acceptance of plan 2, party and all other designations
will be eliminated from the ballots for the municipal
elections, which will be held on the first Tuesday after the
second Monday in January of each year. The coming city
election will be held on January 11.
"Candidates for mayor must be nominated by petition of not
less than 5000 registered Boston voters. The candidate who
receives the highest vote at the city election will hold
office for four years, unless recalled at the end of two
years. The salary will be $10,000 a year.
"At the state election in the second year of the mayor’s term
the ballots will contain the question: ‘Shall there be an
election for mayor at the next municipal election?’ And this
will be answered by ‘Yes,’ or ‘No.’ If a majority of the
registered voters vote ‘Yes’ an election for mayor will be
held at the following city election.
"Whether recalled or not, the mayor holding office will have
his name on the ballot at the city election unless in writing
he requests the election commissioners not to place his name
on the ballot. The mayor then elected will hold office for
four years, subject to recall at the end of his second year.
"The city council will consist of nine members, all elected at
large. The salary will be $1500 each. In the election on
January 11 the voters may vote for nine candidates, and the
nine receiving the highest votes will be declared elected. The
three highest will have three-year terms, the three next
highest will serve for two years and the next three for one
year each. Each year thereafter three candidates-at-large will
be elected, and the voters may vote for three. All members of
the city council will be elected at large, and there will be
no ward members of the body. By the abolition of party
designations no primary elections or caucuses for municipal
offices will be held.
"All candidates for mayor, city council and school board must
be nominated by papers of not less than 5000 registered
voters. No voter may sign more than one paper for mayor, not
more than nine for council for the first election and for
three candidates thereafter, and not more than two papers for
the school board when there are two members to be elected.
"If a candidate for any of the offices decides to withdraw
from the contest before the election, vacancies in nominations
for any cause may be filled by a committee of not less than
five persons authorized in the nomination papers to fill such
vacancies.
"Members of the street commission, formerly elected at large,
will be appointed by the mayor, subject to approval by the
civil service commission, but without restriction as to their
political affiliation. All department heads will be appointed
by the mayor, subject to approval by the civil service
commission.
"The new municipal year will begin on the first Monday in
February, when the mayor and city council will be inducted
into office."
The election, held at the appointed time, January 11, 1910,
was managed so badly as to divide the vote of the reforming
element between three candidates, against one, the former
Mayor, Fitzgerald, whose scandalous administration had
afforded the prime incentive to the reform movement, and thus
giving opportunity for his election by a small plurality. A
committee of the reform leaders had chosen for their candidate
Mr. James J. Storrow, President of the Boston Chamber of
Commerce, and strove to concentrate the opposition to
Fitzgerald upon him; but the Mayor in office, who had secured
renomination, persisted in keeping the field, and won the
petty number of 1816 votes, which a little more than sufficed
to elect Fitzgerald. The vote given the latter was 47,142,
against 45,757 to Mr. Storrow, and 613 to the fourth
candidate, Taylor. A recount of the vote was secured, but made
no substantial change.
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: California:
Charter-framing Power given to Cities.
"All cities in California except the very smallest are
permitted to frame their own charters, which become effective
upon ratification by the legislature. The cities are quick to
avail themselves of this privilege, with the result that
almost every possible experiment in municipal organization may
be found on trial somewhere in California. That the cities are
progressive is shown by the fact that within the past decade
every city of any size in the State has remodeled its
organization either by a new charter or by far-reaching
amendments. A high standard of efficient city organization has
been set by the recent charter of the city of Berkeley
[adopted 1909], which furnishes a very perfect example of the
‘commission’ plan. Elections are freed from the influence of
national parties, and the possibility of a final choice in the
direct primary is sufficient to bring out the entire vote of
the city.
"The popular initiative, the referendum, and the recall are
now generally established in all the larger cities of the
State, but outside of San Francisco and Los Angeles without
sufficient use to test their value for good government. In San
Francisco the popular initiative has been used more frequently
for bad measures than for good. In Los Angeles the spectacular
removal of the mayor in 1909 will doubtless be regarded as a
justification of the method of recall."
_Frederick H. Clark,
Head of History Department, Lowell High School,
San Francisco, California._
{433}
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: Chicago:
The Municipal Voters’ League.
In 1896 there was thought in Chicago of attempting to organize
a strictly Municipal Party for action in municipal politics
alone, and a conference of citizens appointed a committee to
deal with the scheme. The committee decided this project to be
impracticable, but its deliberations resulted in the creation
of a Municipal Voters’ League, acting through a non-partisan
committee of nine, whose function was to scrutinize all
candidacies and nominations for the City Common Council, and
afford information concerning them to voters of all parties
who desired the election of honest and capable men. A
permanent office force was employed, and thorough
investigations made as to the record and character of every
nominee for the Council. The results of these investigations
were published, with recommendations for or against the
respective candidates. The league brought pressure to bear, in
the first place, to prevent the nomination of objectionable
candidates, and then exerted its influence to defeat such
candidates at the polls.
This has been done with such effect in election after election
as to produce a remarkable change in the character of the
Council. Similar agencies have been brought into action in a
number of cities within the few last years, with equally good
results.
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT:
Chicago’s Struggles for a Better Charter.
A body known as the "Charter Convention," made up of delegates
appointed by or representing the Governor of the State, the
State Assembly, and the several branches and departments of
the City Government, was organized in December, 1905, and
labored at the framing of a new City Charter until the early
part of 1907, when the product of its labors was submitted to
the Legislature of Illinois. Some of the main features of the
charter were these:
Consolidation in the municipal government of Chicago of the
power vested in the board of education, township, park, and
other local governments within the city;
submission of propositions to popular vote;
aldermen to be elected once in four years;
the raising of adequate revenue by the issue of bonds and
by other means;
the power to own, maintain, and operate all public
utilities in the city, including intramural, railroads,
subways and tunnels, and telephone, telegraph, gas,
electric lighting, heating, refrigerating and power plants;
the parks to be under the management of a city department
of parks;
the public-school system to be a department of the city
government and under the control of a board of education of
fifteen members appointed by the mayor for terms of three
years;
the public library to be managed by a board of nine
directors appointed by the mayor for terms of six years.
As it went to the Legislature this draft charter represented
much compromising of divergent opinions, and, probably, was
not really satisfactory to anybody. The Legislature made it
less so by amendments, and when it went to the people of
Chicago, in September, 1907, for their verdict on it at the
polls, they rejected it by 121,935 votes against 59,786.
Early in 1908 the Charter Convention was reassembled and
revised its former work, cutting the requisite legislation up
into seven distinct bills, with a view to securing better
chances of success for some reforms, if the whole could not be
won; but the entire lot was killed in the Legislature.
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: The Galveston or Des Moines Plan.
Its Features.
Extent of its Present Trial.
Curiously enough, the present trend of opinion on the
question, "What structure of municipal government will lend
itself best to the reforms that it needs?" is in a direction
that was given to it by accident, about ten years ago. Perhaps
nothing short of a great catastrophe, like that of hurricane
and flood, which wrecked the city of Galveston, on the 8th of
September, 1900, could have broken the conventional pattern on
which our cities were constructed so long. At all events, it
was that catastrophe which started a crack in the antique
pattern first. In improvising for the needs of a desperate
emergency, the wrecked community had sense and energy enough
to follow the plain instincts of business, and put itself, as
a municipal corporation, under the kind of administration that
any other corporation would construct. All the folly of
localized interests in this and that part of the town,
requiring to be "represented" by ward aldermen, went out of
their heads. Their common calamity compelled them to
understand that particular interests within the narrow bounds
of a civic commonwealth are either included in or superseded
by the common interests of the whole. They acted accordingly;
dismissed their locally representative aldermen, dropped their
old corps of administrative functionaries, and put the
undivided management of their affairs into the hands of five
commissioners, with a "mayor-president" at the head.
It would not seem to have needed much political wisdom to
predict the success of this experiment; but the quick effect
of its teaching was more than there could be reason to expect.
Houston, the near neighbor-city, was prompt to receive and
apply the lesson, but bettering it somewhat. For Houston
employed the whole time of its five business managers, paying
them fair salaries for the service; whereas Galveston
contented itself with less service and paid less.
The two examples then presented, of a municipal corporation
conducting its business in the plain mode and by the plain
methods of the commercial corporations, drew increasing
attention, in all parts of the country, west and east. Boston
was soon discussing the Galveston experiment with deep
interest, and at a meeting of the highly influential Economic
Club of that city, in January, 1907, President Eliot, of
Harvard University, declared that he saw in it the dawning of
a brighter day. "We have got down very low," he said, "in
regard to our municipal governments, and we have got dark days
here now, but we can see a light breaking, and one of the
lights broke in Galveston. I have personally been interested
in the enormous improvement in just one branch of municipal
business in our country within the last ten years—that is,
school boards and school administrations. There has been a
real wave of reform sweeping over the country, in the great
cities particularly, with regard to school boards, and every
bit of that experience goes the way I am describing it.
{434}
It is all in the direction of a few men not paid, originally
determining the general policy of the schools of the city and
trusting entirely to experts for executive action. Our whole
experience in Massachusetts with the commissions we have had,
tends the same way. If we ask what have been the best
performances of the governmental functions in Massachusetts
for the last twenty-five years, we have but one answer to
make, namely, the work of our commissions, water, sewage,
railroads, gas and electric lighting, public libraries where
owned by the city, hospitals where owned by the city. You can
think of numerous instances in Massachusetts where admirable
work has been done by commissions acting on the principles
which I have described. I say the day is dawning. What it
needs, that the light may grow and get to full noon, is that
the people, the great body of the people, should be convinced
that municipal government means nothing but good, intelligent
conduct of business."
Meantime, in the West, action was already following study of
the Galveston plan of city government, and the four states of
Iowa, Kansas, North Dakota, and South Dakota passed acts in
1907 to enable the adoption of it by any city so desiring. One
of the first to exercise the privilege was the city of Des
Moines, Iowa, certain of whose progressive young business men
had been studying the municipal problem of late, and who had
determined to bring some system of local government into
operation that would make their city what it ought to be. On
the basis of the Galveston plan they worked out the details of
a charter which has become the model of its species most
widely accepted, so that more has been heard latterly of "the
Des Moines Charter" than of "the Galveston Plan." What is
called the Des Moines charter, however, was no special
enactment for that city, but a legislative frame of municipal
government which any city in Iowa having not less than 25,000
inhabitants may fit itself into.
It confides the whole management of strictly local affairs in
the city to four councilmen and a mayor, all elected by the
voters of the city at large. It divides their administration
into five departments, namely:
The department of Public Affairs;
The department of Accounts and Finances;
The department of Public Safety;
The department of Streets and Public Improvements;
The department of Parks and Public Property.
The mayor, by virtue of his office, is chairman of the
council. He is also superintendent of the department of public
affairs, and exercises a general supervision over the whole of
the city administration.
The council thus composed, with the mayor at its head, is
invested with all executive, legislative and judicial
authority, formerly exercised by perhaps twelve different
officers, and twelve different boards. It appoints the city
attorney, the city treasurer, the city auditor, the city
engineer; and, in fact, every other appointive official. It
makes every appropriation, and conducts the entire affairs of
the city. "At the first meeting of this council, immediately
following the election of its members, the work of the city is
assigned to its most appropriate department; to one of these
five departments. Each of the members of the council is also
named as superintendent of a particular department; the theory
of the law being that the man who is best qualified, by reason
of his experience and training, will be placed at the head of
that department where his training and experience will be of
most value. As superintendent of this department, he is held
strictly accountable for all matters which come within his
jurisdiction; he is also charged with responsibility for all
that is done or not done in his particular department." In the
nomination and election of this important council, no party
names are permitted to be connected with the candidates, in
any manner whatsoever. Each candidate for the office becomes
so by the filing of a petition with the city clerk, bearing
the signatures of not less than twenty-five citizens, who make
affidavit to the effect that the man is of good moral
character, of age, and qualified to fill the office. "Ten days
before the election is held, the city clerk takes the
petitions which have been filed and prepares the ballot. He
does this by arranging the names of candidates in alphabetical
order. The candidates for mayor are arranged under the heading
‘Mayor’; the candidates for councilmen are also arranged in
alphabetical order under the heading ‘Councilmen.’ There is no
party designation, and because of this alphabetical
arrangement there can be no favorite position on the ballot.
The result is, that the candidate comes before the whole
people of the city on his own merit, and on his own record."
As a citizen of Des Moines has described the proceeding,
"after the primary has been held the general election is
called, and in order to secure names for the ballot in the
general election, we take the two candidates who have received
the highest number of votes for mayor at the primary, and
place their names on the ballot. In order to secure the
councilmen, we take the eight candidates for councilmen who
have received the highest number of votes at the primary and
place their names on the regular election ballot. This gives
us two opportunities to weed out undesirable men. In the first
place, we have the choice among all candidates at the primary.
At the election, we have the choice of one of two men for
mayor, and the choice of four out of eight candidates for
councilmen."
A most important provision of this Iowa charter for cities has
to do with the civil service. "At the first meeting of the
city council, after the election of these five commissioners
or five councilmen--they are not commissioners—they appoint a
civil service board composed of three members, and this civil
service board, in whose charge is placed the work of preparing
a civil service examination, is appointed for a period of six
years. Thus they are removed from any influence that might be
exerted by the councilmen, who are only elected for two years.
This civil service commission prepares once a year an
examination for all employees of the city, with the exception
of unskilled labor and the heads of the departments, such as
city attorney, city treasurer, city assessor, etc. (all of
whom are appointed by a majority vote of the council). Having
passed the examination successfully, the applicant is placed
in a position, and so long as his work is satisfactory and he
remains competent, he cannot be removed. He may be suspended,
but he cannot be removed, and he is entitled to a hearing
before the civil service board. This provision at once takes
away all chance of a machine being built up through
patronage."
{435}
This is a sufficient description of the official frame of
government that has been instituted at Des Moines and other
cities of Iowa under a general law of that State. The law goes
farther, and connects with this frame or system a
supplementary provision of methods for giving the whole body
of the people an immediate agency in municipal legislation and
a power to recall their election of any elected official
during his term. By the use of the Swiss process of
"initiative," a sufficient number of voters (25 per cent. of
the whole) can propose measures which the Council must either
adopt or else submit to the general vote, and can suspend
measures adopted by the council until the general body of
citizens has voted for or against them. These features, of the
initiative, the referendum and the recall, are no more
essential attachments to the Des Moines or Iowa form of
municipal organization than to any other. To what extent the
States and cities making trial of the general features of the
Galveston scheme of municipal organization have followed Iowa
in making the Swiss additions to it, information at present is
wanting. Apparently the Des Moines pattern is having wide
acceptance.
In the fall of 1909 the towns in the United States which had
adopted the so-called Des Moines plan of government were
reported to number 12 in Texas, 7 in Kansas, 6 in Iowa, 3 in
Massachusetts, 3 in California, 2 in Colorado, 2 in Missouri,
2 in Tennessee, 1 in West Virginia, 1 in Mississippi, 1 in
North Dakota, 1 in South Dakota, being 42 in all. Movements
looking to the introduction of the same system were on foot in
other cities. At the November election a draft of charter on
the lines of the Des Moines plan was submitted to popular vote
in the city of Buffalo, New York, and approved by 8848
electors, out of a total of 11,346 who expressed themselves on
the subject. The total vote, however, was only about one-sixth
of that cast for candidates at the election. On the strength
of the opinion expressed, the Legislature is now being asked
to enact the charter. Should it do so, the form of government
will have trial in the largest city that has yet introduced
it.
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: London, England:
Defeat of the Progressives in the County and Borough Elections.
See (in this Volume)
LONDON: A. D. 1907-1909.
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: Los Angeles, California:
Experiments and Experiences.
Since 1900, Los Angeles, California, has been going through
some interesting experiences, due to a series of charter
amendments. The former charter of the city had been of the
common pattern, organizing the municipal government under a
mayor and a board of aldermen elected by wards. The amendments
of recent years have created a Board of Public Works, with large
powers in the management of municipal work; have changed the
Board of Education from a body of nine members elected by
wards to a membership of seven chosen from the city at large;
have provided an elaborate system of municipal civil service
regulation; and finally have provided for a complete system of
popular initiative and referendum in municipal legislation,
and for recall of elective officers. Popular initiative in
legislation is made possible upon the demand by petition of 15
per cent of the voters, estimated upon the total vote for
mayor at the preceding municipal election; referendum in
ordinary legislation is required upon a petition of 7 per cent
of the voters; a recall election must be ordered upon the
demand of 25 per cent of the voters concerned in the filling
of the office. The official whom the petition seeks to remove
is made a candidate for reflection without other nomination,
unless in writing he notifies the city clerk that he is not a
candidate.
The recall methods, provided for in charter amendments of
1903, have been put into actual service; first, in 1906, when
a councilman was replaced by vote of the Ward, and again in
February, 1909, when a recall election was ordered for the
office of mayor. The proceedings in this case attracted
widespread attention and interest throughout the country. They
failed, however, to afford a perfect test of recall methods
for the reason that after the election had been ordered but
before the date had arrived the mayor in office resigned, thus
surrendering without a struggle to the opponents who had
sought his removal.
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: Michigan:
Home Rule for Cities.
The lately revised Constitution of Michigan authorizes cities
and villages to frame, adopt and amend their charters, and to
pass laws and ordinances in regard to their municipal
concerns. Under this improved Constitution, the Michigan
Legislature of 1909 adopted the necessary legislation for the
formulation of action and for the limitation of taxes and
debts. The following, from the New York _Evening Post_,
is a summary of the more important provisions of the Act:
"Charters of new cities will be framed by a commission of nine
electors chosen by popular vote. Revised charters of existing
cities will be framed, after a vote of the electors in favor
of revision (submitted by a two-thirds vote of the local
legislative body or on an initiatory petition of twenty per
cent. of the total vote cast for Mayor), by an elected
commission of one member from each ward and three electors at
large. Candidates for charter commissioners are to be placed
on the ballot without party affiliations designated. Charter
amendments may be proposed by a two-thirds vote of the local
legislative body, or by an initiatory petition of twenty per
cent. of the vote for Mayor.
"Every charter and charter amendment, before submission to the
electors, must be submitted to the Governor of the State, but
if disapproved by him, and passed on reconsideration by a
two-thirds vote of the Charter Commission or local legislative
body, shall be submitted to the electors. Copies of charters
and charter amendments approved by the electors of the city
shall be certified to the secretary of state, and shall
thereupon become a law.
"The law names certain things which each city charter shall
provide, and imposes certain restrictions on the powers of
cities. There must be an elected Mayor and a body vested with
legislative power; the clerk, treasurer, and assessors, and
other officers may be elected or appointed. This permits the
establishment of a commission system, or of a Mayor and
council with distinct powers. Provision must be made for the
levy, collection, and return of State, county, and school
taxes, for annual appropriations for municipal purposes, and
for a system of accounts.
{436}
"Provision may be made for municipal taxes and for borrowing
money up to prescribed limits, for the regulation of trades,
occupations, and amusements, for the purchase of franchises,
for a plan of streets within three miles beyond the city
limits, 'for a system of civil service,' for the referendum,
and the following omnibus clause: for the exercise of all
municipal powers in the management and control of municipal
property and in the administration of the municipal
government, whether such powers be expressly enumerated or
not; for any act to advance the interests of the city, the
good government and prosperity of the municipality and its
inhabitants, and through its regularly constituted authority,
to pass all laws and ordinances relating to its municipal
concerns, subject to the Constitution and general laws of the
State.
"Limitations include the following: Existing limits to the tax
rate and borrowing powers to remain until a change is
authorized by vote of the electors, with a maximum limit of 2
per cent. of the assessed valuation for the tax rate and 8 per
cent. for loans; but, as authorized by the Constitution, bonds
may be issued beyond this limit for public utilities, when
secured only upon the property and revenues of the utility. A
sinking fund must be provided for bonds. A charter or charter
amendment may not be submitted oftener than once in two years.
The salary of public officials may not be changed after
election or appointment. Certain municipal property may only
be sold or vacated when approved by three-fifths of the
electors voting thereon.
"A separate act was passed for villages. This follows the main
features of the law for cities, but is briefer."
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: New York City: A. D. 1901-1909.
The Municipal Elections of 1901, 1903, 1905, and 1909.
See (in this Volume)
NEW YORK CITY.
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: New York City: A. D. 1905-1909.
The Working of the Bureau of Municipal Research.
The Bureau of Municipal Research, instituted in New York City
by an organization of citizens in 1905, has proved to be as
effective an agency as has ever been employed for the
straightening of crookedness and the correcting of negligence
in the conduct of municipal affairs. Its working is described
fully in an article which appeared in the _Atlantic
Monthly_ of October, 1908, by the head of the Bureau, Dr.
William H. Allen, under the title, "A National Fund for
Efficient Democracy." What the writer aims to do, and does
most effectively, is, first, to show how inefficient our
democracy is in its practical working, how demoralizing that
inefficiency is, how feebly education and religion are
struggling against its demoralizations, so long as they do not
work to make government efficient; and then he unfolds the
remedy indicated in results obtained already from the public
enlightenment—the citizen education—which the Bureau of
Municipal Research is developing in New York. His final
purpose is to plead for the great national fund that would
establish a central foundation for the extending and
organizing of similar educational work throughout the country
at large.
The simple object of the New York Bureau of Municipal Research
has been to make and to keep the public acquainted with the
working of things in its government; to make and keep it
attentive to the facts of efficiency or inefficiency in that
working, which proves to be the kind of political education
that bears the most practical fruits. The aim of the bureau,
says Dr. Allen, has been "educative, not detective. Infinitely
more interested in pointing out what is needed than what is
wrong, it realizes that the great problem of democracy is not
the control of the officer, but the education of the citizen.
It began, not by laying down principles of government or
discussing men, but by studying the needs of the community and
its official acts. It would educate democracy in facts about
democracy’s acts and methods, democracy’s need, and
democracy’s opportunity." Something of the results achieved is
set forth in the following passage:
"Three years, $150,000, and scientific method, have
accomplished results surpassing all dreams of those who
outlined its programme. So convincing are these results that
onlookers who said three years ago, ‘The tiger will never
change its stripes,’ are now saying, ‘You could hardly do this
in cities where the tiger marks are less obvious.’ Although
many phases of municipal administration have not yet been
studied, there is hardly an obstacle to efficiency and honesty
that has not been encountered and overcome by light. The
real-estate bureau that eluded all graft charges is being
reorganized to prevent either graft or one hundred per cent.
profits for land sold the city at private sale. While its own
staff, consisting of three investigators in 1907 and 40 in the
summer of 1908, can of itself do no inconsiderable educational
work, the bureau gauges its effectiveness, not by what its own
staff accomplishes, but by what the city’s staff of 70,000,
and through them the city’s population of 4,000,000, are
enabled to accomplish because of its educational effort.
"Methods that manufacture corruption and inefficiency, and
that for 50 years defied political reform, are giving way to
methods by which 70,000 employees must tell the truth about
what they do when they do it, about what they spend when they
spend it, in clear, legible form. … Tammany officials, when
interested, make excellent collaborators. The commissioners of
accounts, for 30 years, through reform and Tammany
administrations alike, a whitewashing body that condoned and
glossed over wasteful and corrupt acts, have become, as a
direct result of the bureau’s work, a great educational
agency."
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: New York City: A. D. 1909.
Proposed New Charter, not acted on in the Legislature.
A Commission appointed for the purpose by Governor Hughes,
after long and careful study of the subject of a new charter
for Greater New York, reported in March, 1909, submitting a
recommended draft, which was submitted to the Legislature then
in session, but obtained no action from that body before its
adjournment. The ruling principle in the work of the
Commission had been that of reducing the number of elected
administrative officers, of putting into separate hands the
power to appropriate and the power to spend money, and of
concentrating power and responsibility in a few.
{437}
As originally organized, the "Greater New York" City is
divided into five boroughs. At the head of each borough is a
Borough President, who has charge of the streets and the
public buildings within the borough. There is also a Board of
Estimate and Apportionment, consisting of the Mayor,
Comptroller, the President of the Board of Aldermen, and the
Borough Presidents. There is also a Board of Aldermen. The
Commissioners proposed that the Borough Presidents shall cease
to have administrative functions and shall devote their
attention exclusively to the great financial work of the Board
of Estimate and Apportionment; that the administrative work be
given to heads of departments responsible to the Mayor, and to
bureaus, some of them under the Board of Estimate and
Apportionment and some under the various departments; and that
the Board of Aldermen be supplanted by a Council of
thirty-nine members to serve without pay; to have enlarged
legislative powers, but none connected with the grant
franchises, which the Board of Estimate and Apportionment
should control. A new Department of Street Control was
proposed, to take over all street work, abolishing the
Street-Cleaning Department.
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: Philadelphia: A. D. 1905.
A Temporary House Cleaning of the Municipality.
Mayor Weaver’s Conversion.
"Philadelphia has reformed. It is the swiftest and most
thorough municipal revolution known in American civic annals.
Without an election and without primaries, without warning and
without preparation, the great deep of small
householders,—which is Philadelphia,—moved from below. When
the work was over, Mayor Weaver, who led the revolution, had
not only changed the heads of the two executive departments,
with ten thousand employees, but he was in full control of
City Councils; he was recognized as the head of the city
Republican party organization; he had forced the city
Republican committee to withdraw the local ticket already
nominated and await the choice of another ticket by the reform
leaders; he had begun criminal prosecution, stopped work on
contracts for filtration plants, boulevards, and highways
amounting to some twelve million dollars, beginning a
searching investigation by a board of expert engineers, and
had defeated two grabs, one a contract for seventy-five years
in gas and the other a street-car grab of one hundred and ten
miles of streets, sought by the two local public-service
corporations, the United Gas Improvement Company and the
Philadelphia Rapid Transit Company. Both had been successfully
passed before this revolution broke, and both were recalled,
on the demand of the mayor, by the same councils that had
passed them.
"The coherent homogeneous vote of the myriads of small homes
which make up Philadelphia has made this sweeping victory
possible against great odds. The party majority in
Pennsylvania and Philadelphia is the strongest in the country.
The city machine is as well organized as Tammany Hall. It
holds city, State, and federal patronage. For ten years it has
without challenge chosen the executive officers at Harrisburg
and Philadelphia and held the Legislature and Councils. The
city ring, in a decade of unchecked rule, has issued
$40,000,000 of city bonds; let on the filtration plant alone
$13,660,000 of contracts; as much more on various public
improvements, and had pending work authorized, but not let,
costing about $30,000,000. The criminal investigation already
made indicates that on the filtration-plant contracts alone
the margin of loose profit is from 28 to 30 per cent. In this
period the city gas works have been leased for a term ending
in 1927, on provisions which yield $2,000,000 a year, twice
the expected profit to the lessee, the United Gas Improvement
Company. The other public-service corporation, the
Philadelphia Rapid Transit Company, has had a free gift of a
subway and over two hundred miles of street without payment
and without limitation. The combination, under an antiquated
law which threw no safeguards about the ballot of a venal vote
controlled by machine office-holders of the great
corporations, railroad and public-service, and of a corrupt
combination of contractors and politicians, seemed omnipotent.
By the adroit use of State and city appropriations for private
charities and educational institutions, the respectable were
placated. The leaders of this organization were also wise
enough to meet reforms non-political halfway. The last State
legislature passed excellent sanitary legislation, reorganized
on sound lines the city schools of Philadelphia, passed
efficient child-labor laws, and at many points improved State
legislation. Carefully separating political management and
elected officers, the leaders of the machine chose judicial
candidates usually unexceptionable, and elected as governor of
the State and mayor of Philadelphia men honest, dull, highly
respected, without stain but pliant.
"In April, so far as Philadelphia was concerned,
self-government seemed to have disappeared. Its charter was
amended, in the teeth of universal protest, so as to rob
future mayors of all powers. Senator Boies Penrose and
Insurance Commissioner Israel W. Durham made all nominations,
State and city. The former awaits investigation. Durham has
been shown to be a silent and secret partner in a contracting
firm holding $13,660,000 of contracts, under city ordinances
he passed, led by officers he chose, and yielding some 30 per
cent. profit. In Pennsylvania and Philadelphia, the
corporation pays the machine and the machine aids the
corporation. It is like this in other States, but preeminently
in that founded by Penn. After a long series of like gifts and
franchises, councils voted the Rapid Transit Company one
hundred and ten miles of streets, passed a costly boulevard
system, and in return for $25,000,000 intended for more
contracts proposed to lease the city gas works for
seventy-five years, postponing reduction in the price of gas
for three-quarters of a century.
"This ran the pliant fingers of the machine into the pockets
of every householder who had a gas bill to pay, some two
hundred and eighty thousand in number. Suddenly this great
mass moved from within. The pulpit of small churches knew it
before the press, the little division leaders before the ward
managers, and they before the chiefs of the organization. In a
week, the city seethed. Children of councilmen came crying
from the public schools. No one would play with them. Callous,
thick-skinned politicians found their mail, their telephones,
and their daily tours one hot rain of protest from their old
neighbors. Division leaders reported defection by the
avalanche.
{438}
The small householder, the narrow burgher, comfortable,
contented, owning his house, careless over ideals, education,
corruption, and venal voter, was aflame over a bigger gas
bill. It is the old story of ship money and stamp taxes. No
vote was necessary. No primary was needed. The leaders of a
political machine are ignorant of much, but they know the
voice of the voter in the land. John Weaver, the mayor, chosen
by the machine, and its lifelong friend and supporter, had
been a fair case lawyer and district attorney. Honest, narrow,
clean-lived, of a legal mind, restive at the way he was
treated as a mere figurehead, he recognized the civic
revolution because he was himself of the class that had risen.
He had, moreover, in his day won his division and was a ward
leader."
_American Review of Reviews,
July, 1905._
The Israel W. Durham referred to above, who was the absolute
"boss" of Philadelphia from 1896 to 1905, died on the 28th of
June, 1909.
See, also,
PENNSYLVANIA: A. D. 1906.
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: A. D. 1909.
The old Evil Conditions revived.
Defeat of Revolt against them.
The old mastery of the City Government by an all-powerful and
shameless political "machine" was recovered at the end of the
term of Mayor Weaver, and conditions were soon as rotten as
before the momentary and partial cleansing had been performed.
In 1909 a hopeful revolt against them was undertaken, under
the lead of D. Clarence Gibboney a young lawyer who as
secretary of an active "Law and Order Society," had shown
inspiring powers of leadership and high qualities of sincerity
and resolution. Gibboney had been put forward for District
Attorney in 1906 on Democratic and Independent tickets, and
had suffered defeat. Now he was brought again to the front,
for that office, from which the plunderers of the city could
be most advantageously attacked. A William Penn Party had been
organized in the interest of reform, and his nomination by
this was endorsed by the Democratic organization. A great
effort was made to rouse the conscience and the self-respect
of the city, to throw off the thraldom of blind partisanship
under which it submits to be corrupted and robbed. But the
effort failed. Gibboney was rejected by a majority of about
40,000 voters.
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: Pittsburg:
Achievements of a Reforming Mayor.
George W. Guthrie became Mayor of Pittsburg in 1906. "When
Mayor Guthrie went into office there was no merit system in
Pittsburg; but he soon established an effective one of his
own, and at the 1907 session of the Pennsylvania Legislature
effectively co-operated with the Pennsylvania Civil Service
Reform Association and similar bodies, with Mayor Dimmick, of
Scranton, and the business bodies of second-class cities, to
secure a law which would permanently establish the merit
system in them. He and his colleagues succeeded. A short time
ago some one asked the Mayor how many Democrats he had
appointed to office. His immediate reply was, 'I haven’t the
least idea. The question of party has never entered into the
matter.’ …
"The tax levied in February, 1906, before Mayor Guthrie
assumed office, was 15 mills. That levied in February, 1907,
the first under his administration, was 12½ mills. This year,
had it not been for the annexation of Allegheny, the city
would have required only 10 or 10½ mills. The Mayor’s first
estimate was 11 mills; but the final figures, as made up by
the Finance Committee, showed that the lower figure would have
been sufficient. When the Mayor entered office, there was a
cash deficit of $400,000, caused by the payment of bills left
over from the previous administration. He closed his first
year with a small surplus, and the second (1907) with a large
one. The total tax valuation of the old city of Pittsburg is
$599,852,923. Its total bonded indebtedness is $24,956,001,
and its net indebtedness (arrived at by deducting bonds in the
saving fund) is $16,532,425, or .0275 per cent of the
valuation. This highly desirable financial result, however,
has not been reached by any false economy. Inadequate salaries
have been raised. All the street repairing for 1907 was paid
for out of the tax levy, and the work on the filtration plant
has been pushed unceasingly. Enough of the filter beds are
finished to provide for present needs, and as soon as they are
‘ripened’ and the pumping machinery rearranged the city will
have filtered water. …
"For many years, under the old regime, Pittsburg had been free
from many of the evils of an open city; but a syndicate of
Councilmen and politicians had made immense sums out of the
business. They controlled the leases of the houses, which they
sublet at exorbitant sums. They also controlled the supplies
which were furnished to them. The Mayor issued but one order
for the regulation of this district. He made no attempt to
solve the entire problem. As the law was plain about the sale
of liquor, he declared that that must stop absolutely; and
that no house could be run on streets on which there were
surface cars. This order proved to be the death-blow of the
combination that had previously existed. The politicians, when
they heard the order, laughed. They had fooled every other
Mayor, and they thought they could fool Guthrie. He would need
Councils and must necessarily ‘deal’ with them. But he needed
no one, and he ‘dealt’ with no one. He waited six weeks for
his warning to be taken, and then he acted. One Saturday night
the police drew a net around the district, and over one
thousand arrests were made. Then came the final blow that
stopped political interference. Under the old system police
magistrates had been in the habit of holding fines or delaying
sentences, which, under the pressure of political influence,
were remitted or suspended. Such money as was paid in was held
for a month before being turned over to the city treasury. …
Mr. Guthrie established the rule that all fines and jail
sentences, once imposed, would have to stand unless revoked by
the county courts. Not only have the revenues of the city
largely increased by this policy, as we have already seen, but
one of the greatest sources of political evil has been
removed. Since this policy was inaugurated there has been no
political or machine interference in the administration of the
law. Incidentally, I may mention that one Councilman went to
jail for his complicity with the protection of the social
evil.
{439}
"The situation in Pittsburg is so changed and improved that
the Secretary of the Civic Voters' League was able to say
recently; ‘While we have forced Councils to be good, elected
the best Mayor in the country, put in county offices men of
ability and honesty, forced the politicians to give us a good
civil service measure, I am convinced that our most important
victory has been to convince the political leaders and bosses
that there is a new era in politics, and that for the future
none but the best men can be elected to public office.’"
_Clinton Rogers Woodruff,
A Mayor with an Ideal
(The Outlook, April 25, 1908)._
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT:
Defeat of the Reforming Mayor in 1909, but no Discouragement
of the Reforming Activity of the Voters’ League.
Unparalleled Success in convicting Bribed Officials
and their Bribers.
Mayor Guthrie, nominated for reëlection in 1909, was defeated
by the nominee of a corrupt party "machine"; but this put no
check on the efforts of the Voters’ League behind him to hunt
down the corrupting influences and agencies which had mastered
the city once more. A fortunate accident gave the League a
single clue to the hidden labyrinth of rascality, and it
sufficed for astounding revelations. It tracked and caught,
first, a single ex-Councilman, who had handled large sums of
bribe-money, receiving and dividing it among his fellow
members of a gang known as the "Big Six." This man, John P.
Klein, when he found himself helplessly in the toils, and
likely to be the scape-goat for all his confederates and their
corrupters, made confessions which uncovered much, if not all,
of the bribe-giving and bribe-taking of several past years.
Down to the 23d of March, 1910, when the following summary was
published, the results coming from this confession had been as
follows:
In penitentiary—
W. W. Ramsey, ex-president of the German National Bank;
William Brand, ex-president of the Common Council;
Joseph C. Wasson, ex-Councilman, and H. M. Bolder.
Under sentence to the penitentiary—
John F. Klein, ex-Councilman.
Awaiting disposition of their cases—
E. H. Jennings, president of the Columbia National Bank, and
F. A. Griffin, cashier, who pleaded _nolo contendere_.
Under indictment—
Forty-one Councilmen.
Confessors of bribe-sharing—
Twenty Councilmen, former and present, Select and Common.
More confessors awaiting turn—
Ten former and present Councilmen.
As this goes to the printers, the bribe-givers, including some
of the multi-millionaires of Pittsburg, are being dragged into
court.
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: St. Louis: A. D. 1900-1940.
The Unearthing of Thievery and Corruption
by Circuit Attorney Folk.
Prosecutions, Confessions, and Convictions.
One of the most notable and effective cleansings of a
corrupted municipality that has occurred in the United States
was accomplished in St. Louis by Joseph Wingate Folk, using
the powers of the office of Circuit Attorney of the City, to
which he was fortunately elected in the spring of 1900. That
bribery was active among the Aldermen and Councilmen of the
two chambers of the municipal legislature, and that
unscrupulous men of business were habitually employing it to
secure iniquitous franchises and jobs, appears to have been a
matter of common belief; but the belief had not roused feeling
enough to bring about any change, until the opportunity to act
was given to Mr. Folk.
One notoriously suspicious transaction, which consolidated the
street railways of the city, was outlawed for all but a single
actor in it by the Missouri statute of limitations, which bars
criminal proceedings after three years; but the one man had
been absent from the State during so large a part of those
three years that he could be reached by the law, and the
Circuit Attorney turned the search light of a grand jury
investigation on his case. This man, R. M. Snyder, of Kansas
City, was indicted, arrested, and held for trial under bonds
of $50,000. From that beginning Mr. Folk went on to the
probing of a more recent franchise grant, and unearthed the
fact that two deposits of cash, for sums of $60,000 and
$75,000 were boxed in safety deposit vaults, each guarded by
duplicate keys held on one side by a corporation agent, and on
the other side by agents of the Council and the Aldermanic
body respectively, waiting for distribution among the
officials who had sold the public franchise for those sums. A
rival corporation had, meantime, attacked the legality of the
grant, held it up by an injunction, and so kept these
corruption funds in suspension between the bribers and the
bribed.
By what resolute persistence, what shrewdness, what bold
ventures of surmise, Mr. Folk uncovered the cunningly secreted
facts, terrified the "boodlers" and the bribers into betraying
one another, and fastened their crimes upon them, cannot be
told here. Two of the wealthy buyers in the rascally trade, a
Mr. Turner and a Mr. Stock, became witnesses for the State
against the men whose crime they had bought. The two agents
for Aldermen and Councilmen, who held the keys of the
deposited bribe, J. K. Murrell and Charles Kratz, fled to
Mexico, forfeiting their bail. Three others of the accused,
Emil Meysenberg, Julius Lehmann and Harry Faulkner, were
tried, convicted and sentenced to imprisonment for three and
two years. The escape of Murrell and Kratz beyond reach of
extradition embarrassed the prosecution of the remaining
confederates, who seemed likely to go free for lack of
sufficient evidence; but unexpectedly, in September, 1902,
Murrell reappeared in St. Louis, saying that he could not
endure exile any longer and was ready to bear the penalty of
his wrongdoing. On his confessions eleven aldermen were
arrested, charged with bribery in two cases and with perjury
before the grand jury. Seven others made successful flights.
In the course of the next year another of the refugees from
justice returned, supposing his time of danger to have passed.
This was Charles F. Kelly, who had been Speaker of the St.
Louis House of Delegates and a ready tool of Edward Butler,
the St. Louis political "Boss" and legislative broker. Butler
had been involved in the prosecutions, and Kelly had fled to
avoid giving testimony against him, being paid, as he
confessed finally, $50,000 for his retirement into obscure
foreign parts. What happened to him later, and what
confessions he made were the subject of a brief story in THE
OUTLOOK of November 5, 1904, in part as follows:
{440}
"Returning when it was believed that his patron was secure
through the operation of the statute of limitations, Kelly was
arrested and sentenced to two years in the penitentiary for
perjury in his testimony in one of the boodle cases. He
appealed to the Supreme Court, and meanwhile was rearrested on
the charge of accepting a bribe in another deal. At, this
juncture he complained that Butler had deserted him and had
advised him to plead guilty. ‘It didn’t look right,’ he said
in an interview, ‘that we should take our medicine and that he
should go free.’ Therefore he determined to relate his
dealings with Butler in the bribery cases. In his statement he
says that he has reason to believe that boodling had been in
progress in the St. Louis Municipal Assembly for the last
twenty-five years. The boodlers did not fear exposure, because
they ‘knew that most of the politicians and many of the large
financiers of St. Louis’ would be with them. One prosecutor
who attempted to bring them to justice was ‘bluffed off.’ When
Mr. Folk began his work, there were threats of assassination,
and finally a deliberate plot was arranged to ruin the
prosecutor’s influence by falsehoods. ‘Prominent financiers’
as well as the boodlers were engaged in this attempt,
according to the confession.
"The general scheme of the boodle ‘combine’ is already fairly
well known, but Mr. Kelly adds some interesting details. There
were nineteen members, and the combine was ‘not along party
lines.’ ‘My experience,’ he remarks, ‘has been that boodlers
line up according to their interests, and not under party
standards.’ The members of the combine held regular meetings,
and decided by a majority vote on the prices to be charged for
various measures. There was a ‘fixed schedule of prices’ for
bills in accordance with the value of the privileges to be
given. The combine rarely sold out for less than a thousand
dollars, though once ‘some of the boys took five dollars each,
but were so ashamed of it they would not speak of it
afterwards, because the price was so small.’ The combine was
in the habit of selecting one of its members to act as agent
in the deals, and only in one or two instances did the
representative prove untrustworthy. ‘Among ourselves,’ says
this frank boodler, ‘we had a high code of morals, and it was
considered extremely dishonest for a member of the combine to
accept bribe money without dividing it among his fellows.’ A
particularly interesting feature of the confession is the
warning which it gives to St. Louis of the danger of a relapse
to the old conditions when Mr. Folk’s term as Circuit Attorney
shall have expired. Kelly asserts that Butler advised his
indicted friends to get continuances until a new Circuit
Attorney should be elected, and that he promised them that the
prosecutor should be ‘his man.’ ‘What,’ asks Kelly, ‘has been
done in St. Louis? Nothing at all. The prosecutor has, after
three years’ fighting, whipped us. But it seems to me, such is
the condition of public sentiment in St. Louis, that when the
new prosecutor, who of course will be Ed Butler’s man, takes
charge, boodlers will be in clover again.’ In his opinion the
great trouble is that ‘so many of the large corporations of
the city are mixed up in boodle one way or another’ that the
town is willing to tolerate corruption."
Here, as in all exposed cases, the power to organize "boodle"
or "graft" in municipal government is found to have been
derived from the "machines" of the national political parties.
The exhibit of character and ability made by Mr. Folk in his
extraordinary enforcement of law in St. Louis, to the
overthrow of the stronghold of municipal thieves and
corruptionists, so commended him to the people of Missouri
that they nominated and elected him Governor of the State in
1904, despite the most desperate endeavor of the party
organizations to defeat him. In his higher office he continued
his work of reform.
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1901-1909.
The Struggle with Political Corruption.
"Before the enactment of the charter of 1899 the mayoralty in
San Francisco had little power, and successive political
bosses had ignored it. Instead of this, they aimed to control
the municipal Board of Supervisors, which had the awarding of
contracts and franchises. The charter of 1899 changed all
this, by concentrating vast powers of appointment and removal
in the mayoralty, the office being filled by biennial
election. The office was ably and honestly administered for
the first two years by Honorable Jas. D. Phelan.
"During the latter portion of Phelan’s term there occurred a
long and bitter industrial struggle, known as the ‘Teamsters’
Strike,’ in which the sympathy of other labor organizations
was deeply stirred. At the request of the employers Mayor
Phelan consented to placing the city police upon drays and
wagons as guards for non-union drivers. This action aroused
violent denunciation on the part of the union labor leaders.
It also served as a political object lesson. It was seen that
to gain possession of the mayoralty in the interest of union
labor would be a great political advantage, especially in a
recurrence of industrial strife.
"In the following election (1901) Eugene E. Schmitz, orchestra
leader at the Columbia theatre and head of the musicians’
union, the candidate of the union labor party, was elected
mayor by 21,776 votes as against 30,365 votes somewhat evenly
divided between the Republican and the Democratic candidates.
Two years later (1903) Schmitz was reëlected in the same way,
and in 1905 he was again successful, this time securing a
large majority over the fusion candidate nominated by the
Democratic and Republican parties combined. Throughout the
whole period Schmitz's chief political manager was Abraham
Ruef, a native of San Francisco, well educated, gifted and
ambitious, an adroit politician, previously affiliated with
the Republican party. In 1904 he was a delegate at large for
California in the Republican national convention at Chicago.
"Almost from the beginning of the Schmitz administration it
became recognized throughout the city that the most certain
way of obtaining favors from the mayor’s office was through
the law office of Abraham Ruef, who acted as the legal and
political adviser of Mayor Schmitz. Ruef steered a different
course from political bosses generally. He kept his office
open for all comers, high and low. He was thoroughly
accessible. He welcomed all applicants and dealt out
encouraging assurances to every request. It soon became a
matter of general belief that under the guise of legal
services Ruef was selling licenses, securing special
privileges for favored clients and protecting illegal
concerns. Ruef’s income increased enormously during the
Schmitz regime, but to the end he maintained this pretense of
‘attorney’s fees,’ and only a few months before he was
indicted for extortion he stoutly maintained before a public
meeting that he had never made a dollar out of politics.’
{441}
"In 1905 the grand jury made a thorough investigation of the
municipal administration and became convinced of the existence
of a wide-spread system of bribery and corruption. In its
report to the Superior Court, filed August 19, 1905, it
stated: ‘that wholesale and wide-spread violation of law is
open, notorious and flagrant; that it meets with the
acquiescence of the mayor; that it receives the approval of
the police commission; that it is aided, abetted and protected
by police officials. … We find that vice and crime have been
organized so systematically, and fostered with such vigilant
attention to detail, that nothing which business acumen or
political expediency could suggest has been neglected or
omitted.’ For lack of legal evidence, however, or the funds
with which to carry on an investigation for securing it, no
indictments in these matters were returned.
"The municipal election of 1905 gave to Ruef the control of
the Board of Supervisors as well as the administrative
departments of the city. The great upheaval in business
conditions produced by the earthquake and fire of April, 1906,
brought new and wealthier clients to his office. Evidence made
public in the later prosecutions goes to show that Ruef was
paid to secure from the Board of Supervisors for the United
Railroads permission to use an overhead trolley system for
operating its street cars instead of the cable system in use
before the fire; that the gas company had bribed the
supervisors to raise the price of gas from 75 to 85 cents per
thousand feet; and that the telephone companies had used the
same means to promote their interests.
"The work of securing the evidence upon which criminal
indictments could be based was performed by a few determined
men. Rudolph Spreckels, a young man of large fortune, came
forward with a pledge of $100,000 for the expenses of a
searching investigation. District Attorney William H. Langdon,
who had been elected on the same ticket with Schmitz,
announced that he would conduct the inquiry without regard to
party affiliations, and appointed Francis J. Heney, assistant
district attorney. A man of courage and devotion to public
honesty, Heney had gained distinction by the successful
prosecution of land frauds before the Federal courts in
Oregon. Heney requested and obtained the assistance of William
J. Burns, a detective in the United States Secret Service.
"Ruef and Schmitz were soon indicted by the grand jury,
charged with extorting money from restaurant proprietors.
During the progress of his trial Ruef changed his plea from
‘Not guilty’ to ‘Guilty.’ Judgment against him was delayed,
however, by the prosecution for the purpose of gaining
evidence against others. Schmitz was tried on a similar charge
and with the aid of testimony given by Ruef was convicted and
[July, 1907] sentenced to imprisonment for five years in the
state penitentiary.
"Meanwhile, some of the weaker supervisors having been caught
in a trap set for them by Burns, confessions of bribery were
obtained by the grand jury from fifteen out of eighteen
members of the Board. In return for these confessions the
district attorney entered into immunity contracts with the
supervisors, and became temporarily the directing power in the
municipal government. The office of mayor was declared vacant,
and Honorable. Edward R. Taylor, a learned and conscientious
man, a professor in the Hastings College of Law in San
Francisco, was appointed to the position. Gradually the whole
Board of Supervisors was replaced by honest and experienced
men.
"On the confessions of the discredited supervisors there
followed a large number of indictments against Ruef, Schmitz
and the various officers and employees of the public service
corporations concerned in corrupting the city government. By
May 25, 1907, the number of so-called ‘graft’ indictments was
137, against 19 persons. From collateral issues the number of
indictments later rose to 160. The indictments against a few
of the accused were subsequently dismissed. Five of the
original 19 accused persons had been put on trial one or more
times previous to January, 1910,—the expiration of the term of
office of District Attorney Langdon. These trials were carried
on with the utmost rancor on the part of opposing counsel. The
greatest difficulties were encountered in securing juries and
in several cases juries failed to agree. Throughout the
community and in the public prints there developed factional
division and bitterness. This factional hatred culminated in
acts of violence and terrorism. Two houses in Oakland, Alameda
County, one occupied, the other owned by James L. Gallagher,
former supervisor and lieutenant of Ruef, later a most
important witness for the prosecution, were dynamited and
nearly destroyed. For these crimes a culprit was discovered
and sent to the state prison for life by the courts of Alameda
County. On November 13, 1908, during the trial of Ruef on
bribery charges, Mr. Heney was shot from behind while at his
post in the court-room by a half-demented sympathizer with the
accused. A day later the assassin took his own life while in
jail. By the merest chance Mr. Heney’s wound proved not to be
fatal, and after a few months he returned to his duties.
"Even in the few cases in which convictions were obtained
judgment was arrested by appeals to the higher courts, which
uniformly resolved all technical questions in favor of the
accused. To the end of 1909, the record of these cases is as
follows:
"Number of indictments 160.
"Contracts of immunity 19.
"Tried and acquitted twice:
Tirey L. Ford, attorney for the United Railroads.
"Trials in which the jury disagreed:
Louis Glass, manager for the Pacific States Telephone Co.;
Tirey L. Ford;
Abraham Ruef;
Patrick Calhoun, president of the United Railroads.
"Judgments reversed by higher court,
Eugene E. Schmitz and Louis Glass.
"Plea of guilty nullified by higher court:
Abraham Ruef.
"Convicted, but appeals to higher court in progress:
Abraham Ruef and M. W. Coffey, a supervisor who broke his
immunity contract.
{442}
"Thus it is evident that the prosecution has so far failed to
punish extortion and bribery by criminal procedure. The real
results of the prosecution are to be found in the prompt
reform of the municipal government of San Francisco in 1907,
and, in a larger way, in an awakened public conscience and a
strengthened sense of civic duty. These results are not
limited to San Francisco, but are a part of the great work of
political regeneration in which the whole country is
concerned.
"The question of further efforts to secure convictions in
these ‘graft’ cases was made a political issue in San
Francisco by the candidacy of Mr. Heney for the office of
district attorney in 1909. That a large number of voters
considered such continued efforts useless or hopeless was
shown by his defeat by a decisive majority of 10,000 votes
against him."
The new Mayor placed at the head of the City Government by
this election was the nominee of the same Union Labor Party
which had seated Schmitz and his manager, Ruef, and it was
made plain that he represented the opposition to all that had
been done and attempted toward municipal reform.
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: Spain: A. D. 1907-1909.
Municipal Reforms.
See (in this Volume)
SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: The Transvaal: A. D. 1909.
Introduction of Proportional Representation.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION.
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: United States:
The "Municipal Program," framed
by the National Municipal League.
"At the joint invitation of the City Club of New York and the
Municipal League of Philadelphia, a Conference for Good City
Government was held in Philadelphia in January, 1894. Out of
this conference grew the National Municipal League, formally
organized in New York City in May, 1894. The League includes
in its affiliated membership, the leading municipal reform
organizations of the country, and, in its associated
membership the leading students of municipal government. At
the annual meeting of the League in 1897 held in Louisville, a
special committee was appointed ‘to report on the feasibility
of a _Municipal Program_ which will embody the essential
principles that must underlie successful municipal government,
and which shall also set forth a working plan or system,
consistent with American industrial and political conditions,
for putting such principles into practical operation; and the
Committee, if it finds such _Municipal Program_ to be
feasible, is instructed to report the same with its reasons
therefor, to the League, for consideration.’
"The Committee appointed under this resolution made a
preliminary report at the annual meeting of the League held in
Indianapolis in 1898, and a final one at the annual meeting of
the League held in Columbus in 1899. The Committee did not
claim that its report constituted the final word upon the
subject referred to it, but its members were convinced, as a
result of their studies and investigations, that ‘_A
Municipal Program_’ which would embody the essential
principles that must underlie successful municipal government
was entirely feasible, and they recommended certain
Constitutional Amendments and a general Municipal Corporations
Act, as setting forth a working plan or system consistent with
American industrial and political conditions, for putting such
principles into practical operation. The Committee’s
recommendations were unanimously adopted by the League at its
Columbus meeting."
_Horace E. Deming,
The Government of American Cities,
page 203 (G. P. Putnam’s Sons, New York)._
As originally published, the "Municipal Program" has gone out
of print, but Mr. Deming, under an arrangement with the
League, has reproduced it as an appendix to his book, with an
explanatory discussion of it. The main objects sought in it
are "to clothe the city government with such broad powers as
will enable it to perform all the appropriate functions of a
local government without resort to the State Legislature for
the grant of additional power"; and to "prevent the
interference by the State Legislature with the free exercise
by the city of the governmental powers granted it." Beyond
this, the designers of the "Program" have worked out what
seemed to them the most effective plan of organization in
municipal government for the exercise of such full powers.
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: WISCONSIN:
Organization of a Municipal Reference Bureau
by the State University.
Within the past year a Municipal Reference Bureau has been
organized in connection with the Extension Department of the
Wisconsin State University, its purpose being to offer the
widest possible use of the material on questions relative to
municipal government which the University has collected, by
answering inquiries. The Bureau is under the charge of Mr.
Ford H. MacGregor, and will work in cooperation with the very
useful Legislative Reference Department of the Wisconsin Free
Library Commission, which was organized a few years ago and is
still conducted by Dr. Charles McCarthy.
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
See, also, (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES, AND SOCIAL BETTERMENT.
----------MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: End--------
MURRELL, J. K.:
Confessions.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: ST. LOUIS.
MÜRZSTEG PROGRAMME, The.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904, and 1905-1908.
MUSHIR-ED-DOWLEH.
See (in this Volume)
PERSIA: A. D. 1907-1908 (SEPTEMBER-JUNE).
MUSTAFA FAZIL PASHA.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).
MUTINY IN THE RUSSIAN NAVY.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).
MUTUAL LIFE INSURANCE COMPANY:
Legislative Investigation.
See (in this Volume)
INSURANCE, LIFE.
MUZZAFER-ED-DIN:
Late Shah of Persia.
See (in this Volume)
PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.
MYTILENE, International Occupation of.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.
{443}
N.
NABUCO, DR. JOAQUIN:
President of Third International Conference
of American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
NACIONALISTAS.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.
NAGEL, CHARLES:
Secretary of Commerce and Labor.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).
NAKAMURA, GENERAL.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).
NANSHAN, BATTLE OF.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY),
A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).
NAPOLEON I.:
Declining Worship of his Memory in France.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1908.
NASR-UL-MULK: PRIME MINISTER OF PERSIA.
His exile.
See (in this Volume)
PERSIA: A. D. 1907-1908 (SEPTEMBER-JUNE), AND 1908-1909.
NATAL.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA.
NATHAN, ERNESTO: MAYOR OF ROME.
See (in this Volume)
ITALY: A. D. 1909.
NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION, The.
See (in this Volume)
SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES.
NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION, The:
Its notable Conference on Industrial Disputes.
Its great Committee for Intermediation and Conciliation.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902.
NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION, The:
Its Intermediation in Coal Strike.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.
NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION, The:
National Conference at Chicago, 1907, on Trusts
and Combinations.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.
NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION, The:
Its work in Promotion of Trades Agreements.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908.
NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION, The:
Its work for Uniformity in State Legislation.
See (in this Volume)
LAW AND ITS COURTS: UNITED STATES.
NATIONAL CONSERVATION ASSOCIATION.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.
NATIONAL FARMERS’ UNION.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909.
NATURAL RESOURCES, The Conservation of.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.
NATURALIZATION:
Convention between American Republics.
The following Convention was adopted and signed at the Second
Conference of the American Republics, at Rio de Janeiro, 1906.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
"Article I.
If a citizen a native of any of the countries signing the
present Convention, and naturalized in another, shall again
take up his residence in his native country without the
intention of returning to the country in which he has been
naturalized, he will be considered as having resumed his
original citizenship, and as having renounced the citizenship
acquired by the said naturalization."
"Article II.
The intention not to return will be presumed to exist when the
naturalized person shall have resided in his native country
for more than two years. But this presumption may be destroyed
by evidence to the contrary."
"Article III.
This Convention will become effective in the countries that
ratify it three months from the dates upon which said
ratifications shall be communicated to the Government of the
United States of Brazil; and if it should be denounced by any
one of them, it shall continue in effect for one year more, to
count from the date of such denouncement."
"Article IV.
The denouncement of this Convention by any one of the
signatory States shall be made to the Government of the United
States of Brazil and shall take effect only with regard to the
country that may make it."
NATURALIZATION: In the British Empire:
Proposed Uniformity of Law.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.
NATURALIZATION: In the United States:
The Question of Treatment of Expatriated Citizens who
visit their Native Country.
The Principle asserted to Germany.
New Law of American Citizenship.-
Consequent on an increasing disposition in Germany to curtail
the revisiting of their native country by Germans who had
become naturalized citizens of the United States, the American
Ambassador to Berlin discussed the subject with the German
Foreign Minister, on the 12th of August, 1902, and reported
the substance of the conversation to Washington: "Statements
were made on the part of the embassy as follows: No sympathy
whatever is felt with the person who deliberately emigrates
and avails himself of the American naturalization laws for the
mere purpose of escaping military service in Germany, and
there is no wish on the part of the American authorities to
enable such persons to make a convenience of their American
naturalization. The embassy has also consistently declined to
intervene in behalf of persons whose wish was to make their
permanent residence in Germany. It is thought, however, that
where German emigrants have fulfilled the conditions necessary
to entitle them to ‘be treated as American citizens’ they
should actually be so treated, and when they have emigrated in
good faith they should be permitted to sojourn in Germany, for
their business or pleasure, to visit at their former homes, or
to enjoy the benefits afforded by German watering places,
etc., in accordance with the terms of the treaty with Prussia
of 1828. The sovereign right of Prussia to expel persons whose
presence is not considered desirable is not contested, but it
is thought that the American Government has the right to know
why the presence of any American citizen is so considered.
"Dr. Von Mühlberg’s attention was called to a number of cases
now pending, where naturalized American citizens have received
orders to leave the country after a stay of a few weeks. He
said that he would take the matter up personally and would
communicate with the Prussian minister of the interior in
regard to it at once."
{444}
In reply from the Department of State at Washington, the
action of Ambassador White was approved, and it was said
further: "You should lose no suitable opportunity to press and
to emphasize the considerations which you advanced in your
interview with Dr. Von Mühlberg. The essence of the right of
expulsion which the German States claim is that it should be
reasonably and justly applied in cases obviously calling for
so extreme a measure. Expulsion should not be invoked
indiscriminately, so as to operate as a deterrent to the
exercise of the rights of expatriation and acquisition of new
allegiance granted under the naturalization treaties, or so as
to neutralize, by indirection, treatment stipulated thereafter
regarding the recognition of the new national character."
_Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of
the United States, 1902, page 441._
The doctrine of citizenship stated by Ambassador White on this
occasion was embodied subsequently in a new citizenship law,
which came into force on the 2d of March, 1907. The new law
was based on a report made by an official commission, one of
the members of which has written of it as follows:
"When a future historian shall write an account of the
achievements of this the most remarkable administration of our
government since the Civil War, he will give prominent place
to the naturalization law of a year ago and the citizenship
law which was approved last March and is now becoming
effective; for these two measures are the culmination of a
hundred years of effort for reform, and affect the very
foundation of our political structure. …
"So far as the naturalization law is concerned, the objections
to it come chiefly from petty courts throughout the country
which are now not permitted to naturalize, and which formerly
derived part of their prestige and their fees from
naturalization business. Dissatisfaction with the new
citizenship law flows from those people who have been living
abroad in fancied security of their American citizenship, and
who now find themselves obliged to take positive steps to
preserve a status which they have heretofore supposed attached
to them indefinitely, without the performance of any
obligations on their part. Both of these laws originated in
the House of Representatives, but each resulted from a report
made by executive officers, and the Senate can claim little
agency in them. The citizenship law was based upon a report
made to Secretary Root by a board of officers of his
Department, the members being James Brown Scott, the Solicitor
for the Department of State, David Jayne Hill, our Minister at
The Hague, and the writer of this article, with Samuel B.
Crandall, Ph. D., of the Department as Secretary. … From this
report sprang a bill, introduced in the House by the Honorable
James Breck Perkins of New York, which became a law on March
2nd.
"The law does not change or even modify the American doctrine
of citizenship. That was already settled by the Constitution
and the decisions of the Supreme Court. Anybody born in the
United States, no matter what his race, unless he is an Indian
living with a tribe, or however ineligible to our citizenship
he may be for any other reason, is a citizen of the United
States. …
"Broadly speaking, an individual becomes a citizen of the
United States by birth or naturalization, and these facts have
been well settled; but how does he lose American citizenship?
This was the question to which the citizenship board chiefly
addressed itself, and which Congress settled a few months ago
by declaring that an American shall be held to have
expatriated himself when he becomes naturalized as a citizen
of another country, or when he takes an oath of allegiance to
another state, or when he lives permanently outside of the
United States without intent to return. …
"We have had a constantly increasing number of so-called
American citizens living abroad—men who have lived in the
United States for only five years and in many cases have
fraudulently secured naturalization papers after less than
five years of residence; who never were really domiciled
there; who never have performed any of the duties of American
citizenship and who never intended to do so. … Until the new
naturalization law went into effect, it was not actually
against the letter of the law for a man to commit this fraud;
for, when he applied for citizenship, he was required merely
to show that he had resided in the United States for five
years, and no inquiry was made concerning his future
intentions."
_Gaillard Hunt,
The New Citizenship Law
(North American Review, July, 1907)._
NAVAL CONFERENCE, INTERNATIONAL, AT LONDON, 1908-1909.
_See (in this Volume)
War, The Revolt against: A. D. 1907
(appended to account of Second Peace Conference
at The Hague)._
NAVIES.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.
NAVIGATION LAWS:
Proposed British Imperial Policy.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.
NEERGAARD, M.: PREMIER OF DENMARK.
See (in this Volume)
DENMARK: A. D. 1905-1909.
NEGRO PROBLEMS, IN THE UNITED STATES.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES.
NELIDOW, M.:
President of the Second Peace Conference.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.
NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1870-1905.
Increase of Population compared with other European Countries.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.
NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1902.
Offer of mediation between Great Britain and the Boers.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.
NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1903.
Laws against Railway Strikes.
Failure of General Labor Strike to prevent their Enactment.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1903.
NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1903.
Agreement for Settlement of Claims against Venezuela.
See (in this Volume)
VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.
NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1904.
Military operations against the Atchinese.
A Dutch military expedition against the long-insurgent natives
of the old Sultanate of Atchin, in Sumatra, which was said to
have carried death to a thousand women and children, gave rise
to stormy scenes in the Netherlands when its session was
opened in September. The excuse of the Government was that the
warriors used the women and children as shields.
{445}
NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1905-1909.
Defeat and Fall of the Calvinistic Party of the
Reverend Dr. Kuyper.
The Suffrage and Education Questions.
The six principal Parties.
Success of the groups of "the Right" in the latest Elections.
Elections to the lower chamber of the States-General, held in
June, overthrew the Conservative majority in that body and
gave the Liberals a small majority of 4. An important issue
between parties had been on the question of universal
suffrage, but the support given to its advocates was not
strong enough to justify immediate attempts on their part to
carry any measure of law. A royal Commission was appointed,
however, to investigate and report generally on the need or
expediency of a revision of the Constitution. The defeated
Ministry of Dr. Abraham Kuyper represented an
ultra-Calvinistic Church element in politics, and its defeat
appears to have been due in the main to educational laws which
it had carried through. According to the Dutch review, _De
Gids_, from which the following has been translated, the
aim of the new laws and the objection to them were much the
same as in the English controversy over the Education Act of
1902, when church and clerical influences carried the day
against the supporters of secular schools. "These educational
laws," said _De Gids_, "were unanimously supported by, if
they did not wholly originate with, the clericals, or the
Anti-Revolutionary party, as they call themselves, of which
Dr. Kuyper is the astute and able leader and head. They had
the undivided support also of the Catholics, but were
strenuously opposed by the Liberals and all the
anti-clericals, including the Social Democrats. The
Anti-Revolutionists and Catholics on the one hand, and the
Liberals and their allies on the other, form, respectively,
the Right and Left in the Chambers."
Since 1905 there seems to have been little if any change in
the Dutch parties. On the approach of the quadrennial general
elections of June, 1909, a correspondent of the London
_Times_ wrote of "the complex grouping" of the political
parties contending in them: "There are six which may fairly
claim to be important. The largest is probably the Catholic.
It is estimated that a third of the population is Catholic by
religion, and of the Catholics a very large proportion belong
to the Catholic political party, and vote consistently in
accordance with the commands of its leaders. Next to the
Catholics come the strict Calvinists, who have been organized
by Dr. Kuyper into a compact and most formidable party,
generally called the Anti-Révolutionnaire party. It finds its
chief supporters among the rural population and the petite
bourgeoisie, and owes its name to the doctrine, sedulously
preached by Dr. Kuyper, that the Radical and Liberal parties
are fomenting an anti-religious revolution, and that it is
therefore necessary to choose between Christianity and
Heathenism. This doctrine is generally known as ‘the
antithesis,’ and, though its influence has waned somewhat in
the towns, it still has considerable influence in the country.
Closely allied to the Anti-Révolutionnaire party is the
Christlijk Historisch party, which is more aristocratic, but
less energetic, with many principles but no very definite
programme. It not infrequently speaks against the Calvinist
party, but as a rule joins it when it comes to voting.
"These three parties, Catholic, Anti-Révolutionnaire, and
Christlijk Historisch, form the Right. The Left is composed of
the Old and United Liberals, the Radicals or Vrijzinnige
Democraten, and the Socialists, representing all shades of
opinion from what in England might be called Whiggism to
extreme Socialism. The questions which really divide these
parties, as distinguished from the party cries on which the
election is being fought, are Clericalism and Socialism, and a
very large proportion of the electors are not quite sure which
enemy they most fear. There is no doubt that the
Anti-Révolutionnaire party and the Catholics represent two
forms of Clericalism, while the Socialists are openly
Collectivists. The other parties, with the exception of the
Vrijzinnige Democraten, can be better described as opposed to
the two extremes than as presenting any clearly marked
characteristics of their own."
The first balloting of this election took place on the 11th of
June and the second on the 23d. The Anti-Révolutionnaires came
out of it with 23, the Catholics with 25, the Christlijk
Historischs with 12, making 60 for the groups of "the Right";
against a total of 40 in the groups of "the Left." Of this
minority only 7 were in the ranks of the Social Democrats. Dr.
Kuyper was among the defeated candidates.
NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1906.
At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco Question.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.
NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1906.
The Second Peace Conference at The Hague convoked by the Queen.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.
NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1908 (April).
Treaty with Denmark, England, France, Germany, and Sweden,
for maintenance of the Status Quo on the North Sea.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.
NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1908-1909.
Trouble with Castro of Venezuela.
See (in this Volume)
VENEZUELA: A. D. 1908-1909.
NEW BRUNSWICK: A. D. 1901-1902.
Census.
Reduced representation in Parliament.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.
NEWCOMB, PROFESSOR SIMON.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION:
CARNEGIE INSTITUTION, AND AERONAUTICS.
NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1902.
British Colonial Conference at London.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE.
NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1902-1905.
Negotiation and Senatorial Destruction of the Hay-Bond
Reciprocity Treaty with the United States.
In November, 1902, a Treaty of Reciprocity which would have
settled the long-standing disputes over American rights of
fishing on the Newfoundland coast, on terms of most equitable
advantage to both countries, and especially favorable to the
interests of the general public in the United States, was
concluded and signed at Washington by Secretary Hay and the
British Ambassador, Sir Michael Herbert. The Premier of
Newfoundland, Sir Robert Bond, had taken a principal part in
the negotiation, and the resulting document was known
consequently as the Hay-Bond Treaty. It secured to the New
England fishermen the coveted privilege of buying bait and
other supplies and hiring crews in Newfoundland ports; and it
admitted the greater part of American manufactures into the
island duty free.
{446}
On the other hand, it opened the markets of the United States
to the fish and fish products, the coal, oil, and ores of
Newfoundland, for the benefit of the consumers of the country.
The treaty was hailed with satisfaction by the general public
of the United States, but opposed by a few interests whose
gains might be lessened if any breach in their monopoly of the
sale of salted fish and coal and oil should be permitted. The
majority which has seldom failed of late to be retainable in
the United States Senate for the service of such private
interests, against the public good, was promptly organized by
Senator Lodge, first for pocketing the Treaty throughout more
than two years, and finally for amending it to death, in
February, 1905. The provisions that made it advantageous to
Newfoundland were cut out, and it was reduced to a state which
made it insulting as an offer of reciprocity. It suffered the
fate which, in late years, is quite certain to befall any
project of real statesmanship that has to go through the hands
of the United States Senate.
NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1904.
Convention between England and France touching Fishery Rights.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).
NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.
Renewed Disputes over American Fishing Rights
on the Treaty Coast.
Arrangement of a Modus Vivendi.
Agreement on Questions to be submitted to a Tribunal
of Arbitration at The Hague.
Constitution of the Tribunal.
The endless friction that has attended the exercise of
treaty-rights by American fishermen in the Newfoundland
fisheries was freshly roughened in the fall of 1905, by a new
enactment of the provincial legislature, to prevent the sale
of bait or outfits and supplies of any nature to foreign
fishermen, and by orders from the Minister of Marine and
Fisheries forbidding vessels of American registry to fish on
the Treaty Coast. This reopened debate between the State
Department at Washington and the Foreign Office at London,
over the intentions and meanings of that first article in the
Treaty of 1818 which has been a source of incessant dispute
for ninety-one years. The following is the language of the
article:
"Article I.
Whereas differences have arisen respecting the liberty claimed
by the United States, for the inhabitants thereof, to take,
dry, and cure fish, on certain coasts, bays, harbours, and
creeks of His Britannick Majesty’s Dominions in America, it is
agreed between the High Contracting Parties that the
inhabitants of the said United States shall have, for ever, in
common with the subjects of His Britannick Majesty, the
liberty to take fish of every kind, on that part of the
southern coast of Newfoundland, which extends from Cape Ray
to the Rameau Islands, on the western and northern coast of
Newfoundland, from the said Cape Ray to the Quirpon Islands,
on the shores of the Magdalen Islands, and also on the coasts,
bays, harbours, and creeks, from Mount Joly, on the southern
coast of Labrador, to and through the Streights of Belleisle,
and thence northwardly indefinitely along the coast, without
prejudice, however, to any of the exclusive rights of the
Hudson’s Bay Company. And that the American fishermen shall
also have liberty, for ever, to dry and cure fish in any of
the unsettled bays, harbours, and creeks of the southern part
of the coast of Newfoundland, here above described, and of the
coast of Labrador; but so soon as the same, or any portion
thereof, shall be settled, it shall not be lawful for the said
fishermen to dry or cure fish at such portion so settled,
without previous agreement for such purpose, with the
inhabitants, proprietors, or possessors of the ground. And the
United States hereby renounced, for ever, any liberty
heretofore enjoyed or claimed by the inhabitants thereof, to
take, dry, or cure fish on or within three marine miles of any
of the coasts, bays, creeks, or harbours of His Britannick
Majesty’s Dominions in America, not included within the
above-mentioned limits: provided, however, that the American
fishermen shall be admitted to enter such bays or harbours,
for the purpose of shelter, and of repairing damages therein,
of purchasing wood, and of obtaining water, and for no other
purpose whatever. But they shall be under such restrictions as
may be necessary to prevent their taking, drying, or curing
fish therein, or in any other manner whatever abusing the
privileges hereby reserved to them."
With reference to the present obstruction to American fishing
in Newfoundland waters, the contention of Secretary Root was
set forth in the following propositions:
"1. Any American vessel is entitled to go into the waters of
the Treaty Coast and take fish of any kind.
"She derives this right from the Treaty (or from the
conditions existing prior to the Treaty and recognized by it)
and not from any permission or authority proceeding from the
Government of Newfoundland.
"2. An American vessel seeking to exercise the Treaty right is
not bound to obtain a licence from the Government of
Newfoundland, and, if she does not purpose to trade as well as
fish, she is not bound to enter at any Newfoundland
custom-house.
"3. The only concern of the Government of Newfoundland with
such a vessel is to call for proper evidence that she is an
American vessel, and, therefore, entitled to exercise the
Treaty right, and to have her refrain from violating any laws
of Newfoundland not inconsistent with the Treaty.
"4. The proper evidence that a vessel is an American vessel
and entitled to exercise the Treaty right is the production of
the ship’s papers of the kind generally recognized in the
maritime world as evidence of a vessel’s national character.
"5. When a vessel has produced papers showing that she is an
American vessel, the officials of Newfoundland have no concern
with the character or extent of the privileges accorded to
such a vessel by the Government of the United States. No
question as between a registry and licence is a proper subject
for their consideration. They are not charged with enforcing
any laws or regulations of the United States. As to them, if
the vessel is American she has the Treaty right, and they are
not at liberty to deny it.
"6. If any such matter were a proper subject for the
consideration of the officials of Newfoundland, the statement
of this Department that vessels bearing an American registry
are entitled to exercise the Treaty right should be taken by
such officials as conclusive."
{447}
On the British side, Sir Edward Grey raised two principal
objections to these propositions of Mr. Root: First—that "the
privilege of fishing conceded by Article I of the Convention
of 1818 is conceded, not to American vessels, but to
inhabitants of the United States and to American fishermen;"
second, that "inhabitants of the United States would not now
be entitled to fish in British North American waters but for
the fact that they were entitled to do so when they were
British subjects. American fishermen cannot therefore rightly
claim to exercise their right of fishery under the Convention
of 1818 on a footing of greater freedom than if they had never
ceased to be British subjects. Nor consistently with the terms
of the Convention can they claim to exercise it on a footing
of greater freedom than the British subjects ‘in common with’
whom they exercise it under the Convention. In other words,
the American fishery under the Convention is not a free but a
regulated fishery, and, in the opinion of His Majesty’s
Government, American fishermen are bound to comply with all
Colonial Laws and Regulations, including any touching the
conduct of the fishery, so long as these are not in their
nature unreasonable, and are applicable to all fishermen
alike."
To the first of these objections Mr. Root replied;
"We may agree that ships, strictly speaking, can have no
rights or duties, and that whenever the Memorandum, or the
letter upon which it comments, speaks of a ship’s rights and
duties, it but uses a convenient and customary form of
describing the owner’s or master’s right and duties in respect
of the ship. … The liberty assured to us by the Treaty plainly
includes the right to use all the means customary or
appropriate for fishing upon the sea, not only ships and nets
and boats, but crews to handle the ships and the nets and the
boats. … I am not able to discover that any suggestion has
ever been made of a right to scrutinize the nationality of the
crews." As for the second objection, the American Secretary
appealed to history against it. "The qualification," he said,
"that the liberty assured to American fishermen by the Treaty
of 1818 they were to have ‘in common with the subjects of
Great Britain ’ merely negatives an exclusive right. Under the
Treaties of Utrecht, of 1763 and 1783, between Great Britain
and France, the French had constantly maintained that they
enjoyed an exclusive right of fishery on that portion of the
coast of Newfoundland between Cape St. John and Cape Raye,
passing around by the north of the island. The British, on the
other hand, had maintained that British subjects had a right
to fish along with the French, so long as they did not
interrupt them. The dissension arising from these conflicting
views had been serious and annoying, and the provision that
the liberty of the inhabitants of the United States to take
fish should be in common with the liberty of the subjects of
His Britannic Majesty to take fish was precisely appropriate
to exclude the French construction and leave no doubt that the
British construction of such a general grant should apply
under the new Treaty. The words used have no greater or other
effect. The provision is that the _liberty_ to take fish
shall be held in common, not that the _exercise_ of that
liberty by one people shall be the limit of the exercise of
that liberty by the other."
As between these chief disputants in the matter, the first
result of their exchange of arguments was a ready disposition
to arrange some _modus vivendi_, under which peace might
be kept on the fishing grounds until fresh undertakings could
be planned for a lasting interpretation of the old enigmas in
Article 1 of 1818. But the provincial Government of
Newfoundland resented bitterly the imperial interference with
its measures, charging that it was in violation of a pledge
"given by the late Lord Salisbury in the House of Lords in
1891, to the effect that the colony had been given unlimited
power with respect to its internal affairs." They were
promptly told, however, that what concerned action under a
British treaty went considerably beyond the internal affairs
of their colony.
Considerable correspondence on the terms of the proposed
_modus vivendi_ brought an agreement on the 6th of
October, 1906, set forth in the following communication from
Ambassador Whitelaw Reid to Sir Edward Grey.
"I am authorized by my government to ratify a _modus
vivendi_ in regard to the Newfoundland fishery question on
the basis of the Foreign Office Memorandum, dated the 25th
ultimo, in which you accept the arrangement set out in my
Memorandum of the 12th ultimo, and consent accordingly to the
use of purse seines by American fishermen during the ensuing
season, subject, of course, to due regard being paid in the
use of such implements to other modes of fishery, which, as
you state, is only intended to secure that there shall be the
same spirit of give and take and of respect for common rights
between the users of purse seines and the users of stationary
nets as would be expected to exist if both sets of fishermen
employed the same gear.
"My Government understand by this that the use of purse seines
by American fishermen is not to be interfered with, and the
shipment of Newfoundlanders by American fishermen outside the
3-mile limit is not to be made the basis of interference or to
be penalized; at the same time they are glad to assure His
Majesty’s Government, should such shipments be found
necessary, that they will be made far enough from the exact
3-mile limit to avoid any reasonable doubt.
"On the other hand, it is also understood that our fishermen
are to be advised by my Government, and to agree, not to fish
on Sunday.
"It is further understood that His Majesty’s Government will
not bring into force the Newfoundland Foreign Fishing-Vessels
Act of 1906, which imposes on American fishing-vessels certain
restrictions in addition to those imposed by the Act of 1905,
and also that the provisions of the first part of section 1 of
the Act of 1905, as to boarding and bringing into port, and
also the whole of section 3 of the same Act, will not be
regarded as applying to American fishing-vessels.
"It also being understood that our fishermen will gladly pay
light dues if they are not deprived of their rights to fish,
and that our fishermen are not unwilling to comply with the
provisions of the Colonial Customs Law as to reporting at a
custom-house when physically possible to do so."
To explain the stipulation relative to "purse seines" it
should be said that the New England fishermen claimed to be
driven to the use of them, by the local regulations which
hampered their fishing otherwise.
{448}
As formulated in the note of Ambassador Reid the _modus
vivendi_ was accepted by the British Government and went
into effect. In due time thereafter the two Governments
entered upon a discussion of ways and means for accomplishing
a definite and final settlement of the whole question of
American rights in the Newfoundland fisheries. The outcome was
an agreement signed at Washington on the 27th of January,
1909, to the effect that the following questions shall be
submitted for decision to a Tribunal of Arbitration,
constituted as subsequent articles provide:—
"Question 1.
To what extent are the following contentions or either of them
justified?
"It is contended on the part of Great Britain that the
exercise of the liberty to take fish referred to in the said
Article, which the inhabitants of the United States have for
ever in common with the subjects of his Britannic Majesty, is
subject, without the consent of the United States, to
reasonable regulation by Great Britain, Canada, or
Newfoundland in the form of municipal laws, ordinances, or
rules, as, for example, to regulations in respect of
(1) the hours, days, or seasons when fish may be taken on
the Treaty coasts;
(2) the method, means, and implements to be used in the
taking of fish or in the carrying on of fishing operations
on such coasts;
(3) any other matters of a similar character relating to
fishing; such regulations being reasonable, as being, for
instance—
"(a) Appropriate or necessary for the protection and
preservation of such fisheries and the exercise of the
rights of British subjects therein and of the liberty which
by the said Article 1 the inhabitants of the United States
have therein in common with British subjects;
"(b) Desirable on grounds of public order and morals;
"(c) Equitable and fair as between local fishermen and the
inhabitants of the United States exercising the said Treaty
liberty and not so framed as to give unfairly an advantage
to the former over the latter class.
"It is contended on the part of the United States that the
exercise of such liberty is not subject to limitations or
restraints by Great Britain, Canada, or Newfoundland in the
form of municipal laws, ordinances, or regulations in respect
of
(1) the hours, days, or seasons when the inhabitants of the
United States may take fish on the Treaty coasts, or
(2) the method, means, and implements used by them in
taking fish or in carrying on fishing operations on such
coasts, or
(3) any other limitations or restraints of similar character—
"(a) Unless they are appropriate and necessary for the
protection and preservation of the common rights in such
fisheries and the exercise thereof; and
"(b) Unless they are reasonable in themselves and fair
as between local fishermen and fishermen coming from the
United States, and not so framed as to give an advantage
to the former over the latter class; and
"(c) Unless their appropriateness, necessity,
reasonableness, and fairness be determined by the United
States and Great Britain by common accord and the United
States concurs in their enforcement.
"Question 2.
Have the inhabitants of the United States, while exercising
the liberties referred to in said Article, a right to employ
as members of the fishing crews of their vessels persons not
inhabitants of the United States?
"Question 3.
Can the exercise by the inhabitants of the United States of
the liberties referred to in the said Article be subjected,
without the consent of the United States, to the requirements
of entry or report at custom-houses or the payment of light or
harbour or other dues, or to any other similar requirement or
condition or exaction?
"Question 4.
Under the provision of the said Article that the American
fishermen shall be admitted to enter certain bays or harbours
for shelter, repairs, wood, or water, and for no other purpose
whatever, but that they shall be under such restrictions as
may be necessary to prevent their taking, drying, or curing
fish therein or in any other manner whatever abusing the
privileges thereby reserved to them, is it permissible to
impose restrictions making the exercise of such privileges
conditional upon the payment of light or harbour or other
dues, or entering or reporting at custom-houses or any similar
conditions?
"Question 5.
From where must be measured the ‘3 marine miles of any of the
coasts, bays, creeks or harbours’ referred to in the said
Article?
"Question 6.
Have the inhabitants of the United States the liberty under
the said Article or otherwise to take fish in the bays,
harbours, and creeks on that part of the southern coast of
Newfoundland which extends from Cape Ray to Rameau Islands, or
on the western and northern coasts of Newfoundland from Cape
Ray to Quirpon Islands, or on the Magdalen Islands?
"Question 7.
Are the inhabitants of the United States whose vessels resort
to the Treaty coasts for the purpose of exercising the
liberties referred to in Article 1 of the Treaty of 1818
entitled to have for those vessels, when duly authorized by
the United States in that behalf, the commercial privileges on
the Treaty coasts accorded by agreement or otherwise to United
States trading vessels generally?"
Of the remaining articles of the Agreement, IV. and V. provide
for the determination of future questions that may arise, and
for the composition of the Tribunal of Arbitration, which is
to be chosen from the members of the Permanent Court at The
Hague.
The agreement above was formulated at a conference in
Washington between Secretary Root, Ambassador Bryce,
Honourable A. B. Aylesworth, Canadian Minister of Justice, and
Attorney-General Kent of Newfoundland. In March the following
were chosen from the general membership of the Permanent Court
at The Hague to constitute the Tribunal for this arbitration,
namely:
Dr. Luis Maria Drago, Argentina;
Jonkheer de Savornin Lohmnan, Netherlands;
Judge George Gray, United States; and
Sir Charles Fitzpatrick, Chief Justice of Canada, with
Dr. H. Lammasch, of Vienna, to be umpire on points of
disagreement.
The case for the United States was delivered to the British
Embassy at Washington, and that for Great Britain to the
American Embassy at London, on the 4th of October. A little
later it was announced that the _modus vivendi_ of 1908
had been renewed until the termination of the arbitration
proceedings.
{449}
NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1907.
Imperial Conference at London.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.
NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1908-1909 (November-May).
Six Months of Political Deadlock.
From November, 1908, until the following May an extraordinary
deadlock resulted from a tie between rival parties in the
House of Assembly. The situation, as described by a
correspondent of the London _Times_, was as follows:
"Each side has 18 seats. Neither, therefore, can elect a
Speaker, much less undertake the control of public business,
when Parliament meets. Sir Robert Bond, who carried 32 seats
against 4 in 1900 and 30 seats against 6 in 1904, returns with
only half the House—18 men. In the former contests Sir Edward
Morris, who now leads the Opposition against him, had been a
member of his Cabinet and his ‘right-hand man,’ and the
November results prove that Morris’s withdrawal was a serious
injury to Bond. Morris went out a year or so previously owing
to a disagreement as to raising the rate of wages on public
works, and, being the leading Roman Catholic politician of the
Island, had 14 seats, of that creed, as a solid block in
Bond’s party during all this period. It was therefore felt,
when he resigned, that this ‘solid 14’ would be broken, and
this conclusion proved correct, because Morris carried half of
them in spite of the open and avowed hostility of many of the
priests in the diocese of St. Johns."
Sir Robert Bond retained the Prime Ministry until the end of
February, 1909, when, having failed to obtain a dissolution of
Parliament and a new election from the Governor, Sir William
Macgregor, he resigned. Sir Edward Morris then took office,
and the continued deadlock made it necessary, in a few weeks,
to command a dissolution and call a new election, which was
held on the 8th of May. It broke the tie of parties
effectually, Sir Edward Morris carrying 26 seats, against 10
filled by the partisans of Sir Robert Bond.
NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1909.
A Year of Misfortune and Depression.
Scant earnings from the Fisheries and from Whaling.
Attitude of the people toward Confederation with Canada.
"The Fisheries represent fully eighty per cent. of the
exports, and in order to understand the financial stringency
which has now fairly settled down upon ‘Our Cousin to the
East’ it must be borne in mind that while the catch of fish
remains about the same from year to year, the price has been
steadily increasing for the past ten years, until last year it
was double what it was a decade ago. But this year the price
has suddenly fallen to what it was at the beginning of the
decade. In other words, the value of last season’s catch will
be just about half what it was the season before; and, instead
of the merchants receiving $7,800,000 for their fish, they
will receive considerably less than $4,000,000; and the
individual fisherman who at the former price was barely able
to earn $350 will receive this year probably less than $175,
on which to support himself and family for the year, and to
provide himself with an outfit for the next season’s work.
Many of course will not receive that much. … Although other
industries are springing up in Newfoundland, the codfishery
remains the great staple and dependence of the population—the
vast majority of which are fishermen, born and bred, who do
not readily adapt themselves to other methods of earning a
living. The present depression is widespread and far-reaching,
and every form of industry and trade, business and commerce in
the Colony is suffering seriously thereby. The latest ill
report comes from Bay of Islands, to the effect that the
winter herring fishery on the west coast—the scene of the
present controversy with the United States—is a failure. Last
spring’s seal fishery was not up to the average, and owing to
many accidents to the fleet, necessitating heavy outlay for
repairs, the promoters have realized much less than they
otherwise would have secured. The whale fishery, also, which a
few years ago had assumed enormous proportions, and was
yielding handsome returns, has now almost reached the
vanishing point. To complete the sum of the Colony’s
misfortunes comes the partial suspension of [iron] mining
operations at Bell Island, during the winter months, at the
very time when the men need employment most, and when, as a
result of the lack of it, they will probably emigrate to other
countries.
"This combination of misfortune is not only causing distress
among all classes of citizens, but the government will also
keenly feel the loss of revenue; for a conservative estimate
of the reduction in the customs revenue for the current fiscal
year puts the figures at $450,000; in other words, that the
revenue will not exceed $2,000,000.
"The great drawback in Newfoundland institutions is the
disproportion between the big machinery of government and the
small population to be governed. A local politician has aptly
described it as ‘the trappings of an elephant on the back of a
rat.’"
_Edwin Smith,
The Land of Baccalhos
(Canadian Magazine, July, 1909)._
Another writer in the same number of The _Canadian
Magazine_ discusses the opposition in Newfoundland to union
with the Dominion of Canada as follows: "The political leader
who should to-day appeal to the Newfoundland electorate on the
question of Confederation would be disastrously defeated. But
on the day when the leader of a party in the Island Colony
makes up his mind to risk temporary defeat for the purpose of
accomplishing Confederation, that day brings union between
Newfoundland and Canada within the horizon of the proximate
future. That leader must—unless the financial exigencies of
the Island bring him extraneous aid—face an arduous campaign
of education, but it will be a campaign crowned with victory.
"These are the impressions left on my mind by a visit to St.
John’s made with the object of studying the political deadlock
and the causes which led up to it. … The residents of the
outports—all settlements except St. John’s are known as
outports—are opposed to Confederation because they have been
told that it would mean a heavy increase in their taxes; that
their windows, all their domestic animals and all their
personal property would be taxed. If this wrong impression
were dispelled by a campaign of education, and they understood
that instead of higher taxation Confederation would mean the
opening up of the country, bonuses for the fishermen, and new
markets for the fish in Canada and abroad through the services
of Canadian Commercial agents, instead of opponents of union
they would become its advocates."
{450}
NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1909. (July-August).
The Imperial Defence Conference.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY AND NAVAL.
NEW HEBRIDES: Arrangement between England and France.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).
NEW PROTECTION, The.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR REMUNERATION: THE NEW PROTECTION.
NEW YORK CENTRAL RAILROAD COMPANY.:
Fined for unlawful Rebates.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.
NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1897.
Leadership in the Administrative Control of Tuberculosis.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH: TUBERCULOSIS.
NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900-1903.
Beginning of Tenement House Reform.
By a steady process, accelerated in the last ten years, the
congested tenement districts of New York have become one great
aggregation of sunless and airless rooms. Immense buildings
have gone up by the thousands, five, six, and seven stories
high, in which practically no provision for ventilation has
been made; and in which the occupants are undergoing a slow
process of asphyxiation. Nor are these disadvantages confined
to the submerged proletariat. The New York tenement system is
pervasive. … Two-thirds of the total population of New York,
or 2,500,000 out of 3,500,000, live in tenement houses, a
proportion which is increasing every day. …
"It was not until Governor Roosevelt’s appointment of the De
Forest Tenement House Commission in 1900 that the necessary
remedial legislation took practical shape. This act itself was
the result of many years’ struggle against corrupt
politicians,—Tammany Hall, the self-appointed guardian of the
poorer classes, has been a bitter enemy of tenement
reform,—and against vested interests. Its long delay had
greatly exaggerated the problem; for meanwhile the conditions
described had accumulated in appalling Volume. The commission,
however, was of high civic character, and was composed of men,
several of whom had made an exhaustive study of the tenement
problem. The law which was passed as a result of their
investigation was the first sweeping and effective tenement
measure since the enactment in 1867 of the first tenement
house act. The newly elected Low administration found the
enforcement of this statute one of its most important
responsibilities. The law created a new branch of municipal
service,—the tenement house department; and gave the tenement
commission, in the shape of an elaborate code of housing laws,
important supervision over the building of new tenements and
the maintenance of old."
_B. J. Hendrick,
A Great Municipal Reform
(Atlantic Monthly, November, 1903)._
NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900-1909.
Subways and Tunnels.
It was not until 1900 that the building of subways for city
transit in New York was begun. The first line, from the City
Hall to Kingsbridge and the Bronx Park, was opened in 1904.
During its construction plans for its extension southerly and
under East River into Brooklyn were adopted, and contracts
were let. The original work was executed under an arrangement
with a company known as the McDonald Syndicate, whereby the
City gave its credit to secure the requisite funds and would
acquire the ownership of the subway and road at the end of
fifty years. In 1902 the interests of the McDonald Syndicate
were transferred to a new corporation, the Interborough Rapid
Transit Company, which ultimately acquired a general control
of the city railway service, and ran a crooked career to
results of disaster, so far as the public was concerned. In
1905 the Board of Rapid Transit Commissioners, then exercising
authority in this region of municipal affairs, under the New
York State Rapid Transit Act of 1891, approved plans for an
extensive additional system, comprehending as many as nineteen
routes, with various "spurs," and the Board of Estimate and
Apportionment consented to the execution of the plan.
The East River Tunnel to Brooklyn was finished early in 1908,
and the first two tubes of four Hudson Tunnels, connecting
Manhattan Island with New Jersey was opened in the last week
of February, the same year. This first pair of the Hudson
Tunnels realized a project which had been undertaken as far
back as 1878 and which had undergone two financial failures,
in 1882 and 1892. In 1902 its remains and its charter were
passed on to a third courageous company, organized by Mr.
William Gibbs McAdoo, who became the master-spirit of bold
enterprise at New York in this engineering field. In 1903 Mr.
McAdoo organized another company for the undertaking of a
connection of the Pennsylvania Railroad in Jersey City with
downtown New York, and also for connecting the uptown and
downtown tunnels by means of a north and south line along the
New Jersey water-front, so as to connect the Lackawanna, Erie,
and Pennsylvania Railroads with the tunnel system, and thereby
be able to give to their passengers an uptown and downtown
railway delivery.
The second pair of Hudson River tubes (the downtown link)
forming this New York and Jersey City Tunnel were opened on
the 19th of July, 1909. Writing of the event a few days before
its occurrence, the New York Evening Post summed up the
existing and prospective conditions of entrance to and exit
from the island of Manhattan by under-river passages as
follows:
"Since the city entered its rapid transit boom and the
practicability of sub-river tunnels was demonstrated to the
satisfaction of the leading engineers of the world, fourteen
such tubes have been under construction here. Four of them are
in operation. The downtown link of the Hudson Company’s system
will add two more, and the remaining eight are to be opened in
the course of the next two years, according to present plans.
{451}
"After the opening of the downtown Hudson tunnels, the
travelling public will look forward to the operation of the
other eight tubes, as follows: Two Pennsylvania Railroad
tunnels beneath the Hudson River and four under the East
River, meeting in Manhattan at the great terminal station now
nearing completion, between Thirty-first and Thirty-third
Streets, along Seventh Avenue; the pair of Steinway-Belmont
tunnels, deriving their name from the originator of the
franchise and the present controlling influence, running from
Forty-second Street to Long Island City and held practically
by the same men who control the operation of the
Manhattan-Bronx subway (the Interborough Company).
"The Pennsylvania tubes under the North (Hudson) River are
practically completed, and await only the finishing of the
depot, while the East River tubes, though a little behind hand
on account of difficulties met in the form of treacherous rock
ledges, are within possibly a year of opening. The
Steinway-Belmont tunnels are completed, and will be ready for
operation as soon as the company makes a satisfactory
arrangement with the Public Service Commission."
An official party in a passenger car went through the
Pennsylvania Railroad’s tubes between New Jersey and Long
Island on the 18th of November.
Work on a Fourth Avenue Subway in Brooklyn was begun November
13.
The Hudson Terminal at Cortlaudt and Church Streets is one of
the most interesting structures in the world. Below the street
is the terminal station, where all the trains "downtown"
arrive and depart. This station is wholly below tide level. It
is surrounded by a cofferdam of reinforced concrete 8 ft.
thick, 400 ft. long, and 177 ft. wide, and is sunk 95 ft. deep
to solid rock. Forty feet below the street is the track floor.
Twenty feet below the street is the great "Concourse," where
all traffic is collected and distributed to the various train
platforms underneath. On the Concourse the Pennsylvania, the
Lehigh Valley, and the Erie Railroads have ticket offices,
where tickets to any part of America may be bought. This
Concourse, which is about 1½ acres in extent, is one of the
show places of New York. Above the street level are two great
office buildings, each 22 stories in height, and containing
approximately 27 acres of rentable area.
NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1901-1903.
Municipal Elections.
Tammany’s Loss and Recovery of the Government.
Tammany Hall suffered defeat in the municipal election of
1901, the Honorable Seth Low, formerly a notable Mayor of
Brooklyn and latterly President of Columbia University, being
carried into the Mayor’s office by a roused movement of reform
which fused the elements of opposition to the corrupting
Tammany power. Unfortunately the Mayor’s term of office had
been shortened to two years by the charter amendment of the
previous year, and the term was too brief for much depth and
thoroughness of reform; but the city was greatly cleansed
during those two years. When the next election came, in 1903,
Tammany had rallied its hungry forces and secured a highly
respectable nominee for Mayor, in the person of Honorable
George B. McClellan, son of the famous General of the Civil
War. Mayor Low, renominated by a second Fusion of opponents to
Tammany, experienced defeat.
NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1904 (June).
The Burning of the Steamer Slocum.
A catastrophe of such horror as to be historical attended the
burning of the excursion steamer _General Slocum_, at New
York, on the 15th of June, 1904. The boat left a New York dock
in the morning with a Sunday-school picnic party aboard
numbering about eleven hundred,—nearly all women and children.
While passing through that part of the East River known as
Hell Gate, within the New York City limits, fire was
discovered in the forward part of the vessel. It was then
flood tide, and the eddies and currents in those waters are
very strong. The captain decided that it would be folly to
attempt to land on either shore, or to beach his boat. He
therefore headed the _Slocum_ for an island two miles up
stream. As the boat went forward at full steam, the
fore-and-aft draught thus created fanned the flames and
hastened her destruction. On the discovery of the fire by the
passengers, the wildest panic ensued. It was found that the
life-preservers with which the _Slocum_ was equipped were
worthless. No attempt was made to lower boats or life-rafts.
The crew were engaged in trying to cope with the fire, but
their efforts were futile. Within twenty minutes, the boat
went to her doom, and of the women and helpless children who
had embarked so gaily an hour before, more than nine hundred
were drowned or burned to death. Hundreds were saved by the
heroic efforts of policemen, river men, and the nurses on
North Brother Island, the seat of New York’s hospital for
contagious diseases, where the _Slocum_ was finally
beached. Most of those who met this awful death had come from
a single densely populated district of New York’s great "East
Side." In some cases, whole families were wiped out.
NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905.
Institution of the Bureau of Municipal Research.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: NEW YORK CITY.
NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905.
The Municipal Election.
Especial excitements were given to the municipal election of
this year in New York by the appearance in it of William R.
Hearst, proprietor of several newspapers in the country which
are foremost representatives of the recklessly sensational
journalism called "yellow." The methods by which these papers
won a great circulation include much that can hardly be
described otherwise than as demagoguism, and many groups and
classes of people who are restlessly discontented in life,
whether reasonably or otherwise, had learned to look on Mr.
Hearst as a champion of human rights. This prepared material
from which to organize a personal following that took the
character, for a time, of a formidable political organization,
incorporated under the name of the Independence League; and
the great wealth which Mr. Hearst had inherited, and which his
prosperous newspapers replenished, was spent lavishly in
exploiting, supporting, and controlling the organization. His
political ambitions aimed high, and the mayoralty of New York
City, for which his Independence League nominated him in 1905,
was by no means the contemplated end.
The Tammany Democracy gave its nomination to George B.
McClellan, son of the famous General, while the Republican
party named William M. Ivins, a prominent lawyer of the city.
The canvas was a heated one, and as it progressed the League
of Mr. Hearst was seen to be dangerously large. As a
consequence. Republicans who feared its control of the City
government even more than they feared that of Tammany, threw
their votes for McClellan, giving him a plurality of about
3500 over Hearst, and leaving Mr. Ivins far behind.
{452}
Frauds were claimed and the election contested by Hearst and
his supporters, who secured, by order of a Justice of the
Supreme Court of the State, a recounting of the ballots in
four election districts, with the result of a gain of
seventeen votes for Mr. Hearst. Appeal was then taken to the
Appellate Division of the Supreme Court for an order directing
not only a recount but a recanvass of votes. Such an order was
granted, but set aside by the Court of Appeals, to which the
question went then; the court of last resort reversing, also,
the order under which the four boxes had been recounted. The
assertion of fraud was still maintained with vehemence, and
the legitimacy of Mayor McClellan’s title to the office he
filled was denied for more than a year. The Legislature then
passed an Act directing a recanvass and recount of the entire
ballots of the election, which had been preserved under seal.
This was a labor of months, performed under the direction of
Judge Lambert, of the Supreme Court. It gave a gain of 1094
votes to Hearst and a gain of 231 to McClellan, leaving a net
gain of 863 to Hearst, and diminishing McClellan’s plurality
in the total vote to 2791. The validity of his election was
thereupon declared.
A more successful and far more notable independent candidacy
than that of Mr. Hearst, in the New York City election of
1905, was conducted for the purpose of retaining Mr. William
Travers Jerome in the office of District Attorney for the
county of New York. He had been carried into the office on a
fusion ticket, four years before, and had performed its
important duties with a courage, a force, an independence and
a rectitude that were beyond praise. The machines of the
parties would not nominate him for reëlection; but an
extraordinary rally of the friends of good government in all
parties put him into the field, with an emergency organization
that sufficed to carry him triumphantly through. He was elected
by a plurality of about 16,000. So striking a proof of the
political popularity which a high quality of public service
can win has not often been given.
NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905-1909.
The Undertaking of Works for a Water Supply from
the Catskill Mountains.
In 1905 the City of New York procured authority from the
Legislature to construct the works necessary for an adequate
supply of water, additional to that which had been drawn for
many years from the Croton River for old New York and from the
Ridgewood system for Brooklyn. The source determined on was
in the Catskill Mountains, including several streams, called
creeks,—namely Esopus, Rondout, Schoharie, and Catskill,—
having a total water shed of 885 square miles, and estimated
to furnish about 770 millions of gallons daily, even in dry
years. The plan of the project in its entirety contemplates
the construction of eight great reservoirs for storing and
controlling the waters derived from these streams. The first
to be built and the largest of such reservoirs is named the
Ashokan, on Esopus Creek, about 14 miles west of the Hudson
River at Kingston, near Brown’s station on the Ulster and
Delaware Railway. Work on this was begun in 1907. It is being
constructed in the form of two basins, having a united length
of about twelve and a half miles, lying between hills which
are connected by numerous massive dams. The dams necessary to
complete the enclosure of the water have a total length of
more than five miles.
In a straight line the distance from the Ashokan Reservoir to
New York is 86 miles; but the windings of the course that will
have to be given to the great aqueduct from the reservoir to
the city will add six miles to its length. The aqueduct is to
pass from the western to the eastern side of the Hudson at
Storm King Mountain, through a tunnel in solid rock, far
beneath the river bed. From Breakneck on the western shore it
will cross a corner of the Croton watershed to a filter site,
and to two final reservoirs, the Kensico and the Hill View. In
connection with both Ashokan and Kensico reservoirs the plan
of the system contemplates an aeration of the water, by
flinging it to the air in thousands of fountain jets.
In the parts of the great concrete aqueduct that can be built
in an open cut its dimensions are seventeen feet of height and
seventeen and a half feet of width. Where it traverses tunnels
the width is reduced to thirteen feet. Its delivery of water
to New York is calculated to add 500,000,000 of gallons daily
to the water supply of the city. The undertaking as a whole is
claimed to be the greatest that any city has yet engaged in,
while the engineering work involved is said to be second only
in magnitude to that of the Panama Canal.
_Alfred D. Flinn,
The World's Greatest Aqueduct
(The Century Magazine, September, 1909)._
NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1907 (April).
Great Peace Congress.
See (in this Volume)
WAR: THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.
NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1909.
Unearthing of Corruptions in the Custom House.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).
NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1909 (June).
The Wall Street Investigation, so-called.
Report on the Operations of the Stock Exchange and
other Exchanges.
See (in this Volume)
FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.
NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1909.
Renewed Struggle against Tammany, with Partial
but Substantial Success.
Although Tammany elected its candidate for Mayor in the
municipal election of 1909, its domination was practically
overthrown by the defeat of its nominees for all other offices
of importance in the City Government. A coalition of the
Republicans with anti-Tammany Democrats and other
organizations had presented a fusion ticket headed by a
prominent and much-trusted business man, Mr. Otto T. Bannard.
William R. Hearst entered the field again, as an independent
nominee, and Tammany named Judge William J. Gaynor, who had
been one of its opponents, as a Democrat, in the past. Judge
Gaynor was elected by a plurality of 73,016, the vote cast for
mayor being: Gaynor 250,678; Bannard 177,662; Hearst 153,843.
The City Comptroller, four of the five borough presidents, and
the President of the Board of Aldermen, were elected by the
Fusionists. By the election of Mr. McAneny to be President of
the Borough of Manhattan (the old New York City), a very
eminent political reformer and one of great force, was brought
into the City Government. As president of the energetic City
Club, which became a power in reform politics under his lead,
and as secretary of the National Civil Service Reform League,
Mr. McAneny had given abundant proof of his capacity and his
earnestness in work for good government.
{453}
By controlling twelve of the sixteen votes in the important
Board of Estimate, the opponents of Tammany stripped that
organization of all power over public "jobs." As the fact was
expressed exultingly in one of the journals of New York on the
day after election, "after January 1 Charles F. Murphy and his
associates no longer will say who shall have public
franchises; they, too, will no longer fix the budget, sell the
city’s bonds, and pay political debts with salary increases.
In other words, the Tiger has lost his grip on the city’s
purse-strings, and this fact, perhaps, more than any other,
has turned his den into a cavern of gloom."
NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1909.
Proposed New Charter, not acted on in the Legislature.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: NEW YORK CITY.
NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1909-1910.
The Shirtwaist Makers’ Strike.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909-1910.
NEW YORK LIFE INSURANCE COMPANY:
Legislative Investigation.
See (in this Volume)
INSURANCE, LIFE.
NEW YORK, NEW HAVEN AND HARTFORD RAILROAD CASE.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.
NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1899-1909.
The Barge Canal under Construction.
On the 8th of March, 1899, Theodore Roosevelt, then Governor
of New York, appointed a committee of private citizens, for
service without pay, in studying and reporting on the policy
to be adopted by the State of New York in dealing with its
canals. The appointed chairman of the committee was General
Francis Vinton Greene, and the following account of the
recommendations made by the committee is taken from a paper on
the subject contributed by General Greene to Volume XIII. of
the Publications of the Buffalo Historical Society, published
in December, 1909:
"The other members were Major Thomas W. Symons of the Corps of
Engineers, United States Army, then stationed at Buffalo in
charge of river and harbor improvements, Honorable Frank S.
Witherbee of Port Henry in the Champlain district, Honorable
George E. Green, State Senator from Binghamton in the southern
tier of counties, Honorable John N. Scatcherd of Buffalo, and
the two state officials most intimately connected with the
administration of canals, viz., Honorable Edward A. Bond,
State Engineer, and Honorable John N. Partridge,
Superintendent of Public Works.
"The request of the Governor was simply that we should study
the canal problem and advise him. … We devoted the greater
part of the year 1899 to a study of the subject, and made our
report to the Governor under date of January 15, 1900. … The
Governor promptly transmitted the report to the Legislature,
adopting the conclusions and recommendations which it
contained, and advising that legislation be enacted to carry
them into effect. This was done in successive years … ;
finally the project was ratified and adopted by an
overwhelming vote of the people in the election of 1903. …
"As to our conclusions and recommendations, the first question
to be decided was whether or not the canals should be entirely
abandoned. It was claimed by many that canal transportation
was antiquated and altogether out of date; that ‘the
railroads, with their large capital and scientific management,
their durable roadbeds, powerful locomotives, larger cars,
greater train loads, greater speed, and more certainty of
delivery, will be able now or in the early future to reduce
the cost of transportation below what is possible on the
canals.’ If it should seem probable that the railroads could
accomplish this, then it would be manifestly unwise and
improper to expend any more public money upon the canals.
"From a consideration of all [the] facts we reached our first
conclusion—which, like all the other portions of our report,
was unanimously adopted—to wit, ‘That the canals connecting
the Hudson river with Lakes Erie, Ontario and Champlain should
not be abandoned, but should be maintained and enlarged.’
"The next point to be considered was, to what extent should
they be enlarged, what size of vessel they should be adapted
to carry, and what would be the estimated cost of
construction.
"As to the proper size of the enlarged canal, widely different
views were held by engineers and by economists. Some contended
that the nine foot canal authorized in 1894 was sufficiently
large; others brought forward the supposed advantages of a
ship canal large enough to carry ocean-going steamers without
breaking bulk from Duluth to Liverpool, or any other port;
others contended that a canal of intermediate size would be
found to be the most economical, would cost the least amount
of money for the results produced, and would, in fact, produce
a lower freight rate than either the small canal on the one
hand, or the ship canal on the other.
"To these questions we gave the most careful study. The ship
canal had many glittering attractions, and there was a large
sentiment along the lakes which had found expression in Deep
Waterways conventions, which had been held in recent years and
had advocated a water route of either 21 or 28 feet depth from
Lake Erie to the Atlantic ocean. … But a careful examination
of the facts led us to the conclusion that while a ship canal
of 21 or 28 feet depth would cost enormously more than a barge
canal of say, 12 feet depth, it would not produce as low a
freight rate. …
"Having rejected the ship canal project, we had then to
consider what size of enlarged canal we should recommend. In
any event, we were satisfied that the route of the canal
should be changed so as to use the waterways of the Seneca and
Oneida rivers, Oneida lake and the Mohawk river in place of
the present route; but the question was whether the depth of
the canal should be 9 feet, capable of carrying a boat with
cargo capacity of 450 tons, or a depth of 12 feet, carrying a
boat with a cargo capacity of about 1,000 tons. With such data
as we could obtain in the short time at our disposal, and
without adequate surveys, we estimated the cost of the smaller
project at a little more than $21,000,000, and of the larger
project at a little less than $59,000,000.
{454}
"Our conclusion was in these words: ‘In our judgment, arrived
at after long consideration, and with some reluctance, the
State should undertake the larger project on the ground that
the smaller one is at best a temporary makeshift, and that the
larger project will permanently secure the commercial
supremacy of New York, and that this can be assured by no
other means.’ …
"We made a fourth recommendation in the following words:
"‘That the money for these improvements should be raised by
the issue of eighteen-year bonds in the manner prescribed by
the State Constitution, and that the interest and principal of
these bonds should be paid out of taxes specifically levied,
for benefits received, in the counties bordering in whole or
in part on the canals, the Hudson river and Lake Champlain;
such taxes to be levied in proportion to the assessed
valuation of the real and personal estate in such counties.
These taxes will amount to about 10 cents per $100 of assessed
valuation annually during the period of eighteen years.’
"Our object in making this recommendation was to disarm the
opposition of the non-canal counties. … We also submitted
statistics in tabular and graphic form showing that the
valuation of the river and canal counties was 90% of the
entire valuation of the State. In any event, they would bear
90% of the expense, and it was thought wise to suggest that
they bear the entire expense so as to remove every ground of
alleged injustice in taxing the counties which claimed to
derive no benefit.
"This recommendation was not adopted by the Legislature, nor
submitted to the people. …
"At the election the non-canal counties voted against the
project by large majorities, St. Lawrence county, for
instance, being 12 to 1 against it, and Steuben county, 10 to
1 against it; but, on the other hand, the canal counties voted
in favor of it by almost equally large majorities, New York
being 9 to 1 in favor of it; Kings, 8 to 1; Queens, 5 to 1,
and Erie, nearly 5 to 1. For some unexplained reason Monroe
county, in which Rochester is situated, and Onondaga county,
in which Syracuse is situated, voted against it. The
overwhelming vote, however, in the counties at the two
terminals, New York and Buffalo, made a majority of 245,312 in
the entire State in favor of the project, and a total vote of
1,100,708.
"Our fifth and final recommendation was as follows:
"That the efficiency of the canals depends upon their
management quite as much as upon their physical size, and that
no money should be spent for further enlargement unless
accompanied by measures which will accomplish the following
results:
"(a) The removal of all restrictions as to the amount of
capital of companies engaged in transportation on the canals,
and the encouragement of large transportation lines for
handling canal business, in place of hampering them, as has
hitherto been the case.
"(b) The use of mechanical means of traction, either steam or
electricity, in place of draft animals; and the use of
mechanical power in place of hand power for operating the
gates and valves, and moving boats in locks.
"(c) The organization of the force engaged on the public works
of the State on a more permanent basis, so as to afford an
attractive career to graduates of scientific institutions,
with the assurance that their entry into the service, their
tenure of office, and their promotion will depend solely on
their fitness, as determined by proper and practical tests.
"(d) A revision of the laws in regard to the letting of public
contracts by the State, so as to make impossible a repetition
of the unfortunate results of the $9,000,000 appropriation.
"Legislation has already been adopted to carry into effect (a)
and (c); the adopted plans for the canal are in accordance
with (b); and the specific form of contract which we
recommended in connection with (d) was not adopted, but
another form of contract was adopted which will practically
accomplish the same result.
"It only remains to speak of the cost of the project. With
such data as we had available and with such surveys as were
possible during the year 1899, we estimated the cost of the
project we recommended at $58,894,668 for the Erie Canal and
$2,642,120 for the Oswego and Champlain canals, making a total
of $61,536,788. This contemplated a canal with 12 feet depth
and suitable locks for carrying a barge of approximately 1,000
tons capacity from Buffalo to the Hudson river, but as to the
Oswego and Champlain canals, it recommended only the
completion of the work already undertaken to provide for boats
of six feet draft. … It was ultimately determined to enlarge
the Champlain and Oswego canals to the same size as the main
canal between Buffalo and the Hudson river, and also to
include the dredging of a 12 foot channel in the Hudson river,
which we had anticipated would be done by the Federal
Government. This enlargement of the project very materially
increased the cost, and in the interval between the time of
our report and the completion of the detailed report of the
State Engineer, the prices of labor and materials had very
largely advanced. In order to cover all possible
contingencies, the State Engineer carried his estimate to
$101,000,000, and this was the amount appropriated by the
Legislature and ratified by the people at the election of
1903."
_Francis Vinton Greene,
The Inception of the Barge Canal Project
(Buffalo Historical Society Publications, Volume 13)._
The first six contracts for the construction of the Barge
Canal were let in April, 1905. The state of the work at the
end of the year 1909 was announced by Governor Hughes in his
Message to the next Legislature as follows:
"The contracts in force for the Barge Canal improvement amount
in total price to $48,229,467, and the contract value of the
work performed to December 1, 1909, was $15,821,275. It is
estimated by the State engineer and surveyor that during 1910
work will be completed amounting to $16,000,000, and it is
expected that the work for the entire length of the Barge
Canal system will be under contract by April 1, 1910. At the
present rate of progress, it is said that it is not
unreasonable to expect that the Barge Canal system will be
completed by the end of the year 1914. It is further stated
that the work is being carried on within the original
estimates. This enterprise should be pushed to completion as
speedily, as economically, and efficiently as possible."
NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1901-1909.
Legislation developing the Parole System
of dealing with Convicts.
See (in this Volume)
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: INDETERMINATE SENTENCES.
{455}
NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1905-1906.
Legislative Investigation of Life Insurance Companies and the
State Superintendency of them.
Startling Disclosures.
Remedial Legislation.
See (in this Volume)
INSURANCE, LIFE.
NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1910.
The Epoch of Governor Hughes.
The Special Significance of his Administration.
His Exemplary Fidelity to Fundamental Political Principles.
His Public Support against Hostile Party-Managers.
The election of 1906 is likely to be marked in the political
history of New York as the introduction of an epoch,—the Epoch
of Governor Hughes. The State has had a number of very notable
Governors, in both early and late times,—Governors who left a
deep and lasting impression of themselves on its history, and
who have been large contributors to its prestige and influence
as the Empire State of the American Union; but Governor Hughes
is of a type so different from any of his predecessors, and
his conduct of the Governor’s high office has been so
distinctive in principle and method, that his administration
can hardly fail, in the retrospect, to take on a special
significance of its own.
As counsel to the Legislative Committee which investigated the
scandals of life-insurance management in 1905-1906 (see, in this
Volume, INSURANCE, LIFE), the conduct of the investigation by
Mr. Charles Evans Hughes drew public attention, and made him
known so favorably that when in the autumn of 1906 the
Republican Party of the State had special need of a personally
attractive candidate for Governor, an unmistakable expression
of popular opinion directed the choice to him. The
Independence League which Mr. William R. Hearst had rallied
and organized, and which had served him the previous year in
his candidacy for the mayoralty of New York (see, above, NEW
YORK CITY: A. D. 1905), had been recruited so successfully
throughout the State, and had absorbed so much of some
elements of the Democratic Party, that the latter made terms
of combination with it, and adopted Mr. Hearst as its
gubernatorial nominee. The combination was one which the
ordinary forces acting for the Republican Party could hardly
hope to overcome; but the recent prestige of Mr. Hughes might
call out reinforcements that would save the day. It was not
willingly that the professional managers of the party
consented to his nomination, and it was not willingly that he
accepted it. He was heartily a Republican in politics, but
never active in its affairs, being devoted to his profession
and plainly reluctant to be turned aside at all from the
career it had just fairly opened before him. But he yielded,
as the party managers did, to a call from the public of the
party, and the result of the election afforded proof of the
reality and sincerity of the call. Hughes alone on the State
ticket of the Republicans was elected; Hearst alone on the
ticket of the Democratic-Independence-League combination was
defeated. Governor Hughes was thus placed, on the 1st of
January, 1907, at the head of an administration in which every
other elective office was filled by his political opponents.
This political aloneness of Governor Hughes in his office
would have mattered very little, however, if his own party
surroundings in it had been friendly and sympathetic; but very
quickly it was seen that he had conceptions of official duty
which those who controlled the machine-like "organization" of
the party, with consequent powers of influence over its
representatives in the legislature and in other official
places, could in no wise comprehend. With a degree of
precision and decision hardly matched by another executive,
this Governor had studied, constitutionally and ethically, and
had defined to himself, the obligations and limitations of his
office, and had resolved them into principles of action from
which he never swerved. In one particular, especially, this
held him to a course which some former governors had adhered
to in the main, but none, perhaps, with a consistency as firm.
In the use of two powers confided to the Governor, that of the
veto in legislation and that of appointment to many State
offices, there had always been more or less of giving and
taking between the Executive, on one side, and the Legislature
and the controlling leaders of party organization on the
other. A Governor actuated by personal motives, of ambition or
other self-interest, would use these powers freely, in
bargaining for or enforcing his desires; and a Governor who
cared for public interests alone would sometimes feel driven
to secure measures needful to that end at some price of
concession in appointments and in the approval of bills, or
some coercive use of the veto whip. Governor Hughes would do
neither, and his attitude in this matter stands out so
conspicuously as to mark in itself an epoch of great example
in the right exercise of executive power.
No Governor has ever interested himself more earnestly in the
work of the Legislature, with a watchful eye to the needs,
interests, and rights of the public and to the demands of good
government on every side. No Governor has ever taken a more
active and effective part in the production of important
legislation, and none has ever put his stamp on more of such
legislation within the same time. But all that he has done in
that line of executive duty has been strictly by
recommendation and by argument, addressed first to the
Legislature and then to the public behind it; never by any
other means. Legislatures have been coerced irresistibly into
compliance with his recommendations, by public opinion,
wakened by the Governor’s voice; never directly by him. There
has been no departure from the principle of action which he
stated once in these words: "I have not attempted, through the
use of political patronage or political machinery to coerce
anybody, and I don’t propose to do so. But under the
constitution, it is my privilege and my duty to recommend
legislation. If I mean what I say when I recommend, I ought to
be able to tell why it is recommended, and my constituency is
not the Legislature, and not any particular part of the
people, but my constituency is the people of the State, and I
propose, therefore, whenever I make a recommendation, and
there is any question about it, to tell as forcibly, as fully
and as frankly as possible why I stand for it. If it is wrong,
you will know it all the sooner; if it is right, you will give
it the support it deserves. I call that American government,
and if we had a little less trading, a little less wirepulling
and bulldozing, we would prosper to a far greater degree."
{456}
The Legislature of New York has been honored by this
highminded and respectful treatment of it, which the
highminded among its members have appreciated; but these have
been at most times a minority. The majority, obedient to
resentful party "bosses," have acted sullenly with him when
the lash of public opinion has driven them to his side, and
defiantly against him when they dared. His obstinate
antagonists have found a reflection hard to obtain.
The most signal showing of the attitude of the public toward
antagonists of Governor Hughes in the Legislature occurred in
connection with a bill, recommended by the Governor in 1907,
for the amendment of a disgraceful existing law relative to
race-track gambling. The State Constitution, as revised in
1894, prohibits all forms of gambling, and declares that "the
Legislature shall pass appropriate laws to prevent offenses
against any of the provisions of this section." In 1895 an
Act (known as the Percy-Gray Law) was got through the
Legislature, professedly in obedience to this mandate of the
Constitution, which verbally prohibited betting on races, but
penalized it only by providing that the loser of a race-track
bet might sue the winner and recover twice the amount of his
bet, while betting and gambling in other places were punished
heavily by imprisonment and fine. This scandalous favor to the
race-track interests carried a bribe at the same time to the
farmers of the State, in the form of a cunning provision of
the Act, which appropriated five per cent. of the gross
receipts of racing associations to the benefit of agricultural
societies. Repeated attempts to correct so contemptuous a
violation of the Constitution had failed; but Governor Hughes
renewed the attempt, with a feeling of reverence for Law and
for the honor of the State which could not tolerate defeat.
When the amending Bill that he recommended was put in suspense
by a tie vote in the Senate, the Governor called a special
session of the Legislature, and brought the question before
the people in speeches which made a mighty stir. The racing
interests in the State were so powerful that they almost
defied defeat, and all their influence came into play.
Meantime a special election to fill a vacancy in the Senate
was pending in Western New York, and the issue on the
race-track gambling bill was fought out there, with the
Governor in the field, contending for an honest enforcement of
the constitutional law of the State. The result of the
election gave support to that contention, and when, at the
special session, the Bill in question was again called up in
the Senate, as it could be, it was passed by a majority of
one. The Republican senators who voted against it were most of
them retired to private life by their constituents at the
senatorial elections of the ensuing fall.
Almost everything of importance in New York legislation since
Governor Hughes entered office has had its origin in his
recommendations, and has been carried by the weight of public
backing which belief in him calls out, against resisting
influences that would ordinarily have prevailed. This was
notably the fact in the case of the Public Service Commissions
Act of 1907 (See (in this Volume) PUBLIC UTILITIES), which
established an effective supervision and regulation of
corporations engaged in public services, by placing over them
two commissions, appointed by the Governor, one with
jurisdiction in New York City, the other in the remainder of
the State, both armed with large powers. The services covered
are those of railways, gas and electric light and power
companies, and the authority established over them extends not
only to their rates, but to their capitalization, their issues
of stock and bonds, their franchises, the labor conditions
under them, their equipment, and the sufficiency and quality
of the service they render. The excellence of the Act has been
proved by its working, in the hands of the commissions
appointed by Governor Hughes.
In the checking of improper legislation by his vetoes,
especially against encroachments on local rights of
self-government, and against special enactments that intrude
on general laws, Governor Hughes has been a teacher of
political principles, as importantly as in the legislative
advice which it is part of his constitutional duty to render.
He taught a great lesson to every legislative body and every
executive in the Union, when he disapproved a highly popular
bill which prescribed a fixed rate of railway passenger fares
at two cents per mile, on the ground that it was not a matter
to be dealt with summarily,—without careful investigation and
determination of the facts involved. So consistent, so
forceful, so effective a teacher, in fact, by precept and high
example, of the fundamentals of principle in political action,
has rarely appeared in any country.
That Governor Hughes was renominated and reelected in 1908 for
a second term was again by reason of a public insistence which
neither he nor the hostile manipulators of caucus-work in his
party could resist. If the election had not been coincident in
time with a presidential election the "bosses" of the party
would have refused the nomination to him at any cost. They
were able to secure a convention of delegates that would
eagerly have made that refusal; but when the Governor was
persuaded to say that he would accept renomination, they dared
not imperil the national interests of the party by flouting
demands which came from every quarter of the land. He had
become so national a figure that interest in his reelection
was nation-wide.
On the powerful movement in New York to break down the
practical exclusion of the people from the choosing of
candidates for office, which Governor Hughes inspired.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES:
DIRECT PRIMARY NOMINATIONS.
NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.
Work of Reforestation.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.
NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1907.
The Gift of Letchworth Park.
A noble gift to the State was made in January, 1907, by the
Honorable William Pryor Letchworth, a gentleman of distinction
in benevolent work, officially as president for many years of
the State Board of Charities, and privately, at the same time,
as a profound student of and writer on, some of the gravest of
the problems of philanthropy, especially that of the treatment
of the insane. The home of Mr. Letchworth for many years has
been on a great estate which embraces the finest and most
famous scenery of the Upper Genesee River, lying on both sides
of the cañon [canyon] down which the river plunges in three
successive falls.
{457}
The thousand acres of the estate enclose all three of the
falls. This magnificent domain, preserved in all its natural
beauty and improved with careful taste by half a century of
Mr. Letchworth’s care, has been conveyed in trust to the
State, under the future custody of The American Scenic and
Historic Preservation Society, to be forever, after the death
of Mr. Letchworth, a Public Park. A generous citizen has thus
saved from destructive uses a piece of scenery which has
hardly its equal for picturesque and varied beauty in another
part of the State.
NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1907.
Enactment of the Public Utilities Law.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC UTILITIES.
NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1907-1909.
Creation of the Probation System.
See (in this Volume)
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: PROBATION.
NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909.
Gas Company’s Refund.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC UTILITIES.
NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909.
Historical Commemorations.
The Champlain and the Hudson-Fulton.
Three notable events of the far past were notably commemorated
in New York during the summer and autumn of 1909. The
tercentenary year of Champlain’s discovery, in July, 1609, of
the Lake which bears his name, was signalized by a week of
historical pageants, fêtes, and gatherings for speech and
ceremony, on and around the lake, beginning on the 4th of
July. France, England, Canada, and the United States were
represented in the addresses and exercises of the occasion, by
the British and French Ambassadors, the Postmaster-General of
the Dominion, President Taft and ex-Secretary Root, Governor
Hughes of New York and Governor Prouty of Vermont. A large
number of Indians took part in the pageants, occupying a
floating island constructed for the occasion on the lake, and
representing scenes of Indian life and warfare, the story of
Hiawatha, and other reminders of the time when men of their
race were the lords of the region of Lake Champlain. The
occasion was made one of great interest.
Still more of interest was given to the double commemoration,
in September, of Hendrick Hudson’s exploration of Hudson River
and of Robert Fulton’s first practically successful
undertaking of steamboating, on that river. The celebration of
the event first named was timed appropriately on its third
centennial anniversary. That of the second was belated by two
years; but the two were most fitly connected. The people of
Holland joined heartily in the Hudson commemoration, building
and sending over to New York an exact replica of Hudson’s
little ship, the _Halve Maen_, or Half Moon, in which his
voyage was made. Fulton’s steamboat, the _Clermont_, was
also reproduced for the occasion, and the two small, quaint
vessels, strikingly in contrast with the monster battle ships
and ocean liners that surrounded them, lent a singular
interest to the affair. Great Britain, France, Germany, Italy,
the Netherlands, Mexico, Cuba, and the Argentine Republic
accepted invitations to take part in the naval parades which
formed a grand feature of the celebration, and an imposing
assembly of great ships of war was shown. Eight days, from
Saturday, September 25th, until the following Saturday, were
filled with church services, school exercises, historical
exhibitions and processions, military and naval parades,
aquatic sports, carnival doings, aeroplane flights, banquets
to foreign guests, etc., at New York City, after which the
_Half Moon_ and the _Clermont_ proceeded up the
river and the celebration was continued in various towns.
NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909.
Defeat of the Direct Primary Bill.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES:
DIRECT PRIMARY NOMINATION.
NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909-1910.
Munificent Gifts of Land on the Hudson
for Park Purposes offered.
In his annual Message to the Legislature, January 5, 1910,
Governor Hughes announced the details of a munificent project
of gifts proffered to the State for the purpose of creating a
noble State Park on and near the Hudson River. Mrs. Mary W.
Harriman, widow of the late E. H. Harriman, offered to convey
to the State a tract of about ten thousand acres of land in
Orange and Rockland counties, to be held in perpetuity as a
State park; offering further to give the State $1,000,000 in
trust, to be used for the purchase of land lying between the
tract mentioned and the Hudson River, so that the park may
have the advantage of a river frontage. Other gifts for
similar purposes amounting to $1,625,000 were announced as a
result of the activity of the Palisades Park Commission, from
residents of New York, New Jersey, and Philadelphia. John D.
Rockefeller and J. Pierpont Morgan each subscribed $500,000;
Margaret Olivia Sage, William K. Vanderbilt, George F. Baker,
James Stillman, John D. Archbold, Frank A. Munsey, Henry
Phipps, E. T. Stotesbury, E. H. Gary, and George W. Perkins
gave $50,000 each: Helen M. Gould and V. Everit Macy
contributed $25,000 each, and Ellen F. James and Arthur C.
James jointly gave a similar amount. These subscriptions were
secured upon conditions stipulating, among other things, that
New York State shall appropriate $2,500,000 for the acquiring
of land and the building of roads and general park purposes;
that the State of New Jersey shall contribute a fair share,
and that the State discontinue work on the new State prison at
Great Bear Mountain in Rockland County, where preliminary work
on the site for a new $2,000,000 structure has been under way
for several months.
NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1886-1893.
Extension of the Suffrage to Women.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.
NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1896-1908.
Twelve Years of Local Option.
The working of the Law.
Warning to the Liquor Trade.
The Vote of Women.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM: NEW ZEALAND.
NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1902.
Colonial Conference at London.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE.
NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1903.
The Maori King a Colonial Minister.
The old fierce conflict of the Maoris with the English
colonists in New Zealand would seem to have been effectually
ended, since the Maori King accepted a seat in the colonial
Cabinet, as a responsible Minister, in 1903.
{458}
NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1905.
Government Ownership and Long-leasing of Land.
Its working.
Government Loans to Farmers.
The land system of New Zealand, as it was in 1895, is
described in Volume VI. of this work (see NEW ZEALAND). It has
since been carried farther on social-paternalistic lines, by
extensive expropriations or compulsory sales of large estates
to the Government, and by the institution of public loans of
capital to farmers at a moderate rate of interest. The
operation and result are thus described in a recent work:
"So far the government has lent to the farmers about
$20,000,000, but it has saved them $20,000,000 in interest,
because as soon as it came into the field with its cheap
loans, interest rates dropped everywhere. You see Shylock has
fled from these shores and will not return. The government has
never lost a cent in these loans. Reform proceeded next, with
a land tax graduated to an ascending scale, to discourage
land-grabbing, and land speculation; so that the more land a
man owns the higher is the tax-rate upon it. Thus for farms of
ordinary size the rate is two cents in every $5 of assessed
valuation; but on estates of more than $25,000 the rate
increases in regular ratio to the maximum of six cents for
every $5, except for absentee owners. They must pay fifty per
cent. more than residents. You can see that in New Zealand the
chance for fine old families and landed gentry is slim. No
doubt the theory of these things is extremely reprehensible,
but the practice is excellent. What with seizing the big
estates, and what with the graduated land tax, the size of
holdings has been so reduced that of 115,713 landowners in
1905 only 22,778 came under the operations of the augmented
land tax. The others, having small properties, paid the
smallest rate. Under the land purchase act the government has
seized 691,594 acres, mostly hunting fields and uncultivated
family inheritances. These have been partitioned into small
farms and are occupied by actual settlers. Under the operation
of all the new land laws together, the produce of New Zealand
has trebled, and the New Zealand farmer has become the most
prosperous in the world."
_Charles E. Russell,
The Uprising of the Many,
chapter 29
(copyright, 1907, by Doubleday, Page & Co., New York, 1907)._
NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1906.
The Democratizing of Competition.
Labor Group Coöperation.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR REMUNERATION.
NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1906-1909.
The Liberal Party and the Liberal Ministry.
Their years of Great Power.
Their Strength shaken in the latest Election.
Its Method and Result.
The new Ministry of Sir Joseph Ward.
In June, 1906, the Liberal Party in New Zealand experienced a
great loss, in the death of Mr. Richard J. Seddon, its strong
leader, and the Prime Minister of Government for some time
past. His place was taken temporarily by Mr. Hall-Jones, until
Sir Joseph Ward, then absent from the country, returned and
received the chief ministerial seat. Since 1893 the Liberal
Party had derived large majorities in Parliament from each
triennial election. The Liberal Administration had advanced
accordingly, says a recent letter to the London _Times_,
"under the banner of labour legislation, new land laws, and
State Socialism, and was strengthened in its position by the
general prosperity of the country and the expenditure of large
sums of borrowed money upon public works. At the end of last
Session, it was still at the head of affairs with a majority
(including the four Maori members) of no fewer than 46.
"In the meantime, however, the guiding hand of Mr. Seddon, the
great apostle of New Zealand democracy, had been removed from
the scene, the harsh working of the Compulsory Arbitration Act
had begun to alienate the sympathies of both employers and
workers; the anti-freehold tendencies of the present
Administration were effecting a change of feeling in the
country constituencies, and the drop in the prices of some of
our staple products, combined with the stringency in the local
money market, began to act as a check on our commercial
prosperity. Finally, the Government made some tactical
blunders." Hence the Opposition, at the Parliamentary election
of November, 1908, was greatly strengthened, though the
ascendancy of the Liberals was still maintained. The conduct
of the election and its result are described by the
correspondent already quoted, as follows: "An election in New
Zealand is conducted in a most orderly manner. The
distribution of literature, the wearing of badges, and any
touting for votes from electors on their way to the polls or
in front of the polling booths are strictly prohibited by law.
A half-holiday has to be observed in shops and offices, and
factory owners must allow their _employés_ time off to
vote. The publichouses remain closed from noon until the polls
are closed, the closing hour being in the country 6 P. M., and
in the cities 7 P. M. Time was, in the very early days, when
the polling booths were in some cases located between two
drinking saloons that did a roaring trade, and the result was
much loud disputation, bad language, and fighting. Nowadays
all that is changed, and women can walk into the polling
booths with complete unconcern. For the 76 seats 213
candidates had been nominated. Of these 114 claimed to be
Ministerialists and 52 Oppositionists, while 46 were
Independents, among whom were a few Socialists and Independent
Labourites. The result of the first ballot was that 34
Government supporters, 16 Opposition candidates, and three
Independents were elected by absolute majorities. In 23
constituencies the candidates at the head of the poll failed
to secure absolute majorities of the total votes polled, and
it became necessary to hold second ballots, the number of
these being practically double what was estimated by the Prime
Minister. … Twenty-two of these were held a week later, and
resulted in a further strengthening of the Opposition party.
One—in a widely scattered country constituency—has yet to be
held. The Government secured 12 of the seats, the Opposition
nine, and Independent Labour one. …
"The result of the elections, as a whole, is greatly to
strengthen the Opposition, and correspondingly to weaken the
Government. The next most noticeable feature about it is the
unusual change it has made in the _personnel_ of the
House of Representatives. While not a single Opposition member
of the last Parliament who stood has lost his seat, no fewer
than 17 followers of the Ministry have been relegated to
private life; while the new Parliament will contain 27 new
members out of 76.
{459}
The position of parties, with one second ballot yet to be
decided, is—Government, 45; Opposition, 25; Independent, 4;
Independent Labour, 1. At the end of last Session (excluding
Maori members) the Government were 59 strong, while the
Opposition, including one Independent, numbered only 17. Thus,
whereas in the last Parliament the Government could reckon on
a majority of 42, they cannot now be absolutely sure of a
majority of more than 15 of the European members on certain
issues. There are four Maori members still to be elected, and
as these generally vote with the party in power the assured
Ministerial majority will be 19. This should be amply
sufficient to enable Sir Joseph Ward to continue in power for
the full term of the Parliament—three years."
Early in January, 1909, the Ministry was reconstructed, the
Premier, Sir Joseph Ward, burdening himself with the
portfolios of Finance, Defence, Lands, Agriculture, and the
Post Office. This was said to be made necessary by the
inexperience in office of the new Ministers whom he called to
his side.
NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1907 (April-May).
Imperial Conference at London.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.
NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1907-1909.
Working of the Compulsory Arbitration Law.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: NEW ZEALAND.
NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1908.
Population.
The population of the Dominion of New Zealand on December 31,
1908, was estimated as follows:
Europeans 960,000;
Maoris, 49,000;
Cook Islanders, 12,000.
There was an increase of Europeans during the year of 31,000,
being at the rate of 3.36 percent. The excess of immigration
over departures was 14,000—a record; while the natural
increase was 17,000. The death-rate was 9.57 per thousand, as
compared with 10.95 in 1907; and the birth-rate was 27.45 per
thousand, as compared with 27.30.
NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1908-1909.
Labor Strike caused by Legislation making "Miners’ Disease"
a ground of Compensation from Employers.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR PROTECTION: EMPLOYERS’ LIABILITY.
NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1909.
Announcement of Railway-Building Policy.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: NEW ZEALAND.
NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1909.
Act establishing compulsory Military Training.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY: NEW ZEALAND.
NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1909.
The Prime Minister’s testimony to the good working
of Woman Suffrage.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.
NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1909 (July-August).
Imperial Defence Conference.
Offer of a "Dreadnought" to the Imperial Navy.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY AND NAVAL.
NIAGARA FALLS:
Preservation of their "Scenic Grandeur."
An Act of Congress, designed "to preserve the scenic grandeur"
of Niagara Falls, approved in June, 1906, authorized the
Secretary of War to grant permits for the diversion of water
for the creation of power to an aggregate amount not exceeding
15,600 cubic feet a second, and to grant permits for the
transmission of power from Canada to an aggregate quantity not
exceeding 160,000 horsepower. The then Secretary of War, Mr.
Taft, since elected President of the United States, after
careful investigations and hearings, granted permits for the
diversion of the maximum amount of water under the act and for
the admission of the maximum quantity of power. In reporting
his decision Mr. Taft explained why he believed that the
diversion authorized could be made without harm to the Falls:
"I have reached," he said, "the conclusion that with the
diversion of 15,600 cubic feet on the American side and the
transmission of 160,000 horse power from the Canadian side,
the scenic grandeur of the Falls will not be affected
substantially or perceptibly to the eye. With respect to the
American falls this is an increase of only 2,500 cubic feet a
second over what is now being diverted and has been diverted
for many years, and has not affected the Falls as a scenic
wonder. With respect to the Canadian side, the water is drawn
from the river in such a way as not to affect the American
falls at all, because the point from which it is drawn is
considerably below the level of the water, at the point where
the waters separate above Goat Island, and the Waterways
Commission and Dr. Clark agree that the taking of 13,000 cubic
feet from the Canadian side will not in any way affect or
reduce the water going over the American falls. The water
going over the Falls on the Canadian side of Goat Island is
about five times the Volume of that which goes over the
American falls. … If the amount withdrawn on the Canada side
for Canadian use were 5,000 cubic feet a second, which it is
not likely to be during the three years’ life of these
permits, the total to be withdrawn would not exceed ten per
cent, of the Volume of the stream, and, considering the
immense quantity which goes over the Horseshoe Falls, the
diminution would not be perceptible to the eye."
See, also, provisions of "WATERWAYS TREATY,"
in this Volume, under CANADA: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).
NIAGARA MOVEMENT, The.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES.
NICARAGUA.
See (in this Volume)
CENTRAL AMERICA.
NICHOLAS II., TSAR OF RUSSIA.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA.
NICHOLS, ERNEST FOX:
President of Dartmouth University.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.
NICOLSON, SIR ARTHUR:
British Ambassador at St. Petersburg.
Convention with Russia.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).
NIEL, M.:
The head of the Confédération Générale du Travail in France.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1884-1909.
NIGERIA.
See (in this Volume)
AFRICA: FRENCH CENTRAL.
NIGHT RIDERS, of the Tobacco Farmers’ Union.
See (in this Volume)
KENTUCKY: A. D. 1905-1909.
NILE BARRAGE.
See (in this Volume)
EGYPT: A. D. 1902 (DECEMBER).
{460}
NOBEL PRIZES.
By the will of Alfred Bernard Nobel, the distinguished Swedish
engineer and chemist, pupil of John Ericsson and inventor of
dynamite and other explosives, five great prizes, averaging
nearly $40,000 each in value, were instituted, for annual
reward to persons who shall severally have made the most
important discovery or invention in the domain of physics,
chemistry and physiology or medicine; to the writer who has
produced in literature the most distinguished work of an
idealistic tendency, and to the person who has most or best
promoted the fraternity of nations, the abolition or reduction
of standing armies and the formation and increase of peace
congresses. The award of the two prizes first named to be made
by the Royal Academy of Science in Stockholm; the third by the
Caroline Medical-Chirurgical Institute in Stockholm; the
fourth by the Swedish Academy in the same city; the fifth by
the Storthing or Parliament of Norway.
The presentation of prizes on the first award was made with
impressive ceremonies on the 10th of December, 1901, that
being the fifth anniversary of Mr. Nobel’s death. Each year
since, the awards have been made on that anniversary day. The
recipients have been as follows:
PHYSICS.
1901
William Conrad Roentgen,
professor of physics at the University of Munich.
1902
Divided equally between Henrik Anton Lorentz, professor
of physics at the University of Leyden, and Peter Zeeman,
professor of physics at the University of Amsterdam.
1903
Half to Antoine Henri Becquerel, professor of physics
at the École Polytechnique and at the Museum d’Histoire
Naturelle, Paris, France, member Institut Française, and half
to Pierre Curie, professor of physics at the University of
Paris (Sorbonne) and teacher in physics at the Paris Municipal
School of Industrial Physics and Chemistry, and his wife, Marie
Sklodovska Curie, preceptress at the Higher Normal School
for Young Girls at Sevres.
1904
Lord Rayleigh, professor of natural philosophy,
Royal Institution of Great Britain, London.
1905
Philippe Lenard, professor of physics at the
physical Institute of Kiel.
1906
J. J. Thomson, professor of experimental physics
at the University of Cambridge.
1907
Albert A. Michelsen, professor of physics at the
University of Chicago.
1908
Professor Gabriel Lippman of the University of Paris.
1909
G. Marconi, Italy, and
Professor Ferdinand Braun of Strassburg.
MEDICINE.
1901
Emil Adolf von Behring, professor of hygiene and
medical history at the University of Marburg, Prussia.
1902
Ronald Ross, professor of tropical medicine at the
University college of Liverpool.
1903
Niels Ryberg Finsen, professor of medicine,
Copenhagen, Denmark.
1904
Ivan Petrovic Pawlow, professor of physiology in the
Military Academy of Medicine, St. Petersburg.
1905
Robert Koch, member of the
Royal Academy of Science, Berlin.
1906
Professors Ramon y Cajal and Camillo Golgi of the
Pavia university, Italy.
1907
Charles L. A. Laveran of the Pasteur Institute in Paris.
1908
Dr. Paul Ehrlich of Berlin and Professor Elie Metchnikoff
of the Pasteur Institute, Paris.
1909
Professor E. T. Kocher, Switzerland.
CHEMISTRY.
1901
Jakob Hendrik van’t Hoff, professor of chemistry
in the University of Berlin.
1902
Emil Fischer, professor of chemistry
in the University of Berlin.
1903
Svante August Arrhenius, professor at
the University of Stockholm.
1904
Sir William Ramsay, professor of chemistry
in the University college, London.
1905
Adolf von Baeyer, professor of chemistry at Munich.
1906
H. Moissan, professor of chemistry at the Sorbonne, Paris.
1907
Eduard Buchner, professor of chemistry in the
agricultural high school of Berlin.
1908
Professor Ernest Rutherford of the
University of Manchester, England.
1909
Professor W. Ostwald of Leipsic.
LITERATURE.
1901
Rene Francois Armand Sully-Prudhomme,
member of the French Academy.
1902
Theodor Mommsen, professor of history at
the University of Berlin.
1903
Bjornstjerne Bjornson, author, Norway.
1904
Half to Frederic Mistral of France and
half to José Echegaray of Spain.
1905
Henryk Sienkiewicz, the author of "Quo Vadis?"
1906
Professor Giosue Carducci of Bologna, Italy.
1907
Rudyard Kipling of England.
1908
Professor Rudolf Eucken of the University of Java.
1909
Selma Lagerlof, Sweden.
PEACE.
1901
Divided equally between Henri Dunant, founder of the
International Red Cross Society of Geneva, and Frederic Passay,
founder of the first French peace association, the
"Société Française pour l’Arbitrage Entre Nations."
1902
Divided equally between Elie Ducommum, secretary of
the international peace bureau at Bern, and Albert Gobat,
chief of the interparliamentary peace bureau at Bern.
1903
William Randal Cremer, M. P., secretary of the
International Arbitration league, London.
1904
The Institute of International Right, a scientific
association founded in 1873 in Ghent, Belgium.
1905
Baroness Bertha von Suttner for her literary work
written in the interest of the world’s peace movement.
1906
Theodore Roosevelt, president of the United States,
for the part he took in bringing the Russo-Japanese war to
an end. Money set apart by the president for the establishment
of a permanent industrial peace commission.
1907
Divided equally between Ernesto T. Moneta, president of
the Lombardy Peace union, and Louis Renault, professor of
international law at the University of Paris.
1908
K. P. Arnoldsen of Sweden and M. F. Bajer of Denmark.
1909
Baron d’Estournelles de Constant, Paris,
and M. Beernaert, Holland, ex-Premier.
[For a contemporary list see
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Nobel_laureates]
NODZU, General.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and after.
NOGI, GENERAL.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and
1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).
NOMINATIONS, Political:
By Direct Primary Vote.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES.
NOMINAVIT NOVIS CONTROVERSY.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.
NORD ALEXIS, GENERAL.
See (in this Volume)
HAITI: A. D. 1902 and 1908.
{461}
NORDENSKJÖLD, DR. OTTO:
Commanding Swedish Antarctic Expedition.
See (in this Volume)
POLAR EXPLORATION.
NORDEZ, BISHOP LE.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1900.
NORTHCOTE, LORD:
On the Australian Land and Immigration Questions.
See (in this Volume)
IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: AUSTRALIA.
NORTHERN SECURITIES COMPANY CASE, THE.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.
NORTH SEA AND BALTIC AGREEMENTS.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.
NORTHWEST TERRITORIES, CANADIAN: A. D. 1896-1909.
Their Rapid Settlement.
The "American Invasion."
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1896-1909.
NORTHWEST TERRITORIES, CANADIAN: A. D. 1901-1902.
Census.
Increased Representation in Parliament.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: 1901-1902.
NORWAY: A. D. 1902-1905.
Result of the Consular Question.
Secession from the Union of Crowns with Sweden.
Acceptance by King Oscar of his virtual Deposition.
Election of Prince Charles of Denmark to the Throne.
The discontent of Norway in its union with Sweden, especially
because it could have no distinct national representation,
consular or diplomatic, in foreign countries, is described in
Volume VI. of this work.
See (in this Volume)
SWEDEN AND NORWAY.
In 1902 a Swedish-Norwegian Consular Commission was appointed
to investigate the practicability of separate consuls for each
of the united kingdoms, with joint diplomatic representation.
The Commission produced a report very favorable to the
proposition. Prolonged negotiations followed, between
representatives of the two governments, and the outlines of a
system under which Norway should acquire a separate consular
service were definitely settled and accepted formally by the
King, on the 21st of December, 1903. When it came, however, to
the definite framing of laws for carrying the plan into
effect, irreconcilable disagreements arose. Several details of
the arrangement which Sweden insisted on implied a precedence
and superiority of standing for that kingdom in the union of
crowns which offended Norwegian pride. The Norwegian
Government objected to having its selection of consuls made
subject to the approval of the Foreign Minister of the dual
monarchy. It objected to having the King, in his commission to
them, entitled "King of Sweden and Norway"; and it rejected
the Swedish proposals on other points. When the Government of
Sweden replied that, while it might be willing to consider
some modifications of its proposals, it must maintain the
important parts of them, the Norwegian Government announced
that it had no further statements to make, indicating that
negotiation in the matter was at an end. Thereupon, on the 7th
of February, 1905, the King made public the following
statement:
"Under the present circumstances I do not see that I can
resolve otherwise than to approve of what the Foreign Minister
has proposed; but I cannot refrain from expressing to both my
peoples my hearty desire that the two kingdoms, which have now
been united for nearly a century, will never let any
difference of opinion be hurtful to the Union itself. This
Union is in truth the safest guarantee for the independence,
the security and the happiness of both my peoples."
Feeble health now compelled King Oscar to yield the functions
of royalty to his son, and the Crown Prince visited
Christiania, as Regent, to confer personally with the leaders
in Norwegian affairs. The outcome of his visit was the
resignation of the Ministry of M. Hagcrup on the 1st of March,
the formation of a new Cabinet, under M. Michelsen, and the
announcement by the latter that the Government would
steadfastly maintain the sovereignty of Norway, as an
independent kingdom, according to the words of its
constitution, the realization of which must depend on the
strength and will of the Norwegian people. All attempts in the
next three months to overcome or much modify the attitude of
Norway were unsuccessful. In May, the Storthing passed an
independent Consular Bill and laid it before King Oscar, who
had resumed his duties, and the King refused to sanction it,
saying: "The Crown Prince, as Regent, in Joint Council of
State of April 5, has already shown the only way in which this
important question can be advanced and all difficulties most
likely removed, viz., through negotiation. I entirely agree
with this view, and do not for the time being find it
expedient to sanction this law, which means an alteration of
the existing joint consular service which cannot be severed
except by mutual arrangement. … When I now refuse to sanction
this law I do so in accordance with the right conferred upon
the King."
See in Volume I. of this work
Section 30, Title 3, of the CONSTITUTION OF NORWAY.
"… It is my equally great love to both nations which makes it
my duty to exercise this right;"
On the 7th of June, M. Michelsen, the Prime Minister, and his
colleagues, gave their resignations to the Storthing,
whereupon that body, by unanimous vote, adopted the following
resolution:
"As all the members of the Council of State have resigned
their offices; as his Majesty the King has declared himself
unable to give the country a new Government; and as the
constitutional kingdom has thus ceased to function, the
Storthing authorizes the members of the Ministry, to-day
resigned, to exercise in the meantime, as the Government of
Norway, the authority vested in the King, in accordance with
Norway’s constitution and existing laws, with the alterations
necessitated by the fact that the Union with Sweden under one
King has ceased on account of the king having ceased to act as
Norwegian King." This action was proclaimed to the people on
the same day. On the 9th the Union flag was lowered from
Norwegian forts and war ships and the Norwegian flag raised in
its place. On the 28th of July with King Oscar’s consent, the
Swedish Riksdag adopted a resolution assenting to the
severance of the Union, on condition that it be approved by a
vote of the people of Norway. Accordingly the question was
submitted to the people on the 13th of August, and all but 184
out of 368,392 votes were given in favor of the separation. A
conference at Karlstadt in September arranged the future
relations of the two kingdoms with success, and the
dissolution was complete. It was formally acknowledged by King
Oscar on October 26th.
{462}
As he made it known that he did not wish any member of his
family to accept the crown of Norway if offered, the Storthing
authorized the Government to open negotiations with Prince
Charles of Denmark, with a view to its acceptance by him, if
its proffer should be sanctioned by a popular vote. Again a
plebiscite was polled and a large majority given in favor of
the proffer of the crown to Prince Charles. The Prince
accepted, with the permission of his grandfather, the Danish
King, and proposed to take the name of Haakon VII. The name
was well chosen for its significance, Haakon VI. having been
the last of the old royal line of Norway, which became extinct
at his death in 1387. The King-elect and his wife entered
Christiania on the 25th of November and took the oath of
fidelity to the Norwegian Constitution on the 27th. In the
following June King Haakon was anointed and crowned with
solemn ceremonies, in the ancient cathedral of Trondhjem, the
capital of the first King who reigned over the whole Norse
realm.
NORWAY: A. D. 1903.
Agreement for Settlement of Claims against Venezuela.
See (in this Volume)
VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.
NORWAY: A. D. 1907.
Treaty with Great Britain, France, Germany, and Russia
guaranteeing the Integrity of the Kingdom.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908, and 1908.
NORWAY: A. D. 1908.
Parliamentary Suffrage extended to Women.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.
NORWAY: A. D. 1909 (October).
Arbitration of the Frontier Dispute with Sweden.
The maritime frontier dispute between Norway and Sweden,
consequent on their separation, was referred to The Hague
Tribunal, and decided in October, more favorably to Sweden
than to Norway, but the decision was loyally accepted by the
latter.
NOVA SCOTIA: A. D. 1901-1902.
Census.
Reduced Representation in Parliament.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.
O.
OBOLENSKI, PRINCE JOHN.
See (in this Volume)
FINLAND: A. D. 1905.
O’CONOR, Sir N.:
British Ambassador to Turkey.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904, and 1905-1908.
OCTOBRISTS.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905. and 1907.
ODESSA, Disturbances in.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.
OGDEN, Robert C.:
Promoter of the Annual Conference for Education in the South.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1898-1909.
OIL, PETROLEUM:
The Supply and the Waste in the United States.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.
OKLAHOMA: A. D. 1904.
Marvelous Growth of Fifteen Years.
"Oklahoma is the Minerva of the States. With her there was no
period of slow settlement. On the day that her borders were
opened to the settler she sprang full-fledged, a vigorous
young commonwealth, into the Union. And on the day that
Congress admits her to Statehood she will take rank with the
foremost of the Western States. Her population of a million
and three hundred thousand—which is the combined population
of Oklahoma and Indian Territory, according to the annual
report of Governor Ferguson for the year ending June 30, 1904,
it is probably somewhat more than that now [1905]—will place
her in advance of at least twenty-one of her sister States,
several of them among the original thirteen. Not counting
Texas, only two States west of the Missouri will be her equal
in number of people—Kansas and California. In old New England,
three States—New Hampshire, Vermont, and Rhode Island—could be
combined and still not contain as great a population as this
new commonwealth in the West will have on the first day of its
Statehood.
"No other State ever had such a remarkable growth and
prosperity as Oklahoma. Sixteen years ago last March the
prairie winds blew over wide expanses of plains with no signs
of human habitation on them for miles at a stretch. A month
later, on April 22, 1889, upward of one hundred thousand
persons engaged in the most spectacular race in history--a
race for homes.
See, in Volume V. of this work,
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1889-1890].
That was the day when the first Oklahoma counties were opened
for settlement. … At nightfall of that first day of its
history Oklahoma had a larger population than the State of
Nevada. Towns were surveyed, and sprung up in a night, and in
a week a new empire had been created in the Southwest. A year
later the Iowa, Pottawatomie, and Sac and Fox reservations
were opened for settlement."
_Clarence H. Matson,
Oklahoma
(American Review of Reviews, September, 1905)_.
OKLAHOMA: A. D. 1906-1907.
Joined in Statehood with Indian Territory and
admitted to the Union.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.
See, also, (in this Volume)
CONSTITUTION OF OKLAHOMA.
OKU, GENERAL.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and after.
OLD AGE HOMES, in Vienna.
See (in this Volume)
POVERTY, THE PROBLEMS OF.
OLD AGE PENSIONS.
See (in this Volume)
POVERTY, THE PROBLEMS OF.
"OLD BELIEVERS," RUSSIAN.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (APRIL-AUGUST.).
OLDENBURG: A. D. 1906.
Committed to Universal Suffrage.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.
OMAR JAN.
See (in this Volume)
AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1901-1904.
ONTARIO: A. D. 1901-1902.
Census.
Reduced Representation in Parliament.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.
ONTARIO: A. D. 1906-1907.
Political Experiments.
The Salaried Leader of Opposition, etc.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1906-1907.
"OPEN DOOR," THE COMING OF THE EPOCH OF THE.
See (in this Volume)
WORLD MOVEMENTS.
{463}
OPIUM PROBLEM: China: A. D. 1900-1906.
Progressive Tariff and Internal Taxation measures to check
the Consumption of the Drug.
The following is from a report on opium production and
taxation in China prepared by Mr. Williams, Chinese secretary
of the United States Legation at Peking, and sent to the State
Department at Washington, in September, 1906:
[Transcriber's note: The following paragraph includes a
variety of spellings and possibly defective type slugs.
The tael was said to be worth 73 cents in gold in 1905.
The weight of the picul is 133½ pounds.]
"Previous to 1900 native opium passing through the maritime
customs at Ichaug had been paying a total charge of taels, 60
per picul exclusive of taxes at the place of production. In
July, 1900, the viceroy, Chang Chih-tung, with a view to
cheeking the consumption of opium in the territory under his
jurisdiction, increased this charge to taels 72 per picul, and
near the close of 1901 increased it again, making it taels 80
per picul. This, with the likin charged in Szechuen, made a
total on the product coming from that province of taels 84.76.
Opium designed for local consumption was still more heavily
taxed, being required to pay taels 90 besides the likin of
Szeehuen, or a total of 94.76 taels per picul. The immediate
result of this action was to greatly increase smuggling and to
drive legitimate traffic to the use of native junks or
roundabout land routes controlled by the native customs or
likin offices, and thus to reduce the receipts of the maritime
customs. Another significant result was the importation of a
small amount of foreign opium to a district where it had been
unknown for many years. In view of these facts, in 1903 the
authorities reduced the tax to a total of 76.75 taels per
picul, including the Szcchuen likin.
"In February, 1904, the same tax was imposed in the province
of Hunan, also in the jurisdiction of the Viceroy Chang
Chih-tung, and in the summer of the same year an agreement was
made with the provincial authorities of the provinces of
Kiangse and Anhui that one consolidated tax, to include both
likin and customs duties, should be levied at a uniform rate
in the four provinces, and to prevent discrimination by the
native customs as against the maritime service it was agreed
that the collection of this consolidated tax should be
intrusted to the imperial maritime customs at Ichang and to
branch offices under its control. The port of Ichang was
chosen because it is at the head of steam navigation on the
Yangtze, for which reason most of the opium from Yunnan and
Szechuen was sent thither for distribution. In 1905 this
arrangement was extended to four other provinces, Kiangse,
Fukien, Kuangtung, and Kuangsi, and the tax increased to taels
134.79 per picul for opium destined to the four inner
provinces and taels 104 for that going to those on the
seaboard. Previous to this latter arrangement, however, after
the experience of 1902, it was seen that unless the tax on
foreign opium should also be increased the effort to stamp out
the vice by heavy taxation would fail, and therefore in 1903
representations were made to the British Government by the
Chinese minister in London looking toward the increase of the
duty upon Indian opium. The reply of the British Government,
as quoted in the Peking Gazette, was that the tax on the
native drug ought to be increased by the same amount as any
addition made to the duty on the foreign article. Upon this a
memorial was submitted to the Imperial Chinese Government,
asking that the customs duty and likin on foreign and native
opium be increased by an equal amount, and the matter was
referred to the proper boards for consideration and report. No
further report has as yet appeared relating to the
negotiations respecting foreign opium. As to the native drug,
the steps to increase the taxes upon it in eight of the
provinces have been related above. The success of this
arrangement has been so pronounced that on the 7th of May this
year (1906) an imperial edict appeared directing that the
system adopted in the eight provinces mentioned above should
be at once extended to all the provinces of China proper and
at a later date, to be hereafter determined, to Turkestan and
Manchuria."
OPIUM PROBLEM: A. D. 1906.
Imperial Edict against the use of Opium.
Undertaking to suppress it in Ten Years.
By a formal edict from the throne, published in September,
1906, the imperial Government of China undertook to eradicate
the use of opium in that empire, and to do so by heroic
measures within ten years. A register was ordered to be made
of every consumer of the drug (estimated at 40 per cent. of
the vast population of the empire) and of the quantity that he
consumes. Those who are under 60 years of age must thereafter
diminish their consumption by not less than twenty per cent,
each year, till they are free of the habit and the use is
stopped. Meantime there would be a public provision of
medicines to assist the cure. To those beyond 60 years in age,
and to the princes, nobles, and magnates of the empire, a
certain relaxation of these rules would be allowed. But all
minor officials under 60 years must drop opium entirely, at
once, and there would be no toleration of an acquirement of
the opium habit thereafter. No further cultivation of the
poppy would be allowed, and, of course, the importation would
be controlled.
Tang Shao Yi, the special Chinese envoy who visited the United
States and England early in 1909, had much to do with this
measure on the part of his Government, and, in addressing a
deputation which called on him in London, had this to say of
the circumstances connected with it:
"He had always taken a deep interest in the anti-opium
movement ever since he was a student in America in the early
seventies. He had never realized, however, that they could
attempt to make such a movement in China till he was sent by
his Government to India in 1905 in connexion with the Lhasa
Convention. While there he had opportunities of studying the
opium question, and he was fortunate enough to make the
acquaintance of the finance secretary, Mr. Baker. From him he
learnt that the Government of India could dispense with the
revenue derived from opium. Nothing was more surprising to him
and nothing gave him greater joy than to hear that. In that
year the question was brought up in England, and when he
returned to China in the winter of 1905 he informed his
Government that the British public was very ‘anti-opium’ and
also that the Indian Government was not at all anxious for the
revenue derived from opium. Therefore, he told his Government
that it was for the Chinese themselves to put a stop to the
opium trade, and that they must not rely upon others. He had
already got regulations in his head and the Government asked
him to draw up certain rules to put a stop to the opium curse.
{464}
In order not to be too radical, he suggested that three years
should be allowed for putting an end to it, but the Cabinet
said that was too radical, and, although he suggested six
years, the final decision of the Government was to make it ten
years. He said that unless they put a stop to it in two or
three years they might as well let this generation die out.
They fully appreciated the co-operation of gentlemen in
England, and he begged that they would keep up the agitation
not only for their own sakes but for the sake of the Chinese
people. The Chinese people wanted to be reminded that they
were opium smokers and that they must give up the practice.
Some scepticism had been expressed as to the genuineness of
the movement in China, but he was sure that the people there
were in earnest, and he trusted that his Government and people
would not disappoint Great Britain."
OPIUM PROBLEM: A. D. 1909.
Progress in the Opium Reform.
An official report on the progress of the opium reform in
China, by Mr. Max Müller, Councillor of the British Legation
at Peking, was published as a Parliamentary Paper (Cd. 4967),
early in January, 1910. In communicating the report to the
Foreign Office, Sir N. Jordan wrote:
"This report shows that considerable progress continues to be
made in the task which the Chinese Government undertook three
years ago. There has undoubtedly been a very sensible
diminution in the consumption and cultivation of opium, and a
public opinion has been formed which will greatly strengthen
the hands of the Government and the provincial authorities in
the drastic measures which they contemplate taking in the near
future. … That the end, however, is so near as many of the
official pronouncements would seem to indicate is, I venture
to think, very doubtful. We have full and reliable information
about only two of the provinces—Shansi and Yunnan—and the
annexes to Mr. Max Müller’s report furnish eloquent testimony
of the good work that has been done in both. At the opposite
extreme stand Shensi, Kansu, Hupei, and Szeehuan, in all of
which comparatively little has been accomplished to check
either the consumption or cultivation of the drug. The
last-named province, which is by far the largest producing
area in the Empire, will furnish the supreme test of the
success or failure of the programme of total prohibition, and
as the order has gone forth that no poppy is to be sown this
autumn the issue on which so much depends is doubtless being
fought out as this report is being written."
OPIUM PROBLEM:
International Opium Commission, in Session at Shanghai,
February, 1909.
On the suggestion of Bishop Brent, of the Philippines, the
Government of the United States took the initiative in
bringing about the appointment of an International Commission
to investigate matters connected with the use of and traffic
in opium. The Commission, composed of delegates from China,
Japan, Great Britain, France, Germany, Holland, Turkey, and
the United States, met at Shanghai on the 1st of February,
1909, and was in session until the 26th of that month, under
the presidency of Bishop Brent. Its study of the subject
appears to have been made difficult and definite conclusions
prevented by the lack of trustworthy Chinese statistics of the
production of opium in the Empire itself, and of other
important facts. The results of four weeks of investigation
and discussion were embodied in nine resolutions, the first of
which recognized the sincerity of the endeavor of the Chinese
Government to eradicate the great evil from its dominion, in
these words: "The Commission recognizes the unswerving
sincerity of the Government of China in its efforts to
eradicate the production and consumption of opium throughout
the Empire, the increasing body of public opinion among the
Chinese by whom these efforts are supported, and the real,
though unequal, progress already made in a task of the
greatest magnitude."
Of the further resolutions, one urged upon all governments the
importance of drastic measures to control the manufacture,
sale, and distribution of morphia and other noxious
derivatives of opium; another recommended scientific
investigation of so-called opium remedies; a third said all
countries should adopt reasonable measures to prevent the
shipment of opium or its derivatives to any country which
prohibits their entry. By the terms of the remaining
resolutions the delegates were urged to influence as far as
possible their own governments to take steps for the gradual
suppression of opium smoking in their own territories
respectively; to further examine into their systems for the
regulation of the traffic, in the light of the experience of
other countries; to enter into negotiations with China to
insure the adoption of effective and prompt measures to
prohibit opium traffic in those concessions and settlements.
Finally, the conference recommended that each government apply
its pharmacy laws to its subjects in consular districts,
concessions, and settlements in China.
In some quarters the outcome of the meeting was sharply
criticised as being empty of any practical fruit, and England
was accused of having rendered it so, under the influence of
the Indian opium trade. But the State Department at Washington
gave expression to a very different view. There it was pointed
out that the Commission had been one of inquiry, only; that
its instructions had been "to study the opium problem and
report as to the best and most feasible means of solving it,"
and that this programme was executed "to the entire
satisfaction of the Governments concerned." Bishop Brent, who
presided over the Shanghai meeting, declared in his inaugural
address:
"It devolves upon me to pronounce with emphasis that this is a
commission, and as those who are informed—as all of you must
be in matters that pertain to international affairs of this
kind—a commission is not a conference. The idea of a
conference was suggested, but it seemed wise to choose this
particular form of action rather than a conference, because,
for the present at any rate, we are not sufficiently well
informed and sufficiently unanimous in our attitude to have a
conference with any great hope of immediate success."
{465}
As between China and Great Britain there is an opium problem
which does not affect other parties. An important part of
British Indian revenue is derived from the opium trade, and
the Government of India can hardly be expected to throw it
carelessly away, not knowing with certainty that it will not
be picked up as gain for somebody else. In 1906, when China
opened her campaign against opium, she entered into an
agreement with England that her own production of opium should
be reduced to extinction within ten years, and that the
importation from India (under former commercial treaties),
then amounting to 51,000 chests annually, should be reduced at
the rate of 5100 chests per year. It seems to have been the
lack of definite evidence as to the effective fulfilment of
this agreement which made the British attitude at Shanghai a
halting one.
The United States Government has not suffered the movement
against opium to rest where it was left by the Shanghai
Commission, but has asked the governments represented in that
Commission to send delegates to a formal International
Conference at The Hague.
OPIUM PROBLEM:
The Philippine Islands, taking Instruction from the Japanese
in Formosa.
A committee appointed by the Philippine Commission, to
investigate methods of dealing with the sale and use of opium,
included an American army officer, Major Carter, a Filipino
physician, Dr. Albert, and the missionary bishop of the
Protestant Episcopal Church, Bishop Brent. The following is
from a summary of the committee’s report, published in _The
Outlook_ of March 4, 1905:
"Although the Committee visited and studied Java, Cochin
China, the Straits Settlements, and various places in China,
including Hong-kong, it really found the solution of the
question in the Japanese administration of Formosa. …
"It is not surprising that the Committee recommend what is
practically an adaptation of the Formosan system for the
Philippines. For the maintenance of this system it is
indispensable that the ‘opium and the traffic therein be made
a strict Government monopoly immediately.’ That is the first
provision. ‘Second, prohibition, except for medicinal
purposes, after three years. Third, only licensees, who shall
be males and over twenty-one years of age, shall be allowed to
use opium until prohibition goes into effect. Fourth, all
venders or dispensers of opium, except for medical purposes,
shall be salaried officials of the Government. Fifth, every
effort shall be made
(a) to deter the young from contracting the habit by pointing
out its evil effects and by legislation,
(b) to aid in caring for and curing those who manifest a
desire to give up the habit, and
(c) to punish and, if necessary, to remove from the islands
incorrigible offenders.’"
OPIUM PROBLEM: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.
Act to Prohibit the Importation and Smoking of Opium.
A stringent Act prohibitory of the importation and use of
opium for any other than medicinal purposes passed the Senate
of the United States on the 2d of February, 1909, having
already been adopted by the other House. Smoking opium is
positively forbidden; no one can bring it into the country
without facing a fine of from fifty to five thousand dollars
and imprisonment for two years; the mere possession of opium,
a preparation of, or derivative therefrom, is to be deemed
sufficient evidence to authorize conviction. For medicinal
purposes, opium may be brought in under regulations prescribed
by the Secretary of the Treasury.
OPSONINS.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: OPSONINS.
ORANGE FREE STATE:
End of the Republic.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.
ORDER OF RAILWAY CONDUCTORS.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.
ORGANIC STATUTES, The.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.
ORMANIAN:
Armenian Patriarch.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.
OSAKA, The Burning of.
A large part of the city of Osaka, in Japan, was destroyed by
fire in August, 1909. "Had it not been for the canals the
region of destruction would have been even more extensive.
Citizens by the thousand fled into the surrounding country,
leaving the city to its fate. By the time the flames had spent
their force more than 12,000 houses had gone up in smoke,
leaving more than 100,000 people homeless. Most of the
municipal, government, and other important buildings of the
city were destroyed. Great numbers of people are ruined, as
the Japanese carry no insurance, as a rule. The amount of
insurance involved, however, is about 5,000,000 yen.
Fortunately, the number of casualties was not great. About a
dozen were killed by falling timbers, and several were more or
less injured."
OSCAR II., King of Sweden and Norway:
Surrender of the Crown of Norway.
See (in this Volume)
NORWAY: A. D. 1902-1905.
OSMEÑA, SERGIO:
President of the Philippine Assembly.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.
OSTWALD, W.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES (CHEMISTRY)
OXFORD UNIVERSITY:
Rhodes Scholarships.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: RHODES SCHOLARSHIPS.
OXFORD UNIVERSITY:
Tutorial Classes organized for Working People.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.
P.
PACKING-HOUSE INVESTIGATION.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH: PURE FOOD LAWS: UNITED STATES.
PALMA, TOMAS ESTRADA:
President of Cuba.
See (in this Volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1901-1902 and 1902.
PALMA, TOMAS ESTRADA:
Resignation of the Presidency of Cuba.
See (in this Volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).
PAN-AMERICAN SCIENTIFIC CONGRESS.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION: INTERNATIONAL CONGRESSES.
PAN-ANGLICAN CONGRESS, 1909.
See (in this Volume)
SOCIALISM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
PANAMA, REPUBLIC OF: A. D. 1903.
Secession from Colombia.
Recognized Independence.
Treaty with the United States for the Building
of the Panama Canal.
See (in this Volume)
PANAMA CANAL.
PANAMA, REPUBLIC OF: A. D. 1904.
Constitution of the Republic.
First Election.
The Constitution of the new Republic was promulgated on the
16th of February, 1904, and the election of President and
three Vice-Presidents took place, resulting in the choice of
the following:
President, Dr. Manuel Amador;
first vice-president, Dr. Pablo Arosemena;
second vice-president, Don Domingo de Obaldia;
third vice-president, Dr. Carlos Mendoza.
{466}
The third article of the Constitution declares: "The territory
of the Republic is composed of all the territory from which
the State of Panama was formed by the amendment to the Granada
constitution of 1853, on February 27, 1855, and which was
transformed in 1886 into the Department of Panama, together
with its islands, and of the continental and insular
territory, which was adjudged to the Republic of Colombia in
the award made by the President of the French Republic on
September 11, 1900. The territory of the Republic remains
subject to the jurisdictional limitations stipulated or which
may be stipulated in public treaties concluded with the United
States of North America for the construction, maintenance, or
sanitation of any means of interoceanic transit.
"The boundaries with the Republic of Colombia shall be
determined by public treaties."
PANAMA, REPUBLIC OF: A. D. 1906.
Visit of President Roosevelt.
"For the first time in the history of the United States," said
President Roosevelt, when he landed at Colon, November 14,
1906, preliminary to a visit and inspection of the Panama
Canal, "it has become advisable for a President of the United
States to step on territory not beneath the flag of the United
States." He received a most hospitable welcome and
entertainment in the young republic.
PANAMA, REPUBLIC OF: A. D. 1906.
Participation in Third International Conference of
American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
PANAMA, REPUBLIC OF: A. D. 1909.
Pending Tripartite Treaty with Colombia and the United States.
See (in this Volume)
COLOMBIA: A. D. 1906-1909.
PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1901-1902.
The Second Hay-Pauncefote Treaty between the United States
and Great Britain.
Its Ratification.
After the rejection by the British Government of the
Amendments made by the Senate of the United States to the
Interoceanic Canal Treaty negotiated in February, 1900, by Mr.
John Hay, United States Secretary of State, with the British
Ambassador at Washington, Lord Pauncefote negotiations on the
subject were renewed, with results of success in removing
objections on both sides.
See, in Volume VI. of this work,
CANAL, INTEROCEANIC: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).
The new Treaty was signed by Mr. Hay and Lord Pauncefote at
Washington on the 18th of November, 1901, and ratifications
were exchanged on the 21st of February, 1902. In the preamble
of the Treaty its purpose is declared to be "to facilitate the
construction of a ship-canal to connect the Atlantic and
Pacific Oceans, by whatever route may be considered expedient,
and to that end to remove any objection which may arise out of
the Convention of the 19th April, 1850, commonly called the
Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, to the construction of such canal under
the auspices of the Government of the United States, without
impairing the ‘general principle’ of neutralization
established in Article VIII of that Convention." The
agreements and stipulations to this end are as follows:
"Article I.
The High Contracting Parties agree that the present Treaty
shall supersede the afore mentioned Convention of the 19th
April, 1850.
"Article II.
It is agreed that the canal may be constructed under the
auspices of the Government of the United States, either
directly at its own cost, or by gift or loan of money to
individuals or Corporations, or through subscription to or
purchase of stock or shares, and that, subject to the
provisions of the present Treaty, the said Government shall
have and enjoy all the rights incident to such construction,
as well as the exclusive right of providing for the regulation
and management of the canal.
"Article III.
The United States adopts, as the basis of the neutralization
of such ship canal, the following Rules, substantially as
embodied in the Convention of Constantinople, signed the 28th
October, 1888, for the free navigation of the Suez Canal, that
is to say:
"1. The canal shall be free and open to the vessels of
commerce and of war of all nations observing these Rules, on
terms of entire equality, so that there shall be no
discrimination against any such nation, or its citizens or
subjects, in respect of the conditions or charges of traffic,
or otherwise. Such conditions and charges of traffic shall be
just and equitable.
"2. The canal shall never be blockaded, nor shall any right of
war be exercised nor any act of hostility be committed within
it. The United States, however, shall be at liberty to
maintain such military police along the canal as may be
necessary to protect it against lawlessness and disorder.
"3. Vessels of war of a belligerent shall not revictual nor
take any stores in the canal except so far as may be strictly
necessary; and the transit of such vessels through the canal
shall be effected with the least possible delay in accordance
with the Regulations in force, and with only such intermission
as may result from the necessities of the service. Prizes
shall be in all respects subject to the same Rules as vessels
of war of the belligerents.
"4. No belligerent shall embark or disembark troops, munitions
of war, or warlike materials in the canal, except in case of
accidental hindrance of the transit, and in such case the
transit shall be resumed with all possible dispatch.
"5. The provisions of this Article shall apply to waters
adjacent to the canal, within 3 marine miles of either end.
Vessels of war of a belligerent shall not remain in such
waters longer than twenty-four hours at any one time, except
in case of distress, and in such case shall depart as soon as
possible; but a vessel of war of one belligerent shall not
depart within twenty-four hours from the departure of a vessel
of war of the other belligerent.
"6. The plant, establishments, buildings, and all works
necessary to the construction, maintenance, and operation of
the canal shall be deemed to be part thereof, for the purposes
of this Treaty, and in time of war, as in time of peace, shall
enjoy complete immunity from attack or injury by belligerents,
and from acts calculated to impair their usefulness as part of
the canal.
"Article IV.
It is agreed that no change of territorial sovereignty or of
the international relations of the country or countries
traversed by the before mentioned canal shall affect the
genera principle of neutralization or the obligation of the
High Contracting Parties under the present Treaty.
{467}
"Article V.
The present Treaty shall be ratified by the President of the
United States, by and with the advice and consent of the
Senate thereof, and by His Britannic Majesty: and the
ratifications shall be exchanged at Washington or at London at
the earliest possible time within six mouths from the date
hereof."
_Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the
United States, transmitted to Congress, December, 1902._
PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1902.
Undertaking of the United States endorsed by
the Second Conference of American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1903.
Purchase of the Franchises and Property of the Bankrupt
French Company.
Treaty with Colombia for the Building of the Canal rejected
by the Colombian Senate.
Secession of Panama.
Recognition of the Independence of Panama.
Treaty with the new Republic for the Building and
Control of the Canal.
President Roosevelt’s narrative of events.
The transactions that were preliminary to the undertaking of
the construction of an interoceanic canal through the Isthmus
of Panama, by the Government of the United States, are
narrated down to March, 1901.
See (in Volume VI. of this work)
CANAL, INTEROCEANIC.
At that time the proposed Nicaragua route was principally
contemplated, for the reason that the rights in Panama held by
the bankrupt French Company of Lesseps (see, in Volume IV.,
PANAMA CANAL) seemed unobtainable, on any terms which the
American Government could accept. A commission appointed by
President McKinley to investigate the situation had reported
to that effect in November, 1900, and had recommended the
building of a canal on the Nicaragua route. The effect of this
report, and of the manifest disposition of the American
Congress to authorize the building of a Nicaragua ship canal,
was to draw from the French company an offer of its Panama
franchises and entire property for the sum of $40,000,000.
After long debate this offer was accepted, and negotiations
were opened with the Republic of Colombia for the necessary
treaty rights. Meantime the Hay-Pauncefote treaty with Great
Britain, which the American Senate had amended in a manner
objectionable to the British Government, was modified to the
satisfaction of the latter, and the enterprise was cleared of
questions except those between Colombia and the United States.
The next ensuing events can be told in the words of President
Roosevelt’s report of them to Congress, in his Message at the
opening of the session convened on the 7th of December, 1903:
"By the act of June 28, 1902," wrote the President, "the
Congress authorized the President to enter into treaty with
Colombia for the building of the canal across the Isthmus of
Panama; it being provided that in the event of failure to
secure such treaty, after the lapse of a reasonable time,
recourse should be had to the building of a canal through
Nicaragua. It has not been necessary to consider this
alternative, as I am enabled to lay before the Senate a treaty
providing for the building of the canal across the Isthmus of
Panama. This was the route which commended itself to the
deliberate judgment of the Congress, and we can now acquire by
Treaty the right to construct the canal over this route. The
question now, therefore, is not by which route the isthmian
canal shall be built, for that question has been definitely
and irrevocably decided. The question is simply whether or not
we shall have an isthmian canal.
"When the Congress directed that we should take the Panama
route under treaty with Colombia, the essence of the
condition, of course, referred not to the Government which
controlled that route, but to the route itself; to the
territory across which the route lay, not to the name which
for the moment the territory bore on the map. The purpose of
the law was to authorize the President to make a treaty with
the power in actual control of the Isthmus of Panama. This
purpose has been fulfilled.
"In the year 1846 this Government entered into a treaty with
New Granada, the predecessor upon the Isthmus of the Republic
of Colombia and of the present Republic of Panama, by which
treaty it was provided that the Government and citizens of the
United States should always have free and open right of way or
transit across the Isthmus of Panama by any modes of
communication that might be constructed, while in return our
Government guaranteed the perfect neutrality of the
above-mentioned Isthmus with the view that the free transit
from the one to the other sea might not be interrupted or
embarrassed. The treaty vested in the United States a
substantial property right carved out of the rights of
sovereignty and property which New Granada then had and
possessed over the said territory. The name of New Granada has
passed away and its territory has been divided. Its successor,
the Government of Colombia, has ceased to own any property in
the Isthmus. A new Republic, that of Panama, which was at one
time a sovereign state, and at another time a mere department
of the successive confederations known as New Granada and
Colombia, has now succeeded to the rights which first one and
then the other formerly exercised over the Isthmus. But as
long as the Isthmus endures, the mere geographical fact of its
existence, and the peculiar interest therein which is required
by our position, perpetuate the solemn contract which binds
the holders of the territory to respect our right to freedom
of transit across it, and binds us in return to safeguard for
the Isthmus and the world the exercise of that inestimable
privilege. The true interpretation of the obligations upon
which the United States entered in this treaty of 1846 has
been given repeatedly in the utterances of Presidents and
Secretaries of State. …
"Attorney-General Speed, under date of November 7, 1865,
advised Secretary Seward as follows: ‘From this treaty it can
not be supposed that New Granada invited the United States
to become a party to the intestine troubles of that
Government, nor did the United States become bound to take
sides in the domestic broils of New Granada. The United States
did guarantee New Granada in the sovereignty and property over
the territory. This was as against other and foreign
governments.’
{468}
"For four hundred years, ever since shortly after the
discovery of this hemisphere, the canal across the Isthmus has
been planned. For two score years it has been worked at. When
made it is to last for the ages. It is to alter the geography
of a continent and the trade routes of the world. We have
shown by every treaty we have negotiated or attempted to
negotiate with the peoples in control of the Isthmus and with
foreign nations in reference thereto our consistent good faith
in observing our obligations; on the one hand to the peoples
of the Isthmus, and on the other hand to the civilized world
whose commercial rights we are safeguarding and guaranteeing
by our action. We have done our duty to others in letter and
in spirit, and we have shown the utmost forbearance in
exacting our own rights.
"Last spring, under the act above referred to, a treaty
concluded between the representatives of the Republic of
Colombia and of our Government was ratified by the Senate.
This treaty was entered into at the urgent solicitation of the
people of Colombia and after a body of experts appointed by
our Government especially to go into the matter of the routes
across the Isthmus had pronounced unanimously in favor of the
Panama route. In drawing up this treaty every concession was
made to the people and to the Government of Colombia. We were
more than just in dealing with them. Our generosity was such
as to make it a serious question whether we had not gone too
far in their interest at the expense of our own; for in our
scrupulous desire to pay all possible heed, not merely to the
real but even to the fancied rights of our weaker neighbor,
who already owed so much to our protection and forbearance, we
yielded in all possible ways to her desires in drawing up the
treaty. Nevertheless the Government of Colombia not merely
repudiated the treaty, but repudiated it in such a manner as
to make it evident by the time the Colombian Congress
adjourned that not the scantiest hope remained of ever getting
a satisfactory treaty from them. The Government of Colombia
made the treaty, and yet when the Colombian Congress was
called to ratify it the vote against ratification was
unanimous. It does not appear that the Government made any
real effort to secure ratification.
"Immediately after the adjournment of the Congress a
revolution broke out in Panama. The people of Panama had long
been discontented with the Republic of Colombia, and they had
been kept quiet only by the prospect of the conclusion of the
treaty, which was to them a matter of vital concern. When it
became evident that the treaty was hopelessly lost, the people
of Panama rose literally as one man. Not a shot was fired by a
single man on the Isthmus in the interest of the Colombian
Government. Not a life was lost in the accomplishment of the
revolution. The Colombian troops stationed on the Isthmus, who
had long been unpaid, made common cause with the people of
Panama, and with astonishing unanimity the new Republic was
started. The duty of the United States in the premises was
clear. In strict accordance with the principles laid down by
Secretaries Cass and Seward … the United States gave notice
that it would permit the landing of no expeditionary force,
the arrival of which would mean chaos and destruction along
the line of the railroad and of the proposed canal, and an
interruption of transit as an inevitable consequence. The de
facto Government of Panama was recognized in the following
telegram to Mr. Ehrman:
"‘The people of Panama have, by apparently unanimous movement,
dissolved their political connection with the Republic of
Colombia and resumed their independence. When you are
satisfied that a de facto government, republican in form and
without substantial opposition from its own people, has been
established in the State of Panama, you will enter into
relations with it as the responsible government of the
territory and look to it for all due action to protect the
persons and property of citizens of the United States and to
keep open the isthmian transit, in accordance with the
obligations of existing treaties governing the relations of
the United States to that territory.’
"The Government of Colombia was notified of our action by the
following telegram to Mr. Beaupré:
"‘The people of Panama having, by an apparently unanimous
movement, dissolved their political connection with the
Republic of Colombia and resumed their independence, and
having adopted a Government of their own, republican in form,
with which the Government of the United States of America has
entered into relations, the President of the United States, in
accordance with the ties of friendship which have so long and
so happily existed between the respective nations, most
earnestly commends to the Governments of Colombia and of
Panama the peaceful and equitable settlement of all questions
at issue between them. He holds that he is bound not merely by
treaty obligations, but by the interests of civilization, to
see that the peaceful traffic of the world across the Isthmus
of Panama shall not longer be disturbed by a constant
succession of unnecessary and wasteful civil wars.’
"When these events happened, fifty-seven years had elapsed
since the United States had entered into its treaty with New
Granada. During that time the Governments of New Granada and
of its successor, Colombia, have been in a constant state of
flux.
[The President then gives a list, by date, of 53 more or less
serious disturbances of the public peace on the Isthmus which
United States consuls had reported to the Government at
Washington between May, 1850, and July, 1902. From this he
proceeds:]
"The above is only a partial list of the revolutions,
rebellions, insurrections, riots, and other outbreaks that
have occurred during the period in question; yet they number
53 for the 57 years. It will be noted that one of them lasted
for nearly three years before it was quelled; another for
nearly a year. In short, the experience of over half a century
has shown Colombia to be utterly incapable of keeping order on
the Isthmus. Only the active interference of the United States
has enabled her to preserve so much as a semblance of
sovereignty. Had it not been for the exercise by the United
States of the police power in her interest, her connection
with the Isthmus would have been sundered long ago. In 1856,
in 1860, in 1873, in 1885, in 1901, and again in 1902, sailors
and marines from United States war-ships were forced to land
in order to patrol the Isthmus, to protect life and property,
and to see that the transit across the Isthmus was kept open.
In 1861, in 1862, in 1885, and in 1900, the Colombian
Government asked that the United States Government would land
troops to protect its interests and maintain order on the
Isthmus. …
{469}
"The control, in the interest of the commerce and traffic of
the whole civilized world, of the means of undisturbed transit
across the Isthmus of Panama has become of transcendent
importance to the United States. We have repeatedly exercised
this control by intervening in the course of domestic
dissension, and by protecting the territory from foreign
invasion. In 1853 Mr. Everett assured the Peruvian minister
that we should not hesitate to maintain the neutrality of the
Isthmus in the case of war between Peru and Colombia. In 1864
Colombia, which has always been vigilant to avail itself of
its privileges conferred by the treaty, expressed its
expectation that in the event of war between Peru and Spain
the United States would carry into effect the guaranty of
neutrality. There have been few administrations of the State
Department in which this treaty has not, either by the one
side or the other, been used as a basis of more or less
important demands. It was said by Mr. Fish in 1871 that the
Department of State had reason to believe that an attack upon
Colombian sovereignty on the Isthmus had, on several
occasions, been averted by warning from this Government. In
1886, when Colombia was under the menace of hostilities from
Italy in the Cerruti case, Mr. Bayard expressed the serious
concern that the United States could not but feel, that a
European power should resort to force against a sister
republic of this hemisphere, as to the sovereign and
uninterrupted use of a part of whose territory we are
guarantors under the solemn faith of a treaty.
"The above recital of facts establishes beyond question:
First, that the United States has for over half a century
patiently and in good faith carried out its obligations under
the treaty of 1846; second, that when for the first time it
became possible for Colombia to do anything in requital of the
services thus repeatedly rendered to it for fifty-seven years
by the United States, the Colombian Government peremptorily
and offensively refused thus to do its part, even though to do
so would have been to its advantage and immeasurably to the
advantage of the State of Panama, at that time under its
jurisdiction; third, that throughout this period revolutions,
riots, and factional disturbances of every kind have occurred
one after the other in almost uninterrupted succession, some
of them lasting for months and even for years, while the
central government was unable to put them down or to make
peace with the rebels; fourth, that these disturbances instead
of showing any sign of abating have tended to grow more
numerous and more serious in the immediate past; fifth, that
the control of Colombia over the Isthmus of Panama could not
be maintained without the armed intervention and assistance of
the United States. In other words, the Government of Colombia,
though wholly unable to maintain order on the Isthmus, has
nevertheless declined to ratify a treaty the conclusion of
which opened the only chance to secure its own stability and
to guarantee permanent peace on, and the construction of a
canal across the Isthmus.
"Under such circumstances the Government of the United States
would have been guilty of folly and weakness, amounting in
their sum to a crime against the Nation, had it acted
otherwise than it did when the revolution of November 3 last
took place in Panama. This great enterprise of building the
interoceanic canal can not be held up to gratify the whims, or
out of respect to the governmental impotence, or to the even
more sinister and evil political peculiarities, of people who,
though they dwell afar off, yet, against the wish of the
actual dwellers on the Isthmus, assert an unreal supremacy
over the territory. The possession of a territory fraught with
such peculiar capacities as the Isthmus in question carries
with it obligations to mankind. The course of events has shown
that this canal can not be built by private enterprise, or by
any other nation than our own; therefore it must be built by
the United States.
"Every effort has been made by the Government of the United
States to persuade Colombia to follow a course which was
essentially not only to our interests and to the interests of
the world, but to the interests of Colombia itself. These
efforts have failed; and Colombia, by her persistence in
repulsing the advances that have been made, has forced us, for
the sake of our own honor, and of the interest and well-being,
not merely of our own people, but of the people of the Isthmus
of Panama and the people of the civilized countries of the
world, to take decisive steps to bring to an end a condition
of affairs which had become intolerable. The new Republic of
Panama immediately offered to negotiate a treaty with us. This
treaty I herewith submit. By it our interests are better
safeguarded than in the treaty with Colombia which was
ratified by the Senate at its last session. It is better in
its terms than the treaties offered to us by the Republics of
Nicaragua and Costa Rica. At last the right to begin this
great undertaking is made available. Panama has done her part.
All that remains is for the American Congress to do its part
and forthwith this Republic will enter upon the execution of a
project colossal in its size and of well-nigh incalculable
possibilities for the good of this country and the nations of
mankind.
"By the provisions of the treaty the United States guarantees
and will maintain the independence of the Republic of Panama.
There is granted to the United States in perpetuity the use,
occupation, and control of a strip ten miles wide and
extending three nautical miles into the sea at either
terminal, with all lands lying outside of the zone necessary
for the construction of the canal or for its auxiliary works,
and with the islands in the Bay of Panama. The cities of
Panama and Colon are not embraced in the canal zone, but the
United States assumes their sanitation and, in case of need,
the maintenance of order therein; the United States enjoys
within the granted limits all the rights, power, and authority
which it would possess were it the sovereign of the territory
to the exclusion of the exercise of sovereign rights by the
Republic. All railway and canal property rights belonging to
Panama and needed for the canal pass to the United States,
including any property of the respective companies in the
cities of Panama and Colon; the works, property, and personnel
of the canal and railways are exempted from taxation as well
in the cities of Panama and Colon as in the canal zone and its
dependencies. Free immigration of the personnel and
importation of supplies for the construction and operation of
the canal are granted. Provision is made for the use of
military force and the building of fortifications by the
United States for the protection of the transit.
{470}
In other details, particularly as to the acquisition of the
interests of the New Panama Canal Company and the Panama
Railway by the United States and the condemnation of private
property for the uses of the canal, the stipulations of the
Hay-Herran treaty are closely followed, while the compensation
to be given for these enlarged grants remains the same, being
ten millions of dollars payable on exchange of ratifications;
and, beginning nine years from that date, an annual payment of
$250,000 during the life of the convention."
_President's Message,
December 7, 1903._
The text of the Treaty with Panama may be found in the Volume
of "Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the United
States" for 1904, pp. 543-551.
In the view of a good many critics who are not of a captious
disposition, the conduct of the Government of the United
States in these transactions was not as unquestionable as it
appeared to President Roosevelt. Professor Coolidge, of
Harvard University, in his candid and broadly studied work on
"The United States as a World Power" (prepared originally in
the form of lectures delivered at the Sorbonne, in Paris),
remarks that "to forbid the landing of Colombian troops was to
stretch the meaning of the old American right to maintain
order along the line of the railway to an extent hardly
justifiable in dealing with a friendly nation, and the haste
with which the administration at Washington recognized the
independence of the new republic and concluded a treaty with
it appeared to many people indecent. The truth was the
Americans did not feel that they were dealing with a friendly
nation."
PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1904-1905.
Beginning and Organization of the Work of Construction.
"The treaty between the United States and the Republic of
Panama, under which the construction of the Panama Canal was
made possible, went into effect with its ratification by the
United States Senate on February 23, 1904. The canal
properties of the French Canal Company were transferred to the
United States on April 23, 1904, on payment of $40,000,000 to
that company. On April 1, 1905, the Commission was
reorganized, and it now consists of Theodore P. Shonts,
chairman, Charles E. Magoon, Benjamin M. Harrod, Rear-Admiral
Mordecai T. Endicott, Brigadier General Peter C. Hains, and
Colonel Oswald H. Ernst. John F. Stevens was appointed chief
engineer on July 1 last. Active work in canal construction,
mainly preparatory, has been in progress for less than a year
and a half. During that period two points about the canal have
ceased to be open to debate. First, the question of route; the
canal will be built on the Isthmus of Panama. Second, the
question of feasibility; there are no physical obstacles on
this route that American engineering skill will not be able to
overcome without serious difficulty, or that will prevent the
completion of the canal within a reasonable time and at a
reasonable cost. This is virtually the unanimous testimony of
the engineers who have investigated the matter for the
Government. The point which remains unsettled is the question
of type, whether the canal shall be one of several locks above
sea level, or at sea level with a single tide lock. On this
point I hope to lay before the Congress at an early day the
findings of the Advisory Board of American and European
Engineers, that at my invitation have been considering the
subject, together with the report of the Commission thereon;
and such comments thereon or recommendations in reference
thereto as may seem necessary.
"The American people is pledged to the speediest possible
construction of a canal, adequate to meet the demands which
the commerce of the world will make upon it, and I appeal most
earnestly to the Congress to aid in the fulfillment of the
pledge. Gratifying progress has been made during the past year
and especially during the past four months. The greater part
of the necessary preliminary work has been done. Actual work
of excavation could be begun only on a limited scale till the
Canal Zone was made a healthful place to live in and to work
in. The isthmus had to be sanitated first.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH: PANAMA CANAL.
This task has been so thoroughly accomplished that yellow
fever has been virtually extirpated from the Isthmus and
general health conditions vastly improved. The same methods
which converted the island of Cuba from a pest hole, which
menaced the health of the world, into a healthful place of
abode, have been applied on the Isthmus with satisfactory
results. There is no reason to doubt that when the plans for
water supply, paving, and sewerage of Panama and Colon and the
large labor camps have been fully carried out, the Isthmus
will be, for the Tropics, an unusually healthy place of abode.
The work is so far advanced now that the health of all those
employed in canal work is as well guarded as it is on similar
work in this country and elsewhere.
"In addition to sanitating the Isthmus, satisfactory quarters
are being provided for employees and an adequate system of
supplying them with wholesome food at reasonable prices has
been created. Hospitals have been established and equipped
that are without superiors of their kind anywhere. The country
has thus been made fit to work in, and provision has been made
for the welfare and comfort of those who are to do the work.
During the past year a large portion of the plant with which
the work is to be done has been ordered. It is confidently
believed that by the middle of the approaching year a
sufficient proportion of this plant will have been installed
to enable us to resume the work of excavation on a large
scale."
_President's Message to Congress,
December 5, 1905._
PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1905-1909.
Prosecution and progress of the work.
Mr. John L. Stevens was in charge of the work on the Canal, as
Chief Engineer, until April 1, 1907, when he resigned, and it
was then determined by the Government to place it under the
direction of an army engineer. The officer chosen for the
service was Lieutenant-Colonel George W. Goethals, of the
Engineer Corps, with Major Gaillard and Major Siebert as
assistant engineers, and this arrangement has been justified
amply by results. At the same time a final determination was
arrived at, against the placing of any part of the work under
contract; and this, too, has been approved by experience in
the undertaking since. Shortly before the occurrence of these
changes Mr. Shonts had resigned the chairmanship of the Canal
Commission, to take the presidency of the Interborough Co. of
New York, and Colonel Goethals became Chairman of the
Commission as well as Chief Engineer.
{471}
In June, 1906, the original design of a sea-level canal
throughout, with no locks, was dropped, after much
consideration and under weighty engineering advice. As
described very tersely and clearly by an English writer on the
subject, the new plan for locks is worked out as follows:
"Beginning at deep water in Limon Bay, on the Caribbean coast,
there will be a tide-water channel 500 ft. wide and 6.70 miles
long to Gatun. At Gatun there will be the vast dam, the ascent
of which will be effected by means of two flights of locks. In
each flight there will be three locks, each 1,000 ft. long,
110 ft. wide, and 41.3 ft. deep on the sills. These will give
access to a lake formed by the impounded waters of the Chagres
river, with a surface level 85 ft. above mean tide level.
Through this lake will extend a channel from 500 ft. to 1,000
ft. wide for 23.59 miles to Bas Obispo, the entrance to the
Culebra cut. Thence through that cut there will be a channel
300 ft. wide for 8.11 miles to Pedro Miguel, the surface level
being the same as that of the lake. At Pedro Miguel there will
be a dam with twin locks, side by side, by which descent of 30
ft. will be made to a smaller lake 55 ft. above tide-water.
This lake, only 0.97 of a mile long, will be traversed by a
channel 500 ft. wide to Miraflores, where there will be
another dam, with twin flights of locks, two locks in each
flight, bringing the canal down to tide level; and from
Miraflores a channel 500 ft. wide will extend 8.31 miles to
deep water in the Bay of Panama. The channel will nowhere,
save on the lock sills, be less than 45 ft. deep, and the
locks at Pedro Miguel and Miraflores will be of the same
dimensions as those at Gatun."
This altered plan received much persistent criticism,—so
persistent that, in January, 1909, after the election of Mr.
Taft to the Presidency of the United States, but before his
assumption of the office, the President-elect, who, as
Secretary of War, had been the responsible administrator of
the undertaking, went to the Isthmus with a selected committee
of engineers, who were asked to examine and report on the
plans and methods of the work. Their reports, made in
February, endorsed both. In communicating them to Congress the
President characterized them as showing that "the only
criticism that can be made of the work on the isthmus is that
there has sometimes been almost an excess of caution in
providing against possible trouble. As to the Gatun dam
itself, they show that not only is the dam safe, but on the
whole the plan already adopted would make it needlessly high
and strong, and accordingly they recommend that the height be
reduced by twenty feet, which change in the plans I have
accordingly directed." Of the engineers who made the report he
remarked that they "are of all the men in their profession,
within or without the United States, the men who are on the
whole best qualified to pass on these very questions which
they examined." The membership of the committee or board was
as follows: Frederic P. Stearns, James D. Schuyler, Arthur P.
Davis, Isham Randolph, Henry D. Allen, John R. Freeman, and
Allen Hazen.
The engineers reported that "as the Gatun earth dam was the
central point of discussion, they gave it under instructions
from Mr. Taft first consideration in the light of all new
evidences," and they added "that the type of dam under
consideration is one which meets with our unanimous approval."
Dams and locks, lock gates and all other engineering
structures involved in the lock-canal project, are "feasible
and safe," according to the engineers, "and can be depended
upon to perform with certainty their respective functions."
Considering the cost and time of construction of a sea-level
canal as compared with the lock type, they held that "most of
the factors which have operated to increase the cost of the
lock canal would operate with similar effect to increase the
cost of the sea-level canal, and at the present time there are
additional factors of even greater importance to be considered
as affecting the time of completion and cost of a sea-level
canal." One of these they found in the Gamboa dam. If work on
this were to be started as soon as possible, they asserted it
"could not be completed until after the time required for the
completion of the lock-canal." Further than this, they said
that "a change in the type would result in abandoning work
which represents large expenditure." They claimed that by the
change the river Chagres and the rivers on the Isthmus
tributary thereto, "instead of being allies, would be enemies
of the canal, and floods in them would greatly interfere with
the work."
Replying to the criticism that "the canal region is liable to
earthquake shocks, and that a sea-level canal would be less
subject to injury by earthquakes than a lock canal," they
asserted that "dams and locks are structures of great
stability and little subject to damage by earthquake shocks,"
but that even if they could regard earthquakes as a source of
serious damage to any type of canal on the Isthmus, "their
effect upon the dams, locks and regulating works proposed for
the sea-level canal would be much the same as upon similar
structures of the lock canal."
Finally, they said: " We see no reason why the canal should
not be completed, as estimated by the chief engineer, by
January 1, 1915; in fact, it seems that a somewhat earlier
date is probable, if all goes well."
PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1909.
Prohibition in the Canal Zone.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM: CASUAL OCCURRENCES OF SALOON SUPPRESSION.
PAN-AMERICAN EXPOSITION.
See (in this Volume)
BUFFALO: A. D. 1901.
PAN-AMERICAN RAILWAY:
Resolution of Third International Conference
of American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
PANICS, Monetary, of 1903 and 1907.
See (in this Volume)
FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.
PAN ISLAMISM.
See (in this Volume)
SENUSSIA; also _Egypt_: A. D. 1905-1906.
PANKHURST, MRS. EMELINE.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.
PANLUNG, THE CAPTURE OF.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).
PAN-LUN-SHAN REDOUBT, CAPTURE OF.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).
{472}
----------PAPACY: Start--------
PAPACY: A. D. 1902.
Secession of the Independent Filipino Church.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902.
PAPACY: A. D. 1903 (July-August).
Death of Pope Leo XIII.
Election of Pius X.
The Papal seat became vacant by the death of Pope Leo XIII. on
the 20th of July, 1903. The Conclave of Cardinals for the
election of his successor assembled on the 31st of the month,
and its choice of Cardinal Sarto, Patriarch of Venice, was
made known on August 3d. The new Pope assumed the name of Pius
X.
PAPACY: A. D. 1904.
Papal Prohibition of Civil Interference with
the Election of the Roman Pontiff.
The Civil Veto, in all forms, denounced.
In the first year of his pontificate, on the 20th of January,
1904, Pope Pius X. pronounced the following denunciation and
prohibition of every kind of intrusion of civil authority or
influence in the election of a Roman pontiff: "When first, all
unworthy as we are, we ascended this chair of Peter, we deemed
it a most urgent duty of our apostolic office to provide that
the life of the Church should manifest itself with absolute
freedom, by the removal of all extraneous interference, as her
divine Founder willed that it should manifest itself, and as
her lofty mission imperatively requires.
"Now if there is one function above all others in the life of
the Church which demands this liberty it is certainly that
which is concerned with the election of the Roman pontiff;
_for when the head is in question, the health not of one
member alone but of the whole body is involved_ (Gregory
XV. Constit. Aeterni Patris in proem).
"To this full liberty in the election of the Supreme Pastor is
opposed first of all that civil _Veto_ which has been
more than once brought forward by the rulers of some states,
and by which it is sought to exclude somebody from the supreme
pontificate. If this has happened sometimes, it has never been
approved by the apostolic see. On the contrary the Roman
pontiffs, in their enactments on the conclave, have been in
nothing perhaps more emphatic or more earnest than in their
efforts to exclude the interference of all extraneous powers
from the sacred senate of the Cardinals summoned to elect the
pontiff. …
"But, and experience has shown it, the measures hitherto taken
for preventing the civil _Veto_, or _Exclusive_,
have not served their purpose, and on account of the changed
circumstances of the times the intrusion of the civil power in
our day is more clearly than ever before destitute of all
foundation in reason or equity, therefore we, by virtue of the
apostolic charge entrusted to us, and following in the
footsteps of our predecessors, after having maturely
deliberated, with certain knowledge and by our own motion, do
absolutely condemn the civil _Veto_, or _Exclusive_
as it is also called, even when expressed under the form of a
mere desire, and all interventions and intercessions
whatsoever, decreeing that it is not lawful for anybody, not
even the supreme rulers of states, under any pretext, to
interpose or interfere in the grave matter of the election of
the Roman pontiff.
"Wherefore, in virtue of holy obedience, under threat of
divine judgment and pain of excommunication _latae
sententiae_ reserved in a special manner to the future
pontiff, we prohibit all and single the Cardinals of holy
Roman Church, and likewise the secretary of the Sacred College
of Cardinals and all others who take part in the conclave to
receive, even under the form of a simple desire, the office of
proposing the _Veto_ or _Exclusive_, or to make
known this _Veto_ in whatever manner it may have come to
their knowledge, to the Sacred College of Cardinals either
taken as a whole or to the individual fathers Cardinals,
either by writing, by word of mouth, whether directly and
proximately, or indirectly and through others. And it is our
will that this prohibition be extended to all the
interventions above mentioned, and to all other intercessions
whatsoever, by which the lay powers, of whatsoever grade and
order, endeavor to intrude themselves in the election of the
pontiff.
"Finally we vehemently exhort, in the same words as those used
by our predecessors, that in the election of the pontiff,
_they pay no attention whatever to the appeals of secular
princes or other worldly considerations_ … but solely with
the glory of God and the good of the Church before their eyes,
give their votes to him whom they judge in the Lord better
fitted than the others to rule the Universal Church fruitfully
and usefully. It is our will also that these our letters,
together with the other constitutions of the same kind, be
read in the presence of all in the first of the congregations
wont to be held after the death of the pontiff; again after
entrance into the conclave; also when anybody is raised to the
dignity of the purple, with the addition of an oath binding to
the religious observance of what is decreed in the present
constitution."
PAPACY: A. D. 1904.
Amenities between the Vatican and the Quirinal.
See (in this Volume)
ITALY: A. D. 1904.
PAPACY: A. D. 1904.
Increased Participation of Catholics in the Italian Elections.
See (in this Volume)
ITALY: A. D. 1904 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).
PAPACY: A. D. 1905.
Relaxation of the Withdrawal of Italian Catholics from
Political Action.
See (in this Volume)
ITALY: A. D. 1905-1906 .
PAPACY: A. D. 1905-1906.
The Separation of Church and State in France.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.
PAPACY: A. D. 1906.
Anti-Clerical Movement in Spain.
Proposed Associations Law.
See (in this Volume)
SPAIN: A. D. 1905-1906.
PAPACY: A. D. 1906 (February).
Encyclical "Vehementer Nos," to the Prelates, Clergy, and
People of France, concerning the Separation Law.
The following are passages from the Encyclical known, from its
opening words in the Latin text as "Vehementer Nos," which
Pope Pius X. addressed to the French nation on the 19th of
February, 1906, after the adoption of the Law separating the
Church from the State:
"To the Archbishops, Bishops, Clergy and People of France. …
Venerable Brethren, Well-Beloved Sons, Health and Apostolic
Benediction.
{473}
"Our soul is full of sorrowful solicitude and our heart
overflows with grief when our thoughts dwell upon you. How,
indeed, could it be otherwise, immediately after the
promulgation of that law which, by sundering violently the old
ties that linked your nation with the Apostolic See, creates
for the Catholic Church in France a situation unworthy of her
and ever to be lamented? That is, beyond question, an event of
the gravest import, and one that must be deplored by all
right-minded men, for it is as disastrous to society as it is
to religion; but it is an event which can have surprised
nobody who has paid any attention to the religious policy
followed in France of late years. For you, Venerable Brethren,
it will certainly have been nothing new or strange, witnesses
as you have been of the many dreadful blows aimed from time to
time at religion by the public authority. You have seen the
sanctity and inviolability of Christian marriage outraged by
legislative acts in formal contradiction with them; the
schools and hospitals laicised; clerics torn from their
studies and from ecclesiastical discipline to be subjected to
military service; the religious congregations dispersed and
despoiled, and their members for the most part reduced to the
last stage of destitution. Other legal measures which you all
know have followed—the law ordaining public prayers at the
beginning of each Parliamentary session and of the assizes has
been abolished; the signs of mourning traditionally observed
on board the ships on Good Friday suppressed; the religious
character effaced from the judicial oath; all actions and
emblems serving in any way to recall the idea of religion
banished from the courts, the schools, the army, the navy,
and, in a word, from all public establishments. These measures
and others still which, one after another, really separated
the Church from the State, were but so many steps designedly
made to arrive at complete and official separation, as the
authors of them have publicly and frequently admitted.
"On the other hand, the Holy See has spared absolutely no
means to avert this great calamity. While it was untiring in
warning those who were at the head of affairs in France, and
in conjuring them over and over again to weigh well the
immensity of the evils that would infallibly result from their
separatist policy, it at the same time lavished upon France
the most striking proofs of indulgent affection. It had then
reason to hope that gratitude would have stayed those
politicians on their downward path, and brought them at last
to relinquish their designs. But all has been in vain—the
attentions, good offices and efforts of our predecessor and
ourself. The enemies of religion have succeeded at last in
effecting by violence what they have long desired, in defiance
of your rights as a Catholic nation and of the wishes of all
who think rightly. …
"That the State must be separated from the Church is a thesis
absolutely false, a most pernicious error. Based, as it is, on
the principle that the State must not recognize any religious
cult, it is in the first place guilty of a great injustice to
God; for the Creator of man is also the founder of human
societies, and preserves their existence as He preserves our
own. We owe Him, therefore, not only a private cult, but a
public and social worship to honor Him. Besides, it is an
obvious negation of the supernatural order. It limits the
action of the State to the pursuit of public prosperity during
this life only, which is but the proximate object of political
societies; and it occupies itself in no fashion (on the plea
that this is foreign to it) with their ultimate object, which
is man’s eternal happiness after this short life shall have
run its course. …
"When the State broke the bonds of the Concordat and separated
itself from the Church it ought, as a natural consequence, to
have left her her independence and allowed her to enjoy
peacefully that liberty granted by the common law which it
pretended to assign to her. Nothing of the kind has been done.
We recognize in the law many exceptional and odiously
restrictive provisions, the effect of which is to place the
Church under the domination of the civil power. …
"With the existence of the association of worship, the Law of
Separation hinders the pastors from exercising the plenitude
of their authority and of their office over the faithful, when
it attributes to the Council of State supreme jurisdiction
over these associations and submits them to a whole series of
prescriptions not contained in common law, rendering their
formation difficult and their continued existence more
difficult still; when, after proclaiming the liberty of public
worship, it proceeds to restrict its exercise by numerous
exceptions; when it despoils the Church of the internal
regulation of the churches in order to invest the State with
this function; when it thwarts the preaching of Catholic faith
and morals and sets up a severe and exceptional penal code for
clerics—when it sanctions all these provisions and many others
of the same kind in which wide scope is left to arbitrary
ruling, does it not place the Church in a position of
humiliating subjection and, under the pretext of protecting
public order, deprive peaceable citizens, who still constitute
the vast majority in France, of the sacred right of practising
their religion? …
"In addition to the wrongs and injuries to which we have so
far referred, the Law of Separation also violates and tramples
under foot the rights of property of the Church. In defiance
of all justice, it despoils the Church of a great portion of a
patrimony which belongs to her by titles as numerous as they
are sacred; it suppresses and annuls all the pious foundations
consecrated, with perfect legality, to divine worship and to
suffrages for the dead. The resources furnished by Catholic
liberality for the maintenance of Catholic schools, and the
working of various charitable associations connected with
religion, have been transferred to lay associations in which
it would be idle to seek for a vestige of religion. In this it
violates not only the rights of the Church, but the formal and
explicit purpose of the donors and testators. It is also a
subject of keen grief to us that the law, in contempt of all
right, proclaims as property of the State, departments or
communes, the ecclesiastical edifices dating from before the
Concordat. True, the law concedes the gratuitous use of them
for an indefinite period, to the associations of worship, but
it surrounds the concession with so many and so serious
reserves that in reality it leaves to the public powers the
full disposition of them. Moreover, we entertain the gravest
fears for the sanctity of those temples, the august refuges of
the Divine Majesty and endeared by a thousand memories to the
piety of the French people. …
{474}
"Hence, mindful of our Apostolic charge and conscious of the
imperious duty incumbent upon us of defending and preserving
against all assaults the full and absolute integrity of the
sacred and inviolable rights of the Church, we do, by virtue
of the supreme authority which God has confided to us, and on
the grounds above set forth, reprove and condemn the law voted
in France for the separation of Church and State as deeply
unjust to God, whom it denies, and as laying down the
principle that the Republic recognizes no cult. We reprove and
condemn it as violating the natural law, the law of nations,
and fidelity to treaties; as contrary to the Divine
constitution of the Church, to her essential rights and to her
liberty; as destroying justice and trampling under foot the
rights of property which the Church has acquired by many
titles, and, in addition, by virtue of the Concordat. We
reprove and condemn it as gravely offensive to the dignity of
this Apostolic See, to our own person, to the Episcopacy and
to the clergy and all the Catholics of France. Therefore, we
protest solemnly and with all our strength against the
introduction, the voting and the promulgation of this law,
declaring that it can never be alleged against the
imprescriptible rights of the Church."
_Pope Pius X.,
Encyclical Letter
(American Catholic Quarterly Review, April, 1906)._
PAPACY: A. D. 1906.
Commands forbidding French Catholics to conform to the
Separation Law or the Associations Law.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1906.
PAPACY: A. D. 1906.
Pacific Relations between State and Church in Mexico.
See (in this Volume)
MEXICO: A. D. 1906.
PAPACY: A. D. 1906 (March).
Declaration of the new French Ministry on
the Church Separation Law.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1906 (JANUARY-MARCH).
PAPACY: A. D. 1906-1907.
The Separation of Church and State in France.
Further Measures and Proceedings.
The Encyclical Gravissimo.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1906-1907.
PAPACY: A. D. 1907.
Effects of the Separation Law in France.
The Catholics lose all Legal Organization.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1907.
PAPACY: A. D. 1907 (September).
Mandates of the Encyclical on Modernism.
The following passages contain the essential mandates of the
Encyclical on Modernism, issued on the 8th of September, 1907:
"The office divinely committed to us of feeding the Lord’s
flock has especially this duty assigned to it by Christ,
namely, to guard with the greatest vigilance the deposit of
the faith delivered to the saints, rejecting the profane
novelties of words and oppositions of knowledge falsely so
called. There has never been a time when this watchfulness of
the supreme pastor was not necessary to the Catholic body;
for, owing to the efforts of the enemy of the human race,
there have never been lacking ‘men speaking perverse things’
(Acts xx., 30), ‘vain talkers and seducers’ (Tit. i., 10),
‘erring and driving into error’ (II. Tim. iii., 13). Still, it
must be confessed that the number of the enemies of the
cross of Christ has in these last days increased exceedingly,
who are striving, by arts entirely new and full of subtlety,
to destroy the vital energy of the Church, and, if they can,
to overthrow utterly Christ’s kingdom itself. Wherefore we may
no longer be silent, lest we should seem to fail in our most
sacred duty, and lest the kindness that, in the hope of wiser
counsels, we have hitherto shown them should be attributed to
forgetfulness of our office.
"That we may make no delay in this matter is rendered
necessary especially by the fact that the partisans of error
are to be sought not only among the Church’s open enemies;
they lie hid, a thing to be deeply deplored and feared, in her
very bosom and heart, and are the more mischievous the less
conspicuously they appear. We allude, venerable brethren, to
many who belong to the Catholic laity, nay, and this is far
more lamentable, to the ranks of the priesthood itself, who,
feigning a love for the Church, lacking the firm protection of
philosophy and theology, nay, more, thoroughly imbued with the
poisonous doctrines taught by the enemies of the Church, and
lost to all sense of modesty, vaunt themselves as reformers, …
not sparing even the person of the Divine Redeemer, whom, with
sacrilegious daring, they reduce to a simple, mere man.
"Though they express astonishment themselves, no one can
justly be surprised that we number such men among the enemies
of the Church, if, leaving out of consideration the internal
disposition of soul, of which God alone is the judge, he is
acquainted with their tenets, their manner of speech, their
conduct. Nor, indeed, will He err in accounting them the most
pernicious of all the adversaries of the Church. For, as we
have said, they put their designs for her ruin into operation
not from without, but from within; hence the danger is present
almost in the very veins and heart of the Church, whose injury
is the more certain, the more intimate is their knowledge of
her. Moreover, they lay the axe not to the branches and
shoots, but to the very root; that is, to the faith and its
deepest fibres. And having struck at this root of immortality,
they proceed to disseminate poison through the whole tree, so
that there is no part of Catholic truth from which they hold
their hand, none that they do not strive to corrupt. Further,
none is more skilful, none more astute than they in the
employment of a thousand noxious arts; for they double the
parts of rationalist and Catholic, and this so craftily that
they easily lead the unwary into error; and since audacity is
their chief characteristic, there is no conclusion of any kind
from which they shrink or which they do not thrust forward
with pertinacity and assurance. To this must be added the
fact, which indeed is well calculated to deceive souls, that
they lead a life of the greatest activity of assiduous and
ardent application to every branch of learning, and that they
possess, as a rule, a reputation for the strictest morality.
Finally, and this almost destroys all hope of cure, their very
doctrines have given such a bent to their minds that they
disdain all authority and brook no restraint; and, relying
upon a false conscience, they attempt to ascribe to a love of
truth that which is in reality the result of pride and
obstinacy.
{475}
"Once, indeed, we had hopes of recalling them to a better
sense, and to this end we first of all showed them kindness as
our children, then we treated them with severity, and at last
we have had recourse, though with great reluctance, to public
reproof. But, you know, venerable brethren, how fruitless has
been our action. They bowed their head for a moment, but it
was soon uplifted more arrogantly than ever. If it were a
matter which concerned them alone, we might perhaps have
overlooked it; but the security of the Catholic name is at
stake. Wherefore, as to maintain it longer would be a crime,
we must now break silence, in order to expose before the whole
Church in their true colors those men who have assumed this
bad disguise.
"But since the modernists (as they are commonly and rightly
called) employ a very clever artifice, namely, to present
their doctrines without order and systematic arrangement into
one whole, scattered and disjointed one from another, so as to
appear to be in doubt and uncertainty, while they are in
reality firm and steadfast, it will be of advantage, venerable
brethren, to bring their teachings together here into one
group, and to point out the connection between them, and thus
to pass to an examination of the sources of the errors and to
prescribe remedies for averting the evil. …
"Against this host of grave errors, and its secret and open
advance, our predecessor, Leo XIII., of happy memory, worked
strenuously, especially as regards the Bible, both in his
words and his acts. But, as we have seen, the modernists are
not easily deterred by such weapons; with an affectation of
submission and respect they proceeded to twist the words of
the Pontiff to their own sense, and his acts they described as
directed against others than themselves. And the evil has gone
on increasing from day to day. We therefore, venerable
brethren, have determined to adopt at once the most
efficacious measure in our power, and we beg and conjure you
to see to it that in this most grave matter nobody will ever
be able to say that you have been in the slightest degree
wanting in vigilance, zeal or firmness. And what we ask of you
and expect of you we ask and expect also of all other pastors
of souls, of all educators and professors of clerics, and in a
very special way of the superiors of religious institutions.
"I.
In the first place, with regard to studies, we will and ordain
that scholastic philosophy be made the basis of the sacred
sciences, it goes without saying that if anything is met with
among the scholastic doctors which may be regarded as an
excess of subtlety, or which is altogether destitute of
probability, we have no desire whatever to propose it for the
imitation of present generations (Leo XIII. Enc. ‘Aeterni
Patris’). And let it be clearly understood above all things
that the scholastic philosophy we prescribe is that which the
Angelic Doctor has bequeathed to us, and we, therefore,
declare that all the ordinances of our predecessor on this
subject continue fully in force, and, as far as may be
necessary, we do decree anew and confirm and ordain that they
be by all strictly observed. In seminaries where they may have
been neglected let the Bishops impose them and require their
observance, and let this apply also to the superiors of
religious institutions. Further, let professors remember that
they cannot set St. Thomas aside, especially in metaphysical
questions, without grave detriment.
"On this philosophical foundation the theological edifice is
to be solidly raised. Promote the study of theology, venerable
brethren, by all means in your power, so that your clerics on
leaving the seminaries may admire and love it, and always find
their delight in it. For in the vast and varied abundance of
studies opening before the mind desirous of truth everybody
knows how the old maxim describes theology as so far in front
of all others that every science and art should serve it and
be to it as handmaidens. …
"With regard to profane studies, suffice it to recall here
what our predecessor has admirably said: ‘Apply yourselves
energetically to the study of natural sciences: the brilliant
discoveries and the bold and useful applications of them made
in our times, which have won such applause by our
contemporaries, will be an object of perpetual praise for
those that come after us’ (Leo XIII. Alloc., March 7, 1880).
But this do without interference with sacred studies, as our
predecessor in these most grave words prescribed: ‘If you
carefully search for the cause of these errors, you will find
that it lies in the fact that in these days, when the natural
sciences absorb so much study, the more severe and lofty
studies have been proportionately neglected; some of them have
almost passed into oblivion, some of them are pursued in a
half-hearted or superficial way, and, sad to say, now that
they are fallen from their old estate, they have been
disfigured by perverse doctrines and monstrous errors (_loco
cit_.). We ordain, therefore, that the study of natural
science in the seminaries be carried on under this law.’
"II.
All these prescriptions and those of our predecessor are to be
borne in mind whenever there is question of choosing directors
and professors for seminaries and Catholic Universities.
Anybody who in any way is found to be imbued with modernism is
to be excluded without compunction from these offices, and
those who already occupy them are to be withdrawn. The same
policy is to be adopted towards those who favor modernism,
either by extolling the modernists, or excusing their culpable
conduct, by criticizing scholasticism, the Holy Father, or by
refusing obedience to ecclesiastical authority in any of its
depositories; and towards those who show a love of novelty in
history, archaeology, Biblical exegesis, and finally towards
those who neglect the sacred sciences or appear to prefer them
to the profane. In all this question of studies, venerable
brethren, you cannot be too watchful or too constant, but most
of all in the choice of professors, for as a rule the students
are modeled after the pattern of their masters. Strong in the
consciousness of your duty, act always prudently, but
vigorously.
"Equal diligence and severity are to be used in examining and
selecting candidates for holy orders. Far, far from the clergy
be the love of novelty. God hates the proud and the obstinate.
For the future the doctorate of theology and canon law must
never be conferred on anybody who has not made the regular
course of scholastic philosophy, if conferred, it shall be
held as null and void. The rules laid down in 1896 by the
Sacred Congregation of Bishops and Regulars for the clerics,
both secular and regular, of Italy, concerning the frequenting
of the universities, we now decree to be extended to all
nations. Clerics and priests inscribed in a Catholic institute
or university must not in the future follow in civil
universities those courses for which there are chairs in the
Catholic institutes to which they belong. If this has been
permitted anywhere in the past, we ordain that it be not
allowed for the future. Let the Bishops who form the governing
board of such Catholic institutes or universities watch with
all care that these our commands be constantly observed.
{476}
"III.
It is also the duty of the Bishops to prevent writings
infected with modernism or favorable to it from being read
when they have been published, and to hinder their publication
when they have not. No book or paper or periodical of this
kind must ever be permitted to seminarists or university
students. The injury to them would be equal to that caused by
immoral reading—nay, it would be greater, for such writings
poison Christian life at its very fount. The same decision is
to be taken concerning the writings of some Catholics, who,
though not badly disposed themselves, but ill instructed in
theological studies and imbued with modern philosophy, strive
to make this harmonize with the faith, and, as they say, to
turn it to the account of the faith. The name and reputation
of these authors cause them to be read without suspicion, and
they are, therefore, all the more dangerous in preparing the
way for modernism.
"To give you some more general directions, venerable brethren,
in a matter of such moment, we bid you do everything in your
power to drive out of your dioceses, even by solemn interdict,
any pernicious books that may be in circulation there. …
"IV.
But it is not enough to hinder the reading and the sale of bad
books: it is also necessary to prevent them from being
printed. Hence, let the Bishops use the utmost severity in
granting permission to print. Under the rules of the
Constitution ‘Officiorum,’ many publications require the
authorization of the ordinary, and in some dioceses it has
been made the custom to have a suitable number of official
censors for the examination of writings. We have the highest
praise for this institution, and we not only exhort, but we
order that it be extended to all dioceses."
_Pope Pius X.,
The Doctrines of the Modernists
(American Catholic Quarterly Review, October, 1907)._
See (in this Volume)
TYRREL, FATHER GEORGE.
PAPACY: A. D. 1907-1909.
Revision of St. Jerome’s Latin Translation of the Bible,
known as "the Vulgate."
"In May, 1907, an announcement was made of the Pope's
intention to revise the Latin Bible, and the work has already
made such progress that the time has come to record not only
the main lines upon which the revision is being carried out
but also the actual completion of its preliminary
preparations. … Pius X. … offered the honourable though costly
and arduous task to the learned Order of the Benedictines, by
whom it was accepted. A commission of revision was appointed,
with Abbot Gasquet, the President of the English Benedictines,
as its head, and the International College of the Order at San
Anselmo in Rome was chosen as the headquarters of their work.
It is here that Abbot Gasquet and his fellow-workers have
already made a good start upon the vast labour which their
Order has undertaken.
"The object of the Commission, according to the Pope’s
definite instructions, is to determine and restore as far as
possible the original text of St. Jerome’s Latin translation
made in the fourth century. How far St. Jerome’s translation
represents the Hebrew or Greek is another question which may
be the subject some day for future criticism and another
commission. … Pius X. has made it clear to the Commission that
he desires their work of revision to be conducted on the most
modern and scientific lines, and that neither money nor labour
should be spared to make it as thorough as possible. An
exhaustive search will be made through all the libraries of
Europe in the hope of finding hitherto unrecognized
manuscripts of the Vulgate. Already there are 15 collaborators
at work in different centres, collating the best-known and most
important manuscripts with the Clementine text, while another
commission, with its assistants, is making a thorough
examination of the libraries and cathedral archives of Spain
in search of fresh material. …
"The method of work is as follows. For the purpose of
collation copies of the Clementine text have been printed;
each page being left blank for two-thirds of its surface, the
text being printed on the remaining third with no capital
letters, no stops, no word divided, so as to resemble
manuscript as far as possible. When a reviser wishes to
collate any manuscript he has only to correct this print like
an ordinary proof-sheet and so reproduce every difference of
the manuscript before him.
"The printing of these copies of the Vulgate, which are to
form the basis of the collations, with the preparation of the
texts and correction of proofs—no light matter—has been the
work of the first year. Three hundred and sixty copies have
been printed in all, one hundred upon the best hand-made
paper, two hundred upon ordinary book paper, and sixty upon
thin paper for the purpose of postage abroad. The Pope himself
has defrayed the rather heavy cost of this production. Besides
the printing of this Bible considerable progress has been made
during the past year with the preparation of a hand list of
all the Latin Biblical MSS. in the libraries of Europe, which,
when completed, will be of great use to the revisers. As the
collators finish their work in the various libraries or
archives where Biblical manuscripts are found, they send their
annotated copies to San Anselmo, where they are bound up and
added to a collection which, when complete, will form a vast
library of all the different versions of the Bible. Seven
important collations have already been made, and at the
present rate of work the number of these Volumes will increase
very rapidly."
_Rome Correspondence of the London Times,
July 21, 1909._
PAPACY: A. D. 1908.
The new Apostolic Constitution of the Curia.
A change of far-reaching and great importance in the
ecclesiastical constitution of the Roman Church was decreed by
Pope Pius X. this year, by the promulgation of a new Apostolic
Constitution of the Curia. It reorganized the numerous
Congregations or departments of the Vatican Government which
had exercised the judicial functions of the Curia for some
generations past. The Pope now restores these functions to an
ancient ecclesiastical court, the Rota, which had fallen out
of use. The Rota is constituted as an international court,
before which questions between priest and bishop, bishop and
diocese, and the like, will have their hearing, and from which
there is appeal to a tribunal of last resort, the Segnatura,
composed of Cardinals alone.
{477}
The reorganization of the Congregation of the Propaganda by
this new Constitution removes from that body the
ecclesiastical jurisdiction it has exercised heretofore over
the Church in Great Britain, Holland, the United States,
Canada, and some other countries, thus taking them out of the
Roman category of missionary lands.
PAPACY: A. D. 1908.
The situation of the Church in France.
No Organization that can hold Property.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1908.
PAPACY: A. D. 1909.
Increased Participation by Catholics in the Italian Elections.
Their Gain of Seats in Parliament.
See (in this Volume)
ITALY: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).
PAPACY: A. D. 1909.
Church Movement of Agricultural Labor Organization.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: ITALY.
PAPACY: A. D. 1909.
Demonstration against the Religious Orders in Portugal.
See (in this Volume)
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1909.
PAPACY: A. D. 1909 (April).
The Beatification of Joan of Arc.
The ceremony of the Beatification of Joan of Arc was performed
at St. Peter’s, in Rome, on the 18th of April, 1909.
Proceedings which began about ten years before were brought by
this ceremony to the end of their first stage, beyond which
they must still be continued for possibly many years, before
the Canonization of "the Maid" as a Saint becomes complete.
The question of the Beatification had been under consideration
in the Congregation of Rites for several years. The grounds on
which that question is decided, in every case, were explained
by _The Catholic Union and Times_, in connection with its
account of the ceremony now referred to, as follows: The
Congregation of Rites "may decide that the life of the person
was a very worthy and very holy one, but they require much
more than that. It must be proved to their satisfaction that
‘miracles’ have been performed. The Congregation of Rites
requires evidence of not fewer than three miracles. In the
case of ‘miraculous cures’ it must be shown that doctors have
pronounced the cases hopeless, or that diseases have been
cured which doctors call incurable. Usually the report
contains particulars of a number of ‘miracles,’ from which the
Congregation of Rites may make a selection. The three chosen
among those attributed to Joan of Arc relate to the curing of
nuns belonging to different communities, who are said to have
obtained relief from their diseases by her intercession. One
of these nuns had suffered for years from cancer and was on
the point of death when, it was claimed, she was instantly
cured by a prayer of Joan of Arc. When the Congregation of
Rites has been satisfied as to the authenticity of three
miracles they prepare their report, which is submitted to the
Pope, who considers it. There is then a gathering at the
Vatican, to which the public is admitted. Cardinals and
bishops are present, and a lawyer of the papal court reads out
the decision. After this, the ceremony of beatification
generally takes place within a few months."
In January, 1910, it was announced in Paris that the
ecclesiastical process for the Canonization would begin on
February 9.
PAPACY: A. D. 1909 (May).
Vote in British House of Commons for removal of remaining
Catholic Disabilities.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D). 1909 (MAY).
----------PAPACY: End--------
PAPER TRUST.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES:
A. D. 1901-1906, and 1909.
PARAGUAY: A. D. 1901-1906.
Participation in Second and Third International
Conferences of American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
PARAGUAY: A. D. 1902.
A nearly bloodless Revolution.
Deposition of President Aceval.
Elevation of the Vice-President.
The following, translated from the Montevideo (Uruguay)
_Dia_, of January 10, 1902, appears in the annual report
of "Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the United
States," 1902, as transmitted by the United States Minister to
Uruguay, and is probably an authentic account of the
revolution described:
"Yesterday, at 10 o'clock in the morning, a revolutionary
movement occurred in Asuncion del Paraguay, without bloodshed,
without noise of arms, which immediately resulted in the
imprisonment of the President of the Republic, Dr. Emilio
Aceval, in the artillery barracks. A strange case—the chief
magistrate of Paraguay has fallen, at least for the moment, on
account of a revolution, inspired and carried into practice by
two of his own ministers, Colonel Juan Antonio Escurra and
Señor Fulgencio Moreno, who, although belonging to the same
Colorado party as the President, differ in opinion at present,
the former considering that a radical policy should be adopted
against the liberals or civic accordists, Dr. Aceval not
sharing this opinion, but being in favor of conciliatory
measures, although this did not win for him the help of his
traditional adversaries, who looked unfavorably on him, as is
usually the way with those belonging to an opposite party."
In his note transmitting Montevideo newspaper reports,
Minister Finch wrote of the occurrence: "It was, as will be
seen, a bloodless affair; but out of it grew a discussion in
the Paraguay Congress which was followed by shooting, one
person being killed and several wounded."
PARAGUAY: A. D. 1904.
Successful Revolution.
The beginning of a successful revolution was reported to
Washington by the American Consul at Asuncion, in a despatch
dated August 11, 1904, as follows: "I beg to confirm my
telegram of to-day, stating that a revolution has broken out
in this republic. … Revolutionary forces on the river and
those of the Government have fought. … The Government forces
were defeated, the Minister of the Interior, who led the
forces, being taken prisoner. The state of siege as declared …
places the entire country under military laws, and the
Government, is amassing a large number of troops to suppress
the revolution. It is impossible at present to say whether it
will be of long or short duration. The revolutionary forces
are proceeding up the river in boats, and the Government has
placed or erected defenses along the river near the capital.
{478}
"Upon inquiries as to the cause of this revolution I am
informed that the opposition to the Government is that the
party in power is endeavoring to exclude entirely the liberal
element from participation in the administration of affairs,
assigning that said party, which is in power, which is
denominated ‘Colorados,’ have not sufficient persons prepared
for the administration of the Government. On the other hand,
the ‘Colorados’ assign that the revolution is due to ambitious
persons who form an opposition and are classed under the name
‘Azul,’ colorados meaning ‘reds’ and azul ‘blues.’"
It was not until four months later that the Consul could
announce the return of peace, secured by the triumph of the
revolution. The president, Colonel Ezcurra, was compelled to
resign, and Señor Juan Gauna was elected in his place; the
army was reorganized; a general amnesty was proclaimed.
PARDO, PRESIDENT JOSE.
See (in this Volume)
PERU.
PARKER, Alton B.:
Nominated for President of the United States.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER).
PARKER, Edward Wheeler:
On the Anthracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commission.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.
PAROLE SYSTEM.
See (in this Volume)
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.
PARSONS, CHARLES A.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: TURBINE ENGINE.
PARTIES:
Agrarian Socialists.
See (in this Volume)
FINLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.
PARTIES:
Anti-Revolutionnaire.
See (in this Volume)
NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1905-1909.
PARTIES:
Azul.
See (in this Volume)
PARAGUAY: A. D. 1904.
PARTIES:
Blues (Conservatives).
See (in this Volume)
COLOMBIA: A. D. 1898-1902.
PARTIES:
Boshin Club.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1909.
PARTIES:
Cadets.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.
PARTIES:
Catholic Peoples’ Party.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904.
PARTIES:
Center, or Centrum.
See
GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.
PARTIES:
Centro Catolico.
SEE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.
PARTIES:
Christian Workmen.
See (in this Volume)
FINLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.
PARTIES:
Christlijk.
See (in this Volume)
NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1905-1909.
PARTIES:
Civilistas.
See (in this Volume)
PERU.
PARTIES:
Clerical.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1903, and 1906;
BELGIUM: A. D. 1904;
GERMANY: A. D. 1906, and 1908-1909.
PARTIES:
Colorados.
See (in this Volume)
PARAGUAY: A. D. 1902, and 1904.
PARTIES:
Confederates.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (January-May).
PARTIES:
Conservatives.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1906, and 1908-1909.
PARTIES:
Conservative-Unionist.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906, 1909 (April-December), and 1910.
PARTIES:
Continental.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER),
AND 1908 (MARCH-NOVEMBER).
PARTIES:
Constitutional Democrats.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.
PARTIES:
Daido Club.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1909.
PARTIES:
Democratas.
See (in this Volume)
PERU.
PARTIES:
Democratic.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES; A. D. 1904 (MAY-NOVEMBER),
and 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).
PARTIES:
Democristiana.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: ITALY.
PARTIES:
Democratique and Gauche Democratique.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1906.
PARTIES:
Doshi-shukai.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (JUNE).
PARTIES:
Fabian Society.
See (in this Volume)
SOCIALISM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
PARTIES:
Fedakiarans.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).
PARTIES:
Federal Party, Filipino.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901, and 1907.
PARTIES:
Free Traders.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906.
PARTIES:
Independents.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.
PARTIES:
Independent Labor.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.
PARTIES:
Independistas.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.
PARTIES:
Inmediatistas.
See (in this Volume)
Philippine Islands: A. D. 1907.
PARTIES:
Intransigentes.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.
PARTIES:
Kossuth Party, or Independence Party.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903.
PARTIES:
Labor Party.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904, and after;
ENGLAND: A. D. 1903, and 1905-1906; also
SOCIALISM: ENGLAND.
PARTIES:
League of Liberation.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.
PARTIES:
Liberal-Conservative Separatist.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904.
PARTIES:
Liberals.
See (in this Volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1906, and after;
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906, 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER), and 1910;
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (January-May).
PARTIES:
Miguelistas.
See (in this Volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1906-1909.
PARTIES:
Moderates.
See (in this Volume)
LONDON: A. D. 1909 (March);
DENMARK: A. D. 1901, and
CUBA: A. D. 1906, and after.
PARTIES:
Moderate Republicans.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).
PARTIES:
Nacionalistas.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.
PARTIES:
National Liberty.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER ).
PARTIES:
Nationalists.
See (in this Volume)
France: A. D. 1906.
PARTIES:
Octobrists.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.
PARTIES:
Old Finns.
See (in this Volume)
FINLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.
PARTIES:
Peoples, or Populist.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER),
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).
PARTIES:
Progresistas.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907,
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.
PARTIES:
Progressists.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1906;
JAPAN: A. D. 1909.
PARTIES:
Progressives.
See (in this Volume)
LONDON: A. D. 1909 (MARCH);
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1904.
PARTIES:
Prohibition.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER),
and 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).
PARTIES:
Protectionists.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRALIA: A.D. 1903-1904, and after.
PARTIES:
Radicals and Radical Socialists.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1906.
PARTIES:
Ralliés.
See (in this Volume)
RALLIÉS.
PARTIES:
Regeneradors.
See (in this Volume)
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.
PARTIES:
Republican.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MAY-NOVEMBER),
and 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).
PARTIES:
Rikken Seiyu-kai, or Seiyu-kai.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1902 (AUGUST); 1903 (JUNE), and 1909;
See in Volume VI.,
JAPAN: A. D. 1900.
PARTIES:
Sinn Fein.
See (in this Volume)
IRELAND: A. D 1905.
{479}
PARTIES:
Social Democrats.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA A. D. 1905-1907;
GERMANY: A. D. 1903;
DENMARK: A. D. 1906;
SOCIALISM: GERMANY,
SOCIALISM: FRANCE,
SOCIALISM: ENGLAND.
PARTIES:
Social Revolutionists.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.
PARTIES:
Socialist, and Socialist Labor.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER),
and 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).
PARTIES:
Socialists, Radical.
Socialists, Independent.
Socialists Unified.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1906.
PARTIES:
Sons of Liberal Ottomans.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).
PARTIES:
Union Republicaine.
See (in this Volume)
France: A. D. 1906.
PARTIES:
Yellows (Liberals).
See (in this Volume)
COLOMBIA: A. D. 1898-1902.
PARTIES:
Young Egypt.
See (in this Volume)
EGYPT: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER).
PARTIES:
Young Finns.
See (in this Volume)
FINLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.
PARTIES:
Young Turks.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).
PARTIES:
Yushin-kai.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1909.
PARTIES:
Zayistas.
See (in this Volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1906-1909.
PARTY REFORMS, Political.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES.
PASSAY, FREDERIC.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
PASSIONISTS:
Forbidden to Teach in France.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1903.
"PASSIVE RESISTANCE," OF ENGLISH NONCONFORMISTS TO THE
EDUCATION ACT OF 1902.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1902, AND 1909 (MAY).
PASTEUR, Louis:
Pronounced by Popular Vote to be the Greatest Frenchman
of the Nineteenth Century.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1908.
PATENTS OF INVENTION: GREAT BRITAIN: A. D. 1907.
Patents and Designs Act.
A requirement of the manufacture of patented articles in the
United Kingdom, introduced in an Act of the British Parliament
passed and approved in August, 1907, which came into force
August 28, 1908, seriously changed the operation of patents
issued to foreigners. It is contained in the following
sections:
"27.—(1) At any time not less than four years after the date
of a patent and not less than one year after the passing of
this Act, any person may apply to the comptroller for the
revocation of the patent on the ground that the patented
article or process is manufactured or carried on exclusively
or mainly outside the United Kingdom.
"(2) The comptroller shall consider the application, and, if
after enquiry he is satisfied that the allegations contained
therein are correct, then, subject to the provisions of this
section, and unless the patentee proves that the patented
article or process is manufactured or carried on to an
adequate extent in the United Kingdom, or gives satisfactory
reasons why the article or process is not so manufactured or
carried on, the comptroller may make an order revoking the
patent either—(a) forthwith; or (b) after such reasonable
interval as may be specified in the order, unless in the
meantime it is shown to his satisfaction that the patented
article or process is manufactured or carried on within the
United Kingdom to an adequate extent: Provided that no such
order shall be made which is at variance with any treaty,
convention, arrangement, or engagement with any foreign
country or British possession.
"(3) If within the time limited in the order the patented
article or process is not manufactured or carried on within
the United Kingdom to an adequate extent, but the patentee
gives satisfactory reasons why it is not so manufactured or
carried on, the comptroller may extend the period mentioned in
the previous order for such period not exceeding twelve months
as may be specified in the subsequent order.
"(4) Any decision of the comptroller under this section shall
be subject to appeal to the court, and on any such appeal the
law officer or such other counsel as he may appoint shall be
entitled to appear and be heard."
Twelve months after the Act became effective the London
_Times_ gave the following account of its working:
"During the year which has elapsed since Section 27 came into
force, 69 applications for revocation of foreign patents have
been made to the Comptroller-General. In 10 cases only were
patents revoked by that official. In four of these cases the
patentees appealed to the High Court, and in two cases
relating to improvements in electric arc lamps, the decision
of the Comptroller-General was reversed, evidence having been
adduced which was not placed before the Comptroller-General,
the effect of which was to show that the patented process was
being adequately carried on in this country. The two other
appeals to the High Court were unsuccessful, so that the
number of patents finally revoked was eight. Those revoked
related to the following articles or processes:—Artificial
stone slabs and tiles (two patents), sewing-machines,
umbrellas, adhesive stays or fastening straps used in
box-making, the lubrication of gig-mills, a steam motor-car,
and locks. In another case, that of a patent connected with
the manufacture of china clay, the Comptroller-General made a
conditional order of revocation.
"It is too early, as yet, to say whether this new power of
revocation conferred by the Act of 1907 is likely to have any
appreciable effect in reducing the number of foreign patents
taken out in this country. In the first seven months of this
year there were 17,869 such patents applied for—an increase of
1566 as compared with the corresponding period of 1908, though
only an increase of 319 upon the larger figures for the first
seven months of 1907. Sixteen fewer patents were taken out in
1909 by American subjects than in 1908, and 331 fewer than in
1907. The decrease in German patents has been consistent—2000
in 1907, 1822 in 1908, and 1735 in 1909, and the same may be
said of Austrian patents—253, 234, and 192 respectively.
French patents, which were 620 in 1907 and 670 in 1908,
decreased to 560 in 1909.
PATENTS:
Pan-American Convention.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
PAULHAN, M.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.
PAUPERISM.
See (in this Volume)
POVERTY.
PAWLOW, Ivan PETROVIE.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
PAYNE, HENRY C.:
Postmaster-General.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.
{480}
PAYNE-ALDRICH TARIFF.
See (in this Volume)
TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.
PEACE.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST.
PEACE, International:
Awards for the Promotion of.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
PEACE CONFERENCE AT THE HAGUE, The Second International.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.
PEACE TREATY, BOER-BRITISH.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.
PEACE TREATY OF PORTSMOUTH.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).
PEARY, Robert E.:
Exploration and Discovery of the North Pole.
See (in this Volume)
POLAR EXPLORATION: ARCTIC.
PEASANT INSURRECTION IN THE BALTIC PROVINCES.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).
PEASANTRY, CONDITION OF RUSSIAN.
See (in this Volume)
Russia: A. D. 1901-1904, 1902, 1904-1905, 1905, and 1906.
PECANHA, Nilo:
President of Brazil.
See (in this Volume)
BRAZIL: A. D. 1909 (JUNE).
PEKING: A. D. 1902.
Return of the Imperial Court.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1902.
PEKING-KALGAN RAILWAY.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: CHINA.
PELLAGRA.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH: PELLAGRA.
PENNA, DR. ALFONSO MOREIRA:
President of Brazil.
See (in this Volume )
BRAZIL: A. D. 1906.
PENNA, DR. ALFONSO MOREIRA:
Sudden death.
See (in this Volume)
BRAZIL: A. D. 1909 (JUNE).
PENNSYLVANIA: A. D. 1906.
Reform Legislation.
The popular revolt of 1905 in Philadelphia against the
intolerable rottenness of municipal government under the
dominant party "machine" had prompt effects in the State.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
"When the election, last November, and still more the reports
made by working politicians in the best organized and informed
machine in the land, showed that these classes wanted a
change, the machine and its leaders changed instantly. A
pliant governor was as prompt to call the Legislature in extra
session as he had been to find reasons for the vilest excess
of the political plunderers of the State. The same Legislature
as before met, and in a brief session passed every measure for
which reformers had been asking in vain for twenty-five
years,—two of them in more drastic form than any one had yet
proposed. Save that the Corrupt Practices Act is more precise
and severe than any yet passed, except in Connecticut, and the
separation and protection of the civil service of Philadelphia
more complete than has yet been enacted for an American city,
the new legislation follows the general trend of such measures
in other States."
_Review of Reviews,
April, 1906_.
PENNSYLVANIA: A. D. 1906-1908.
Frauds in the Construction of the new State Capitol.
On the 4th of October, 1906, the new State House at Harrisburg
was dedicated with imposing ceremonies, honored by the
President of the United States as the principal speaker of the
occasion. The State of Pennsylvania was then indulging more
pride in the supposed honesty and economy with which it had
been built than in the splendor it displayed; for announcement
was made that the Commission charged with the work had saved
about 10 per cent of the $4,000,000 appropriated for it. Very
quickly, however, there came an humiliation of that honorable
pride. Complete accountings showed that, while the naked
structure of the building had cost but $3,600,000, a monstrous
expenditure of more than $9,000,000 for alleged decoration and
furnishing had been added to that sum, by the most audacious
"graft," perhaps, that is recorded, even in the national
history which included the exploits of the Tweed Ring. The
arts of sculpture and painting in the decoration were dealt
with most frugally; but royal emoluments went to gas-fitters
and cabinet makers and their kind,—$2,000,000 for example, for
the equipment of the building with chandeliers. For woodwork
in one suite of rooms, which cost the contractor $16,089 the
State had paid $94,208. For another, he had received $62,486,
on an expenditure by himself of but $6,145.
The investigation of these monstrous frauds, in the fruits of
which many people must have shared, resulted in the arrest of
fourteen men. The arrests were made in September, 1907, and
the accused were released on bail. In the following March four
were convicted of defrauding the State, namely J. H.
Sanderson, a contractor, W. P. Snyder, former Auditor-General
of the State, W. L. Mathues, former State Treasurer, and J. M.
Shumaker, former Superintendent of Public Grounds and
Buildings. The execution of the sentence was suspended pending
an appeal.
Sanderson and Mathues died (of nervous breakdown, it was
said), while the appeal was pending. The conviction of Snyder
and Shumaker was confirmed finally on the 7th of March, 1910,
and their sentence to two years of imprisonment went into
effect. At the same time suits were instituted by the State
against all parties connected with the frauds, to recover some
$5,000,000, estimated to be the amount of plunder taken.
Meantime, seven in all of the alleged participants in the
conspiracy of fraud had died.
PENOLOGY.
See (in this Volume)
CRIME.
PENSIONS, FOR OLD AGE AND INFIRMITY.
See (in this Volume)
POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF.
PENSIONS:
Military.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1902.
PENSIONS:
United States: For Teachers.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.
PENSIONS:
For Railway Employees.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR REMUNERATION: PENSIONS.
PEONAGE:
In the United States.
The following extracts are from three reports of an official
investigation of practices of peonage, conducted by the
Assistant Attorney-General of the United States, Mr. Charles
W. Russell, in 1906-1907:
"Under the criminal law as now in force the offense of peonage
may be defined as causing compulsory service to be rendered by
one man to another on the pretext of having him work out the
amount of a debt, real or claimed. That is Mexican peonage
proper, as defined by our highest court in the Clyatt case
(197 U. S., p. 207). But, as fully explained in my report of
October, 1907, and January, 1908, where there is no
indebtedness either real or claimed, a _conspiracy_ to
cause compulsory service of _citizens_ of the United
States is punishable; and so, also, according to the only
court that has directly passed upon the question, is the
carrying or enticing any person from one place to another in
order that he may be held in compulsory service.
{481}
"I use the words ‘compulsory service’ as equivalent to the
constitutional phrase ‘involuntary servitude’ because the
Supreme Court so treats them in the Clyatt case, and I say
that a mere claim of debt is sufficient because several
inferior courts have so decided, and because in the Clyatt
case the indictment, to which no objection seems to have been
made, alleged a mere claim of indebtedness."
For an illustration of peonage, Mr. Russell cites the
following from evidence produced at the trial of a case
occurring in Alabama which he took part in:
"It was proven that Harlan, the manager, had headquarters at
Lockhart, where the mill was; that in his back yard were kept
what were called bloodhounds—man-trailing dogs; that the
object of keeping these was to send after escaping men; that
they were so used, and men chased and brought back, one of
them tied on the hind part of a buggy; that one of the men,
the Bulgarian Jordmans, was unmercifully kicked and beaten by
Gallagher for wandering off a few yards, his sore shins being
exhibited to the jury as part of the evidence; that by means
of telegraph, railroad, and telephone, a justice of the peace,
and a deputy sheriff, the force of men were hemmed in so that
escape was almost impossible; that the foremen constantly
carried pistols and often made threats; that a rope was placed
around the neck of one foreigner and thrown over a beam as an
object-lesson to others and to frighten him, and that all this
went on systematically'. …
"I have no doubt, from my investigations and experiences, that
the chief support of peonage is the peculiar system of State
laws prevailing in the South, intended evidently to compel
service on the part of the workingman.
"It is hoped that an enlightened self-interest and the demand
for labor made necessary by the expansion of old industries
and the introduction of new will lead to the amendment or
repeal of the State laws which are the chief support of
peonage practices.
"These State laws take various forms and are used in various
ways to uphold peonage and other kinds of involuntary
servitude. Some of them are vagrancy laws, some contract labor
or employment laws, some fraudulent pretense or false promise
laws, and there are divers others. Some few of those in
question, such as absconding debtor laws, labor enticing, and
board-bill laws, were not originally passed to enslave
workmen; but in view of the use to which they are put, need
amendment in order that they cannot be so abused.
"These laws are used to threaten workmen who, having been
defrauded into going to an employer by false reports as to the
conditions of employment and the surroundings, naturally
become dissatisfied as soon as they find how they have been
defrauded. They are used before juries and the local public to
hold the peons up as law-breakers and dishonest persons
seeking to avoid their ‘just obligations’ and to convince
patriotic juries that the defendants accused of peonage should
not be convicted for enforcing, still less for threatening to
enforce, the laws of their State.
"Until we began our work in October, 1906, the chief supply of
peons came from the slums—i. e., foreign quarters of New
York, and from Ellis Island, through the operations of
licensed labor agents of New York. These were reaping a rich
harvest from the price per head for laborers supplied to
employers at a distance, and the temptations to fill all
orders and outdo rival agents by a total disregard of truth
and honesty in dealing with both laborer and employer was too
great for a number of these brokers."
PEPPER, CHARLES M.:
Delegate to Second International Conference of American
Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
PERDICARIS, ION:
Ransomed from a Moorish Brigand.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.
PEREIRA, JOSE HYGINO DUARTE:
Vice-President of Second International Conference
of American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
PERRY, COMMODORE MATTHEW CALBRAITH:
Monument in Japan to commemorate his Advent there in 1853.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1901 (JULY).
----------PERSIA: Start--------
PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.
Beginnings of the Revolutionary Movement,
in the Life of Shah Muzaffer-ed-Din.
The Taking of "Bast," and its effect.
he Extortion of a Constitution and Election of
a Representative Assembly.
Death of the Shah.
The following account of conditions and events which opened,
attended and followed the late constitutional revolution in
Persia have been derived, partly from official correspondence
of the period, between the British Legation at Teheran (or
Tehran) and the Foreign Office at London, as published in Blue
Book Cd. 4581, 1909, and partly from letters and despatches to
the leading journals of London and New York.
The Shah, Muzaffer-ed-Din, who came to the throne in 1896, on
the assassination of his father, Nâsr-ed-Din (see, in Volume
VI. of this work, PERSIA), was credited with a desire to
reform the government of his kingdom, and made considerable
effort to that end in the early years of his reign; but the
adverse forces controlling his court were too strong for him,
and he seems to have yielded to them completely at last. He
was surrounded by a corrupt ring which lived on the spoils of
government, and piled debt upon debt. Under the last of the
Grand Viziers (Atabegs, or Atabeks) who ruled Persia in his
name before the outbreak of revolution, "governments were put
up for sale, grain was hoarded and sold at extortionate
prices, the Government domains were stolen or sold for the
benefit of the conspirators, rich men were summoned to Teheran
(or Tehran) and forced to disgorge large sums of money,
oppression of every sort was countenanced for a consideration;
the property, and even the lives, of all Persian subjects were
at their mercy.
{482}
Finally, there was every reason to believe that a conspiracy
was on foot to dethrone the foolish and impotent Shah and to
oust the Valiahd [heir to the throne]. In their place was to
be put the Shooa-es-Sultaneh, the Shah’s younger son, who was
a by-word even in Persia for extortion and injustice. The
policy of the Atabeg and his friends had thus aroused the
opposition of all classes in Persia: of the few more or less
patriotic statesmen, who knew to what a goal the country was
being led; of the priests, who felt that their old power and
independence would perish with that of their country; and of
the great mass of the population and the mercantile classes,
who were the daily victims of the tyranny of their oppressors.
In December [1905] the storm broke. The Governor of Tehran,
without any just cause, ordered an aged Seyed to be cruelly
beaten. A large number of the prominent Mujteheds took ‘bast’
[refuge] in the shrine of Shah Abdul Azim, near the capital."
The "taking of ‘bast,’" or refuge, in some sanctuary or other
place of protection, is an old Persian mode of political
protest or demonstration, to command attention to public
discontents. In 1848 the chief persons of the Empire had taken
refuge with the English and Russian Legations in order to
obtain the exile of a tyrannical Minister, Mirza Aghassi, and
since then it had been the custom of persons who had
grievances against their own Government to take refuge under
the shelter of a foreign Legation. The "Mujteheds" mentioned
in the above quotation as having resorted to this expedient in
December, are the higher and more influential of the
Mohammedan priests in Persia, distinguished from the Mullahs
or common priests, whose ranks are open to any believer who
can read the Koran and who assumes to interpret its laws.
The Government used vain endeavors of bribery and intimidation
to break up the "bast" at the shrine of Shah Abdul Azim. The
refugees had stirred up the whole country by a published
statement of grievances, appealing to the patriotism of the
people, and the Shah surrendered to the effect produced. He
made promises of a grant of popular representation, and of
administrative reforms. By the end of January a promising
state of affairs seemed to have been brought about. "The
refugees were brought back to Tehran in the Shah’s own
carriages, escorted by an enthusiastic crowd." But dissensions
between the popular leaders and the Mujteheds soon arose. "No
definite step was taken to give effect to the Shah’s promises,
except a vague letter promising Courts of Justice and a new
Code, and the appointment of a Council to consider the whole
question of reforms. In this Council it soon became evident
that the Government could control the leaders of the reform
movement, and that the sympathies of the great Mujteheds were
not heartily with the popular movement. All was outwardly
quiet in Tehran, but in the provinces the people of Shiraz and
Resht had taken violent measures to prevent the reappointment
of the Shah’s sons as their Governors, and the movement in
both cases was successful. In the capital itself the streets
and the bazaars were quiet, but every day sermons were
preached in the mosques, in which, as one of the popular party
said, ‘What we hardly dared to think a year ago was openly
spoken.’ The best-known preacher of Tehran, a Prince of the
Imperial house, preached every Friday against the tyrannies
and corruption of the Government. An order for his expulsion
was issued. The chief Mujteheds, incited by the people,
pressed the Government to withdraw the measure, and the
Government had to yield."
In the middle of May the Shah had a paralytic stroke and was
removed to the country. For some weeks there was a lull in the
popular agitation. Then, early in July, the principal
Mujteheds were roused by the conduct of the Grand Vizier to a
fresh preaching of revolt. On the 11th the Vizier ordered the
arrest of one of the preachers; a crowd of people attempted to
rescue him, and was fired on by the troops. General rioting in
the capital ensued, with victory, for a time, on the side of
the people; but in the end the Government appeared to have won
the day. "The town was in the hands of the troops. The popular
leaders had fled. The Shah was in the hands of their
opponents. For the popular party the outlook was a grave one."
In these circumstances the leaders had recourse again to the
"bast," and this time in a Foreign Legation.
"On the evening of the 9th fifty Mullahs and merchants
appeared at the Legation and took up their quarters for the
night. Their numbers soon increased, and on the 2nd September
there were about 14,000 persons in the Legation garden. Their
conduct was most orderly. The crowd of refugees was organized
by the heads of the guilds, who took measures to prevent any
unauthorized person from entering the Legation grounds. Tents
were put up and regular feeding places and times of feeding
were provided for. The expense was borne by the principal
merchants. No damage of a wilful character was done to the
garden, although, of course, every semblance of a bed was
trampled out of existence, and the trees still bear pious
inscriptions cut in the bark. Colonel Douglas, the Military
Attache, kept watch over the Legation buildings, but no watch
was needed. Discipline and order were maintained by the
refugees themselves.
"The Government sent answers to the popular demands, which
they requested Mr. Grant Duff to read to the people. The
Government communications were received with derision. At last
there appeared to be no other resource than a personal appeal
to the Shah. The people stated firmly that unless their
demands were granted they would remain in the Legation, as it
was their only place of safety, and they maintained that until
the Shah knew what was the real situation their requests would
never receive due consideration. Mr. Grant Duff obtained the
consent of His Majesty’s Government, and announced to the
Minister for Foreign Affairs that he demanded an audience. An
audience was fixed for the 30th July. The audience, however,
never took place. The Commander of several of the Tehran
regiments, on whom the Minister of the Court and the Grand
Vizier chiefly depended, made the fatal announcement that his
troops would not serve against the people, and that they were
on the point of themselves taking refuge in the British
Legation. The Court party yielded. The Sadr Azam [Grand
Vizier] resigned, and the Azad-ul-Mulk, head of the Kajar
tribe [the tribe of the imperial dynasty], proceeded to Kum in
order to inform the refugee Mullahs that the Shah had granted
their demands for a National Assembly and for Courts of
Justice.
{483}
"The chief difficulty which then confronted Mr. Grant Dull was
that the people had entirely lost confidence in their own
Government, and declined to treat with them except through the
British Representative. When the Government made the
announcement of the projected reforms, the people answered
that they would not accept the promise of the Government
unless it was confirmed and guaranteed by the Government of
the King of England. This was naturally impossible. Acting
under instructions, Mr. Grant Duff informed the refugees that
he could do no more for them, and entirely declined to
guarantee the execution of the Shah’s Decrees. The Government
then attempted to come to an arrangement direct. It failed.
The popular leaders rejected the Shah’s Decrees as vague or
inadequate, and where posted up in the city they were torn
down and trampled on. In this extremity the Government again
appealed to Mr. Grant Duff and begged him for his assistance.
At his suggestion a meeting took place at the residence of the
new Grand Vizier, the late Minister for Foreign Affairs,
between the Government and the popular leaders. After a long
discussion, at which Mr. Grant Duff took no part except when
questioned, an agreement was arrived at, and an amended
Rescript published which definitely promised a National
Representative assembly [in the Persian language a Mejlis or
Medjliss] with legislative powers. The Rescript was read out
in the British Legation to the assembled refugees and was
received with enthusiasm. … On the night of the 16th the
Mujteheds returned amid popular plaudits, and on the 18th a
grand meeting was held in the Palace precincts as a sort of
earnest of the National Assembly."
The Court party, however, had only suffered an appearance of
defeat. It spent the next week "in gradually paring down all
the Shah’s promises, and in the production of a Rescript in
which the original project of the Constitution was hardly
recognizable. The late Grand Vizier, who had lingered in the
neighborhood, suddenly returned to his country seat near the
Shah’s residence, and the Shah absolutely refused to sign the
Regulations for the Assembly. The popular excitement was
intense. Notice was served on Mr. Grant Duff that the people
would again take refuge in the Legation, if necessary, by
force. About twenty-five of the leaders actually did take up
their quarters there. It seemed as if the disturbances were
about to break out anew." But now the Russian Minister came
into cooperation with Mr. Grant Duff, in representations to
the Shah that overcame the evil influences by which he was
swayed. Regulations for the election of delegates to the
Assembly were now signed; but fresh difficulties arose from
the refusal of provincial governors to carry them out. These
in turn were overcome and the elections were held. "Meanwhile
it had been decided, in order to avoid delay, that the Tehran
Members of the Council should meet at once, without waiting
for the provincial Delegates, and the first session of the new
Assembly was opened [October 7, 1906] by the Shah himself, in
the presence of the priests, the Court, and the foreign
representatives. … The provincial Members arrived one by one
as they were elected, and as yet there are many vacant places,
the provinces not showing much alacrity in electing their
Members. The Assembly soon showed its power. It refused
absolutely to consent to the Anglo-Russian advance [of a
preferred loan] on the ground that the public revenues ought
not to be pledged to foreigners. It announced its intention of
instituting reforms, especially in the finances of the
country, and of providing itself the necessary funds for
carrying on the Government by founding and endowing a National
Bank. But, before taking any steps of this nature, it insisted
on having a signed Constitution. A Committee was nominated to
consider the terms of the Constitution, and, in consultation
with a Committee named by the Government, a Constitution was
drawn up and submitted to the Chamber." It did not satisfy the
popular demand and scenes of confusion followed; but in the
end it was amended and approved, and, on the 1st of January,
1907, the important instrument, ratified by the Shah and by
the Valiahd—the heir to the crown—was delivered to the
Assembly and received with joy. One week later, on the 8th of
January, the Shah died.
The text of the Constitution, as translated for communication
to the British Government, is given in this Volume under the
heading—CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA.
PERSIA: A. D. 1907 (January-September).
The new Shah, Mohammed Ali.
His evil surroundings.
Hostility between him and the Assembly.
Prime Ministry of Atabeg-i-Azam.
The Government without money.
Inaction of the Assembly.
Discouragement of the Atabeg.
His assassination.
The new Shah, who assumed the crown under the name or title of
Mohammed Ali Shah, professed acquiescence in the
constitutional change which the nation had forced his father
to accept; but those who knew him appear to have expected that
he would act a perfidious part. That improved conditions in
the country were far from settled became apparent very soon.
As early as the 30th of January, Sir C. Spring-Rice, who had
succeeded Mr. Grant Duff as the diplomatic representative of
Great Britain, wrote to his Government: "I regret to state
that the prospects of a good understanding between the Shah
and the popular party are still remote. The _entourage_
of the Shah, especially his father-in-law, the
Naib-es-Sultaneh, is personally interested in the continuance
of the existing abuses; and their influence has certainly made
itself felt to a regrettable extent, and has led to increasing
agitation against the Shah himself. On the other hand the
action of the popular Assembly has not been such as to lead to
conciliation."
The precariousness of the situation in the country, the
paralysis of government and the prevalence of disorder during
a number of months following, may be indicated sufficiently by
a few passages from the despatches of Sir C. Spring-Rice and
Mr. Charles M. Marling, Charge d’Affaires to the British
Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Sir Edward Grey:
{484}
_February 27, 1907._
"It is clear that a national movement of a semi-political and
semi-religious character does exist and is spreading. The
great Mujteheds of Kerbela are now entering on the scene, and
delegates are being sent out from the capital to the provinces
to preach the principles of liberty. Patriotism, of a
distinctive Persian type, has always been the characteristic
of the Shiite believers. The present Shah of Persia has no
religious status, and, in the view of the religious leaders,
no fundamental right to the allegiance of the Persians, whose
real chief is no living King, but the twelfth Imam, the coming
Messiah, even now present on the earth, though unseen. The
patriotism of the Shiite does not therefore centre in the
person of the Kaliph, but is, or can be, of a highly
revolutionary character."
_May 23._
An "important question has arisen in relation to an addition
to the Constitution, guaranteeing equal treatment for all
Persian subjects, irrespective of their creed. The mullahs
protested. Of the three great Mujteheds, only one—Seyid
Mohamed—declared in favour of it. The others, supported by a
large body of the clergy, maintain that Mussulman law must be
enforced in a Mussulman country. The clerical world is divided
on the subject. A large number of the priests, headed by Seyid
Mohamed and the popular preacher Sheikh Jamal-ed-Din, declare
openly that the law of Mahommed is a law of liberty and
equality, and that those who say otherwise are traitors to
their country and unworthy of their religion. The
representative of the Parsees informs me that he has great
hopes that a decision will be taken favourable to toleration;
but the matter is still in suspense."
"The Atabeg-i-Azam [about whom something will be told below]
arrived at Tehran the 26th April, and was formally appointed
President of the Council of Ministers and Minister of the
Interior on the 2nd May. He proceeded to the National Assembly
on the 4th May, accompanied by his whole Cabinet, and made a
statement of policy."
"The tone of the local press is getting more and more
democratic, and new papers are constantly appearing. There are
at present nearly thirty papers published in Tehran alone,
including several dailies. Papers are also published in nearly
all the provinces, and a Persian paper of a very anti-dynastic
tone is published at Baku and widely circulated in Persia.
Anonymous pamphlets are also widely spread in Tehran as
before. A number of them are printed at Baku, and are
remarkable for their inflammatory character. The Tehran
pamphlets are chiefly directed against the Atabeg-i-Azam and
the Government."
_June 18._
"The financial condition of the Government is, if possible,
worse than ever. The police of the capital are on strike; it
has been found almost impossible to scrape together money
enough to induce the Tehran troops to leave for the scene of
the rebellion."
"The Government would, if it dared, borrow abroad to meet its
present liabilities. But, in view of the popular sentiment, it
does not resort to a foreign loan. It appeals to the Assembly
for help, in the form of subscriptions to the proposed
National Bank. The answer it receives is that the people will
subscribe as soon as the rich nobles, who are known to have
large sums of money, show the way. This the rich refuse to do.
As to raising money by taxation, the Assembly appears to be
convinced that as soon as the Government has any money in hand
it will use it for the destruction of the Medjliss. Any
effective control of expenditure is regarded as quite out of
the question. The exasperation against the Shah is rapidly
increasing."
"There is a considerable difference between the north and the
south. In the south the popular movement has an almost
farcical character; it turns on personal or pecuniary
questions. In the north there appears to be a more or less
definite political aim and a keen sense of patriotism. So far
there is no sign of an anti-foreign outbreak."
_July 19._
"The general condition of the whole country is undoubtedly
bad, and is probably slightly worse than last month. The
disturbances at Tehran have been chiefly brought about by
artificial means to serve the purposes of the reactionaries.
There seems, however, no reason to regard it as dangerous,
though the Government has every appearance of being bankrupt,
and artificial demonstrations are of daily occurrence. There
is so far no reason to fear an outbreak and consequent danger
to foreign lives or property."
_August 15._
"The Assembly still continues to sit, and it celebrated the
anniversary of the grant of the Constitution amid great scenes
of popular enthusiasm. But it has done, and is doing, nothing
of practical value. Its proceedings are disorderly, and it
comes to no decision. The covert opposition of the Shah and
his friends is conducted with considerable skill through a
section of the priestly party, who are heavily subsidized.
They have obtained some measure of success, and the
reactionary forces show a considerable amount of vigour. But
the popular leaders are not seriously afraid of these enemies,
and confidently maintain that the restoration of autocracy in
Persia is now impossible. The chief enemies of the Assembly
are its own members."
"The Atabeg is in a state of great depression, is afraid for
his life, distrustful of the Shah, and professes that he is
anxious to resign. He is useful as a man holding a middle
position between Shah and people, and possessing great
experience and knowledge of the country, but he is quite
incapable of organizing or administering a Government or of
carrying out any thorough-going reform."
_September 13._
"On the evening of the 30th ultimo the Atabeg called on me and
talked at length on the political situation. The general tenor
of his observations was that the Shah would withdraw his
opposition, the Medjliss would work with the Government, and
that very shortly the Government would be able to put an end
to the disorder which reigned in the country. I never saw him
in better spirits.
"The next day [August 31] the Atabeg and the Ministers
repaired to the Palace and requested the Shah to accept their
resignations unless he would solemnly pledge himself to
cooperate with the Government and the Medjliss. They obtained
the promise in writing, and repaired in a body to the
Assembly. The proceedings of the Assembly on that day were on
the whole harmonious and satisfactory. The Atabeg read the
Shah’s statement, and explained that the Government and the
Assembly would now be able to proceed to the serious work of
reform. There was some opposition, but it was overruled. The
majority of the Members showed their sympathy with the
Government.
{485}
"The Atabeg left the Assembly accompanied by the principal
Mujtehed, Seyed Abdullah. They reached the outer door of the
Palace inclosure, and had just parted when the Atabeg was shot
and killed. One of his assailants was captured, but wounded
his captor and escaped; another, finding himself surrounded,
shot himself. …
"For some time lately rumours have been spread abroad through
the local press and by word of mouth to the effect that the
Atabeg was in secret collusion with the Shah, for the
overthrow of the Assembly and the sale of the country to
Russia. Statements to this effect reached me from Members of
the Assembly. There can be no doubt as to the genuineness and
intensity of the feeling against the Atabeg. A French doctor,
who attended one of the assassins some time before the murder,
assured Mr. Churchill that he and his friends were quiet and
respectable persons of the middle class, imbued with the
strongest feeling of patriotism, and ready to devote their
lives to the service of their country. The attacks on the
Atabeg had lately gained in virulence, and had attracted
universal attention. … Popular sentiment approved the murder,
and the assassins were regarded as saviours of their country.
The streets of Tabreez were illuminated. The result of the
Atabeg’s murder is for the time to disorganize the whole
system of government."
In a recent book on Persia, by W. P. Cresson, the writer, an
American, who had visited the country during the final
Ministry of the Atabeg Azam, and had talked with him,
describes him with admiration, having been especially
impressed with his liberality of views and his knowledge of
European and American affairs. In his periods of exile from
Persia (which occurred several times in the course of his
public life) he had visited both Europe and America and
studied them well.
PERSIA: A. D. 1907 (August).
Convention between Great Britain and Russia relative to Persia.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).
PERSIA: A. D. 1907-1908 (September-June).
A series of Political Overturnings.
The Shah deserted.
Temporary Supremacy of the Assembly.
Nasr-ul-Mulk Premier.
Addition to the Constitution.
The Shah’s attempted Coup d’État and failure.
Attempted Assassination of the Shah.
His successful second Coup d’Etat.
The Assembly dispersed and its dissolution proclaimed.
New Elections promised.
The assassination of the Atabeg Azam was followed soon by a
strange series of overturnings in the political situation,
outlined, and but slightly explained in the following excerpts
from despatches of the British Legation at Tehran:
_September 13, 1907._
"A deputation recently called on the Mushir-ed-Dowleh [former
Grand Vizier] and asked him to take office. He refused unless
he was provided with money. He said that he would not take the
dangerous responsibility of accepting a foreign loan, and that
unless the Persian people supplied the funds necessary to
carry on the Government, or consented to the Government
finding funds elsewhere, all government would be shortly
impossible."
_October 2._
"Shah has been solemnly informed by a Committee composed of
Princes, high military and civil officials, and great
landlords, and including all the reactionaries of prominence,
that, unless he maintains the Constitution and works with the
Medjliss their support will be withdrawn from the throne. The
usual reassuring answer was returned by His Majesty. The
Minister for Foreign Affairs, whose position is very
precarious owing to the strike in his own Department, is
opposed to them, but the head of the new Government has
promised them support. The members of the Committee yesterday
took a solemn oath of fidelity to the Constitution in the
Assembly, where they had repaired for the purpose. Excepting
support of the Minister for Foreign Affairs the Shah is now
practically isolated, though he is supposed still to entertain
reactionary views."
_October 3._
"Saad-ed-Dowleh has been dismissed from post of Minister for
Foreign Affairs."
_October 10._
"The Mushir-ed-Dowleh died very suddenly on the evening of
the 13th September.
"On the 27th September the Princes and civil and military
officials of note, who had up till then formed the reactionary
party, presented an ultimatum to the Shah declaring their
adhesion to the Constitution and the National Assembly, and
threatening to sever all connection with the throne should His
Majesty not cooperate with the National party. … There was
little on the surface to indicate the sudden _volte-face_
of the reactionaries. The chief cause must undoubtedly be
reckoned to be fear. The murder of the Atabeg … and the
suspicion that the sudden death of Mushir-ed-Dowleh was not
due to natural causes, had unquestionably produced a very deep
effect. …
"The result of the first year’s work of the Assembly has been
on the whole rather negative, but at least it has succeeded in
asserting its will against the influence of the Shah and
clergy, and has now a reasonable prospect of being able to
start on the path of reconstruction."
_October 25._
"New Ministry has been formed under presidency of
Nasr-ul-Mulk, reappointed Minister of Finance. Most important
members are Mushir-ed-Dowleh, son of the late
Mushir-ed-Dowleh, Foreign Affairs; Sanied-Dowleh, Interior;
Mukhber-es-Sultaneh, Justice."
_November 27._
"I have the honor to transmit to you herewith a full
translation of the text of the Constitutional Law as passed by
the National Assembly and signed by the Shah on the 8th of
October.
[This addition of articles to the Constitution signed by the
Shah on the 30th of December, 1906, will be found, in this
Volume, appended to that instrument, under CONSTITUTION OF
PERSIA.]
The Law reduces the Sovereign to practical impotence, but by
far its most important part is that defining the powers of the
Tribunals. Articles 71 and the succeeding Articles, though
ambiguously worded, intentionally so, will, if carried into
execution, deal a deadly blow at the judicial powers of the
Mollahs."
{486}
_December 15._
"Disorders are threatening here. Violent speeches, denouncing
the Shah and demanding the exile of the Shah’s Chief Adviser
and Agent, Saad-ed-Dowleh and Amir Bahadur Jang, were made
yesterday at a popular meeting at the principal mosque. The
Ministry has resigned, but the Shah refuses to accept
resignation. This morning an excited crowd gathered outside
the Assembly, but was dispersed by armed men sent by the
Shah."
_December 15._
"Ala-ed-Dowleh, who was sent to the Palace by the Assembly
with a message, and another brother of President of Assembly
were arrested by the Shah at 3 o’clock this afternoon. Shah
sent for Prime Minister at 5 p. m., put chains on him, and
threatened to kill him five hours after sunset. I have sent to
demand assurances for Nasr-ul-Mulk’s safety from the Palace,
and am requesting co-operation of Russian Minister."
_December 16._
"Nasr-ul-Mulk is exiled, and leaves for Resht to-day. As he
fears Shah will attempt his life on the way, he begged me to
send a member of the Legation with him, as was done when the
late Atabeg was sent to Kum in 1897. This, I said, I was for
the moment unable to do. I am, however, sending two gholams.
On his arrest the Assembly dispersed, and the Anjumans, on
which its real power rested, remained inactive. The other
Ministers have all resigned. They were summoned to the Palace
and were practically under arrest there till they also left
the Palace when Nasr-ul-Mulk was released by my demand on his
behalf. … Armed partisans of Shah have occupied principal
square since midday yesterday. For the present his coup d’état
seems to be successful. The Committees are collecting armed
round the Assembly this morning. There is no sign of danger to
Europeans, and there has been as yet no fighting."
_December 17._
"More armed ruffians are being brought into the town and are
congregating in Cannon Square, supported by troops and guns. …
Round the Medjliss building the Anjumans [popular
associations] are again assembling armed."
_December 18._
"No Government has been formed. The popular party is acting
strictly on the defensive, and the Committees are still
guarding the Assembly. The Shah last night conceded the
Assembly’s demands, which are moderate."
_December 22._
"Russian Minister and I have just come back from the Palace.
He laid the situation before the Shah with the utmost
frankness, and the strongest assurances that he would respect
and uphold the Constitution were given us by His Majesty.
Steps are now being taken by us to let the Constitutionalists
understand that it is incumbent upon the two Legations to see
that the Shah observes the pledges he has given us."
_December 31._
"Meantime [after the interview, above reported, with the
Shah], the general situation had become more threatening. The
Tabreez Anjuman [local assembly or Committee] had succeeded in
circulating throughout Persia the threat of deposing the Shah,
and the larger cities, where the idea of constitutional
government has taken root, appeared to be greatly excited.
Telegrams promising armed support against the Shah had been
received from Shiraz, Ispahan, Resht, Kazvin, Kerman, and
Meshed, and signs of sympathy had come in from other quarters.
In Tehran itself, despite unmistakable signs that the Shah
must yield, as he did late in the afternoon, the excitement
against His Majesty was, if anything, more marked."
"It has been difficult to find a method of conveying the
Shah’s guarantee in a manner agreeable to the susceptibilities
of the Assembly. However, on Friday Mushir-ed-Dowleh furnished
M. de Hartwig with a rough draft of a declaration which we
might each communicate to the President of the Assembly, and
taking this as the basis we prepared a letter in French."
_January 2, 1908_.
"Although Tehran is now relatively quiet, and the provinces
have been much less affected than might reasonably have been
apprehended by the knowledge of what was happening at the
capital, I fear that relief is only temporary, and that Persia
is drifting nearer and nearer to complete anarchy. The
struggle between the Shah and his people has resulted in a
complete victory for the latter, but I am not sanguine that
the prospects of the establishment of constitutional
government on a durable basis have been much improved thereby.
For the moment, indeed, the Shah has been completely cowed,
and is now retired into the Anderoon [harem]."
_January 29._
"In the early days of the month, though externally the town
was quiet enough, it seemed as though another crisis might
occur. The Shah, after a few days’ comparative inactivity,
recommenced his campaign against the Assembly."
_February 28._
"The Shah, who had not been out of the Palace since he paid
his state visit to the National Assembly on the 12th November,
1907, was proceeding at 3 p. m. to his country seat at
Dochantapeh when a determined attempt was made on his life.
The procession was formed of a motor-car in front and a
carriage behind, with the usual escort of horsemen and running
footmen. A little way past the house of the Manager of the
Imperial Bank, and before reaching that of the Zil-es-Sultan,
a fusillade was opened on the motor-car, in which it was
supposed the Shah rode, by some persons from the adjoining
roofs, who evidently could not see into the vehicles from
their elevated position. Two bombs were then thrown at the
motor-car completely shattering it, and killing two persons
and wounding about seven others. The Shah, who was seated in
the carriage behind the motor-car, immediately emerged and
took refuge in a neighboring house."
_April 24._
"While … the general condition of Persia has been more
tranquil, at the capital all the indications show but too
clearly that the struggle between the Shah and the Enjumens
[Committees or Associations] has lost none of its bitterness.
I say advisedly the Enjumens, for in the last trial of
strength, in which the Shah was again worsted, the Assembly
played a very small part indeed."
_May 21._
"The condition of the country is going from bad to worse, and
the feeble Government is absolutely unable to do anything to
restore a decent degree of order, and even if money were
forthcoming, it is in the last degree improbable that without
foreign assistance any serious measure of reform can be
undertaken."
{487}
_June 8._
"On Saturday morning, the 6th June, an apparent reconciliation
between the Shah and the popular party took place, but the
next morning it was reported to His Majesty that a telegram
had been sent to Zil-es-Sultan [one of the royal princes, and
an aspirant to the throne] at Shiraz by the Eujumens asking
him to come to Tehran and assume the Regency. The same evening
the Zil’s eldest son, also Serdar Mansur, Ala-ed-Dowleh, and
Azad-ul-Mulk, the Head of the Kajar tribe [the imperial tribe]
who took part in the agitation last week, were arrested by the
Shah."
_June 23._
"About 6 o’clock this morning twenty Cossacks were sent by the
Shah to arrest eight persons who were in the mosque adjoining
the Assembly House. The demand for the surrender of these
persons met with a refusal, and a shot was fired from the
mosque. Fighting then started, and is still continuing. The
number of people killed is said to be large. Guns are being
used by the Shah’s troops."
_June 23._
"The Assembly building and the mosque have been cleared by the
Shah’s forces, and the meeting-place of the Azerbaijan Enjumen
has been destroyed. The Shah has arrested the Chief Mujtehed,
Seyyid Abdullah, the Sheikh-ul-Reis, and some ten other
alleged leaders of popular party. The Cossack Brigade has lost
forty men. The loss on the other side is said to be very
small, but the exact number is unknown. A state of siege has
been proclaimed and the Enjumens have dispersed. Some shops
and houses, including that of the Zil-es-Sultan, and the
Assembly building, have been pillaged."
_June 25._
"The first shot was undoubtedly fired by the people in the
mosque and Assembly, among whom some Deputies were included. I
believe that every preparation had been made to clear the
mosque by force if this proved necessary. In any case, the
Shah had reasonable ground for taking strong measures, as the
attack was made by the popular party on the troops. …
"Efforts are being made to catch Deputies, and several,
including the President of the Assembly, have already been
arrested. The Enjumens seem to be cowed; their supporters are
falling away, and the Shah has complete mastery. Yesterday
morning two prisoners were strangled at the Shah’s camp, and
there are about thirty persons, other than Deputies, under
arrest. There are now in the Legation fifty refugees.
"There has been fighting in Tabreez between the popular party
and the Shah’s partisans. There is no sign from the other
provinces, and the Zil-es-Sultan is trying to dissociate
himself from the agitation."
_June 26._
"A Proclamation stating that the present Assembly is dissolved
has been issued by the Shah. Proclamation announces that new
elections will be held in three months, and a Senate will be
formed."
PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
Final Hostilities between the Shah and the Supporters
of the Constitution.
Tabriz the Center of a Revolutionary Movement.
Entrance of the Bakhtiari into the Struggle.
Siege of Tabriz and its Relief by the Russians.
Capture of Teheran by the Nationalists and Bakhtiari.
Deposition of the Shah.
A child enthroned.
The occurrences of June, narrated above, were at the beginning
of the final outbreak of hostilities between the partisans of
the Shah and the supporters of the Constitution, which soon
ran into actual civil war.
When the Shah had established his authority at Teheran, Tabriz
became the center of popular opinion on the side of the
Constitutionalists, or Nationalists, and the main seat of
their strength. Fighting began there on the 23d of June,
simultaneously with the conflict at Teheran, and continued
intermittently and indecisively throughout July and August, at
the end of which time the Nationalists were said to be 10,000
strong. On the 24th of September the Royalists began a
bombardment of the town, with five guns, to which the
Nationalists responded vigorously with four. October 10th the
Nationalists assumed the offensive, attacking the camp of the
besiegers, routing their cavalry, and securing possession of a
desirable bridge.
On the 24th of September, under pressure from the
representatives of Great Britain and Russia, the Shah decreed
that a Mejlis (National Assembly) "composed of religious and
proper persons, will, by the help of God and the favor of the
12th Imam, be convoked by us for the 19th Shavval"—that is,
November 14—and that a law of elections should be made known
by October 27. The latter date passed without producing the
promised election law and no elections followed in November;
but on the 8th of the latter month the Shah’s partisans
organized a "demonstration" at Teheran against the
Constitution, on the strength of which the mendacious
sovereign replied to British and Russian remonstrances against
his faithlessness by saying that "a large section of the
population regarded a constitutional regime as contrary to
their religion." Presently, on the 22d of November, he issued
a rescript proclaiming that the Ulema had declared such an
institution as a Parliament to be contrary to Islam and
therefore he would not convoke it.
Early in 1909 the revolt first organized at Tabriz became rife
in many parts of the nominal Empire of the Shah, both north
and south. On the 25th of January _The Times of India_,
published at Bombay, where commercial and political interests
in Persian affairs are equally keen, described the situation
then existing as follows: The "news from Persia is extremely
grave, because it indicates the collapse of the Shah’s
authority from north to south. The Anjumans [Enjumens—a term
which seems to be applied to local assemblies and to all
political associations alike] of Astrabad and Lahidjan have
repudiated the present regime. This means that the Caspian
littoral is being lost to the Shah. What is of even greater
consequence is that the spread of the revolt to Lahidjan may
mean the cutting off of the trade with Teheran via Resht,
which is now the principal route open to traffic. Then in the
far south, almost on the Gulf littoral, the Nationalists of
Laristan have thrown off all semblance of the Shah’s
authority. Recently it was stated that the Bakhtiaris had
risen in revolt, and had looted Isfahan. It was not to be
expected that the Lars, of which the Bakhtiaris are an
offshoot and who enjoy a modified independence, would remain
quiescent under these conditions. Reuter is however in error
in stating that these tribal fights ‘are interrupting’
communications between Bushire and Shiraz.
{488}
These have been interrupted for many months, and as we stated
on Friday, the muleteers who usually ply between Bushire and
Shiraz some time ago removed their animals to the
Resht-Teheran road. The insecurity of this route is
illustrated by the fact that the Derya Begi, the fount of
Persian dignity at Bushire, was held up and robbed on his way
from Teheran to his charge on the coast. All these straws
point to the rapidity with which anarchy is spreading."
The Bakhtiari referred to in this account of affairs, and who
now began to bear an important part in the Persian
revolutionary conflict, are a semi-independent and nomadic
tribe, occupying the region of the mountains which bear the
same name, in western Persia, within the provinces of Luristan
and Khuzistan. They claim, it is said, by descent from the
Bactrians of remote antiquity, to represent the purest blood
of ancient Iran. In connection with recent disturbances, they
began to be mentioned in June, 1907. The head of one faction
among them, Semsam-es-Sultaneh, had then been removed by the
Persian provincial governor from the post of Ilkhani (a title
surviving from the Mongol conquest of the 13th century,—see
PERSIA: A. D. 1258-1393, in Volume IV. of this work), and his
supporters were reported to be "out in every direction
attacking caravans." The only mention of them in the following
months was as pestilent bandits in the Ispahan quarter,
holding the roads and breaking up commerce and travel; but
they came at last into Persian history as allies of the
Nationalists in the struggle for Constitutional Government.
Press reports from Tabriz in February were to the effect that
the Shah’s forces, estimated at 12,000 in number, had closely
invested the town; that the besieged Nationalists were
provisioned for two months, and were making sorties daily.
Also that Resht was full of armed Caucasian revolutionaries.
At the middle of March a correspondent of the London
_Times_ made his way from Teheran to Resht, and found
that the revolutionary movement there was entirely "exotic."
"If the Caucasian element was removed," he wrote, "nothing
would remain. One can estimate fairly accurately that there
are about 600 men under arms in the town and on the road. It
is said that 5 per cent. of these are Persians. This morning I
watched the departure of a contingent of men for the front.
Greeks, Kurds, Armenians, Tartars, Russians—all the Caucasian
peoples were represented, but not a single man of the race for
the advancement of whose cause these men have taken arms."
This correspondent was led to suspect, as others have done,
that the religious movement in Persia known as "Babism" (see,
in Volume I. of this work, under BAB) had much to do, in a
secret way, with the existing revolutionary undertaking.
"Those who are in a position to judge." he said, "estimate the
present proportion of Babis in the population of Persia at
from 10 to 30 per cent. I have, indeed, heard the Persians
estimate it as high as 50 per cent."
Before the end of March the Nationalists were in control of
the ports of Bender Abbas and Bushire on the Persian Gulf. On
the 30th of March the following went to the London
_Times_ from Teheran: "In spite of numerous defections to
the Nationalist side during the last fortnight, the situation
at Teheran remains practically unaltered. The Cossack Brigade
is still the premier factor, and there seems no reason to
doubt either its allegiance to the Shah or its ability to deal
with any element of disturbance likely to arise in the
capital. The bazaars remain partially closed, but the business
of the town proceeds without interruption.
"From outside there is nothing to apprehend for the present.
The Bakhtiari have made no sign, though their position has
been rendered materially more secure by the recent espousal of
Nationalism by the most notable family at Shiraz. From Resht
the revolutionaries continue to launch remonstrance, warning,
and anathema at the Shah, but they are too wise to march on
the capital without a lead from elsewhere.
"To-day’s news from Tabriz indicates that the situation of the
town is extremely grave. A section of the Nationalists
advocate negotiating with the besiegers, but Satar Khan has
decided to continue his resistance. The stores of food are to
be appropriated for the fighting men, and when the stock
remaining is exhausted the inhabitants will have no
alternative but to leave the town and run the gauntlet of the
Shah’s lambs."
The Cossack Brigade referred to in the despatch above was a
body of Persian Cossacks which had been for some time past in
the service of the Shah, under the command of a Russian
officer, Colonel Liakhoff. In the House of Commons, on the
24th of March, the British Secretary for Foreign Affairs was
sharply questioned as to this employment of a Russian officer,
and the alleged employment of others, in the Shah’s service,
and asked whether they were serving the Shah or the Tsar. In
reply he said: "It may be that in the events of the
summer—what is called the coup d’État—Colonel Liakhoff, the
Russian officer in command of the Persian Cossacks, who had
been lent to the Shah for the purpose, I understand, of
disciplining that body of Persian Cossacks, to provide a
bodyguard for the Shah, and in case of need to preserve order
in Teheran—it may be that he exceeded the limit of those
purposes. If he did so I am convinced that it was not by the
instructions, on the authority, or with the approval of the
Russian Government; and since the coup d’Etat there has been
no question, according to reports which we have received, that
the Russian officers who remained in the service of the Shah
have kept within the limits of the purposes for which they
were lent to the service of the Shah, and have not taken part
in anything that could be called political encounters in
Persia. If Colonel Liakhoff exceeded the limits in Teheran, he
acted directly under the Government of the Shah, and the
question whether the Russian Government approve or disapprove
his action is one between himself and them, and is not a
matter on which we are called upon to express an opinion."
On the 5th of April it was reported that the sufferings of
Tabriz "are increasing daily, and it is undoubted that a great
tragedy is approaching. If Tabriz holds out, thousands must
die of starvation, while, if it falls, probably tens of
thousands will be massacred." A fortnight later, on the 20th.
the Shah yielded to the insistence of the British and Russian
Legations that he should allow an armistice at Tabriz of six
days and the importation into the town of sufficient food for
that period.
{489}
Meantime a detachment of Russian Cossacks, under General
Snarsky, had crossed the frontier into Persia, and was
marching to Tabriz with supplies. This Russian relief
expedition, approved by the British Government, reached the
beleaguered city without resistance on the 30th, and its
presence brought the conflict at that point to an end. A
correspondent of _The Times_, who had been in Tabriz
throughout the siege, taking some leadership in the defence
(in company with a teacher attached to the American Mission’s
high school, Mr. Baskerville, who met death in the fighting)
and who gave, two months later, a graphic narrative of the
experience, said in concluding it:
"Tabriz was ultimately saved by the coming of the Russians.
Their entry into the town was the direct cause of the opening
of the roads, the dispersal of the disappointed armies of the
Shah, the promulgation of the Constitution, and the
appointment of a Constitutionalist Ministry. It saved Tabriz
from a surrender which could not otherwise have been delayed
for three days longer, and thereby it averted the complete
collapse of the Constitutional movement."
With victory at Tabriz snatched from him, the Shah ostensibly
threw up his hands. On the 5th of May it was announced that he
had "signed an Imperial rescript acknowledging that the
disorderly condition of the country imposed the necessity of
taking measures to reorganize the administration. The rescript
recognizes that this can only be secured through the
constitutional principle, and his Majesty fixes July 19 for
the election of a representative Assembly, for the formation
of which electoral laws will soon be promulgated."
This revival of promises failed, however, to arrest the
revolutionary movement. On the 7th of May the Nationalists
expelled a royal force from Kazvin—less than a hundred miles
from Teheran—and declared their intention to march on Teheran.
"They are well-armed and well-mounted," said a correspondent
who came from Kazvin, "and possessed of plenty of money. Their
commander, a Sipahdar, and his second in command, an Afghan,
are now at Kazvin, and everything points to the possibility of
early action. The Bakhtiari, who have assembled at Ispahan and
number 3,000, also declare their intention of marching on
Teheran."
Of the Sipahdar, who now becomes the fighting leader of the
Nationalists, a writer in the New York _Evening Post_
relates that "when a merchant in Tabriz, he offered the
government his services in wiping out the brigands who scoured
the provinces, and, selecting a picked band, went out to fight
fire with fire, by the same methods of terrorizing that the
robbers had employed. As a result, he made the provinces safe,
at least."
Pressed by the Russian Legation to withdraw from Kazvin,
pending the fulfilment of the Shah’s promises, the Sipahdar,
commanding there, declared that he could not control his men.
The situation was complicated by the presence of the Russians
at Tabriz. As _The Times_ correspondent wrote: "The
perfectly unambiguous declaration by Russia that her troops
will be withdrawn from Tabriz the moment order is restored and
danger to Europeans is past is valueless in the eyes of
Persians while the troops are there."
The framing of a new electoral law, to the satisfaction of an
electoral committee of the Nationalists, was finished on the
6th of June, and the Shah’s signature to it was expected in a
few days. High hopes were placed on the coming of
Nasr-ul-Mulk, the exiled statesman at Paris, who had been
solicited to accept the Prime Ministry, and who seemed slow to
take the proffered honor. But the wrecked structure of
constitutional government could not so easily be set in
motion. The revolutionaries at Kazvin became threatening
again, and were in motion toward Teheran before the end of
June, while the Bakhtiari began a simultaneous advance. On the
29th of June the Russian Government issued orders "to assemble
a considerable force at Baku, to be held in readiness in case
of a _coup de main_ against the Persian capital."
Meantime the new electoral law had been signed, but not
promulgated, "owing to the prevailing excitement," it was
said.
On the 3d of July the Russian Government addressed a Circular
Note on the situation in Persia to the Governments of foreign
Powers, saying, in part:
"The Imperial Government, on consideration of the position of
affairs, has come to the conclusion that the principle of
absolute non-interference in the internal affairs of Persia
and in the conflict between the Shah and the Persian people
must remain, now as formerly, the basis of its policy in
Persia. In this connexion we could not leave out of sight the
fact that in the event of the Bakhtiari and revolutionaries
entering Teheran the Russian and other European Legations and
European institutions and subjects, as well as our road from
Enzeli (on the Caspian Sea) to Teheran, might find themselves
in an extremely dangerous position, and the more so because,
according to information which has reached us, the only
Regular troops at the Shah’s disposal consist of the Persian
Cossack Brigade, which is at present so weakened that it is
scarcely in a condition to maintain order in Teheran.
"This circumstance imposes upon the Imperial Government the
moral obligation to take all measures in order that, in case
of necessity, it may be possible to render effective aid to
the above-mentioned (European) establishments and subjects and
to ensure unrestricted traffic between Teheran and Enzeli in
all circumstances. It has, therefore, been decided to send a
force from Baku to Enzeli consisting of one regiment of
Cossacks, one battalion of Russian infantry, and one battery
of artillery. The force will not advance beyond Kazvin (86
miles from Teheran), and will ensure communication between
Kazvin and the Caspian Sea.
"The further advance of a portion of the force depends upon
the course of events. It can only ensue upon the demand of the
Imperial Legation in Teheran in the event of the dangerous
situation aforesaid arising."
{490}
The Russian and British Legations attempted mediation between
the Sipahdar and the Shah, to check the former’s advance, but
his demands made their intervention hopeless. The Shah’s
forces pushed out to intercept the on-coming revolutionaries,
encountered them on the 11th, 18 miles west of Teheran, and
fighting went on at a distance from the city for two days; but
forces which slipped between the defensive lines made their
way into the capital on the morning of July 13th, and there
was fighting in the streets until the 16th. The Shah then
sought refuge at the Russian Legation, and the Russian
officers of the Persian Cossacks, besieged in their barracks,
made terms with the Nationalist leaders.
Four days later the Persian situation was stated to the
British House of Commons by the Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs, Sir Edward Grey, as follows:
"The Shah, after taking refuge in the Russian legation,
abdicated, and his son, Sultan Ahmed Mirza [a young child] has
been proclaimed Shah by the Nationalist Committee under the
regency of Azad-ul-Mulk, head of the Kajar tribe, pending the
convocation of Parliament. The commanders of the Fedai and
Bakhtiari, as temporary chiefs of the Persian Government, have
accepted the services of the Persian Cossack brigade under
their Russian officers, on condition that the latter are
completely under the orders of the Minister of War. This
arrangement was ratified at a meeting between the commanders
and Colonel Liakhoff. Teheran is quiet, and the Persian
Cossacks are already fraternizing with the Fedai. The Sipahdar
has been appointed Minister of War, and the Sirdar Assad
Minister of the Interior." Being asked if he would represent
to the Russian Government the undesirability of advancing
Russian troops to Teheran, Sir Edward added: "In view of the
declarations already made by the Russian Government as to the
circumstances under which alone Russian troops would be sent
to Teheran and in view of the fact that no troops have been
sent to Teheran during the recent troubles, in spite of the
fact that at one time some apprehension, which happily proved
to be unfounded, was expressed for the safety of Russian
subjects, such representations would be most uncalled for."
On the 17th the Provisional Government gave notice to the
Anglo-Russian legations of the selection of the new Shah, and
asked that he should be delivered to their keeping; whereupon,
wrote the _Times_ correspondent, "M. Sablin announced the
request to the Shah, who replied that he thought his mother
would not consent. The Shah then took M. Sablin to his mother
and an affecting scene ensued. Both the mother and father
broke down at the thought of parting with their favourite son
and offered their second son in his place. M. Sablin replied
that the selection had been made by the people and that he had
no voice in the matter. The boy wept bitterly in sympathy with
his parents and declined to leave his mother. Finally their
Majesties were persuaded to agree. On receiving the Shah’s
assent, the necessary proclamation was immediately promulgated
and it was arranged that the Regent and a Nationalist
deputation would receive the little Shah.
"An interested crowd witnessed his departure this morning from
the custody of his natural guardians. During the morning
Sultan Ahmed wept bitterly at the prospect of becoming a King,
and it required a stern message to the effect that crying was
not allowed in the Russian Legation before he dried his eyes.
Then the little man came out bravely, entered a large
carriage, and drove off alone, escorted by Cossacks, Sowars,
and Persian Cossacks and followed by a long string of
carriages. At Sultanatabad he was met by the Regent and the
deputation and ceremoniously notified of his high position and
of the hope entertained by the nation that he would prove to
be a good ruler.
‘Inshallah, I will,’ replied the lad. Arrangements for the
Coronation will be made hereafter. In the meanwhile the little
Shah, who is guarded by a Bakhtiari, remains with his tutors
at Sultanatabad, where his mother is free to visit him."
At Teheran, affairs settled quickly into quiet, but disorders
were prolonged in various parts of the provinces, being
especially serious at Shiraz. The deposed Shah remained for
weeks at the Russian Legation, while negotiations with him for
a pension or allowance in return for his surrender of jewels
and money to the State went on, and the unhappy child who
occupied his palace had more sorrow than he.
Early in August Colonel Liakhoff returned to Russia and was
appointed to a regimental command. On the 1st of September a
general amnesty, with a few exceptions, was proclaimed by the
new government at Teheran. On the 9th of September the deposed
Shah left the shelter of the Russian Legation and journeyed,
with his queen, four younger children and several friends,
under Russian escort, to a residence in Russia, at Odessa,
which was his choice. Persia was still waiting for the able
and much trusted constitutionalist statesman, Nasr-ul-Mulk, to
return from his exile at Paris and accept the offered
premiership in the government; but on the 21st of September
the report went out that he had definitely declined the post.
He returned to Persia, however, in October. On the 11th of
October the Russian Government made known that it had decided
to withdraw the greater part of the troops it had been keeping
at Tabriz. A new Mejliss, for which the Regent had ordered
elections, was assembled on the 15th of November. On the 7th
of December the Mejliss unanimously approved the proposals of
the Government with regard to borrowing abroad and the
employment of Europeans in executive capacities for the
reorganization of the Finance Department. This, no doubt, will
improve the situation very greatly.
PERSIA: A. D. 1909 (January).
Destructive Earthquake in Luristan.
See (in this Volume)
EARTHQUAKES: PERSIA.
----------PERSIA: End--------
----------PERU: Start--------
PERU: A. D. 1899-1908.
Outline of History.
The leading events of Peruvian history are recorded in Volume
VI. of this work down to the election of President Eduardo de
Romaña, in 1899. "Romaña was a member of a prominent family of
Arequipa, and had been educated in England, at Stonyhurst. He
further had studied for, and taken a degree as, an engineer at
King’s College, London; and whilst he had not acquired much
experience in politics, he nevertheless successfully filled
the Presidential Chair throughout his term. He was alive to
the necessity for the development of the resources of the
country, and, fortunately, his administration was not
embarrassed by disturbances other than some small political
intrigues such as inevitably take place in a country which, as
Peru, was evolving a _régime_ of civil government.
{491}
During this term there was some influx of North American
capitalists, who acquired important interests, in the copper
mines of Cerro de Pasco, and who commenced the construction of
a railway line thereto. … The presidency of Señor Romaña
uneventfully expired at its natural time; elections were held,
and Señor Manuel Candamo, who had already provisionally been
head of the State, was chosen as president in May, 1903.
Candamo had been successful in quieting political animosities
after the revolt against Caceres and in consolidating the
political situation. Peru now showed real evidences of
advancement. The old turbulent element was passing away; those
leaders who had placed purely personal ambition before the
true interests of their country had given place to the natural
talent and ability of the best citizens, whom the times were
calling to the front. Candamo’s rule promised well for the
country. He was surrounded by able men, among whom, as chief
cabinet minister, was Dr. Domingo Almenard, an upright lawyer.
The fiscal revenue was increased by taxes, against which there
were murmurings, but which the country was able to bear, and
the tax on tobacco was set apart for the construction of new
railways. Unfortunately, this able administrator, Señor
Candamo, continued but a short time in office, for he was
overtaken by illness, and died at Arequipa in May, 1904. This
event left the country under the temporary leadership of the
second vice-president, Señor Calderon, for the first
vice-president had died also. An election was at once called
according to law, the two candidates which were put forward
being Dr. Jose Pardo, son of the former president of the same
name, and Señor Nicolas Piérola, who had already been at the
head of the Government on two occasions. Rivalry between the
partisans of these two candidates became acute, and although
it was feared for a moment that some disturbance might occur,
good sense prevailed, and the elections proceeded without
interruption. Both contestants were good men—Piérola
representing the party known as the _Democratas_, whilst
Pardo headed the _Civilistas_. There were not very
radical differences of principle underlying these distinctions
of name; both were for civil government and for national
progress. Piérola had done good work during his former term,
whilst Pardo had the prestige of the good name and
administration of his father, the former president of
1872-1876, and was also held in esteem personally among the
best element of the country. The result of the election—held,
probably, more fairly than ever in Peru before—fell to Dr.
Pardo, who took the presidential scarf and office in
September, 1904, and who still guides the affairs of his
country in a manner which has won the esteem of the nation, in
a general sense.
Dr. Pardo’s Cabinet was formed of some of the most capable men
in the country, prominent among whom was the minister of
Finance, Señor Leguia, to whose work is largely due the
improved financial situation. At the present time—1908—the
best elements of Peru are in the ascendant."
_G. Reginald Enock,
Peru: Its Former, and Present Civilization,
History and Existing Conditions,
chapter 9 (Scribner’s Sons, New York)._
PERU: A. D. 1901.
Broad Treaty of Arbitration with Bolivia.
See (in this Volume)
ARBITRATION, INTERNATIONAL: A. D. 1901 (NOVEMBER).
PERU: A. D. 1901-1906.
Participation in Second and Third International Conferences
of American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
PERU: A. D. 1903-1909.
Boundary disputes in the Acre region with Bolivia and Brazil.
See (in this Volume)
ACRE DISPUTES.
PERU: A. D. 1905.
Arbitration Treaties with Colombia and Ecuador.
In a message to the Peruvian Congress, July 28, 1906,
President Pardo communicated treaties of arbitration with
Colombia, one general in its nature, the other special for the
settlement of existing boundary questions. Of the latter the
message said:
"As in former treaties of the same character which have been
heretofore concluded with that Republic, the controversy is
submitted to the decision, to be based upon considerations of
equity, of His Holiness Pope Pius X. But as our question with
Colombia is connected with the one with Ecuador, it has been
agreed that the arbitration with Colombia shall only take
place after the termination of the one in which we are now
proceeding with Ecuador, upon the adjudication by the royal
Spanish arbitrator to Peru of territories which are likewise
claimed by Colombia."
PERU: A. D. 1906.
Decree for the Encouragement of Immigration.
See (in this Volume)
IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: PERU.
PERU: A. D. 1907.
Diplomatic Relations with Chile reëstablished.
The Tacna and Arica questions remaining open.
See (in this Volume)
CHILE: A. D. 1907.
PERU: A. D. 1908-1909.
Seating of President Leguia.
Attempted Revolutions defeated.
On the 27th of May, 1908, Augusto B. Leguia became President,
succeeding Dr. Pardo. Señor Leguia had previously been Premier
and Minister of Finance and Commerce; prior to which he had
been managing director of a great English sugar company in
Peru. A revolutionary movement had been attempted a few weeks
before, in which Dr. Augusto Durand and Isaias Piérola were
engaged, and which suffered defeat.
A year later, on May 29, a similar attempt was announced from
Lima, and ascribed to the same "agitators," who, said the
despatch, "made an assault upon the palace and seized
President Leguia. The army, however, remained loyal and came
to his support. The revolutionists were obliged to liberate
the President, who immediately took measures to put down the
movement. Within an hour, although firing was still heard in
the streets, President Leguia seemed to be master of the
situation. Many shots were exchanged between the troops and
the revolutionists and it is believed that the casualties will
be heavy."
This was contradicted a week later, so far as concerned Dr.
Durand. "It has been proved," said the later statement, "that
the revolutionary outbreak of last week was engineered
entirely by the followers of the Piérola brothers. A committee
of the Liberal party to-day visited President Leguia, and,
declaring that neither Dr. Durand nor José Oliva had taken
part in the movement, requested that these men be set at
liberty. The country is quiet."
----------PERU: End--------
PETER I., King of Servia: His Election.
See (in this Volume)
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.
{492}
PETIT, Archbishop Fulbert.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.
PETROLEUM:
The Supply and the Waste in the United States.
See (in this Volume)
Conservation of Natural Resources.
PETROPALOVSK, SINKING OF THE.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (February-August).
PHAGOCYTES: THEIR DEPENDENCE ON OPSONINS.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: OPSONINS.
PHILADELPHIA: A. D. 1905.
A Spasm of Municipal Reform.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
PHILADELPHIA: A. D. 1909.
Defeat of Reform.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
----------PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: Start--------
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS:
Gains to Spain from their Loss.
See (in this Volume)
SPAIN: A. D. 1898-1908.
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900-1902.
The Stamping Out of the Bubonic Plague.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH.
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.
Second Report of the Second Philippine Commission.
Collapse of the Insurrection.
Peace in all but five Provinces.
Organization of Provincial Governments.
Native Appointments.
Central Civil Government.
Appointment of Governor Taft.
Filipino Members added to Commission.
Down to the capture of Aguinaldo, leader of the Filipino
insurgents, on the 23d of March, 1901, and his submission to
"the sovereignty of the United States throughout the
Philippine Archipelago," as announced in an address to his
countrymen on the 19th of April, the history of American rule
in those islands is recorded in Volume VI. of this work. The
Second Philippine Commission, with the Honorable William H.
Taft at its head, had entered on the performance of its
extensive legislative duties on the 1st of the previous
September, while the Military Governor continued to exercise
administrative powers. The Commission had begun the
organization of provincial and municipal governments, and the
establishing of a system of public schools, as related in the
Volume referred to. From its second report, covering ten
months and a half, ending on the 15th of October, 1901, the
following statements are drawn, to continue the outline of
principal events and most important affairs down to that date:
"The collapse of the insurrection came in May, after many
important surrenders and captures, including that of
Aguinaldo. Cailles, in Laguna, surrendered in June, and
Belarmino, in Albay, on July 4.
"There are four important provinces in which the insurrection
still continues, Batangas, Samar, Cebu, and Bohol. Parts of
Laguna and Tayabas adjoining Batangas in the mountain region
are affected by the disturbances in Batangas. In Mindoro also,
a thinly settled and almost unexplored island, there are
insurrectos. … Outside of the five provinces named there is
peace in the remainder of the archipelago. …
"The work of the commission since it began to legislate in
September, 1900, has been constant. … We have passed since our
last report, in addition to numerous appropriation bills, a
municipal code, a provincial law, a school law, a law
prescribing an accounting system, acts organizing the various
bureaus of the central government, acts organizing the courts,
an act to incorporate the city of Manila, a code of civil
procedure for the islands, and a new tariff act. …
"The general provincial law provides for a provincial
government of five officers—the governor, the treasurer, the
supervisor, the secretary, and the fiscal, or prosecuting
attorney. The governing board is called the provincial board,
and includes as members the governor, the treasurer, and the
supervisor. The prosecuting attorney is the legal adviser of
the board and the secretary of the province is its secretary.
The first function of the provincial government is to collect,
through the provincial treasurer, all the taxes, with few
exceptions, belonging to the towns or the province. Its second
and most important function is the construction of highways
and bridges and public buildings. Its third function is the
supervision, through the governor and the provincial
treasurer, of the municipal officers in the discharge of their
duties. Within certain limitations, the provincial board fixes
the rate of levy for provincial taxation.
"The governor has the power to suspend any municipal officer
found failing in his duty, and is obliged to visit the towns
of the province twice in a year, and hear complaints against
the municipal officers. … Under the act the offices are all to
be filled at first by appointment of the commission. The
governor holds his office until February, 1902, when his
successor is to be elected in a mass convention of the
municipal councilors of the towns of the province. The
secretary, treasurer, and supervisor after February next are
brought under the civil-service act, and all vacancies
thereafter arising are to be filled in accordance with the
terms of that act. The fiscal is appointed for an
indeterminate period, and is not subject to the civil-service
law. …
"The commission reached the conclusion that it would aid in
the pacification of the country; would make the members of
that body very much better acquainted with the country, with
the people, and with the local conditions, and would help to
educate the people in American methods, if the commission went
to the capital of each province and there passed the special
act necessary to create the provincial government and made the
appointments at that time. Accordingly, the commission visited
thirty-three provinces. …
{493}
"The policy of the commission in its provincial appointments
has been, where possible, to appoint Filipinos as governors
and Americans as treasurers and supervisors. The provincial
secretary and the provincial fiscal appointed have uniformly
been Filipinos. It will be observed that this makes a majority
of the provincial board American. The commission has, in
several instances, appointed to provincial offices former
insurgent generals who have been of especial aid in bringing
about peace, and in so doing it has generally acted on the
earnest recommendation of the commanding officer of the
district or province. We believe the appointments made have
had a good effect and the appointees have been anxious to do
their duty. …
"The central government of the islands established in
September, 1900, under the instructions of the President, with
a military governor as chief executive and the commission as
the legislative body with certain executive functions in
addition, continued until the 4th of July, 1901. At that time
Major General Adna R. Chaffee relieved Major-General MacArthur
as commanding general of this division and military governor.
By the order of June 21, previous, in all organized provinces
the civil executive authority theretofore reposed in the
military governor and in the commission was transferred on
July 4 to a civil governor. The president of the commission
was designated as civil governor. …
"By an order taking effect September 1, the purport of which
was announced the 4th day of July, there were added to the
commission, as a legislative body, three Filipinos, Dr. T. H.
Pardo de Tavera, Señor Benito Legarda, and Senor José
Luzuriaga. These gentlemen, the first two of them residents of
Manila and the last a resident of the island of Negros, had
been most earnest and efficient in bringing about peace in the
islands. Dr. Tavera was the first president of the Federal
party, had accompanied the commission in its trips to the
southern provinces, and was most useful in the effective
speeches which he delivered in favor of peace and good order
at every provincial meeting. Señor Legarda had been valuable
in the extreme to General Otis and to all the American
authorities by the wisdom of his suggestions, and the courage
and earnestness with which he upheld the American cause as the
cause most beneficial to his country. Señor José Luzuriaga was
a member of the first government of the island of Negros,
organized while there was insurrection rife throughout the
islands, as an independent government under the supervision of
a military governor, and was most active in preventing the
insurrection from gaining any foothold in that important
island. …
"The theory upon which the commission is proceeding is that
the only possible method of instructing the Filipino people in
methods of free institutions and self-government is to make a
government partly of Americans and partly of Filipinos, giving
the Americans the ultimate control for some time to come. In
our last report we pointed out that the great body of the
people were ignorant, superstitious, and at present incapable
of understanding any government but that of absolutism. The
intelligence and education of the people may be largely
measured by knowledge of the Spanish language. Less than 10
per cent of the people speak Spanish. With Spaniards in
control of these islands for four hundred years and with
Spanish spoken in all official avenues, nothing could be more
significant of the lack of real intelligence among the people
than this statement. The common people are not a warlike
people, but are submissive and easily—indeed much too
easily—controlled by the educated among them, and the power of
an educated Filipino politically ambitious, willing to plot
and use all the arts of a demagogue in rousing the people, is
quite dangerous. The educated people themselves, though full
of phrases concerning liberty, have but a faint conception of
what real civil liberty is and the mutual self-restraint which
is involved in its maintenance. They find it hard to
understand the division of powers in a government, and the
limitations that are operative upon all officers, no matter
how high. In the municipalities, in the Spanish days, what the
friar did not control the presidente did, and the people knew
and expected no limit to his exercise of authority. This is
the difficulty we now encounter in the organization of the
municipality. The presidente fails to observe the limitations
upon his power, and the people are too submissive to press
them. In this condition of affairs we have thought that we
ought first to reduce the electorate to those who could be
considered intelligent, and so the qualifications for voting
fixed in the municipal code are that the voter shall either
speak, read, and write English or Spanish, or that he shall
have been formerly a municipal officer, or that he should pay
a tax equal to $15 a year or own property of the value of
$250."
_Report of the U. S. Philippine Commission,
from December 1, 1900, to October 15, 1901,
part 1, pages 7-20._
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901-1902.
Report of Governor Taft.
Civil Government established in
all Christian Filipino Territory.
The Moros.
Destruction of the Carabao.
Cholera.
Ladrones.
The Native Constabulary.
"When our last report was submitted there was insurrection in
the province of Batangas, where the insurgent forces were
commanded by General Malvar, and in the adjacent provinces of
Tayabas and Laguna; in the province of Samar, where the
insurgent forces were commanded by General Lukban; in Cebu,
where the insurgent forces were under the insurgent leaders
Climaco and Maxilom; in Bohol, where the insurgent forces were
commanded by the insurgent leader Samson; and in the island of
Mindoro. Vigorous campaigns were begun in November and
December by General Bell, in Batangas, Laguna, Tayabas, and
Mindoro, by General Smith in Samar, and by General Hughes in
Cebu and Bohol. In November and December the insurgents in
Cebu and Bohol surrendered, and conditions of peace were so
completely established that the Commission soon after received
the province of Cebu from the military authorities, and by act
numbered 322, passed December 20, 1901, restored the civil
government in that province to take effect January 1, 1902; in
Bohol the province was delivered over to the Commission early
in 1902, and the commission, by act of March 3, 1902, restored
civil government there to take effect April 1, 1902. General
Lukban, in Samar, was captured in February, 1902, and the
entire force of insurgents in that island under General
Guevara surrendered in April following.
{494}
"By an act passed June 17, 1902, Number 419, the Commission
organized the province of Samar, and established civil
government there. In April of 1902, General Malvar surrendered
with all his forces in Batangas, and by act passed June 23,
1902, the Commission restored civil government to that
province to take effect July 4, 1902. By act Number 424,
enacted July 1, 1902, the province of Laguna was organized
into a civil government. This completed the organization of
all the provinces in which insurrection had been rife during
the latter part of 1901, except Mindoro. There were, in
addition, certain tracts of territory occupied by Christian
Filipinos that had not received civil government, either
because of the remoteness of the territory or the scarcity of
population." The report then details the measures by which
civil government was given to these tracts of territory, and
proceeds:
"The question what shall be done with respect to Mindanao is
one which has not been definitely decided, first, because so
much has had to be done with respect to the northern and
Filipino provinces, and, second, because at present there is
an unsettled condition in the Lake Lanao country. The
hostility to the Americans does not reach beyond the Lake
Lanao Moros. The Moros of the Jolo group, of Zamboanga, and of
the Rio Grande de Mindanao Valley are all quiet, and all
entirely willing to submit to American supervision. It is very
possible that an arrangement can be brought about by which the
Sultan of Jolo can be induced to part with such rights as he
claims to have in the Jolo Archipelago, and in this way
questions which now present very perplexing difficulties with
respect to ownership of privileges, rights, and lands may be
obviated. … I think it wiser on the part of the Commission to
postpone the consideration of the Moro question until we have
passed legislation to meet needs that are more pressing
throughout the northern part of these possessions of the
United States. For a great many years to come there will be no
question of popular government in the Moro country; the Moros
do not understand popular government, do not desire it, and
are entirely content with the control by their dattos.
Possibly far in the future the control by dattos will cease.
There is room for material and industrial development among
the Moros, and with their material improvement may come a
change in their political views. For the present, however, it
is necessary only to provide a paternal, strong, but
sympathetic government for these followers of Mohammed.
"The civil government has assumed responsibility for the
preservation of order and the maintenance of law throughout
the Christian Filipino territory of this archipelago at a time
when the material conditions are most discouraging and present
every conceivable obstacle to the successful administration of
the affairs of 6,000,000 or 7,000,000 people. The war of six
years since 1896 has greatly interfered with the regular
pursuit of agriculture, which is almost the only source of
wealth in the islands. Many years ago there was sufficient
rice raised in the islands not only to feed the people but to
export it to other countries. For a number of years before the
American occupancy rice had been imported. The area of
cultivation of the rice has been much lessened during the war
and many fields which were formerly tilled are grown now with
the cogon grass because of neglect.
"The greatest blow to agriculture has been the loss of the
carabao or water buffalo, upon which the cultivation of rice,
according to the mode pursued in these islands, is wholly
dependent. The war in some degree, and the rinderpest in a
much larger degree, have destroyed about 90 per cent of the
carabaos; and the natives—never very active in helping
themselves—have simply neglected the rice culture, so that
now the islands are compelled to spend about $15,000,000 gold
to buy food upon which to live. The carabao is not so
necessary in the cultivation of the sugar crop or in the
cultivation of hemp. …
"The cholera has swept over these islands with fatal effect,
so that the total loss will probably reach 100,000 deaths.
Whole villages have been depopulated and the necessary
sanitary restrictions to avoid its spread have interfered with
agriculture, with intercommunication, and with all business.
The ravages of war have left many destitute, and a guerrilla
life has taken away from many all habits of industry. With no
means of carrying on agriculture, which is the only occupation
of these islands, the temptation to the less responsible of
the former insurgents after surrender to prey upon their
neighbors and live by robbery and rapine has been very great.
The bane of Philippine civilization in the past was ladronism,
and the present conditions are most favorable for its growth
and maintenance. … Many who were proscribed for political
offences in the Spanish times had no refuge but the mountains,
and being in the mountains conducted a free robber life, and
about them gathered legions not unlike those of the Robin Hood
days of England, so that they attracted frequently the
sympathy of the common people. In the Spanish days it was
common for the large estate owners, including the friars, to
pay tribute to neighboring ladrones. Every Tagalog province
had its band of ladrones, and frequently each town had its
recognized ladrone whom it protected and through whom it
negotiated for immunity. …
"The insurrection is over. It is true that the ladrones,
though they live on nothing but cattle and rice stealing, and
never attack American soldiers, and prey only upon their own
people, do masquerade as insurrectos; but they recognize no
authority and have no characteristics other than those of
banditti. They have stirred up in some of the provinces the
organization of so-called secret societies for the purpose of
securing agencies with which successfully to conduct their
robbery and to sell the fruits of it. … The picture that I
have given of the depressed condition of agriculture, and the
tendency to ladronize in the Tagalog provinces and in some of
the Visayan provinces, does not apply to those provinces in
which hemp is the chief product. They are wealthy and
prosperous."
_Report of Governor W. H. Taft
(Report of the Philippine Commission, 1902, part 1)._
{495}
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902.
Padre Aglipay’s Secession from the Roman Catholic Church.
Organization of the Independent Filipino Catholic Church.
"Gregorio Aglipay is an Ilocano, and was an ordained priest of
the Roman Catholic Church in these islands before the
insurrection. During the insurrection he continued his
priestly functions at Mabolos and took such action as to bring
him into conflict with the hierarchy of the Church. What the
merits of this controversy were I do not know. Subsequently he
assumed the leadership of the insurrecto forces in Ilocos
Norte and carried on a very active campaign in the mountains
of that province. He was one of the last of the leaders to
surrender with his forces in North Luzon. Since his surrender
he has been quite active in spreading propaganda among the
native priests against the so-called Friar domination of the
church in these islands. The definite refusal of the Vatican
to withdraw the Spanish friars from the islands was made the
occasion for the formation of the Independent Filipino
Catholic Church. Actively engaged with Aglipay in this
movement was Isabelo de los Reyes, the former editor of an
insurrecto paper, published in Madrid, called Filipinas ante
Europa, and an agitator of irresponsible and irrepressible
character. … Padre Aglipay has secured the active and open
cooperation of a number of native priests, 15 of whom he has
appointed bishops, himself having the title of archbishop. He
has held mass in many different places in and about Manila;
his services have attracted large gatherings of people. …
"In order to prevent constant recurrence of disturbances of
the peace I have had to take a firm stand with the leaders of
the movement by impressing upon them that forcible
dispossession of a priest of the Roman Catholic Church, for
years in peaceable possession of the church and the rector’s
house, is contrary to law, and would be prevented by the whole
police power. The leaders of the movement assure me that they
have no desire to violate the law and wish to keep within it,
but that their followers at times are hard to control. I have
said to them that if they claim title to the churches they may
assert it through the courts, and if successful will secure
not only the confirmation of their title but actual
possession. …
"I have taken occasion to say, whenever an opportunity
occurred, that the insular government desired to take no part
whatever in the religious controversies thus arising; that it
would protect Father Aglipay and his followers in worshiping
God as they chose just as it would protect the Roman Catholic
Church and its ministers and followers in the same rights. But
that, if the law was violated by either party, it would become
the duty of the government to step in and restrain such
lawlessness."
_Governor Wm. H. Taft,
Report, 1902, pages 39-40._
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902-1903.
Governmental Purchase of the Friars’ Lands.
"As early as 1898, the Peace Commission, which negotiated the
treaty of Paris, became convinced that one of the most
important steps in tranquilizing the islands and in
reconciling the Filipinos to the American Government would be
the governmental purchase of the so-called friars’
agricultural lands in the Philippines, and the sale of these
lands to the tenants upon long, easy payments. … The Secretary
of War and the President concurred in the recommendations of
the Commission. Accordingly in May, 1902, the writer, as civil
governor of the Philippine Islands, was directed by the
Secretary of War to visit Rome and to confer with the Pope or
such agents as he might designate in respect to the question
of buying the friars’ agricultural lands and other questions
of a similar character which were pending between the Roman
Catholic Church and the Government. The negotiations which
were had on this subject in Rome were set forth in the
correspondence published by the Secretary of War in his report
to Congress for last year. In a word, the Pope approved the
purchase of the agricultural lands of the three great
religious orders that owned agricultural lands in the islands
and appointed an apostolic delegate with as full powers as he
could be invested with to bring about this result. …
"In order to determine the value of the estates, the
representatives of the various companies and other interests
were invited to attend a hearing, when various witnesses were
called to testify. The apostolic delegate was also present. …
"In accordance with the agreement reached in Rome, I sent to
the apostolic delegate a request for a statement of the exact
interests retained by the religious orders in the Philippines
in the lands which were the subject of negotiation. No formal
answer to this letter was ever received, but informally it was
stated to me by the delegate that the authorities in the
Philippines had informed him that they had so disposed of
their interests that they were unable to make a statement of
what their interests were, if any. The value of the lands, as
estimated according to the statements of the agents of the
companies, aggregated a sum between thirteen and fourteen
millions of dollars gold. The estimate of Villegas, the
surveyor employed by the Commission, showed the valuation of
the lands to be $6,043,000 gold, if his value in Mexican
should be reduced to gold at the rate of two to one, which was
the gold rate about the time of his survey and classification,
though the Mexican dollar fell considerably after that.
Considering the bad conditions which prevailed in agriculture,
the loss of cattle, the dispute concerning title, and the
agrarian question that must always remain in the management of
these estates and embarrass the owner, I considered—and I
believe the Commission generally agreed with me—that
$6,043,000 gold was a full price for the lands. The sum,
however, was scouted by the persons representing the owners,
and there appeared to be very little prospect of reaching an
agreement. …
"Not discouraged, however, by circumstances that seemed most
discouraging, the apostolic delegate bent his energies to
bringing the parties to a settlement. After some negotiation
the delegate first stated that he thought he could arrange a
sale for $10,500,000 gold. I told him there was no hope of
bringing about a purchase at that figure. … Then followed a
long and protracted discussion between the parties who were to
be the venders as to how this sum should be divided, and there
was much difficulty in arriving at a solution—so great a
difficulty, indeed, that I was informed that unless $7,770,000
was paid there was no hope of reaching an agreement. With the
approval of the Secretary of War and the Commission, I replied
that $7,543,000 was our ultimatum, and that we would not give
more than that, and this was ultimately the basis upon which
the price was fixed."
_Report of the Civil Governor of the Philippine Islands,
William H. Taft
(Fourth Report of the Philippine Commission)._
{496}
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1905.
Report of Committee on Methods of Dealing with the Sale and
Use of Opium.
See (in this Volume)
OPIUM PROBLEM.
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1906-1907.
Resignation of Governor Ide.
Appointment and Inauguration of Governor Smith.
Complete Tranquility in the Islands.
Change in the Constitution of Provincial Boards.
"On September 20, 1906, the resignation of the Honorable Henry
Clay Ide as governor-general became effective, and on that
date the Honorable James F. Smith was inaugurated as
governor-general of the Philippine Islands. … Since April of
this year complete tranquility has prevailed in every part of
the archipelago, inclusive of the Moro province. In 21 of the
provinces peace has reigned supreme during the entire year. In
Bataan and Batangas there was some disturbance of the public
order, caused in the case of the first-named province by the
escape of some provincial prisoners, and in the second by the
operations of six or seven brigands near the boundary line of
the provinces of La Laguna and Tayabas. All of the escaped
prisoners and all of the bandits with the exception of two in
each party have been captured. …
"The convention of provincial governors held in Manila in
October, 1906, recommended that the then existing law
providing that provincial boards shall be composed of a
provincial governor elected by the municipal councilors and
vice-presidents of the various municipalities of the province
and a provincial treasurer and a third member appointed by the
executive be so amended as to permit of the election of the
provincial governor and third member by direct vote of the
people. This recommendation was submitted to the Secretary of
War, and on receiving his approval thereof the provincial
government act was amended accordingly. This innovation in the
constitution and selection of provincial boards has been an
advantage both to the insular and to the local government. On
the one hand it has removed all cause for friction between the
provincial governor elected by the people and the two members
of the board named by the executive. On the other it has
imposed upon the provincial governor and the third member the
responsibility for the well-being of the province and has
removed from the insular government much of the responsibility
for conditions purely of local concern."
_Report of the Philippine Commission,
December 31, 1907
(Abridgment, Message and Documents, 1907, pages 799-807)._
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.
The Philippine Election Law.
Election of a Popular Assembly.
Political Parties participating in it.
The first meeting of the Assembly.
Presence of Secretary Taft.
His account of the Assembly and of the Parties
represented in it.
"In January, 1907, the Philippine Commission passed the
Philippine election law. In framing this law the election
codes of Massachusetts, New York, the District of Columbia,
and California were consulted and features adopted from each,
modified in such a way as to meet insular conditions and to
avoid the mistakes and abuses that have arisen in some
provincial and municipal elections in the islands. The aim has
been to provide a law sufficiently explicit and not too
complicated for easy comprehension. Every effort has been made
to afford the necessary safeguards and machinery to insure
purity, secrecy, certainty, and expedition, without causing
too great a drain upon the resources of municipal and
provincial governments. The prominent features of this law as
amended are the division of those provinces not inhabited by
Moros or other non-Christian tribes into 78 assembly
districts, each province to constitute at least one district
and the more populous being divided into more districts, in
the ratio of 1 to every 90,000 of population and major
fraction thereof remaining. In accordance with this
apportionment there will be 80 delegates, two of whom will
represent the city of Manila, which is considered as a
province, within the meaning of the act of Congress, and
divided into two districts."
_Report of the Chief of the Bureau of Insular Affairs,
October 31, 1907
(Abridgment, Message and Documents, 1907, page 781)._
"On the 28th of March, 1907, the Commission by resolution,
unanimously adopted, certified to the President that for two
years following the publication of the census of the islands a
condition of general and complete peace had prevailed and then
existed in the territory of the islands not inhabited by Moros
or other non-Christian tribes. … By virtue of this certificate
and in accordance with the provisions of the act of Congress of
July 1, 1902, the President on March 28, issued a proclamation
directing the Philippine Commission to call a general election
for the choice of delegates to a popular assembly. Accordingly
on the 30th of March, 1907, the Commission passed a resolution
ordering that an election be held for delegates on July 30 and
directing the governor-general to issue a proclamation
announcing the election for that date. The proclamation was
issued on April 1. By a strange coincidence the day of the
month fixed for holding the election was the same as that on
which the first legislative body in America, the house of
burgesses, met in the year 1619. Under the general election
law the delegates to the assembly elected at the elections
held on July 30th, 1907, and seated by the Philippine
assembly, will serve until January 1, 1910. Subsequent
elections for delegates will be held on the first Tuesday
after the first Monday in November, 1909, and on the first
Tuesday after the first Monday in November in each
odd-numbered year thereafter, delegates to take office on the
1st day of January next following their election and to hold
office for two years, or until their successors are elected
and qualified.
"The basis of representation in the Philippine assembly is one
delegate for every 90,000 of population and one additional
delegate for a major fraction thereof: Provided, however, that
each Christian province shall be entitled to at least one
delegate and that the total number of delegates shall at no
time exceed 100. Provinces entitled to more than one delegate
are divided into districts. The law declares Manila to be a
province within the meaning of the act of Congress authorizing
the assembly, and, it is allowed the same representation as
other provinces. Thirty-four provinces are represented in the
Philippine assembly, which is composed of 80 members.
{497}
"The act of Congress requires that delegates to the assembly
shall be qualified electors of the election district in which
they may be chosen, 25 years of age, and owing allegiance to
the United States. The act of Congress prescribes that the
qualifications of electors shall be the same as those
prescribed for electors in municipal elections under laws in
force at the time of the passage of the Congressional
enactment. As the municipal election laws in force at the time
of the passage of the act of Congress have undergone some
change in regard to the qualifications of electors, the
strange anomaly is presented of having certain
qualifications exacted from municipal and provincial officials
which are not required for delegates to the assembly. One of
the results is that felons, victims of the opium habit, and
persons convicted in the court of first instance for crimes
involving moral turpitude, but whose cases are pending on
appeal, are not eligible for election to any provincial or
municipal office, but may become delegates to the assembly.
"As announced by provincial governors the elections for
assemblymen held on the 30th of July, 1907, resulted in the
election of 32 Nacionalistas, 4 Independistas, 7
Inmediatistas, 16 Progresistas, 20 Independents, and 1 Centro
Catolico. The total number of voters registered for the
assembly elections was 104,966. The number of voters
registered for the provincial and municipal elections will be
very much larger than that for the assembly elections. The
difference in registration and votes cast at the two elections
seems to show with considerable certainty that there was far
more interest in the elections for provincial and municipal
officials than there was in the election for assemblymen. …
"The delegates to the Philippine assembly, in accordance with
the call of the governor-general as prescribed by the act of
Congress, met at the Grand Opera House in the city of Manila
on the 16th day of October at 9 o’clock A. M."
_Report of the Philippine Commission,
December 31, 1907
(Abridgment, Message and Documents, 1907, pages 810-811)._
The Honorable William H. Taft, United States Secretary of War,
former Governor-General of the Philippine Islands, made the
long journey to the Islands on this occasion for the purpose
of opening the meeting of the Assembly and personally
inspecting the state of affairs. After returning, in the
following December, he made an extended report to the
President, in which he discussed the character of the Assembly
and of the parties represented in it at considerable length.
Recurring to the formation of the first political party that
arose in the Islands after they came under the control of the
United States, he said of it:
"It is a mistake to suppose that the war by the Filipinos
against the Americans had the sympathy of all the Filipinos.
On the contrary, there were many intelligent and conservative
men who favored American control and who did not believe in
the capacity of their people immediately to organize a
government which would be stable and satisfactory, but in the
face of a possible independence of the Islands, they were
still. Upon Mr. McKinley’s second election many of these
persons reached the conclusion that it was time for them to
act. Accordingly, they formed the Federal Party, the chief
platform of which was peace under American sovereignty and the
acceptance of the American promises to govern the Islands for
the benefit of the Filipinos and gradually to extend popular
self-government to the people. The Federal Party received
accessions by thousands in all parts of the Islands and in
every province, so that the Commission was enabled during the
year 1901, and under the auspices, and with the aid of, the
Federal Party, to organize civil government in some 32 or 33
provinces, or in substantially all of them. … The main purpose
and principle of the party was peace under the sovereignty of
the United States. In drafting a platform its leaders had
formulated a plank favoring the organization of the Islands
into a Territory of the United States, with a view to its
possibly becoming a State. From this plank it took its name.
In the first two or three years after its successful effort to
bring on peace, many prominent Filipinos having political
ambition became members, and in the gubernatorial elections
the great majority of governors elected were Federals. And so
substantially all who filled prominent offices in the
government by appointment, including the judges, were of that
party. Then dissension arose among prominent leaders and some
withdrew from the party. The natural opposition to a
government party led to the organization of other parties,
especially among those known as Intransigentes
[Irreconcilables]. The Federal Party had founded an organ, the
Democracia, early in its existence. The opponents of the
government looking to immediate independence founded a paper
called the Renacimiento. The latter was edited with especial
ability and with a partisan spirit against the American
Government.
"For two years before the election of the Assembly the
Filipinos who sympathized with the _Renacimiento_ were
perfecting their organization to secure a majority in the
assembly. Many groups were formed, but they all were known as
the Partido Nacionalista. There was some difference as to
whether to this title should be added the word ‘inmediatista,’
but the great majority favored it. The party is generally
known as the Nacionalista Party. During much of these same two
years, the Federal Party was dormant. …
"Some six months before the elections, there sprung from the
ashes of the Federal Party a party which, rejecting the
statehood idea, declared itself in favor of making the
Philippines an independent nation by gradual and progressive
acquisition of governmental control until the people should
become fitted by education and practice under American
sovereignty to enjoy and maintain their complete independence.
It was called the Partido Nacionalista Progresista. It is
generally known as the Progresista Party. …
{498}
"The campaign in the last two or three months was carried on
with great vigor. The Nacionalistas had the advantage of being
understood to be against the government. This, with a people
like the Filipino people, who had been taught to regard the
government as an entity separate from the people, taxing them
and prosecuting them, was in itself a strong reason for
popular sympathy and support. The Progresistas were denounced
as a party of office-holders. The government was denounced as
extravagant and burdensome to the people. In many districts
the Nacionalista candidates promised that if they were
returned immediate independence would follow. There were quite
a number of candidates in country and remote districts where
the controversy was not heated who did not declare themselves
on the main question, and maintained an independence of any
party. They were known as Independientes. Then, there were
other Independientes who declared themselves independent of
party, but in favor of immediate independence.
"The total vote registered and cast did not exceed 104,000,
although in previous gubernatorial elections the total vote
had reached nearly 150,000. The high vote at the latter
elections may be partly explained by the fact that at the same
elections town officers were elected, and the personal
interest of many candidates drew out a larger number of
electors. But the falling off was also in part due, doubtless,
to the timidity of conservative voters, who, because of the
heat of the campaign, preferred to avoid taking sides. This is
not a permanent condition, however, and I doubt not that the
meeting of the assembly and the evident importance of its
functions when actually performed will develop a much greater
popular interest in it, and the total vote will be largely
increased at the next election.
"I opened the assembly in your name. The roll of the members
returned on the face of the record was called. An appropriate
oath was administered to all the members and the assembly
organized by selecting Señor Sergio Osmeña as its speaker or
presiding officer. Señor Osmeña has been one of the most
efficient fiscals, or prosecuting attorneys, in the Islands,
having conducted the government prosecutions in the largest
province of the Islands, the province and Island of Cebu. He
was subsequently elected governor, and by his own activity in
going into every part of the island, he succeeded in enlisting
the assistance of all the people in suppressing ladronism,
which had been rife in the mountains of Cebu for thirty or
forty years, so that to-day there is absolute peace and
tranquillity throughout the island. He is a young man, not 30,
but of great ability, shrewdness, high ideals, and yet very
practical in his methods of dealing with men and things. The
assembly could have done nothing which indicated its good
sense so strongly as the selection of Senor Osmeña as its
presiding officer. …
"As a shibboleth—as a party cry—immediate independence has
much force, because it excites the natural pride of the
people; but few of their number have ever worked out its
consequences, and when they have done so they have been
willing to postpone that question until some of the immediate
needs of the people have been met. I may be wrong, but my
judgment is that the transfer of real power, by giving to the
people part of the legislative control of the Christian
provinces, sobers their leaders with the sense of
responsibility and teaches them some of the practical
difficulties of government I do not for a moment guarantee
that there will not at times be radical action by the
Assembly, which cannot meet the approval of those who
understand the legislative needs of the Islands, but all I
wish to say is that the organization and beginning of the life
of the Assembly have disappointed its would-be critics and
have given great encouragement to those who were responsible
for its extension of political power."
_Special Report of William H. Taft, Secretary of War,
to the President on the Philippines, January 23, 1908
(60th Cong. 1st Session, Senate Doc. No. 200)._
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1909.
Change in the Governor-General’s Office.
General James F. Smith was succeeded as Governor-General
by the Vice-Governor-General, Mr. W. Cameron Forbes, in
November, 1909.
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1909.
Philippine Tariff Act.
A special Message, transmitting a Philippine Tariff Bill
recommended by the Secretary of War, was sent to Congress,
April 14, by President Taft. "This measure," wrote the
President, "revises the present Philippine tariff, simplifies
it and makes it conform as nearly as possible to the
regulations of the customs laws of the United States,
especially with respect to packing and packages. The present
Philippine regulations have been cumbersome and difficult for
American merchants and exporters to comply with. Its purpose
is to meet the new conditions that will arise under the
section of the pending United States tariff bill which
provides, with certain limitations, for free trade between the
United States and the islands. It is drawn with a view to
preserving to the islands as much customs revenue as possible
and to protect in a reasonable measure those industries which
now exist in the islands.
"The bill now transmitted has been drawn by a board of tariff
experts, of which the insular collector of customs, Colonel
George R. Colton, was the president. The board held a great
many open meetings in Manila, and conferred fully with
representatives of all business interests in the Philippine
Islands. It is of great importance to the welfare of the
islands that the bill should be passed at the same time with
the pending Payne bill, with special reference to the
provisions of which it was prepared."
The Bill was passed, but certain tobacco interests secured an
important amendment in their favor.
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1909 (November).
Success of the Nationalists in the Election.
"Practically complete returns from the recent election
indicate that the Assembly will be composed of sixty
Nationalists, fifteen Progressists, and five Independents. The
Nationalists also gained four provincial Governors over the
number elected by that party at the last election. Similar
gains in other offices have been made by the Nationalists.
Some of the returns are still missing, but they are not likely
to make any material change in the figures given."
_Press Report from Manila,
November 5, 1909._
----------PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: End--------
PICKETING:
The Labor Strikers’ Right.
Its limit.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (MARCH).
PICQUART, GENERAL.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1906.
PIEROLA, NICOLAS.
See (in this Volume)
PERU.
PINCHOT, GIFFORD:
Chief of the United States Forest Service.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.
PINCHOT, GIFFORD:
On Threatened Water Power Trust.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.
{499}
PIOUS FUND QUESTION.
Its Decision by the Hague Tribunal.
See (in this Volume)
MEXICO: A. D. 1902 (MAY).
PITTSBURG: A. D. 1906-1908.
Under a Reforming Mayor.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
PITTSBURG: A. D. 1907.
Enlargement and Rededication of the Carnegie Institute.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.
PITTSBURG: A. D. 1907-1908.
The Pittsburg Survey.
A remarkable Investigation of Living Conditions.
See (in this Volume)
SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES.
PIUS X., POPE.
See (in this Volume)
PAPACY.
PLAGUE, Bubonic.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH.
"PLAN OF CAMPAIGN," THE.
See (in this Volume)
IRELAND: A. D. 1907.
PLATT AMENDMENT.
See (in this Volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1901-1902.
PLAYGROUND MOVEMENT, THE.
The first convention of the Playground Association of America,
held at Chicago in June, 1907, was a very notable gathering,
in the character of the men and women assembled,—in the
quality of the discussion they gave to the subject of
child-development by wholesome play,—in the spirit imparted to
it by the wonderful exhibit that Chicago could make of
achievement in this new civic undertaking, and in the great
impetus it gave to the playground movement throughout the
country. The proceedings and incidents of the convention were
reported very fully in the August number of Charities and
Corrections that year.
"From one article, ‘How They Played at Chicago,’ by Mr. Graham
Romeyn Taylor, we learn that in connection with the convention
there was held a festival of sport and play, in which from
first to last ‘the play spirit was ascendant.’ More than 5000
persons participated, and among them were President Gulick, of
the national association, and Dr. Sargent, of Harvard. The
play spirit, says he, captivated every one. ‘Play, according
to students of it, means not only a good time, but from the
child’s point of view it is serious business: moreover, it has
vital significance in educational development.’ This meeting,
he claims, marks the transition of playground activity from a
more or less sporadic and disconnected series of efforts in
our larger cities to a firmly established and well organized
national movement. A better understanding of the playground
issue means better citizenship and community-life.
"President Roosevelt, honorary president, had requested that
delegations be sent to this convention from many cities, ‘to
gain inspiration from this meeting, and to see the magnificent
system that Chicago has erected in its South Park section,—one
of the most notable civic achievements of any American city.’
They came, and returned to their home cities with photographs
of the playgrounds and recreation centers in Chicago. On these
the city of Chicago has expended during the last four years
$6,500,000, and has recently appropriated $3,000,000
additional. Moreover, it has authorized $1,500,000 for similar
facilities for children on the north and west sides as well.
Each center costs about $30,000 annually. These centers
recognize that human needs transcend all other things, and
tend to develop a social spirit that one day must permeate our
commingled races."
_American Review of Reviews,
September, 1907._
"According to the new Year Book [for 1910] of the Playground
Association of America, 336 municipalities in the United
States are maintaining supervised playgrounds. The actual
number of playgrounds operated in 267 of these cities last
year was 1,535. About 56 per cent. are in the area of greatest
density of population, in the North Atlantic States. The
number of cities in those States maintaining playgrounds is
149, and the number of playgrounds established in 123 of them
is 873. Massachusetts has led in the movement.
"In about 49 per cent. of the cities operating public
playgrounds, the managing authority, wholly or in part, is the
city itself, which is working through its board of education,
its park department, or other municipal bureau—or by
combining the activities of two or more departments. In
fifteen cities the Mayors have appointed special commissions,
organized, as city departments for the administration of
playgrounds, which are no longer left to the philanthropist.
"In fifty-five of the larger cities, local playground
associations have been established, and many of the smaller
towns have organized committees that will be converted into
permanent organizations. Churches, women’s clubs, Young Men’s
Christian Associations, Associated Charities, and
public-spirited men and women have contributed their help.
"An index of the interest in the movement is afforded by a
survey of figures representing the yearly expenditures for
sites, equipment, and the maintenance of playgrounds. In many
cases specific information on this point is not available, but
184 cities have sent reports stating definitely what it costs
them to operate their grounds. The total amount expended in
the year by these 184 cities is $1,353,114. In 18 per cent, of
the cities the amount of money set apart for playgrounds was
appropriated entirely by the municipality, while in 23 per
cent. the cities combined with private organizations."
_New York Evening Post,
January 5, 1910._
In England, or in London, at least, the movement has been set
on foot by an "Evening Play Centres Committee," of which Mrs.
Humphry Ward is Chairman. The object of the Committee, as
stated by Mrs. Ward, is "to open the school buildings in
winter for play, exercise, and handwork, as an alternative to
the streets, to children after school hours; and in summer to
organize the playgrounds, as is now so largely done in America
and Canada"; but thus far its success appears to have been
mostly in the opening of indoor play centres for evening
entertainment.
PLAZA, GENERAL LEONIDAS:
President of Ecuador.
See (in this Volume)
ECUADOR.
PLEHVE, M. V. de:
Defence of Russian Measures in Finland.
See (in this Volume)
FINLAND: A. D. 1901.
PLEHVE, M. V. de:
Russian Minister of the Interior.
His atrocious administration.
His assassination.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.
PLURAL VOTING, BELGIAN.
See (in this Volume)
BELGIUM: A. D. 1902 and 1904.
See in Volume VI.,
BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.
See in Volume I.,
CONSTITUTION OF BELGIUM.
{500}
POBIEDONOSTZEFF, CONSTANTINE:
On Russian Discontent.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1902.
POBIEDONOSTZEFF, CONSTANTINE:
Resignation.
See (in this Volume)
Russia: A. D. 1904-1905.
POBIEDONOSTZEFF, CONSTANTINE:
Death, March 23, 1907.
POGROMS: Massacres.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.
POLAR EXPLORATION: Arctic: A. D. 1901-1910.
Three Expeditions of Commander Peary.
His Final Triumph.
The astounding Imposture of Dr. Cook, Pretender to an
attainment of the Pole a Year in Advance of Peary.
Other Arctic Explorations of the Decade.
When the record of Polar Exploration was closed in Volume VI.
of this work, on its going to press in the spring of 1901,
Commander Robert E. Peary had been working within the Arctic
Circle for three years, with no respite, and the Peary Arctic
Club was sending a vessel, the _Erik_, to make inquiries
about him. He was found to have proved that Greenland is
surrounded by water at the north, and to have further
undertakings in hand. He remained another year, in the course
of which he made the nearest approach to the Pole that had yet
been accomplished, going directly north from Cape Hecla and
reaching latitude 84° 17'. Returning to the coast, he was met
and brought home, after an absence of four years. In July,
1905, he sailed northward again, equipped with a vessel, the
_Roosevelt_, built expressly for his use. After
wintering on the north coast of Grant Land, he started once
more with sledges and dogs toward the Pole, and this time
pressed his way to 87° 6' of latitude, or within a little more
than 200 miles of the Arctic hub. Then he was forced to turn
back, with scant supplies, killing his dogs for food. Once
more, in July, 1908, Commander Peary set his face Arcticward,
on the staunch _Roosevelt_, with two scientific
companions, and equipped himself at Etah with Eskimos and dogs
for another journey across the ice-fields, from some point on
the Grant Land coast.
Two expeditions were fitted out in 1901 and 1903, by Mr.
Ziegler, of New York, the former under Evelyn B. Baldwin, the
latter under Anthony Fiala. The latter reached latitude 82°
13', remaining in the Arctic regions until the summer of 1905.
In June, 1903, Captain Roald Amundsen, of Norway, sailed from
Christiania in the small sloop Gjoa, beginning a voyage which
carried him entirely through the Northwest Passage from Baffin
Bay to Bering Strait and which occupied three years. Much of
that time, however, was devoted to studies and searches of
great value in determining the location of the Magnetic Pole.
In 1905 the ranks of the Arctic explorers were joined by the
Duke of Orleans, who sailed from Christiania in May, in the
Belgica, commanded by Lieutenant de Gerlache. In 1907, Mr.
John R. Bradley, of New York, supplied Dr. Frederick A. Cook
with equipments for an attempt to reach the North Pole, and
accompanied him in a schooner yacht to Annatok, a little north
of Etah, in North Greenland, where the Doctor, with one white
man, Rudolph Francke, were landed, with their supplies, to
begin the undertaking. Several attempts were made in
successive years by Mr. Walter Wellman to make the journey to
the Pole from Spitzbergen by a dirigible airship. Each of
them, down to 1909, was frustrated by misfortunes of
circumstance or weather. A tragically ended survey of the
northeast coast of Greenland was accomplished in 1906-1907 by Dr.
Mylius Erichsen and Lieutenant Hagen-Hagen, who perished while
groping their way southward in the growing darkness of the
approaching winter. These fill out the important items of the
record of Arctic exploration, since April, 1901, down to the
1st of September, 1909.
On that day the whole world was startled and excited by a
message, flashed first to Lerwick, in the Shetland Islands,
from a passing Danish steamer, the Hans Egede, and thence to
all corners of the earth, saying:
"We have on board the American traveller, Dr. Cook, who
reached the North Pole April 21, 1908. Dr. Cook arrived at
Upernivik (the northernmost Danish settlement in Greenland, on
an island off the west coast) in May of 1909 from Cape York
(in the northwest part of Greenland, on Baffin Bay). The
Eskimos of Cape York confirm Dr. Cook’s story of his journey."
The next day brought a cabled announcement from Dr. Cook
himself, to the New York _Herald_, briefly telling of his
triumph, "after a prolonged fight against famine and frost,"
and describing the emotions with which he had found himself at
the goal which so many had striven vainly to attain. "What a
cheerless spot," he moralized, "to have aroused the ambition
of man for so many ages! An endless field of purple snows. No
life. No land. No spot to relieve the monotony of frost. We
were the only pulsating creatures in a dead world of ice."
Two days later the hero was landed at Copenhagen, and all the
excited world devoured graphic descriptions of his reception
by the enthusiastic Danes: by the Crown Prince, who hastened
to welcome him before he had stepped from the ship; by the
crowds who cheered him; by the King, who dined him; by the
University of Copenhagen which awarded him an honorary degree,
and whose faculty he made happy and proud by the promise that
it should be the first to examine the record of his
observations and the proofs in general that he had reached the
Pole.
Two more days passed, and then the climax of this world-spread
excitement and astonishment was marked by another
radio-electric flash of news out of the Arctic North,—this
time from the American North,—proclaiming another conquest of
the icy fortress of the Pole. It spoke "to the Associated
Press, New York," from "Indian Harbor, via Cape Ray, Nova
Scotia," saying: "Stars and Stripes nailed to North Pole.
Peary." It reached New York a little after noon of September
6th, and before night, everywhere, people in all languages
were asking each other: "Is it possible that two men have
suddenly done what none have been able to do before?"
{501}
Other messages from Commander Peary which soon followed the
first one fixed the date of his attainment of the Pole as
having been April 6, 1909,—being fifteen days less than a year
after Dr. Cook claimed to have planted the American flag at
the same spot. They brought angry denunciations, too, of
Cook’s pretension, which Peary had learned of from the
Esquimaux in the North. "Cook’s story," he said in one
despatch, "should not be taken too seriously. The two
Esquimaux who accompanied him say he went no distance north
and not outside of land. Other members of the tribe confirm
their story." In another he declared: "Cook has sold the
public a gold brick." Dr. Cook, meantime, gave out expressions
as to Peary’s achievement very different in temper and tone.
He had no doubt that Commander Peary had reached the Pole; but
he, Cook, had been fortunately the first to enjoy the
favorable conditions which gave success to them both. His
magnanimity, his coolness, his easy self-confidence, in
contrast with Peary’s words and bearing, won public admiration
and sympathy, and the majority in most communities inclined
strongly, for a time, to the judgment that both explorers had
done what they said they did, but that Cook, in character, was
the more estimable man. When he arrived in New York, on the
21st of September, that city gave him almost as wild a hero
worship as Copenhagen had done. Commander Peary was then just
landing at Sydney, Nova Scotia, and it was some weeks before
he would proceed to New York, or put himself at all in the way
of receiving any public demonstrations of honor.
But grounds of skepticism as to Dr. Cook were acquiring a
rapid multiplication. When he published his story in detail,
or told it in lectures, it started questions which people
having critical knowledge insisted that he must answer if he
could; but he made no attempt. He was in no haste to produce
the records which he had insisted would prove his claims
beyond a doubt. He required weeks of time to prepare them for
examination, and they must go to the University of Copenhagen
before any other tribunal of science could see them.
Meanwhile, he was harvesting large gains from lectures and
newspaper publications, and seemed more interested in that
pursuit than in the vindication of his questioned honor.
Hence, suspicion of him grew, until it made itself heard and
felt at last with a force which drove the Doctor to put his
professed proofs in shape and send them by the hand of his
secretary, Mr. Lonsdale, to Copenhagen. Before they reached
their destination he, himself, disappeared mysteriously from
public view, nervously shattered, it was said, and seeking
some hidden place of refuge abroad. Reports of him from
various places in both Europe and South America have not been
verified, and his whereabouts are still (March, 1910) a
mystery.
On the 21st of December the report of the scientific committee
of Copenhagen University, to which the records forwarded by
Dr. Cook were submitted, was made public by the University
Council. "The report, which was sent in by the committee on
December 18, states that the following papers were submitted
to it for investigation:—
"1. A type-written report by Mr. Lonsdale on Dr. Cook’s Arctic
voyage, consisting of 61 folios.
"2. A type written copy of 16 folios, made by Mr. Lonsdale,
comprising the note-books brought back by Dr. Cook from his
journey and covering the period from March 18 to June 13,
1908, stated to have been written on the way from Svartevaag
to the Pole and back until a place west of Heibergsland was
reached. …
"The committee points out as a result of its investigations
that the aforementioned report of the journey is essentially
identical with that published some time ago in the _New York
Herald_, and that the copy of the note-books did not
contain astronomical records, but only results. In fact, the
committee remarks that there are no elucidatory statements
which might have rendered it probable that astronomical
observations were really taken. Neither is the practical side
—namely, the sledge journey—illuminated by details in such a
way as to enable the committee to form an opinion. The
committee therefore considers that from the material submitted
no proof can be adduced that Dr. Cook reached the North Pole.
"The council of the University accordingly declares as a
result of the committee’s report that the documents submitted
to Copenhagen University contain no observations or
explanations to prove that Dr. Cook on his last Polar journey
reached the North Pole."
That Commander Peary had accomplished at last the object of
his indomitable striving was never in doubt. His own testimony
to the fact had sufficed from the beginning, and the decision
rendered on the 3d of November by a committee of the National
Geographic Society, which examined the records of his march to
the Pole, added nothing to the public belief. But his laurels
had been lamentably blighted by the atmosphere of scandal,
wrangle, and disgust with which Cook’s monstrous imposture had
vulgarized the whole feeling that attended the exploit.
The incidents of the final Peary expedition, from start to
finish, were summarized by the Commander in a message from
Battle Harbor to the London _Times_, September 8, as
follows:
"The _Roosevelt_ left New York on July 6, 1908. She left
Sydney on July 17th; arrived at Cape York, Greenland, on
August 1st; left Etah, Greenland, on August 8th; arrived at
Cape Sheridan, Grant Land, on September 1st, and wintered at
Cape Sheridan. The sledge expedition left the _Roosevelt_
on February 15th, 1909, and started north of Cape Columbia on
March 1st. It passed the British record on March 2d; was
delayed by open water on March 2d and 3d; was held up by open
water from March 4th to March 11th; crossed the 84th parallel
on March 11th and encountered an open lead on March 15th;
crossed the 85th parallel on March 18th; crossed the 86th
parallel on March 22d and encountered an open lead on March
33d [23d?]; passed the Norwegian record on March 23d; passed
the Italian record on March 24th and encountered an open lead
on March 26th; crossed the 87th parallel on March 27th; passed
the American record on March 28th and encountered a lead on
March 28th; held up by open water on March 29th; crossed the
88th parallel on April 2d; crossed the 89th parallel on April
4th, and reached the North Pole on April 6th.
"On returning we left the pole on April 7th; reached Camp
Columbia on April 23d, arriving on board the _Roosevelt_
on April 27th. The _Roosevelt_ left Cape Sheridan on July
18th, passed Cape Sabine on August 8th, left Cape York on
August 26th and arrived at Indian Harbor.
"All the members of the expedition are returning in good
health except Professor Ross G. Martin, who unfortunately
drowned on April 10th, 45 miles north of Cape Columbia, while
returning from 86 degrees north latitude in command of a
supporting party."
{502}
POLAR EXPLORATION: Antarctic:
English, German, Swedish, and Scottish Expeditions.
The Successes of Lieutenant Shackleton.
When the account of Polar Exploration in Volume VI. of this
work was closed, in April, 1901, several expeditions to the
Antarctic region were reported as being under preparation, in
England, Germany, and Sweden. The English expedition, for
which the ship _Discovery_ was being fitted out, sailed
on the 6th of August, 1901, under the command of Captain
Robert F. Scott, with Lieutenant Ernest H. Shackleton of the
British Navy as second in command. Its object was a further
exploration of the great mountainous region named Victoria
Land, which Captain James Ross had discovered half a century
before. This coast the _Discovery_ reached in January,
1902, and followed it southward, to and beyond the Erebus
volcano, skirting the Great Ice Barrier which stretches far
eastward, seeming to forbid a penetration of the frozen
territory it hems in. In this survey the British explorers
reached an unvisited section, which they named King Edward
Land. They wintered that year near Mount Erebus, pushing
sledge expeditions southward over the snow fields, finding a
more upheaved and broken surface of land, less ice-capped,
than is the common feature of the Arctic polar zone. In the
longest of these sledge-trips the latitude of 82° 17' S. was
attained,—far beyond any previous approach to the southern
pole, but still more than 500 miles from that goal. Through a
second winter the _Discovery_ was held fast in the ice,
with considerable sickness among officers and men,
notwithstanding which important additions to their survey of
the region were made. In January, 1904, they were reached by
two relief ships, and escaped from the ice in the following
month, arriving at New Zealand not long after.
The German expedition commanded by Dr. Drygalski, left Kiel
August 11, 1901, borne by the steamer _Gauss_, built
specially for battling with ice. In January, 1902, it took on
stores at Kerguelen Island, and proceeded thence to a point in
the Antarctic Circle far eastward of that chosen by the British
explorers, being within the region of the discoveries made by
Captain Wilkes, about sixty years before, and indefinitely
named Wilkes Land. It was the purpose of Dr. Drygalski to
establish a station on the section of this unexplored
territory known as Termination Land and from thence make
thorough surveys. He failed, however, to find the supposed
land in its expected place, and was unfortunately frozen in
for a year, with sledge expeditions baffled by the violence of
winter storms. In geographical exploration the _Gauss_
party seem to have accomplished little, but they made rich
collections of scientific data. As soon as they were freed
from the ice they received orders from Berlin to return home.
The Swedish expedition, under Dr. Otto Nordenskjöld, left
Europe in October, 1901, in the ship _Antarctic_,
destined for Graham Land, south of the South American
continent. There, on the east coast of that land, in Admiralty
Inlet, Dr. Nordenskjöld established winter quarters in
February, 1902, and the _Antarctic_ was sent to South
America, to return thence some months later.
A Scottish expedition, under Dr. W. S. Bruce, in the steamer
_Scotia_, was sent out in October, 1903, for special
oceanographic investigations in Weddell Sea,—south of the
Atlantic Ocean.
All previous Antarctic explorations were eclipsed, in 1908-1909,
by that of Lieutenant Shackleton, commanding the barkentine
Nimrod, a converted whaling vessel, much smaller than the
_Discovery_, on which Lieutenant Shackleton had
accompanied Captain Scott to the same region some years
before. The Nimrod sailed from England in July, 1907, and from
New Zealand on New Year Day, 1908, going to the same section
of the Arctic Circle that the _Discovery_ had sought.
Winter quarters were established at a point about twenty miles
north of the spot where Scott and Shackleton had wintered in
1902-1903. One of the first achievements of the party was the
ascent of Mount Erebus by six of the scientists of the
expedition, who began their difficult climb on the 5th of
March. Caught in a blizzard on the second day of their
undertaking, they had to lie in their sleeping bags for thirty
hours; but they made their way to the summit and looked down
into the live fire of the crater. The party making this ascent
were Lieutenant Adams, R. N. R. (geologist). Sir Philip
Brocklehurst (surveyor and map maker), Professor David, of
Sydney University, Mr. A. Forbes Mackay, assistant surgeon,
Mr. Eric Marshall, surgeon and cartographer, and Mr. Marson a
scientist of Adelaide. Early in the spring the sledging
journeys were begun.
Speaking at a reception given to him by the Royal Geographical
Society, on his return to England in June, 1909, Lieutenant
Shackleton gave a brief account of the most important of these
journeys, led by himself, with Lieutenant Adams, geologist,
Surgeon Eric Marshall, and a third companion named Wild. The
march of the party was directly toward the Pole:
"On December 3 they climbed a mountain 4,000 feet high, and
from its summit saw what they believed to be a royal road to
the Pole—an enormous glacier stretching southwards. There was
only one pony left at this time, and, taking this animal with
them, they started the ascent of the glacier, which proved to
be seamed with crevasses. Progress became very slow, for
disaster threatened at every step. On December 7 the remaining
pony was lost down a crevasse, very nearly taking Wild and a
sledge with it. Finally the party gained the inland plateau,
at an altitude of over 10,000 feet, and started across the
great white snow plain towards the Pole.
"They were short of food, and had cut down their rations to an
absolute _minimum_; the temperature at the high altitude
was extremely low, and all their spare clothing had been
deposited lower down the glacier in order to save weight. On
January 6, [1909], they reached latitude 88' 8" south [88°
8'?], after having taken the risk of leaving a depot of stores
on the plateau, out of sight of all land. Then a blizzard
swept down upon them, and for two days they were unable to
leave their tent, while, owing to their weakened condition and
the intense cold, they suffered from frostbite even in their
sleeping bags. When the blizzard moderated on January 9 they
felt that they had reached their limit of endurance, for their
strength was greatly reduced and the food was almost done.
They therefore left the camp standing, and pushing on for five
hours, planted Queen Alexandra’s flag in 88' 23" south [88°
23'?], took possession of the plateau for the King, and turned
their faces north again.
{503}
"Mr. Shackleton described the difficulties of the journey back
to the coast, when the men were desperately short of food and
nearly worn out, and attacks of dysentery added to their
troubles. … One day on the Barrier they were unable to march
at all, being prostrated with dysentery, and they reached each
depot with their food finished. On February 23, however, they
reached a depot prepared for them by a party from the ship,
and on March 1 Mr. Shackleton and Wild reached the
_Nimrod_. Mr. Shackleton at once led a relief party back
to get Adams and Marshall, the latter having been unable to
continue the march owing to dysentery, and on March 4 all the
men were safe on board."
"Lieutenant Shackleton has essentially solved the problem of
the position of the South Pole," said the London _Times_
in comments on the expedition; "he may be said, indeed, to
have been actually within sight of it on a dreary plateau some
10,000 ft. above sea level. He has been as successful in
solving the problem of the South Pole as Nansen was in solving
that of the character of the ocean which surrounds the North
Pole."
An expedition to complete what Lieutenant Shackleton came so
near to accomplishing is being prepared in Great Britain, with
intention to sail in July, 1910. It will be commanded by
Captain Scott, of the expedition of 1901. The British
Government contributes $100,000 to the cost. American and
German expeditions are also being prepared.
POLES, THE: Germany: A. D. 1902-1908.
Measures for Germanizing the Polish Provinces of Prussia.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1902 (MARCH-MAY), 1906-1907, and 1908.
POLES, THE: Russia: A. D. 1904-1905.
Revolutionary Disturbances in.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.
POLES, THE: A. D. 1906.
Their Present Condition.
"The Polish question … resolves itself into a struggle between
the local Russian Government, the Patriot, and the Socialists.
The local Government though harassed and worried by the
Socialists, is secure from any great disaster until the latter
have won over all the troops, or the Russian soldier forgets
his hatred for the Pole. The Socialists, well organised and
energetic, are carrying out their programme with a tenacity
which would be astonishing were it not for the fact that the
Jewish element predominates in their ranks.
"The Polish Patriot seems to be in the worst case of all; for
his hopes are centred on the programme of a party which is
without efficient leaders and without the slightest chance of
obtaining its demands from the existing Russian Government.
The one ray of light on his political horizon is the fact that
liberal Russia has expressed sympathy for his wrongs, and
promised to redress them as soon as circumstances will allow,
but even the most sanguine Patriot admits that his new ally
has many battles to win before this promise can be fulfilled.
Meanwhile, he is engaged in an unequal struggle with the
Socialists and their allies, the anarchists."
_B. C. Baskerville,
The Present Condition of Poland
(Fortnightly Review, October, 1906)._
POLK, Van Leer:
Delegate to Third International Conference of
American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
POLLARD PLAN, OF JUDICIAL DEALING WITH DRUNKARDS.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM: INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS.
POLTAVA PROVINCE, Peasant Doings in.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904, and 1902.
POOLING, OF RAILWAY RATES.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1890-1902.
POOR LAWS, WORKING OF THE ENGLISH.
See (in this Volume)
POVERTY.
POPES.
See (in this Volume and Volume IV.)
PAPACY.
PORT ARTHUR: A. D. 1904-1905.
Siege and Capture in the Russo-Japanese War.
See(in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (February-July) and (February-August);
also A. D. 1904-1905 (May-January).
PORTER, HORACE:
Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.
PORTER, HORACE:
Search for and Recovery, at Paris, of the Remains
of John Paul Jones.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-JUNE).
PORTLAND, OREGON: A. D. 1905.
The Lewis and Clark Exposition.
"The Lewis and Clark Centennial and American Pacific
Exposition and Oriental Fair" (to give its full of fecial
title), conducted at Portland from the beginning of June until
the middle of October, 1905, in commemoration of the first
exploration of the American Continent from the Mississippi to
the Pacific, was one of the most interesting and attractive of
the undertakings of its kind in the last decade. Specially as
an exhibit of the wonderful natural resources of the great
Northwest, and of the more wonderful rapidity of their
exploitation, it seemed wholly satisfying to all who visited
it. The reclamation work of the United States Government,
shown elaborately by models and otherwise in the Irrigation
Building of the extensive national exhibit, afforded a feature
of uncommon attractiveness. The associated Forestry Building,
with its walls of mighty logs and its grand pillars of firs
and cedars, six and seven feet in diameter, was a piece of
unique architecture that drew all eyes. "The Oregon
Cathedral," it came to be called. In metals, minerals, fruits
and grains, the wealth of the Northwest was astonishingly
displayed; and the Japanese from the farther side of the
Pacific made the most of the opportunity to spread their
artistic wares before American buyers.
The scenic setting of the Exposition grounds, on the border of
a lake and with a background of hill rising from Willamette
River, was a theme of praise in all reports of it.
{504}
PORTO RICO: A. D. 1901-1905.
Change of Qualifications for the Elective Franchise.
The fundamental provisions of the Act of Congress, approved
April 12, 1900, under which the government of Porto Rico as a
dependency of the United States was organized, will be found
in Volume VI of this work.
See
PORTO RICO: A. D. 1900 (APRIL).
The Act has received amendment since, making one important
organic change. The Executive Council which it created was
authorized to fix the qualifications of voters for the first
election of a Legislative Assembly. The suffrage in that
election, held in 1900, was conferred by the Council on every
male citizen of twenty-one years, resident in the island for
one year and for six months in his municipal district, "who is
able to read and write, or who, on September 1, 1900, owned
real estate in his own right and name, or who on said date was
a member of a firm or corporation or partnership, or who on
September 1, 1900, owned personal property in his own right or
name not less in value than twenty-five dollars." The results
of the election held under that rule, and a brief summary of
the doings of the Legislative Assembly at its first session,
which opened on the 3d of December, 1900, and closed on the
31st of January, 1901, are given in Volume VI.
"At its second session, in 1902, the Legislative Assembly
availed itself of the power given to it by the organic act and
passed a law for the government of future elections. This act
followed closely the provisions of the orders that had been
issued by the executive council. The system created is similar
to that in the American States which have adopted the
Australian ballot. As regards the franchise, the only change
made was that the provision which gave the right to vote to
persons owning personal property to the value of twenty-five
dollars was dropped and in its place was substituted the
provision conferring the franchise upon those persons meeting
the conditions as regards age and residence who on the day of
registration are able to produce to the board of registry tax
receipts showing the payment of any kind of taxes for the last
six months of the year in which the election is held. The law
also provided that all persons who were registered during the
year 1900 would not be required to register anew or have to
meet the new requirements of the law. This was the law under
which the second election in 1902 was held. In 1904 the law
underwent a very important alteration as regards the
qualifications for the enjoyment of the electoral franchise.
By this new law the three conditions—ability to read and
write, ownership of real estate, or payment of taxes—any one
of which qualified a male citizen of Porto Rico who had
resided in the island one year and in the district in which he
offered to register for six months immediately preceding, to
vote, were until July 1, 1906, wiped out, leaving only the
conditions regarding sex, age and residence to be met in order
to qualify a voter. After that date the additional
qualification of being able to read and write must be met. The
result of this amendment to the law is to provide for
universal manhood suffrage until July 1, 1906, after which no
new name can be added to the registration list unless its
owner is able to read and write. Those persons, however, who
are properly registered before that date are not required to
offer themselves for registration, but continue to enjoy the
full rights of the franchise."
_W. F. Willoughby,
Territories and Dependencies of the United States.
page 95 (Century Company, New York, 1905)._
PORTO RICO: A. D. 1905.
Extension of Local Government asked for.
A convention of municipal delegates, chosen by the elective
municipal councils of the island, assembled at San Juan in
July, 1905, formulated a request to the Government of the
United States for a broadening of the fundamental law of 1900,
which "would largely transfer the control of the local
government to their own people. The Governor would remain a
Presidential appointee, but the appointments by the Governor
would be subject in many cases to revision by a locally
elected Senate, except the courts, which would remain as now,
for the most part, under our direct control. In other words,
the legislative, and largely the administrative functions,
subject to the limitations of the Organic Act, would be
exercised by the Porto Ricans. The courts, of our own
choosing, would construe limitations on these powers, and the
Governor, with his police and militia, would be solely
responsible for order and the lawful execution of lawful
mandates."
PORTO RICO: A. D. 1906.
Visited by President Roosevelt.
His account of it.
"On November twenty-first I visited the island of Porto Rico,
landing at Ponce, crossing by the old Spanish road by Cayey to
San Juan, and returning next morning over the new American
road from Arecibo to Ponce; the scenery was wonderfully
beautiful, especially among the mountains of the interior,
which constitute a veritable tropic Switzerland. I could not
embark at San Juan because the harbor has not been dredged out
and cannot receive an American battle ship. I do not think
this fact creditable to us as a nation, and I earnestly hope
that immediate provision will be made for dredging San Juan
Harbor.
"I doubt whether our people as a whole realize the beauty and
fertility of Porto Rico and the progress that has been made
under its admirable government. …
"I stopped at a dozen towns all told, and one of the notable
features in every town was the gathering of the school
children. The work that has been done in Porto Rico for
education has been noteworthy. The main emphasis, as is
eminently wise and proper, has been put upon primary
education; but in addition to this there is a normal school,
an agricultural school, three industrial and three high
schools. Every effort is being made to secure not only the
benefits of elementary education to all the Porto Ricans of
the next generation, but also as far as means will permit to
train them so that the industrial, agricultural and commercial
opportunities of the island can be utilized to the best
possible advantage. It was evident, at a glance, that the
teachers, both Americans and native Porto Ricans, were devoted
to their work, took the greatest pride in it, and were
endeavoring to train their pupils not only in mind, but in
what counts for far more than mind in citizenship—that is, in
character.
"I was very much struck by the excellent character both of the
insular police and of the Porto Rican regiment. They are both
of them bodies that reflect credit upon the American
administration of the island. The insular police are under the
local Porto Rican government. The Porto Rican regiment of
troops must be appropriated for by the Congress. I earnestly
hope that this body will be kept permanent. There should
certainly be troops in the island, and it is wise that these
troops should be themselves native Porto Ricans. It would be
from every standpoint a mistake not to perpetuate this
regiment. …
{505}
"There is a matter to which I wish to call your special
attention, and that is the desirability of conferring full
American citizenship upon the people of Porto Rico. I most
earnestly hope that this will be done. I cannot see how any
harm can possibly result from it, and it seems to me a matter
of right and justice to the people of Porto Rico. They are
loyal, they are glad to be under our flag, they are making
rapid progress along the path of orderly liberty. Surely we
should now show our appreciation of them, our pride in what
they have done, and our pleasure in extending recognition for
what has thus been done by granting them full American
citizenship. …
"The Porto Ricans have complete and absolute autonomy in all
their municipal governments, the only power over them
possessed by the insular government being that of removing
corrupt or incompetent municipal officials. This power has
never been exercised save on the clearest proof of corruption
or of incompetence such as to jeopardize the interests of the
people of the island; and under such circumstances it has been
fearlessly used to the immense benefit of the people. It is
not a power with which it would be safe, for the sake of the
island itself, to dispense at present. The lower house is
absolutely elective, while the upper house is appointive. This
scheme is working well; no injustice of any kind results from
it, and great benefit to the island, and it should certainly
not be changed at this time. The machinery of the elections is
administered entirely by the Porto Rican people themselves,
the governor and council keeping only such supervision as is
necessary in order to secure an orderly election. Any protest
as to electoral frauds is settled in the courts."
_Theodore Roosevelt,
Message to Congress
(Congressional Record, December 11, 1906)._
PORTO RICO: A. D. 1908.
Ten Years of Progress.
"Ten years ago exports from Porto Rico to the United States
were valued at $2,414,356, while in the fiscal year ending
June 30, 1908, they were $25,891,261. The new figures show a
probable further increase for 1909. In 1898, less than
$3,000,000 worth of sugar was exported, and to-day shipments
are more than $14,000,000. In coffee, once the leading staple,
increase is also marked, although sugar now holds first place.
"Four hundred and thirty-five miles of macadamized roads, in
good repair, now make communication easy between San Juan and
Ponce and cities on the west coast. Two-thirds of the roads
have been built since the occupation. The railroad around the
island, projected by the Spanish, but delayed year by year, is
now built, and harbor improvements have been made in San Juan
and Ponce. More than a thousand public schools are educating
the Porto Rican children—and sometimes their parents. The net
public debt is now less than $3,000,000 or less than 21 per
cent. of the assessed valuation, and the bulk of this money
has been spent in public improvements."
_Porto Rico Correspondent New York Evening Post,
March 27, 1909._
PORTO RICO: A. D. 1909.
Modification of the Fundamental Act.
In a special Message to Congress, May 10, 1909, President Taft
called attention to the failure of the Legislative Assembly of
Porto Rico to pass the usual appropriation bills, leaving the
government of the island without support after the 30th of the
next June. In his opinion, the situation indicated that the
United States had proceeded too fast in extending political
power to the Porto Ricans, and that the full control of
appropriations should be withdrawn from those "who have shown
themselves too irresponsible to enjoy it." He suggested,
therefore, an amendment of the fundamental act, known as the
Foraker Act, to provide that when the legislative assembly
shall adjourn without making the appropriation necessary to
carry on the government, sums equal to the appropriations made
in the previous year for the respective purposes shall be
available from the current revenues, and shall be drawn by the
warrant of the auditor on the treasurer and countersigned by
the Governor. Such a provision applies to the Legislatures of
the Philippines and Hawaii and "it has prevented in those two
countries any misuse of the power of appropriation." An
amendatory Act was passed in accordance with the President’s
suggestion.
PORTO RICO: A. D. 1909.
Change in the Governorship.
In September, 1909, Governor Regis H. Post resigned his
office, and was succeeded by Mr. George R. Colton, who had had
previous experience, both civil and military, in the
Philippines and in Santo Domingo. The Secretary of the island
underwent a change, also, Mr. Willoughby being called to
Washington to take the duties of Assistant Director of the
Census, and his place in Porto Rico being filled by Mr. George
Cabot Ward.
PORTSMOUTH, Peace Treaty of:
Circumstances and Text.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906.
At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco question.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.
A "rotative" system of Party Government and its results.
King Carlos assumes dictatorial authority.
His Minister, Senhor Franco.
Murder of the King and Crown Prince.
Succession of King Manuel.
Recent Ministries.
For many years prior to 1906 Portugal had been governed by two
political parties, calling themselves the Regeneradors and the
Progressistas, who, it has been said, "relieved one another in
office, and in the spoils of office, at decent intervals, by a
tacit arrangement between their leaders." This regular
ministerial rotation led to the popular nickname of Rotativos,
applied to both parties, and significant of the contempt in
which they were held. The rotative system of party government,
"while ensuring a comfortable livelihood to a class of
professional politicians, was of no conspicuous benefit to the
country, and it was with a view to ending it that King Carlos
summoned Senhor João Franco, in May, 1906, to form a ministry.
Senhor Franco, who belonged to neither of the recognized
parties, set his hand zealously to the work of reform, but his
attempts to purge the Administration soon brought him into
conflict with powerful vested interests; and in May, 1907, the
politicians whose livelihoods he was reforming away united
against him in a policy of obstruction which made
Parliamentary government impossible.
{506}
He then dissolved the Cortes, and with the approval of the
King assumed the position of dictator. His work of reform
thenceforth proceeded apace. Drastic decrees, each aimed at
some abuse, followed one another with amazing rapidity. Strong
in the support of the King and of the best elements in the
country, execrated by the politicians whom he had spoiled, and
by the Press which he had done nothing to conciliate, he
continued on his headlong course, and at the end of January,
1908, he signed a decree practically amounting to a suspension
of civil liberties."
_Lisbon Correspondence,
London Times._
A tragedy followed quickly. On the 1st day of February, 1908,
the King, Dom Carlos, and the Crown Prince, Luiz Felipe, as
they rode through the streets of Lisbon, with the Queen and a
younger son in the same carriage, and attended by an escort,
were attacked by a throng of assassins and killed. The younger
prince was wounded; the Queen escaped by a miracle, one of the
assassins having been shot at the instant his pistol was aimed
at her. The two princes fought bravely, and the Queen threw
herself in front of her husband, attempting vainly to shield
him.
Prince Manuel, whose wound was not serious, succeeded to the
throne; but "the shots that killed Dom Carlos and Dom Luiz on
February 1 swept away the dictatorship of Senhor Franco and
the whole fabric which he had built up at so much cost during
18 months. Within a few hours of the murder Senhor Franco
resigned, under pressure, it is said, and left the country,
declaring that he had done with politics for ever. From being
the saviour of his country, the admiration of all enlightened
men, both at home and abroad, he became a pariah. His
supporters became mute and his system vanished. From that day
to this his followers have had no more than three or four
seats in the Chamber, where they have remained voiceless and
without influence on the course of events.
"That a seemingly vulgar crime should have so disproportionate
an effect was strange, and no less strange was the attitude of
the country. Whether owing to the widely entertained suspicion
that the murderers of the King were the tools of more
important personages whom it would not be safe to discover, or
to the fear of a Republican rising felt by the moderate and
respectable members of the community, is still a matter of
opinion; the fact remains that society lost its nerve. No
burst of indignation, no adequate expression of sympathy for
the Royal Family was heard; no steps were taken to trace the
authors of the crime. … The disappearance of Senhor Franco
left the two old ‘rotativist’ parties in presence, the
Progressistas under Senhor Luciano de Castro, and the
Regeneradores under Senhor Vilhena, the recently elected
successor of the veteran Hintze Ribeiro. Compared to these,
neither the Republicans, whose strength was supposed to be
considerable in the country, nor the ‘dissident’
Progressistas, under Senhor Alpoim, were of any account as
Parliamentary factors. A coalition Government was formed on
March 4, under Admiral Ferreira do Amaral, consisting of two
Regeneradores, two Progressistas, and two so-called
Independents, personal adherents of the Premier, who resembled
him in having no marked political ideals or convictions. The
elections, which took place in April, returned 62
Regeneradores and 59 Progressistas, thus starting the
Government on its career with the handsome following of 121 in
a House of 155. The matters with which the Government had to
deal were mainly three—namely, the revision of the decrees
issued by Senhor Franco as Dictator, the question of the Civil
List and of the advances made by the nation to the Royal
Family, and electoral reform. The Civil List was successfully
settled, but little progress had been made with the remainder
of the programme when the first serious defection occurred.
During the recess the Government announced that the municipal
elections, which had been suspended by Senhor Franco in favour
of nominated councils, would be held again in November, a
decision bitterly attacked by Senhor Vilhena, who announced
that the Regeneradores could no longer support the Government.
The elections were duly held, and, owing to the deliberate
abstention of the Monarchist parties, the Republicans captured
unopposed every seat on the Lisbon council. The unpopularity
incurred by the Government on account of this unnecessary gift
to the common enemy brought about a Government crisis. Admiral
Amaral referred the matter to the Council of State, who, to
his great surprise and annoyance, advised the resignation of
the Government. The Premier and his two independents
accordingly retired, and the Cabinet was reconstituted under
Senhor Campos Henriques, who together with Senhor Wenceslao de
Lima, Minister of Foreign Affairs, continued to represent the
Regenerador party. The late Premier’s ‘Independents’ made way
for the Progressistas, who thus held five seats in the Cabinet
to two held by the Regeneradores. Senhor Vilhena, who had
brought about the fall of the late Government, was not offered
a seat in the new one, and he immediately resumed his
opposition; but on this occasion he only carried two-thirds of
his party with him, 22 members deciding to support the
Government. This defection of the Regeneradores under Senhor
Vilhena, the first serious indication of a return to the old
system of ‘rotativism,’ was shortly followed by that of the
late Premier and his ‘Independents,’ so that when the Cortes
met on March 1, [1909], the imposing Government majority of a
year before had dwindled to 10 or 15."
Then followed daily scenes of disorder and obstruction in
Parliament until Senhor Campos Henriques surrendered, at the
end of March. As _The Times_ correspondent expressed it,
"as soon as the Opposition in the Lower House expressed its
impatience by a banging of desks, while its leader in the
House of Peers solemnly affirmed the ‘incompatibility’ of his
party with the Government, Ministers determined to avoid all
further unpleasantness by resigning." The resignation was
accepted by the King, and three party leaders in succession
made attempts in the next month to conduct the Government,
without success. Senhor Sebastiäo Telles held the reins for
three weeks, and then passed them to Senhor Wenceslao de Lima,
who framed up a nominally non-party Ministry on the 13th of
May. Senhor De Lima conducted the Government until the
following December, when, on the 19th, he resigned, and a
"Progressist Ministry" was formed, under Senhor Beirao.
_London Times Correspondence of various Dates._
{507}
Writing from Lisbon on the 5th of January, 1910, the
_Times_ correspondent said:
"It is the Republicans who alone seem to be making progress.
Their activities are unceasing, their newspapers the best
informed and most ably conducted, their meetings, held all
over the land, the most largely attended and most
enthusiastic. At the same hour as that of the Royal reception
on New Year’s Day the Republican municipality of Lisbon held a
like function, not only largely and most influentially
attended, but to the distinct diminution of the attendance in
the Royal Palace."
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1909.
Demonstration against the Religious Orders.
The following despatch to the Press was sent from Lisbon
August 3, 1909:
"Freethinkers from all political parties in Portugal,
represented by a Liberal committee, to-day presented to the
Cortes a petition for the suppression of the religious orders
in Portugal and the abrogation of the existing laws against
freedom of conscience. This step was an outcome of the meeting
held in this city yesterday.
"The committee was accompanied to the Houses of Parliament by
an immense crowd, and some wild scenes ensued. Among other
things the petitioners asked for the abrogation of the recent
law permitting religious associations to acquire landed
property, a procedure which up to the present time has been
illegal. Senhor Camacho moved the consideration of the
subject, and when the motion was voted down the galleries
broke out in protestation. There was considerable violence on
the floor of the House. The Deputies engaged in a struggle in
which desks and chairs were overturned, and the Chamber had to
be cleared twice. The tumult was continued in the streets, but
without serious results."
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1909.
Offer of Dom Miguel to renounce his Claim to the Throne.
Dom Miguel, son of the Dom Miguel who, from 1828 to 1833 held
the throne of Portugal in defiance of the rights of Maria da
Gloria, his elder brother’s daughter (see, in Volume IV.,
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1824-1889), had kept up his father’s
pretensions to the crown until the spring of 1909, when he
offered to renounce it, if permitted to live in Portugal as a
citizen. The permission was refused, for the reason that his
return, with that of a number of nobles of his party, "would
be regarded as a challenge to the rising tide of Liberalism."
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1909 (April).
Earthquake in and around Lisbon.
See (in this Volume)
EARTHQUAKES: PORTUGAL.
PORTUGUESE AFRICA.
See (in this Volume)
AFRICA: PORTUGUESE.
POSTAGE, BEGINNING OF INTERNATIONAL PENNY.
The postal treaty establishing two-cent or penny postage on
letters between Great Britain and the United States went into
effect October 1, 1909.
POSTAL SERVICE, IN CHINA.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1908.
POSTAL SERVICE STRIKE, IN FRANCE.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (MARCH-MAY).
POSTAL AND TELEGRAPHIC STRIKE, IN RUSSIA.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.
----------POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: THEIR PROBLEMS: Start---
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:
Old Age Homes, in Vienna.
"In most towns there is a tendency, in this our day, to deal
more generously with destitute children than with destitute
men and women. In Berlin and New York, for instance, both
money and thought are lavished on the young whom the community
supports; while as for the aged, what is given to them is
given only of necessity. In Vienna it is otherwise; there the
arrangements for the relief of the old people are better—both
more carefully considered and more liberal—than those for the
relief of children, a fact that says more, perhaps, for the
hearts than for the heads of the authorities.
"If a man—or a woman—above 60 is without money wherewith to
provide for himself, or the strength to earn the money, he
applies to the Guardian of his ward for help. Then, if he has
a home to live in, and someone to take care of him, or is able
to take care of himself, he is granted out relief, a money
allowance if he can be trusted to spend it wisely, otherwise
relief in kind. Supposing, however, he is homeless, feeble and
‘alone-standing,’ he is sent to a Versorgungshaus, or old-age
home, if there is a vacant place there; and, if not, to a
small poor-house until there is.
"Versorgungshäuser are the distinctive feature of the Austrian
Poor Relief system so far as the aged are concerned. Already
in the days of Joseph II. Vienna had two if not more of these
homes, and at the present time it has six. One of them is
reserved exclusively for Citizens; another, that at Mauerbach,
is reserved for persons who, owing to their perverted notions
as to what is seemly, cannot be accorded the full liberty the
old people in the other homes enjoy. In all the six together
there is space for more than 6,000 inmates. As the
Versorgungshäuser are looked upon by classes and masses alike
as the homes of the aged poor, the place where they have a
right to be, no disgrace is attached to going there. …
"Although in Vienna much is done for the poor, the burden
entailed by Poor Relief is by no means overwhelming. In 1903
the full cost of indoor relief, outdoor relief and sick
relief, together with the cost of administration, was only
£942,870, and of this £250,672 was obtained from private
sources. At that time the town was providing 31,000 adults—old
men and women for the most part—with allowances ranging in
amount from 30 kronen to 6 kronen a month; it was maintaining
6,790 more in old-age homes and other institutions; and was
defraying the cost of the Asyl and workhouse. It was
supporting, or contributing to the support of, 10,260 children
who were either with their own relatives or were boarded out;
and was maintaining 3,246 in orphanages, etc. It defrayed the
cost of the 27,000 babies who passed through the Foundling
Hospital, and of the 19,085 children who were temporarily in
institutions. It also provided 77,000 boys and girls with
school books, and contributed generously to many private
philanthropic societies. Roughly speaking, the cost to the
town of Poor Relief in Vienna per head of the population is
8s. 4d."
_Edith Sellers,
Poor Relief in Vienna
(Contemporary Review, December, 1900)._
{508}
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:
Pensions, &c.: Denmark: A. D. 1907.
Old Age Pensions.
Some interesting details of the working of the Danish old-age
pensions system are contained in a British Consular report
issued in May, 1909. The latest available statistics show that
on March 31, 1907, 70,445 persons over 60 years of age were in
receipt of pensions, which amounted in the aggregate to
£451,000 [$2,255,000] for the financial year 1906-1907. The
number of pensioners on March 31, 1906, was 68,800, and the
amount distributed in the financial year 1905-1906, £420,444.
Both the number of pensioners and the average amount of the
pensions are increasing. The ages of the "principal"
pensioners (_i. e._, of the actual recipients of pensions
apart from wives and children dependent on them) were, on
March 31st, 1906, as follows:
60 to 65 years of age—3,173 men, 4,239 women;
65 to 70 years—5,831 men, 6,756 women;
70 years and over—13,974 men and 17,037 women.
About a quarter of the population over 60 years of age is in
receipt of pensions, the women especially availing themselves
of their benefits. The average amount distributed to each
"principal" recipient was £6 5s. in 1905-1906 and £6 11s. in
1906-1907.
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: England: A. D. 1908.
Old Age Pensions Act.
The Working of the Law.
Its Pitiful and Appalling Disclosures.
The Act of the British Parliament, "to Provide for Old Age
Pensions" (August 1, 1908), declares in its first section that
"the receipt of an old age pension under this Act shall not
deprive the pensioner of any franchise, right, or privilege,
or subject him to any disability." The second section defines
the "statutory conditions for the receipt of an old age
pension by any person" to be: the person must have attained
the age of seventy; must satisfy the pension authorities that
he has been a British subject and resident in the United
Kingdom for at least twenty years; that his yearly means, as
calculated under the stipulations of the Act, do not exceed
thirty-one pounds ten shillings. But, notwithstanding the
fulfilment of these statutory conditions, a person is
disqualified while he is in receipt of any poor relief, other
than medical or surgical assistance on the recommendation of a
medical officer, or relief rendered by means of the
maintenance of a dependent in an asylum, infirmary, or
hospital, or any relief that by law is expressly declared not
to be a disqualification for any franchise, right, or
privilege. Furthermore, any person is disqualified for the
receipt of an old age pension "if, before he becomes entitled
to a pension, he has habitually failed to work according to
his ability, opportunity, and need, for the maintenance or
benefit of himself and those legally dependent upon him:
Provided that a person shall not be disqualified under this
paragraph if he has continuously for ten years up to attaining
the age of sixty, by means of payments to friendly, provident,
or other societies, or trade unions, or other approved steps,
made such provision against old age, sickness, infirmity, or
want or loss of employment as may be recognized as proper
provision for the purpose by regulations under this Act, and
any such provision, when made by the husband in the case of a
married couple living together, shall, as respects any right
of the wife to a pension, be treated as provision made by the
wife as well as by the husband."
Disqualification exists, also, during detention in a lunatic
asylum; and not only during any penal imprisonment that has
been ordered "without the option fine," but for ten years
thereafter.
Specific rules are given in the Act for "calculating the means
of a person" who seeks the pension; and the rate of weekly
pension to be paid is proportioned inversely to such
ascertained means, as follows: "Where the yearly means of the
pensioner as calculated under this Act:
Do not exceed £21.,—5s. 0d.;
exceed £21, but do not exceed £23, 12s. 6d.,—4s. 0d.;
exceed £23 12s. 6d., but do not exceed £26 5s.,—3s. 0d.;
exceed £26 5s., but do not exceed £28 17s. 6d.,—2s. 0c2.;
exceed £28 17s. 6d., but do not exceed £31 10s.,—1s. 0d.;
exceed £31 10s., no pension."
The Act became operative on the 1st of January, 1909. At that
time the persons recommended for pensions, throughout the
Kingdom, numbered 490,028, with somewhat over 148,000 pending
claims. The original estimate, on the discussion of the
measure, had been that the eligible pensioners would not
exceed 500,000, and that the cost of the undertaking, to begin
with, would be about £6,000,000. It was evident, therefore,
before pension payments began, that these estimates were much
too low.
From Ireland it was reported by the Press on the opening day
of pension payments that "more than 4,000 persons will to-day
receive old-age pensions in the city of Dublin. Claims
continue to be received in large numbers, and the pension
authorities estimate that, inasmuch as the last census of the
city showed that there were 6,800 persons over 70 years of age
then alive, at least 1,200 eligible persons have not yet made
application. Yesterday afternoon it was stated that in all
5,600 claims had been lodged.
"Of the 209,000 claims lodged altogether in Ireland, it is
estimated that 50,000 will be disallowed, and that £30,000
weekly will be required to satisfy those which have been held
to be good. So far as Dublin is concerned, less than 90 per
cent, of the inhabitants who are over 70 years of age have
claimed pensions, so that the rural districts are responsible
for the larger percentage of claimants in Ireland as compared
with England and Scotland."
From Scotland it was reported that "in Glasgow, the number of
persons of 70 years and over is 13,160, and fully half of
those made claims. A rough estimate places the number of full
pensions granted at about 5,550. In addition, a number of
allowances of the smaller amounts, ranging from 4s. to 1s.,
have been made."
In London, on the 1st of January, 1908, there had been 39,043
claims considered, of which 36,108 were allowed. Of these,
31,327 were for 5s., 1,701 for 4s., 1,827 for 3s., 797 for
2s., and 456 for 1s.
{509}
Speaking in Parliament on the 1st of March, with deep feeling,
of the working of the Pension Act and of the revelation of
poverty it had made, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr.
Lloyd-George, said: "The pension officers, especially in
Ireland, had been appalled at the amount of undisclosed
poverty, and that was why he was not disposed to criticize too
harshly the administration of the Act in that country, even if
it had resulted in addition of a considerable sum to the
estimate of the Government. The details of poverty in Ireland
were perfectly horrifying. It was a disgrace to any civilized
country that reasonable human beings should be allowed to live
under such conditions. But the same condition of things was
found in Great Britain also in many cases. He made a special
point of investigating the matter, and pension committees and
pension officers all told the same story of people facing
poverty and privation for years with resignation, fortitude,
and uncomplaining patience, and all asked the same question
and asked it in vain—How on earth could those poor people have
managed to keep body and soul together on such slender
resources? They had not understated their resources; on the
contrary, there were cases in which they had overstated them
from a feeling of pride.
"What struck one in such cases was how the people had fought
against the horror of the Poor Law. There were 270,000 people
over 70 years of age in receipt of Poor Law relief. The
Old-Age Pensions Act had disclosed the presence in the
community of over 600,000 people the vast majority of whom
were living in circumstances of great poverty, and yet
disdained the charity of the Poor Law."
In the report of the Local Government Board for 1908, the
inspector of poor-law administration in the eastern counties
of England reported a substantial decrease in pauperism during
the year, and attributed this mainly to the passing of the
Old-Age Pensions Act. Persons verging on the age of 70 were
doing everything possible to preserve their qualifications for
pensions, and their sons and daughters, in the hope that the
old folk will be able to stand alone, are maintaining them
till the pensions are due in order that they may not be
forfeited by parish relief.
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: France: A. D. 1909.
State Railway Servants Pensions.
In July, 1909, the Chamber of Deputies adopted a Bill for
pensioning the railway employees of the State which had
already passed the Senate. It applies to some 308,000 persons,
who will be pensioned in several classes at ages ranging from
50 to 60 years, and the estimated annual cost will exceed
$5,000,000. The Minister of Public Works, M. Barthou,
described the measure as an acknowledgment on the part of the
country of a debt which it owed to a deserving body of public
servants, who for the last 11 years had waited patiently for
the fulfilment of a promise and upon various trying occasions
during that period had not abused the confidence which had
been reposed in their good sense and public spirit.
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: France: A. D. 1910.
General Old-Age Pension Law.
A general measure for the pensioning of workmen in old age,
which had been pending in the French Parliament for nearly
three years, became law in April, 1910. Passed in the first
instance by the Chamber of Deputies in 1907, it was held in
the Senate, undergoing an extensive remodeling, until the 12th
of February, 1910, when that body gave it an unanimous vote.
In the Chamber of Deputies its exaction of compulsory
contributions from the wages of workmen to the pension fund
was opposed by a section of the Socialists, but supported by
the Socialist leader Jaures, as well as by the Briand
Ministry, and carried by a decisive vote on April 1st.
"Workingmen, domestic servants, clerks, and farm laborers to
the number of nearly 12,000,000, whose annual earnings are
below 3,000 francs, are placed under a system of compulsory
insurance. For the farmer and small proprietor whose income
ranges between 3,000 and 5,000 francs, an optional form of
insurance is provided. Of this class there are nearly six
million men and women in the country." In all, about
18,000,000 of the population of France are beneficiaries of
the Act.
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:
The German System of State-aided Pensions,
compared with other systems.
The following is from the report of a lecture on State-aided
Pensions for the Poor, given in London, on the 3d of February,
1909, by the Honourable W. P. Reeves, Director of the London
School of Economics and Political Science. It is an admirable
summary of facts that exhibit the working, down to the present
time, of the German system of working men’s insurance adopted
between 1883-1889.
See (in Volume IV. of this work)
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1883-1889.
See (in Volume VI. of this work)
GERMANY: A. D. 1897-1900, in Volume VI.):
"The subject, said the lecturer, fell into three
groups—contributory pensions, free State universal pensions,
and free State limited pensions. Germany, France, and Belgium
afforded examples of the contributory pensions, and Denmark,
Australia, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom of the limited
free pensions. The universal free pensions were likely to
remain an ideal. The Belgian superannuation for the poor,
provided by voluntary contributions on the part of the insurer
and by State bonuses, had encouraged thrift, but it yielded an
average pension of only £3 a year. It could not, therefore, be
pronounced to be a success, and the State had recognized its
failure by inaugurating a system of free old-age pensions for
the utterly destitute. A similar superannuation scheme in
France, also maintained principally by voluntary
contributions, had only attracted 8 per cent. of the class for
which it was intended, and there, too, it had been found
necessary to introduce free old-age pensions. There was also a
voluntary system in Germany, but that was a kind of side show
to the great national system of insurance by compulsory
contributions. This latter system was a gigantic experiment,
and it really did deserve the name of national. Professor
Ashley had shown that of the 10,700,000 men who were insurable
under this scheme 8,857,000 actually were insured; and of the
5,800,000 women who were qualified to provide for pensions
4,524,000 were actually paying their contributions. The system
had been in operation for 26 years, and the amount paid out in
that time must have exceeded £300,000,000, while 70 or 80
million persons had been benefited by it from first to last.
The number of persons affected yearly by the system was
25,000,000; and in 1907 nearly £30,000,000 was spent in the
three divisions of the triple system—old age, sickness, and
accidents. He had only to deal with one division—old age and
infirmity. The accumulated funds in this division amounted to
about £70,000,000; and the amount paid out to the insurers in
1906 was nearly £8,300,000, and in 1907 £8,400,000. The
population liable to insure was about 14¼ millions, and the
number of pensions in force at the end of 1907 was 979,000.
{510}
"Under this German scheme the class compulsorily insured
consisted of men and single women earning less than £100 a
year. The funds were provided in equal contributions by
employers and employed—the principle underlying the system
being that of deferred wages. It was a question whether it was
encouraging thrift to withhold from such wage-earners 2 per
cent. of their wages. The State bore the cost of management,
and added to every pension a bonus of £2 10s. a year. For the
working of the system the wage-earners were divided into five
grades:
(1) Those who earn up to £17 10s. a year;
(2) those who earn any sum between £17 10s. and £27 10s.;
(3) those who earn any sum between £27 10s. and £42 10s.;
(4) those who earn any sum between £42 10s. and £57; and
(5) those who earn any sum between £57 and £100.
The lowest wage-earners paid seven-eighths of a penny per week
for their old-age pension, and the highest wage-earners about
2¼d. No special consideration was shown for a married man. The
five grades of pensions were:
(1) £5 10s. a year;
(2) £7;
(3) £8 10s.;
(4) £10; and
(5) £11 10s.
If the labourer died after subscribing for 200 weeks his wife
and children were entitled to receive what he had subscribed,
but nothing more.
"The lot of the widows and orphans was one of the black
features of the system. A married woman could not qualify for
an old-age pension. The amount of the weekly contribution was
fixed for ten years. In 1906 the receipts exceeded the
expenditure by £6,000,000; the cost of administration was only
£850,000. But that was only the minor part of the provision
made for elderly people in Germany. The main provision was
made under the head of infirmity or invalidity occurring
before the pension age—70. If the insurers, after having
subscribed for not less than four years, broke down and were
unable to earn wages, they were entitled to more generous
treatment. If curable they were cured in State sanatoriums and
received temporary sickness pensions. If incurable they
received a pension which was regulated by the number of years
they had subscribed, and varied from a _minimum_ of £5
16s. in the lowest grade for four years’ subscriptions to £22
10s. in the highest grade for 50 years’ subscriptions. The
insurer began to pay his contributions at the age of 17, and
for an old-age pension he had to subscribe 50 weeks a year for
24 years—1,200 weeks in all. Though the system had not checked
Socialism or militant trade unionism, it had attained its real
purpose, for it had conferred an enormous boon upon the poor."
At the time when the remark quoted above, touching the
defective provision of the German law for widows and orphans,
was made, the Imperial Government was preparing to amend it.
The London _Times_ of April 17, 1909, gave, in its
correspondence from Berlin, the account of a draft Bill, just
made public, which the Imperial Ministry of the Interior had
prepared for presentation to the Federal Council, the object
being to combine and coordinate "the seven compulsory
insurance laws of 1883 to 1899," together with certain
amendments and additions. "It is understood," wrote the
correspondent, "that the Bill will not reach the Reichstag
before the autumn of this year. Whereas many authorities …
have favored a thorough unification of the three systems of
invalidity and old age, accident, and sick insurance, the
immediate proposals of the Government would leave the three
systems separate and distinct, while codifying the law and the
regulations which are common to all branches of compulsory
insurance, and establishing a joint and threefold system of
higher administration." The main purpose of the bill was to
rectify that lack of proper provision for widows and orphans
which was noted above. "The need of solving this problem,"
said the correspondent, "is really the immediate occasion of
reform, and the proposed solution is the most important
feature of the reform scheme. An essential feature of the
tariff law of 1902 was the ear-marking—by the so-called Lex
Trimborn—for widows and orphans’ insurance of the surplus
revenue from the increased Customs duties on corn and cattle.
The Lex Trimborn takes effect on January 1, 1910, but the
surplus revenue is lacking. For the financial year 1906 there
was no surplus. For 1907 there was a surplus of about
£2,000,000. For the financial year 1908 there will be no
surplus, although £2,650,000 was estimated for. In these
circumstances the Government—while apparently still cherishing
the hope that, upon the average of a long period of years, the
revised tariff will do what was expected of it—proposes to
provide for widows and orphans insurance by a simple all-round
extension of the system of invalidity and old-age insurance.
That is to say, the ‘contributions’ of employers and employed
are to be raised, and an Imperial subsidy, of fixed amount,
without regard to the annual revenue from Customs, is to be
added to the contributions.
"It is at present proposed that the weekly 'contributions' to
invalidity and old-age insurance shall, in order to provide
funds for widows and orphans’ pensions, be increased—upon the
mean average of the contributions of the five classes of
wage-earners—by one-fourth, and that the Empire shall add a
subsidy of £2 10s. a year to each widow’s pension and a
subsidy of £1 5s. a year to each orphan’s pension."
In February, 1909, a Parliamentary Committee of the British
Trades Union Congress, composed of men representing the Labor
Party in Parliament, reported the results of a visit to
Germany which the Committee had made in the previous November,
to examine conditions in that country, especially with
reference to the operation of the state system of insurance.
In their report they said: "The State assistance has acted as
an incentive and encouragement to workmen to make additional
provision for themselves and families through their trade
unions and private sick clubs. This is especially the case in
invalidity and old age. It has always been the workman’s
complaint, as well as that of the organizations, that the
assistance obtainable under the workman’s insurance system is
quite out of proportion to the subscriptions paid, and quite
insufficient for the maintenance of the pensioner.
{511}
In this connexion, it is interesting to note that in 1907 the
'Free' or Socialist unions, with a membership of 1,866,000,
granted £174,000 in sick pay and £19,000 in invalidity pay;
the State subsidies to invalidity and old-age pensions
amounting in 1906 to £2,437,000. The insurance pensions are
continually increasing; and it is stated that the invalidity
pensions will eventually reach a _maximum_ in the lowest
wages class of £9 5s., and in the highest one of £22 10s. The
funds accumulated in the hands of the Invalidity Pension
Offices amounted at the end of 1907 to about 70 million
pounds, and the workmen maintain that the time has now arrived
when either the pensions paid should be increased, or the
contributions levied decreased, as provided for by law."
"The members of the deputation were struck by the absence of
slums in the manufacturing quarters of the towns visited.
Nowhere did they see any quarter that could be classified
under the heading ‘slum.’ The cleanliness prevailing
throughout all the towns visited was also remarkable. No
beggars, feeble or emaciated men in tatters and rags were
encountered in the streets. Hundreds upon hundreds of
unemployed were seen by the deputation, but they seemed to
lack that dejection and absolute misery that is so frequently
met with in the streets of English towns.
"Workmen throughout Germany do not complain of any compulsory
deductions made by their employers from their wages for the
purpose of workmen’s insurances. Many of the largest employers
are favourably disposed towards these laws, and pay willingly.
On the other hand, probably the majority do complain of the
cost, although not opposed to the laws in principle."
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: Poor Laws: England: A. D. 1896-1906.
Report of Royal Commission.
Increasing Pauperism.
In December, 1905, a Royal Commission, composed of nineteen
men and women of distinguished ability and of special
qualifications for the service, was appointed in Great
Britain, "to inquire—(1) Into the working of the laws relating
to the relief of poor persons in the United Kingdom; (2) into
the various means which have been adopted outside of the Poor
Laws for meeting distress arising from want of employment,
particularly during periods of severe industrial depression;
and to consider and report whether any, and, if so, what
modification of the Poor Laws or changes in their
administration or fresh legislation for dealing with distress
are advisable."
After three years of laborious investigation, making "more
than 800 personal visits to unions, meetings of boards of
guardians, and institutions in England, Scotland, and
Ireland," as well as examining over 1300 witnesses, the
Commission submitted an elaborate report in February, 1909.
Its findings as to the present working of the poor-laws and
the relief-systems of the United Kingdom, and its
recommendations for reform, cannot be summarized with any
clearness in such space as can be given to the subject here;
but there is a startling significance in what it shows of the
increase of pauperism and of the public cost of poor relief in
late years.
It appears from the returns of the Local Government Board that
the mean number of paupers in 1906, 1907 and 1908, was at a
higher level than it had been for 31 previous years.
Excluding, however, these three especially bad years, it is
found that throughout the period 1896-1906 there were 24,000
more paupers than in the period 1888-1896, and 7000 more than
in the period 1880-1888. In discussing the report the London
_Times_ remarks: "Further examination even diminishes the
meagre consolation these figures afford as to the results of a
generation of effort at reducing pauperism. Comparing the
period 1896-1906 with 1871-1880, there has been a decrease of
3.9 per cent. in the total number of paupers, but this
decrease has been accompanied by a large increase of male
pauperism and is due entirely to the large decrease in the
number of children, whose numbers have decreased by 18 per
cent., and a small reduction in the number of women, whose
numbers have increased by 2 per cent. The decrease in these
two classes so affects the total as entirely to conceal an
absolute increase of 18 per cent, in the number of male
paupers. Even in regard to the children, at any rate during
the last 15 years, the decrease has been almost wholly in
rural unions, and in the children of widows, and there has
been a general increase in the number of children of
able-bodied men.
"Further, so far as figures are available, they show a greater
proportionate increase in the number of paupers during the
working years of life than in the very young or the very old.
Taking only the able-bodied in health, we find that in the
period 1896-1906 in metropolitan unions the indoor paupers
have increased by 38 per cent. and the outdoor by 137 per
cent.; in urban unions the indoor by 24 per cent. and the
outdoor by 133 per cent.; and in the whole of England and
Wales the indoor by 21 per cent. and the outdoor by 49 per
cent. In London alone 15,800 more paupers are being maintained
than in the eighties, and the rate per 1,000 of the
population, which used to be below that for England and Wales,
has risen above it."
As for expenditure, it was some £8,000,000 in the year
1871-1872, and £14,000,000 in the year 1905-1906. Summing up
the general situation with regard to this expenditure, the
Commission says: "We find that, whilst the expenditure per
inhabitant has increased from 7s. ¼d. to 8s. 2£d. since
1871-1872, and is only 7£d. less than it was in 1834, the
expenditure per pauper has increased from £7 12s. 1d. to £15
12s. 6d. in the same period. The country is maintaining a
multitude of paupers not far short of the numbers maintained
in 1871-1902, and is spending more than double the amount upon
each individual. The increased expenditure has done little
towards diminishing the extent of pauperism. Such advance as
the nation has made has been accomplished at an enormous cost,
and absorbs an annual amount which is now equivalent to nearly
one-half of the present expenditure upon the Army. It may be
urged that the rate of pauperism has diminished from 31.2 per
1,000 in 1871-1879 to 22.2 per 1,000 in 1896-1905, and this is
certainly a matter for congratulation, but it has been the
result of the large increase in the population rather than of
any considerable reduction in the number of paupers."
{512}
This discouraging result has occurred notwithstanding the fact
that the nation is spending £20,000,000 more in education than
in 1831, and £13,000,000 more in sanitation and the prevention
of disease than in 1841; notwithstanding the fact "that money
wages in the nineties were 10 per cent. above those of the
eighties, and 30 per cent, above those of the sixties," and
notwithstanding the fact that "there has been a considerable
flow of the working classes from the lower paid occupations to
the higher paid industries."
The recommendations of the Commission include a scheme for a
permanent system of public assistance for the able-bodied,
which contemplates the establishment in every district of four
coöperating organizations:
(a) An organization for insurance against unemployment, to
develop and secure (with contributions from public funds) the
greatest possible benefits to the workmen from coöperative
insurance against unemployment;
(b) a labor exchange established and maintained by the Board
of Trade to provide efficient machinery for putting those
requiring work and those requiring workers into prompt
communication;
(c) a voluntary aid committee to give advice and aid out of
voluntary funds especially to the better class of workmen
reduced to want through unemployment;
(d) a public assistance authority representing the county or
county borough and acting locally through a public assistance
committee to assist necessitous workmen under specified
conditions at the public expense. The report adds that it must
be a fundamental principle of the system of public assistance
that the responsibility for the due and effective assistance
of all necessitous persons at the public expense shall be in
the hands of one, and only one, authority in each county and
county borough—viz., the public assistance authority.
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:
Small Holdings Act of Great Britain.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908.
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:
Starvation Poverty in India.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1905-1908.
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:
Underfed School Children:
Provision for Meals to them.
How it is done in Various Cities.
In March, 1905, the British Foreign Office undertook, at the
request of the Board of Education, to obtain information
regarding the methods adopted in the great Continental and
American cities for dealing with ill-fed school children. The
facts collected were tabulated and published subsequently in a
Parliamentary Paper (Cd. 2926-1906) from which the following
statements are derived:
Generally, in the larger cities of Western Europe, some system
was found to be in operation for feeding ill-fed children in
the schools. Commonly this is conducted unofficially, by
private charitable organizations, but sometimes in indirect
connection with the municipality, and frequently with help
from municipal funds. In Berlin, however, the municipality
takes on itself the responsibility of not only feeding but
clothing properly the necessitous children attending its
elementary schools. This made one of the functions of a
municipal department, the Städtisrhe Schuldeputation, which is
assisted by a "Society for Feeding Poor Children" in the
supplying of meals at the elementary school buildings of the
city. The committee which conducts the work of that auxiliary
society is appointed by the Government. As a rule, breakfasts
only are given in Berlin, and only during the winter months;
but four meals are supplied to such children as are thought by
the head-masters of the schools to require them. No steps are
taken to collect from parents any part of the cost of meals
furnished in the schools.
In Paris the organization which installs and conducts cantines
scolaires in schools belonging to the city, called the
_Caisse des Écoles,_ is privately constituted, but
presided over by the mayor. This connects it with the
municipality, and in 1905 it had been receiving a municipal
subvention of 1,000,000 francs yearly for three years, but
this was not to be depended on as a permanent grant. It was
necessary for the _Caisse des Écoles_ to seek voluntary
contributions. The City, however, undertakes to supply the
necessary accommodations and all utensils for the school
canteens, which are in operation throughout the year, every
day of the week, but generally for a noon meal only; though
soup is distributed in some arrondissements at the opening and
closing of school. All children are entitled to feed at the
canteen, but the meals are supplied gratis only to the
children of poor families. The others pay a small sum which
does not exceed 15 centimes (about 2 cents). In 1904 the total
cost of meals furnished at the school canteens was 1,461,305
francs, of which 359,093 francs was paid by parents, who buy
tickets for the purpose. All meals are supplied on the
presentation of tickets, and nothing shows whether the tickets
have been bought or received as gifts.
In Vienna meals for poor school children are provided by a
central Association, indirectly connected with the
municipality, the Burgomaster being its president, and
financial assistance being given to it from both imperial and
municipal funds. Dinners only are provided, on every week day
from November 16 to March 31, partly in the school buildings,
partly in certain restaurants and kitchens. As in Paris,
parents can buy tickets for these meals, but it is said to be
rarely done. The total cost is about $23,000 per year. Once a
year, in the autumn, the Association makes an appeal for
funds, and all classes of people respond, the Emperor giving
4,000 crowns and the Town Council voting 8,000.
Information on the subject was obtained by the British Foreign
Office from thirty-eight cities, in all, of Austria, Belgium,
Denmark, France, Germany, Holland, Italy, Norway, Sweden,
Spain, Switzerland, and the United States. Some systematic
provision, more or less adequate, for securing proper food to
the children of the schools by private or public organization,
was reported from more than thirty. The reports from New York,
Philadelphia, and Chicago, in the United States, showed less
undertakings in this direction than in any other cities of
considerable size.
{513}
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: In England:
Provision of Meals Act.
An order from the English Local Government Board on the
subject of providing food for underfed school children was
published on the 29th of April, 1905. It applied only to
children under sixteen who were neither blind, deaf or dumb,
and who were living with a father not in receipt of relief.
Application in each case must be made by school managers, or
by a teacher empowered by the managers, or by an officer
empowered by the education authorities. The relief might be
granted in the ordinary way or as a loan, the father being
allowed the opportunity of making the needful provision
himself. If he failed to do so, the poor-law guardians were
empowered to make it and to recover the cost, as if it were a
loan. In no case could the relief be given in money, or
continued on a single application for more than a month. Where
possible, arrangements should be made with local charitable
organizations for the issue of tickets for meals.
The above mentioned tentative order was followed, in the next
year, by the passage of an Act which authorizes any "local
education authority" in England and Wales to "take such steps
as they think fit for the provision of meals for children" at
any public elementary school, and for that purpose to
"associate with themselves any committee on which the
authority are represented, who will undertake to provide food
for those children." Such education authority may aid the
committee by furnishing necessary land, buildings, furniture
and apparatus, and necessary officers and servants; but, "save
as hereinafter provided, the authority shall not incur any
expense in respect of the purchase of food to be supplied at
such meals."
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: Unemployment: Belgium: A. D. 1900-1904.
Municipal Organizations of Insurance against Unemployment.
The Ghent System.
The following is abridged from a report on "Agencies and
Methods for Dealing with the Unemployed in certain Foreign
Countries," made to the British Board of Trade, in 1904, by
Mr. David F. Schloss:
During the last few years the Public Authorities of certain
Belgian towns and Provinces have organised a system, to which
the name of Insurance against Unemployment is given, and under
which the efforts of workmen to secure for themselves the
means of tiding over periods of unemployment are assisted by
the grant of subsidies provided out of public moneys, which
form a supplement to the sums derived from the contributions
of these work-people. This system is now in force at Ghent,
Brussels, Antwerp, Bruges, Liege, Malines, and Louvain, and in
the Provinces of Liege and Antwerp. In details it has been
varied somewhat in different places, but the general scheme is
the same, and it will be sufficient to give some account of it
as organized in Ghent, where it was first worked out.
The Unemployed Fund at Ghent was initiated as the result of
the recommendations made by a Special Commission on the
question of unemployment, which on April 10, 1900, presented a
Report, advising the creation of a Municipal Unemployed Fund
under the conditions specified in a set of rules, which they
submitted for consideration. The annual subvention to the Fund
by the City was fixed, for three years, at $4000. Expenses of
the administration of the Fund to be borne by the City.
Administration of the Fund to be entrusted to a committee of
ten citizens named by the municipal authority, but one half of
whom must be members of those organizations of workmen which
affiliate themselves with the Fund. The Fund may be augmented
by subscriptions, donations, moneys collected by fêtes, etc.
"The intervention of the Special Fund shall consist either
(_a_.) in providing a supplement to sums paid to their
members as unemployed benefit by workmen’s organisations, or
(_b_.) in supplementing any provision made by individual
thrift for the specific case of unemployment. The Special Fund
will supplement the unemployed benefits paid by workmen's
organisations by the payment of a subsidy, which may be equal
to, but shall not be greater than, the amount of such
benefits."
"Strikes and lock-outs, or the results attendant upon such
disputes, sickness and physical incapacity for labour shall in
no case give rise to the payment of an indemnity out of the
monies of the Unemployed Fund."
"All workmen’s organisations desiring that their members shall
participate in the subsidies provided by the Fund will be
required to send in each month a return showing the number and
amount of all payments on account of benefits made by them,
and to furnish every year their balance-sheet, also their
rules and regulations."
"Workmen not being members of any Trade Union which enjoys
participation in the Fund, are at liberty to join a Thrift
Fund specifically constituted to meet the case of
unemployment." By this rule, it will be seen, the scheme
provides, under distinct branches, for Trade Unionists and
non-Unionists.
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: England: A. D. 1905-1909.
Unemployed Workmen Act, and its operation.
In the summer of 1905 a Bill brought into Parliament by the
President of the Local Government Board, to provide for an
organization to assist unemployed workmen, was carried through
both houses with little opposition. It sought to bring about a
careful discrimination between workmen who were accustomed to
regular employment in ordinary circumstances, but temporarily
unemployed through circumstances beyond their control, and the
needy, on the other hand, who were proper objects of ordinary
Poor Law relief. Its provisions were for the former entirely,
and their purpose was to establish both local and central
bodies, which should organize and maintain labor exchanges and
employment bureaus, assist migration and emigration, and
acquire, equip, and maintain farm colonies; the latter to
operate continuously, for the training of persons to
agricultural pursuits, preparing them for emigration or for
permanent transfer from city to country life. The local bodies
contemplated were not empowered to provide work at public
expense. That power was entrusted discretionally to the
central bodies, which could draw on the rates for the purpose
to a limited extent. Voluntary contributions were to be looked
to in part for the necessary funds. The measure was decidedly
conservative and tentative.
A report on the applications for relief and the relief given
in England and Wales under this Act during the year ending
March 81, 1909, compared with the previous year, shows as
follows: The total number of applications received was
196,757, of which 49,239 were made to 29 committees in London,
and 147,518 to 95 committees in other parts of the country.
{514}
The applicants belonging to the general or casual labour class
(64,773) formed as in previous years by far the largest
section—47.4 per cent.—of the whole number. The building trade
ranked second with 23,047, or 16.9 per cent. of the total. The
engineering, shipbuilding, and metal trades accounted for
17,028, or 12.5 per cent., as compared with only 8.6 per cent,
in the previous year.
A Bill known as the "Right to Work" Bill came before the House
of Commons in April, 1909, with the endorsement of the trade
unions and the Labor Party. It was opposed by John Burns, the
former labor leader, but now speaking as President of the
Local Government Board and member of the Cabinet, who said:
"For three and a half years he had had intimate experience of
relief works, and he could not exaggerate the degradation of
the workmen, the demoralization of the honest labourer, the
extent to which money had been wasted and character impaired
by the relief works which he had had in the name of Parliament
to administer. Any member had only to take up the report of
any one of the distress committees to see that what the
minority report said had happened would increasingly happen so
long as these means of meeting unemployment were resorted to.
The amount of work would be disproportionate to the wages
paid, the wrong men would get the right work, and the best men
would be excluded, because modesty was a characteristic of
good workmanship and craftsmanship, and the worst men were
always in the front line when relief works were set on foot."
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: A. D. 1909.
Report of a Royal Commission.
The Royal Commission on the working of the English Poor Laws,
whose general report is referred to above, issued, in
September, 1909, a supplementary report on Unemployment. The
main ultimate conclusions of the Commission are the following:
"When we consider the remedies proposed for unemployment we
are convinced that they do not lie on the lines proposed by
the Unemployed Workmen’s Act, which has done nothing but
systematize Relief Works. These, whether national or
municipal, appear to us merely to intensify the evil as far as
the ordinary workmen are concerned. The great thing necessary,
we believe, is to obtain a general agreement as to the need of
regularizing labour. In this the Government and municipalities
ought to set a good example.
"It might be better, if any rate or State funds are to be
spent on the unemployed, that such aid should take the form of
supplementing trade union funds and give thereby a bonus on
thrift. Any such supplementation of trade union funds would
involve a Local Government Board audit, the control of the
expenses of management, and a separation of the war and
benefit funds. It is very doubtful whether it would be wise
for trade unions to accept State aid if it involved loss of
independence and an interference with their efforts to improve
wages. There is little doubt, however, that grants of this
kind would enormously increase their membership.
"In order to prevent the spread of the unemployed as a class
it is probable that drastic measures ought to be taken, such
as those recommended to check vagrancy. For the idle and
worthless who now form the noisy section of the unemployed it
might be necessary to establish semi-penal colonies. …
"The solution lies in a better organization of the workers and
more consideration from the employers. Better organization of
industry might at once relieve the workers and render trade
crises less acute by steadying the supply of labour.
"Differentiation of the unemployable from the willing workers
and better classification of paupers would enable us to
understand the extent of the problem and how far
reorganization of labour must be carried. Raising the
condition of the whole working class by better housing and
better wages will help to keep decent but unskilled workmen
from sinking.
"Every effort must be made to cut off the supply of unskilled
and unintelligent labour by training boys to enter regular and
permanent work."
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
The Labor Exchanges Act.
One of the most important of the recent enactments of the
British Parliament is the Labor Exchanges Act, which
encountered no serious opposition in either House. On
introducing the Bill in the House of Commons, May 19, 1909,
and in subsequent debate, Mr. Winston Churchill, President of
the Board of Trade, gave explanations of which the following
is a summary: It would divide the country into ten districts,
which would have among them between 30 and 40 first-class
labour exchanges, 45 second-class, and about 150 third-class
for the smaller centres. The central control would be
exercised by the Board of Trade, but it is intended that,
following the German example, there shall be in each principal
centre a local advisory committee composed of representatives
of workmen and of employers in equal numbers, with a permanent
official as chairman. It is hoped that, when permanent
buildings are secured, and the whole scheme is in working
order, the labour exchanges will become centres of industrial
life, in which employers and employed will learn to know one
another better, and to discuss in common questions now too
much regarded from different standpoints. These exchanges
cannot make work, they can only distribute what work is to be
had. They can hardly be expected to make head against the
large fluctuations of trade, which must be met by some
insurance scheme, which Mr. Churchill announced as being under
contemplation. But there are many irregularities of
distribution which labour exchanges can correct, and many
seasonal fluctuations producing much distress which they can
deal with to the great advantage alike of employers and
employed.
It was not contemplated that fees should be charged to men
applying to the labour bureaux, which were to be national
institutions. They would strive to find men for jobs and jobs
for men, and attention would be paid to the interests of the
men who had been waiting longest for work. For the present
domestic servants would not be brought within the operation of
the Bill. No compulsion would be exercised to induce
applicants to give evidence as to character, but of course a
man would have a greater chance of obtaining work if he could
give references and testimonials. In a strike the exchanges
would be absolutely neutral as between capital and labour, and
it would be clearly notified to all working men that there was
a dispute and they would be left to act as they thought fit.
{515}
The Bill became law in September. A highly favorable report of
its operation was made six months later by the Consul-General
of the United States at London, who stated that "on the
opening day nearly eighty exchanges were in operation and
thousands of applications for work were received. The
applicants mainly represented the better class of labor. On
the first day of the opening in Nottingham 557 workers and 120
employing firms registered. These were followed on the second
day by 580 workers and 87 firms. One of the employers alone
applied for sixty skilled hands, and though most of the
skilled hands were placed, the registered firms were not able
to fill all their vacancies."
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: Germany: A. D. 1909.
Experiments of Insurance.
Representatives from the municipal authorities of fifteen
German cities held a joint conference at Cologne in September,
1909, to discuss the best methods of combating unemployment.
One or two speakers advocated compulsory insurance against
unemployment; but the divergencies of opinion were so wide
that no conclusion was reached. Annual conferences on the
subject are to be held. A Press correspondent who reported the
meeting remarked that it confirms "the German official view
that the problem of insurance against unemployment is not ripe
for systematic solution. Upon the strength of the experience,
for example, of Strassburg and of Frankfurt, where the Ghent
system of subsidies is in operation, demands are frequently
made for the inauguration of an Imperial system of insurance.
Apart, however, from the fact that other problems—especially
widows and orphans insurance—have precedence, the Government
maintains that Imperial legislation is impossible because no
satisfactory scheme has been discovered."
Some account of the Ghent system, here referred to, will be
found above, under the subheading Belgium. Besides the German
cities mentioned as having introduced that measure of
insurance against unemployment, Cologne and Leipsic have been
operating an organization of similar insurance for some years.
As described in a report made in 1904 to the British Board of
Trade by Mr. David F. Schloss, on "Agencies and Methods for
Dealing with the Unemployed in certain Foreign Countries," the
organization in Cologne is as follows:
"The ‘City of Cologne Office for Insurance against
Unemployment in Winter’ was established in 1896. The object of
the Office is to provide, with the assistance of the Cologne
Labour Registry, an insurance against Unemployment during the
winter (December to March) for the benefit of male workpeople
in the Cologne district. In order to insure with the Office, a
man must be at least 18 years of age, must have lived for at
least a year in Cologne, and must not suffer from permanent
incapacity to work. He is required to pay a weekly premium,
payment of which must commence as from April 1, and must
continue for 34 weeks. The amount of the premium was
originally 3d. per week for both skilled and unskilled
workmen; in 1901 the rate of premium was fixed at 3d. for
unskilled and 4½d. for skilled men; in 1903 the rate was
raised to 3½d. per week for unskilled and 4¾d. per week for
skilled workmen. …
"In return for these payments the insured workman, if and when
out of work in the period named above, receives, for not more
than eight weeks in all, a daily amount, which is 2s. for each
of the first 20 days (nothing being paid for Sundays), and
then 1s. on each subsequent day. These payments begin on the
third weekday after the date on which the man has reported
himself as out of work. …
"No money is paid in respect of unemployment caused by illness
or infirmity, or by the man’s own fault, or by a trade
dispute."
At Leipsic the institution of insurance against unemployment
is on much the same lines, but differing in some details of
its rules. "The Leipsic Insurance Office was founded in April,
1903, with a guarantee fund of about £5000, provided by
benevolent persons, in addition to which it proposed to
receive annual subscriptions from members of the public. The
town authorities granted accommodation for the Office rent
free for three years. The system adopted was as follows: The
right to insure with this Office is confined to men of 16 but
not over 60 years of age, who have lived at Leipsic for at
least two years; the general meeting may, however, allow
residents in the suburbs of Leipsic to insure."
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:
Employers’ Labor Exchanges.
The Collieries Union, of colliery owners, in the Rhenish
Westphalian coal district, was reported, in October, 1909, to
have "decided to institute for the benefit of its members a
system of centralized labour exchanges modelled upon the
system which has existed for many years in the Hamburg iron
industry. The principal objects in view are to secure a steady
supply of permanent labour, to equalize a possible surplus of
labour in certain districts and a corresponding deficit in
others, and to prevent the habit on the part of miners of
applying for employment at several collieries simultaneously.
On the other hand, it is hoped that miners will be spared the
frequently fruitless search for work."
----------POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: End--------
PRAIRIE OIL AND GAS COMPANY.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &C.:
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.
PREFERENTIAL TRADE:
Discussed at the Imperial Conferences of 1902 and 1907
in London.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1902 and 1907.
PRESS, The:
Revived Censorship in Russia.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1909.
PRESS CONFERENCE, The British Imperial.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (JUNE).
PRETORIA:
Peace Negotiations.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.
PREVENTION OF CORRUPTION ACT.
See (in this Volume)
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.
PREVENTION OF CRIMES ACT, BRITISH.
See (in this Volume)
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.
PRIMARY, DIRECT.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES.
PRINCE EDWARD ISLAND: A. D. 1901-1902.
Census.
Reduced Representation in Parliament.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.
PRITCHETT, Henry S.:
President of the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement
of Teaching.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.
{516}
PRIZE COURT, CONTEMPLATED INTERNATIONAL.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907
(appended to account of Second Peace Conference
at The Hague).
PROBATION SYSTEM, THE.
See (in this Volume)
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: PROBATION.
PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
Of Crime.
See (in this Volume)
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.
PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
Of the Intoxicants.
See (in this Volume)
PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
Of Labor and Capital.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION, LABOR PROTECTION,
AND LABOR REMUNERATION.
PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
Of Municipal Government.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
Of Poverty and Unemployment.
See (in this Volume)
POVERTY.
PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
Of Race.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS.
PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
Of Railway Regulation.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS.
PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
Of the Trusts (so-called).
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL.
PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
Of War and Peace.
See (in this Volume)
WAR: PREPARATIONS FOR, AND REVOLT AGAINST.
PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
Of Wealth.
See (in this Volume)
WEALTH.
PROFIT-SHARING.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR REMUNERATION.
PROGRESISTAS.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907; also
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.
PROGRESSIVES.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1904.
PROHIBITION.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM.
PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE.
PROTECTION, THE NEW.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR REMUNERATION: THE NEW PROTECTION.
PROTECTORATES, SOUTH AFRICAN.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1909.
PRUSSIA: A. D. 1902.
Measures for Germanizing the Polish Provinces.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1902 (March-May), and 1908 (January).
PRUSSIA: A. D. 1904.
Denominational Education restored.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: PRUSSIA: A. D. 1904.
PRUSSIA: A. D. 1905.
Creation of a Government Bureau of Charities.
See (in this Volume)
SOCIAL BETTERMENT: PRUSSIA.
PRUSSIA: A. D. 1906.
Defiance of Popular Demands for Suffrage Reform.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.
PRUSSIA: A. D. 1906.
A Comedy of Election Reform.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.
PRUSSIA: A. D. 1907.
Statistics of Population.
Birth Rate and Death Rate.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1907.
PRUSSIA: A. D. 1908.
Disappointing Statement by Prince Bülow about Suffrage Reform.
Socialist Successes.
A surprising word from the King.
In January, Prince Bülow, as Minister-President of Prussia,
made a statement about suffrage reform which deeply
disappointed all friends of that movement. It was therefore
expected, when the Diet elections approached in June, that the
Prussian people would be awakened by a violent agitation in
favor of more liberal election laws, but nothing of the kind
happened. The Socialists, indeed, made this their chief issue,
and they carried a half-dozen districts, thus securing for the
first time a foothold in the Diet; and the Radicals, too, gave
out manhood suffrage as their watchword, but pressed it so
feebly as to awaken the suspicion that their demand was not
seriously meant.
"Nevertheless, the King’s speech from the throne in October
surprised the country by announcing that a reform of the
election laws was a fundamental necessity and would be
undertaken during the present session. This announcement
affected the country-squire element like tapping on a hornet’s
nest. The Conservative party immediately gave it to be plainly
understood that it would brook no tampering with the election
laws, the stronghold of its power."
_W. C. Dreher,
The Year in Germany
(Atlantic Monthly, January, 1909)_.
PRUSSIA: A. D. 1908 (January).
More vigorous Germanizing of the Polish Provinces.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1908.
PRUSSIA: A. D. 1909-1910.
Rejection of proposed Reforms of the Elective Franchise.
The Offensive Bill of the following year.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: PRUSSIA.
----------PUBLIC HEALTH: Start--------
PUBLIC HEALTH: AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1902.
Proposals of the Second International Conference of
American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
PUBLIC HEALTH: Army Sanitation:
By the Japanese.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905—at the end.
PUBLIC HEALTH: BUBONIC PLAGUE:
In India.
The bubonic plague, which began to terrorize the eastern
world, especially India, in the late years of the last century
(see PLAGUE, in Volume VI.), showed signs of abating in India
in 1900, but regained virulence in the following years, the
mortality from it in all India rising to about 560,000 in
1902, exceeding 842,000 in 1903, going beyond a million in
1904, and rising to 1,125,652 in the year from October 1,
1904, to September 30, 1905. Its worst ravages were in the
Presidency of Bombay and in the Punjab. In the Bombay
Presidency the victims of 1903 numbered 343,904; in the Punjab
they counted 210,493.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH: INDIA.
PUBLIC HEALTH: BUBONIC PLAGUE:
In the Philippines: How it was stamped out.
Full accounts of the successful campaign against bubonic
plague in the Philippines, in 1900-1902, are given in the
annual reports of the Philippine Commission. From that source
the main facts were summarized in the May number of the
National Geographic Magazine, 1903, as follows:
Bubonic plague was discovered at Manila on December 26, 1899,
and slowly but steadily increased in its ravages up to
December, 1901. "The deaths in 1900 numbered 199, and in 1901
reached a total of 432. The disease was at its worst each year
during the hot, dry months of March, April, and May, nearly or
quite disappearing during September, October, November, and
December. …
{517}
"On account of the important part which house rats are known
to play in the distribution of bubonic plague, a systematic
campaign was inaugurated against these rodents in Manila.
Policemen, sanitary inspectors, and specially appointed
rat-catchers were furnished with traps and poison, and both
traps and poison were distributed to private individuals under
proper restrictions. A bounty was paid for all rats turned
over to the health authorities, and stations were established
at convenient points throughout the city where they could be
received. Each rat was tagged with the street and number of
the building or lot from which it came, was dropped into a
strong antiseptic solution, and eventually sent to the
Biological Laboratory, where it was subjected to a
bacteriological examination for plague. During the first two
weeks, 1.8 per cent. of the rats examined were found to be
infected. This proportion steadily increased, reaching the
alarming maximum of 2.3 per cent. in October. At this time
numerous rats were found dead of plague in the infected
districts, and, in view of the fact that epidemics of plague
among the rats of a city in the past have been uniformly
followed by epidemics among human beings, the gravest
apprehension was felt, the rapid spread of the disease among
the rats after the weather had become comparatively dry being
a particularly unfavorable symptom.
"It was deemed necessary to prepare to deal with a severe
epidemic, and a permanent detention camp, capable of
accommodating fifteen hundred persons, was accordingly
established on the grounds of the San Lazaro Hospital. Hoping
against hope, the board of health redoubled its efforts to
combat the disease. The force of sanitary inspectors was
greatly increased, and under the able supervision of Dr.
Meacham their work was brought to a high degree of efficiency.
Frequent house-to-house inspections were made in all parts of
the city where the disease was known to exist. The sick were
removed to the hospital if practicable; otherwise they were
cared for where found and the spread of infection guarded
against.
"Plague houses were thoroughly disinfected, and their owners
were compelled, under the direction of the assistant sanitary
engineer, to make necessary alterations. Cement ground-floors
were laid; double walls and double ceilings, affording a
refuge for rats, were removed; defects in plumbing were
remedied; whitewash was liberally used, and, in general,
nothing was left undone that could render buildings where
plague had occurred safe for human occupancy. Buildings
incapable of thorough disinfection and renovation were
destroyed. Buildings in which plague rats were taken were
treated exactly as were those where the disease attacked the
human occupants. The bacteriological examination of rats
enabled the board of health to follow the pest into its most
secret haunts and fight it there, and was the most important
factor in the winning of the great success which was
ultimately achieved.
"With very few exceptions, there was no recurrence of plague
in buildings which had been disinfected and renovated. As
center after center of infection was found and destroyed, the
percentage of diseased rats began to decrease, and in January,
1902, when, judging from the history of previous years, plague
should have again begun to spread among human beings, there
was not a single case. In February, one case occurred. In
March, there were two cases, as against 63 in March of the
preceding year, and before April the disease had completely
disappeared. This result, brought about at a time when the
epidemic would, if unchecked, have reached its height for the
year, marked the end of a fight begun by the board of health
on the day of its organization and prosecuted unremittingly
under adverse conditions for seven months, with a degree of
success which has not been equaled under similar conditions in
the history of bubonic plague.
"During 1901, plague appeared at several points in the
provinces near Manila. Agents of the board of health were
promptly dispatched to the infected municipalities, and
radical remedial measures were adopted, including, in several
instances, the burning of infected buildings, the result being
the complete disappearance of plague in the provinces as well
as in Manila."
PUBLIC HEALTH: CANCER RESEARCH:
Mr. Barnato’s Bequest.
"We are reminded to-day that the late Mr. Harry Barnato
bequeathed a sum of money amounting to a quarter of a million
sterling for the establishment of a charity in memory of his
brother, Mr. Barney Barnato, and of his nephew, Mr. Woolf
Joel, both of whom died before him. We are now officially
informed that the trustees under Mr. Harry Barnato’s will have
determined to apply the bequest to the building and endowment
of an institution for the reception of cancer patients, and to
place its management under the control of the authorities of
the Middlesex Hospital, where special wards for cancer
patients have long been in operation, and where much has been
done in devising means for the alleviation of their
sufferings."
_London Times,
August 9, 1909._
Mr. George Crocker, of California, who died in December, 1909,
bequeathed a fund amounting to about $1,500,000 to Columbia
University for the prosecution of researches into the cause,
prevention, and cure of cancer. Mr. Crocker, his wife, and his
father, Charles Crocker of California, all died of the
disease. Mr. Crocker had given $50,000 to Columbia for the
same purpose before his death. Mr. Crocker provided that,
should a cure for the disease be discovered, the money should
be devoted to other medical investigations, "with a view to
preventing and curing diseases and alleviating human
suffering." He stipulated further that no part of the fund
should be used for the erection of a building.
{518}
PUBLIC HEALTH:
The Committee of One Hundred.
Movement for a National Department or Bureau of Health.
A convincing paper read by Professor J. P. Norton, of Yale,
before the economic section of the American Association for
the Advancement of Science at its meeting in 1906, on the
economic advisability of a national regulation of public
health, led to the formation in 1907 of the Committee of One
Hundred, which has labored since that time to bring about the
creation of a Department or a Bureau of Public Health in the
Federal administration of Government. Under the presidency of
Mr. Irving Fisher, and with Mr. Edward T. Devine for its
secretary, the Committee, which includes many of the most
eminent men and women in the country, has awakened wide
interest in the proposition, enlisting a public support which
seems certain to give it success. When the subject came under
discussion in the American Association for the Advancement of
Science at its meeting of 1908, Professor William H. Welch,
the retiring President of the Association, described the
existing neglect of health as shameful, and pointed out that,
if existing hygienic knowledge were fully applied, the death
rate might be cut in two. As examples of what a Federal Health
Bureau might do he cited the work of Pasteur and Koch, whose
best work was done for the national governments of France and
Germany, though the benefits have been shared by all nations.
In America we lack even the statistics of disease except in a
limited area.
In his Message to Congress, December 6, 1909, President Taft
urged the institution of the proposed National Bureau of
Health very cogently, in these words: "For a very considerable
period a movement has been gathering strength, especially
among the members of the medical profession, in favor of a
concentration of the instruments of the national government,
which have to do with the promotion of public health. In the
nature of things, the Medical Department of the army and the
Medical Department of the navy must be kept separate. But
there seems to be no reason why all the other bureaus and
offices in the general government which have to do with the
public health or subjects akin thereto should not be united in
a bureau to be called the ‘Bureau of Public Health.’ This
would necessitate the transfer of the Marine Hospital Service
to such a bureau. I am aware that there is a wide field in
respect to the public health committed to the States in which
the Federal government cannot exercise jurisdiction, but we
have seen in the Agricultural Department the expansion into
widest usefulness of a department giving attention to
agriculture when that subject is plainly one over which the
States properly exercise direct jurisdiction. The
opportunities offered for useful research and the spread of
useful information in regard to the cultivation of the soil
and the breeding of stock and the solution of many of the
intricate problems in progressive agriculture have
demonstrated the wisdom of establishing that department.
Similar reasons, of equal force, can be given for the
establishment of a bureau of health that shall not only
exercise the police jurisdiction of the Federal government
respecting quarantine, but which shall also afford an
opportunity for investigation and research by competent
experts into questions of health affecting the whole country,
or important sections thereof, questions which, in the absence
of Federal governmental work, are not likely to be promptly
solved."
PUBLIC HEALTH:
The Hookworm Disease in the United States.
"In the Old World, hookworm disease was probably known to the
Egyptians nearly three thousand five hundred years ago, but
its cause was not understood until about the middle of the
nineteenth century, when it was shown to be due to an
intestinal parasite, _Agchylostoma duodenale._ Until 1893
no authentic cases of this disease were recognized as such in
the United States, but between 1893 and 1902 about 35 cases
were diagnosed. In 1902 it was shown that a distinct hookworm,
_Ucinaria americana,_ infests man in this country, and
this indicated very strongly that the disease must be present
although not generally recognized. It is now established that
in addition to the few cases of Old World hookworm disease
imported into the United States we have in the South an
endemic uncinariasis due to a distinct cause, _Uncinaria
americana._ This disease has been known for years in the
South and can be traced in medical writings as far back as
1808, but its nature was not understood. Some cases have been
confused with malaria, others have been attributed to
dirt-eating.
"The hookworms are about half an inch long. They live in the
small intestine, where they suck blood, produce minute
hemorrhages, and in all probability also produce a substance
which acts as a poison. They lay eggs which cannot develop to
maturity in the intestine. These ova escape with the feces and
hatch in about twenty-four hours; the young worm sheds its
skin twice and then is ready to infect man. Infection takes
place through the mouth, either by the hands soiled with
larvae or by infected food. Infection through the drinking
water may possibly occur. Finally, the larvae may enter the
body through the skin and eventually reach the small
intestine.
"Patients may be divided into light cases, in which the
symptoms are very obscure; medium cases, in which the anemia
is more or less marked, and severe cases, represented by the
dwarfed, edematous, anemic dirt-eater. Infection occurs
chiefly in rural sand districts. … Economically, uncinariasis
is very important. It keeps children from school, decreases
capacity for both physical and mental labor, and is one of the
most important factors in determining the present condition of
the poorer whites of the sand and pine districts of the South.
"The disease is carried from the farms to the cotton mills by
the mill hands, but does not spread much in the mills;
nevertheless, it causes a considerable amount of anemia among
the operatives."-
_Ch. Wardell Stiles, Ph. D.,
Report upon the Prevalence and Geographic Distribution
of Hookworm Disease
(Public Health and Marine Hospital Service of the
United States: Hygienic Laboratory, Bulletin No. 10)._
In the autumn of 1909 Mr. John D. Rockefeller placed a fund of
$1,000,000 under the control of a Commission, to be used for
the eradication of the hookworm disease in the United States.
The fund is allotted in annual instalments of $200,000 each.
PUBLIC HEALTH: India: A. D. 1907-1908.
Mortality Statistics and Birth Rate.
According to statistics given in the "Statement Exhibiting the
Moral and Material Progress and Condition of India during the
year 1907-1908," in most provinces the birth-rates exceeded the
death-rates, but in the Punjab the death-rate exceeded the
birth-rate by no less than 21.3 per mille, mainly as a result
of the persistence of plague and the unusual prevalence of
other epidemics. The total number of deaths registered in the
Dependency was 8,399,623, compared with 7,852,330 in 1906.
This constituted a rise of the rate from 34.73 per mille to
37.18. The mean mortality per 1,000 for the quinquennium
ending 1906 was 33.96. The rate in the Punjab was no less than
62.1.
{519}
Throughout the country as a whole cholera was responsible for
1.81 deaths per mille, smallpox for 0.46, fevers for 19.76,
dysentery and diarrhoea for 1.25, and plague for 5.16. In the
previous year (1906) there was a most welcome decline in the
plague death-rate, which fell from 4.17 in 1905 to 1.33. But
in the year under review this malignant disease (which first
appeared in Bombay in 1896) was responsible for the record
number of 1,315,892 deaths. Happily in 1908 there was again a
very rapid decline of mortality, and the preliminary figures
for the year give a total of less than 150,000 deaths, this
being lower than in any year since 1900. The report shows that
plague has been curiously partial in its distribution, many
parts of the Dependency having almost entirely escaped its
ravages. It is shown that the civil hospitals and dispensaries
in India (2,514 in number) treated 412,425 indoor and no fewer
than 24,469,548 outdoor patients.
PUBLIC HEALTH: Japan: A. D. 1904-1905.
Army Sanitation in the War with Russia.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905--at the end.
PUBLIC HEALTH: Malaria:
A Lesson in Practical Hygiene from Italy.
Slowness in using the knowledge gained.
The following is from a letter by Dr. William Osier to the
London _Times_, dated at Rome, March, 3, 1909: "We owe
much to the Italians for their contributions to our knowledge
of the cause of malaria. Laveran’s great discovery was
promptly fathered by Marchiafava and Celli and Golgi, and it
was through their writings that we obtained the fullest
details of the nature and structure of the malarial parasite.
As an old student of the disease and deeply interested in the
practical problems of its prevention, one of my first visits
in Rome was to the Laboratories of Pathology and of Hygiene to
find out from the Directors, Marchiafava and Celli, the
progress of the battle. It was not enough to know the cause;
we had to know how it worked before effective measures could
be taken, and the demonstration by Ross of the transmission of
the disease by the mosquito at once put malaria on the list of
easily preventable infections. Just ten years ago the Italian
Society for the Study of Malaria was founded, and I was able
to get a full report of the work.
"In Professor Celli’s lecture-room hangs the mortality chart
of Italy for the past 20 years. In 1887 malaria ranked with
tuberculosis, pneumonia, and the intestinal disorders of
children as one of the great infections, killing in that year
21,033 persons. The chart shows a gradual reduction in the
death-rate, and in 1906 only 4,871 persons died of the
disease, and in 1907 4,160. This remarkable result has been
very largely due to the sanitary measures introduced by the
society. It has long been known that malaria disappears
‘spontaneously.’ The Fen country is now healthy; parts of
Canada, about Lakes Ontario and Erie, which were formerly
hotbeds of the disease, are now free. This cannot be
attributed altogether to cultivation and drainage. I know
places on the shores of the lakes just mentioned in which the
conditions today are identical with those which I remember as
a boy. The Desjardin Canal Marsh at the extreme western end of
Lake Ontario was a well-known focus of the disease. The marsh
remains, the mosquitoes are there; but a case of malaria is
almost as rare as in England. The disappearance is largely due
to the free use of quinine. The settlers early recognized the
important fact that malaria was a disease liable to recur, and
it became a common practice to take Peruvian bark every spring
and autumn for a year or two after an attack. This is a point
in prophylaxis which the work of the Italian Society has
brought into prominence. From the summary of the decennial
report just issued, the following paragraphs are of interest:
"‘The society has improved the prophylaxis of malaria, and has
introduced into practice the new mechanical measures based on
the defence of the habitation and the individual from the
bites of mosquitoes. This being a relatively expensive
procedure, the society has occupied itself chiefly with the
improvement of the anti-plasmodic prophylaxis—the
administration of quinine. For this purpose it has promoted
and defended legislation for the gratuitous distribution of
quinine to the poor and to all workers in malarial localities.
…
"‘The results have been that since 1902, when the law on State
quinine was promulgated, while the consumption of quinine has
been yearly increasing, the mortality from malaria has
diminished from about 16,000 to about 4,000 yearly; and in the
army, Custom House Offices, and in some communes where the new
laws have been better applied, the morbidity from malaria has
greatly diminished.’
"By these measures, and ‘by means of the agricultural and
agrarian transformation of the land and colonization, rather
than by the destruction of mosquitoes (a thing impossible to
be done by us on a large scale),’ Italy may be freed from the
scourge."
In a lecture at the Royal Institution, London, in May, 1909,
Major Ronald Ross, one of the most notable workers in this
field of sanitary science, spoke discouragingly of the
progress made in applying the knowledge gained. He said:
"The immediate success hoped for ten years ago had not been
attained. The battle still raged along the whole line, but it
was no longer a battle against malaria but against human
stupidity. Those who had taken part in it had reasoned and
been ridiculed; had given the most stringent experimental
proofs and had been disbelieved; had protested and been called
charlatans. … The few persons who had fought the fight and
failed were scarcely able to continue it, and if no stronger
influences could be excited the future of malaria prevention
in British dominions would certainly be as barren as the past
had been."
{520}
PUBLIC HEALTH: Panama Canal:
The Sanitation of the Canal Zone.
Extirpation of Malaria and Yellow Fever.
Report of Secretary Taft.
In the fall of 1905 Secretary Taft made a visit of inspection
to the Canal, and gave, on his return, an interesting account
of the conditions he found, in an address before the St. Louis
Commercial Club. On the work of Sanitation in progress, under
the direction of Dr. W. C. Gorgas, U. S. A., he gave the
following description: "When Judge Magoon [appointed Governor
of the Canal Zone] arrived upon the Isthmus, he found Dr.
Gorgas battling manfully against the yellow fever, but the
cases seemed to be increasing. Judge Magoon conceived the idea
that the fumigation which had been confined to two or three
houses might well be extended to all the houses in Panama, and
at considerable expense, and after procuring a large amount of
material, every house in Panama was fumigated once every two
weeks. To secure increased vigilance and popular assistance he
employed all [the respectable Panamanian physicians of Panama
as inspectors of the districts of that city, at annual
salaries of $1,200 a year. He also offered $50 reward for the
discovery of any case of yellow fever not reported. By methods
of this kind the native apathy, usually so great an obstacle
to successful sanitation in Spanish countries, was
neutralized.
"The plan of fumigation is as follows: Strips of paper are
placed across the windows, which ordinarily have no glass or
any netting in them, and then by the fumes either of sulphur
or pyrethrum every nook and cranny of the house is visited.
These gases are fatal or paralyzing to the mosquito. After
sufficient time has passed the house is opened, and then a
corps of health employees are set to work cleaning the house
and sweeping out the dead mosquitoes, which are found in great
numbers upon the floors. The mosquitoes are burned to avoid
further mischief. By these methods, for which Dr. Gorgas and
Governor Magoon are both to be credited with great praise,
yellow fever has been reduced to a point where during the last
month only three cases were reported, not one of these among
canal employees, and all originating many miles from the canal
line. The efforts to subdue the fever, instead of being
relaxed, are being continued. Square miles of woven-wire
netting with interstices so small as to prevent the entrance
of mosquitoes are spread about the piazzas of the houses of
all Americans and foreigners who come to live under the
auspices of the Canal Commission in the Isthmus. The windows
inside are also screened, and then mosquito-bars on the beds
are used as a third precaution. Whenever a case of yellow
fever is discovered, the patient is at once either removed to
the hospital and put under a woven-wire screen, or, if he
prefers to remain at home, the woven-wire screen is put over
him and an orderly placed in charge of him at his own
residence. In this way he is prevented from furnishing a
supply of the poison to the healthy mosquitoes, who, in turn,
by stinging, would bring it back to man. In other words, the
plan is to kill all the mosquitoes, well or ill, keep them as
much as possible from stinging man, and isolate every man with
yellow fever, not from his fellows, but from mosquitoes. …
Little by little, and facing discouragement after
discouragement, the two thousand employees of the sanitary
department are winning in this fight against disease, upon
which the whole success of the canal work depends. As Mr.
Stevens said to me, when I crossed the Isthmus with him this
month, ‘I take off my hat to the work which the sanitation
department has done in this Canal Zone.’"
A report to the London _Times_, in June, 1909, of
conditions on the Canal and in the Canal Zone, shows the
effectiveness with which this work of sanitation was done.
More arduous than the campaign against yellow fever, says the
writer, "was the campaign against malaria, a disease from
which 80 per cent. of the people were suffering to some
degree. This campaign consisted in warfare against mosquitoes
and in the administration of quinine, and the efforts in this
respect have also been highly successful. In 1906 the
proportion of canal _employés_ treated for malaria was no
less than 821 in the thousand. In 1908 it had fallen to 282 in
the thousand. The general effect of sanitary measures may
best be judged from the death-rate among the tens of thousands
of canal _employés_. In 1906 it was 41.73 to the
thousand, and in 1908 it was only 13.01 to the thousand,
making the canal one of the most healthy industrial
establishments in the world."
PUBLIC HEALTH: PELLAGRA:
Lombroso’s Discovery of its Source.
Its now recognized Seriousness.
In 1872 Cesare Lombroso, the noted criminologist, "incurred a
great deal of odium for a discovery which proved to be of much
scientific and economic importance. He noted the fact that a
large number of the inmates of asylums were suffering from
_pellagra_, a curious disease, which first affected the
skin and afterwards attacked the brain and nervous system.
Lombroso discovered that the disorder was to be traced to a
poison contained in diseased maize, which the Lombardian
landowners were in the habit of doling out to the poor
peasantry. At a time when toxins were unknown, Lombroso
succeeded in extracting the poison from the maize and
infecting animals with it—quite in the manner of modern
bacteriologists. His discovery was received with much
derision; but a friend of Lombroso, M. Alfred Maury, reported
the facts to Berthelot, the Parisian chemist, who analysed the
poison and established the fact that the maize contained an
injurious substance resembling strychnine but differing from
it in important particulars. The validity of Lombroso’s
discovery was thus triumphantly established. He was not
satisfied with this initial success, but for several years
fought on the platform and in the Press for an improvement in
the economic conditions of the peasantry whereby the ravages
of the disease might be combated." In late years his work of
agitation on the subject has been continued by many others.
The disease is of recognized seriousness in Italy, France, and
latterly in the United States. In November, 1909, the American
Government appointed an official commission to investigate it.
PUBLIC HEALTH: PURE FOOD LAWS:
International Congresses.
The first International Congress for discussion and action on
the subject of Pure Food was assembled at Geneva in 1908, and
attended by about 600 persons. The second was held at Paris in
October, 1909, and much more largely attended.
PUBLIC HEALTH: PURE FOOD LAWS: United States: A. D. 1906.
Legislation at the end of a long struggle.
Bulletin No. 104 of the Bureau of Chemistry, Department of
Agriculture, entitled "Food Legislation during the year ended
June 30, 1906," introduces the text of National and State laws
enacted that year with the following remarks: "Food
legislation for the year ended July 1, 1906, is the most
important in the history of the United States. A Federal
pure-food bill in various forms has been before Congress
continuously for more than twenty years, and such a bill
became a law on June 30, 1906. On the same day, as part of the
appropriation bill of the United States Department of
Agriculture, in the sections providing for the Bureau of
Animal Industry, important legislation was enacted with
reference to the inspection of meat and meat food products."
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The Federal Food and Drugs Act of June 30, 1906, enacts in its
first section "That it shall be unlawful for any person to
manufacture within any Territory or the District of Columbia
any article of food or drug which is adulterated or
misbranded, within the meaning of this Act; and any person who
shall violate any of the provisions of this section shall be
guilty of misdemeanor, and for each offense shall, upon
conviction thereof, be fined not to exceed five hundred
dollars or shall be sentenced to one year’s imprisonment, or
both such fine and imprisonment, in the discretion of the
court, and for each subsequent offense and conviction thereof
shall be fined not less than one thousand dollars or sentenced
to one year’s imprisonment, or both such fine and imprisonment,
in the discretion of the court."
The second section declares:
"That the introduction into any State or Territory or the
District of Columbia from any other State or Territory or the
District of Columbia, or from any foreign country, or shipment
to any foreign country of any article of food or drugs which
is adulterated or misbranded within the meaning of this Act,
is hereby prohibited"; and penalties are prescribed for
violations of the law, being a fine not exceeding $200 for the
first offense, and for the second offense a fine not to exceed
$300, or imprisonment not exceeding one year, or both, in the
discretion of the court.
Section 3 reads as follows:
"That the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of
Agriculture, and the Secretary of Commerce and Labor shall
make uniform rules and regulations for carrying out the
provisions of this Act, including the collection and
examination of specimens of foods and drugs manufactured or
offered for sale in the District of Columbia, or in any
Territory of the United States, or which shall be offered for
sale in unbroken packages in any State other than that in
which they shall have been respectively manufactured or
produced, or which shall be received from any foreign country,
or intended for shipment to any foreign country, or which may
be submitted for examination by the chief health, food, or
drug officer of any State, Territory, or the District of
Columbia, or at any domestic or foreign port through which
such product is offered for interstate commerce, or for export
or import between the United States and any foreign port or
country."
Section 4 prescribes the examination of specimens of food and
drugs in the Bureau of Chemistry, and section 5 relates to
prosecutions for violation of the Act. Sections 6, 7, and 8
define adulteration and misbranding, as follows:
"Section 6. That the term ‘drug,’ as used in this Act, shall
include all medicines and preparations recognized in the
United States Pharmacopoeia or National Formulary for internal
or external use, and any substance or mixture of substances
intended to be used for the cure, mitigation, or prevention of
disease of either man or other animals. The term ‘food,’ as
used herein, shall include all articles used for food, drink,
confectionery, or condiment by man or other animals, whether
simple, mixed, or compound.
"Section 7. That for the purposes of this Act an article shall
be deemed to be adulterated:
"In case of drugs:
"First. If, when a drug is sold under or by a name recognized
in the United States Pharmacopoeia or National Formulary, it
differs from the standard of strength, quality, or purity, as
determined by the test laid down in the United States
Pharmacopoeia or National Formulary official at the time of
investigation: _Provided_, That no drug defined in the
United States Pharmacopoeia or National Formulary shall be
deemed to be adulterated under this provision if the standard
of strength, quality, or purity be plainly stated upon the
bottle, box, or other container thereof although the standard
may differ from that determined by the test laid down in the
United States Pharmacopoeia or National Formulary.
"Second. If its strength or purity fall below the professed
standard or quality under which it is sold.
"In the case of confectionery:
"If it contain terra alba, barytes, talc, chrome yellow, or
other mineral substance or poisonous color or flavor, or other
ingredient deleterious or detrimental to health, or any
vinous, malt or spirituous liquor or compound or narcotic
drug.
"In the case of food:
"First.
If any substance has been mixed and packed with it so as to
reduce or lower or injuriously affect its quality or strength.
"Second.
If any substance has been substituted wholly or in part for
the article.
"Third.
If any valuable constituent of the article has been wholly or
in part abstracted.
"Fourth.
If it be mixed, colored, powdered, coated, or stained in a
manner whereby damage or inferiority is concealed.
"Fifth.
If it contain any added poisonous or other added deleterious
ingredient which may render such article injurious to health:
_Provided_, That when in the preparation of food products
for shipment they are preserved by any external application
applied in such manner that the preservative is necessarily
removed mechanically, or by maceration in water, or otherwise,
and directions for the removal of said preservative shall be
printed on the covering of the package, the provisions of this
Act shall be construed as applying only when said products are
ready for consumption.
"Sixth.
If it consists in whole or in part of a filthy, decomposed, or
putrid animal or vegetable substance, or any portion of an
animal unfit for food, whether manufactured or not, or if it
is the product of a diseased animal, or one that has died
otherwise than by slaughter.
"Section 8.
That the term ‘misbranded,’ as used herein, shall apply to all
drugs, or articles of food, or articles which enter into the
composition of food, the package or label of which shall bear
any statement, design, or device regarding such article, or
the ingredients or substances contained therein which shall be
false or misleading in any particular, and to any food or drug
product which is falsely branded as to the State, Territory,
or country in which it is manufactured or produced.
"That for the purposes of this Act an article shall also be
deemed to be misbranded:
"In case of drugs:
"First.
If it be an imitation of or offered for sale under the name of
another article.
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"Second.
If the contents of the package as originally put up shall have
been removed, in whole or in part, and other contents shall
have been placed in such package, or if the package fail to
bear a statement on the label of the quantity or proportion of
any alcohol, morphine, opium, cocaine, heroin, alpha or beta
eucaine, chloroform, cannabis indica, chloral hydrate, or
acetanilide, or any derivative or preparation of any of such
substances contained therein.
"In the case of food:
"First.
If it be an imitation of or offered for sale under the
distinctive name of another article.
"Second.
If it be labeled or branded so as to deceive or mislead the
purchaser, or purport to be a foreign product when not so, or
if the contents of the package as originally put up shall have
been removed in whole or in part and other contents shall have
been placed in such package, or if it fail to bear a statement
on the label of the quantity or proportion of any morphine,
opium, cocaine, heroin, alpha or beta eucaine, chloroform,
cannabis indica, chloral hydrate, or acetanilide, or any
derivative or preparation of any of such substances contained
therein.
"Third.
If in package form, and the contents are stated in terms of
weight or measure, they are not plainly and correctly stated
on the outside of the package.
"Fourth.
If the package containing it or its label shall bear any
statement, design, or device regarding the ingredients or the
substances contained therein, which statement, design, or
device shall be false or misleading in any particular:
_Provided_, That an article of food which does not
contain any added poisonous or deleterious ingredients shall
not be deemed to be adulterated or misbranded in the following
cases:
"First.
In the case of mixtures or compounds which may be now or from
time to time hereafter known as articles of food, under their
own distinctive names, and not an imitation of or offered for
sale under the distinctive name of another article, if the
name be accompanied on the same label or brand with a
statement of the place where said article has been
manufactured or produced.
"Second.
In the case of articles labeled, branded, or tagged so as to
plainly indicate that they are compounds, imitations, or
blends, and the word ‘compound,’ ‘imitation,’ or ‘blend,’ as
the case may be, is plainly stated on the package in which it
is offered for sale: _Provided_, That the term blend as
used herein shall be construed to mean a mixture of like
substances, not excluding harmless coloring or flavoring
ingredients used for the purpose of coloring and flavoring
only: _And provided further_, That nothing in this Act
shall be construed as requiring or compelling proprietors or
manufacturers of proprietary foods which contain no
unwholesome added ingredient to disclose their trade formulas,
except in so far as the provisions of this Act may require to
secure freedom from adulteration or misbranding."
There was never a harder fight in Congress than that by which
this victory was won, over knaveries that, were not ashamed to
insist on their right to swindle and poison the public by
adulterations and frauds. Nothing but a thoroughly roused
public feeling carried the measure through. The same feeling
impelled local legislation to the same end in thirty-two
States, during 1906, and 1907, all of which is set forth in
the Bulletin cited above and in another of the same series
(No. 112), published in two parts in the following year.
Writing in January, 1908, of what the Pure Food Law had
accomplished, the Chairman of the Food Committee of the
National Consumers League, Alice Lakey, said: "One of the most
important results of the Pure Food Law is the awakening of
many consumers to their responsibilities as buyers of food
products. They are studying labels and buying foods
accordingly. With an intelligent consuming public to purchase
goods, the Pure Food Law will in time accomplish its full
purpose. Perhaps no better phrase will then be found to
describe it than the recent utterance of the manager of one of
the most important food firms in the country. ‘The Pure Food
Law,’ he said, ‘passed by this Government, is the most
important law ever passed by any government.’"
PUBLIC HEALTH: United States: A. D. 1906.
The Packing-House Investigation.
One of the influences which forced the passage through
Congress of the pure food legislation of 1906 came from the
revelations in a report laid before the President on the 4th
of June that year, by two commissioners whom he had appointed
to investigate the conditions existing at the stockyards and
packing-houses of Chicago. In communicating the report to
Congress the President characterized its disclosures as
revolting, and it is certain that the whole public was
sickened by the pictures it drew of reckless filthiness
prevailing in the establishments where meats were prepared for
sale in the markets of the country and of the world. We shall
not attempt to reproduce them here.
The most important part of the report concerned the existing
methods of official inspection of meats. The commissioners
found it most rigorous where it is needed least, namely, at
the time of killing. It was while the meat was being handled,
and especially in its preparation for canning, that it
underwent the most pollution. The cans which received it
finally were allowed to bear labels stating that "the contents
of this package have been inspected according to the Act of
Congress of March 3, 1891. Quality Guaranteed." As a matter of
fact, all that had been inspected was the carcass of the
animal at the time of killing.
The further legislation, respecting inspections, which
supplemented the law quoted from above, was resisted with all
their power by the enormously rich meat-packing companies of
the country, who found strong supporters in Congress, but they
had to submit to defeat.
PUBLIC HEALTH:
The Sleeping Sickness in Africa.
"The most formidable enemy of both man and beast in tropical
Africa is the tsetse, species _Glossina_, a genus of
blood-sucking fly peculiar to that land, which carries a
minute parasite, the trypanosome, from the infected to the
healthy, resulting in the production of sleeping sickness,
or trypanosomiasis. When it is known that in the region lying
around Victoria Nyanza, Lake Tanganyika, and the Victorian
Nile over 400,000 human beings have succumbed to this fatal
malady since it appeared about ten years ago, its appalling
nature is apparent. Vast territories of thickly populated,
fertile country near the shores of these lakes, until the
advent of this terrible plague the homes of a happy, contented
people, are now almost depopulated, and thousands of little
villages have been swept away, their inhabitants victims of
this deadly pest.
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"In appearance the tsetse fly bears a remarkable resemblance
to the ordinary house-fly, but is slightly larger, with longer
wings, which extend beyond its body and lap each other when at
rest like the blades of a pair of scissors. It is somber gray,
nearly black in color, almost like the honey-bee, and has a
prominent proboscis ensheathed in the palpi which project
horizontally in front of its head. The abdomen is marked by
four distinct yellowish bands, with a pale spot over the upper
segment. It is wonderfully active, and evades every attempt at
capture except in the cool of the morning or evening, when its
movements are sluggish and it can be caught in the hand. …
"Sleeping sickness has been known in Sierra Leone, in the
Congo, and on the west coast of Africa since the earliest
history of those lands. In 1870 a fossil tsetse fly (Glossina
morsitans) was discovered in Colorado, and the theory has been
advanced that the absence of wild horses on the American
continent was due to the ravages of the disease carried by
these flies.
"The malady was described as early as 1803, and later most
accurately by Livingstone, the great missionary explorer. He
also advocated arsenic in its treatment. This remedy, after
half a century of research and investigation, still retains
its place as the best one known for prolonging life. …
"The period of the incubation of the disease after the bite of
the infected fly varies from a month to several years,
depending upon the resisting power of the patient. In its
earlier stages the first noticeable symptoms are irregular
fever. … This stage may continue a year, or even longer.
"In the following stage the symptoms are due to the
trypanosomes reaching the cerebrospinal fluid, giving rise to
cerebral manifestations; drowsiness, stupor, dullness of
hearing, slowness in perception and of answering questions,
with incapacity for mental exertion, and somnolence, the
patient sometimes sleeping the entire day. This condition may
continue several years, during which time epileptiform
convulsions develop, with marked tremulousness of the muscles
of the face and tongue, the patient becoming maniacal and the
whole symptomatology resembling that of general paresis of the
insane. …
"Previous to 1901 sleeping sickness was unknown in Uganda. How
the present epidemic originated is not positively known. The
most generally accepted theory is that the soldiers of Emin
Pasha and their followers introduced it, as some ten thousand
of them settled in Busoga after the Sudan campaign. …
"The duration of the sleeping sickness in man is very
variable. Occasionally cases linger six or even eight years,
and until the expiration of this period they are constant foci
of infection.
"Recognizing the fatal nature of the disease, the various
nations whose territories are most seriously affected, notably
England, Germany, Portugal, France, and Belgium, appointed
commissioners, with competent assistants, to ascertain methods
for its control. The enormous amount of investigation and
research accomplished by these self-sacrificing men, among
whom may be mentioned Bruce, Koch, Hodges, Broden, Tullock,
Kopke, Martin, Hardy, and Kleine, two of whom forfeited their
lives in the work, entitles their names to be enrolled among
the benefactors of mankind."
_Louis L. Seaman,
The Sleeping Sickness
(The Outlook, January 15, 1909)._
PUBLIC HEALTH: Tuberculosis:
The Organized Warfare for its Eradication.
After the discovery of the all important fact that the most
destroying of the diseases of the human race, tuberculosis
(the dread "consumption" of the older-fashioned nomenclature
of pathology), is in its nature one so propagated from victim
to victim that the propagation is needless, and may absolutely
be ended by right precautions universally applied, there were
ardent workers soon engaged in eager efforts to bring such
measures into use. The beginning of a hopefully inspired
warfare against the disease dates, therefore, from the
identification of the bacillus of tuberculosis by Dr. Robert
Koch, in 1882; but, for nearly two decades after that
inspiration it was little more than a guerrilla undertaking,
by scientifically benevolent individuals and groups, here and
there in the world. It was not until the latest years of the
nineteenth century and the earliest of the twentieth that more
public risings appeared in the movement, and it began to
acquire the momentum of a crusade.
Germany appears to have been earliest in the fundamental
organization of measures to instruct its people in the nature
of the disease, and in the means by which it may be stamped
out; as well as in the provision of special sanatoria and
hospitals for the new open-air treatment of those attacked.
But the Health Department of the City of New York has the
credit of being the first official body to bring the disease
under efficient administrative control. On this subject Dr.
Hermann M. Biggs, in an address delivered, February 16, 1904,
under the auspices of the Henry Phipps Institute and published
in the first annual report of the Institute, said:
"Notwithstanding all that has been said and written,
notwithstanding the popular education and agitation,
notwithstanding the formation of antituberculosis societies
and antituberculosis leagues, notwithstanding the organization
of many associations for the erection of sanatoria, and the
foundation of institutions for the study of tuberculosis,
notwithstanding the measures adopted for the prevention of the
disease in animals, still only a very small percentage of the
governmental, municipal and state sanitary authorities of this
country, Great Britain and the Continent have adopted
provisions which can be regarded as in any way comprehensive,
or effective in dealing with this disease.
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"If we seek for an adequate explanation for this attitude, it
is not, after all, difficult to find. In speaking of this
matter several years ago, Koch said in substance to the
writer: ‘The adoption in Germany of such measures as are
already in force in New York City will not be possible until
the generation of medical men now in control have passed away.
Not until a younger generation has appeared, which has had a
different scientific training, and holds views more in harmony
with the known facts regarding the etiology of tuberculosis,
will it be possible in my opinion to bring about an
intelligent supervision of this disease. … Notification is a
necessary preliminary to any plan of supervision, and yet only
five years ago a special commission of the Academy of Medicine
of Paris reported against a proposition to place tuberculosis
in the class of notifiable diseases. … Sir Richard Thorne, the
Medical Officer to the Local Government Board of Great
Britain, in the Harben lecture in 1898 on ‘The Administrative
Control of Tuberculosis,’ after a careful consideration of the
various problems presented under the English law relating to
infectious diseases, pronounced definitely against this
proposition, on the ground that the hardship to the
individual, which would follow notification and the
enforcement of proper regulations, would be so great as to
render this measure unjustifiable. … The compulsory
notification and registration of all cases is essential. The
fundamental importance of this measure is so evident that its
consideration seems hardly necessary. It must of course appear
at once that unless there is a system of compulsory
notification, and registration, the enforcement of any uniform
measures for prevention is impossible. Practical experience
with this procedure has made it perfectly clear that the
objections which have been urged against it are without force
or foundation.
"In New York City in 1893 a system of partially voluntary and
partially compulsory notification was adopted. Public
institutions were required to report cases coming under their
supervision; private physicians were requested to do this.
Under this provision the Department of Health carried on this
work for three and a half years, and then adopted in 1897
regulations requiring the notification of all cases. … The
mere fact of notification and registration has in itself a
very powerful educational influence. During the year 1902 more
than sixteen thousand cases were reported to the Department of
Health in New York City, of which forty-two hundred were
duplicates, and in 1903 more than seventeen thousand cases
were reported.
"To facilitate the early and definite diagnosis of all cases
of pulmonary tuberculosis, the sanitary authorities should
afford facilities for the free bacteriological examination of
the sputum in all instances of suspected disease. … The
Department of Health of New York City provided facilities for
such examinations in 1894, early in the history of its attempt
to exercise control over the disease, and this procedure has
proved of very great value to the medical profession, to the
sick, and to the authorities. Following the example of New
York City, other sanitary authorities have adopted similar
measures."
_H. M. Biggs,
The Administrative Control of Tuberculosis
(First Annual Report, Henry Phipps Institute, 1905)._
In 1895 a Central Committee was organized in Germany to
establish special hospitals for the disease.
In 1898 the first National Congress for discussion and better
organization of action relative to tuberculosis was held at
Paris, with some attendance from outside of France. The second
National Congress was at Berlin in the following year, with
similar attendance from other countries, and the third at
Naples in 1900. At the Naples Congress a "Central
International Committee for the Prevention of Tuberculosis"
was organized, and it held its first Conference in Berlin,
under the auspices of the Central German Committee, in 1902.
The succeeding meetings of the Central International Committee
were at Paris, 1903, at Copenhagen, 1904, at Paris again,
1904, and there, at that time, the First International
Congress on Tuberculosis was held.
In 1901 the first National Congress in Great Britain for the
discussion of Tuberculosis and for organizing preventive
undertakings was held at London. There were said to be then
fifty sanitaria for its treatment in Germany; in France a
dozen private and two public institutions for the purpose; in
France and Belgium a number of public dispensaries specially
provided for the disease. In that year the State of New York
made its first appropriation for a Tuberculosis Hospital in
the Adirondacks, and a National Sanitarium Association at
Toronto, Canada, secured the site for a hospital.
In 1902, at the annual meeting of the Canada Association for
the Prevention of Tuberculosis, held at Ottawa, Dr. A. S.
Knopf, of New York, speaking of the progress of the
anti-tuberculosis movement, said of the United States: "We
have but a few small societies striving to do the same work
you are doing. They are the Pennsylvania, the Colorado, the
Ohio, the Maine, the Minnesota and the Illinois." Besides
these State Associations the speaker mentioned a few
cities,—Baltimore, Buffalo and Erie County, Cleveland, and St.
Louis,—as having some organization for the work. No national
organization had yet been formed. In this year, however, some
advances of importance within the United States were begun.
Henry Phipps, of New York, pledged the means for supporting a
free Clinic for Tuberculosis at Philadelphia, which expanded
within a year into the Henry Phipps Institute, founded on the
1st of February and incorporated September 1st, 1903, the
purposes of which, as set forth in its charter, are: "The
study of the cause, treatment, and prevention of tuberculosis,
and the dissemination of knowledge on these subjects; the
treatment and the cure of consumptives"; its benefits to be
"administered without regard to race, creed or color." In this
year, too, an active educational work, by weekly free lectures
in the Assembly Hall of the United Charities Building, by
distributing pamphlets, district nursing, etc., was opened in
the City of New York and conducted by a Committee for the
Prevention of Tuberculosis. Massachusetts was now
appropriating money for its second sanatorium. In Great
Britain, Sir Edward Cassell placed £200,000 at the disposal of
the King for Tuberculosis hospitals and Sanatoria.
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The year 1903 witnessed an important meeting at Paris of the
Central International Tuberculosis Committee, which was
stirred by an appeal from Casimir-Perier, ex-President of
France, for "a mobilization of all social forces" against the
devastating disease. The Government of Sweden instituted a
free distribution of pamphlets on the subject of Tuberculosis
throughout the kingdom. In Great Britain a national committee,
representing all important friendly societies and trade
unions, was formed to promote the establishing of sanatoria
for workers. In Belgium, Madame Rene Gauge started the
movement for Open Air Schools. At Baltimore a Tuberculosis
Exhibition which awakened wide interest was arranged by a
Commission appointed by the Governor of Maryland in the
previous year, in cooperation with the Maryland Public Health
Association. State and City organizations for dealing with the
disease and for educating the people to a right understanding
of the means by which it might be stamped out were now
multiplying rapidly throughout the United States.
In 1904 the United States obtained their first comprehensive
organization for the work. The National Association for Study
and Prevention of Tuberculosis was formed at a large meeting
at Atlantic City in June, with Dr. Edward Trudeau of Saranac,
founder of the Saranac cottage sanatoria and pioneer in
America of the open air treatment of the disease, for its
President, and Drs. William Osier, of Baltimore, and Hermann
M. Biggs for Vice Presidents. In Boston, that year, no less
than eighty-one free lectures on Tuberculosis were given in
schools, churches, social settlements, before trade unions and
clubs, under the auspices of the Boston Association, and
70,000 instructive leaflets were distributed. In France a
special Society for the Protection of Children from
Tuberculosis was formed. The Garment-makers Union and the
Typographical Union of New York entered jointly into
undertakings of educational work among their members, and the
Central Federated Union was soon enlisted with them. A
Directory of Institutions and Societies dealing with
Tuberculosis in the United States, published in January, 1905,
described 125 then existing hospitals and sanatoria in which
consumptives may receive treatment, and 32 special
dispensaries; recounting, also, special measures for the
treatment of the disease in penal institutions and hospitals
for the insane.
The most important campaign of 1905 in the crusade, within the
American field, was probably that connected with the great
Tuberculosis Exposition in New York City, prepared and
conducted by the National Association, in cooperation with the
Committee of the New York Charity Organization Society. New
York City, in this year, appropriated $250,000 for a Municipal
Tuberculosis Hospital, located in the Catskill Mountains.
In 1906 a duplication of the Tuberculosis Exposition of the
previous December in New York was carried, as a travelling
exhibit, to different parts of the city, with impressive
effect; and similar exhibits were given in eleven cities of
the United States. It was reported in this year that about
fifty local commissions and associations were actively in
operation in the United States; and that the American
Federation of Labor, as well as the American Federation of
Women’s Clubs, were enlisted with earnestness in the work. The
Fifth International Conference was held this year at The
Hague.
From this time the public awakening to recognition of the
measureless importance and the inspiring hopefulness of the
struggle to extinguish the deadly "white plague" spread
rapidly everywhere, and each year made increasing records of
gains in the work and its effects. Fourteen of the American
States were reported in 1907 as having founded State hospitals
for the disease, supported from public funds, while measures
were in progress to that end in a number of other States.
In 1908 a most powerful impulse to the crusade in America was
imparted by the meeting at Washington, that year, of the
International Congress on Tuberculosis, with a large
attendance of the most distinguished captains of the warfare
from abroad. The local interest aroused was beyond
expectation. As one writer described the meetings of the seven
sections of the Congress, from September 28 to October 3,
"scientists of international reputation and doctors from
country villages, clubwomen, architects, social workers,
manufacturers, teachers, labor men, Socialists, literary men,
lawyers and lawmakers, society women, and the clergy, were all
there, not only to listen, but to take part."
The subjects which received the most discussion at the
Congress were the compulsory notification of pulmonary
tuberculosis, the cooperation between official and
non-official agencies for the prevention of the disease, the
relationship between dispensaries, sanatoria, and hospitals
for advanced cases, and the difference between the human and
the bovine types of the bacillus. On this latter subject Dr.
Koch, who was present, maintained his belief that bovine
tuberculosis is not communicable to mankind, but failed to
convince the majority of the scientists present. The British
delegates to the Congress in their subsequent report of it,
published in April, 1909, attached particular importance to
the discussions on the subject of the compulsory notification
of cases of tuberculosis, and pointed out that in New York the
notifications were shown to be four times as numerous as the
deaths, which indicated a more complete system than any yet
operative in Great Britain. It appeared from their report,
however, that, since the Washington meeting, the system of
voluntary notification already practised in many parts of
England had been extended by order of the Local Government
Board, and rendered compulsory in the case of all patients
suffering from pulmonary tuberculosis, who came under the
official care of a parochial medical officer.
Statistics quoted in the New York _Evening Post_ of May
8, 1909, from the _Imperial Gazette_, show that in recent
years there has been a steady decrease in the number of deaths
in Germany from tuberculosis, and especially from tuberculosis
of the lungs. The figures are based upon the monthly reports
of deaths in 350 of the largest centres of population in the
empire, and upon annual reports as to the causes of deaths
from nearly all districts, as supplied to the Imperial Board
of Health. The average of deaths per 100,000 in 1905 was
226.6. In 1908 the average had fallen to 192.15. For the rural
and urban population combined statistics are forthcoming for
97 per cent. of the total population, divided into two
classes—persons below the age of fifteen, and persons between
fifteen and sixty.
{526}
In the latter class the average number of deaths annually
between 1898 and 1902 from tuberculosis in all forms was
268.5, and from tuberculosis of the lungs, 255.7 per 100,000.
During the period 1903-1907 the annual averages decreased to
242.8 and 228.8 per 100,000, respectively. The figures,
however, for tuberculosis of all kinds among children between
the ages of one year and fifteen show an average annual
increase in deaths per 100,000 from 77.9 during the period
1898-1902 to 81.1 during the period 1903-1907. Yet during the
latter period of five years the actual number of deaths among
children has gradually decreased from 16,250 in 1905 to 14,283
in 1907. For the two classes together the annual average of
deaths per 100,000 was as follows: From 1898-1902—from
tuberculosis in all forms, 214.1, and from tuberculosis of the
lungs 195.2; from 1903-1907—from tuberculosis in all forms
197.8, and from tuberculosis of the lungs 174.2.
According to a bulletin published in October, 1909, by Cressy
L. Wilbur, Chief Statistician of the division of Vital
Statistics in the United States Census Bureau, the warfare
against tuberculosis has begun to show general effects in the
United States. The statistics given are based on the annual
returns of deaths from the death-registration areas of the
country, which are far from comprehending the whole. The total
number of deaths from all forms of tuberculosis returned in
1908 was 78,289, exceeding those of any previous year of
registration, but the death rate per 100,000 for 1908 is
considerably less than that for 1907. In all registration
States the death from tuberculosis showed a decline, except in
Colorado, Rhode Island, and Vermont.
A Press despatch from Washington, August 9, 1909, announced
that "a plan for the organization of negro anti-tuberculosis
leagues in the various States, proposed recently by the United
States Public Health and Marine Hospital Service, has met with
a quick response. Already five State organizations have been
formed, and the movement has received the endorsement of the
last conference of the State and Territorial boards of health.
State leagues have been formed in Georgia, Louisiana,
Mississippi, North Carolina, and Virginia. One of the
principal features of the plan is the issuance of a large
certificate of membership to each supporter of the movement.
Branches of the State leagues are to be established in the
various negro churches."
In July, 1909, the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company made
application to the New York State Insurance Department for
permission to purchase a tract of land, 3000 acres or more,
and erect thereon a sanatorium for the treatment of its
employees, and possibly of its policy-holders who suffered
from tuberculosis. The company was said to have ascertained
that among the holders of its 9,000,000 policies there
occurred, on the average, a death every thirty-two minutes
from tuberculosis, and that, regarded wholly from the economic
standpoint, it would be more than justified in applying its
funds to such a measure for saving or prolonging life in that
body of people. The Superintendent of Insurance was unable,
however, to find any warrant in law for authorizing the
undertaking, and felt required to deny the application. The
company appealed from his decision to the courts, and the
Appellate Division of the Supreme Court of the State handed
down a decision early in January, 1910, declaring the plan to
purchase real estate to be used as a hospital for the care and
treatment of its employees who are afflicted with tuberculosis
does not violate that provision of the law which prohibits
insurance companies from acquiring real estate for any purpose
other than that of the transaction of their own business. "The
court passes lightly over the question of the possibility of
the hospital being used, in case vacancies exist in it, for
the accommodation of selected cases from among the
policy-holders. This possibility, it seems, had been indicated
in the original petition, but ‘the briefs of counsel upon
either side,’ says the court, ‘have practically eliminated
that question.’ In such a use of the hospital there might be
serious question of a precedent that would be open to grave
objection."
Gifts to the amount of $700,000 for the establishment of a
tuberculosis preventorium for children were announced from New
York, through the Associated Press, November 9, 1909. The
further statement was made that, "in connection with the
tuberculosis preventorium a movement has been organized which
purposes to take from New York tenements children who have
been affected with tuberculosis and restore them to normal
health before it is too late. The plan was formally organized
at a meeting this afternoon in the Fifth avenue residence of
Henry Phipps. A contribution to the work by Nathan Straus
includes a $500,000 cottage and estate at Lakewood, New
Jersey, occupied by the late Grover Cleveland just before his
death. There the new institution will have its home. Miss
Dorothy Whitney contributed a $100,000 endowment fund."
PUBLIC HEALTH: Yellow Fever:
Eradication in Cuba, at Rio Janeiro,
and in French Western Africa.
"Three signal victories have been gained over yellow fever
during these later years—in Cuba, in Brazil, and in Dakar, in
West Africa. The first is the most memorable of these events.
It is the purification of the endemic center at Habana. This
occurred in 1901, during the United States occupation. The
daily press in countless articles has spread the details. We
know that Brigadier General Leonard Wood, governor of Habana,
decreed one fine day that the plague should be wiped out and
the mosquitoes destroyed throughout the entire city of Habana
and its suburbs, and we know that it was done. …
"The theory was that the mosquito is the sole disseminator of
the disease. This is precisely what the United States
commission, appointed the year before, had just proven. It had
shown that all the other supposed cases of contagion were
imaginary. …
"The yellow fever Stegomya does not breed in swamps. It has
not the habits of the Anophele of the marsh, the malaria
mosquito. It does not live like that one, in the open country,
but dwells in houses. It is a domestic insect. It stays at
home, is wary, and is sensitive to the weather. Like many
other mosquitoes, it never goes more than 500 or 600 yards
away from its breeding place and journeys only when its home
—a vessel or a carriage—journeys. There is no need to fear
that the insect may be carried far by the wind, for it dreads
the wind. It does not trust itself outdoors when there is the
slightest breeze. The problem is thus simplified.
{527}
It is no longer a question of protecting immense areas. It is
enough to protect the house and its immediate environs—the
city and a limited surrounding zone. Still it would be useless
to capture the insect on the wing or at rest. It is permitted
to complete its short life, but is not allowed to have
offspring . The female is prevented from laying its eggs. This
is accomplished by draining stagnant water left in so many
gardens and household utensils where the mosquito seeks a
breeding place. Hence the efficacy of the measures which
forbade the people of Habana from keeping water in any other
way than in covered receptacles or with a coat of oil or
petroleum on top.
"The success of the measures taken by the American physicians,
Gorgas, Finlay, and Guiteras, in Habana, was complete. Yellow
fever has disappeared from there. On April 4, 1904, the
President of the Republic of Cuba, in his message to the
Congress, spoke thus:
"‘There has not been in Cuba since 1901 a single case of
yellow fever not imported. The country should know of this
excellent sanitary condition, which is due to the perfection
of prophylactic measures and the vigilance of the health
authorities.’
"Events happened in the same way in Brazil. Dr. Oswald Cruz,
in charge of the organization of the campaign against yellow
fever, with equal success repeated at Rio de Janeiro what had
been done in Habana. The enforcement of the measures began
April 20, 1903. The mortality which before had averaged 150
deaths a month fell to 8 in the month of April and to 4 in
June. In January, 1904, there were recorded only 3 deaths.
"France decided to follow these encouraging examples. The
governor-general of French Western Africa, M. Roume, adopted
an administration analogous to that of Habana and Rio de
Janeiro, and he knew how to profit by these examples."
_A. Dastre,
The Fight against Yellow Fever
(Annual Report, Smithsonian Institution,
1904-1905, pages 348-350)._
----------PUBLIC HEALTH: End--------
PUBLIC UTILITIES, Regulation of:
The New York and Wisconsin Laws.
The most comprehensive and well-prepared legislation yet
directed in the United States to the control and regulation of
corporations which render services to the public, of the
nature described by the term "public utilities," is
undoubtedly embodied in the New York and Wisconsin laws,
enacted in 1907. Both States, and many others, had
experimented previously with measures for establishing a
certain degree of supervision and regulation over railway
corporations, gas companies, and the like, dealing separately
with them; but, excepting perhaps, in the case of
Massachusetts, this had not been satisfactorily effective.
Governor Hughes, of New York, was the real author of the
Public Utilities Law enacted in that State in 1907, and his
influence was the impelling force which carried it through the
Legislature.
See(in this Volume)
NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1910).
Almost equally, ex-Governor La Follette must be credited, not
immediately, but primarily, with the organization of the
forces which brought out the Wisconsin Law.
The two enactments are compared by Professor John R. Commons
in an article published in the _American Review of
Reviews_, of August, 1907, from which the following
passages are quoted:
"The Wisconsin and New York laws are alike in that both State
utilities like railroads and municipal utilities like gas are
brought under the regulation of the same commission. They
differ from the laws of Massachusetts, which provide a
separate commission for railways. These three States, however,
are the only ones that regulate municipal utilities through a
State commission. Many other States have railroad commissions,
but they leave whatever regulation they have of local
utilities to the local governments. … A significant feature of
the Wisconsin legislation is its disregard of stocks and bonds
and its reliance on the physical valuation of the property as
the first step in regulation. The New York law and the
Street-Railway law of Massachusetts attack the problem of
regulation through the control of future capitalization. The
New York commissions have power to prohibit the issue and
transfer of stocks, bonds, and other evidence of indebtedness,
and to prevent the transfer of shares to holding companies.
The Wisconsin law begins at the other end of the problem and,
for the purpose both of regulation and of publicity, inquires
into the present structural value of the property. This does
not mean that the commission shall disregard other elements of
valuation,—in fact, it is required by the law to take all
elements into account, as indeed the courts would require if
it did not. But the physical valuation is necessary in order
that the public and the courts may know exactly how much is
allowed for the other elements. The commission is required to
value all of the properties in the State and to publish both
the actual value ascertained when all elements are taken into
account and the physical value ascertained by its engineers. …
"The [Wisconsin] law as finally adopted consists really of
three laws: First, an amendment to the Railway law of 1905,
placing telegraph companies and street railways under the same
provisions as steam railways and interurban electric lines;
second, the Public-Utilities law proper, regulating heat,
light, water, power, and telephone companies; third, a
Street-Railway law providing for indeterminate permits similar
to those of the Public-Utilities law. A fourth bill, requiring
physical connection and prohibiting duplication of telephone
exchanges, was defeated by a vote of the Assembly."
The New York Law created two Public Utilities Commissions of
five members each, one having jurisdiction in a district
comprising New York City alone, the district of the other
(known as the Up-State Commission) comprehending the remainder
of the State. The five-year terms of the Commissioners expire
in successive years. Appointed by the Governor, they are
intended to be men of the highest character and
qualifications, and receive salaries of $15,000 each. The
appointments by Governor Hughes for the New York City
Commission were of ex-Postmaster William R. Wilcox, William
McCarroll, Edward M. Bassett, Milo R. Maltbie, John E. Eustis.
For the Up-State Commission he named originally Honorable
Frank W. Stevens, of Jamestown, Charles H. Keep, of Buffalo,
Thomas M. Osborne, of Auburn, James E. Sague and Martin S.
Decker. Mr. Keep resigned subsequently to accept the
presidency of an important New York City bank, and John B.
Olmsted, of Buffalo, was appointed in his place.
{528}
PUBLIC UTILITIES:
New York City Gas Company.
In 1906 the New York Legislature passed a bill reducing the
price of gas in New York City to 80 cents per thousand feet.
The gas companies claimed that this rate was confiscatory.
Pending final decision of the matter the citizens were
compelled to pay the old rate of $1.00 per thousand.
Ultimately the law was sustained, and the gas companies
refunded over eight millions of dollars in 1909 to the
consumers of the past three years.
See, also (in this Volume),
RAILWAYS.
PUNJAB: The Plague.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH: BUBONIC PLAGUE.
PUNJAB:
Terrific Earthquake.
See(in this Volume)
EARTHQUAKES: INDIA: A. D. 1905.
PURE FOOD LEGISLATION.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH.
PU-YI (Hsuan-Tung):
Child Emperor of China.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).
Q.
QUEBEC, City of: A. D. 1908.
Tercentenary Celebration of its Founding.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1908 (JULY).
QUEBEC, Province of: A. D. 1901.
Census.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.
R.
----------RACE PROBLEMS: Start--------
RACE PROBLEMS: In Australia:
Between Europeans and Asiatics.
"Australia occupies a unique position among the nations. It is
an island, lying far from the populated centres of the Old
World and in close proximity to Java and the teeming millions
of Southern and Eastern Asia, who at any time may bear down in
flood upon the scanty forces of the defenders. These pent-up
myriads are at present in a state of unrest, and there are
evidences of a distinct inclination on their part to break
bounds and descend upon the coasts of the great southern land.
On the north-eastern shores of the continent they have already
broken through the thin red line of the British, and have
firmly established themselves in the country beyond. Thursday
Island, which stands at the northern entrance of the passage
between the Great Barrier Reef and the shores of Queensland,
has been styled the Gibraltar of Australia, and large sums of
money have been spent by the Imperial and Australian
Governments in fortifying it. Since it became open to the
Eastern nations, the Japanese have discovered twenty different
channels through the reef, by any one of which they could
avoid the forts and gain an entrance to the sea within the
barrier. A few years ago there were 2000 Europeans on Thursday
Island, engaged in the pearl-shelling industry; but they were
gradually elbowed out until to-day they number less than 100.
"The late Professor C. H. Pearson, at one time Minister for
Education in Victoria, and one of the most intellectual
statesmen who ever resided in Australia, in his _National
Life and Character_, admirably summarised the dangers to
which his adopted country was exposed by reason of its
situation, and the motives which actuated the various colonial
Governments in passing enactments designed to place some
restriction on the wholesale flooding of their territories.
"‘The fear of Chinese immigration which the Australian
democracy cherishes, and which Englishmen at home find it hard
to understand, is, in fact, the instinct of self-preservation,
quickened by experience. We know that coloured and white
labour cannot exist side by side; we are well aware that China
can swamp us with a single year’s surplus of population; and
we know that if national existence is sacrificed to the
working of a few mines and sugar plantations, it is not the
Englishmen in Australia alone, but the whole civilised world
that will be the losers. Transform the northern half of our
continent into a Natal, with thirteen out of fourteen
belonging to an inferior race, and the southern half will
speedily approximate to the condition of Cape Colony, where
the whites are indeed a masterful minority, but still only as
one in four. We are guarding the last part of the world in
which the higher races can live and increase freely for the
higher civilisation. It is idle to say that if all this should
come to pass our pride of place will not be humiliated. We are
struggling among ourselves for supremacy in a world which we
thought as destined to belong to the Aryan race and to the
Christian faith, to the letters and arts and charm of social
manners which we have inherited from the best times of the
past. We shall wake to find ourselves elbowed and hustled,
perhaps even thrust aside by peoples whom we looked down upon
as servile and thought of as bound always to minister to our
needs.’ …
"The Greater Britain that is to be may be the best security
for the Mother Land in years to come, and her natural ally and
friend. Australian statesmen claim that they are not only
safe-guarding British interests, but also legislating for
posterity and looking forward to the time—perhaps a century
hence—when the population of the Commonwealth may be one
hundred millions or even more.
{529}
"At the present the Australian race is in a plastic condition,
and whether it will become, as Marcus Clarke predicted, ‘a
fierce and turbulent democracy, sweeping contemporary
civilisation before it,’ or, as seems more probable, a
practical and enlightened people, troubles it little. Leaders
and followers of every political cast, Conservatives,
Liberals, and Radicals, have now but one national ideal—Purity
of Race. They recognise that hybrids cannot make a great
nation; that an infusion of Chinese, Japanese, or Indo-Chinese
blood must result in race deterioration; and that, if they are
to live happily and prosperously, it must be with no strangers
within their gates other than those of Caucasian descent who
are able to conform to the conditions and customs of civilised
communities."
_O. P. Law, W. T. Gill,
A White Australia
(Nineteenth Century, January, 1904)._
"The great Australian Commonwealth has indeed gone very far in
many directions in its war against workers of other races than
the white. Thus, no contract can be made for the carrying of
Australian mails with any steamship line which allows a
colored man to work on any of its ships. This is a new
measure, and it has been of late the subject of a lively
controversy between the Australian government and the two
Chamberlains in London,—namely, Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, the
colonial secretary, and his son, Mr. Austin Chamberlain, who
is now serving as British postmaster-general.
"The fact is that mail-carrying steamship companies which have
hitherto performed the service of carrying mails back and
forth between Great Britain and the Australian ports have been
largely manned by dark-skinned British subjects who are
natives of India, and the British Government is under a
special obligation not to discriminate against these Indians
in view of certain clauses in what is known as the Mutiny Act
in India. These same ships, it is to be remembered, will
carry, also, the Indian mails, and it would be manifestly
impossible for Lord Curzon’s government of India to join in
mail contracts containing clauses excluding dark-skinned men
from employment."
_American Review of Reviews,
September, 1903._
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1909.
RACE PROBLEMS: In Canada:
Hostility to Asiatic Labor.
Restriction of Chinese Immigration.
Riotous attacks on Japanese, Chinese, and Hindu
Laborers in British Columbia.
The opposition of organized labor to Asiatic immigration, on
the Canadian Pacific Coast, directed first against an influx
of Chinese, brought about, in 1904, the imposition of a
head-tax of $500 on every person of Chinese origin entering
Canada thereafter, with the following exceptions:
"(a) The members of the diplomatic corps, or other government
representatives, their suites and their servants, and consuls
and consular agents;
"(b) The children born in Canada of parents of Chinese origin
and who have left Canada for educational or other purposes, on
substantiating their identity to the satisfaction of the
controller at the port or place where they seek to enter on
their return;
"(c) Merchants, their wives and children, the wives and
children of clergymen, tourists, men of science and students,
who shall substantiate their status to the satisfaction of the
controller, subject to the approval of the Minister, or who
are bearers of certificates of identity, or other similar
documents issued by the government or by a recognized official
or representative of the government whose subjects they are,
specifying their occupation and their object in coming into
Canada."
This was an effective restriction; but left the door open to
other "coolie" laborers, so-called, from Japan and India,
whence large numbers were soon coming into British Columbia,
and the labor agitation was directed against them, on the
Canadian as well as the United States side of the line in the
farther Northwest. It came to its climax of violence in the
fall of 1907, when serious riots broke out at Vancouver,
British Columbia, and at Bellingham, in the State of
Washington. Many hundreds of Japanese, Chinese, and Hindus had
been employed in the lumber mills and canneries of the
Washington and British Columbia coast towns, displacing white
labor. "In each case a mob of white men raided the mills where
the foreigners were employed, battered down the doors of their
lodging houses, dragged the Hindus from their beds, and drove
them with violence from the town. The Hindus of Bellingham
fled northward to the protection of the British flag. At
Vancouver the rioters also attacked Chinese and Japanese
merchants and laborers, breaking into their shops and
pillaging and destroying $20,000 worth of property. Two
thousand Chinese and Japanese were driven from their homes.
Later, a number of Japanese immigrants, just landed from a
steamer, were attacked and in the riot that followed Baron
Ishii, chief of the Japanese Bureau of Foreign Commerce, was
severely injured. The Orientals, under the leadership of the
Japanese, immediately organized for defense, and, having
secured firearms and other weapons, the situation took on a
very serious aspect."
The situation was made especially embarrassing to the British
and Canadian Governments by the relations of alliance existing
between Great Britain and Japan, and by the fact that the
Hindus attacked are British subjects, having their established
rights as such. But skilful and careful handling of the matter
was successful in quieting the trouble, possibly in a lasting
way. The Japanese Government, on its own part, has undertaken
to restrict the emigration of its laboring classes to Canada
as well as to the United States.
Important changes in the regulations governing the immigration
of Chinese were announced in a despatch from Ottawa, July 11,
1909:
"While the poll-tax of £100 on coolies is retained, the
restrictions applicable to students and the sons of Chinese
merchants are considerably modified. Students who already
possess a liberal education, but desire to pursue a higher
course of study in any Canadian University or college, are
exempt from the tax. Students who intend to pursue their
studies in the Dominion but are unable to produce proof of
their status on entry are required to deposit the amount of
the tax, but the money will be refunded on production of a
certificate that they have passed two scholastic years at some
seat of learning. The present law permits all Chinese visiting
China to return to Canada within a year without a second
payment. This has been a hardship to Chinese who have been
ill. The new regulation, therefore, extends the time of
exemption in such cases to 18 months, provided that
satisfactory proof be furnished."
{530}
RACE PROBLEMS: In Jamaica: Between White and Black:
The Problem Non-existent.
Solved by Good Sense, Right Feeling, and Just Law.
In the _International Journal of Ethics_ for May, 1906,
Professor Royce reports of several visits to Jamaica,—where
14,000 or 15,000 white inhabitants are living with about
650,000 black and mulatto people,—that he had found no race
problem existing—no racial antagonism—no public discussion of
race equality or superiority. He accounts for this untroubled
relation between colored and uncolored fellow citizens and
neighbors as follows:
"When once the sad period of emancipation and of subsequent
occasional disorder was passed, the Englishman did in Jamaica
what he has so often and so well done elsewhere. He organized
his colony; he established good local courts, which gained by
square treatment the confidence of the blacks. The judges of
such courts were Englishmen. The English ruler also provided a
good country constabulary, in which native blacks also found
service, and in which they could exercise authority over other
blacks. Black men, in other words, were trained,—under English
management, of course,—to police black men. A sound civil
service was also organized; and in that educated negroes found
in due time their place, while the chiefs of each branch of
the service were and are, in the main, Englishmen. The excise
and the health services, both of which are very highly
developed, have brought the law near to the life of the
humblest negro, in ways which he sometimes finds, of course,
restraining, but which he also frequently finds beneficent.
Hence, he is accustomed to the law; he sees its ministers
often, and often, too, as men of his own race; and in the main
he is fond of order, and respectful toward the established
ways of society. The Jamaica negro is described by those who
know him as especially fond of bringing his petty quarrels and
personal grievances into court. He is litigious just as he is
vivacious. But this confidence in the law is just what the
courts have encouraged. That is one way, in fact, to deal with
the too forward and strident negro. Encourage him to air his
grievances in court, listen to him patiently, and fine him
when he deserves fines. That is a truly English type of social
pedagogy. It works in the direction of making the negro a
conscious helper toward good social order.
"Administration, I say, has done the larger half of the work
of solving Jamaica’s race problem. Administration has filled
the Island with good roads, has reduced to a minimum the
tropical diseases by means of an excellent health service, has
taught the population loyalty and order, has led them some
steps already on the long road ‘up from slavery,’ has given
them, in many cases, the true self-respect of those who
themselves officially cooperate in the work of the law, and it
has done this without any such result as our Southern friends
nowadays conceive when they think of what is called ‘negro
domination.’ Administration has allayed ancient irritations.
It has gone far to offset the serious economic and tropical
troubles from which Jamaica meanwhile suffers.
"Yes, the work has been done by administration,—and by
reticence. For the Englishman, in his official and
governmental dealings with backward peoples, has a great way
of being superior without very often publicly saying that he
is superior. You well know that in dealing, as an individual,
with other individuals trouble is seldom made by the fact that
you are actually the superior of another man in any respect.
The trouble comes when you tell the other man too stridently
that you are his superior. Be my superior, quietly, simply
showing your superiority in your deeds, and very likely I
shall love you for the very fact of your superiority. For we
all love our leaders. But tell me that I am your inferior, and
then perhaps I may grow boyish, and may throw stones. Well, it
is so with races. Grant, then, that yours is the superior
race. Then you can afford to say little about that subject in
your public dealings with the backward race. Superiority is
best shown by good deeds and by few boasts."
RACE PROBLEMS: In South Africa:
Between White and Black.
"The native population of Africa south of the Zambesi is ten
millions. The white population is under one million. To-day
the majority of the natives are in a semi-savage condition.
But the day may come when they shall have emerged from that
condition, and have attained the degree of civilisation which
prevails amongst the negroes, their kindred, in the United
States. The process of evolution has begun. When it is
completed, the relative position of the black and white
populations in South Africa will be—what? Look to the United
States and you shall find some hint of the answer.
"The native population of Cape Colony, including the
territories, is, in round numbers, 1,200,000, and the white
population 377,000. Day by day the power of the native grows.
The gate of the political arena stands wide open to him, and
he is not slow to enter. With the exception of natives
occupying lands under tribal tenure (an important exception,
but one that is constantly diminishing), every male person,
irrespective of colour, race, and creed, and above the age of
twenty-one years, and born or naturalised a British subject,
is entitled to the full franchise after one year’s residence
in the Colony, provided he occupies property of the value of
£75 or is in receipt of wages of not less than £50 annually,
and is able to sign his name and state in writing his address
and occupation. Such a franchise would horrify the average
American in the South, and unquestionably it will have to be
radically amended unless the colonists are prepared to endure
political annihilation. At present neither Bondsman nor
Progressive will face the situation. Neither wishes to
alienate the substantial aid which his party gets from the
natives. …
"Bitter as the feud between Englishman and Dutchman is to-day,
it will pass when both realise, as they are bound sooner or
later to realise, that only by presenting a solid front to the
oncoming hordes of superficially civilised blacks can they
escape complete annihilation. For generations, if not for all
time, the natives in South Africa must enormously outnumber
the whites. In the olden days, tribal wars and wars with the
white man, to say nothing of famines, and pestilence, served
to counterbalance the prolificness of the native. These checks
are no more."
_Roderick Jones,
The Black Peril in South Africa
(Nineteenth Century, May, 1904)._
On the suffrage question for natives, connected with the Union
of South African States.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.
{531}
RACE PROBLEMS: A. D. 1903-1908.
Between Boers and British Indians.
The British Government has many troublesome problems to deal
with, as the consequence of its having drawn the reins of its
sovereignty over the necks of a motley multitude of races; but
none among them, perhaps, has been more delicately difficult
than one which arose between its native subjects in India, who
pressed with eagerness into South African fields of trade, and
its Boer subjects in South Africa, who have been stubbornly
opposed to their doing so. Great Britain has had the most
pressing reasons for avoiding offence to either of these
peoples, and no controversy could have arisen more
unfortunately in its circumstances and time.
Before the Boer-British War, there had been Indian complaints
of ill-treatment in the Transvaal, which added something to
the controversies of Great Britain with the South African
Republic. After the war, when British authority had become
supreme at Pretoria, it found a legacy of existing law which
was embarrassing at once. The situation was described in a
despatch of May 11, 1903, from Viscount Milner, the British
High Commissioner, to the Colonial Secretary at London, Mr.
Chamberlain, in which he attempted to exhibit, as he said,
"the difficulty which besets any kind of action on this thorny
question." The Government, he wrote, is "between two fires. On
the one hand, it is accused of not enforcing the present law
with sufficient strictness and is called upon to legislate in
the direction of a complete exclusion of Asiatics, except as
indentured labourers. Even in that capacity, their
introduction meets with strenuous opposition. On the other
hand, the Asiatics, of whom British Indians form by far the
most numerous section, not only protest against any fresh
legislation but demand the repeal of the existing law.
"The position which the Government of the Transvaal have taken
up in the matter is one of which I entirely approve. They are
unwilling, without the previous approval of His Majesty’s
Government, to embark on any legislation on this subject, to
the difficulties of which they are fully alive, and have
accordingly decided that, pending fresh legislation, they have
no option but to carry out the existing law. They are anxious,
however, to do so in the manner most considerate to the
Indians already settled in the country, and with the greatest
respect for vested interests, even where these have been
allowed to spring up contrary to law. This is in accordance
with the principle on which they have proceeded throughout,
namely, that the laws of the late Republic, imperfect as they
are in many respects, and contrary, very often, to British
ideas, must, nevertheless, be enforced until they can be
replaced by more satisfactory legislation."
The desired new legislation on this "thorny question" does not
seem to have been attempted during the period in which local
self-government in the Transvaal was entirely suspended; but
in 1906, after the first step toward its restoration had been
taken, the semi-autonomous authority then organized there
adopted an ordinance on the subject of Asiatic residence in
the Colony which Lord Elgin, who had succeeded Mr. Chamberlain
in the Colonial Office, disapproved. In the next year,
however, when the full measure of colonial autonomy had been
conferred by the Imperial Government (see, in this Volume,
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1905-1907), essentially the same
provisions were embodied in an enactment by the new Transvaal
Legislature, entitled "The Asiatic Law Amendment Act, 1907,"
and Lord Elgin could not venture to disapprove them again, for
the reasons which he stated thus to the Colonial Governor:
"The Act which is now submitted has behind it a very different
weight of authority. It has been introduced by the first
responsible Ministry of the Colony, and has been passed
unanimously by both Houses of the new Legislature. I consider
it my duty to place it on record that His Majesty’s Government
do not consider the position of Asiatics lawfully resident in
the Transvaal, as settled by this Act, to be satisfactory;
that they adhere to the opinions which have been expressed by
successive Secretaries of State as to the desirability of
relaxing the restrictions to which Asiatics are at present
subject; and that they commend this view to the Transvaal
Government in the hope that it may be carefully considered how
far practical effect can be given to it. But they feel that
they would not be justified in offering resistance to the
general will of the Colony clearly expressed by its first
elected representatives; and I have accordingly to inform you
that His Majesty will not be advised to exercise his power of
disallowance with respect to the Act." This measure was
followed presently by an "Immigrants’ Restriction Act, 1907,"
which accentuated still further the inhospitality of Transvaal
legislation, and made more serious trouble for the British
Government, not only with its Indian subjects, but with the
Chinese. On the effect of the two acts upon British Indians
Lord Elgin wrote to Mr. Morley, Secretary of State for India
(October 10, 1907):
"The practical effect of Section 2 (4) will be to prevent the
further immigration into the Transvaal of British Indians or
other Asiatics. As Mr. Morley is aware, throughout the
correspondence which has passed on this subject, His Majesty’s
Government have practically limited themselves to endeavouring
to secure more favourable treatment for those Asiatics who
have already acquired a right to reside in the Colony, and the
competence of the Colonial Legislature and Government to
restrict further immigration by means of legislation similar
to that already adopted in other self-governing Colonies has
not been disputed. … Moreover, in the interests of British
Indians themselves, it is probably desirable, in view of the
state of Colonial feeling, that further immigration should be
restricted. Lord Elgin does not, therefore, propose to raise
any objection to this provision.
"Section 6 (c) must be considered in connection with the
recent Asiatic Law Amendment Act. Under that Act, Asiatics
failing to register may be ordered to leave the Colony; and
failure to comply with such an order is punishable by
imprisonment. The object of this section, as explained by the
Attorney-General in his report is to enable the Government to
deport, in lieu of imprisoning, Asiatics who fail to register
under the Asiatic Law Amendment Act.
{532}
While Lord Elgin feels that the free exercise of so drastic a
power would be greatly to be deprecated, he doubts whether His
Majesty’s Government can consistently object to a provision
the object of which is to enable the Colonial Government to
enforce the observance of the Asiatic Law Amendment Act, which
His Majesty’s Government have allowed to become law, and to
which the British Indian community appears at present to be
disposed to offer an organised resistance. He therefore
proposes, subject to any representation which Mr. Morley may
wish to make, to accept this provision also."
The India Office could only say in reply:
"Since the Asiatic Law Amendment Act, 1907, has received His
Majesty’s sanction, Mr. Morley recognizes that it would be
inconsistent to object to a clause framed merely in order to
ensure the efficient administration of that Act so far as it
affects persons already in the Transvaal. … It is true that
under the Asiatic Law Amendment Act of 1907, the Colonial
Government may grant temporary permits. Mr. Morley presumes
that this power will, if the occasion arise, be used to
prevent such a gross scandal as the exclusion from the Colony
of ruling chiefs, Indians of distinguished position, and high
officials of Asiatic descent on the ground that they are
‘undesirable immigrants.’ But he thinks that it would be
satisfactory to obtain a definite assurance that in framing
the present Bill the Colonial Government had no intention of
refusing access to Asiatics of this type, and he trusts that
such an assurance will be obtained and placed on record before
the Royal Assent is given to the measure.
"It is unnecessary to point out to Lord Elgin the unfortunate
effect upon public opinion in India which must be produced by
the present Bill. The very peculiar circumstances of the
Transvaal have been held to justify, during the period of
administrative reconstruction, exceptional measures for
dealing with the influx of immigrants; but Mr. Morley did not
understand, when the provisions of the Asiatic Law Amendment
Act were under discussion, that the forthcoming Immigration
Restriction Bill would be so framed as to perpetuate the
exclusion from the Colony of all future Asiatic immigrants
without distinction.
"For these reasons I am to say that Mr. Morley trusts that
Lord Elgin will find it possible to impress upon the
Government of the Transvaal the very strong objections, from
an Imperial point of view, which stand in the way of the
acceptance of Section 2 (4) of the Bill."
The most obnoxious features of the two offensive acts were an
educational qualification, which required applications for
admission to the colony and for trading licenses in it, and
other connected documents, to be written by the applicants in
a European language, Yiddish being recognized as European, and
a prescribed registration which required finger-prints as a
means of identification. Both of these provisions of law were
felt to be insulting and degrading by the Hindus of the better
class, who organized a refusal of submission to them, and
tested them without avail in the courts. Their language was
treated contemptuously in the educational qualification,
while, personally, they were classed with criminals by the
fingerprint identification. The agitators of disaffection in
India made much of these indignities, and the matter was
extremely embarrassing to the British administration there.
For months there seemed no prospect of a solution of the
difficulty; but patient persuasion and tactful pressure
brought, at last, what appeared to be a successful compromise,
announced to the rejoicing Colonial Office at London by the
following telegram from the Governor, January 30, 1908:
"Gandhi and other leaders of Indian and Chinese communities
have offered voluntary registration in a body within three
months, provided signatures only are taken of educated,
propertied, or well-known Asiatics, and finger-prints of the
rest, and that no question against which Asiatics have
religious objection be pressed. Government have accepted this
offer and undertaken pending registration not to enforce the
penalties under Act against all those who register. Sentences
of all Asiatics in prison will be remitted to-morrow. This
course agreed to by both political parties."
Fresh discontents arose subsequently, when amendatory
legislation was brought out, which did not open the colony to
any fresh immigration of Asiatics, even if they could pass an
educational test in a European language; but this has not
appeared to have any of the seriousness of the former
agitation, so far as India is concerned.
Of the intensity of feeling in India, a newspaper
correspondent, writing from Bombay, December 29, 1909, said:
"There is no mistaking the depth of feeling regarding the
protest against the treatment of Indians in the Transvaal.
Every Indian, no matter what may be his politics, feels that
his self-respect is insulted, and demands retaliation by
refusing indentured labour to Natal. Extraordinary scenes
followed Mr. Surendranath Banerjee’s appeal for funds for the
Transvaal sufferers; jewels and money were thrown at his feet
and rupees were poured into his hat. A thousand pounds was
collected. The question is creating profound feeling among all
classes."
RACE PROBLEMS:
The Labor Question as a Race Question.
At a meeting of the Native Labor Association at Johannesburg,
in April, 1909, the President of the Association stated that
the present labor supply was entirely adequate, and that the
mines were not likely to be faced with serious difficulty in
this respect in the immediate future. In the course of 1908
the number of Chinese laborers had decreased in the natural
course by repatriation by 23,303. On the other hand, the
native complement had increased in the same period by 47,766,
giving a net gain of 24,373, which had been further increased
during the first three mouths of the present year. In
explanation of the sudden expansion of the native labor
supply, Mr. Perry pointed, first, to the collapse of the
diamond market; secondly, to the emigration of Kaffirs from
the Cape owing to failure of employment there. The De Beers
Mines, as he was able to show, were actually employing 50,000
fewer hands than before, which, allowing for the difference in
the periods of contract, probably meant a gain to the Rand of
at least 25,000. Similarly, the native statistics published by
the Cape Government indicated an enormous diversion of
labourers to the Rand.
In January, 1909, the London _Times_, reporting the
output of gold from the Transvaal in 1908 as having been
£29,957,610,—an increase of £2,553,872 over 1907, gave the
following statement of labor conditions at that time:
{533}
"The increase has been gradual and quite regular, and may be
expected to continue. The expansion in the gold production has
resulted in the employment of nearly 1,800 more whites than
were at work in January, but coloured labourers are some 4,000
less. The increase in the number of natives employed in gold
mines has been 24,000, while the complement of Chinese coolies
has been depleted by 20,000. At the beginning of the year some
17,500 whites, 133,500 coloured, and 33,800 Chinese were
employed by gold mines; for October the figures read:—Whites
18,300, coloured 157,500, and Chinese 14,300. Native labour is
perhaps the one serious problem which will place limitations
on further expansion. Few of the Chinese will be left by the
end of next year, and they will all have left before the
expiry of 1910. Natives, however, are showing more tendency to
work regularly, and the habit doubtless will grow. It is due
to the Chinese to recognize that they have been useful
workmen, for the improved efficiency of the coloured workman
all round is largely due to the example which they set the
native."
In March, 1909, Colonel Seely, Under Secretary for the
Colonies, in reply to questions in the British House of
Commons, gave the following figures: January, 1907, Chinese
employed, 53,856; whites employed on gold mines, 17,874;
December, 1908, Chinese employed, 12,275; whites employed on
gold mines, 19,605. For 'Witwatersrand, taking natives and
Chinese together the numbers were:—January, 1907, 148,077;
December, 1908, 166,405. The corresponding figures for whites
are:—January, 1907, 17,198; December, 1908, 18,687.
A Johannesburg letter of July 26 to the London _Times_
reported a change in the situation, saying:
"For the half-year upon which we have just entered it requires
no prophet to foretell a more rapid rate of progress, which,
however, may to some extent be limited by a scarcity of native
labour, signs of which have begun to loom on the horizon.
After 18 months or more of steady increase in the number of
native labourers available for work in mines, an increase
which more than counterbalanced the outflow of Chinese labour
through repatriation, the pendulum has begun to swing the
other way, and already the pinch is beginning to make itself
felt in certain mines. During the last two months the excess
of time-expired natives and wastage over the number recruited
has been more than 8000, and repatriated Chinese brings the
total up to 10,000. Considering that the total coloured labour
force employed on the Witwatersrand was over 180,000 in April,
this comparatively small decline under normal conditions
should hardly make itself felt at all. But the conditions are
not normal. An era of expansion set in some 18 months ago
which has been steadily growing, and which has called for an
ever-increasing labour force and in the near future must
require still more and more. How that demand is to be met is
by no means clear."
RACE PROBLEMS: In the United States:
Between its White and Black Citizens:
Booker T. Washington’s solution in progress at Tuskegee.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.
RACE PROBLEMS:
The "Niagara Movement."
A National Committee for the Advancement of the Negro Race.
In July, 1905, a conference of colored men from North and
South, among whom Professor W. E. Burghardt Du Bois, of
Atlanta, appeared to be the leading spirit, was held at
Buffalo, New York. Its outcome was an organization which has
taken the name of "The Niagara Movement," and which has had
some growth. At the latest annual meeting of the organization,
in Sea Isle City, New Jersey, in August, 1909, ten States were
reported to be represented, and the total membership of the
"Movement" was said to be three hundred, distributed in forty
States. Its objects are indicated in the following passages
from an Address which this meeting adopted:
"For four years the Niagara Movement has struggled to make ten
million Americans of negro descent cease from mere apology and
weak surrender to aggression, and take a firm, unfaltering
stand for justice, manhood, and self-assertion. We are
accumulating property at a constantly accelerating rate; we
are rapidly lowering our rate of illiteracy; but property and
intelligence are of little use unless guided by the great
ideals of freedom, justice, and human brotherhood.
"As a partial result of our effort we are glad to note among
us increasing spiritual unrest, sterner impatience with
cowardice, and deeper determination to be men at any cost. …
"That black men are inherently inferior to whites is a
wide-spread lie which science flatly contradicts, and the
attempt to submerge the colored races is one with world-old
efforts of the wily to exploit the weak. We must, therefore,
make common cause with the oppressed and down-trodden of all
races and peoples; with our kindred of South Africa and the
West Indies, with our fellows in Mexico, India, and Russia,
and with the cause of the working classes everywhere.
"On us rests to no little degree the burden of the cause of
individual freedom, human brotherhood, and universal peace in
a day when America is forgetting her promise and destiny. Let
us work on and never despair because pigmy voices are loudly
praising ill-gotten wealth, big guns, and human degradation.
They but represent back eddies in the tide of time."
Programme of future work adopted included the publication of a
series of small tracts and an almanac, the founding of a
monthly publication, and the purchase of a permanent place of
meeting where an annual Chautauqua will be held.
A Conference of people of both races who are desirous of
organizing more effective endeavors to better the status of
the negro citizens of the United States was held in New York
in May, 1909. It adopted a resolution providing for the
"incorporation of a national committee to be known as a
committee for the advancement of the negro race, to bring that
race from slavery to full citizenship with all the rights and
privileges appertaining thereto," and another resolution for a
Committee of Forty charged with the organization of the
national committee, with power to call the convention in 1910.
{534}
Among other resolutions discussed and adopted were the
following:
"As first and immediate steps toward remedying … national
wrongs, so full of perils for the whites as well as the blacks
of all sections, we demand of Congress and the Executive:
"(1.) That the Constitution be strictly enforced and the civil
rights guaranteed under the Fourteenth Amendment be secured
impartially to all.
"(2.) That there be equal educational opportunities for all
and in all the States, and that public school expenditure be
the same for the negro and white child.
"(3.) That in accordance with the Fifteenth Amendment the
right of the negro to the ballot on the same terms as other
citizens be recognized in every part of the country."
RACE PROBLEMS:
Anti-Negro Riot at Atlanta.
"On the 22d and 23d of September [1906] anti-negro riots broke
out in Atlanta, resulting in the death of twelve or more
negroes and the injury of a great many. There had been an
unusual number of reports of attacks upon white women and
girls by brutal and criminal negroes in the vicinity of
Atlanta during the previous days and weeks. Every report of
this kind had been flaunted with great headlines in a
sensational afternoon newspaper of Atlanta, as if to arouse
the less orderly and thoughtful element of the white
population not merely to the lynching of offenders but to an
attack upon innocent and law-abiding colored people. For a
time the riot was furious and negroes were indiscriminately
assailed. It would seem that most of those who were killed
were absolutely innocent of any offense whatsoever. Their
crime consisted merely in belonging to the negro race. It
would be the height of silliness for criticism to take on a
geographical character. White people in the North are no more
considerate of people against whom they may have a grievance
or a prejudice than are white people in the South. The problem
of adjusting the relations of two races so totally different
as the white race and the negro race where they have to live
together in the same communities is difficult under any
circumstances, and it becomes increasingly so where the
inferior race is present in large numbers and where many of
its members are ill-disciplined, idle, and of criminal
instincts."
_American Review of Reviews,
November, 1906._
"Wherever a colored man was seen he was attacked. The mobs
closed in upon the trolley-cars and dragged the colored
passengers, unprepared for the onslaught, from their seats. A
riotous crowd broke into a shop where there were two negro
barbers, beat them to death and mangled their bodies. One
negro was killed in the shadow of a monument; another was
stabbed to death on the post-office steps. The Governor
mobilized the militia, but the mobs, taking it for granted
that the militiamen were in sympathy with them, showed little
fear of the soldiers. The Mayor of the city remonstrated with
the rioters, but with little result. He called out the fire
department, which cleared the streets by turning the hose on
the mobs. But this only resulted in diverting the riot from
one place in the city to another. Only a rain on Sunday
dampened the ardor of the rioters. Order was outwardly
restored by Sunday evening, but even thereafter negroes were
killed. Even though the riot differed from the Russian variety
in that it was not instigated and abetted by the Government
and the military, it brings nothing but shame to this Nation."
_The Outlook,
September 29, 1906._
RACE PROBLEMS:
The Georgia Railroad Strike.
One of the meanest of recent exhibitions of race animosity was
presented in May and June, 1909, on the occasion of a strike
of white men employed as firemen on the Georgia Railroad
against the employment of blacks in the same capacity.
Generally, the southern railroads have employed, for years,
both white and black firemen. On the Georgia Railroad there
were about sixty of the former and forty of the latter. The
white firemen were eligible to promotion to be engineers; the
blacks were not. By an unwritten law they were excluded from
the higher and better paid service; but as firemen the best
among them had gradually won promotion to the better trains
and better "runs" on the road. It was this fact which caused
the strike of their white associates. As a labor strike it
would have caused little trouble; as a race and color question
it inflamed the State and the South, and disturbed the country
at large for several weeks. The conflict of the railroad
company was not with its own employees but with mobs along its
line, always ready to be maddened by the thought of a negro in
any place which a white man wanted.
A mediation in the matter undertaken, at the instance of
President Taft, by the United States Commissioner of Labor,
Dr. Charles P. Neill, and the Chairman of the Interstate
Commerce Commission, Mr. Martin A. Knapp, succeeded, with much
difficulty, in arranging a reference of the dispute to
arbitration. The chosen arbitrators were Hilary A. Herbert,
named by the railroad company, T. W. Hardwick, named by the
employees, and Chancellor David C. Barrow, of the University
of Georgia, selected by these two. This board of arbitration
gave hearings to both parties and rendered its award on the
27th of June. The main proposition submitted to it by the
employees was in these words: "That the Georgia Railroad
Company and its terminals at Atlanta will not use negroes as
locomotive firemen on the road or in the yards, nor as
hostlers nor assistant hostlers."
On this its decision was as follows: "The Georgia Railroad,
when using negroes as locomotive firemen on the road or in the
yards, or as hostlers, or as hostlers’ helpers, shall pay them
the same wages as white men in similar positions." But the
representative of the employees dissented from this decision
in part, explaining his view, as follows: "In so far as the
above finding permits the continued employment of negro
firemen by the Georgia Railroad, I dissent therefrom, because
I believe from the evidence that such employment is a menace
to the safety of the travelling public. In so far as such
finding requires that when negroes are so employed they shall
receive wages equal to those paid white men, I concur therein,
believing that such requirement, by removing the principal
incentive for their employment, will result in the speedy
elimination of this cheaper labor, and a consequent
improvement of the service."
On most of the minor points in controversy the arbitrators
were agreed in their conclusions, and the settlement of the
whole matter was complete.
{535}
RACE PROBLEMS:
Oriental Labor in Competition with Western Labor.
The Force of the Economic Objection to it in
a Country under the Protective System.
"Behind the economic antipathy to Oriental laborers there is
a justifiable feeling. Where there is established a system of
protection, it is only just that it benefit not only the
capitalist but also the laborer. If the American laborer must
contend as best he can with the laborer whose standard of life
is lower, then the American manufacturer, in fairness, ought
to be let alone in his contest with the foreign manufacturer
who does not pay so much for his labor. _The Outlook_
believes that a condition of such open competition as has
prevailed between the States of the Union would be wholesome
between the nations of the world. But at present the
protective system prevails and apparently is firmly
established in America. So long, therefore, as American
capital is protected, it is a benefit for the whole country to
have American labor protected. And certainly if there is any
body of laborers against which the working people of America
need protection, it is the coolie labor of Asia. The fact that
the Japanese and Chinese laborers enter industries in which
there is a scarcity of whites does not affect the case, for it
is not the direct loss of jobs, but the lowering—or at least
the changing—of the standards of living that brings injury to
the mass."
_The Outlook,
September 21, 1907._
RACE PROBLEMS:
Existing Treaties between the United States and China
concerning the Admission of Chinamen.
Enactments of Law on the Subject.
Correspondence of Wu Ting-fang with Secretary Hay.
For a proper understanding of the questions of national honor
and official civility that are involved in the existing laws
and regulations of the United States which govern the
admission of Chinamen to the country, either as visitors or
immigrants, some attention must be given to a series of
engagements by solemn treaty between the Governments of China
and the United States, respecting the hospitality which each
has pledged itself to give to the citizens of the other. Three
of those treaties remain partly or wholly in force. The
abrogation of the fourth one has a significance of its own.
The earliest of these treaties, negotiated in 1858,
superseding one of 1844, provided very carefully for the good
treatment of American citizens in China, but contains nothing
on the subject of Chinamen in America, probably for the reason
that few of that people had yet travelled so far abroad. The
rights it stipulated for the American who visited or sought
residence in the Celestial Empire were as follows:
"Article XI.
All citizens of the United States of America in China,
peaceably attending to their affairs, being placed on a common
footing of amity and good will with the subjects of China,
shall receive and enjoy for themselves and everything
appertaining to them the protection of the local authorities
of government, who shall defend them from all insult or injury
of any sort. If their dwellings or property be threatened or
attacked by mobs, incendiaries, or other violent or lawless
persons, the local officers, on requisition of the consul,
shall immediately despatch a military force to disperse the
rioters, apprehend the guilty individuals and punish them with
the utmost rigor of the law. Subjects of China guilty of any
criminal act towards citizens of the United States shall be
punished by the Chinese authorities according to the laws of
China. And citizens of the United States, either on shore or
in any merchant vessel, who may insult, trouble or wound the
persons or injure the property of Chinese or commit any other
improper act in China, shall be punished only by the Consul or
other public functionary thereto authorized according to the
laws of the United States. Arrests in order to trial may be
made by either the Chinese or the United States authorities."
Treaty of Peace, Amity, and Commerce, 1858
(Compilation of Treaties in Force, 58th Congress,
2d Session, Senate Document Number 318, page 138).
Ten years later, in 1868, another treaty was negotiated, not
to supersede that of 1858, but to supplement it; and in this
agreement the reciprocation of hospitalities is pledged in the
following distinct and cordial terms:
"Article V.
The United States of America and the Emperor of China
cordially recognize the inherent and inalienable right of man
to change his home and allegiance, and also the mutual
advantage of the free migration and emigration of their
citizens and subjects, respectively, from the one country to
the other, for purposes of curiosity, of trade, or as
permanent residents. The high contracting parties, therefore,
join in reprobating any other than an entirely voluntary
emigration for these purposes. They consequently agree to pass
laws making it a penal offence for a citizen of the United
States or Chinese subjects to take Chinese subjects either to
the United States or to any other foreign country, or for a
Chinese subject or citizen of the United States to take
citizens of the United States to China or to any other foreign
country, without their free and voluntary consent,
respectively.
"Article VI.
Citizens of the United States visiting or residing in China
shall enjoy the same privileges, immunities or exemptions in
respect to travel or residence as may there be enjoyed by the
citizens or subjects of the most favored nation. And,
reciprocally, Chinese subjects visiting or residing in the
United States shall enjoy the same privileges, immunities, and
exemptions in respect to travel or residence, as may there be
enjoyed by the citizens or subjects of the most favored
nation. But nothing herein contained shall be held to confer
naturalization upon citizens of the United States in China,
nor upon the subjects of China in the United States.
"Article VII.
Citizens of the United States shall enjoy all the privileges
of the public educational institutions under the control of
the Government of China, and, reciprocally, Chinese subjects
shall enjoy all the privileges of the public educational
institutions under the control of the Government of the United
States, which are enjoyed in the respective countries by the
citizens or subjects of the most favored nation. The citizens
of the United States may freely establish and maintain schools
within the Empire of China at those places where foreigners
are by treaty permitted to reside, and reciprocally, Chinese
subjects may enjoy the same privileges and immunities in the
United States."
_Treaty of Trade, Consuls, and Emigration, 1868
(58th Congress, 2d Session,
Senate Document Number 318, pages 157-158)._
{536}
That this treaty, as well as that of 1858, is still obligatory
in its hospitable spirit and intent, is a fact certified by
the language of the preamble of the treaty negotiated next, by
President Angell, of Michigan University, and other
Commissioners, in 1880. The recital in that preamble of the
purpose of the new agreement was this:
"Whereas, in the eighth year of Hsien Feng, Anno Domini 1858,
a treaty of peace and friendship was concluded between the
United States of America and China, and to which were added,
in the seventh year of Tung Chih, Anno Domini 1868, certain
supplementary articles to the advantage of both parties,
_which supplementary articles were to be perpetually
observed and obeyed:_ and Whereas the Government of the
United States, because of the constantly increasing
immigration of Chinese laborers to the territory of the United
States, and the embarrassments consequent upon such
immigration, now desires to negotiate _a modification of the
existing Treaties which shall not be in direct contravention
of their spirit:_ Now, therefore," &c. The following are
the four articles of the treaty thus explained:
"Article I.
Whenever in the opinion of the Government of the United States
the coming of Chinese laborers to the United States, or their
residence therein, affects or threatens to affect the
interests of that country, or to endanger the good order of
the said country or of any locality within the territory
thereof, the Government of China agrees that the Government of
the United States may regulate, limit, or suspend such coming
or residence, _but may not absolutely prohibit it. The
limitation or suspension shall be reasonable, and shall apply
only to Chinese who may go to the United States as
laborers,_ other classes not being included in the
limitations. Legislation taken in regard to Chinese laborers
will be of such a character only as is necessary to enforce
the regulation, limitation, or suspension of immigration, and
immigrants shall not be subject to personal maltreatment or
abuse.
"Article II.
Chinese subjects, whether proceeding to the United States as
teachers, students, merchants or from curiosity, together with
their body and household servants, and Chinese laborers who
are now in the United States _shall be allowed to go and
come of their own free will and accord, and shall be accorded
all the rights, privileges, immunities, and exemptions which
are accorded to the citizens and subjects of the most favored
nation._
"Article III.
If Chinese laborers, or Chinese of any other class, now either
permanently or temporarily residing in the territory of the
United States, meet with ill treatment at the hands of any
other persons, the Government of the United States will exert
all its power to devise measures for their protection and to
secure to them the same rights, privileges, immunities, and
exemptions as may be enjoyed by the citizens or subjects of
the most favored nation, and to which they are entitled by
treaty.
"Article IV.
The high contracting powers having agreed upon the foregoing
articles, whenever the Government of the United States shall
adopt legislative measures in accordance therewith, such
measures will be communicated to the Government of China. If
the measures as enacted are found to work hardship upon the
subjects of China, the Chinese minister at Washington may
bring the matter to the notice of the Secretary of State of
the United States, who will consider the subject with him; and
the Chinese Foreign Office may also bring the matter to the
notice of the United States minister at Peking and consider
the subject with him, to the end that mutual and unqualified
benefit may result.
This is the latest of the still obligatory engagements by
treaty that bear on the admission of visitors or immigrants
from China to the United States. A fourth treaty, pressed on
the Chinese Government in 1894, permitted the United States,
during a period of ten years, to prohibit entirely the coming
of Chinese laborers within its territory; but the concluding
article of that treaty was as follows:
"This Convention shall remain in force for a period of ten
years beginning with the date of the exchange of
ratifications, and, if six months before the expiration of
said period of ten years, neither Government shall have
formally given notice of its final termination to the other,
it shall remain in full force for another like period of ten
years." The Chinese Government did give the formal notice of
termination within the stipulated time, and the treaty became
void on the 7th of December, 1904.
Hence the Government of the United States is now under the
engagements which it made with the Government of China in
1880, which included an engagement to be faithful to the
hospitable spirit of the compact of 1868. When one has looked
over those engagements of national honor, it seems hard to
harmonize them in spirit, or even in letter, with some of the
enactments which are regulating, at the present day, the
treatment of people from China who venture to approach the
entry ports of the United States. Such, for example, as the
following, from "the Act of May 6, 1882, as amended and added
to by the Act of July 5, 1884," which, according to a recent
official publication of "Laws and Regulations governing the
Admission of Chinese," was "continued in force for an
additional period of ten years from May 5, 1892, by the act of
May 5, 1892, and was, with all laws on this subject in force
on April 29, 1902, reënacted, extended, and continued without
modification, limitation, or condition by the act of April 29,
1902, as amended by the act of April 27, 1904":
"Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled, That from
and after the passage of this act, and until the expiration of
ten years next after the passage of this act, the coming of
Chinese laborers to the United States be, and the same is
hereby suspended, and during such suspension it shall not be
lawful for any Chinese laborer to come from any foreign port
or place, or having so come to remain within the United
States."
"Section 2.
That the master of any vessel who shall knowingly bring within
the United States on such vessel, and land, or attempt to
land, or permit to be landed any Chinese laborer, from any
foreign port or place, shall be deemed guilty of a
misdemeanor, and, on conviction thereof, shall be punished by
a fine of not more than five hundred dollars for each and
every such Chinese laborer so brought, and may also be
imprisoned for a term not exceeding one year." …
{537}
"Section 6.
That in order to the faithful execution of the provisions of
this act, every Chinese person, other than a laborer, who may
be entitled by said treaty or this act to come within the
United States, and who shall be about to come to the United
States, shall obtain the permission of and be identified as so
entitled by the Chinese Government, or of such other foreign
government of which at the time such Chinese person shall be a
subject, in each case to be evidenced by a certificate issued
by such Government, which certificate shall be in the English
language, and shall show such permission, with the name of the
permitted person in his or her proper signature, and which
certificate shall state the individual, family, and tribal
name in full, title or official rank, if any, the age, height,
and all physical peculiarities, former and present occupation
or profession, when and where and how long pursued, and place
of residence of the person to whom the certificate is issued,
and that such person is entitled by this act to come within
the United States.
"If the person so applying for a certificate shall be a
merchant, said certificate shall in addition to above
requirements, state the nature, character, and estimated value
of the business carried on by him prior to and at the time of
his application as aforesaid: _Provided_, That nothing in
this act nor in said treaty shall be construed as embracing
within the meaning of the word ‘merchant,’ hucksters,
peddlers, or those engaged in taking, drying, or otherwise
preserving shell or other fish for home consumption or
exportation.
"If the certificate be sought for the purpose of travel for
curiosity, it shall also state whether the applicant intends
to pass through or travel within the United States, together
with his financial standing in the country from which such
certificate is desired.
"The certificate provided for in this act, and the identity of
the person named therein shall, before such person goes on
board any vessel to proceed to the United States, be viséd by
the indorsement of the diplomatic representatives of the
United States in the foreign country from which such
certificate issues, or of the consular representative of the
United States at the port or place from which the person named
in the certificate is about to depart; and such diplomatic
representative or consular representative whose indorsement is
so required is hereby empowered, and it shall be his duty,
before indorsing such certificate as aforesaid, to examine
into the truth of the statements set forth in said
certificate, and if he shall find upon examination that said
or any of the statements therein contained are untrue it shall
be his duty to refuse to indorse the same.
"Such certificate viséd as aforesaid shall be prima facie
evidence of the facts set forth therein, and shall be produced
to the Chinese inspector in charge of the port in the district
in the United States at which the person named therein shall
arrive, and afterward produced to the proper authorities of
the United States whenever lawfully demanded, and shall be the
sole evidence permissible on the part of the person so
producing the same to establish a right of entry into the
United States; but said certificate may be controverted and
the facts therein stated disproved by the United States
authorities."
It will be observed that Article IV. of the Treaty of 1880
provides that, if measures enacted in the United States "are
found to work hardship upon the subjects of China, the Chinese
minister at Washington may bring the matter to the notice of
the Secretary of State of the United States, who will consider
the subject with him." One who consults the annual reports
that are published, of "Papers relating to the Foreign
Relations of the United States," will find that the Chinese
Minister at Washington has had occasion very often to bring
cases of the kind thus referred to in the Treaty to the notice
of the Secretary of State, and discovered, when he did so,
almost invariably, that under the enactments complained of the
Secretary of State had no power even to "consider the subject"
of complaint with him. The highly intelligent and keenly
logical Mr. Wu Ting-fang, who represented China at Washington
in 1900-1902, had much correspondence on such matters with
Secretary Hay, whose sympathetic friendliness to China was
well proved; but Mr. Hay could never do more than refer Mr.
Wu’s representations to the Treasury Department and its
officials, who held all authority in the matter, and politely
return to the Chinese Minister such responses as they put into
his hands. The following is one example of Mr. Wu Ting-fang’s
communications. It is dated at Washington, December 26, 1900:
"I have received from the imperial consul-general and from
reputable Chinese merchants in San Francisco such urgent
complaints that I feel it my regrettable duty to again address
you on the subject of the manner in which the immigration laws
of Congress are being enforced against Chinese subjects. They
represent what I set forth in my note of the 30th ultimo, that
under the rulings of the authorities of the port of San
Francisco Chinese students holding certificates in conformity
to the treaty and law of Congress are virtually debarred from
entering the United States, it being held by the said
authorities that such students must come here with a knowledge
of the English language and with an education that will permit
them to forthwith enter a college or take up an advanced
professional course of study. They further represent that
under the act of November 3, 1893, the Government of the
United States issued certificates of residence to a large
number of Chinese persons, not laborers—merchants and others—
and that the rights acquired under these certificates are
being entirely ignored. Holders of such certificates desiring
to make a temporary visit to China are denied the privilege,
and persons who have departed holding such certificates are
denied the privilege of reentering the United States. They
state that merchants returning to San Francisco after a
temporary visit to China are often imprisoned in the detention
dock for weeks and months pending their landing. Their
Caucasian witnesses are put to all sorts of inconveniences and
annoyances and treated with suspicion and discourtesy. When
present to sign identification papers they are compelled to
await the pleasure of the Chinese bureau for examination, and
are plied with all sorts of immaterial questions from an
inspector, who assumes the character of an inquisitor.
{538}
The result of this is that it is now very difficult for
Chinese desiring to visit their native land to obtain the
necessary signatures for their identification papers, thus
causing them untold mental and financial suffering. They
report that it has been heretofore the custom in San Francisco
for years to allow the attorney for the persons desiring to
enter the United States to be present at the Chinese bureau
pending the taking of evidence on their behalf, thus affording
a protection to the Chinese applicants and operating as a
restraint upon overzealous subordinate officials. It has just
been ordered by the port authorities that henceforth no
attorneys shall be allowed to be present at the taking of such
testimony, or of any testimony on behalf of Chinese desiring
to enter that port. They assert that this action makes the
immigration inspector, whose avowed policy is to cause the
return to China of every Chinese he possibly can, the master
of the situation and throws all Chinese applicants at his
feet."
_Minister Wu to Secretary Hay, December 26, 1900
(Foreign Relations, 1901, page 64)._
In a previous communication the Chinese Minister had expressed
the opinion that the matter demanded the attention of the
President; to which Secretary Hay replied that "in the
Department’s view the immigration acts do not confer upon the
President any power to interpose in the matter. The act of
August 18, 1894, provides that ‘in every case where an alien
is excluded from admission into the United States under any
law or treaty now existing or hereafter made, the decision of
the appropriate immigration or customs officers, if adverse to
the admission of such alien, shall be final, unless reversed
on appeal to the Secretary of the Treasury." On this statement
Mr. Wu now remarked:
"I beg to say that I was aware of the law which is quoted in
your note of the 5th instant, when I suggested the
interposition of the President of the United States, but I am
advised that it can hardly be interpreted as a prohibition
against the exercise by that supreme official of the nation of
his influence with one of his own Secretaries, if he was
convinced, upon examination of the facts, that a solemn treaty
guaranty was being violated and a great wrong being done to
subjects of a friendly Government. I am further advised that
it was not the intent of Congress, by the act cited, to take
from the President the duty, which I have understood was
imposed on him by your great and wise Constitution, to ‘take
care that the laws be faithfully executed,’ and by the same
instrument the treaties with foreign nations are declared to
be ‘the supreme law of the land.’ I feel persuaded that if you
will lay the questions presented in the present note and that
of the 30th ultimo before the President, he will be inspired
by his high sense of justice to induce the honorable Secretary
of the Treasury to revise the decisions which have been made
by the official of his Department, or that he will at least
submit the question to the Attorney-General for a construction
of the treaty and the laws depending thereon."
_Foreign Relations,
1901, page 65._
Any fair-minded reader of the correspondence between Chinese
and American officials, relative to the treatment of Chinamen
in the United States, is likely to find himself quite
generally in sympathy with the former, and compelled to doubt
whether the subjects of China would lose anything if all the
treaty engagements supposed to be in force, between their
Government and the Government of the United States, were
cancelled to-morrow.
RACE PROBLEMS:
Anti-Japanese Agitation in California.
Segregation of Orientals in San Francisco Schools.
Japanese Resentment.
The Labor Question at the Bottom.
State Rights and Treaty Rights.
"The events noted in this article belong mostly to San
Francisco, but to a very considerable extent the agitation is
one of state and national importance.
"In November, 1904, the American Federation of Labor held its
annual meeting in San Francisco. It adopted a resolution
demanding that the terms of the Chinese Exclusion Act should
be so extended ‘as to permanently exclude from the United
States and its insular territory all classes of Japanese and
Coreans other than those exempted by the present terms of the
act.’"
"In February, 1905, the San Francisco _Chronicle_, a
daily newspaper of state-wide reputation, began to publish a
series of articles having the general object of representing
the immigration of Japanese, particularly of Japanese
laborers, as a menace to the interests of the people of
California and of the nation as well. On the date of the first
publication, February 23, 1905, the purpose of the series was
thus announced editorially:
"‘With this issue we summon the attention of the public to a
matter of grave import, a matter that no longer admits of
delay if we are to preserve the integrity of our social life
not only in California but throughout the Union. The Japanese
invasion with which we are confronted is fraught with a peril
none the less momentous because it is so silent, none the less
attended with danger to American character and to American
institutions because it is so peaceful. … It will be well for
us to choose now the line of least resistance, to determine
now and forever whether this State and this country are to be
American or whether they are to be Asiatic, whether they are
to continue under the sway of American thought and aspiration
or whether they are to become a seminary, an abiding place,
and an inheritance for the Oriental peoples. … This is a
matter first for California and for the Pacific Coast and
secondly for the whole Nation. California stands to-day as an
open door for Japan and for Asia and when these portals have
been passed the road to the Atlantic is unbarred.’
"The series of articles printed conspicuously on the front
page at intervals of two or three days sought to establish as
fact a rapidly increasing inflow of Japanese laborers, ready
to work at wages far below the white standard, and sending
native-born white men into the ranks of the unemployed.
"By a unanimous vote in each House, and with only few
absentees, the California Legislature on March 1 and 2, 1905,
placed itself on record with respect to Japanese immigration
in the adoption of a concurrent resolution. After a lengthy
preamble, the Legislature—
"‘_Resolved_, that in view of the facts and reasons
aforesaid, and of many others that might be stated, we, as
representatives of the people of the State of California, do
earnestly and strenuously ask and request, and in so far as it
may be proper, demand for the protection of the people of this
State and for the proper safe-guarding of their interests,
that action be taken without delay, by treaty, or otherwise,
as may be most expeditious and advantageous, tending to limit
within reasonable bounds and diminish in a marked degree the
further immigration of Japanese laborers into the United
States.
{539}
"‘That our Senators and Representatives be, and they are
hereby, requested and directed to bring the matters aforesaid
to the attention of the President and the Department of
State.’
_California Statutes, 1905,
Concurrent & Joint Res. chapter xxiv._
"On Sunday May 7, 1905, there was held in Lyric Hall, San
Francisco, a sort of convention of representatives of various
Labor organizations and Improvement Clubs of San Francisco and
near-by cities,—such as the Building Trades Council, District
Council of Painters, Carpenters’ Union No. 22, Federation of
Mission Improvement Clubs, et al. After much speech-making of
a demagogic character, committees were appointed and an
adjournment taken to the following Sunday. On that day, May
14, organization was perfected by the election of the usual
officers. All of these were men active in the promotion of
labor organization.
"On May 6, 1905, the San Francisco Board of Education adopted
a resolution expressing its determination ‘to effect the
establishment of separate schools for Chinese and Japanese
pupils … for the higher end that our children should not be
placed in any position where their youthful impressions may be
affected by association with pupils of the Mongolian Race.’
But finding itself without sufficient funds for equipment of a
separate school, the Board did not pursue the matter at this
time. Its zeal in the matter was not abated by the vast amount
of labor required to reëstablish the schools after the great
fire of April, 1906, and on October 11, 1906, it adopted and
put into effect the following resolution:
"‘_Resolved_, That in accordance with Article X, Section
1662, of the School Law of California, principals are hereby
directed to send all Chinese Japanese or Corean children to
the Oriental public school, situated on the south side of Clay
street, between Powell and Mason streets, on and after Monday,
October 15, 1906.’
"The Consul of Japan in San Francisco at once addressed
protests to the Board of Education, urging that the
requirement would work great hardship upon Japanese children,
by reason of distance and the difficulties of travel,
street-car transportation at the time being very uncertain on
account of the derangements produced by the great
conflagration of April, 1906. Protests and appeals were alike
turned aside in California, but they received instant
attention in Washington by President Roosevelt, who sent
Honorable V. H. Metcalf, the Secretary of Commerce and Labor,
to San Francisco to investigate on the ground.
"There seemed to be a possible solution of the school question
by securing a judicial determination of the matter as a
violation of treaty rights. Upon these points Secretary
Metcalf reported to the President substantially as follows:
"1st.
There is no ‘favored nation’ clause in any treaty between the
United States and Japan which clearly guarantees the right of
education. The action of the San Francisco School Board is
therefore not the denial of a treaty right.
"2nd.
Two points remain upon which the validity of the resolution of
the School Board might be questioned, as follows:
"a. May the sovereign State of California delegate legislative
rights to district school boards or other municipal or local
bodies?
"b. Are the Japanese Mongolians, and as such covered by the
state statute governing the establishment of schools?
"Suit upon these points is inadvisable for the reason that in
case of a favorable decision, the next legislature would
hasten to enact legislation especially singling out the
Japanese for discrimination.
"In December, 1906, however, the United States District
Attorney was summoned from San Francisco to Washington for
conference with the President and Attorney-General, and upon
his return to San Francisco two suits were commenced. One was
a petition for a writ of mandate in the Supreme Court of
California, the other was a suit in equity in the United
States Circuit Court for the Northern District of California.
Neither suit was prosecuted, and both actions were
subsequently dismissed.
"The influence of the Japanese Consul and of the leaders among
the Japanese resident in San Francisco was strongly exerted
toward allaying excitement and preventing any acts that might
give ground for complaint. However, it was impossible to
conceal the fact that the effort of the School Board toward
segregation was a stinging blow to Japanese national pride.
"The San Francisco school question was suddenly lifted into
national prominence by President Roosevelt, who included
pointed criticism of the San Francisco authorities in his
annual message to Congress, as follows:
"‘Not only must we treat all nations fairly, but we must treat
with justice and good will all immigrants who come here under
the law. … Especially do we need to remember our duty to the
stranger within our gates. … I am prompted to say this by the
attitude of hostility here and there assumed toward the
Japanese in this country. … It is most discreditable to us as
a people and it may be fraught with the gravest consequences
to the nation. … Here and there a most unworthy feeling has
manifested itself toward the Japanese—a feeling that has shown
itself in shutting them out from the common schools in San
Francisco, and in mutterings against them in one or two other
places, because of their efficiency as workers. To shut them
out from the public schools is a wicked absurdity, when there
are no first-class colleges in the land, including the
universities and colleges of California, which do not welcome
Japanese students and on which Japanese students do not
reflect credit.’ The president then specifically recommended
to Congress the enactment of legislation for the
naturalization of Japanese and for the enlargement of the
powers of the federal government for the better protection of
resident aliens against infringement of treaty rights.
{540}
"The effect of the president’s utterances was to raise new
questions and to bring new and powerful influences to the
support of the San Francisco authorities. In California the
San Francisco School Board received at once the credit of
heroic defense of the principle of state sovereignty.
Expression of the same sentiment in Congress was immediate and
direct.
"Early in 1907, President Roosevelt invited the San Francisco
Board of Education to come to Washington. This invitation was
accepted, and the Board, accompanied by the Mayor of San
Francisco, journeyed across the continent. Several conferences
were held, and after their return to San Francisco, public
statements of results were made both by the Board of Education
and by the Mayor. On March 13, 1907, the offending resolution
of the previous October was repealed.
"The action of the San Francisco authorities aroused very
general comment throughout the country. The actual facts in
regard to the Japanese in the schools were not inquired into
by the San Francisco press, nor in fact were they accurately
known at the time even to the school authorities of the city.
The exact facts were published by _The Outlook_ on June
1, 1907, from accurate investigation on the ground. The
Superintendent of Schools had given as the main reason for
segregation, that 95 per cent. of the Japanese pupils were
young men and ‘we object to an adult Japanese sitting beside a
twelve year old girl.’ The facts were that on December 8,
1906, in all schools of primary and grammar grade there was an
enrollment of 28,736 pupils. Of these there were 93 Japanese,
nearly one-third of whom were born in the United States. There
were 28 girls and 65 boys. Of the 65 boys 34 were under 15
years of age, and of the remaining 31 only 2 were 20 years. 25
of the boys over 15 years were in the grammar grades, leaving
but 6 to justify the objection of adults ‘sitting beside
children of tender years.’ The conclusion of the
_Outlook_ inquiry was that there was nothing in the
situation that could not have been met by simpler remedies
than the attempted segregation, and that the underlying motive
in the whole matter was a desire to win the political support
of the labor unions.
"The great fire in San Francisco in 1906 drove the Japanese
from their established quarters. Their attempts to gain new
locations in districts previously occupied wholly by white
residents tended to draw attention to them. For a time the
policing of the city was inadequate, and cases of bodily
violence toward Japanese were not infrequent. Anything like
organized action took the form of boycotts directed against
Japanese restaurants that sought white patronage and
subsequently against the Japanese laundries.
"The biennial sessions of the legislature since 1905 have
regularly furnished a large supply of anti-Japanese
resolutions and bills, introduced for effect and without
sufficient support for enactment. However, in 1909 legislation
was attempted looking toward prohibiting Japanese from
becoming owners of real property. It was only the strenuous
protests of President Roosevelt actively supported by the
governor of the state that prevented for this session the
enactment of some such measure. The legislature finally
contented itself with making an appropriation for a state
census of Japanese.
"This census was intrusted to the state commissioner of labor,
and is now (July, 1909) in progress. It may be regarded as a
step toward an authoritative inquiry as to facts upon which
later action may be based, if deemed necessary.
"The Japanese on the Pacific Coast uniformly exercise a most
commendable self-restraint, and their officials take advantage
of every opportunity to display a spirit of friendliness. This
is illustrated by liberal contributions to the city’s fund for
the entertainment of the sailors of the Atlantic Fleet during
its visit to San Francisco in May, 1908, and by an invitation
extended by the Chambers of Commerce of the large cities of
Japan in July, 1908, to similar bodies in the Pacific Coast
states to visit Japan as guests of the country. This
invitation was accepted by numerous commercial representatives
of the cities from Los Angeles northward to Seattle."
_Frederick H. Clark,
Head of History Department,
Lowell High School, San Francisco._
"'If you provide a system of education which includes alien
children you must not exclude these particular alien
children.'"
Inasmuch as the Constitution and the laws of the United States
made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made under the
authority of the United States, are declared to be the supreme
law of the land, and that the judges in every State shall be
bound thereby, anything in the constitution or laws of any
State to the contrary notwithstanding, this prohibitory power
was shown to be incontestable.
{541}
The common-sense ground of opinion and feeling on the whole
subject in America could not be set forth more indisputably
than it was by Mr. Roosevelt, after he had ceased to be
President, when he wrote as a private citizen, in his
editorial connection with _The Outlook_, on the 8th of
May, 1909, this:
"The Japanese are a highly civilized people of extraordinary
military, artistic, and industrial development; they are
proud, warlike, and sensitive. I believe that our people have,
what I personally certainly have, a profound and hearty
admiration for them; an admiration for their great deeds and
great qualities, an ungrudging respect for their national
character. But this admiration and respect is accompanied by
the firm conviction that it is not for the advantage of either
people that emigrants from either country should settle in
mass in the other country. The understanding between the two
countries on this point should be on a basis of entire
mutuality, and therefore on a basis which will preserve
unimpaired the self-respect of each country, and permit each
to continue to feel friendly good will for the other. Japan
would certainly object to the incoming of masses of American
farmers, laborers, and small traders; indeed, the Japanese
would object to this at least as strongly as the men of the
Pacific Coast and Rocky Mountain States object to the incoming
in mass of Japanese workmen, agricultural laborers, and men
engaged in small trades. The Japanese certainly object to
Americans acquiring land in Japan at least as much as the
Americans of the far Western States object to the Japanese
acquiring land on our soil. The Americans who go to Japan and
the Japanese who come to America should be of the same general
class—that is, they should be travelers, students, teachers,
scientific investigators, men engaged in international
business, men sojourning in the land for pleasure or study. As
long as the emigration from each side is limited to classes
such as these, there will be no settlement in mass, and
therefore no difficulty."
That the emigration from Japan has been thus closely limited
was shown in September, 1909, by the issue of a statistical
circular from the office of the Japanese Consul-General at San
Francisco, dealing in tabulated form with the arrivals and
departures from Japan for the year 1908 and for the first six
months of the year 1909. It shows that the number of the
excess arrivals in Japan over the departures for 1908 was
1807, and for the first six months of the present year 737,
making a total excess of arrivals in Japan over departures for
the 18 months of 2544. The circular states that "no new
labourers are now leaving Japan for American territory," and
this may be taken as the official Japanese reply to the
continued assertions of the California labour unions that
large numbers of coolies are still reaching the country by way
of the Canadian and Mexican frontiers.
RACE PROBLEMS:
Exclusion of Chinese.
The Law and its Administration.
The Chinese Resentment expressed in a Boycott.
President Roosevelt’s Vain Appeal to Congress.
Opinion of Secretary Straus.
Resentful feeling aroused in China by the immigration and
exclusion laws of the United States, in their special
application to incoming Chinese and in the harshness of their
administration, began to have expression at Shanghai in May,
1905, when resolutions were adopted at a meeting of the
merchant guilds of that city which initiated an extensive
boycotting of American goods and of everything connected with
America. A report of the meeting and of its recommendations
was sent to all parts of the Empire and elicited a quick and
general response. The undertaking of the movement was to stop
the buying of American goods; to socially ostracise tradesmen
who continue to handle them, and to render no service to
Americans in China, except for higher pay than is demanded
from others. This boycotting attitude of large numbers in
China was persisted in throughout the year, and not only made
itself felt seriously in commercial circles, but impressed the
American public with a proper sense of the indignities they
were allowing to be imposed on a people who deserve their
respect. The President, in his Message to Congress at the
opening of the session in December, dealt justly with the
subject, as follows:
"The conditions in China are such that the entire Chinese
coolie class, that is, the class of Chinese laborers, skilled
and unskilled, legitimately come under the head of undesirable
immigrants to this country, because of their numbers, the low
wages for which they work, and their low standard of living.
Not only is it to the interest of this country to keep them
out, but the Chinese authorities do not desire that they
should be admitted. At present their entrance is prohibited by
laws amply adequate to accomplish this purpose. These laws
have been, are being, and will be, thoroughly enforced. …
But in the effort to carry out the policy of excluding Chinese
laborers, Chinese coolies, grave injustice and wrong have been
done by this Nation to the people of China, and therefore
ultimately to this Nation itself. Chinese students, business
and professional men of all kinds—not only merchants, but
bankers, doctors, manufacturers, professors, travelers, and
the like—should be encouraged to come here and treated on
precisely the same footing that we treat students, business
men, travelers, and the like of other nations. Our law's and
treaties should be framed, not so as to put these people in
the excepted classes, but to state that we will admit all
Chinese, except Chinese of the coolie class, Chinese skilled
or unskilled laborers. There would not be the least danger
that any such provision would result in any relaxation of the
law about laborers. These will, under all conditions, be kept
out absolutely. But it will be more easy to see that both
justice and courtesy are shown, as they ought to be shown, to
other Chinese, if the law or treaty is framed as above
suggested. Examinations should be completed at the port of
departure from China. For this purpose there should be
provided a more adequate consular service in China than we now
have. The appropriations, both for the offices of the consuls
and for the office forces in the consulates, should be
increased.
{542}
"As a people we have talked much of the open door in China,
and we expect, and quite rightly intend to insist upon,
justice being shown us by the Chinese. But we can not expect
to receive equity unless we do equity. We can not ask the
Chinese to do to us what we are unwilling to do to them. They
would have a perfect right to exclude our laboring men if our
laboring men threatened to come into their country in such
numbers as to jeopardize the well being of the Chinese
population; and as, mutatis mutandis, these were the
conditions with which Chinese immigration actually brought
this people face to face, we had and have a perfect right,
which the Chinese Government in no way contests, to act as we
have acted in the matter of restricting coolie immigration.
That this right exists for each country was explicitly
acknowledged in the last treaty between the two countries. But
we must treat the Chinese student, traveler, and business man
in a spirit of the broadest justice and courtesy if we expect
similar treatment to be accorded to our own people of similar
rank who go to China."
_President's Message to Congress,
December 5, 1905._
No effective impression on the moral sense or the rationality
of Congress was made by the President’s appeal, and the laws
which are contemptuous of national treaties and indifferent to
the national honor remain on the statute books unchanged. That
others than the President in the Federal Administration felt
the wrong and the shame of the law which it had to administer,
was shown by an article from the pen of the Secretary of
Commerce and Labor, published in the spring of 1908. The
following are some passages from the article:
"It is not the policy of the Government with reference to
Chinese immigration, but the manner in which it is, of
necessity, carried out, by reason of the way in which the laws
are framed, that causes constant friction and dissatisfaction.
… The attitude of the Chinese Government may be inferred from
the fact that in 1904, after the convention of 1894 had been
in force ten years, China availed herself of her reserved
right and formally denounced the treaty, refusing longer to be
a party to an arrangement which, as carried into effect, was
offensive to her national pride. …
"For proof of the feeling of the Chinese people it is only
necessary to refer to the boycott of American goods,
inaugurated by various trade guilds and business and
commercial associations of the Empire during the summer of
1905. At that time China held first rank among Oriental
countries as a consumer of American products. In that year,
her total commerce amounted to $497,000,000, of which
$329,000,000 were imports; $57,000,000, or more than seventeen
per cent., being supplied by the United States. The exports
from the United States to China had grown to these proportions
by rapid strides. They were less than $3,000,000 in the
seventies. They only reached $7,500,000 in 1886, $12,000,000
in 1897, $15,000,000 in 1900, $24,000,000 in 1902, $57,000,000
in 1905. It was reasonable to believe that American trade
would continue to progress in something like the same ratio,
and a larger and larger share of the foreign trade of China
accrue to the United States. Instead of that, the exports of
the United States to China, according to our statistics, fell
to $44,000,000 in 1906, and to $26,000,000 in 1907.
"It is not necessary to attribute the decline wholly to the
boycott of 1905, but a drop in our exportations to that
country of fifty per cent. in two years is sufficiently
startling to challenge attention. But on higher grounds than
those of mere commercial interest should the frame of the laws
be changed. …
"I would not suggest a change in the established policy of
rigidly excluding Chinese laborers of every description, both
skilled and unskilled. The policy has been and will continue
to be as effectively enforced as circumstances will permit.
But, at a time when this policy of exclusion has been so
thoroughly applied that there remain in the United States only
about 70,000 Chinese—less than one-tenth of one per cent, of
our population—little danger need be apprehended from a full
and fair reconsideration of the subject and a recasting of the
laws upon a juster basis. …
"By making admission the rule, and exclusion the exception, we
could easily preserve the present policy in all its integrity,
and even strengthen the real prohibitory features thereof, at
the same time entirely removing a material cause of friction,
dissatisfaction and unnecessary humiliation to the people of a
friendly nation."
_Oscar S. Straus
(Secretary of Commerce and Labor),
The Spirit and Letter of Exclusion
(The North American Review, April, 1908)._
A much stronger expression was given to the shamed feeling of
honorable Americans on this subject by the veteran diplomatist
and former Secretary of State, Honorable John W. Foster, in an
article written in 1906. The following is a passage from the
article:
"I do not know how I can better illustrate the kind of
protection, or want of protection, extended to the Chinese, as
guaranteed by the Constitution, the treaties, and the solemn
promises of the government of the United States, than by
recalling a notorious case which occurred, not on the sand
lots of California, not under the auspices of labor agitators,
but in the enlightened city of Boston and under the conduct of
Federal officials.
"The following narrative is condensed from the newspapers of
that city. At about half past seven o’clock on the evening of
Sunday, October 11, 1902, a number of United States officials
of Boston, New York, and other cities charged with the
administration of the Chinese exclusion laws, assisted by a
force of the local police, made a sudden and unexpected
descent upon the Chinese quarter of Boston. The raid was timed
with a refinement of cruelty which did greater credit to the
shrewdness of the officials than to their humanity. It was on
the day and at the hour when the Chinese of Boston and its
vicinity were accustomed to congregate in the quarter named
for the purpose of meeting friends and enjoying themselves
after a week of steady and honest toil. The police and
immigration officials fell upon their victims without giving a
word of warning. The clubs, restaurants, other public places
where Chinese congregated, and private houses were surrounded.
Every avenue of escape was blocked. To those seized no warrant
for arrest or other paper was read or shown.
"Every Chinese who did not at once produce his certificate of
residence was taken in charge, and the unfortunate ones were
rushed off to the Federal Building without further ceremony.
There was no respect of persons with the officials; they
treated merchants and laborers alike. In many cases no demand
was made for certificates, the captives were dragged off to
imprisonment, and in some instances the demand was not made
till late at night or the next morning, when the certificates
were in the possession of the victims at the time of their
seizure.
{543}
"In the raid no mercy was shown by the government officials.
The frightened Chinese who had sought to escape were dragged
from their hiding-places, and stowed like cattle upon wagons
or other vehicles, to be conveyed to the designated place of
detention. On one of these wagons or trucks from seventy to
eighty persons were thrown, and soon after it moved it was
overturned. A scene of indescribable confusion followed, in
which the shrieks of those attempting to escape mingled with
the groans of those who were injured. …
"About two hundred and fifty Chinese were thus arrested and
carried off to the Federal Building. Here they were crowded
into two small rooms where only standing space could be had,
from eight o’clock in the evening, all through the night, and
many of them till late in the afternoon of the next day. There
was no sleep for any of them that night, though some of them
were so exhausted that they sank to the floor where they
stood. Their captors seemed to think that they had to do with
animals, not human beings. Some of them were released during
the night, when relatives brought their certificates or
merchants were identified. But the greater part were kept till
the next day, when the publicity of the press brought friends,
or relief through legal proceedings. …
"So strong was the indignation of the respectable citizens of
Boston, that a large public meeting was held in Faneuil Hall
to denounce the action of the immigration officials and the
police. … It was announced by the immigration officials that
their raid was organized under the belief that there were a
number of Chinese in Boston and its vicinity unlawfully in the
United States, and this method was adopted for discovering
them. The official report of the chief officer soon after the
event showed that two hundred and thirty-four Chinese were
imprisoned, that one hundred and twenty-one were released
without trial or requirement of bail, and that only five had
so far been deported, but that he hoped that he might secure
the conviction and deportation of fifty; as a matter of fact,
however, the deportations fell much below that number."
_J. W. Foster,
The Chinese Boycott
(Atlantic Monthly, January, 1906)._
In the same article Mr. Foster recalled facts connected with
the negotiation of the Treaty of 1880 which deepen the shame
to the United States of what followed: "In communicating to
the Secretary of State," he said, "the signature of the treaty
of 1880, the American commissioners wrote: ‘In conclusion, we
deem it our duty to say to you that during the whole of this
negotiation the representatives of the Chinese Government have
met us in the fairest and most friendly spirit. They have
been, in their personal intercourse, most courteous, and have
given to all our communications, verbal as well as written,
the promptest and most respectful consideration. After a free
and able exposition of their own views, we are satisfied that
in yielding to the request of the United States they have been
actuated by a sincere friendship and an honorable confidence
that the large powers recognized by them as belonging to the
United States, and bearing directly upon the interests of
their own people, will be exercised by our government with a
wise discretion, in a spirit of reciprocal and sincere
friendship, and with entire justice.’
"But even this treaty, which had been obtained from China so
reluctantly, yet with the generous exhibition of friendship on
her part just described, did not prove satisfactory to the
increasing demands of the labor unions. Before ten years were
passed, under the spur and excitement of the presidential
campaign of 1888, and upon the hesitation of the Chinese
government to make a further treaty modification, the Scott
Act was passed by Congress, which was a deliberate violation
of the treaty of 1880, and was so declared by the Supreme
Court; but under our peculiar system it became the law of the
land. Our government had thus flagrantly disregarded its
solemn treaty obligations. Senator Sherman, then chairman of
the Committee on Foreign Relations, stated in the Senate that
we had furnished China a just cause for war."
----------RACE PROBLEMS: End--------
RACE-TRACK GAMBLING.
See (in this Volume)
GAMBLING.
RADIO-TELEGRAPHY.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION: ELECTRICAL: TELEGRAPHY, WIRELESS.
RADIUM, and Radio-activity.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE, RECENT: RADIUM;
See also
PHYSICAL.
RADOLIN, Prince de:
Arrangement with France for the Algeciras Conference.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.
RAIGOSA, Don Genaro:
President of Second International Conference
of American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
----------RAILWAYS: Start--------
RAILWAYS
RAILWAYS: Abyssinia:
French Projects.
See (in this Volume)
ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.
RAILWAYS: Africa: A. D. 1909.
Progress of the Cape to Cairo Line.
A telegram from Broken Hill, Northern Rhodesia, November 10,
1909, announced that the Cape-to-Cairo Railroad had reached
the Congo frontier on the 16th.
RAILWAYS: Argentina-Chile: A. D. 1909.
The Transandine Railway Tunnel.
The great work, of boring a tunnel through the chain of the
Andes at an altitude of over 10,000 feet above sea level for
the trains of the Transandine Railway was practically
completed in the fall of 1909. "Early in April next the rails
will be laid, and from then onward the journey from Buenos
Ayres, on the eastern side of the South American continent, to
Valparaiso, on the Pacific Coast, may be undertaken in comfort
in a railway carriage all the year round. Up to the present
time passengers from the east have had to leave the rail at
Las Cuevas and proceed by a zigzag road over the mountains on
mule-back or in coaches to Caracoles, the rail head on the
Chilian side—a journey which occupies about two hours; but
this route is only open during the summer months. In the
winter, when the pass is closed by snow, travellers have to go
round by sea. The route under the Andes will effect a saving
of about twelve days. The work of boring the two-mile tunnel
was begun four years ago and has presented exceptional
difficulties."
{544}
RAILWAYS: Australia:
Government Ownership.
Difference of Gauge.
Each State having its own.
"Warfare against monopoly is easier in Australia than in some
other countries for the reason that in Australia the close
relation between monopoly and transportation is generally
understood and is not an issue. Some few and for the most part
small railroad projects, including mining and timber lines,
are still in private hands. All the other railroads are
publicly owned and publicly operated. So far the ownership is
vested in the several states, each having its own system. In
the good old conservative days before the Labor demon raised
its head, there was much childish jealousy among the different
governments. In the conservative view the destiny of Australia
was not to be a nation but a handful of nice little colonies
vying with one another in expressing loyalty to the
monarchical idea and the established order. When these came to
build railroads each colony established its own gauge and
stuck thereto. A more preposterous notion never bewitched the
human mind, but the truth is that a gauge of 4 feet 8½ inches
in New South Wales actually seemed a reason (to the
conservative intellect) for a gauge of 5 feet 3 inches in
Victoria and a gauge of 3 feet 6 inches in Western Australia.
The annoyance, delay, and expense resulting to through traffic
make the thing seem like a section of Bedlam. Between
Melbourne and Sydney, for instance, a line with an immense
business and with otherwise excellent accommodations, you must
change cars on the frontier and all the freight must be
transferred. Eventually the federal Government is to take over
and unify the systems of the different states. Considering the
multiplicities of systems and gauges, the task that will then
confront the federal Government will not be for a holiday."
Charles E. Russell,
The Uprising of the Many, chapter 27
(Doubleday, Page & Co., New York, 1907).
RAILWAYS: Canada: A. D. 1903-1909.
The Grand Trunk Pacific Railway.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1903-1909.
RAILWAYS: Canada: A. D. 1904.
Establishment of the Board of Railway Commissioners
with large Regulative Powers.
In _Moody’s Magazine_ of January, 1906, the Honorable
Robert Bickerdike, M. P., of Montreal, gave a favorable
account of the operation of the Canadian Act of two years
before which created a Board of Railway Commissioners, taking
the place of the former Railway Committee of the Privy
Council, and exercising large powers of control over rates,
construction of road, and speed of trains. "No toll" (that is,
freight rate), he said, "may be charged which unjustly
discriminates between different localities. The board shall
not approve any toll which for like goods or passengers,
carried under substantially similar conditions in the same
direction over the same line, is greater for a shorter than a
longer distance, unless the board is satisfied that, owing to
competition, it is expedient to do so. Where carriage is
partly by rail and partly by water, and the tolls in a single
sum, the board may require the company to declare, or may
determine, what portion is charged in respect of carriage by
rail, to prevent discrimination. Freight tariffs are governed
by a classification which the board must approve, and the
object is to have this classification uniform. Railways shall,
when directed by the board, place any specified goods in any
stated class. Tariffs shall be in such form and give such
details as the board may prescribe. The maximum mileage tariff
shall be filed with the board and be subject to its approval;
when approved, the company shall publish it in the _Canadian
Gazette_, the official publication. As respects this act,
the board is invested with the rights, privileges, and powers
of a superior court. None, therefore, may oppose it."
RAILWAYS: Canada: A. D. 1906.
Government Ownership and Operation of a Railway Line.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1906-1907.
RAILWAYS: Canada: A. D. 1908-1909.
Projected Railway from the Canadian Northwest to Hudson Bay.
In a speech at Niagara Falls, in September, 1908, the Canadian
premier, Sir Wilfrid Laurier, announced positively that his
government had undertaken the construction of a railway from
the Canadian Northwest to Hudson Bay; that surveyors are in
the field determining the route, and that plans for the
construction of the road are being prepared. For a few weeks
in the year this will give another outlet to the greatest
wheat region of the continent for its harvests; and even a few
weeks will afford important relief, no doubt, to the pressure
of its need. Unfortunately, the passage from Hudson Bay to the
ocean, through Hudson Strait, is sealed up with ice during
much the greater part of the year. Quite recently there were
reports of the return of a vessel from the strait which had
found it blocked in July.
Notwithstanding the limit thus put on the usefulness of the
Hudson Bay route, the Northwest is counting on immediate
advantages from it. The _Manitoba Free Press_ exclaims:
"To bring uncounted millions of acres of wheat in Western
Canada a thousand miles nearer to the market in Europe, and
make a saving of many millions of dollars every year in
transportation charges, thereby ensuring higher prices to the
farmers of the Prairie Provinces—this is what the opening up
of the Hudson Bay outlet will achieve. It will mean a
revolution in traffic routes and traffic rates. The immense
amount of territory within the cost-saving reach of Hudson
Bay, the New-World Mediterranean, will make this route one of
the greatest trade arteries of the world. It will place the
grain-growers of Western Canada in control of the markets of
the world by making possible a great reduction in the cost of
transportation. This saving will be brought about because the
Hudson Bay route is by a very considerable distance the
shortest route, and the saving is in the rail haul. … The
total cultivable area in Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Alberta is
some 175,000,000 acres. Even estimating the as yet
uncultivated area as being only one-half as productive as that
which has already come under the plow, a tenfold increase of
the present production is to be counted upon."
{545}
"Roughly speaking," says a magazine article on the subject,
"Churchill [one of the proposed Hudson Bay terminals] is just
1000 miles from the grain areas of Hill’s roads. New York is
2000 miles. Churchill is 1500 miles from Oregon. New York is
nearly 3000. … The harbor itself could not have been better if
it had been made to order. It is a direct 550-mile plain, open
deep-water sailing from the west end of the Straits,—no
shoals, no reefs, deep enough for the deepest-draft keel that
ever sailed the sea."
Tentative surveys of two routes from Winnipeg were undertaken
in October, 1908, and a report of them made in the following
spring. They were favorable to the project on either line.
That to Fort Churchill would have 465 miles of length and its
cost was estimated at $11,608,000. The alternative line, to
Fort Nelson, at the mouth of Nelson River, would be 397
miles long, and have an estimated cost of $8,677,000; but
harbor construction at Fort Nelson would cost heavily. The
report, however, recommended the latter route. Moreover,
abundant water power is waiting development along the Nelson
River, which might result in an economical electrification of
the road. Furthermore, the report suggested possibilities of a
canal along the river from Hudson Bay to Lake Winnipeg, and
from the latter to Winnipeg city, through which ocean craft
might ultimately reach the Manitoba metropolis.
In connection with this projected opening of a commercial
route from America to Europe through Hudson Bay, a Danish
writer has lately urged the Danish Government to bring
Greenland into touch with it.
RAILWAYS: Canada: A. D. 1909.
Important Ruling by the Railway Commission,
affecting American Railways.
In June, 1909, an important decision of the Canadian Railway
Commission was announced, "in the case of the Dawson Board of
Trade against the Yukon and White Pass Railway Company, an
English Corporation, laying down that by the amendment of the
Railway Act passed last session all railways, whether
originating in the United States or not, are under the
jurisdiction of the Canadian board. The point involved is the
question of rates on the White Pass, as to which counsel
asserted that if ordinary rates were ordered to prevail it
would be impossible to pay dividends. The board takes time to
consider the question of rates in view of the details
involved, but orders both the American and Canadian sections
of the line to file figures before the board. It is probable
that the rates of all American railways crossing Canada will
by this decision come under the jurisdiction of the board.
This will affect the Vanderbilt lines, which cross the Niagara
peninsula, also the Hill lines, which enter Canada from
Washington, Oregon, and other States. Railway men regard the
decision as the most important in the history of Canada,
because it gives the Canadian Commission power to regulate
rates on American railways entering Canada."
RAILWAYS: Central Africa: A. D. 1909.
Lines to Katanga.
In March, 1909, the _Temps_, of Paris, published
information according to which the work of constructing the
railway from the Upper Congo to the great Central African
lakes was making such progress that communication with the
Katanga mine fields would probably be established by the end
of 1910. The British South Africa lines, also, are being
pushed toward Katanga.
RAILWAYS: Chile-Bolivia: A. D. 1909.
The Arica-La Paz Railway.
According to a Press despatch from Santiago de Chile, April 5,
1909, a contract for the great railway to be made across the
Andes from Arica, in Chile, to La Paz, in Bolivia, attaining
an elevation of upwards of 12,000 ft. and having a length of a
little over 300 miles, had just been given to an English firm.
The actual money voted for the scheme was said to be
£3,000,000.
RAILWAYS: China:
Extent of Railway Travel.
Unused Concessions.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1904.
RAILWAYS: China: A. D. 1904-1909.
The Hankau-Sze-chuan Railway Loan.
American participation.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1904-1909.
RAILWAYS: China: A. D. 1909.
The Fa-ku-menn Railway and the Antung-Mukden Railway
questions between China and Japan.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1905-1909.
RAILWAYS: China: A. D. 1909.
The Chinese Eastern Railway.
New Russo-Chinese Agreement.
Municipalities on the Line.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1909 (MAY).
RAILWAYS: China: A. D. 1909.
Opening of the Peking-Kalgan Line.
A purely Chinese undertaking.
The opening, October 2d, 1909, with grand ceremonies, of the
Peking-Kalgan Railway, was an event of especial pride and
satisfaction to the Chinese people. It has been, wrote a
newspaper correspondent, "a purely Chinese undertaking, the
chief engineer of which, Jeme Tienyow, a member of the
Institute of Civil Engineers, and every employé are Chinese;
but the rails and rolling stock are foreign. It has been paid
for from the earnings of the Northern Railways, without
foreign financial assistance.
"The line, the length of which is 122 miles, joins Peking with
the important trade mart of Kalgan, piercing the Nankau Pass
by four tunnels, the longest, under the Great Wall, being
3,580 ft. It taps extensive coalfields and is well and
economically laid. Already the traffic is astonishing and will
add to the wealth of the province and increase the earnings of
the Northern Railways.
"The construction of the line has given training and
experience to a body of young Chinese engineers, who will find
ready employment in the future. The line will now be continued
westwards through populous country to Kwei-hua-cheng and the
Yellow River, a distance of 275 miles, the route for which was
surveyed last year. This line will also be paid for from the
earnings of the Northern Railways."
RAILWAYS: China: A. D. 1909-1910.
Proposal to neutralize Manchurian Railways and
to internationally finance a Chinchow-Aigun Line.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1909-1910.
RAILWAYS: England: A. D. 1907-1909.
Adopted System in Great Britain for pacific Settlement
of Labor Disputes in the Railway Service.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.
RAILWAYS: England: A. D. 1908.
No Passengers killed by Train Accidents.
The British public had the happiness of being informed that no
passenger was killed by a train accident on the railways of
Great Britain in 1908, and also that the number of passengers
injured—283—was not only 251 less than in 1907 and 345 less
than in 1906, but, like the number of killed, was less than
any previously recorded.
{546}
RAILWAYS: France: A. D. 1908.
Government purchase of the Western Railway.
In June, 1908, the French Government secured legislation
authorizing it to purchase the Western Railway of France,
which adds 3100 miles to the previous 2500 miles of
State-owned railways. The purchase is said to have been made
with the expectation "that sufficient pressure will be brought
on the other railway companies to make them adopt the methods
of management applied by the State to its railways."
RAILWAYS: France: A. D. 1909.
The Pensioning of State Railway Employés.
See (in this Volume)
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: FRANCE.
RAILWAYS: Mexico: A. D. 1906.
Nationalizing of the Mexican Railway System.
Opening of the Tehuantepec Railway.
"1906 was a year of railway consolidations in Mexico. In March
last, the National Railway of Mexico bought the Hidalgo
Railway, which starts from the capital, passes through the
important mining camp of Pachuca, and will ultimately reach
the port of Tuxpam on the Gulf of Mexico. But by far the most
important operation of the year along these lines was
announced by Finance Minister Limantour on December 14. The
Minister, in an address to Congress, informed that body that
the negotiations, which for some time past had been in
progress, for the reorganization of the finances of the
Mexican Central Railway, had culminated in a plan for the
consolidation of that property with the Mexican National, and
the incorporation of a new company, with headquarters in the
City of Mexico, to own and operate the merged system.
Moreover, the Minister informed the legislature that the
Mexican government, which had owned a controlling interest in
the Mexican National, would hold an absolute majority of the
stock of the new corporation.
"The transaction is an important one, as by it the Mexican
government gains unquestioned control of the transportation
system of the Republic."
_F. R. Guernsey,
The Year in Mexico
(Atlantic Monthly, March, 1907)._
Early in November, 1906, President Diaz formally opened the
Tehuantepec Railway. The event marks the completion of the
plan first proposed by Cortez four hundred years ago, when he
wrote to the king of Spain concerning the feasibility of a
canal from the Atlantic to the Pacific by this route, though
he little dreamt of a railway.
RAILWAYS: Mexico: A. D. 1909.
Extended Governmental Control of Railways.
"The most important step ever taken by the Mexican Government
in connexion with transportation was completed on February 1,
when the amalgamation of the National lines and the Mexican
Central Railway became operative. With this achievement the
Government secured control of 7,012 miles of railway, thus
possessing a majority of the stock of the national lines and
70 per cent. of the stock of the Mexican Central. The
combination includes, apart from the Mexican Central, the
National, International and Interoceanic lines. The Government
likewise controls the Vera Cruz and Pacific Railroad, with 265
miles, and the Tehuantepec National, with 206 miles."
_Correspondence London Times,
July 16, 1909._
RAILWAYS: Mono-Rail System, The Brennan Gyroscopic.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION: RAILWAYS.
RAILWAYS: Netherlands:
Laws against Railway Strikes.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1903.
RAILWAYS: New York: A. D. 1907.
The Public Service Commissions Act.
See (in this Volume)
NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1910; and
PUBLIC UTILITIES.
RAILWAYS: New Zealand: A. D. 1909.
No more building by the Government of Railways not
likely to pay Interest on Cost.
A despatch from Wellington, New Zealand, to the English Press,
October 18, 1909, reported that "the Premier has made an
important announcement regarding his future railway
construction policy. He said that the Government would not
undertake the building of any more lines that were likely not
to pay. If the people wanted such lines they would have to
guarantee their earnings up to 3 per cent."
RAILWAYS: Nigeria: A. D. 1909.
Rapid development of the Railway System.
Early in 1909 Press despatches to London announced that "a
junction had been effected between the rails proceeding
northwards from Lagos and the rails proceeding southward from
Jebba on the Niger River. This places the Niger River, at a
point some 500 miles from its mouth, in direct communication
by rail with the town of Lagos, the capital of Southern
Nigeria, and fulfils the wishes of the inhabitants of Lagos
that ‘the iron horse should drink of the waters of the
Niger.’"
"The completion of the southern branch of the Nigerian railway
system," said a correspondent, "as far as Jebba on the Niger
is an event of considerable significance in the history of
British action in West Africa. The Anglo-French Agreement of
1898 secured us in the possession of what is undoubtedly the
most interesting portion of West Africa; interesting above all
from the character of its varied inhabitants—the agricultural
Yoruba, the keen Hausa trader and manufacturer, the Fulani, by
turn statesman and ruler or wandering herdsman. To this
region—to many parts of it at least—Islam has brought its
schools, its literature, and an effective system of
administration."
RAILWAYS: Rhodesia:
Rapid Extension of Railways.
See (in this Volume)
RHODESIA.
RAILWAYS: Switzerland: A. D. 1905.
Completion of the Tunnel under the Simplon Pass.
The tunnel under the Simplon Pass, between Brigue,
Switzerland, and Iselle, Italy, was finished February 24th,
1905, after seven years work and at a cost of $14,000,000. It
is twelve miles long,—two and three-quarters miles longer than
the St. Gothard tunnel. It opens direct railway communication
between Paris and Milan.
RAILWAYS: Switzerland: A. D. 1909.
Government Purchase of the St. Gothard Railway.
The St. Gothard Tunnel and Railway were built under an
agreement (1879) with the Swiss Government under which the
latter reserved the right of buying the St. Gothard within
thirty years, and the price arranged was twenty-five times the
amount of the net profits of the line during the last ten
years of working. The right was exercised in the spring of
1909, and thus the last of the principal Swiss lines passed
into the possession of the Government. The St. Gothard Company
at first demanded 215,800,000 francs, but eventually accepted
212,500,000 francs. The Confederation took over the debt of
the company--117,090,000 francs ($23,418,000) with 3½ per
cent. interest, and paid six million francs for expenses of
the issue of the company’s loans.
{547}
RAILWAYS: Turkey: A. D. 1899-1909.
The Bagdad Railway.
In January, 1902, the Turkish Sultan signed a convention which
provides a guarantee, to the extent of 12,000 francs per
kilometre for the undertaking of the Bagdad Railway, to build
which a concession had been obtained by a German syndicate in
1899.
See, in Volume VI. of this work,
TURKEY: A. D. 1899--NOVEMBER).
The new railway was to be an extension of the existing
Anatolian Railway, starting from the terminus of the latter at
Konieh and running, via Bagdad, to some point on the Persian
Gulf, the selection of which was left for future arrangement.
The line, with its branches, was to have a length of 2,500
kilometres or about 1550 miles.
A further convention respecting this project was signed in
March, 1903, concerning which the following statement was made
in the British Parliament on the 23d of that month by the
Premier, Mr. Balfour: "A copy of the convention, concluded
March 5, 1903, between the Turkish Government and the
Anatolian Railway Company is in our possession. It leaves the
whole scheme of railway development through Asia Minor to the
Persian Gulf entirely in the hands of a company under German
control. To such a convention we have never been asked to
assent, and we could not in any case be a party to it."
Mr. David Fraser, a young traveller of experience, was
commissioned by the _Times of India_ in 1907 to follow
the proposed route of the Bagdad Railway and report on its
prospects. He started from Constantinople, and traversed the
completed portion of the line to where it breaks off suddenly
some ten kilometres east of Eregli, "with its pair of rails,"
he wrote, "gauntly projecting from the permanent way and
pointing in dumb amazement where the Taurus shares the horizon
with the very skies." "They have now," said the _London
Times_ not long since, "been pointing thus for nearly five
years, to the bewilderment of those who, not knowing the
country, imagined, in 1904, that with Germany determined and
Turkey desirous to push ahead, the Bagdad line would go
forward with inevitable march towards its distant goal."
RAILWAYS: A. D. 1908.
Damascus to Mecca.
The Pilgrims’ Road.
"The Damascus to Mecca Railway has many remarkable features
which distinguish it from other lines. Its principal object is
to provide a means for faithful Moslems to perform their
pilgrimage to the holy places of Mecca and Medina with a
greater degree of comfort than formerly. Its inception is due
to the initiative of the present Sultan, and the enthusiasm
created by its first announcement brought in subscriptions
from the faithful in all parts of the Islamic world."
The length of the line from Damascus to Mecca is 1097 miles.
"The gauge of the line is the somewhat curious one of 1.05
meter (3 feet 5¼ inches), which was necessary, when the line
was first commenced, to correspond with the gauge of the
Beirut-Damascus line, over which the rolling stock had to be
brought."
_Colonel F. R. Maunsell,
National Geographic Magazine,
February, 1909._
The line was opened to Medina early in the autumn of 1908.
RAILWAYS: United States of America: A. D. 1870-1908.
Railway Rate Regulation.
Its slow Development.
"Granger" Legislation in the Middle West.
State Commissions.
Defiant Rebating.
Tardy Federal Legislation.
The Interstate Commerce Act, 1887, 1906.
President Roosevelt on the subject.
The creation of largely capitalized and therefore powerful
corporations was first developed in a rapid and extensive way
by the modern enterprise of railway building; and the railways
became soon so essentially related to every kind of interest,
personal or general, that they naturally gave rise to the
earliest of the specially modern problems of public policy
concerning corporations which required to be solved. For a
long period society had no call to defend itself against
monopolistic combinations among its railway corporations;
because it was long before seriously competitive lines of rail
could be built. Each served its own belt of country; but each
company owning and managing a line held therefore, in itself,
a monopoly of the transportation agency it had created, and
could, in an unchecked management of that agency, either wrong
its whole clientele by excessive rates of charge, or wrong one
part of it by some favoritism of unequal rates. Those were the
original abuses of opportunity and power which provoked
defensive measures of law. Naturally the earlier undertakings
of defence in the United States were by State legislation,
since nearly all charters of incorporation for business
purposes have been derived from the States. Wherever the
operations of business conducted under such charters extend
over more than a single State, the constitutional power of
Congress to "regulate commerce … among the several States"
gives it an undoubted right to take part in the regulation of
them; but it was slow to exercise that right. The following
abridgment of an excellent sketch of the slow development of
railway-rate regulation gives the essential facts. It is
quoted from extensively by kind permission of its authors and
of The _Boston Evening Transcript_ for which it was
prepared:
"Perhaps the most remarkable fact in the whole history of
interstate transportation is that, despite flagrant abuses,
Federal regulation was held off until 1887. Within the States
themselves railroad rates had been often subjected to severe
regulation: yet even the public excitement which accompanied
the ‘granger’ legislation between 1870 and 1880 did not result
in Federal legislation. In several States, notably in the
Middle West, during that epoch, detailed statutes were passed
fixing maximum rates which by no present standard could be
said to be anything but outrageous. In those times the Federal
courts held that they would not consider legislation as
confiscatory if it left to the railroad one cent of net profit
above operating expenses. But even with this rule, now almost
incredible, it was found in the next decade that much of the
rate-fixing under the State statutes was unconstitutional.
{548}
Nor was the situation much ameliorated by the later
establishment of State commissions, for many of them,
according to the present standards, flagrantly abused their
powers. … After the first outburst more conservative counsels
generally prevailed. The movement met much opposition in its
progress throughout the country, and although commissions were
generally created in the East, they were given no final powers
over rates. Then a reaction set in, due in part to the
prostration of the Western roads. … Much wise legislation
dates from this period, and many State commissions acted in a
moderate spirit. The history of railroad legislation in these
seventeen years illustrated, however, the slow process by
which a popular movement culminates in Federal legislation;
and good law or bad, proper action or improper action, the
legislation of the States supplied experience in view of which
Congress could act wisely when, in 1887, Federal legislation
became inevitable. That this legislation had become inevitable
was due very largely to the continued abuse of their
commercial power by the railroad managers. For several years
public opinion as to railroad discrimination had become so
well settled as to work a real change in the common law, yet
the railroad officials persistently defied it. Rebating,
which, as late as 1875, was at common law merely a doubtful
practice, by 1885 had become generally accepted as an illegal
business; but this change the railroads refused to recognize
in any other way than to make their practices more secret. It
was public indignation against long continued illegal
discrimination and undue preference which brought down upon
the railways the inter-State commerce legislation in 1887. The
wonder is, in view of the railway practices, that it did not
come sooner. But however well behaved the railways might have
been, Federal regulation would have come inevitably long
before the end of the nineteenth century, in accordance with
the general current of public opinion that public services
could no longer go without governmental regulation. Still the
act itself as finally passed was really very conservative,
when the nature of the crisis is considered. … By the
principal provisions of the Interstate Commerce act the
railways were forbidden: (1) To charge unreasonable rates; (2)
To discriminate between persons; (8) To give preference
between localities; (4) To charge less for a long haul than
for a shorter haul included within it ‘under substantially
similar circumstances.’ These provisions were undoubtedly
intended by the majority of those who framed the act as rather
radical legislation, which should materially affect the
practice of the railroads; but the conservative force of
judicial decision soon modified the intended force of the act.
From the outset the commission claimed that it not merely had
power under the act to forbid any unreasonable rate upon
complaint made, but that also, in giving relief, it might
indicate to the railroad what should be the reasonable rate
thenceforth. But within ten years the Supreme Court decided
that the commission had no power to fix rates at all. This was
a famous victory for the railroad bar, for without an
authoritative statement by the commission of what rate it
would regard as reasonable, even a railroad which yielded
obedience to the decree of the commission without appeal to
the courts, could make a slight reduction in the rate, and any
dissatisfied shipper would be obliged to enter again into an
expensive and dilatory litigation. In this way the railroads
tired out objecting shippers; but in the process they
stimulated a widespread demand for a power in the commission
to fix rates similar to that given to many State commissions
and to the corresponding body in Great Britain. The long and
short haul clause provided that exceptions to it must be by
special dispensation from the commission. … But tucked away in
the section was the vague phrase, ‘under substantially similar
circumstances,’ which proved its destruction. At first the
commission began to enforce the act according to its obvious
reading, and to grant dispensations from its operation on
petition of the railroad in proper cases. But the whole effort
of the railway counsel was concentrated upon the courts, and
it was finally held that wherever there was competition at the
distant points, the conditions were dissimilar with those at
the intervening points of any benefit from the clause. Water
competition was first held an excuse for a lower rate for the
longer haul. Then rail competition was recognized. Next
potential competition over existing routes was held enough.
But finally the courts refused to consider the mere
possibility of new routes. … Commercial cities and towns were
left at the mercy of the railways, as they had been before the
act, and the long and short-haul clause became a dead letter.
This was a cause of most bitter complaint; yet, singularly
enough, when the amendments of 1906 were adopted, no attempt
was made to amend this clause. … Further action by the Federal
Government was foreshowed as before by a very considerable
body of legislation throughout the United States, between 1900
and 1905. In many States there was an unfortunate
recrudescence of the ill-advised ‘granger’ legislation, by the
passing of statutes fixing maximum rates; but this time it was
passenger rates which were chiefly attacked, while before it
had been freight rates. The two-cent fare was a popular
programme in this period, and it all but swept the country.
Some legislatures, however, defied it, and some governors
stood out against the legislatures. … The legislation of this
period had, however, another branch which was well-advised. It
is the general characteristic of this legislation that it
confers on the railroad commission the power, while setting
aside unreasonable rates, of fixing a maximum rate. The giving
of such power to the interstate Commission was the principal
point in the programme for further Federal legislation. One
other general power that has been given to State commissions
in the legislation since 1900 is the authority to compel
railroads to furnish proper facilities, together with power of
supervision of management in other respects, which is adopted in
the Federal legislation of 1906 in an experimental way. Those
who would understand the Federal legislation in its latest
form should study the most recent railroad regulation in
Minnesota and Wisconsin, Indiana and New York. … As finally
adopted, the act of 1906 [known as the Hepburn Act] is in form
of a series of amendments to the original act of 1887. … The
main object in most of the legislation was to strengthen still
further the power of the commission over rates and rebates.
{549}
In regard to these, the amendments affected change chiefly
along these two lines. (1) Power is given to the commission to
fix maximum rates in cases where, upon complaint, the rates
fixed by the railroad were found to be excessive. This
includes the power to fix joint through rates. (2) Rebating is
forbidden under heavy penalties, civil and criminal, both to
the railroad and to the shipper; and the cases in which a
reduced rate can be given are enumerated."
_Joseph H. Beale and Bruce Wyman,
Two Years of the Railroad Rate Law
(Boston Evening Transcript, October 10, 1908)._
It was through no fault of the President that effective
legislation to suppress secret rebates and other practices of
favoritism to large shippers by the railways came so tardily
from Congress, as appears above. In his first Message, of
December, 1901, he began urging the needed amendments to the
Interstate Commerce Act of 1887, saying:
"That law was largely an experiment. Experience has shown the
wisdom of its purposes, but has also shown, possibly, that
some of its requirements are wrong, certainly that the means
devised for the enforcement of its provisions are defective. …
The act should be amended. The railway is a public servant.
Its rates should be just to and open to all shippers alike.
The Government should see to it that within its jurisdiction
this is so and should provide a speedy, inexpensive, and
effective remedy to that end. At the same time it must not be
forgotten that our railways are the arteries through which the
commercial life-blood of this Nation flows. Nothing could be
more foolish than the enactment of legislation which would
unnecessarily interfere with the development and operation of
these commercial agencies. The subject is one of great
importance and calls for the earnest attention of the
Congress."
For five years after this reasonable and most just
recommendation was addressed to Congress, the special
interests opposed to public interests in the matter were
represented so controllingly in that body that the impotences
of the law remained uncured. In the Presidential Message of
1904 a more imperative language on the subject was used. "It
is necessary," said the Chief Magistrate, "to put a complete
stop to all rebates. Whether the shipper or the railroad is to
blame makes no difference; the rebate must be stopped, the
abuses of the private car and private terminal-track and
side-track systems must be stopped, and the legislation of the
Fifty-eighth Congress which declares it to be unlawful for any
person or corporation to offer, grant, give, solicit, accept,
or receive any rebate, concession, or discrimination in
respect of the transportation of any property in interstate or
foreign commerce whereby such property shall by any device
whatever be transported at a less rate than that named in the
tariffs published by the earner must be enforced. … The
Government must in increasing degree supervise and regulate
the workings of the railways engaged in interstate commerce;
and such increased supervision is the only alternative to an
increase of the present evils on the one hand or a still more
radical policy on the other. In my judgment the most important
legislative act now needed as regards the regulation of
corporations is this act to confer on the Interstate Commerce
Commission the power to revise rates and regulations, the
revised rate to at once go into effect, and to stay in effect
unless and until the court of review reverses it."
Still Congress did nothing in response to this demand, which
was the demand of the American public, uttered by its chief
and truest representative. Another year passed, and when the
next annual communication of counsel from the national
executive to the national legislature came forth, all other
topics in it were overshadowed by this. The force of argument,
admonition, and pleading in the Message was fairly
overpowering, and it went to a newly chosen Congress in which
the people had represented themselves with somewhat better
effect. The result was the amending act of 1906.
In the energy of the President’s advocacy of this legislation
there was nothing of animosity to the railway corporations.
His most impressive arguments, for example, were such as
these: "I believe that on the whole our railroads have done
well and not ill; but the railroad men who wish to do well
should not be exposed to competition with those who have no
such desire, and the only way to secure this end is to give to
some government tribunal the power to see that justice is done
by the unwilling exactly as it is gladly done by the willing.
Moreover, if some Government body is given increased power the
effect will be to furnish authoritative answer on behalf of
the railroad whenever irrational clamor against it is raised,
or whenever charges made against it are disproved. I ask this
legislation not only in the interest of the public but in the
interest of the honest railroad man and the honest shipper
alike, for it is they who are chiefly jeoparded by the
practices of their dishonest competitors."
RAILWAYS: A. D. 1890-1902.
Application of the Sherman Anti-Trust Law of 1890 to
Railway Combinations and Poolings of Rates.
The Trans-Missouri Freight Association Case.
Decision of the Supreme Court.
Remarks of the Industrial Commission.
In the period between 1870 and 1880 the widening of
combination and organization in all fields of heavily
capitalized industry began, especially in America, to attain
proportions that could be dangerous to social interests in
many ways, by its concentration of the power that money
commands. Alarming possibilities of monopoly, of oppression to
labor, of political corruption, of commercial tyranny
exercised in many forms, were all involved. At the same time
the processes working in this matter were wholly those of a
natural evolution, and were shaping human industry, very
plainly and surely, to perfected economic conditions and
results. Serious problems in government were thus pressed on
public attention for the first time. How to realize the
economic benefits which industrial organization on the large
scale can produce, and which are unattainable without it, and
be at the same time securely defended in all social and common
interests against selfishly hostile uses of the power so
engendered, became then a subject of anxious debate, and the
satisfying answer to it has not yet been found.
{550}
Railway companies were now no longer alone, as corporations
that challenge the exercise of public authority to control
their performance of the public service for which they were
chartered. The growth of mammoth organisms of business in
other fields—such, for example, as the Standard Oil
Company—had reached startling proportions, and the power of
oppression in them was being displayed. Economists, jurists,
and thoughtful legislators were giving earnest study to the
problems they raised. The difficulty of the problem, in the
United States more than in other countries, because of the
divided jurisdictions in government under the federal system,
is made plain by Mr. E. Parmalee Prentice, in the seventh
chapter of his treatise on "The Federal Power over Carriers
and Corporations." Before Congress attempted legislation for a
general control of commercial combinations that were operative
in the country at large, there was much searching for an
adequate ground of constitutional power. In the first instance
it was sought for, not in the authority to regulate commerce,
but in the taxing power, or the right of government to protect
itself from injury to the operation of its revenue laws. When
this was given up there were efforts to frame an act "in
restraint of competition in the production, manufacture or
sale of goods ‘that in due course of trade shall be
transported from one State’ to another." But, says Mr.
Prentice, "a statute of this nature could be sustained only on
the ground of an anticipating and continuing jurisdiction over
every article which, at any period in its history—from
production commenced to consumption completed—had ever
crossed, or would cross, State lines, and over every buyer and
every seller of such article." This, too, was abandoned, as
"an attempt to do the impossible." "The clause relating to
diversity of citizenship was stricken out, and the bill once
more rested upon the narrow power to regulate commerce." As it
finally passed the two houses of Congress and was approved by
the President, July 2d, 1890, this much discussed and much
litigated piece of legislation, known as the Sherman Act,
embodied its purpose in the first two sections, which read as
follows:
"Section 1.
Every contract, combination in the form of trust or otherwise,
or conspiracy, in restraint of trade or commerce among the
several States, or with foreign nations, is hereby declared to
be illegal. Every person who shall make any such contract or
engage in any such combination or conspiracy, shall be deemed
guilty of a misdemeanor, and, on conviction thereof, shall be
punished by fine not exceeding five thousand dollars, or by
imprisonment not exceeding one year, or by both said
punishments, in the discretion of the court.
"Section 2.
Every person who shall monopolize, or attempt to monopolize,
or combine or conspire with any other person or persons, to
monopolize any part of the trade or commerce among the several
States, or with foreign nations, shall be deemed guilty of a
misdemeanor, and, on conviction thereof, shall be punished by
fine not exceeding five thousand dollars, or by imprisonment
not exceeding one year, or by both said punishments, in the
discretion of the court."
"In a number of early cases," says the writer already quoted,
"the act was applied to combinations of laborers to interrupt
the free passage from State to State, the defendants in most
instances being railroad employees. At this point in the
process of judicial construction the case of the Freight
Association [United States v. Trans-Missouri Freight
Association] presented to the Supreme Court the question
whether the act applied to interstate carriers. Of the
intention of Congress there is probably little doubt. Railroad
transportation had been covered in 1887 by the Interstate
Commerce Act. The Sherman Act of 1890 was intended to cover
not transportation, but trade."
The suit of the United States against the Trans-Missouri
Freight Association, the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe
Railroad Co., and others, was brought for the dissolution of
an association or combination alleged to be in restraint of
trade, and in violation therefore of the Act of July 2, 1890,
called the Sherman Anti-Trust Law. It was tried originally in
November, 1892, before United States District Judge Riner, of
the Kansas District, who ruled that the law did not apply, and
dismissed the case. On appeal it was tried again with the same
result the next year before Circuit Judge Sanborn and District
Judges Shiras and Thayer. Judges Sanborn and Thayer affirmed
the judgment of the District Court, while Judge Shiras
dissented. The question then went for final adjudication to
the Supreme Court, where it was argued on the 8th and 9th of
December, 1896, and decided on the 22d of March, 1897. The
opinion of the Court, delivered by Justice Peckham, reversed
the judgment of the courts below, affirming that the
Anti-Trust Act applies to railroads, and that it renders
illegal all agreements which are in restraint of trade. The
case was accordingly remanded to the Circuit Court "for
further proceedings in conformity with this opinion." Justices
White, Field, Gray, and Shiras dissented from the opinion of
the majority.
"In the Final Report (transmitted to Congress in February,
1902), of the Industrial Commission, created by Act of
Congress in 1898, this case of the Trans-Missouri Freight
Association, and the general status at that time of questions
involved in it, are discussed at length, and partly as
follows:
"It is of peculiar interest to note that this leading case was
decided, not upon interpretation of the interstate commerce
act itself, but under the provisions of the Sherman anti-trust
law of 1890. … Two questions were plainly before the court:
First whether the Sherman anti-trust law applied to and
covered common carriers by railroad; and secondly, whether the
Trans-Missouri Freight Association violated any provision of
that act by being an unreasonable restraint upon trade. The
court itself acknowledged that it was doubtful whether
Congress originally intended to include railroads under the
prohibitory provisions of the anti-trust law. Counsel for the
carriers showed, it would seem conclusively, that an amendment
proposed by Mr. Bland to include railroads in the prohibition
was rejected. The dissenting Supreme Court justices maintained
that in the absence of a specific application of the
anti-trust law to railroads, inasmuch as the anti-trust law
was a general act, while the act to regulate commerce,
antedating it by three years, was specific, the latter
exempted the railroads, in any case, from the drastic
provisions of the Sherman Act against combinations in
restraint of trade. The court refused to consider other than
mere questions of law, holding that if pooling were excepted
it was the province of Congress to take appropriate action. …
{551}
"It has very frequently been asserted that a primary cause of
the notable tendency toward railroad consolidation since 1898
was the definitive prohibition of all varieties of traffic
contracts or agreements by the Trans-Missouri Freight
Association decision of 1897. This decision, as has already
been indicated, was rendered upon the basis of the Sherman
anti-trust law, without contemplation of the prohibitive
provision of the Act to regulate commerce of 1887. According
to the opinion of many jurists, in fact, the latter act could
not reasonably have been construed to prohibit many of the
traffic agreements which have been customary between carriers.
It has been urged with great force that coöperation among the
railroads having been finally adjudged illegal, it became
necessary to have recourse to a more drastic remedy, namely,
consolidation in some of its various forms. … The first
difference to be noted between pooling and consolidation is
that the latter is much more comprehensive in its scope. …
Agreements for the division of traffic constitute but the mere
machinery by which a certain result is to be attained. …
Experience has abundantly shown that it is possible for
railroads to maintain a large part of their identity, even
reserving to themselves the power to make rates independently,
under a pool, in exceptional cases, without thereby entirely
nullifying the steadying influences of such traffic
agreements. Consolidation, however, necessarily involves the
unification of all interests as between railroads. … In brief,
pooling may still permit competition in respect to facilities.
It may merely eliminate the ruinous phases of competition in
rates, leaving still in force the healthful influences of
reasonable rivalry. Consolidation proceeds to the uttermost to
stifle competition of all kinds, whether in respect of rates
or of facilities. … A second point to be kept in mind as
between the effects of consolidation and pooling lies in the
fact that consolidation can never hope to accomplish the
steadying influence upon rates which is claimed for railroad
pools, until such time as every railroad within a given
competitive territory shall have been bought up and absorbed.
… A division of territory into a number of specific groups,
each absolutely monopolized by one interest, seems to be the
only logical outcome of the consolidations which have been
already accomplished. …
"Pools and pooling still exist: although outwardly called
gentlemen’s agreement or disguised in some other way, it is
incontestable that in every case where consolidation has not
proceeded to its uttermost limits, as in New England, traffic
agreements exist. Railroad men are almost unanimous in the
expression of their desire to have the inhibition removed.
Representatives of commercial interests have, in the main,
acceded to this opinion. As has been shown, the prohibition
was not contemplated originally. It was included in the act
only as a concession to certain opponents of pooling in the
House of Representatives. … On the other hand, it is
universally recognized that certain dangers to the shipper are
incident to such action. Railroad pools may, and certainly
have, in some instances, operated either to raise rates, or to
maintain them in face of a tendency to decline. As a
consequence, the majority of these appeals for remedial
legislation are accompanied by a demand that pooling, if once
more permitted by law, shall be subject to governmental
approval and supervision."
_Final Report of the Industrial Commission,
pages 338-348._
RAILWAYS: A. D. 1901-1905.
The Northern Securities Case.
Another test of the Sherman Act.
The question of the Legality of Combination
between Corporations through a "Holding Company."
At about the time when the Industrial Commission was producing
its final report, from which the above is taken, the courts of
the United States were called on to give attention to another
mode, distinctly different from either "pooling" agreements or
corporate consolidation, by which an effective combination of
railway lines could be secured. It came to the consideration
of the courts in the case of the Northern Securities Company,
which was famous in its day. Briefly related, the case arose
as follows:
Although the Great Northern Railway and the Northern Pacific
Railway traverse the same Northwestern section of the United
States, from the Mississippi River and the western extremity
of the Great Lakes to the Pacific Coast, at no great distance
apart, there was not rivalry, but a community of interest
between them, in 1901, when the corporations to which they
belong became joint purchasers of the Chicago, Burlington and
Quincy Railway system, in order to secure for each of them a
direct connection with Chicago, under their joint control.
This achievement of the powerful railway interests controlled
by James J. Hill was followed by what is known in Wall Street
as a "raid" on the stock of the Northern Pacific, by the Union
Pacific interests, headed by E. H. Harriman, with the object
of securing votes to elect the next board of directors in that
corporation, and thus control the whole Northern
transcontinental combination. The outcome of the fierce
struggle was a compromise, from which issued the famous
"holding company" known as the Northern Securities Company,
incorporated on the 12th of November, 1901, under the
accommodating laws of the State of New Jersey. The term
"holding company" describes precisely the function which this
corporation was created to perform. In the language of its
charter, "the objects for which the corporation is formed are:
To acquire by purchase, subscription or otherwise, and to hold
as investment, any bonds or other securities or evidences of
indebtedness. … To purchase, hold, sell, assign, transfer,
mortgage, pledge, or otherwise dispose of, any bonds or other
securities or evidences of indebtedness created or issued by
any other corporation. … To purchase, hold … etc., shares of
capital stock of any other corporation … and, while owner of
such stock, to exercise all the rights, powers and privileges
of ownership, including the right to vote thereon."
{552}
The specific plan of operation was set forth in a circular
issued by the Northern Securities Company, on the 22d of
November, 1901, to holders of the stock of the Great Northern
Railway Company, which said: "The Northern Securities Company,
incorporated under the laws of the State of New Jersey, with
an authorized capital stock of $400,000,000, and with power to
invest in and hold the securities of other companies, has
commenced business, and has acquired from several large
holders of stock of the Great Northern Railway Company a
considerable amount of that stock. A uniform price has been
paid of $180 per share, in the fully paid stock of this
company, at par. This company is ready to purchase additional
shares of the same stock at the same price, payable in the
same manner, and will accept offers made on that basis if made
within the next sixty days."
"It seems," says Professor Meyer, in his "History of the
Northern Securities Case," "that the capitalization of
$400,000,000 was fixed at that figure in order to cover
approximately the combined capital stock of the Northern
Pacific and Great Northern at an agreed price apparently based
upon earning capacity. The par value of the outstanding
capital stock of the Great Northern was $123,880,400, and that
of the Northern Pacific amounted to $155,000,000. The Northern
Securities Company purchased about seventy-six per cent. of
the former and ninety-six per cent. of the latter, on the
basis of $115 per share of $100 of Northern Pacific and $180
per share of $100 of the Great Northern."
From the side of the railway interests concerned, this holding
together of the stocks of the two corporations which owned
between them the connecting Burlington line to Chicago was a
necessary business transaction. Their view of it was stated
subsequently by Mr. Hill, in testimony given during
proceedings which tested the legality of the holding company,
when he said: "With the Northern Pacific as a half-owner in
the shares of the Burlington and responsibility for one-half
of the purchase price of these shares, the transfers of the
shares of the Northern Pacific or the control of the Northern
Pacific to an interest that was adverse or an interest that
had greater investments in other directions, the control being
in the hands of companies whose interests would be injured by
the growth and development of this country would, of course,
put the Great Northern in a position where it would be almost
helpless, because we would be, as it were, fenced out of the
territory south which produces the tonnage we want to take
west and which consumes the tonnage we want to bring east, and
the Great Northern would be in a position where it would have
to make a hard fight—either survive or perish, or else sell
out to the other interests. The latter would be the most
business-like proceeding."
On the other hand, from the standpoint of public interests,
the combination looked dangerous to the Northwestern States,
as being a suppression of competition and a creation of
monopoly in railway transportation, and it was quickly
announced that the Governor of Minnesota had determined to
invite the Governors of States affected by the transaction to
a conference, for the purpose of considering "the best methods
of fighting the Northern Securities Company’s propositions in
the courts and by new legislation, if necessary." The result
of the conference was a suit undertaken by the State of
Minnesota, at first in the Supreme Court of the United States,
where it was found to be impracticable, but finally begun in
the United States Circuit Court. This State action was soon
followed by proceedings taken by the Federal Government.
Attorney-General Knox was asked by the President for an
opinion as to the legality of the procedure involved in the
formation of the Northern Securities Company, and replied
that, in his judgment it violated the provisions of the
Sherman Act of 1890. The President then "directed that
suitable action should be taken to have the question
judicially determined." Suit was begun accordingly on the 10th
of March, 1902, by the United States, in the United States
Circuit Court at St. Paul, against the three companies,
—Northern Securities, Great Northern, and Northern Pacific.
Testimony was taken in St. Paul and New York, and the case was
argued in March, 1903, at St. Louis, before a special trial
court, composed of four circuit judges. The decision rendered
by this court, the four judges concurring, declared the
transaction illegal, and enjoined the Northern Securities
Company from performing the acts that it was intended to
perform. This decision was contradicted, however, by one given
at about the same time in the suit of the State of Minnesota,
which had its trial in the United States Circuit Court for the
District of Minnesota. There the legality of the formation of
the Northern Securities Company was affirmed.
Appeals from both decisions were taken to the Supreme Court,
and that of the special trial court, in the suit of the
Federal Government, which declared the procedure involved in
the formation of the Northern Securities Company to be in
violation of the Sherman Act of 1890, was fully sustained by a
majority of the Court, in March, 1904. In the opinion of the
majority of the justices, "if Congress has not, by the words
used in the Act, described this and like cases, it would, we
apprehend, be impossible to find words that would describe
them."
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.
The Court below was authorized accordingly to execute its
decree against the Securities Company. A little later the
Supreme Court decided in the Minnesota State suit that it had
no jurisdiction, and sent the case back, to be remanded to the
State court from which it had been originally removed. With
this case nothing further was done.
In connection with the undoing of the Northern Securities
Company’s operations, to reconvey the property for which it
had issued its stock, fresh litigation arose, over questions
that touched the construction to be put on the court’s decree.
This, too, went up to the Supreme Court of the United States,
and was decided there in March, 1905; but it has no important
bearing on the questions involved in the original case.
{553}
In the final chapter of his history of the case, Professor
Meyer has this to say of it: "The chief interest of the
Northern Securities case lies in the magnitude of the
interests involved and in the variety of the economic and
legal problems which were incidentally drawn into the
controversy. From the point of view of railway organization
the case presents little of consequence, except that railway
corporate organization, in the process of metamorphosis or
evolution, must, avoid the technicality of the particular type
of holding company which the Northern Securities Company
represented. From the point of view of railway regulation and
the relations between the general public interests and private
railway management, the case has no significance whatsoever,
in spite of the fact that action against the Securities
Company arose out of alleged injurious consequences to the
public. It was assumed that competition had been stifled,
without first asking the question whether competition had
actually existed; and whether, if competition could be
perpetuated, the public would profit by it."
_Balthazer Henry Meyer,
A History of the Northern Securities Case
(Bulletin of the University of Wisconsin, Number 142)._
RAILWAYS: A. D. 1901-1909.
The Harriman System.
Its Creation.
Its Magnitude.
The Rapid Rise of the late E. H. Harriman to Financial Power.
On the death of the late Edward H. Harriman, which occurred on
the 9th of September, 1909, it was said that he was the
absolute dictator of 75,000 miles of railroad in the United
States—about one-third of the country’s total mileage of
railways—besides being a leading director in four ocean
steamship lines, two trust companies, and three banks. Some
time previously the Interstate Commerce Commission, in the
report of its investigation of the Union Pacific Railroad
management, said of him: "Mr. Harriman may journey by
steamship from New York to New Orleans, thence by rail to San
Francisco, across the Pacific Ocean to China, and, returning
by another route to the United States, may go to Ogden by any
one of three rail lines, and thence to Kansas City or Omaha,
without leaving the deck or platform of a carrier which he
controls, and without duplicating any part of his journey."
In the same report, referring to one of the most questionable
of Harriman’s financial operations, the Commission remarked
that it was "rich in illustrations of various methods of
indefensible financing," but added that it was no part of the
Harriman policy to permit the properties under the Union
Pacific control to degenerate. "As railroads," it was said,
"they are better properties to-day, with lower grades,
straighter tracks, and more ample equipment than they were
when they came under that control. Large sums have been
generously expended in the carrying on of engineering works
and betterments which make for the improvement of the service
and the permanent value of the property."
On the occasion of Mr. Harriman’s death, the New York
_Evening Post_, reviewing his career, said of him that
"his worst enemies are forced to admit that as a railroad
executive he had no peer. What he found on taking charge of
the Union Pacific was two dirt ballasted streaks of rust. The
stations along the mountain grades were tumbled-down shacks,
and most of the equipment was fit only for the scrap pile.
Moreover, there was no organization. From top to bottom of the
staff the men had lost heart. In 1898 the Union Pacific was
suffering from bankruptcy, brought on by years of political
and financial intrigue. But when Harriman got his grip on the
property he said to his associates: ‘We will rebuild it and do
it right away.’
Harriman’s plans called for hundreds of millions of dollars
for new rails, lower grades, and modern cars, locomotives, and
terminals. After a struggle the Union Pacific directors came
around to his way of thinking."
"It is necessary to remember," said the _Post_, in
another article, "in summing up the Wall Street side of Mr.
Harriman’s history, that fifteen years ago he was hardly
known, even in railway circles; that ten years ago, his name
would have conveyed no meaning or association to the general
public; that even at the inception of the celebrated Northern
Pacific fight of 1901 [see above, under date of 1901-1905], in
which he was actually a chief protagonist, Wall Street
mentioned his name only incidentally in connection with it.
The fight, as the Stock Exchange and the newspapers then saw
it, was waged between the ‘Standard Oil interest,’ and the
‘Morgan interest,’ and the Union Pacific’s chairman cut little
individual figure in the public view."
RAILWAYS: A. D. 1903 (February).
Act of Congress to Further Regulate Commerce with Foreign
Nations and among the States, known commonly
as "the Elkins Law."
The following are the essential provisions of the Act,
approved February 19, 1903, which is commonly referred to as
the Elkins Anti-Rebate Law:
"The willful failure upon the part of any carrier subject to
said Acts to file and publish the tariffs or rates and charges
as required by said Acts or strictly to observe such tariffs
until changed according to law, shall be a misdemeanor, and
upon conviction thereof the corporation offending shall be
subject to a fine not less than one thousand dollars nor more
than twenty thousand dollars for each offense; and it shall be
unlawful for any person, persons, or corporation to offer,
grant, or give or to solicit, accept, or receive any rebate,
concession, or discrimination in respect of the transportation
of any property in interstate or foreign commerce by any
common carrier subject to said Act to regulate commerce and
the Acts amendatory thereto whereby any such property shall by
any device whatever be transported at a less rate than that
named in the tariffs published and filed by such carrier, as
is required by said Act to regulate commerce and the Acts
amendatory thereto, or whereby any other advantage is given or
discrimination is practiced. Every person or corporation who
shall offer, grant, or give or solicit, accept or receive any
such rebates, concession, or discrimination shall be deemed
guilty of a misdemeanor, and on conviction thereof shall be
punished by a fine of not less than one thousand dollars nor
more than twenty thousand dollars. In all convictions
occurring after the passage of this Act for offences under
said Acts to regulate commerce, whether committed before or
after the passage of this Act, or for offenses under this
section, no penalty shall be imposed on the convicted party
other than the fine prescribed by law, imprisonment wherever
now prescribed as part of the penalty being hereby abolished.
Every violation of this section shall be prosecuted in any
court of the United States having jurisdiction of crimes
within the district in which such violation was committed or
through which the transportation may have been conducted; and
whenever the offense is begun in one jurisdiction and
completed in another it may be dealt with, inquired of, tried,
determined, and punished in either jurisdiction in the same
manner as if the offense had been actually and wholly
committed therein.
{554}
"In construing and enforcing the provisions of this section
the act, omission, or failure of any officer, agent, or other
person acting for or employed by any common carrier acting
within the scope of his employment shall in every case be also
deemed to be the act, omission, or failure of such carrier as
well as that of the person. Whenever any carrier files with
the Interstate Commerce Commission or publishes a particular
rate under the provisions of the Act to regulate commerce or
Acts amendatory thereto, or participates in any rates so filed
or published, that rate as against such carrier, its officers
or agents in any prosecution begun under this Act shall be
conclusively deemed to be the legal rate, and any departure
from such rate, or any offer to depart therefrom, shall be
deemed to be an offense under this section of this Act."
_Statutes at Large of the United States,
Fifty-seventh Congress, Session II, chapter 708._
In comment on the above Act, Professor Ripley wrote, sometime
after its passage:
"Two years ago, at the instance of the railways, which were
desirous of stopping large leakages of revenue due to rate
cutting, Congress enacted the so-called Elkins law. This was
distinctly a railway measure. Hence the ease and quiet of its
passage. It roused none of the corporate watch dogs of the
Senate, ostensibly guardians of the public welfare. Nor was it
a compromise. There was no need of compromise. Both railways
and shippers were agreed in the wish to eliminate rebates.
Section 3 of this law of 1903 recites ‘that whenever the
Interstate Commerce Commission shall have reasonable ground
for belief that any common carrier is engaged in the carriage
of passenger or freight traffic between given points at less
than the published rates on file, _or is committing any
discriminations forbidden by law_’ (our italics), it may
petition any circuit judge for the issuance of an injunction
summarily prohibiting the practice. Such a remedy would seem
to be prompt, efficient, and adequate. It is the basis of the
universal railway testimony that no further legislation on the
subject is needed, but that the Interstate Commerce Commission
should quit talking and get down to business. …
"That the Elkins law adds nothing to the original statute of
1887 is indisputable. It deals with means, not ends. It
provides motive power, but not intelligent direction, for the
wheels of justice. The law remains absolutely unchanged in its
definition of rights and wrongs."
_W. Z. Ripley,
President Roosevelt’s Railway Policy
(Atlantic Monthly, September, 1905)._
RAILWAYS: A. D. 1905.
International Railway Congress.
The International Railway Congress had its meeting of 1905 at
Washington, on the invitation of the American Railroad
Association. Between three and four hundred American railroad
men were in attendance during the Congress, which lasted from
May 4 to May 13. The delegates from oversea numbered three
hundred and twenty, and included representatives from every
country in the world. Germany, for the first time, was
adequately represented in the Congress; while at no previous
Congress were there so many delegates from Great Britain and
from British colonies.
RAILWAYS: A. D. 1906.
Reconstruction of the Interstate Commerce Commission.
See (in this Volume)
INTERSTATE COMMERCE COMMISSION.
RAILWAYS: A. D. 1906-1909.
Decision of the Supreme Court of the United States on
the Constitutionality of the "Commodities Clause" of
the Hepburn Act.
The Railroad Monopoly of the Anthracite Coal Trade.
The Act of 1906 (known commonly as the Hepburn Act) which
amended the Interstate Commerce Act of 1887 (see above, under
date of 1870-1908), contains an important provision which was
specially intended to dissolve the monopolistic combination by
which a group of railroads operating in Pennsylvania have
established control of the mining and marketing, as well as
the transportation of anthracite coal. This was inserted in
the Act on motion of Senator Elkins and is sometimes referred
to as the "Elkins Clause," sometimes as the "Commodities
Clause" of the Railway Rebate Act. This clause declared it to
be unlawful "for any railroad company to transport from any
State to any other State or to any foreign country any article
or commodity other than timber manufactured, mined, or
produced by it, or under its authority, or which it may own in
whole or in part, or in which it may have any interest, direct
or indirect, except such articles or commodities as may be
necessary and intended for its use in the conduct of its
business as a common carrier."
Since 1874 the Constitution of Pennsylvania had declared that
"no incorporated company doing the business of a common
carrier shall, directly or indirectly, prosecute or engage in
mining or manufacturing articles for transportation over its
works; nor shall such company directly or indirectly engage in
any other business than that of common carrier, or hold or
acquire lands, freehold or leasehold, directly or indirectly,
except such as shall be necessary to carry on its business."
But this constitutional prohibition had not sufficed to
restrain the owners of the railways which tap the anthracite
coal district from acquiring practical ownership of so large a
part of its mines as to be able, by combinations and
understandings among their managers, to monopolize the market
of that most important commodity. It was thought that the
power vested in the General Government to regulate the
commerce in coal between Pennsylvania and other States might
be brought into exercise against this anthracite monopoly with
more effect.
On the 1st of May, 1908, the "commodities clause" of the
Hepburn Act became operative, and soon thereafter a suit was
brought in the United Slates Circuit Court for the Eastern
District of Pennsylvania, to test its constitutionality. In
this trial of the question the Government met defeat. Two of
the three Judges of the Court, namely Gray and Dallas, filed
opinions against the constitutionality of the enactment, their
colleague, Judge Buffington, dissenting. The case went then on
appeal to the Supreme Court, and there, by a judgment so
nearly unanimous that Judge Harlan alone dissented on a single
point, the decision of the Circuit Court was reversed and the
constitutionality of the law upheld.
{555}
The following summary of its opinion was given out by the
Supreme Court at the time of the announcement, May 3, 1909:
"(1.) The claim of the government that the provision contained
in the Hepburn act, approved June 29, 1906, commonly called
the Commodities Clause, prohibits a railway company from
moving commodities in interstate commerce because the company
has manufactured, mined, or produced them, or owned them in
whole or in part, or has had an interest direct or indirect in
them, wholly irrespective of the relation or connection of the
carrier with the commodities at the time of transportation, is
decided to be untenable. It is also decided that the provision
of the commodities clause relating to interest, direct or
indirect, does not embrace an interest which a carrier may
have in a producing corporation as the result of the ownership
by the carrier of stock in such corporation irrespective of
the amount of stock which the carrier may own in such
corporation, provided the corporation has been organized in
good faith.
"(2.) Rejecting the construction placed by the government upon
the commodities clause, it is decided that that clause, when
all its provisions are harmoniously construed, has solely for
its object to prevent carriers engaged in interstate commerce
from being associated in interest at the time of
transportation with the commodities transported, and therefore
the commodities clause only prohibits railroad companies
engaged in interstate commerce from transporting in such
commerce commodities under the following circumstances and
conditions:
"(a) When the commodity has been manufactured, mined, or
produced by a railway company, or under its authority, and at
the time of transportation the railway company has not in good
faith before the act of transportation parted with its
interest in such commodity;
"(b) When the railway company owns the commodity to be
transported in whole or in part;
"(c) When the railway company at the time of transportation
has an interest direct or indirect in a legal sense in the
commodity, which last prohibition does not apply to
commodities manufactured, mined, produced, owned, etc., by a
corporation because a railway company is a stockholder in such
corporation.
"Such ownership of stock in a producing company by a railway
company does not cause it as the owner of the stock to have a
legal interest in the commodity manufactured, etc., by the
producing corporation.
"(3.) As thus construed the commodities clause is a regulation
of commerce within the power of Congress to enact. The
contentions elaborately argued for the railroad companies that
the clause, if applied to preexisting rights, will operate to
take property of railroad companies and therefore violate the
due process clause of the Fifth Amendment, were all based upon
the assumption that the clause prohibited and restricted in
accordance with the construction which the government gave
that clause and for the purpose of enforcing which
prohibitions these suits were brought.
"As the construction which the government placed upon the act
and seeks to enforce is now held to be unsound, and as none of
the contentions relied upon are applicable to the act as now
construed, because under such construction the act merely
enforces a regulation of commerce by which carriers are
compelled to dissociate themselves from the products which
they carry and does not prohibit where the carrier is not
associated with the commodity carried, it follows that the
contentions on the subject of the Fifth Amendment are without
merit.
"(4.) The exemption as to timber, etc., contained in the
clause is not repugnant to the Constitution.
"(5.) The provision as to penalties is separable from the
other provisions of the act. As no recovery of penalties was
prayed, no issue concerning them is here presented. It will be
time enough to consider whether the right to recover penalties
exists when an attempt to collect penalties is made.
"(6.) As the construction now given the act differs so widely
from the construction which the government gave to the act,
and which it was the purpose of these suits to enforce, it is
held that it is not necessary, in reversing and remanding, to
direct the character of decrees which shall be entered, but
simply to reverse and remand the case with instructions to
enforce and apply the statute as it is now construed.
"(7.) As the Delaware and Hudson Company is engaged as a
common carrier by rail in the transportation of coal in the
channels of interstate commerce, it is a railroad company
within the purview of the commodities clause, and is subject
to the provisions of that clause as they are now construed."
Six railway companies, namely, the Delaware and Hudson, the
Erie, the Central of New Jersey, the Lackawanna, the
Pennsylvania and the Lehigh Valley, were involved in the test
suit on which this decision was given; but the ruling will
affect all roads engaged in coal mining. Justice Harlan
dissented from that part of the decision which relates to the
ownership of stock in a producing company; otherwise the
opinion, announced by Justice White, was the opinion of the
entire Bench.
By ruling that "ownership of stock in a producing company by a
railway company does not cause it as the owner of the stock to
have a legal interest in the commodity manufactured, etc., by
the producing company," the court appears to have made further
legislation necessary, if the companies are to be barred from
controlling the production and marketing of the coal through
subsidiary corporations.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &C.:
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907-1909.
RAILWAYS: A. D. 1907.
Regulative Legislation in the States.
"Never in the history of railroad legislation have our
transportation systems run counter to a campaign so
comprehensive, wide-spread, and disturbing as the general
trend of ‘regulation’ in almost every State Legislature in
session during 1907. It seems as if a legislative tempest
against the railroads had been unloosed simultaneously in more
than thirty States upon a given signal. The welcome accorded
it by our lawmakers is inexplicable, unless we are prepared to
admit that our Government, as has been charged frequently, is
one of impulse. On this hypothesis it is readily understood.
{556}
"Thirty-five States, in all, attempted to enact laws reducing
freight or passenger rates, establishing railroad commissions,
increasing the powers of existing commissions, regulating car
service, demurrage, safety appliances, block signals, free
passes, capitalization, liability for accidents to employees,
hours of labor, blacklisting, strikes, etc. … Uniformity was
sought without discrimination or foresight. Railroads in
densely populated districts and those in sparsely settled
rural localities were given alike a two-cent rate. Worse than
this: roads of different earning power in the same State were
assigned a level rate. The prosperous and well-established
road and the struggling pioneer were bracketed,—to sink or
swim.
"But all of their work was not wasted. Real constructive
legislation was enacted in many States in regard to corporate
control, safety appliances, block signals, working hours,
rights of employees, railroad mergers, valuation,
capitalization, publication of rate schedules, etc., while in
the States of South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, and
Wisconsin the rate question was given fair and temperate
consideration. …
"An analysis of the general results shows that passenger fares
were either actually reduced or affected in twenty-one States:
Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, Kansas,
Maryland, Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi, Missouri,
Nebraska, North Carolina, North Dakota, Oklahoma,
Pennsylvania, South Dakota, Virginia, West Virginia, and
Wisconsin. Two-cent rates now prevail in Arkansas, Indiana,
Illinois, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska, Pennsylvania, and
Wisconsin; and in Ohio, since 1906; two-and-one-half-cent
rates in Alabama and North Dakota. North Carolina has
established a two-and one-quarter-cent rate; West Virginia, a
two-cent rate for railroads over fifty miles in length; Iowa,
a sliding scale of from two to three cents per mile; Michigan,
a two, three, and four cent rate; Kansas, Maryland, and
Mississippi, two-cent rates for mileage books; the railroad
commissions of Georgia and South Dakota have been authorized
to establish a two-cent and a two-and-one-half-cent rate,
respectively; and Oklahoma specifies in its new constitution a
maximum charge of two cents for passenger fare. Virginia’s
Corporation Commission has adopted a two-cent rate for trunk
lines, a three-cent rate for minor roads and a
three-and-one-half-cent rate on one or two lines.
"Freight charges were lowered in many States. The Commodity
Freight Rate law of Minnesota is probably the most scientific
and equitable, and is being used by many Western roads as a
basis. Commissions in other States have adopted it as a model.
"Laws prohibiting free passes were enacted in Alabama,
Indiana, Kansas, Maine, Minnesota, Nebraska, Nevada, New
Hampshire, New York, Oklahoma, Oregon, South Dakota, and
Texas.
"Eleven States created railroad commissions: Colorado,
Indiana, Michigan, Montana, Nevada, New Jersey, New York,
Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, and Vermont. Sixteen others
gave increased power to existing commissions, apart from rate
regulation: Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Illinois, Iowa,
Kansas, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska, New Hampshire, North
Carolina, South Carolina, South Dakota, Texas, Washington, and
Wisconsin."
_Robert Emmett Ireton,
The Legislatures and the Railways
(Review of Reviews, August, 1907)._
RAILWAYS: A. D. 1907.
Limitation of Working Hours for Trainmen.
An Act of Congress passed in January, 1907, prohibits railways
engaged in interstate and foreign commerce from requiring or
permitting those of their employés who have to do with the
movement of trains to work more than sixteen hours
consecutively, or more than an aggregate of sixteen in each
twenty-four hours, and requires that when an employé shall
have worked for sixteen hours there shall follow a period of
rest of not less than ten hours before he shall resume his
duties. Certain exceptions are made to provide for accidents,
the failure of trains to make their regular schedules,
connections, etc. Violation of the act is declared to be a
misdemeanor punishable by a fine of from $100 to $1,000, and
the Interstate Commerce Commission is charged with the duty of
enforcing the law.
RAILWAYS: A. D. 1907.
Strike on roads west of Chicago averted
by Federal Intermediation.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907 (APRIL).
RAILWAYS: A. D. 1907-1908.
Limitation of State Authority in matters
of Interstate Commerce.
Serious collisions between Federal and State authority which
occurred in 1907, in the States of Alabama, North Carolina,
and Minnesota, on questions relating to interstate railways
and their commerce, were cleared by important decisions of the
Supreme Court of the United States, rendered in the spring of
1908. The States in question had enacted laws which had the
effect of intimidating railway companies and their agents from
appealing to Federal courts, by the severity of the penalties
they imposed. Suits undertaken in consequence against the
State officials acting under these laws raised the question
which was carried to the Federal Supreme Court. The bearing of
the judgment rendered by that Court in the Minnesota case,
Justice Harlan alone dissenting, is indicated by two passages
from it, as follows:
"The provisions of the acts relating to the enforcement of the
rates, either for freight or passengers, by imposing such
enormous fines and possible imprisonment as a result of an
unsuccessful effort to test the validity of the laws
themselves, are unconstitutional on their face, without regard
to the question of the insufficiency of those rates."
"If the act which the State Attorney-General seeks to enforce
be a violation of the Federal Constitution, the officer in
proceeding under such enactment comes into conflict with the
superior authority of that Constitution, and he is in that
case stripped of his official or representative character and
is subjected in his person to the consequences of his
individual conduct. The State has no power to impart to him
any immunity from responsibility to the supreme authority of
the United States."
{557}
RAILWAYS: A. D. 1908.
Decision in Armour Packing Company Case.
A decision by the United States Supreme Court in the case of
the United States vs. the Armour Packing Company covered cases
in which identical proceedings were pending against three
other packing companies and the Chicago, Burlington and Quincy
Railroad Company. The packing company had contracted with the
railway company for a rate from the Mississippi to New York,
to continue for seven months, soon after which the railway
company filed, published, and posted a much higher rate,
continuing, however, to give transportation to the packing
company, on through bills of lading to foreign ports for the
lower rate of the contract. The Supreme Court sustained the
Circuit Court in deciding this to be in violation of the law
against discrimination in rates, since that law, being in
force when the contract was made, was necessarily "read into
the contract" and "became part of it."
RAILWAYS: A. D. 1908 (April).
Passage of Act relating to the Liability of Common Carriers
by Railroad to their Employés in Certain Cases.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR PROTECTION: EMPLOYERS’ LIABILITY.
RAILWAYS: A. D. 1908 (November).
Supreme Court Decision in Case of Virginia Railroads
vs. the State Corporation Commission of Virginia.
"Justice Holmes today [November 30, 1908] announced the
decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in the case
of the Virginia railroads versus the state corporation
commission of Virginia, calling into question the order of the
commission fixing a uniform rate of two cents a mile for
carrying passengers in the state. The decision reversed the
decision of the United States circuit court for the eastern
division of Virginia on the technical ground that the
railroads should have appealed from the commission’s order to
the supreme court of Virginia before seeking the intervention
of the federal courts. In effect the court directs that the
railroad companies take their case to the state court of last
resort and that in order to prevent injustices through the
possible application of the statute of limitations, the case
be retained on the docket of the United States circuit court,
by which it was originally decided favorably to the roads."
_Washington Despatch to the Associated Press._
RAILWAYS: A. D. 1908-1909.
The Missouri River Rate Case.
Permanent Injunction against
the Interstate Commerce Commission.
By an order made on the 24th of June, 1908, the Interstate
Commerce Commission forbade the charging of a through rate on
first class matter, by the railroads, from the Atlantic
seaboard to the Missouri River ($1.47 per hundred pounds),
which equalled the rate charged from the Atlantic to the
Mississippi (87 cents) plus the rate from the Mississippi to
the Missouri (60 cents). In other words, the Commission sought
to impose a through rate to the Missouri which would be nine
cents per hundred pounds less than the sum of the rates
charged on two parts of the same distance. The western railway
companies affected by the order applied to the United States
Circuit Court, at Chicago, for a permanent injunction to
restrain its enforcement. The injunction was granted on the
24th of August, 1909, Judges Grosscup and Kohlsaat
concurring in the decision, Judge Baker dissenting.
"The question raised," said Judge Grosscup, in rendering the
opinion, "in its larger aspects is not so much a question
between the shippers and the railroads as between the
commercial and manufacturing interests of Denver and of the
territory east of the Mississippi River on the one side, and
the commercial and manufacturing interests of the Missouri
River cities on the other. …
"We are not prepared to say the commission has not the power
to enter upon a plan looking toward a system of rates wherein
the rates for longer and shorter hauls will taper downward
according to distance, providing such tapering is both
comprehensively and symmetrically applied—applied with a
design of carrying out what may be the economic fact, that, on
the whole, it is worth something less per mile to carry
freight long distances than shorter distances.
"But it does not follow that power of that character includes
power, by the use of differentials, to artificially divide the
country into trade zones tributary to given trade and
manufacturing centres, the commission in such cases having as
a result to predetermine what the trade and manufacturing
centres shall be; for such power, vaster than any one body of
men has heretofore exercised, though wisely exerted in
specific instances, would be putting into the hands of the
commission the general power of life and death over every
trade and manufacturing centre in the United States."
In the dissenting opinion of Judge Baker he said: "The
question is not whether a lawful power or authority has been
shown to have been wrongly exercised, but whether there is any
law at all for the power or authority claimed and exercised."
He found the necessary law, and added: "If Congress cannot
constitutionally make a general declaration that the rates
shall be reasonable and not unjustly discriminatory and then
trust an executive body to hear evidence and decide questions
of fact respecting reasonableness and just discrimination, the
power of Congress over rates would be worthless."
In September it was announced that the Commission would appeal
from the injunction to the Supreme Court.
RAILWAYS: A. D. 1909.
The Seventh Transcontinental Line.
The seventh transcontinental line of railway in America, the
Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul system, was announced as
completed on the 1st of April, 1909. As its name indicates, it
is an extension of the Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul system
by a line fourteen hundred miles long from Mobridge, South
Dakota, to Seattle and Tacoma, in the State of Washington.
RAILWAYS: A. D. 1909.
Fines imposed on the New York Central Railroad Company.
Fines aggregating $134,000, imposed on the New York Central
Railway Company by the United States Circuit Court for the
Southern District of New York for rebates granted to the
American Sugar Refining Company in violation of law, were
affirmed in February, 1909, by the Supreme Court of the United
States, and were paid on the 12th of May.
RAILWAYS: A. D. 1909 (May-June).
The Georgia Railroad Strike.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.
{558}
RAILWAYS: A. D. 1910.
Special Message of President Taft
touching Interstate Commerce.
The important Special Message addressed to Congress by
President Taft on the 7th of January, 1910, recommending
amendatory legislation on the two subjects of interstate
commerce and the combinations called "trusts," opened with the
following statement:
"In the annual report of the Interstate Commerce Commission
for the year 1908 attention is called to the fact that between
July 1, 1908, and the close of that year sixteen suits had
been begun to set aside orders of the commission (besides one
commenced before that date), and that few orders of much
consequence had been permitted to go without protest; that the
questions presented by these various suits were fundamental,
as the constitutionality of the act itself was in issue, and
the right of Congress to delegate to any tribunal authority to
establish an interstate rate was denied; but that perhaps the
most serious practical question raised concerned the extent of
the right of the courts to review the orders of the
commission; and it was pointed out that if the contention of
the carriers in this latter respect alone were sustained, but
little progress had been made in the Hepburn act toward the
effective regulation of interstate transportation charges. In
twelve of the cases referred to, it was stated, preliminary
injunctions were prayed for, being granted in six and refused
in six.
"‘It has from the first been well understood,’ says the
commission, ‘that the success of the present act as a
regulating measure depended largely upon the facility with
which temporary injunctions could be obtained. If a railroad
company, by mere allegation in its bill of complaint,
supported by ex-parte affidavits, can overturn the results of
days of patient investigation, no very satisfactory result can
be expected. The railroad loses nothing by these proceedings,
since if they fail it can only be required to establish the
rate and to pay to shippers the difference between the higher
rate collected and the rate which is finally held to be
reasonable. In point of fact it usually profits, because it
can seldom be required to return more than a fraction of the
excess charges collected.’
"In its report for the year 1909 the commission shows that of
the seventeen cases referred to in its 1908 report, only one
had been decided in the Supreme Court of the United States,
although five other cases had been argued and submitted to
that tribunal in October, 1909.
"Of course, every carrier affected by an order of the
commission has a constitutional right to appeal to a Federal
Court to protect it from the enforcement of an order which it
may show to be _prima facie_ confiscatory or unjustly
discriminatory in its effect; and as this application may be
made to a court in any district of the United States, not only
does delay result in the enforcement of the order, but great
uncertainty is caused by contrariety of decision. The
questions presented by these applications are too often
technical in their character and require a knowledge of the
business and the mastery of a great Volume of conflicting
evidence which is tedious to examine and troublesome to
comprehend. It would not be proper to attempt to deprive any
corporation of the right to review by a court of any order or
decree which, if undisturbed, would rob it of a reasonable
return upon its investment or would subject it to burdens
which would unjustly discriminate against it and in favor of
other carriers similarly situated. What is, however, of
supreme importance is that the decision of such questions
shall be as speedy as the nature of the circumstances will
admit, and that a uniformity of decision be secured so as to
bring about an effective, systematic, and scientific
enforcement of the commerce law, rather than conflicting
decisions and uncertainty of final result.
"For this purpose I recommend the establishment of a court of
the United States composed of five judges designated for such
purpose from among the circuit judges of the United States, to
be known as the ‘United States Court of Commerce,’ which court
shall be clothed with exclusive original jurisdiction over the
following classes of cases:
"(1.) All cases for the enforcement, otherwise than by
adjudication and collection of a forfeiture or penalty, or by
infliction of criminal punishment, of any order of the
Interstate Commerce Commission other than for the payment of
money.
"(2.) All cases brought to enjoin, set aside, annul, or
suspend any order or requirement of the Interstate Commerce
Commission.
"(3.) All such cases as under section 3 of the act of February
19, 1903, known as the ‘Elkins Act,’ are authorized to be
maintained in a circuit court of the United States.
"(4.) All such mandamus proceedings as under the provisions of
section 20 or section 23 of the Interstate Commerce law are
authorized to be maintained in a circuit court of the United
States.
"Reasons precisely analogous to those which induced the
Congress to create the Court of Customs Appeals by the
provisions in the tariff act of August 5, 1909, may be urged
in support of the creation of the Commerce Court."
Further recommendations of the Message are summarized in the
following:
Pooling arrangements as to rates to be allowed under direct
supervision of the commission.
The commission to be empowered to pass upon freight
classifications.
The commission to be empowered to hold up new rates or
classifications by railroads until an inquiry can be made as
to their reasonableness. If found to be unreasonable, the
commission may forbid the increase.
Shippers to be given the choice of established routes on
through freight.
From and after the passage of the amendments, it is provided
that no railroad shall acquire any stock or interest in a
competing line, except that where a road already owns 50 per
cent, or more of the stock of another road, it may complete
the purchase of all the stock. Also in cases where one road is
operating another under a lease of more than twenty-five
years’ duration, it shall have a right to acquire the demised
road. Allowing these acquisitions of stock does not exempt any
road from prosecution under the Anti-Trust law.
Stocks must be issued at par value for money paid in or for
property or services, rates at full value, under an inquiry by
the Federal authority, who shall supervise all stock and bond
issues.
----------RAILWAYS: End--------
RAISULI, The Moorish Brigand.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.
RALLIÉS.
A political party in France said to be made from fragments
from the former Bonapartists, Orleanists, and Boulangerists.
RAMSAY, Sir William.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE, RECENT: RADIUM; also,
NOBEL PRIZES.
RATE REGULATION, Railway.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1870-1908.
{559}
RAYLEIGH, Lord.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
REBATE RESTRICTION, Railway.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1870-1908,
and 1903 (February).
RECIPROCITY TREATY: United States and Newfoundland:
The Hay-Bond Treaty.
Its Amendment to Death by the United States Senate.
See (in this Volume)
NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1902-1905.
RECLAMATION OF ARID LANDS.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.
RED CROSS SOCIETY, The American National.
By an Act of Congress passed in 1904, the American National
Red Cross was incorporated under the laws of the District of
Columbia and brought directly under Government supervision.
Its charter provided that five members of its Board of
Incorporators were to be chosen from the Departments of State,
War, Navy, Treasury, and Justice. Its accounts were to be
audited by the disbursing officer of the War Department. The
entire support, however, aside from the income from a small
endowment, comes from the dues of individual members and
voluntary contributions. The election of Mr. Taft, then
Secretary of War, as the first president of the reorganized
Red Cross, emphasized its new relationship to the Federal
Government and its new position as a body of really National
scope. At the annual meeting of the Society in December, 1908,
Mr. Taft, then President-elect of the United States, consented
to be reelected to the presidency of the Red Cross
organization in the United States.
Throughout all the many calamities of the past decade, from
earthquake, volcanic eruption, fire, flood, war, famine, and
pestilence, the Red Cross Society has always been instant in
readiness for effective humane service, from almost every
civilized country of the world, and for any call to any
quarter of the globe. In the United States it has lately
undertaken a continuous and permanent service in connection
with the anti-tuberculosis crusade.
RED CROSS SOCIETY:
In Japan, before and during the Russo-Japanese War.
"The Red Cross Society of Japan is by no means merely a copy
of the Red Cross societies of Europe, as its name would seem
to indicate; for the idea of assisting the wounded soldiers
and allaying the suffering caused by war arose spontaneously
in Japan. …
"In 1867, two years before the Restoration, when Japan was
considered a savage country by the West, and when she
possessed neither railways nor telegraphs, machinery, etc.,
Count Sano, an enthusiastic humanitarian, was sent by the
Shogun to the Exhibition in Paris, where he had the
opportunity of studying the Red Cross societies of various
countries. Again, in 1873, when this gentleman was ambassador
in Vienna, he carefully observed the Red Cross Society, and
especially its activity during the Franco-German War of 1870.
When the Civil War of 1877 broke out in Japan, Count Sano was
back in his native country, and he conceived the idea of
forming a society after the model of the European Red Cross
societies. The nobility of Japan received his ideas most
favourably, and a society was founded which was called
Hakuaisha (Benevolent Society). …
"The Mikado countenanced the objects of the Society and
assisted it in every way. From 1887 onward he gave it a yearly
contribution of 5,000 yen, to which in 1888 a gift of 100,000
yen was added. After the Chino-Japanese War, the Mikado’s
yearly contribution was increased to 10,000 yen, in
recognition of the progress which the Society had made and of
the great assistance which it had given during that campaign.
Besides this sum he contributes yearly 5,000 yen to the Red
Cross Society for the patients, and from time to time makes
generous gifts to the Society. The motto of the Japanese Red
Cross Society is ‘Pay your debt to your country by helping its
soldiers’; and this motto has quickly made the Society
immensely popular throughout the country. …
"The war with China of 1894-1895 demonstrated the excellence
of the Japanese Red Cross Society, and proved at the same time
its best advertisement, for at the end of 1895 there were more
than 160,000 members. Since the Society had proved its immense
practical utility, the number of its members rose by leaps and
bounds, and at the end of 1898 there were 570,000 members, and
the yearly receipts had reached 1,582,622 yen; at present it
must count about 1,000,000 members, and must have an income of
at least 3,000,000 yen, or about £300,000 per annum, a truly
enormous sum for a country like Japan, where a yen goes about
as far as ten shillings go in Great Britain. The latest
available figures give the following record: Number of
members, 920,000; funds in hand, £794,000; annual income,
£231,000."
_O. Eltzbacher,
The Red Gross Society of Japan
(Contemporary Review, September, 1904)._
REDEMPTORISTS: Forbidden to teach in France.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1903.
REFERENDUM, Initiative and Recall:
In Switzerland.
According to a report on the subject made to the State
Department at Washington, in June, 1902, by the United States
Minister to Switzerland, the Honorable Arthur S. Hardy, down
to that time, "since the referendum has been in force, 226
Federal laws and resolutions have been enacted, of which 40
were submitted to the people, 14 by the compulsory and 26 by
the optional referendum. The people have exercised the
initiative five times since its adoption in 1891, rejecting
the measures proposed four out of five times."
REFERENDUM, Initiative and Recall:
In the United States.
"The first State to adopt a constitutional amendment providing
for the initiative and referendum was South Dakota in 1898.
Next came Utah (1900) with an amendment which is not
self-executing, and the Legislature has not so far passed the
necessary enabling act. Oregon followed in 1902, Montana in
1906, and Oklahoma in 1907. South Dakota, Oregon, and Oklahoma
have also extended the constitutional amendments so as to
provide for the initiative and referendum in municipal
corporations. Maine, Missouri, and North Dakota are soon to
vote upon constitutional amendments embodying the initiative
and referendum for State matters; and Maine proposes to extend
this right to municipal corporations concerning their local
affairs.
{560}
In 1907 Iowa and South Dakota each enacted a general law under
which cities may, if they so choose, have charters embodying
the general features of the ‘commission plan of government,’
and acquire with them the right to have the initiative, the
referendum, and the recall. In South Dakota the Constitution
specifically gives to the people the right of the initiative
and referendum, but in Iowa no mention thereof is made in the
Constitution. The Supreme Court of Iowa, however, has held
that the statute conferring the right upon cities of a certain
class to adopt a commission plan of government which included
the initiative, referendum, and recall was constitutional, as
the State Constitution did not specifically forbid the
granting of these rights. In Texas cities of a designated size
can be incorporated by special act, and since Galveston
obtained its new form of government several cities of Texas
have been given charters by special acts, some embodying the
initiative, referendum, and recall, others one or two of these
rights, and some none of them or only in a modified form. The
recall is the most recent of the three new measures of relief.
Los Angeles in 1903 seems to have been the first city to have
made the recall a part of its city charter. In 1905 San Diego,
San Bernardino, Pasadena, and Fresno, California, followed. In
1906 Seattle joined the list, and in 1907 there were added
Everett, in Washington, and six other California cities—Santa
Monica, Alameda, Long Beach, Vallejo, Riverside and San
Francisco. No State has a constitutional provision for the
recall."
_The Outlook,
August 15, 1908._
On the 25th of May, 1908, the Initiative and Referendum League
of America addressed a memorial to Congress, asking for the
passage of a Bill which had been introduced in the Senate
(Senate Bill No. 7208), "For a modern system whereby the
voters of the United States may instruct their National
Representatives," and, further, for the passage of Senate
Joint Resolution No. 94, "asking the States to establish the
machinery for taking a referendum vote on national issues
whenever Congress shall so direct."
REGENERADORES.
See (in this Volume)
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.
REGGIO:
Its Destruction by Earthquake.
See (in this Volume)
EARTHQUAKES: ITALY.
REGIE, The San Domingo.
See (in this Volume)
SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1901-1905.
REGINA:
Capital of the Province of Saskatchewan.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1905.
REID, George Houston:
Premier of Australia.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904.
REID, Sir Robert T.:
Lord Chancellor of England.
See (in this Volume)
England: A. D. 1905-1906.
REINSCH, Paul S.:
Delegate to Third International Conference
of American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
RELIGIOUS FREEDOM:
Its Limitations in Russia.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA. A. D. 1905 (APRIL-AUGUST), and 1909 (JUNE).
RELIGIOUS TEACHING, in State Supported Schools:
The Controversy.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1903;
CANADA: A. D. 1905;
EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 and 1906.
RENAULT, Louis.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
RENNENKAMPF, General.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (SEPTEMBER-MARCH).
REPATRIATION OF THE BOERS.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1903.
REPUBLIC, The Rescue of the Steamship.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION: ELECTRICAL.
RESCHAD, Mohammed:
Raised to the Turkish Throne.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).
RESEARCH, Original.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.
RESOURCES, Conservation of Natural.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.
REVAL, Disorders in.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).
REVOLUTION, Persia.
See (in this Volume)
PERSIA.
REVOLUTION, Turkish.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.
REYES, Rafael:
President of Colombia.
See (in this Volume)
COLOMBIA: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1906-1909.
RHODES, CECIL J.:
His death.
His continued Influence in South Africa.
His Policy carried on by Dr. Jameson.
See(in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1904.
RHODES, CECIL J.:
His Will, endowing Scholarships at Oxford for Students in the
British Colonies and the United States.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: RHODES SCHOLARSHIPS.
RHODESIA: A. D. 1908.
Report of the British South Africa Company.
The annual report of the directors of the British South Africa
Company, presented at a meeting of shareholders in London in
February, 1909, contained the following statements:
"During 1908 there has been a remarkable improvement in the
circumstances of Rhodesia. This improvement has been evident
in every department of trade and industry, and is reflected in
the returns of administrative receipts, railways, mines and
land. It was pointed out last year what an important effect
even a slight increase in general prosperity would exercise
upon the whole financial position, and the figures now
available show that this view was correct. The administrative
revenue of Southern Rhodesia during the year 1908-1909 will
suffice to cover administrative expenditure without any call
whatever upon the commercial income of the company; the
shortages of the railway companies in respect of the same
period will be less by £100,000 than in 1907-1908; during the
year ending 31st March, 1910, large additional revenue will be
derived from the carriage from the port of Beira of the
materials and stores for the extension of the railway into the
Congo territory. … The negotiations for the extension
northwards of the Rhodesian Railway system have been brought
to a successful conclusion. With the coöperation of the
Tanganyika Concessions (Limited) a company has been formed
called the Rhodesia-Kantanga Junction Railway and Mineral
Company (Limited), which will construct a standard gauge line
from the present terminus at Broken Hill to a point on the
frontier of the Congo Free State; from the frontier to the
Star of the Congo Mine the line will be constructed by the
Couipaguie du Chemin de Fer du Kantanga. … On the completion
of the first section to the frontier, Rhodesia will be
traversed by a trunk line from south to north.
{561}
"The European population shows a net increase of over 1,100
since the intermediate census, in September, 1907, when it
numbered 14,018. An area of 1,169,305 acres of land has been
settled and occupied during the past year. The output of gold
has increased from £2,178,886 in 1907 to £2,526,037 in 1908.
Imports have increased by about £100,000 during the past
year."
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1904.
RIBEIRO, HINTZE.
See (in this Volume)
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.
RICHMOND, Virginia: A. D. 1907.
Great Reunion of Confederate War Veterans.
Unveiling of Monument to Jefferson Davis.
A great gathering of the surviving veterans of the
Confederacy, to the number of about 15,000, at Richmond, late
in May and early in June, was brought about in connection with
the unveiling of an impressive monument to Jefferson Davis. An
equestrian statue of General J. E. B. Stuart was also unveiled
on one of the days of the reunion.
RIFF, The.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.
RIGA, Disorders in.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).
RIKKEN SEIYU-KAI.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (JUNE).
RIO DE JANEIRO: A. D. 1903-1905.
Eradication of Yellow Fever.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH: YELLOW FEVER.
RIO DE JANEIRO: A. D. 1906.
Third International Conference of American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
RITCHIE, C. T.:
Chancellor of the Exchequer in the British Government.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JULY).
ROBERT, CHRISTOPHER R.:
Benefactor of Robert College.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: TURKEY, &C.
ROBERT COLLEGE:
Its Influence in Turkey and the Balkan States.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: TURKEY, &C.
ROBERTS, SIR FREDERICK SLEIGH ROBERTS, FIRST EARL:
On the British Territorial Force and the need
of Compulsory Military Training.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY.
ROCHAMBEAU MONUMENT:
The unveiling at Washington.
Representatives of the families of Rochambeau and
Lafayette invited Guests of the Nation.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902 (MAY).
ROCKEFELLER, John D.:
Stupendous Endowment of the General Education Board.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909.
ROCKEFELLER, John D.:
Gift for the eradication of the Hookworm Disease.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH: THE HOOKWORM DISEASE.
ROCKEFELLER, John D., Jr.:
Investing in a Concession in the Congo State.
See (in this Volume)
CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.
ROCKHILL, W. W.:
Minister to China.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.
ROENTGEN.
See (in this Volume)
RONTGEN.
ROGHI, EL.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.
ROJESVENSKY,
ROZHDESTVENSKY, ADMIRAL.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).
ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH.
See (in this Volume and Volume IV.)
PAPACY.
ROMAÑA, PRESIDENT EDUARDO DE.
See (in this Volume)
PERU.
ROME: A. D. 1903.
General Strike of Workmen.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: ITALY.
ROME: A. D. 1908.
Election of Ernesto Nathan to be Mayor.
See (in this Volume)
ITALY: A. D. 1909.
RONTGEN, Wilhelm Conrad:
Recipient of Nobel Prize.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
----------ROOSEVELT, Theodore: Start--------
ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
Becomes President of the United States on
the Assassination of President McKinley.
See (in this Volume)
BUFFALO: A. D. 1901.
ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
On the Federal Control of Corporations engaged in
Interstate Trade.
See (in this Volume)
Combinations, Industrial, &c.:
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1903.
ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
On Railway Rate Regulation.
SEE
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1870-1908.
ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
His intermediation in the Anthracite Coal Strike of 1902.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.
ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
Message recounting the Circumstances of the Secession from
Colombia and recognized Independence of Panama, and the Treaty
with Panama for the Building of the Isthmian Canal.
See (in this volume)
PANAMA CANAL.
ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
On the Wrong done to the Chinese.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.
ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
On the Strike of the Teamsters’ Union at Chicago.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905 (APRIL-JULY).
ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
Elected President of the United States.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER ).
ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
Mediation between Russia and Japan.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).
ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
Initial Invitation to the holding of the Second Peace
Conference.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.
ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
Account of Visit to Porto Rico.
See (in this Volume)
PORTO RICO: A. D. 1906.
ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
On the Rendering of Aid to San Domingo.
See (in this Volume)
SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1907.
ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
On the Progressive Taxation of Fortunes.
See (in this Volume)
WEALTH, THE PROBLEMS OF.
ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
Defense of Japanese Treaty Rights.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES.
ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
Recommends remission of part of Boxer Indemnity to China.
See CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.
ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
On the Conservation of Natural Resources.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.
ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
Appointment of Country Life Commission,
and Message on its Report.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909 (AUGUST-FEBRUARY).
ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
On the Japanese Question in California.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.
ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
Recipient of Nobel Prize for Promotion of Peace.
Its devotion to the Creation of a Foundation for
the Promotion of Industrial Peace.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.
ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
Veto of the Census Bill.
See (in this Volume)
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES.
{562}
ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
Renunciation of Third Term Candidacy.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (NOVEMBER).
ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
Progress of Civil Service Reform under his Administration.
See (in this Volume)
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES.
ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
After leaving the White House.
Shortly before the ending, March 4, 1909, of his second term
in the Presidency of the United States, Mr. Roosevelt became
connected, as "Contributing Editor," with _The Outlook_,
and began the discussion of current topics in signed articles,
published in that weekly magazine. For some time it had been
known that Mr. Roosevelt intended, when released from office,
to enjoy a long vacation in Central Africa, hunting wild game.
His preparations were made before he left the White House, and
on the 20th of March, to correct misunderstandings as to the
recreation he contemplated, he published the following
announcement in _The Outlook_:
"I am about to go to Africa as the head of the Smithsonian
expedition. It is a scientific expedition. We shall collect
birds and mammals for the National Museum at Washington, and
nothing will be shot unless for food, or for preservation as a
specimen, or unless, of course, the animal is of a noxious
kind. There will be no wanton destruction whatever.
"I very earnestly hope that no representative of any newspaper
or magazine will try to accompany me or to interview me during
any portion of my trip. Until I actually get to the wilderness
my trip will be precisely like any other conventional trip on
a steamboat or railway. It will afford nothing to write about,
and will afford no excuse or warrant for any one sending to
any newspaper a line in reference thereto. After I reach the
wilderness of course no one outside of my own party will be
with me, and if any one pretends to be with me or pretends to
write as to what I do, his statements should be accepted as on
their face not merely false but ludicrous. Any statement
purporting to have been made by me, or attributed to me, which
may be sent to newspapers should be accepted as certainly
false and as calling for no denial from me. So far as possible
I shall avoid seeing any representative of the press, and
shall not knowingly have any conversation on any subject
whatever with any representative of the press beyond
exchanging the ordinary civilities or courtesies. I am a
private citizen, and I am entitled to enjoy the privacy that
should be the private citizen’s right. My trip will have no
public bearing of any kind or description. It is undertaken
for the National Museum at Washington, and is simply a
collecting trip for the Museum. It will be extremely
distasteful to me and of no possible benefit to any human
being to try to report or exploit the trip, or to send any one
with me, or to have any one try to meet me or see me with a
view to such reporting or exploitation. Let me repeat that
while I am on steamer or railway there will be nothing
whatever to report; that when I leave the railway for the
wilderness no persons will have any knowledge which will
enable them to report anything, and that any report is to be
accepted as presumably false."
THEODORE ROOSEVELT.
The ex-President took steamer from New York on the 30th of
March, and one of the journals which had been among the
sharpest of his critics and opponents for years, the New York
_Times_, had this to say of him that day:
"There is no need to tell him that he will carry with him
wherever he goes the abiding affection of nearly 80,000,000 of
people. They who dislike Colonel Roosevelt, or think they do,
scarcely count in the Census. Wherever he goes he will make
friends among human beings, and impress everybody with a
reasonably high yet easily appreciable ideal of the American
citizen. Courage, energy, quick co-ordination of muscle and
brain, persistent alertness, boundless sympathy, and good
fellowship are characteristics of Colonel Roosevelt. Everybody
likes such a man."
Returning from his African expedition in the spring of 1910,
the ex-President accepted invitations in Europe which took him
to Naples, Rome, Vienna, Paris, Brussels, The Hague,
Christiania, Berlin, London, and was received with
extraordinary honors at every capital.
----------ROOSEVELT, Theodore: End--------
----------ROOT, ELIHU: Start--------
ROOT, ELIHU:
Secretary of War and Secretary of State.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909.
ROOT, ELIHU:
Correspondence relating to the establishment of the
Republic of Cuba.
See (in this Volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1901-1902.
ROOT, Elihu:
On the Alaska Boundary Commission.
See (in this Volume)
ALASKA: A. D. 1903.
ROOT, Elihu:
Correspondence on American Fishing Rights on the
Newfoundland Coast.
See (in this Volume)
NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.
ROOT, Elihu:
Visit to South American Republics, 1906.
Address at the Third International Conference
of American Republics in Rio de Janeiro.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
ROOT, Elihu:
Speech in 1906 summarizing recent Governmental Action
against Corporate Wrong-doers.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.
ROOT, Elihu:
Address to Central American Peace Conference at Washington.
See (in this Volume)
CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1907.
ROOT, Elihu:
At Peace Congress in New York.
See (in this Volume)
WAR: THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.
ROOT, Elihu:
On the Japanese Question in California.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.
ROOT, Elihu:
Exchange of Notes with Japan, embodying a Declaration
of Common Policy in the East.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).
ROOT, Elihu:
On National Duty in State Legislation.
See (in this Volume)
LAW AND ITS COURTS: UNITED STATES.
----------ROOT, ELIHU: End--------
ROSE, URIAH M.:
Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.
ROSEBERY, ARCHIBALD F. PRIMROSE, EARL:
Opposition to Home Rule for Ireland.
See (in this Volume)
England: A. D. 1905-1906.
ROSEBERY, ARCHIBALD F. PRIMROSE, EARL:
On the State of Peace in Europe and the Preparations for War.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.
ROSEBERY, ARCHIBALD F. PRIMROSE, EARL:
To the House of Lords on the Budget of 1909.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).
ROSEN, BARON ROMAN:
Russian Ambassador at Washington and Plenipotentiary
for negotiating Treaty of Peace with Japan.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-JULY).
ROSS, Dr. Ronald.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
{563}
ROTA, The.
See (in this Volume)
PAPACY: A. D. 1908.
ROTATIVOS.
See (in this Volume)
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.
ROUMANIA: A. D. 1902.
Oppression of the Jews.
Remonstrance of the United States.
See (in this Volume)
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: ROUMANIA.
ROUVIER, Maurice:
Prime Minister of France.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.
ROUVIER, Maurice:
Agreement with Germany for the Conference at Algeciras.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.
ROUVIER, Maurice:
Fall of his Ministry.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1906.
ROWE, Dr. L. S.:
Delegate to Third International Conference
of American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
ROZHDESTVENSKY,
ROJESVENSKY, ADMIRAL.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).
RUEF, ABRAHAM.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO.
RUNCIMAN, Mr.:
President of the English Board of Education.
Statements.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
----------RUSSIA: Start--------
RUSSIA: A. D. 1870-1905.
Increase of Population compared with other European Countries.
See (in this Volume)
[Other countries or regions]: A. D. 1870-1905.
RUSSIA: A. D. 1901 (July).
Russianizing of the Finnish Army.
Autocratic Violation of the Constitution of Finland.
See (in this Volume)
FINLAND: A. D. 1901.
RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.
Persistent Occupation of Manchuria, despite Treaty with China.
Japanese Complaints and Demands.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904,
CHINA: A. D. 1901-1902.
RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.
The Disaffection among the Students of the Universities.
Famine in Eastern Districts, and Industrial Depression
in the Cities.
Assassination of Sipiagin.
Advent of Plehve to Power.
Atrocities of his Administration.
Witte, Minister of Finance.
Assassination of Plehve.
In Volume VI. of this work, which went to press in the spring
of 1901, the record of events in Russia was brought down to
March and April of that year. The revolutionary temper, then
rapidly rising in heat throughout the Empire, found its most
active manifestation among the students of the universities,
whose outbreaks of disaffection were punished mercilessly, by
Siberian exile, by draft into the army, or more summarily by
the Cossacks’ knout. The Tsar, however, had seemed at last to
recognize the special grievances of the students and to wish
to have remedies found for them. To succeed M. Bogoliepoff,
the late Minister of Instruction, whom a student had shot on
the 27th of February, the Tsar appointed to that office a
General Vannovsky, who was credited with having a clear and
sympathetic understanding of the wrongs to the student body
which provoked their disorderly conduct. It was believed, too,
that full powers had been given to him for reforming the
government of the universities. But, whatever may have been
the excellence of disposition in General Vannovsky and in the
Tsar, the projected reforms were so obstructed, in some
manner, that the students became more and more openly
revolutionary in their action, and the new minister resigned
in the second year of his endeavors.
A number of immediate causes of misery in the Empire were now
added to the many causes which a despotic and corrupt
government kept always in operation. Harvests in large parts
of Eastern Russia had failed, bringing the horrors of famine
on some 24,000,000 people. Simultaneously with this, an
industrial crisis came, to close great numbers of factories
and shops and to create a vast army of the unemployed. M.
Witte, as Minister of Finance, had been extraordinarily
skilful and successful in developing new industries in Russia;
but had done so by measures of unnatural stimulation which had
this unfortunate result. High tariffs for the protection of
home manufactures from foreign competition, and the offer of
attractive inducements to foreign capital, had brought about
many investments which proved to be unprofitable, and the time
had come, as happens always and everywhere in such cases, when
the unsound structure of productive enterprise must collapse.
Thus the country, having all of its industrial centers filled
with suffering unemployed workmen and many of its rural
districts filled with starving peasants, was a field most
perfectly prepared for the seed of insurgent passion which
countless agents were now busied in sowing.
Students and workmen became associated in flagrant
revolutionary demonstrations, flaunting the red flag of
rebellion and singing seditious songs, at St. Petersburg,
Moscow, Kieff, Kharkoff, Odessa, and other cities, fighting
vain battles with savage Cossacks and police. To excite the
peasantry to action, a forged ukase was circulated among them,
in the districts of Poltava and Kharkoff, announcing that the
land, held wrongly by the nobles, had been restored to them by
the Tsar; that they could take possession of it, and, with it,
the present contents of granaries and barns. They proceeded
accordingly to strip many estates (see below, Russia: A. D.
1902), and suffered piteously from the soldiery that came in
haste to stop their deluded work. It was at this time that M.
Witte set on foot an extensive inquiry into agricultural
conditions, the important political outcome of which will be
spoken of later on.
On the 15th of April, 1902, the Minister of the Interior, M.
Sipiagin, was killed by a student named Belmatcheff. This
murderous exploit of the revolutionary terrorists brought a
man into power who gave Russia an experience in the next two
years, of heartlessness and foulness in despotism which
surpassed all that it had known before.
{564}
"Sipiagin, when Minister of the Interior, had already brought
matters so far by his reactionary policy of violence that the
news of his assassination at the hands of Belmatcheff was
received with unmixed joy in all classes of Russian society.
But the fullest proof of the irreconcilableness of autocracy
with things like improvement and progress was furnished by the
successor of Sipiagin, Von Plehve, who soon proved himself to
be the complete personification of all evil, heartlessness,
and corruption. … The attention of the highest circles was
drawn to his person when, after the assassination of Alexander
II., he conducted the prosecution at the arraignment of the
participators in the deed. Later, on being appointed State
Secretary, he was able, by his persistent zeal in the service
of the reaction, to place himself on a good footing with those
in power, particularly with the Procurator of the Holy Synod,
Pobiedonostseff, who, when the policy of destroying the
Finnish constitution was determined upon, found a good tool in
Von Plehve. In the anti-Finn _coup d’état_ he played a
considerable part, particularly as member of the secret
committee which drafted the plan for the Russification of the
Finnish Grand Duchy, and drew up the manifesto; while, still
later, as Secretary for Finland, together with the then
Governor-General Bobrikoff, he conducted and carried out the
well-known policy of suppression.
"As Minister of the Interior, Von Plehve lost no time in
showing what policy he intended to follow, as he declared the
general dissatisfaction in Russia to be solely the result of
the conspiracy and machinations of a handful of evil disposed
persons, who could easily be rendered incapable of harm if
only the police were sufficiently strengthened and received
extensive powers. … The Minister came into conflict, shortly
after his appointment, with a number of his colleagues,
especially with the Finance Minister, De Witte, who had
previously been practically omnipotent, and with the Minister
of Justice, Muravieff. The difference with the latter hinged
on the question of the treatment of 'political criminals,' the
trials of whom Von Plehve wished to allocate to a special
court-martial, the proceedings being conducted with closed
doors, whilst the Minister of Justice required a public trial
before the ordinary courts. The Tsar, as usual, followed the
most reactionary counsel. … Of deeper significance and more
far-reaching effects was the conflict with the Finance
Minister, who, indeed was far more menacing to Von Plehve’s
exalted position. Without being imbued with really liberal
views, but being possessed of intelligence and a clear view as
regards all social phenomena, De Witte, doubtless one of the
most able statesmen Russia has possessed in recent times,
recognized that, if matters in the Empire continued much
longer in the same way, a catastrophe was unavoidable. …
"De Witte obtained the consent of the Tsar to the formation of
committees, in the different parts of the country, consisting
of representatives of agriculture, and including both large
estate owners and men of the people, to whom was allotted the
task of declaring their views as to the cause of the decline
of Russian agriculture, and of indicating steps for the
improvement of agricultural conditions. De Witte himself urged
the committees to express themselves freely and openly as to
the causes of the prevailing misery, and as to the means of
remedying it. But in all probability he hardly expected that
these utterances would go so far in their openness as they
really did. Quite a number of committees were perspicacious
enough to deal not merely with the economical, but likewise
with the general political position, though recognising that
the former was very closely connected with the latter. In this
way the ice was broken. One committee after the other
criticised the existing system of government with astonishing
boldness, and required an unconditional and radical change
therein. … it was the representatives of the _zemtsvo_
assemblies who played the chief part in the agricultural
committees, and consequently hopes began to be cherished more
or less everywhere that these assemblies would now receive
amplified rights, and that in this way the basis would be laid
for the future and for the constitution dreamt of by all. Such
hopes were, however, not to the taste of Von Plehve, the new
Minister of the Interior. … Finally they [the committees] were
dissolved, without having achieved any other result than a
number of reports which had been drawn up by them, and which
ended by being pigeon-holed in one record office or the other.
Von Plehve had conquered the Finance Minister. But his success
was a Pyrrhic victory. At one stroke he converted a large
number of liberal friends of reform into radical adherents of
the emancipation movement, while to all others who had
followed the proceedings of the agricultural committees with
interest and expectancy he brought home a clear apprehension
of the fact that a régime, under which the will or the whim of
an irresponsible official could bring to naught plans having
for their object the amendment of the conditions of life of
many millions of people, could never contribute to the
promotion of national development. Similar fruits were borne
by Von Plehve’s policy in many other directions. …
"Never have the police been so numerous or so powerful as
under Von Plehve’s regime; never were such trifling causes
sufficient to deprive both sexes of citizens of their liberty,
to expose them to ill-treatment, and to send them into exile.
But never, on the other hand, have such means proved to be
more powerless. … The so-called ‘Organisation of the
Struggle,’ the same that had slain the previous Minister of
the Interior, Sipiagin, also sentenced to death the Governor
of Ulfa, Bogdanovitch. … At last Von Plehve, too, was
overtaken by his fate. On the 28th of July, 1904, a member of
the ‘Organisation of the Struggle’ threw a bomb into the
carriage of the Minister as he was driving towards the Warsaw
railway station in St. Petersburg, on his way to an audience
with the Tsar. He was killed instantaneously; while the
assassin, Sasonov, and a second terrorist, Sickocki, who had
lent him assistance, were arrested and condemned to twenty and
eleven years respectively of penal servitude."
_K. Zilliacus,
The Russian Revolutionary Movement,
chapter 16 (New York, Dutton and Company)._
{565}
RUSSIA: A. D. 1902.
The Political Awakening of the Common People.
Ideas of the Stundists.
Peasants taking Possession of the Granaries.
Floggings and Butcheries in Progress.
"The discontented crowds are unarmed, their only weapons are,
so far, shouts, banners and martyrdom for Liberty, while the
auto-bureaucratic regime meets these with the infliction of
wounds and death. Still there are features in this uneven
struggle which are of very ill-omen for auto-bureaucracy. Such
is, in the first place, the hearty compact between the factory
workers and the masses of the towns on the one hand, and the
forward elements of the classes, mainly represented by
students of the different higher educational institutions, on
the other. Secondly, there is the persistency with which the
cries ‘Down with Autocracy!’ ‘Long live Liberty,’ are now
resounding throughout the Empire of the Tzars. The shooters
are invariably beaten down, even shot down, as we shall see
later on; but the cry is raised again and again. Revolutions
are, unfortunately, not accomplished by shouts alone; but does
not the Tzar’s Government take all possible pains to teach the
population this simple truth? …
"Merciless wholesale flogging goes on in the Poltava province.
Rifles have also been used; and a number of women and children
have been wounded and several peasants shot dead. One of the
bodies had fourteen bullets in it. In the Kharkov province
‘peace and order’ has been enforced with a still greater
‘respect to uniform and arms.’ The soldiers themselves state
that the number of blows doled out with the bundles of birch
to the peasants amounted at times to 250 per person. When
fleeing from the torture eight peasants hit on a patrol. The
commanding officer being drunk ordered ‘fire!’ and all the
eight unarmed and helpless victims fell dead!
"But do these ‘energetic measures’ produce the desired effect?
In the village of Kourlak, Province of Voronezh, the same
merciless flogging was to be administered to all its
inhabitants. When the thirty-seventh peasant received his
portion of the torture, the villagers, after consultation,
declared that they submitted. But they collected carefully
_all_ the birch-bundles which served for the execution.
‘ They will be of use to us,’ said the peasants, ‘when
_we_ shall flog _you!_’ All the official
explanations given them by the authorities on this occasion
led them to the conclusion that the administration
acknowledged the righteousness of their claims on the land,
and flogged them only for using wrong means for its
recovery;—that therefore they would soon have the upper hand
over the officials and landlords, and would then flog them in
their turn.
"Nor does the movement in the Poltava Province (see above,
Russia. A. D. 1901-1904) show any sign of abatement. According
to the latest private information, which dates from the last
day of April, the peasant movement there does not at all bear
the character of devastation; although the landlords are
undoubtedly ruined by the quiet doings of the villagers. There
is no pillaging. The peasants, headed by their elective
elders, open the granaries of the landlords and distribute the
grain among themselves according to the needs of each family
(the well-to-do receiving nothing), while the remaining grain,
if any, is transferred to the communal stores. Part of this
appropriated grain has already been used by the peasants for
sowing their own fields, as well as those they have
appropriated from the gentry. As soon as the troops are
marched into the rebellious locality, they take possession
of the appropriated grain still remaining in the communal
granaries, and return it to its former owners. But as soon as
the soldiery, after wholesale flogging of the peasantry, leave
the locality, the peasants again take possession of the
landlords’ grain. The prison at Poltava is crammed with
peasants and students, and yet clandestine manifestoes are
published with the regularity of the local official paper, and
are distributed even among the soldiery. …
"The present peasant movement is not confined to the three
provinces already mentioned. In these it originated simply on
the ground of starvation, and similar events are reported from
the provinces of Koursk, Ekaterinoslav and Podolia; also in
those of Tomsk, Tobolsk, etc., in distant Siberia, where
governmental grain stores suffered the fate of the landlords’
granaries in Europe. But the tension of the peasants’ spirit,
their utter distrust of the present Government, and their
readiness to take justice into their own hands may be said to
be universal throughout the Empire.
"At the beginning of the Social Democratic movement in Russia
no hopes of the Russian peasant were cherished by its leaders.
But powerful agrarian organisations have since sprung up."
_Felix Volkhovsky,
The Russian Awakening
(Contemporary Review, June, 1902)._
RUSSIA: A. D. 1902.
Russo-Chinese Treaty concerning Tibet.
See (in this Volume)
TIBET: A. D. 1902.
RUSSIA: A. D. 1903 (April).
The Massacre of Jews at Kishineff.
The British Vice-Consul at Odessa, Mr. Bosanquet, visited
Kishineff in July, to learn the facts of the barbarous attack
on the Jewish population of that town, which had been made by
a mob in the previous April. The following particulars are
taken from his official report, published soon afterward as a
Parliamentary Paper:
"The riots began on Easter Sunday (O. S.), (the 19th April, N.
S.), in the afternoon, in the eastern extremity of the town …
and on that day were confined to the ordinary acts of a
turbulent crowd—_e. g._, the smashing of windows and
door-panels in Jewish houses. The area of Sunday’s disturbance
was comparatively small." Early the next morning they began
afresh in the same quarter, and spread to other parts of the
town. "They were directed entirely against the Jews." "Monday
was the day when the worst crimes were committed, and these
were perpetrated by bands of rioters in different parts of the
town. Many people believe the riots to be the work of
organized companies."
"Besides the murders committed, the interiors of houses were
utterly dismantled, pillows ripped up, Jewish Scriptures torn,
floors destroyed, and furniture thrown into the street; while
at an early stage wine was broached, that which was not drunk
pouring into the street. The local authorities took no
effective step to stop the riots, which continued unabated
till 4 P. M., or later, the soldiers meanwhile being passive,
if not sympathetic, spectators, and the police contenting
themselves with the arrest of minor criminals; then the
Governor, who had remained at home giving orders by telephone,
which were disregarded, at length ventured to sign the
necessary order for the troops to be employed.
{566}
The only case I heard of in which the latter used their
weapons occurred shortly after the issue of the Governor’s
order, when a Christian boy, pursuing a Jew with a stone, and
refusing to desist, was knocked down and bayoneted by
soldiers. An eye-witness of the scene related the facts to me.
This boy (with one doubtful exception) was the only Christian
killed in the disturbances. If resolute action had been taken
by the authorities, it is believed that the riots could have
been checked at an early stage. The more usual opinion seems
to be that all the murders occurred on Monday. It is certain
that none were perpetrated on Sunday, and very doubtful
whether any took place after the order to employ the troops
had come into effect. The disorders did not entirely cease, as
next day (21st April) houses in the outskirts were pillaged;
but, roughly speaking, the riots may be said to have ended on
Monday. Some students are said to have taken part in the
riots."
"Apparently a feeling existed among the lower classes that the
Jews ought not to be in a majority at Kishineff. The fact is
that they form about 50 per cent. of the population, which
amounts to some 115,000 inhabitants, the other half consisting
two-thirds of Moldavians, and after them of Russians, Greeks,
Armenians, Poles, Germans, &c."
The victims of these melancholy occurrences are officially
estimated at 41 Jews killed, or who died subsequently of
wounds, 3 severely, and 300 slightly, wounded. Among the
killed was one child accidentality suffocated by its mother. The
deaths are placed by another (Jewish) authority at 43,
including 2 young children, and by some even as high as 47,
but this figure seems to include persons who died from shock,
and not directly from violence. The official estimate of
deaths is identical with the figure communicated to me at the
Jewish hospital.
"Three hundred and eight persons have already been convicted
of thefts and other minor offenses [in connection with the
riots], and have been sentenced to terms of imprisonment
ranging from one week to three months. … The accused still
awaiting trial number 360. … Of the above prisoners 260 are
accused of participation in the riots without actual violence
and are out on bail in sums ranging from 200 to 300 roubles.
Those in this category who are found guilty will be sentenced
to imprisonment without hard labour in the Maison
Correctionnelle, where the discipline is more severe than in
prison. The remaining 100 are charged with murder in addition
to other crimes, and those found guilty will be transported to
undergo penal servitude in the Island of Sakhalin."
RUSSIA: A. D. 1903 (May-October).
Intrigues against Opening Ports in Manchuria to Foreign Trade.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1903 (May-October).
RUSSIA: A. D. 1903-1904.
Concert with Austria-Hungary in submitting the Mürzsteg
Programme of Reform in Macedonia to Turkey.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904 (February-July).
Opening of the War with Japan.
Battles at the Yalu.
First operations in Manchuria.
First movements against Port Arthur.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904 (July-September).
War with Japan:
Japanese Success in Manchuria.
The great battle of Liao-Yang.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.
Reforming attempts of Prince Mirsky.
Meeting of Zemstvo presidents.
The Revolutionary Workman.
Father Gapon.
The Appeal to the Tsar.
The answering Massacre of "Bloody Sunday."
Assassination of Grand Duke Sergius.
Witte’s practical premiership.
The Call of the First Duma.
The General Strike on the Railways.
The Great General Strike.
The Ukase of October 30, called the Constitution of Russia.
Beginning of Reaction.
The Postal Strike.
Fatal Rising at Moscow.
The hated Plehve was succeeded by Prince Svyatopolk Mirsky, a
broad-minded statesman, who began earnest efforts to set the
government on a different course. One of the first measures of
the prince was to win authority from the Tsar for a meeting of
the presidents of the zemstvos, or provincial councils, which
are bodies of a considerably representative character,
exercising a limited power in their rural districts over
matters of sanitation, public roads, and common schools.
Ostensibly, the meeting was to concert measures of relief for
the wounded in the war with Japan; but everybody knew that
political questions could not escape discussion if such a
meeting was held.
All the interests that uphold autocracy, aristocracy, and
bureaucracy in Russia were quick to scent danger, and had no
difficulty in persuading the weak-willed sovereign to recall
his consent to the meeting. In his feeble, half-way manner of
doing things, he forbade it as a public assembly, but allowed
its members to meet unofficially and privately, in November,
with no publication of their discussions or acts. They adopted
resolutions setting forth a bold demand for a representation
of the people in their government, and these were laid before
the Tsar. He gave a public reply to them on the 26th of
December, ignoring the demand for representative institutions,
declaring that the government must remain autocratic, but
making vague promises of reform in the laws, with especial
assurances of liberty to the press and in religion; but
everything granted must flow by gracious favor from the
autocracy, through the channels of the bureaucracy, where it
could not by any possibility run true and clear. The words of
the Tsar, vague as they were, produced some encouragement, and
a feeling of trust in his good intentions; but the effect was
soon destroyed.
It was at about this time that Prince Trubetskoi, in authority
at Moscow, addressed a letter to Prince Mirsky, from which the
following was published in translation soon after:
"Through this letter I wish to explain myself to you, and ask
you not to refuse me the privilege of representing to the
Emperor, most humbly, the motives which prompted me to give
the zemstvo permission to assert itself. According to public
opinion, in which I concur unreservedly, Russia is, at
present, facing an epoch of anarchy and revolutionary
movement. What is going on is, by far, no mere agitation by
the youth. The youth stands forth only as a reflection of the
general state prevailing in society. This state is most
dangerous and terrible for our entire country, as well as for
all of us, and particularly so for the holy person of the
Emperor. It is, therefore, the duty of every truly loyal
subject to ward off the disastrous calamity with any and all
means at his disposal.
{567}
A short time ago, I had the good fortune to be received by the
Emperor, and to tell him, straightforwardly and truly, to the
best of my effort and knowledge, about the present state of
society. I endeavored to explain to him that what is going on
is not a riot, but a revolution; that the Russian people is
thus being drawn into a revolution, which it does not desire,
and which can be forestalled by the Emperor. Yet there is but
one way out of it, just one, and that is by the Emperor
placing confidence in the strength of society and of the
masses. In the depths of my soul I am firmly convinced that if
the Emperor only wanted to confidently group these powers
around himself, Russia would free itself from all the terrors
of the impending disturbance, and would support its Czar, his
will, and his absolute sovereignty. In view of the state of
mind of all the people, who are filled with fear and horror
over the things referred to above, it is really beyond human
power to refuse them to speak about that which is vexing and
tormenting everybody so fearfully."
"The opening of the next year (1905) was marked by the
appearance of a new element in revolution. Certainly, there
had been strikes and riots in the great cities before; there
had been peasant risings and other forms of economic agitation
in various parts. But as a whole the revolutionary movement as
such had been inspired, directed, and even carried out by the
educated classes—the students, the journalists, the doctors,
barristers, and other professional men. It had been almost
limited to that great division of society which in Russia is
called ‘The Intelligence.’ … It was ‘the Intelligence’ who
hitherto had fought for the revolution. … At length the
first-fruits of their toilsome propaganda, continued through
forty years, were seen, and the revolutionary workman
appeared.
"He was ushered in by Father George Gapon, at that time a
rather simple-hearted priest, with a rather childlike faith in
God and the Tsar, and a certain genius for organization. His
personal hold upon the working classes was probably due to
their astonishment that a priest should take any interest in
their affairs, outside their fees. … Father Gapon, with his
thin line of genius for organization, had gathered the
workmen’s groups or trade unions of St. Petersburg into a
fairly compact body, called ‘The Russian Workmen’s Union,’ of
which he was President as well as founder. In the third week
in January the men at the Putiloff iron works struck because
two of their number had been dismissed for belonging to their
union. At once the Neva iron and ship-building works, the
Petroffsky cotton works, the Alexander engine works, the
Thornton cloth works, and other great factories on the banks
of the river or upon the industrial islands joined in the
strike, and in two days some 100,000 work-people were ‘out.’
"With his rather childlike faith in God and the Tsar, Father
Gapon organized a dutiful appeal of the Russian workmen to the
tender-hearted autocrat whose benevolence was only thwarted by
evil counsellors and his ignorance of the truth. The petition
ran, in part, as follows:—
"‘We workmen come to you for truth and protection. We have
reached the extreme limits of endurance. We have been
exploited, and shall continue to be exploited under your
bureaucracy. The bureaucracy has brought the country to the
verge of ruin and by a shameful war is bringing it to its
downfall. We have no voice in the heavy burdens imposed on us.
We do not even know for whom or why this money is wrung from
the impoverished people, and we do not know how it is
expended. This is contrary to the Divine laws, and renders
life impossible. It is better that we should all perish, we
workmen and all Russia. Then good luck to the capitalists and
exploiters of the poor, the corrupt officials and robbers of
the Russian people!
"‘Throw down the wall that separates you from your people.
Russia is too great and her needs are too various for
officials to rule. National representation is essential, for
the people alone know their own needs. Direct that elections
for a constituent assembly be held by general secret ballot.
That is our chief petition. Everything is contained in that.
If you do not reply to our prayer, we will die in this square
before your palace. We have nowhere else to go. Only two paths
are open to us—to liberty and happiness or to the grave.
Should our lives serve as the offering of suffering Russia, we
shall not regret the sacrifice, but endure it willingly.’
"On the morning of Sunday, January 22, 1905, about 15,000
working men and women formed into a procession to carry this
petition to the Tsar in his Winter Palace upon the great
square of government buildings. They were all in their Sunday
clothes; many peasants had come up from the country in their
best embroideries; they took their children with them. In
front marched Father Gapon and two other priests wearing
vestments. With them went the ikons, or holy pictures of
shining brass and silver, and a portrait of the Tsar. As the
procession moved along, they sang, ‘God save our people. God
give our orthodox Tsar the victory.’
"So the Russian workmen made their last appeal to the autocrat
whom they called their father. They would lay their griefs
before him, they would see him face to face, they would hear
his comforting words. But the father of his people had
disappeared into space. As the procession entered the square,
the soldiers fired volley after volley upon them from three
sides. The estimate of the killed and wounded was about 1500.
That Sunday—January 9th in Russian style—is known as Bloody
Sunday or Vladimir’s Day, after the Grand Duke Vladimir who
was supposed to have given the orders. Next morning Father
Gapon wrote to his Union: ‘There is no Tsar now. Innocent
blood has flowed between him and the people.’"
_Henry W. Nevinson,
The Dawn in Russia, Introduction.
(Harper’s, New York)._
If the atrocity of the 9th of January was intended to
terrorize and paralyze the opposition to absolutism it failed.
It maddened the more violent revolutionists, and increasingly
desperate enterprises of assassination were provoked. The
provocation was made greater by the appointment of Trepoff,
notorious for brutality of temper, to a newly created office,
of Governor-General of St. Petersburg. On the 17th of February
the Grand Duke Sergius, uncle to the Tsar, Governor-General of
Moscow, and conspicuously heartless and foul in his exercise
of power, was assassinated as he drove through the streets.
Strikes and riotous outbreaks were of constant occurrence in
the industrial cities, especially violent in Warsaw, Lodz, and
other Polish towns.
{568}
The Tsar issued a piteous manifesto on the 3d of March,
appealing for a "rally round the throne" by all "who, true to
Russia’s past, honestly and conscientiously have a care for
all the affairs of the state such as we have ourselves." On
the same day he published a rescript in which he said: "I am
resolved henceforth, with the help of God, to convene the
worthiest men, possessing the confidence of the people and
elected by them, to participate in the elaboration and
consideration of legislative measures." But, even if this
expressed the personal disposition of the weak-willed
sovereign, it promised nothing to correspond to it in the
action of government; as was shown by the promotion of Trepoff
to be Assistant-Minister of the Interior and Chief of Police.
Prince Mirsky, baffled in his undertakings and hopeless of
good from his service, had resigned the Ministry of the
Interior, and his successor, M. Buliguine, held the office but
a short time. M. Serguei Yulievitch Witte, former Minister of
Finance, and latterly President of the Imperial Ministers, now
acquired a substantial premiership in the administration,
which does not seem to have belonged to his office before.
Nothing of satisfaction came from the December promises of
reformed law. Bureaucratic commissions were understood to be
working on measures to make good the Tsar’s word, but months
passed with no result. There were fitful relaxations of the
censorship of the press, so capricious that no editor could
know what he might and might not say.
In April, religious liberty was proclaimed, with special
rights and privileges reserved to the Russian orthodox church.
M. Witte had advocated a separation of the church from the
state; but that was beyond hope. There must, however, have
been an important weakening of church influence in the
government, since the long despotic procurator-general of the
Holy Synod, M. Pobiedonostzeff, resigned before the close of
the year.
Early in the summer the heads of provincial zemstvos held
another meeting, and discussed the popular demand for a
constitutional and representative government without
restraint. Then the Czar gave them a friendly audience, and
declared to them that "the admission of elected
representatives to works of state will be regularly
accomplished"; but this was followed speedily by an official
explanation that his majesty’s remarks must not be understood
as containing "any indication of the possibility of modifying
the fundamental law of the empire." This was to check an eager
leaping of the public mind to high hopes.
On the 19th of August the long wavering imperial mind seemed
brought to a definite intention at last, in a proclamation
which summoned a national assembly, or duma, to meet "not
later than the middle of January, 1906."
"The Empire of Russia," said the Tsar in his preamble, "is
formed and strengthened by the indestructible solidarity of
the Tsar with the people and the people with the Tsar. The
concord and union of the people and the Tsar are a great moral
force, which has created Russia in the course of centuries by
protecting her from all misfortunes and all attacks, and has
constituted up to the present time a pledge of unity,
independence, integrity, material well-being, and intellectual
development. Autocratic Tsars, our ancestors, constantly had
that object in view, and the time has come to follow out their
good intentions, and to summon elected representatives from
the whole of Russia to take a constant and active part in the
elaboration of laws, attaching for this purpose to the higher
state institutions a special consultative body, entrusted with
the preliminary elaboration and discussion of measures, and
with the examination of the state budget. It is for this
reason that, while preserving the fundamental law regarding
autocratic power, we have deemed it well to form a State Duma,
and to approve regulations for the elections to this Duma."
By the terms of the call it will be seen, "the fundamental law
regarding autocratic power" was preserved with care. And, said
the proclamation, "we reserve to ourselves entirely the care
of perfecting the organization of the duma." It was to have no
power to initiate legislation, but only to discuss and pass
judgment upon measures brought before it by the ministers of
the Tsar, who thus held fast to the substance of his
autocratic power.
The Duma was to consist of 412 members, representing 50
governments and the military province of the Don, and only 28
members representing towns. It was to be elected for five
years, unless dissolved sooner by the Tsar. Its meetings were
to be secret, except as the president, in his discretion,
might admit the reporters of the Press.
The limited functions proposed for the Duma, and the
indefinite prescription of procedure in its election, left not
much in the Tsar’s project of a national assembly to satisfy
the nation. In September a large meeting of representatives of
the zemstvos, from all parts of the Empire, was held privately
at Moscow, and it was there agreed that they should exert
themselves to secure as many seats in the coming Duma as
possible, with a view to making it instrumental in the
movement for something better. The ultimate aim of present
endeavor was defined in a programme which included: a
representative national legislature; a systematic budget
system; freedom of conscience, speech, press, meeting and
association; inviolability of person and home; equal rights of
all citizens; equal responsibility of all officials and
citizens under the law; the abolition of passports.
In October, on the 21st, the workingmen organized their first
great general strike, on the railways, which paralyzed travel
and traffic, except as the government could operate some
military trains. The strikers made bold demands, presented to
Witte on the 24th: "The claims of the working classes," they
said, "must be settled by laws constituted by the will of the
people and sanctioned by all Russia. The only solution is to
announce political guarantees for freedom and the convocation
of a Constituent Assembly, elected by direct, universal and
secret suffrage. Otherwise the country will be forced into
rebellion." Witte replied: "A Constituent Assembly is for the
present impossible.
{569}
Universal suffrage would, in fact, only give preëminence to
the richest classes, because they could influence all the
voting by their money. Liberty of the press and of public
meeting will be granted very shortly. I am myself strongly
opposed to all persecution and bloodshed, and I am willing to
support the greatest amount of liberty possible. … But there
is not in the entire world a single cultivated man who is in
favor of universal suffrage." Two days after receiving this
reply the Council of Labor Delegates, or "Strike Committee,"
declared a general strike of workmen throughout Russia, and
about a million workingmen are said to have taken the risk of
starvation by dropping work.
No doubt it was that evidence of determination in the
revolutionary spirit of the country which drew from the Tsar,
on the 30th of October, the famous ukase which was
characterized hastily at the time as "the Magna Charta of
Russia," "the surrender of autocracy," the founding of
constitutional government. In reality, the document was no
more than an injunction to the ministers of the autocrat to
carry out his "absolute will" in certain matters, most of
which were set forth with characteristic vagueness of terms.
The following is a translation of the entire manifesto, as
communicated to the Government of the United States from its
embassy at St. Petersburg:
By the grace of God we, Nicholas Second, Emperor and Autocrat
of all the Russias, Tsar of Poland, Grand Duke of Finland,
etc.
The rioting and agitation in the capitals and in many
localities of our Empire has filled our heart with great and
deep affliction. The welfare of the Russian Emperor is united
with the welfare of the people, and its troubles are his
troubles. The agitation which has broken out may bring
confusion among the people and threaten the entirety and unity
of our Empire.
The solemn vow of the imperial service commands us, with all
the strength of intelligence and of our power, to endeavor to
stop as quickly as possible agitations so dangerous to the
Empire. In ordering the competent authorities to take measures
to avert the disorders, the troubles, and violence, and to
guard peaceful people who are eager to fulfill quietly the
duties placed upon them, we have found it necessary, in order
to insure the proper execution of the general measures marked
out by us, to unify the action of the supreme government.
We lay upon the government the fulfillment of our absolute
will:
1. To grant to the population the inviolable basis of free
citizenship, on the ground of actual inviolable personality,
freedom of conscience, speech, meeting, and unions;
2. Without stopping the intended elections for the State Duma,
to include now in the participation of the Duma as far as
possible, in view of the corresponding short term which
remains before the convocation of the Duma, those classes of
the population which up to now were entirely deprived of the
right to vote and to allow in future the further development
of the element of a general right of election which is to be
established by new legislation; and
3. To establish as an inviolable rule that no law shall take
effect without its confirmation by the State Duma and that the
persons elected by the population should be guaranteed the
possibility of actual control over the legal activity of the
persons appointed by us.
We call on all the true sons of Russia to remember their
duties toward their fatherland, to assist in combating these
unheard-of agitations, and together with us to unite all their
strength in establishing quietness and peace in their country.
Given in Peterhof on the 17th day of October in the year of
our Lord 1905 and the eleventh year of our reign.
(Signed in his own hand.)
NICHOLAS.
At the same time, the ministers of the autocrat were enjoined
to "abstain from any interference in the elections of the
duma;" they were to "maintain the prestige of the duma and
confidence in its labors, and not resist its decisions so long
as they are not inconsistent with the historic greatness of
Russia." In the exercise of executive power they should embody
"(1) straightforwardness and sincerity in the confirmation of
civil liberty;"
"(2), a tendency toward the abolition of exclusive laws;"
"(3), the coordination of the activity of all the organs of
government;"
"(4), the avoidance of repressive measures in respect to
proceedings which do not openly menace society or the state."
These orders and injunctions from the autocracy to the
bureaucracy were to be the constitution of government for
which Russia had made demands. They did not satisfy the
demand—or satisfied only the small party who were afterwards
called "Octobrists," because they asked for no more than was
granted in this ukase of October 30, 1905. The general strike
was not called off, but demands for a Constituent Assembly
were reiterated persistently. Agitation was kept alive, and
with it the murderous warfare waged by revolutionists against
high officials and the police. At the same time, reactionary
officials and army officers, enraged by what the Tsar had
done, stirred up mobs in various parts of the country to
attack the Jews, and add to the state of public disorder, thus
furnishing arguments for a fresh resort to repressive measures
by the military arm. Presently there were serious outbreaks of
mutiny in army and navy, at Odessa, Kronstadt, and Sevastopol,
and all the foundations of public order seemed really, for a
time, to be breaking up.
It is evident there was serious alarm in the circles of the
autocracy. Pobiedonostzeff, the bigoted Procurator of the Holy
Synod, and Trepoff, the savage head of the police, resigned.
On the 4th of November an amnesty to political offenders was
proclaimed, and the ancient liberties of Finland were
restored, by a decree which abolished that of February, 1899
(see, in Volume VI., FINLAND), and that also annulled a later
military law, of 1901, by which the Finnish army had been put
on the Russian footing.
These signs of yielding to the claims "of the nation soon gave
place, however, to symptoms on the reactionary side of revived
courage and obstinacy among the keepers and masters of the
Tsar’s mind and will. A manifesto on the 12th of November
declared that reforms would not be possible till the country
was quieted. Another on the 13th proclaimed martial law in
Poland; whereat the "strike committee" called another strike
in sympathy with Poland.
{570}
On the 14th Witte published an appeal to the workmen, saying:
"Brothers! Workmen! Go back to your work and cease from
disorder. Have pity on your wives and children, and turn a
deaf ear to mischievous counsels. The Tsar commands us to
devote special attention to the labor question, and to that
end has appointed a Ministry of Commerce and Industry, which
will establish just relations between masters and men. Only
give us time, and I will do all that is possible for you. Pay
attention to the advice of a man who loves you and wishes you
well." The renewed strike was not successful. Not many of the
workingmen would face the suffering from non-employment which
they had gone through already. The attempt was ended on the
20th; but the Committee which called it, in annulling the
order, enjoined the workers of the Empire to organize "for the
final encounter between all Russia and the bloody monarchy now
dragging out its last days."
Meantime, on the 17th, the Tsar sought to conciliate the
peasants by reducing for one year the payments on land that
were due under the land distribution which went with
emancipation in 1861, and remitting them entirely after
January, 1907.
See (in Volume IV.)
SLAVERY, MEDIEVAL AND MODERN: RUSSIA.
On the 20th of November a Peasants’ Congress of 300 delegates
met in Moscow and formulated demands for the nationalization
of land and for a constituent assembly. The delegates were
arrested. An alarming mutiny in the fleet and army at
Sevastopol broke out on the 26th, but it was soon suppressed.
Two days later the whole body of employees in the postal and
telegraphic service at Moscow began a most troublesome strike,
which spread from there and was continued for some weeks. Mr.
Nevinson, who was in Moscow at the time, describes it in one
of his chapters:
"In those happy weeks when freedom still was young and living,
two things ruled the country—speech and the strike, the word
and the blow. The strike was everywhere felt. No letter or
telegram went or came. Each town in Russia was isolated, and
the whole Empire stood severed from the world. … In Moscow the
cooks struck, and paraded the streets with songs never heard
in the drawing-room. The waiters struck, and heavy proprietors
lumbered about with their own plates and dishes. The
nursemaids struck for Sundays out. The housemaids struck for
rooms with windows, instead of cupboards under the stairs, or
sections from the water closets. Schoolboys struck for more
democratic masters and pleasanter lessons. Teachers struck for
higher pay. … But at the back of the strikes and all the
revolutionary movement lay the motive force of speech. … After
these centuries of suppression, all Russia was revelling in a
spiritual debauch of words."
On the 6th of December General Sakharoff, formerly Minister of
War and now Governor-General of a district on the Volga, was
shot by a woman, to avenge the sufferings he had caused to the
peasants. On the 7th the Strike Committee called on the
workpeople to withdraw their money from the savings-banks;
and, a little later, a joint manifesto, issued by that
committee and committees of Peasants, Social Democrats, and
Social Revolutionists, appealed generally to the people, not
only to withdraw money from the savings banks, but "to refuse
to pay taxes, or to take bank-notes, or to subscribe to
loans," as a means of crippling the government financially.
All papers which published this manifesto were suppressed and
their editors arrested.
Then, in the last twelve days of December, came the fatal
rising at Moscow, which the government, forewarned by its
spies, precipitated, while the revolutionists’ preparations
were but half made, and which it crushed mercilessly, with
ease. From a diary of the occurrences of these tragical days
at Moscow, given in the report of the resident American Consul
to Ambassador Meyer, at St. Petersburg, the following entries
are taken:
"_December_ 24.
Barricades were continually built during days and nights. The
revolutionists were in hope that about 20,000 or 30,000
workmen from the factories in the suburbs would enter the city
and join them, but this was not accomplished, as the military
forces were sufficient to prevent this. The revolutionists
spread a rumor amongst the workmen that the soldiers were in
sympathy with the strikers and that they would not fire on the
mob and would join their ranks, but this rumor turned out to
be untrue, as the troops were loyal to the Government. …
"_December_ 27.
At 6 o’clock P. M. the house where the chief of the secret
police, Mr. Voilochenkoff, resides, was surrounded by a
revolutionary party and by their insistent demands the front
door was opened. Six men rushed into his apartments and
arrested the chief, and read the death sentence of the
revolutionary party to him. His wife and three children
pleaded to the revolutionists for mercy, but the
revolutionists would not listen to their pleading, and they
gave Mr. Voilochenkoff a short time to prepare for death and
then took him out into a side street where he was shot to
death, and his body left in the street. Disturbances and
shooting were carried on in the different parts of the city,
and new barricades erected.
"_December_ 31.
The troops bombarded the large Prochoroff spinning mills,
where a large number of revolutionists made their last stand.
Many houses in the vicinity of the mill were either burnt down
or wrecked by cannon balls. Many of the revolutionists and
strikers were killed, wounded, or captured and the weapons
confiscated. The general strike has been called off."
This was practically the end of the abortive rising. On the
5th of January, 1906, Ambassador Meyer wrote to the State
Department at Washington:
"In my cable of December 25 I stated that although fighting
had been stubborn and gatling guns had been used, I believed
that the estimates so far given out as to loss of life were
much exaggerated. It appears now that I was correct in my
surmise, for in a semi-official statement given by one of the
papers, from statistics taken at all the hospitals and
accident bureaus, the deaths were given as about 750 and the
wounded as a little over a thousand.
"I am glad to state that as yet I have heard of no injuries
occurring to American citizens in Moscow; in fact in all these
disturbances that have taken place in the various cities the
revolutionists and strikers have refrained in all instances
from attacking foreign consulates, and I believe this also
applies to the property of foreign individuals."
{571}
On the 29th of January Ambassador Meyer wrote to Washington:
"The revolutionary party seems to have spent its force for the
time being. Instead of aiding reforms, they have greatly
hampered them. By the attempted capture of Moscow, by their
riots and rebellions in other parts of the country, followed
by destruction of life and property, they have forced the
Government into repression and reactionary methods in order to
restore law and order. All this has necessarily caused a delay
in the classification of the newly enfranchised voters and has
given an excuse for a continued waste of precious time due to
bureaucratic formality.
"Some of the factions are finally waking up to the necessity
of giving attention to registration and a better comprehension
of the coming elections. The Constitutional-Democratic party
have decided by a large majority to take part in the elections
and the Douma. The Social Democrats have also decided to
participate. On the other hand, the Russian
Social-Revolutionaries, at their first meeting in Finland,
lately, voted in favor of a boycott of the elections.
"At its last meeting, the Constitutional-Democratic party, in
view of obstacles to free election campaigning which the local
authorities are using against all opposing parties, voted to
protest against the government policy, which in any way
impeded free elections to the Imperial Douma, and further
urged the most energetic participation of its members in the
approaching elections.
"At a meeting of the marshals of the nobility, held at Moscow
last week, the following resolutions were adopted: 1.That the
final settlement of the agrarian question should be made the
first task of the Douma. 2. That in deciding the agrarian
question, it should be based on the principle of inviolability
of private property."
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905. War with Japan:
Siege and Surrender of Port Arthur.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST) and
1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905 (October-May).--War with Japan:
Voyage of the Baltic Fleet.
Its Destruction in the Battle of Tsushima.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905 (September-March).
War with Japan: Campaign in Manchuria.
From the Battle of Liao-Yang to the end
of the Battle of Mukden.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (SEPTEMBER-MARCH).
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1909.
General Consequences in Europe of the Weakening of Russian
Prestige and Power by the Russo-Japanese War.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905.
Action with other Powers in forcing Financial Reforms
in Macedonia on Turkey.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (February-November).
Naval Mutiny.
Army Revolt.
Peasant Risings.
Conflict in the Caucasus.
The most serious of the revolutionary outbreaks of the year
was that of mutiny in the navy. "Already in February the
sailors of the Black Sea fleet, instigated by the
revolutionary propaganda, had burned down the barracks at
Sebastopol and assaulted their officers, and on June 27 the
crew of the ‘Kniaz Potemkin,’ the principal battle-ship of the
Black Sea fleet, mutinied at sea while the squadron of which
it formed part was manoeuvring, and killed nearly all its
officers. The mutineers were in league with the working men at
Odessa, who at the same time invaded the harbor, and,
accompanied by a riotous mob, plundered and burnt in all
directions. Property of immense value was consumed, and some
of the troops refused to fire on the rioters. Ultimately fresh
troops were brought up, the ‘Kniaz Potemkin’ sailed away to
the Roumanian port of Constanza, where it was surrendered to
the Roumanian authorities, who gave up the ship to the
Russians, and the crew was landed and disarmed. The crew of
another battle-ship, the ‘Georgei Pobiedonosets,’ took part in
the mutiny, but surrendered to the Russian authorities at
Odessa. Riots also took place at the same time at the seaports
of Reval, Riga, Libau, and Kronstadt, where the dockers were
joined by the navy men and struck for an increase of wages. …
On July 10 Count Schouvaloff, Prefect of Police at Moscow, was
assassinated, and a general strike was proclaimed at Minsk. …
In the Baltic provinces the peasants, who are Letts,
constantly attacked the landed proprietors, who are German in
race and speech; many of the latter were killed, the municipal
buildings at Reval, Riga and Mittau were sacked. … In
September the conflict which had been going on between the
Tartars and the Armenians in the Caucasus culminated in a
series of horrible massacres, accompanied by much destruction
of property. At Baku most of the naphtha wells were destroyed
by incendiary fires, and very much of the oil industry was
ruined. The Tartars, carrying green banners, proclaimed a holy
war against the Armenians, many thousands of whom were killed.
… On November 25 an organized revolt took place of the
soldiers, sailors and workmen of Sebastopol. There was no
rioting, but several officers were killed, and for some days
the town was in the hands of the rebels. The revolt was only
suppressed on November 30, when a regular battle took place
between the rebels and 20,000 troops that had been brought up
against them. Forts and loyal ships fired on mutinous ships,
and the barracks held by the rebels had to be bombarded before
they were forced to surrender. … Other mutinies of troops took
place at the same time at Warsaw and in other places."
_The Annual Register 1905,
pages 313-323._
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (April-August).
The Tsar’s Decree of Religious Liberty.
Minister Witte’s enlightened Memorial.
The Emptiness of Results.
Early in May, 1905, there was announcement that the Tsar, on
the morning of the Russian Easter Day, had published a decree
proclaiming absolute religious liberty to all his subjects.
Previous tolerance of all religions in Russia had been subject
to important limitations. No member of the state church could
leave it to enter another without losing all his civil rights,
and no church other than the Orthodox could proselyte.
Furthermore, when members of the Russian Church and those of
any other church married, it was necessary to have the
ceremony performed by an Orthodox priest, and the law insisted
that the children of such marriages be brought up in the
Orthodox faith. These restrictions were particularly hard on
the Old Believers, as they are called,—a body which separated
from the Orthodox Church two and a half centuries ago and has
suffered all kinds of persecution. The new ukase recognized
the various orders of priesthood among the Old Believers, and
gave them the right to celebrate marriage. To all the
dissenting sects—Roman Catholics, Lutherans, Jews, and
others—is accorded the right to erect houses of worship
without restriction.
{572}
The Tsar’s decree of entire religious freedom was known soon
to have been the fruit of a remarkably broad minded memorial
addressed to him by M. Witte, the President of his Council of
Ministers, and a translation of that memorial was published in
the May issue of _The Contemporary Review_. It pictured a
state of paralysis in the Russian Church, consequent on its
bondage to the State. "Both the ecclesiastical and the secular
press," said the writer, "remark with equal emphasis upon the
prevailing lukewarmness of the inner life of the Church,—upon
the alienation of the flock, particularly of the educated
classes of society, from its spiritual guides; the absence in
sermons of a living word; the lack of pastoral activity on the
part of the clergy, who in the majority of instances confine
themselves to the conduct of divine service and the
fulfillment of ritual observances; the entire collapse of the
ecclesiastical parish community, with its educational and
benevolent institutions; the red-tapism in the conduct of
diocesan or consistorial business, and the narrowly
bureaucratic character of the institutions grouped about the
Synod. It was from Dostoyevski that we first heard that word
of evil omen, ‘The Russian Church is suffering from
paralysis.’"
This condition M. Witte attributes to the position in which
the Church was placed by Peter the Great. "The chief aim of
the ecclesiastical reforms of Peter I. was to reduce the
Church to the level of a mere government institution pursuing
purely political ends. And, as a matter of fact, the
government of the Church speedily became merely one of the
numerous wheels of the complicated government machine. On the
soil of an ecclesiastical government robbed by bureaucratism
of all personal elements the dry scholastic life-shunning
school arose spontaneously. This policy of coercing the mind
of the Church, though it may have been attended for the moment
by a certain measure of political gain, subsequently inflicted
a terrible loss. Hence that decline in ecclesiastical life
with which we now have to deal."
The wise President of the Tsar’s Council made so much
impression on the mind of his master as to draw from him the
ukase of general religious freedom; but three months later, in
the August number of _The American Review of Reviews_,
Dr. E. J. Dillon, whose intimate knowledge of Russian affairs
is well known, described how effectually the decree had been
smothered by the bureaucracy, which is stronger than the Tsar.
He wrote: "The most welcome of all the concessions emanating
from the throne was that which Nicholas II. bestowed upon his
subjects last Easter Sunday. Inspired and drafted by M. Witte,
it was at first spoken of as liberty of conscience, but was
soon afterward seen to amount to nothing more than religious
toleration. And since then the bureaucracy has touched and
killed it."
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (June-October).
Ending of the War with Japan.
Mediation by the President cf the United States.
The Peace Treaty of Portsmouth.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.
The Recent Russian Political Parties.
As explained by Mr. Maurice Baring in his interesting book
entitled _A Year in Russia_, the crystallization of
political parties in Russia began after the issue of the
Manifesto of October, 1905. The most important was that of the
Constitutional Democrats, nicknamed the "Cadets," a name
formed from the letters "K. D." Similarly the party called
Social Revolutionaries are nicknamed "S. R’s." and the Social
Democrats "S. D’s." The party of the Constitutional Democrats
was the product of a combination of Zemstvo members who had
previously been united in a "League of Liberation" with the
professional classes, whom Professor Milioukov had brought
together in a "Union of Unions," which represented the great
mass of educated Russia—the "Intelligenzia." This combination
of the professional class with the Zemstvoists, who had more
political experience than others could enjoy in Russia, was
mainly the important work of Professor Milioukov.
RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.
The First Duma.
Election of Representatives.
Its Conflict with the Government and its Dissolution.
Rise of M. Stolypin.
The Instigated Massacres (Pogroms).
In January, 1906, when the Duma promised by the Tsar on the
19th of the previous August should have met, the conditions in
the country were such that the Government dared not permit the
meeting to be held, and it was postponed without date. After
some weeks a more submissive state of order was restored, and
the meeting was appointed for the 10th of the following May.
The elections were held in March, and Ambassador Meyer
described the system on which they were conducted in an
extended despatch to the State Department at Washington, from
which the following is borrowed:
"The total number of members of the Duma, when the elections
shall have finally been completed, will be 501. The elections
are, however, not carried on the same day throughout the
country. Governors and vice-governors, prefects of cities and
their lieutenants cannot vote in their departments, nor can
members of the army or navy who are on active service, or
persons doing police duty in governments or cities when
elections are taking place.
"The voters are divided into classes, and that it may be
more clearly shown I have made the following table;
------------------------------------------------------------
Peasants.
Clergy
Cities not in special list
Volosts
Workmen
-------------------------> Delegates -> Electors -> Duma Members
Landed proprietors
and special cities.
-------------------------------------> Electors -> Duma Members
------------------------------------------------------------
{573}
"From this it will be seen that the peasants are in a class by
themselves and, as a matter of fact, in the present elections
are not given an opportunity of expression, as it is the volosts
(elected at the mir, in most instances, before the Duma was
even granted) that choose the delegates. The volosts, workmen,
clergy (not lauded proprietors), voters of cities (not in
special list), and class C of lauded proprietors, all choose
delegates. These delegates, in turn, select electors, as do
also landed proprietors, and qualified voters of cities on the
special list. The electors vote for Duma members in their
appropriate electoral college, and their choice is confined to
a member of their own body. Therefore in every instance, in
order to become a member of the Duma, a candidate must be an
elector and previous to that a delegate, except in the case of
landed proprietors and voters of special cities. …
"It is noticeable that the large cities in European Russia are
limited to one member of the Duma, with the exception of
Moscow and St. Petersburg, the former having an allotment of
four and the latter of six.
"There is an exceptional provision with regard to the
procedure of the peasant electors. … Elections to the Duma,
with the exception cited as to the privilege of peasant
electors, are finally effected in the governments and
territories by the government electoral college, and in the
cities by the municipal electoral college."
Mr. Meyer reported further that an imperial manifesto had
announced that the Council of the Empire would in future
"consist of an equal number of elective members and members
nominated by the Emperor. It will be convoked annually by an
imperial ukase at the same time with the Duma. The two
assemblies will have equal legislative powers, and each can
exercise the same initiative in introducing bills or
interrogations. Every bill must be passed by both houses
before being sent to the Tsar for his signature and approval.
The elected members of the Council will be eligible for nine
years, a third being reelected every three years." Of the 98
elective members of the Council (one half of the body), 18
were to be chosen from the nobles, 50 from the zemstvo of each
government, 6 from the Orthodox Church, 6 from the
universities, 12 from the representatives of the Council of
Commerce and Industry, and 6 from representatives of the
Polish landed proprietors.
On the 7th of April Ambassador Meyer wrote to Washington
concerning the result of the elections: "The success of the
Constitutional Democrats has made a great impression on the
Government and created considerable nervousness. Witte is
really anxious to resign and go out of the country for a
much-needed rest. But he assured a mutual friend that he would
stay and serve the Emperor as long as His Majesty desired. The
elections so far have impressed upon his mind the want of
confidence which exists among the people as to his
administration. As he is without any supporters among the
elected members of the Duma, it is difficult to believe that
the Emperor will be able or even desirous of having him
continue to serve as premier after the Duma is organized."
This anticipation proved correct. M. Witte had withdrawn from
the ministerial premiership when the Duma assembled on the
10th of May, and M. Goremykin had taken his place.
There was conflict between the Duma and the Government from
the moment that the former adopted its reply to the opening
speech of the Tsar. With unanimity it demanded general amnesty
for past political offenses, abolition of the death penalty,
suspension of martial law, full civil liberty, universal
suffrage, abolition of the council of the empire, a review of
the fundamental law, responsibility of ministers and right of
interpellation, a forced expropriation of land, and a
guarantee of rights to trade unions.
M. Stolypin, Minister of the Interior, now coming to the front
of ministerial leadership, made his first speech in the Duma
on the 21st of June, and was assailed with cries of "Murderer"
and "Assassin" when he defended illegal acts of police officials
and provincial governors, in the suppression of disorder, and
declared his determination to maintain order. Among the
replies to him was one by Prince Urussoff, former Assistant
Minister of the Interior, who made a powerful attack on the
sinister methods of the Government—the "policy of massacre,"
as he named it—declaring that massacres were always organized
by secret forces. "Any investigation," he said, "of the
so-called ‘pogroms’ (massacres) will bring the investigator
face to face with the following certain symptoms; they are
identical in all cases; Firstly, a massacre is always preceded
by reports of its preparation, accompanied by the circulation
of appeals exciting the population and of one constant kind in
form and substance. They are accompanied by a certain kind of
stormy petrels in the person of little known representatives
of the dregs of the population. Then, too, the cause of the
massacre as officially announced is afterwards always without
exception found to be false. Furthermore, in these massacres
there is always to be found a certain similarity of plan which
gives these actions the character of chance. The murderers act
on the assumption of some kind of right, as though conscious
that they will not be punished, and only continue to act as
long as this confidence remains unshaken—after which the
massacre stops extraordinarily quickly and easily."
What Prince Urussoff had intimated, as to the instigation of
the massacres from high circles was declared most distinctly
and positively, three years later, by Prince Kropotkin, in a
letter to the London _Times_ of July 29, 1909. He wrote:
"Something which never has happened anywhere in Western Europe
happened then in Russia, as M. Obninsky, a member of the first
Duma, says in a terrible book of statistics he has published
in 1906 at Moscow, under the title, ‘A Half-Year of the
Russian Revolution.’ In a hundred different cities men of the
so-called ‘Black Hundreds’ came together on some public
square, received there the benediction of the clergy, sent
telegrams to the Palace circles in St. Petersburg, received
answers from them, and then went on killing the Jews, the
Armenians, the Poles, the Russian members of the Zemstvos, and
Russian ‘Intellectuals’ altogether, under the protection of
the military, the local police, and the local governors.
{574}
"For some time I could not believe that such _pogroms_
could have been organized from St. Petersburg by the
authorities. Now the evidence is overwhelming. We know that
proclamations inciting to _pogroms_ were printed by the
gendarmes in the Secret Police offices, we know from the
revelations of these gendarmes themselves that men and
officers were sent to the provinces with proclamations and
arms to organize the pogroms; and we know how the leaders of
the Union of Russian Men were petted and given money by the
Tsar and how they organized murders, wholesale and retail,
with the aid of members of the Secret Police; and here is the
net result which I have before me in a long, very long, list
compiled by the Law Review _Pravo_.
"This list is simply horrifying. The Constitution manifesto
was signed on October 30. The same day took place the
_pogrom_ at Tver; the Zemstvo house was burnt, and 24
persons were wounded. At Moscow, November 2, 30 wounded;
Odessa, October 31-November 3, more than 1,000 killed and
5,000 wounded; Kieff, October 31, 150 killed, 100 wounded;
Tomsk, November 3, 150 killed and burned, 76 heavily wounded
(all these, by the way, and many others are Russian towns);
Minsk, 100 killed, 400 wounded; Tiflis, November 2, more than
100 killed; and so on, and so on. … The result of similar
campaigns in different parts of Russia for twelve months only
in 1905-1906 was—killed, more than 14,000; executed, about
1,000; wounded and partly died from wounds, about 20,000;
arrested and imprisoned, mostly without judgment, 75,000. This
last figure was given in the Duma by Professor Kovalevsky on
May 2, 1906, in the presence of M. Stolypin, who did not
contest it."
On the 22d of July the Duma was dissolved by imperial command,
and the following manifesto to the people was published by the
Autocrat on the following day:
"Persons selected by the people were called to the
legislature. Trusting in the goodness of God, believing in the
happy and grand future of our people, we were expecting from
their labors the happiness and interest of the country. Great
reforms had been indicated by us in all that concerns the life
of the people, and our greatest care, which is to substitute
education for the ignorance of the people and to lessen the
difficulties of its life by improving the conditions under
which it cultivates the ground, was foremost. A painful ordeal
was reserved to our hopes. The elected of the nation, instead
of turning their attention to legislative labors, have entered
a field that was closed to them, and have begun to investigate
the doings of authorities established by us, to indicate to us
the imperfections of fundamental laws that can only be altered
by our imperial will, and to commit illegal acts, such as the
appeal addressed to the people of the Duma.
"The peasants, dazed by these disorders, without waiting for
the legal improvement to their position, gave themselves up,
in a great number of governments, to pillage and theft,
refusing to submit to the law or to legal authorities. …
"By dissolving the actual Duma of the Empire we testify to our
unalterable intention of maintaining, in all their force, the
laws concerning the establishment of that institution, and,
consequently, we have fixed, by our ukase given to the ruling
Senate on the 8th July instant, the convocation of the new
Duma on the 20th of February, 1907."
About two hundred members of the dissolved Duma went
immediately from St. Petersburg to Viborg, in Finland, and
held a meeting there, from which they published an address to
the "Citizens of all the Russias," signed by one hundred and
sixty of their number, protesting against the opposition which
the Duma had encountered from the Government in all its
undertakings, and practically refusing submission to its
dissolution. "In the place of the present Duma," they said,
"the Government promises to convoke a new one in seven months.
… For seven months the Government will act as it likes, will
wrestle with the movement of the people in order to obtain a
submissive and desirable Duma, and if it succeeds in entirely
crushing the movement of the people it will not convoke any
Duma at all. Citizens, stand firmly by the trampled rights of
the representatives of the people. Stand for the Duma of the
Empire. Russia must not remain one day without representatives
from the people. We have the means of obtaining this. The
Government has not the right without our consent to collect
taxes from the people, nor to call the people to military
service, and therefore, now, when the Government has dissolved
the Duma of the Empire, it is your right to refuse to supply
it with soldiers or money. If the Government, in order to
secure resources, makes loans, such loans, made without
consent of the representatives of the people, will henceforth
be invalid, and the Russian people will not recognize them and
will not pay for them. Consequently, until the representatives
of the people are convoked, do not pay a kopeck into the
treasury nor send a man to the army. Be firm in your refusal;
stand for your rights, all as one man. Against the united and
absolute will of the people no power whatever can resist.
Citizens, in this compulsory but inevitable struggle your
representatives will be with you."
This proved to be futile action. The Government was prompt in
arresting and imprisoning most of the signers of the appeal to
the people, and none of them was allowed to be returned to the
Second Duma when the new elections were held. Pending that
election, some very substantial gifts of imperial favor were
made to the peasants, to win their good will, but nothing
appears to have been remembered of the October injunctions of
the Tsar concerning the "confirmation of civil liberty." In
August, 4,500,000 acres of crown lauds were transferred by an
imperial ukase to the Peasants’ Bank, for sale to the peasants
on easy terms; and on the 18th of October another ukase
released them to a large extent from the restraints of the
communal system, and decreed the equality of all citizens
before the law. The following is part of the text of this
important decree, as communicated in translation to the
American government by Ambassador Meyer, and published in the
report of 1906 on Foreign Relations.
"The Czar orders, on the basis of the fundamental law of 1906,
that the following reforms be made:
"1. To accord all Russian subjects, without distinction of
origin, with exception of the aborigines, equal rights with
regard to the state service with persons of noble blood, and
at the same time to abolish all special privileges of dress
due either to official position or to the origin of the
wearer.
{575}
"2. Peasants and members of other classes formerly taxable are
freed (a) from the presentation of discharge papers on
entering an educational institution or the civil service;
further, from personal payment in kind and the performance of
communal duties during the whole time the persons in question
may be either in the educational institution or civil service;
(_b_) from the necessity of demanding for entry into holy
orders or a monastery the permission of the commune.
"3. The compulsory exclusion of peasant and other classes
formally taxable from the following ranks and careers is
abolished;
(_a_) From entering the civil service;
(_b_) from receiving rank;
(_c_) from receiving orders and other distinctions;
(_d_) from attaining learned grades and honors;
(_e_) from completing educational courses and
particularly from winning higher class rights.
"In all these cases the persons in question are allowed to
retain all the rights arising from their connections with
their commune, as well as the responsibilities thereof, until
they have freely withdrawn from the commune or entered into
other corporations of standing. With regard to the legal
standing of the persons in question, there shall serve as a
basis the regulations of the rank or profession which these
persons have won."
See, also, below,
RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (APRIL).
Meantime, extensive plans of insurrection, with naval and
military mutiny, in five cities, had been formed and had
miscarried. The outbreak was premature at Sveaborg, late in
July, and the sailors who started it were quickly overcome.
The same failure occurred at Kronstadt, where the
revolutionists and mutinous troops took Fort Constantine and
the arsenal, but found no ammunition in the latter, and were
defenseless when surrounded by loyal forces. At Libau, Odessa,
and Sevastopol the intended rising was given up.
On the 25th of August a desperate plot of wholesale murder,
intended to include M. Stolypin among its victims, was carried
out by the explosion of a horribly destructive bomb at the
country house of that Minister, on Aptekarsky Island. M.
Stolypin was holding a reception, and the rooms were crowded
with officials and others, when four conspirators, three of
them dressed as gendarmes, drove up boldly, and were able,
either to enter the house with a bomb or to throw it through a
window. The effect of the explosion was so horribly
destructive that the house was torn to pieces and thirty
people were killed outright or injured mortally, besides an
equal number that received curable wounds. Two of the
Minister’s children were among the latter, and he himself
received slight injuries. The Governor of Penza, M. Koshoff,
who stood near him, was instantly killed. Two of the assassins
were among the killed and the other two were wounded and
captured. On the following day a young woman of the terrorist
organization slew General Min, at Peterhof railway station, by
shots from a revolver. He had been active in suppressing the
insurrection at Moscow.
In October Ambassador Meyer, after a trip into Poland and to
Odessa, reported as the result of his observations:
"On the whole, the revolutionary movement, for the time being,
has lost its momentum. A year ago it was on the crest of the
wave. Then a strike could be ordered and put in force without
any difficulty, but now the workmen refuse to be used for
political purposes or respond to the whims of the agitator.
The present conditions are liable to continue until the next
Duma, March 5. Yesterday, which was the first anniversary of
October 17 (Russian Style), it had to be given out by some of
the revolutionists that there would be strikes, uprisings, and
agitations throughout the country. But the day passed off
quietly. Mr. Stolypin is facing with much courage and
resolution the stupendous task which confronts him. He is
endeavoring to deal fairly, while at the same time it is
necessary to reestablish law and order."
On the 21st of December Count Alexei Ignatieff was
assassinated at Tver, while attending a meeting of the
provincial zemstvo, the assassin stating that he had acted
under orders of the Socialist revolutionary committee.
RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 (April).
Invitation of the Nations to a Second Peace Conference
by the Tsar.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST; A. D. 1907.
RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 (April).
At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco Question.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE A. D. 1905-1906.
RUSSIA: A. D. 1907 (August).
Convention with Great Britain containing Arrangements on
the subject of Persia, Afghanistan, and Tibet.
See EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).
RUSSIA: A. D. 1907.
The Second Duma and its Early Dissolution.
Increase of Radicalism among its Members.
The New Electoral Law, under which a "Workable" Third Duma
was elected.
M. Stolypin’s Policy.
The promise that a second Duma would be summoned to meet in
March, 1907, was fulfilled. Between the 21st of January and
the end of February elections were held, with results that
were exceedingly disappointing and irritating to the imperial
government. It strove hard, by arbitrary measures and vigorous
working of its police, to suppress the Constitutional
Democrats,—the party which it fears the most. It pursued their
leaders into exile or imprisonment, broke up their meetings,
harassed them so in the canvass and the election that the
return of deputies by the party was reduced from 185 in the
First Duma to 108; but, on the other hand, the Socialist
representation in the Second Duma was raised above that in the
First from 17 to 77, and the Octobrists elected 31 deputies,
gaining 18 more seats than they had filled before. On the
whole, as a consequence, the Second Duma held more radicalism
in its make-up, with less intelligence, than the First.
Its meetings were opened on the 6th of March, and soon gave
evidence that the antagonisms in the body were too extreme for
any influential political work. In June M. Stolypin accused
most of the Socialist members of being parties to the
revolutionary propaganda in the army and navy, and demanded
their suspension by the Duma. It refused to suspend them
without an investigation of the truth of the charge, and
appointed a committee to receive such evidence as the
government could bring. Thereupon the Tsar, by a manifesto
published on the 16th of June, dissolved the Second Duma as
summarily as he had dissolved the First, ordered new
elections, to begin on the 14th of September, and summoned the
Third Duma, then elected, to meet on November 14th.
{576}
At the same time a new electoral law was proclaimed, in
flagrant violation of the so-called Constitution of October
30, 1905, which had declared, as an "immutable rule,"
established by the "inflexible will" of the Tsar, that "no law
can ever come into force without the approval of the State
Duma." The new law was planned carefully and skilfully to
disfranchise great numbers in the classes of people which
autocracy fears; to add weight to the votes of the classes on
which it leans; to diminish the representation of industrial
cities, as well as of non-Russian districts,—Poland, Siberia,
etc.,—and, generally, to make a farce of the pretended
concession of representative and constitutional government
which the autocratic court had been playing for the amusement
of the country during the past two years.
The new electoral law accomplished its purpose of securing a
Duma that would keep workable relations with M. Stolypin. A
very intelligent English publicist, Dr. Dillon, who discusses
Foreign Politics every month in the _Contemporary
Review_, whose views are broadly liberal as a rule, and
whose acquaintance with Russian affairs seems to be specially
intimate, inclines to justify the measure on this practical
ground, or, rather, to accept it as approved by this result.
When the make-up of the Third Duma had become known he wrote,
in the _Contemporary Review_ of December, 1907, as
follows:
"M. Stolypin’s electoral law has been criticised severely.
And, to be frank, one must admit that from the point of view
of men who advocate universal manhood suffrage it is a mere
mockery. For it suspended the right of election in some
places, arbitrarily lessened the number of representatives in
certain provinces, created groups of electors, and authorised
Government officials to decide how they should be formed; in a
word, it is a means of manipulating the elections for the
avowed purpose of having a certain stamp of men returned and
another type of men eliminated. To say that the Chamber which
has resulted from these expedients is not the elect of the
nation is, of course, a truism. It is not, and was not, meant
to be this. … The data respecting the intellectual and social
status of the newly elected are still very defective and
untrustworthy. But so far as they go, they show that among the
men who are about to rescue Russia from ruin there are:—
Members of the nobility 157
Priests 51
Merchants 22
Peasants 77
Petty tradesmen 6
Working-men 15
Honorary burghers 8
Ex-officers 20
Officials 56
Zemstvo workers 27
Employees of municipalities 23
Marshals of nobility 36
Cantonal elders and secretaries 21
Men who have been educated in high schools 167
Men who have been educated in intermediate schools 82
Men who have been educated in primary schools 61
Members educated at home 23
Between the ages of 25-30 19
Between the ages of 30-40 81
Between the ages of 40-50 87
Between the ages of 50-00 47
Between the ages of 60-70 13
Between the ages of 70-80 l
Members of the Second Duma 59
Members of the First Duma 7
Members of the Council of the Empire 3
A month later the same writer said:
"The Third Duma is already a month old, and has as yet done no
work, has not even organised itself. Festina lente is
evidently its maxim, with the accent on the second word.
Debates there have been not a few, but they were as the noise
of sounding brass and tinkling cymbals. The first discussion
took place on the motion to thank the Tsar for the October
Manifesto, which created the Legislative Chamber. A great
majority of the deputies—including the Constitutional
Democrats, who are adjusting themselves to their
environment—were in favour of expressing their gratitude, but
they could not agree how to call the institution for which
they felt grateful. Some wanted to name it a Constitution,
others ‘a renovated order of things.’ If it is a Constitution,
then there is no Autocrat, the Octobrists argued, and
consequently that title of the Emperor must be dropped. ‘If we
are bent on thanking the Tsar,’ replied the Conservatives,
‘let us do it with a good grace. Whatever name we may give to
the present _régime_, the title of the ruler has
undergone no change. He was an Autocrat when he ascended the
throne, and he is an Autocrat to day. Proofs? They are as
plentiful as blackberries.’ …
"But the Constitutionalists—and among them the Octobrists
favoured by M. Stolypin—insisted. ‘By the Manifesto,’ they
argued, ‘the Tsar limited his authority and curtailed his
prerogatives. Thus it is no longer in his power to issue laws
without the approval of the Duma; neither can he abrogate any
of the Organic Statutes.’ ‘You are mistaken,’ answered the
Monarchists. ‘Have the Organic Statutes not been already
altered? Has the "immutable" electoral franchise not been
changed?’ … But the Octobrists stood their ground, and the
address was voted with a flaw in the Tsar’s title. That was
the work of one whole day and part of a night—an unlucky
day—the 13th November Russian style. In this way the Duma
offered the Sovereign a pot of honey mingled with wormwood.
The Premier was upset, the Tsar offended, and the Monarchists
indignant. ‘This, then,’ the Monarchists exclaimed, ‘is M.
Stolypin’s Duma, the areopagus which is to prescribe remedies
for the Russian nation now at death’s door?’
"Three days later came the Premier in a _quos ego_ mood.
And he was at his best. Ever since his first appearance as a
public orator, M. Stolypin has kept the high place he then
won. His eloquence, like his character, is manly, and his
utterance impressive. His look, his accents, his gestures,
betoken sincerity, and his manner is warm with the heat of
subdued enthusiasm. On this historic day he simply electrified
the House, captivated his adversaries, and extorted applause
from his bitter enemies. And yet he was battling with the
Duma, swimming against the current. He spoke of the Autocratic
power and of the Autocratic Sovereign, and had the
satisfaction of being interrupted by enthusiastic cheers. …
{577}
"Happily M. Stolypin is a man of steadfast purpose rather than
brilliant intellect, for his moral qualities may stand him in
better stead, during the revolutionary crisis than would rare
mental gifts. At bottom his temper is Liberal rather than
Conservative, and mainly for that reason he would seem to have
been chosen to be sexton of the old epoch and harbinger of the
new. …
"No fair-minded man can doubt the sincerity of M. Stolypin’s
Liberalism. It has withstood the test of time and the pressure
of unfavourable circumstance. His faith in Liberal specifics
is so firm that he declines to diagnose any diseases that call
for more drastic remedies. … M. Stolypin is at present the
only influential politician in Russia who is working
efficaciously for the Liberal cause. He is systematically
removing hindrances to Constitutionalism which are most
formidable at the outset. …
"But the greatest service which any Minister could render a
cause was performed by M. Stolypin for Liberalism at a time
when it depended on him either to lay the groundwork for a
Constitutional fabric or to establish firm Monarchical
government. And for that service he deserves, and may yet
receive, a public monument from Democratic Russia. He advised
the Tsar to summon the Third Duma soon after the Second, and
to issue no laws in the meanwhile. That was really the turning
point in the history of Russia’s Constitution, the _magnum
opus_ of M. Stolypin’s political life. And he followed it
up with a step more extraordinary and decisive still. He
himself had recourse to the Autocratic power which it is the
tendency of his policy to annihilate, and he used it for the
purpose of destroying Autocracy. That surely was a _coup de
maître_ which entitled the Minister to the undying
gratitude of all Liberal Russia. But not a Liberal uttered a
word of thanks. This deadly blow was struck at the Autocracy
in the following way:
"The Electoral Law opened the portals of the Duma chiefly to
Democrats and other irreconcilable enemies of the Monarchy,
and so long as it remained in force, no Duma acceptable to the
Government was possible. Yet it could not be abrogated. For,
together with the Organic Statutes, it had been declared part
of the unchangeable Constitution. The Tsar’s hands, therefore,
were tied, his word was pledged, and the result was a
deadlock. Autocratic power could not be wielded anew without
effecting a perilous _coup d'état_. Well, the Premier
advised the Crown to seize once more the sword of the
Autocracy, and with it to hew off the branch on which the
Autocrat was sitting. That was the true significance of the
measure against which the enemies of the Autocracy still cry
out. For the object directly aimed at and immediately attained
by this _coup d'état_ was the creation of the Octobrist
Party, whose first work in the Duma was to declare that the
Autocracy had gone forever."
_E. J. Dillon,
Foreign Affairs
(Contemporary Renew, January, 1908)._
RUSSIA: A. D. 1907 (November).
Treaty with Great Britain, France, Germany, and Norway,
guaranteeing the Integrity of Norway.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.
RUSSIA: A. D. 1907-1909.
Action in Persia during the Constitutional Revolution.
See (in this Volume)
PERSIA.
RUSSIA: A. D. 1908.
Evasion of the Conscription.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1908.
RUSSIA: A. D. 1908.
North Sea and Baltic Agreements.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1908.
RUSSIA: A. D. 1908.
Proxy Parliamentary Vote given to Women of Property.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.
RUSSIA: A. D. 1908.
Policy of Prussia in her Polish Provinces dictated by
her relations to Russia.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1908 (JANUARY).
RUSSIA: A. D. 1908 (September).
Withdrawal from Intervention in Macedonia.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).
RUSSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
Attitude toward the Austrian Annexation of Bosnia
and Herzegovina.
Was the Government coerced by German Threats?
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).
RUSSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
Exercise of Disputed Authority in Northern Manchuria.
The Kharbin question.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1909 (MAY).
RUSSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
Measures for the Destruction of the Constitutional Autonomy
of Finland.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
RUSSIA: A. D. 1909.
Oppressions continued.
Executions, Imprisonment, Exile, Torture, Persecution.
On the 1st of August, 1909, a letter was addressed to the
British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs by one hundred
and eighty men of distinction in Great Britain,—Members of
Parliament, Peers, Bishops and other clergymen, University
professors, authors, editors,—asking the Government to exert
such influence as might be possible with that of Russia, to
induce a relaxation of the system of repression still
maintained in that unhappy country, and to ameliorate the
dreadful barbarities which go with imprisonment there. "We
know," said these memorialists, "how slow has been our own
progress in the past, and how many points in our present
condition are open to independent criticism. We are conscious
of the difficulties that attend all reforms, and we desire
that no feeling of impatience should cause us to withhold our
sympathy from every sincere attempt to promote good government
among a friendly people.
"It is in no spirit of ungenerous remonstrance that we are
constrained to observe that for four years a system of
repression has been maintained in Russia, which has not
relaxed its severity though the evidences of any organized
revolutionary movement have dwindled and disappeared. There
has recently been an announcement of some relaxation in
particular districts, but the greater portion of the Empire
remains, in time of peace, under some form of martial law. The
number of capital sentences on civilians for the period
between October, 1905, and December, 1908, has reached 4,002,
and the number of executions was officially stated to be
2,118. These sentences were passed, moreover, not by ordinary
civil process, but by exceptional military Courts. The number
of persons in exile in Siberia and Northern Russia, mostly
punished without trial by administrative process, under a
system of exile, which involves much physical suffering and
privation, was officially reckoned in October last at 74,000.
{578}
"The number of persons exiled without trial under
administrative decree cannot be realized without a serious
protest, but the evidence which has reached us through the
Press, from trustworthy witnesses, and above all from the
reports of the debates in the Duma, has persuaded us that the
sufferings of those who remain in prison justify, nay,
require, a stronger remonstrance. Over 180,000 persons—a total
which has more than doubled since 1905—criminals and political
offenders, are crowded together in prisons built to hold
107,000. In most of these prisons epidemic diseases, and
especially typhus, are prevalent; the sick and the whole lie
together—their fetters even in cases of fever are not removed.
In some prisons the warders systematically beat and maltreat
the sick and the whole alike. There is also evidence of more
deliberate tortures, employed to punish the defiant or to
extract confession from the suspect.
"Such excesses would move our indignation were all the victims
ordinary criminals. We desire to base our protest on the
ground of simple humanity; but it is none the less important
to remember that many of these prisoners, if guilty at all,
are suffering for acts or words which in any constitutional
country would be lawful, or even praiseworthy.
"Our object in addressing you is to draw your attention to
these facts and to place on record the impression which we
have formed of them. That no direct intervention is possible
we fully realize, nor do we wish to enlarge the area of
international controversy. But there are probably means by
which a friendly Government may exert an influence to
ameliorate the lot of those who are suffering under the evils
which we have described. The infliction of such wrongs upon
Russians and the indignation which they excite among
ourselves, are relevant and important factors in our mutual
relations, of which the two Governments should be fully
informed."
Later and more specific facts, illustrative of the arbitrary
and barbarous oppression under which the Russian people are
still suffering, were given in _The Outlook_ of October
9, 1909, from which the following is taken:
"In the first seven months of 1909 military courts sentenced
841 persons to death in Russia and up to the 1st of August 381
of the persons so sentenced had been hanged or shot. Nearly
all were civil or political offenders, who, in a
constitutional country, would have been tried with proper
legal forms and guarantees in the regular civil tribunals. In
these same seven months the publishers of 109 periodicals in
Russia were fined in the aggregate sum of 54,425 rubles for
publishing news or expressing opinions obnoxious to the
Government, and in addition to these pecuniary punishments
whole editions of papers and magazines were seized and
destroyed, printing offices were closed, editors were arrested
and employees were exiled—all by administrative process. In
the month of June, 1909, three newspapers were suppressed
altogether, and in August, 1909, the St. Petersburg journal
Reitch (Speech), the organ of the Constitutional Democrats,
was fined 500 rubles for printing a signed article entitled
‘Suicide in the Army,’ which was based wholly on reports of
the Ministry of War.
"On the 28th of May, 1909, Mr. Selden, a St. Petersburg
publisher, was sentenced to six months’ imprisonment in a
fortress for publishing one of Count Tolstoy’s books, and on
the 17th of August, 1909, the Count’s private secretary, Mr.
N. N. Gusef, was exiled by administrative process to the
province of Perm for distributing the venerable author’s
brochure entitled ‘Thou Shalt Do No Murder.’ In July, 1909,
Mr. W. Bogoras, author of Volume eleven of the Memoirs of the
American Museum of Natural History (one of the Volumes
containing the scientific results of the Jessup North Pacific
Expedition), was sentenced to two months' imprisonment for
describing the beating of citizens of Tver by dragoons in
1905, a thing that he had personally witnessed. …
"In August, 1909, the ‘Authors’ and Scientists’ Mutual Benefit
Society,’ a benevolent organization which had been in
existence for eighteen years, which had eight hundred members,
and which included most of the writers and scholars of Russia,
was suppressed by order of Premier Stolypin, for the
ostensible reason that it had given pecuniary aid to an
indigent author named Vitashefski—a man of advanced age who
had once, twenty years earlier, been sent to Siberia for
political crime. It is believed, however, that the real reason
for the suppression of the Society is the fact that most of
its members are liberals. The existing Government is extremely
intolerant toward social organizations that take an
independent or critical attitude toward the reactionary policy
now in force. On the 21st of July, 1909, the severest form of
martial law, the so-called ‘law of extraordinary defense,’ was
proclaimed in St. Petersburg for the seventh consecutive time.
The city has been under some form of martial law ever since
the assassination of Alexander II. in 1881. Almost the only
encouraging feature of the present situation in Russia is the
fact that the members of the Duma are still allowed to talk,
and the newspapers are still permitted to publish verbatim
reports of the debates. The lower house of the so-called
Parliament has no independent power, and no real control even
over the finances of the Empire; but it can criticise,
interpellate the Czar’s Ministers, and promote to some extent
the political education of the people.
"Three years ago Premier Stolypin defined his policy as
‘progressive reform, with the restoration of order.’ He has
partly restored order, by hanging, imprisoning, or exiling to
Siberia a large part of the disorderly population; but his
reforms have ‘progressed’ as the land-crab is popularly
supposed to walk—backward. Whether he is wholly to blame for
the reactionary policy that he is enforcing, or whether he
acts more or less under compulsion, we shall not know,
perhaps, until he retires from office and follows the example
of General Kuropatkin and General Linevitch by writing his
memoirs."
On the trial, in May, of M. Selden, for publishing and
distributing Count Tolstoi’s pamphlets, "Thou shalt not Kill,"
"A Letter to Liberals," "Christianity and Patriotism," the
venerable writer addressed a note to the court, challenging
the prosecution of himself, instead of the publisher. "As
these pamphlets," he wrote, "were written by me and published
by one of my friends, not only with my consent but at my
desire, M. Selden taking a purely passive part in the affair,
all the measures which are being taken against M. Selden
should logically and in equity be directed against me,
especially because I have repeatedly declared, and now declare
again, that I consider it my duty to my conscience to
disseminate, so far as lies in my power, the pamphlets in
question as well as my other works, and shall continue doing
so as long as I am able. I feel constrained to inform you of
this, and ask you to take whatever measures may devolve from
my present statement."
{579}
But the magistrate did not venture to institute proceedings
against the principal in the offense, and the Government took
no notice of the challenge.
RUSSIA: A. D. 1909.
Revived Censorship of the Press.
Its Stupidity.
Gains for Free Speech notwithstanding.
"At the present time, the liberties granted less than four
years ago are mutilated. The censor is busy once more. The
Russian journalist is again compelled to practice the arts of
half-meaning, insinuation, and innuendo, which made his
predecessors of a generation ago marvels of subtle expression.
But that is only when a writer would say everything he wants
to say. Undoubtedly, the range of the permissible has grown
immensely since the early days of even Nicholas II. To write
of labor wars, of conspiracies, of constitutional liberties,
Russian newspapers need no longer confine themselves to
telegraphic reports of foreign strikes, conspiracies, and
constitutions. They need only print what the radicals in the
Duma utter. Not even the full Duma’s reports may be privileged
at present, but, after all, the Russian censor is a stupid
fellow. The censorship, like the autocracy in general, is
inefficient, spasmodic, allowing to-day what it prohibited
yesterday, or even allowing in one column what it strikes out
from another. St. Petersburg and Moscow in 1890 had eleven
daily papers, and twenty weeklies. In 1900 the number had
risen to twenty-four dailies and thirty-three weeklies. In all
Russia there were then 287 periodical publications. In August,
1905, the number had risen to 1,630, of which St. Petersburg
alone had 534. There were fifty daily papers at St. Petersburg
and twenty-five at Moscow in those short days of freedom, when
the pent-up speech of ages burst out in Russia. This, of
course, was inflation. Periodicals were born and died with the
rising and setting of the sun. The numerical strength of the
press must be far smaller now. But much that was gained for
freedom of speech in those stormy days has not been lost."
_New York Evening Post,
March 23, 1909._
RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (January-July).
Dark Secrets of the Russian Police and Spy System brought
to Light.
The first in a series of startling disclosures of the dark
secrets of the Russian espionage and police system was made in
January, 1909, when it came to public knowledge that the head
and front of the Revolutionary Socialists of the Empire, one
Azeff by name, had been discovered by his associates to be a
secret agent of the police; had been tried and condemned by a
tribunal of their party, at Paris, and had escaped into some
hiding place, with avenging emissaries in pursuit, to take his
life. A little later it appeared that a former Director of the
Police in the Department of the Russian Ministry of the
Interior, M. Lopukhin, had been arrested for treason, on the
charge of having betrayed Azeff to the Revolutionists, by
making known to them the double part that the latter played,
as a so-called _agent provocateur_, drawing them into
criminal plots of which he kept the police informed.
The preliminary trial of Lopukhin occurred in April, and it
was stated in the indictment then published that Azeff had
penetrated into the very centre of the Social Revolutionary
machinations, and that part of his great services to the
Secret Police were rendered during the period that M. Lopukhin
occupied the post of Director of the Police Department in the
Ministry of the Interior—_i.e._, from May, 1902, to
March, 1905. It was affirmed that M. Lopukhin not only knew of
the existence and activity of Azeff, but met the latter more
than once both at his (M. Lopukhin's) house and at one of the
conspiratorial headquarters in St. Petersburg. The indictment
paid a warm tribute to Azeff’s ability in so long maintaining
his connexion with the police without awakening the suspicions
of the Social Revolutionaries as to his true character. It was
eventually remarked, however, that the plots in which Azeff
was concerned invariably failed, whereas many of the others
succeeded, and accusations of treachery began to be levelled
against him. In October, 1908, a commission of inquiry was
appointed by the Social Revolutionaries in Paris to inquire
into the charges brought against Azeff. Burtzeff, editor of a
revolutionary organ, stated before this tribunal that he had
seen M. Lopukhin, who had informed him of Azeff’s relations
with the Russian police.
M. Lopukhin, on his trial, admitted having given this
information to Burtzeff, but explained that it was in
consequence of what the latter had told him of the
revolutionist designs, including a pending plot against the
life of the Tsar. He then felt it his duty to unmask Azeff,
lest the murders which might otherwise have followed should
lie on his conscience, and when the revolutionaries came to
him for confirmation of what he had told Burtzeff he found it
impossible to retract his words. He was convicted, however, on
the 13th of May, and sentenced to five years of imprisonment
at hard labor, with the loss of civil rights. The sentence was
mitigated subsequently, and he was sent to exile at
Krasnoyarsk, Siberia, his family being allowed to accompany
him.
Prince Urussoff, whose bold speech in the First Duma on the
instigation of massacres is quoted from above (A. D. 1906), is
a brother-in-law of M. Lopukhin, and derived from him, no
doubt, the information on which he spoke.
In July, a new disclosure of the character of the Russian
secret service police was made, as revolting as that in the
Azeff case. A personage known as M. Harting, chief of that
Russian service in Paris, and so favorably regarded in the
French capital that he was about to be made an officer of the
Legion of Honor, was discovered to have been the leader of a
plot to assassinate the Tsar Alexander III. in 1890, during
that monarch’s visit to Paris; that he then bore the name of
Landesen; that he had escaped arrest and was condemned by
default to imprisonment for five years; that he subsequently,
under the new name, secured secret service employment in the
Russian police. All this was quickly proved to be fact by the
French Government, and officially announced.
{580}
RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (April).
The Agrarian Law.
On the basis of the decree relative to the communes which is
partly described above (see A. D. 1906), a law was brought
into force by the Government in 1906, known as the law of
November 9, which supposedly was provisional and subject to
ultimate ratification by the Duma. Writing of it in the New
York _Evening Post_ of May 28, 1909, S. N. Harper says:
"This law of November 9 aims directly at the destruction of
the commune. Before this law a two-thirds vote of the commune
was necessary for the granting of the petition of a member to
divide out. Now a local police official, whom by the way
another project of reform abolishes as irresponsible and a
source of abuse, can override the vote of a commune and grant
the petition. A peasant who divides out receives that portion
which he is using if there has been no redistribution for
twenty-four years. If there has been a redistribution within
twenty-four years, he receives what he would receive on the
basis of a new redistribution—what this would be is again
decided by the official. As we saw, no equitable reckoning is
possible here.
"The peasant can sell this land which he receives from the
commune, for it is now his private property. In one province
which I visited this summer, in over one-half of the cases of
dividing out the peasant had sold his land immediately—usually
to the village ‘fist’—the prosperous village usurer and boss
who holds his neighbors in his fist."
The law was operative for more than two years before it
received the sanction of the Duma, in April, 1909. Of the
parliamentary enactment then given to it the above writer
says:
"The outcome of the debates was certain. It had been secured
by the change of the electoral law for the third Duma, whereby
the landed gentry had been given the predominant vote. … No
more important than the vote of this assembly is the attitude
of the country at large toward this law. The landed gentry are
naturally for this measure. The village system is a source of
danger to them. The law will establish ‘peasant’ landlords,
whose interests will be much the same as theirs. But the
peasants have shown quite plainly their hostile attitude
toward this law. Only those peasants who are economically
provided for and those who, for one reason or another, have
become mere hangers-on of the local police officials are in
favor of the law. It is these that have taken advantage of the
law, with the support of the local official. But they have
done so in spite of the protest of the other peasants, only
their economic position making it possible, and their friend
the official has not been able to prevent, therefore, the
other peasants from giving a violent character to their
protest. Those who have insisted on dividing out have in many
instances been burned out the next week."
RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (April-July).
Advance of Russian Troops into Persia.
See (in this Volume)
PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (May).
New Russo-Chinese Agreement, establishing Municipalities on
the Line of the Chinese Eastern Railway.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1909 (MAY).
RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (June).
"Dreadnought" building.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL: RUSSIAN.
RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (June).
Stringent Orthodoxy of the Tsar.
A Press despatch from St. Petersburg, June 4, 1909, reported:
"Premier Stolypin spoke in the Duma to-day in defence of the
government’s draft of a law dealing with the matter of
changing from one faith to another and against the
modifications removing all restrictions introduced in
committee. He said that the Emperor, as head of the Orthodox
Church, could not suffer backsliding from the orthodox to
non-Christian beliefs, and that if such amendments were
incorporated the bill would be vetoed. Continuing he defined
the relations between church and state. He conceded that the
church enjoyed full independence in matters of creed and
dogma, but insisted on state control. The speech was a
brilliant effort, but it fell upon cold ears, and brought out
no applause. The premier, for the first time in the history of
the third Duma, found himself fighting for a lost cause before
an adverse house."
RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (October-November).
Differing Accounts of Political Conditions, of the work of
the Duma, and of the Disposition of the Government.
The last weeks of 1909 brought from observers in Russia quite
differing impressions and representations of the existing
political conditions. Late in October a St. Petersburg
correspondent of _The Evening Post_, New York, wrote:
"Stolypin has given Russia a packed Duma, the predominant
party in which is elected by 130,000 rural gentry, who were
unable to get many more than a dozen members into the first
two Dumas. As might have been expected, this Duma has done
nothing for Russia. Its Land law has not been accepted by the
peasantry, its Religions law remains a dead letter, because,
according to the premier, the Tsar refuses to sign it. There
will be a deficit of about one hundred million in the new
budget, and the country is faced by bankruptcy.
"But, to return to the Duma, it has been proved during the
last session that the people have no control over the purse,
thanks to a ‘rule’ made by Count Witte before the meeting of
the first Legislature. This ‘rule’ says that if the Duma and
the Council of Empire fail to agree on the budget, then the
figures of the former year’s budget remain in force. As the
Council of Empire (or Russian upper house) must always have a
reactionary and bureaucratic majority, the Duma has no control
of the national expenditure and never can have. This was
brought home very forcibly to the lower house during the last
session, when a humble suggestion which it made about
including a sum of 350 million rubles in the extraordinary
expenditure account was rejected by the Council of Empire,
which thus taught the Duma that it has no control over even
the most important loan operations. When the Duma (with the
strong approval of even such conservative papers as the
_Novoe Vremya_) refused to sanction the naval budget
until the notoriously corrupt Ministry of Marine—the ministry
accountable for Tsushima—had been reformed, the government
laughed at it, and got the necessary money over the deputies’
heads."
Two weeks later than the above another St. Petersburg
correspondent was writing to London:
"To judge from to-day’s proceedings the present session of the
Duma bids fair to surpass the most sanguine hopes. Having
disposed of the last of the Agrarian Bills and of the First
Offenders Act, the Duma began the debate on the Bill reforming
the local Courts. This measure represents the foundation of
all political reform in Russia.
{581}
"The Duma Committee, after 35 sittings, adopted a proposal
considerably extending the scope of the Government Bill
besides providing for the re-establishment of elective
justices of the peace, introduced in 1804, but repealed in
1889 in favour of the arbitrary jurisdiction of the Communal
Court and the Zemsky Natchalnik--both long ago discredited
institutions. Just as the Agrarian reforms are calculated to
promote the private ownership of land and respect for the
rights of property, so the reform of the local Courts will
inculcate respect for the law.
"The details of the Bill may possibly give rise to differences
with the Government and the Upper House, but its substantial
features will be doubtless retained in the ultimate form which
will receive the Imperial sanction."
The writer of this had communicated to his journal, a few days
previously, the following report of an interview with "a
leading member of the Government," and apparently gave credit
to the sentiment it expressed. Said the Minister interviewed:
"You ask me what are the Government’s intentions regarding
Poland. I can only repeat what I said before the Joint
Commission on the Polish Municipal Reform Bill, which is to be
laid before the Duma. We have decided to give Poland the full
benefits of local government consistent with the interests of
the Empire, but not autonomy. We cannot trust the Poles to
that extent. We shall introduce a Bill creating a separate
province of Holm, where the great majority of the population
is of Russian stock, and extend to it the system of mixed
Russian and Polish _Zemstvos_ to be introduced in the
south-western provinces.
"I am satisfied with the progress of agrarian reform. You have
seen from the speech of M. Krivoshein in the Duma that one
million peasant households (about 5,000,000 souls) have
already abandoned the communal system.
"The continuance of executions is, I know, a source of
criticism. You know that the Emperor has given orders that
death sentences should be confirmed only in the worst cases.
Unhappily, I know of no constitutional method for putting down
revolution. Russia is so vast. It has taken a long time to
bring all the guilty to trial. I am also criticized for the
arbitrary acts of our local authorities, but, I ask you, does
the Government derive any interest from these arbitrary acts?
"Political reforms? Yes, they have been delayed. But what, for
instance, is the good of hurrying through a Bill on the
liberty of the person until we have first reformed the local
Courts?
"You have heard and read the statements that the Octobrists
have quarrelled with the Government; you have also been told
that Russia is on the eve of a reaction. Believe neither. The
Octobrists are taking a more advanced position. That is as it
should be. It is better for the Duma and by no means
disagreeable to the Government."
RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (December).
Assassination of the Chief of the Secret Police.
On the 22d of December Colonel Karpoff, Chief of the Secret
Police, was killed by an infernal machine at a suburban
lodging occupied by a certain Voskresensky, who is supposed to
be a revolutionary and a police spy like Azeff.
----------RUSSIA: End--------
RUSSO-CHINESE BANK.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1901-1902.
RUTHERFORD, Professor Ernest.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE, RECENT: RADIUM; also
NOBEL PRIZES.
RYAN, Thomas F.:
Investing in a Concession in the Congo State.
See (in this Volume)
CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.
RYAN, Thomas F.:
Purchase of Controlling Stock of Equitable Life
Assurance Society.
See (in this Volume)
INSURANCE, LIFE.
RYAN, Thomas F.:
Sale of interests to Morgan & Co.
See (in this Volume)
FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909-1910.
S.
SADR AZAM, The.
See (in this Volume)
PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.
SAGASTA, Praxedes Mateo:
Prime Minister of Spain.
His Death.
See (in this Volume)
SPAIN: A. D. 1901-1904.
SAGE FOUNDATION, The:
For the Improvement of Social and Living Conditions
in the United States.
See (in this Volume)
SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.
SAGE, Mrs. Russell:
Gift to Yale University.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1910.
ST. GOTHARD RAILWAY:
Acquisition by the Swiss Government.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: SWITZERLAND.
ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI: A. D. 1900-1904.
The Unearthing of Thievery and Corruption by Attorney Folk.
Prosecutions, Confessions and Convictions.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI: A. D. 1904.
The Louisiana Purchase Exposition.
Except the World’s Columbian Exposition at Chicago, in 1893,
the most important of the industrial exhibitions that have
been organized in America was that of 1904, at St. Louis,
which commemorated the centennial of the Louisiana Purchase
from France. The Exposition was opened on the 30th of April
and closed December 1st. An estimated total of $44,500,000 was
expended upon it in structures and management, of which sum
about $22,000,000 was raised by the Exposition Company. The
remainder was the expenditure of governments, Federal, State
and Foreign, and of concessionaires. The total attendance,
from first to last, was 18,741,073. The receipts fell far
short of the expenditure, and subscribers to the undertaking
can have had no returns; but the public gain from it was very
great. About sixty foreign countries and colonies and nearly
every State and Territory of the Union were represented in the
exhibits.
{582}
A distinguished feature of the Exposition was the remarkable
number and character of the gatherings, international and
national, that were brought about in connection with it. The
most notable of these was the International Congress of Arts
and Sciences, which opened September 19th. "This Congress,"
said President Nicholas Murray Butler, of Columbia University,
in an article describing its plan, "is not such a series of
gatherings as took place at Chicago and at Paris, but is
rather a carefully elaborated plan to educate public opinion,
and the world of scholarship itself, to an appreciation of the
underlying unity of knowledge and the necessary
inter-dependence of the host of specialties that have sprung
up during the past century. … For participation in this
congress there will assemble a large body of the world’s
greatest scholars. They will come from all parts of the world
to contribute surveys of their several departments of
knowledge, planning those surveys so as to emphasize the
mutual relations of all the separate arts and sciences."
ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI: A. D. 1904.
Meeting of the Interparliamentary Union.
See (in this Volume)
WAR: THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904-1909.
ST. MARK’S CATHEDRAL, at Venice:
Fall of the Campanile.
See (in this Volume)
VENICE: A. D. 1902.
ST. PETERSBURG: DISTURBANCES IN.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA.
ST. PIERRE:
Volcanic Destruction of the City.
See (in this Volume)
VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS: WEST INDIES.
ST. VINCENT ISLAND:
Volcanic Eruption of La Souffrière.
See (in this Volume)
VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS: WEST INDIES.
SAKHAROFF, General:
Assassination of.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.
SAKURAI, Lieutenant Tadayoshi, The story of.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).
SALISBURY, Lord Robert Cecil, Marquis of:
Resignation of the Premiership in the British Government.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JULY).
SALONIKA: A. D. 1903.
Dynamite Explosion by Insurgents.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1902-1903.
SALONIKA: A. D. 1903.
Center of the "Young Turk" organization.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.
SALOON QUESTION.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM.
SALT TRUST, Dissolution of the.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.
SALTON SEA, The.
At a point not far from where it runs into Mexican territory
the Colorado River, for a long recent period, has been
deflected by bordering sand deposits from a great depression
in the neighboring desert, known as the Salton Sink. In 1901
an irrigation company began works for supplying water from the
Colorado to lands in that vicinity, and seems to have taken no
proper precautions for controlling the flow through its
canals. The result was a break through the sand hills, into
the Salton Sink, which converted it for the time being into
the "Salton Sea,"—so described in all accounts of the
catastrophe. For nearly two years the flood of the Colorado
was poured into the Sink, forming a sea or lake which covered
an area of about 400 square miles. It was not until February,
1907, that the combined exertions of the Southern Pacific
Railway Company, the California Development Co. (whose works
produced the trouble) and the engineers of the United States
Reclamation Service, succeeded in returning the Colorado to
the channel it had escaped from. Since that was done
evaporation has been steadily emptying the Sink, at the rate
of five or six feet annually, according to the Chief of the
Weather Bureau, which has maintained a station there. At the
end of a year of observations he was reported as saying: "We
will get the data we want within another year probably and
then we can cut off the Salton Sea station. The evaporation
data we expect to obtain will be valuable for calculations on
irrigation works and reservoirs."
SALVADOR.
See (in this Volume)
CENTRAL AMERICA.
SAM, Theresias Simon: President.
See (in this Volume)
HAITI: A. D. 1902.
SANBORN, Judge Walter H.:
Opinion in Suit for the Dissolution of the Standard Oil Company.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &C.:
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.
SANTIAGO, Chile:
First Pan-American Scientific Congress.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION: INTERNATIONAL CONGRESSES.
SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1901-1905.
Financial Conditions.
Dissipation of Revenues.
"Many years ago the government, being unable to raise money on
ordinary security, adopted the practice of vesting the power
of collection in its creditors. Duties are settled in
_pagarés_, or promissory notes, duly indorsed, and
payable usually in a month or two months. In order to secure
loans, these _pagarés_ were handed over to the creditor,
who collected the money directly from the importer or
exporter. This expedient, which was designed to protect the
creditor against the government itself as well as against its
enemies, was in vogue when the government in 1888 sought
financial relief in Europe. Such relief was obtained from
Westendorp & Company, bankers, of Amsterdam, who in that year
underwrote and issued, at 83½ per cent., 6 per cent. gold
bonds of the Dominican government to the amount of £770,000
sterling, the government creating a first lien on all its
customs revenues, and authorizing the Westendorps to collect
and receive at the custom-houses all the customs revenues of
the republic. Under this contract, which was ratified by the
Dominican Congress, the Westendorps created in Santo Domingo
an establishment, commonly called the ‘Regie,’ which collected
the duties directly from the importer and exporter and
disbursed them, the Westendorps sending out from Europe the
necessary agents and employees. It was further stipulated that
the Westendorps should, in case of necessity, have the right
to constitute a European commission, which it was understood
was to be international in character. The power of collection
and disbursement was exercised by the Westendorps down to
1893, when it was transferred to the San Domingo Improvement
Company, of New York, which continued to exercise it till
January, 1901, when the company was, by an arbitrary executive
decree issued by President Jimenez, excluded from its function
of collecting the revenues, though its employees were
permitted to remain in the custom-houses till the end of the
year.
{583}
"As an assurance to the foreign creditor, whose legal security
was thus destroyed, Jimenez constituted in the same decree a
‘Commission of Honorables,’ with whom the sums due to foreign
creditors, including the American companies, were to be
deposited; but their capacity as depositaries was not destined
to be tested. Late in 1901, it became known that out of the
reported revenues of the year, amounting to $2,126,453, the
percentages for the domestic debt had not been set aside, and
that no payment had been made on the floating interior debt,
but that the Jimenez ‘revolutionary’ claims had been paid
without previous warrant of law, and that there existed a
deficit. Since that time, with the exception of comparatively
small amounts, nothing whatever has been paid to the foreign
creditor. The omission, however, has not been due to lack of
revenues. It has been due to conditions which, if all the
debts of the republic were with one stroke wiped out, would
continue to prevent the government from meeting its ordinary
expenses. The revenues have been seized and dissipated by the
government and its enemies in ‘war expenses,’ and in the
payment of '_asignaciones_' and ‘revolutionary claims.’ …
That foreign governments will stand by and permit such
conditions to continue cannot be expected. They have already
manifested their desire to intervene."
_John Bassett Moore,
Santo Domingo and the United States
(American Review of Reviews, March, 1905)._
SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1901-1906.
Participation in Second and Third International Conferences of
American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1907.
Years of almost Incessant Disorder and repeated Revolutions.
Jimenez, Vasques, Wos y Gil, Morales and Caceres in
succession at the Head of Government.
Menace from the Creditors of the Republic.
Appeal to the United States.
American Treaty.
President Roosevelt on the Situation.
The assassination of President Heureaux and the election of
President Jimenez are related in Volume VI. of this work (see
DOMINICAN REPUBLIC). Jimenez’s rule was not long, and he gave
way to a provisional government, under General Vasques, which
was upset by a revolt that broke out in March, 1903, and which
planted General Wos y Gil so obviously in power that his
Government was recognized by the United States in October. But
the rapidly revolving wheel of political events seems to have
soon whirled Wos y Gil out and brought Jimenez back, to be
tossed into private life again in 1904 by General Carlos F.
Morales, of whom Mr. Sigimund Krausz gave a most favorable
account in _The Outlook_, of September 17, 1904. "The
common idea," said Mr. Krausz, "that the population of Santo
Domingo consists exclusively of a horde of savages, and that
the generals and politicians causing the kaleidoscopic
sequence of revolutions are of the same class, and, without
exception, uneducated brutes and degenerates, is quite
erroneous, and has been created for the sake of
sensationalism, largely by journalists and magazine writers
without personal knowledge of Dominican conditions, or by
native exiles who, naturally, are always enemies of the party
in power. … While it is true that the vast majority of the
Dominican people in the interior of the island live in a
fearful state of ignorance, superstition, and even barbarism,
caused by many decades of internal warfare, there is, however,
also a class of natives who certainly ought not to be thrown
in the same pot with them. These are the better citizens of
the capital and the larger coast towns, among whom are many
intelligent and educated men who had the advantage of fairly
good schools and intercourse with foreigners. Among this class
are a number who have received all or part of their education
abroad, who speak two or three languages, and who, in their
social intercourse and manners, may safely be pronounced
gentlemen. They follow the occupations of merchants, planters,
lawyers, physicians, etc., and while, as a rule, they keep
aloof from politics, it is from their strata of society that
spring most of the military and political leaders of Santo
Domingo. There are few of these men who, by their appearance,
betray the strain of negro blood in them, and the type is
hardly distinguishable from that of Latin-Americans in
general.
"Carlos M. Morales belongs to the better class of Dominicans
mentioned before, masters French, English, and Spanish
fluently, and has the advantage of an ecclesiastical education
in a seminary of Santo Domingo City. He was, in fact, for
eight years a priest, before disagreement with various dogmas
of the Church and the desire to take an active part in the
political affairs of his country induced him to throw aside
the cassock. He is a close student of West Indian conditions,
and well acquainted with the affairs of the world in general.
While being an ardent admirer of the United States and its
institutions, and sincerely desiring its political friendship,
he is at the same time the strongest opponent of any policy
that would tend to make Santo Domingo a political dependency
of Uncle Sam, either in the form of annexation or a
protectorate."
Morales was soon beset with claims from insistent foreign
creditors, on account of debts which his predecessors had
incurred, and which they had left nothing to satisfy. Several
European governments were threatening forcible measures to
secure payment for their subjects, and Morales asked for help
from the United States. The situation and its outcome were
reported subsequently to Congress by President Roosevelt, as
follows:
"The conditions in Santo Domingo have for a number of years
grown from bad to worse until a year ago all society was on
the verge of dissolution. Fortunately, just at this time a
ruler sprang up in Santo Domingo, who, with his colleagues,
saw the dangers threatening their country and appealed to the
friendship of the only great and powerful neighbor who
possessed the power, and as they hoped also the will, to help
them. There was imminent danger of foreign intervention. The
previous rulers of Santo Domingo had recklessly incurred
debts, and owing to her internal disorders she had ceased to
be able to provide means of paying the debts. The patience of
her foreign creditors had become exhausted, and at least two
foreign nations were on the point of intervention, and were
only prevented from intervening by the unofficial assurance of
this Government that it would itself strive to help Santo
Domingo in her hour of need.
{584}
In the case of one of these nations, only the actual opening
of negotiations to this end by our Government prevented the
seizure of territory in Santo Domingo by a European power. Of
the debts incurred some were just, while some were not of a
character which really renders it obligatory on, or proper
for, Santo Domingo to pay them in full. But she could not pay
any of them unless some stability was assured her Government
and people.
"Accordingly the Executive Department of our Government
negotiated a treaty under which we are to try to help the
Dominican people to straighten out their finances. This treaty
is pending before the Senate. In the meantime a temporary
arrangement has been made which will last until the Senate has
had time to take action upon the treaty. Under this
arrangement the Dominican Government has appointed Americans
to all the important positions in the customs service, and
they are seeing to the honest collection of the revenues,
turning over 45 per cent to the Government for running
expenses and putting the other 55 per cent into a safe
depositary for equitable division in case the treaty shall be
ratified, among the various creditors, whether European or
American. …
"Under the course taken, stability and order and all the
benefits of peace are at last coming to Santo Domingo, danger
of foreign intervention has been suspended, and there is at
last a prospect that all creditors will get justice, no more
and no less. If the arrangement is terminated by the failure
of the treaty chaos will follow; and if chaos follows, sooner
or later this Government may be involved in serious
difficulties with foreign governments over the island, or else
may be forced itself to intervene in the island in some
unpleasant fashion. Under the proposed treaty the independence
of the island is scrupulously respected, the danger of
violation of the Monroe Doctrine by the intervention of
foreign powers vanishes, and the interference of our
Government is minimized, so that we shall only act in
conjunction with the Santo Domingo authorities to secure the
proper administration of the customs, and therefore to secure
the payment of just debts and to secure the Dominican
Government against demands for unjust debts. The proposed
method will give the people of Santo Domingo the same chance
to move onward and upward which we have already given to the
people of Cuba. It will be doubly to our discredit as a nation
if we fail to take advantage of this chance; for it will be of
damage to ourselves, and it will be of incalculable damage to
Santo Domingo."
_President’s Message to Congress,
December 5, 1905._
Twenty days after the above was sent to Congress President
Morales was a fugitive from his capital, expelled by a sudden
revolutionary movement in which Vice-President Caceres and
most of the Morales Cabinet appear to have taken a leading
part. Some fighting occurred; but the Morales forces were
beaten decisively in the first week of January, 1906, and
their General, Rodrigues, was killed. Morales, wounded, sought
protection at the American Legation and resigned the
Presidency, January 12. Caceres succeeded to the office, and a
treaty of peace between the contending parties was signed on
the 17th, on board an United States vessel of war. The new
Government of San Domingo adhered to the arrangement made by
Morales with the United States.
As ratified ultimately, in the spring of 1907, by the United
States Senate and the Dominican Congress, the treaty provided
for the conversion of the embarrassed republic’s debt and the
floating of a new issue of bonds, through the agency of a firm
of New York bankers which had undertaken the management of the
affair; while the Government of the United States, by its
agents, was to continue its supervision of the collection of
revenue.
SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1905-1907.
The American Receivership of Dominican Revenues.
The Modus Vivendi of 1905 and the Treaty of 1907.
The working of the Arrangement.
"By the _modus vivendi_ of March 31, 1905, it was
provided that until the Dominican Congress and the Senate of
the United States should act upon the convention of February
7, 1905, the President of the Dominican Republic, on the
nomination of the President of the United States, should
appoint a person to receive the revenues of all the
custom-houses of the Republic. Of the net revenues collected,
45 per cent was to be turned over to the Dominican Government,
and used in administrative expenses. The remainder, less the
expenses of collection, was to be deposited in a bank in New
York to be designated by the President of the United States,
and to remain there for the benefit of all creditors of the
Republic, Dominican as well as foreign, and not to be
withdrawn before the Dominican Congress and the Senate of the
United States should have acted upon the convention then
pending. During the operation of the _modus vivendi_ all
payments were to be suspended, without, however, in any way
interfering with or changing the substantial rights of
creditors. This _modus vivendi_ went into effect on April
1, 1905. Under the receivership created by this _modus
vivendi_ there has been collected, to August 31, 1907,
$7,183,397.56. Of this amount 45 per cent was turned over to
the Dominican Government, and $3,318,946.97, to bear interest
while on deposit, has been remitted to New York. This is in
striking contrast with the results of the customs operations
of former years, when, having control of the entire revenues
of the Republic, the Dominican Government had not only been
unable to pay its current expenses, but found its apparent
public debt increased at an average rate of almost $1,000,000
a year for some thirty odd years. The convention between the
United States and the Dominican Republic, signed at Santo
Domingo City on February 8, 1907, was transmitted to the
United States Senate on February 19, 1907, by the President,
for ratification, and was ratified on the 25th of the same
month. After formal ratification by the President of the
United States and the Dominican Republic, ratifications were
exchanged July 8, 1907, and formal proclamation made by the
President on the 25th of the same month. Regulations have been
drawn up for the application of its provisions. The treaty
sets forth that the debts of the Dominican Republic amount to
more than $30,000,000, nominal or face value, which have been
scaled down by a conditional adjustment and agreement to some
$17,000,000, including interest, in the payment of which the
Government has requested the assistance of the United States.
{585}
The latter agrees to give this assistance subject to certain
conditions set out in the treaty, the principal among which
are
(a) the President of the United States shall appoint the
general receiver of the Dominican customs and his assistants;
and
(b) that the Dominican Government shall provide by law for the
payment to such general receiver of all the customs duties of
the Republic.
The money collected is to be applied as follows:
(1) To paying the expenses of the receivership;
(2) to the payment of interest on bonds issued by the
Dominican Government in connection with the settlement of its
debts;
(3) to the payment of the annual sums provided for
amortization of said bonds, including interest upon all bonds
held in the sinking fund;
(4) to the purchase and cancellation or the retirement and
cancellation, pursuant to the terms thereof, of any of said
bonds as may be directed by the Dominican Government, and
(5) the remainder to be paid to the Dominican Government.
On the 1st day of each calendar month the sum of $100,000 is
to be paid over by the receiver to the fiscal agent of the
loan, and the remaining collection of the last preceding month
paid over to the Dominican Government, or applied to the
sinking fund for the purchase or redemption of bonds, as the
Dominican Government shall direct. Should the revenues thus
collected exceed $3,000,000 for any one year, one-half of the
surplus is to be applied to the sinking fund for the
redemption of bonds."
_Report of the Chief of the Bureau of Insular Affairs,
October 31, 1907
(Abridgment, Message and Documents, 1907, page 797)._
----------SAN DOMINGO: End--------
SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1901-1909.
Water Supply.
The Hetch Hetchy Project.
"Under this name is designated a plan for obtaining a water
supply for the city of San Francisco from the head waters of
the Tuolumne River in the Sierra Nevada mountains. The Hetch
Hetchy Valley is one of the most widely known regions of the
high Sierras, second only to Yosemite in scenic interest. It
is formed by a widening of the gorge of the Tuolumne River,
about 30 miles westerly from the crest of the Sierras. It is
thus described in the United States Geological Survey, 21st
Annual Report.
"‘The valley proper is about three and one-half miles long and
of a width varying from one-quarter to three-quarters of a
mile. The rugged granite walls, crowned with spires and upon
battlements, seem to rise almost perpendicular upon all sides
to a height of 2500 feet above this beautiful emerald meadow.
"‘The Tuolumne River leaves this valley in a very narrow
granite gorge, the sides of which rise precipitously for 800
or more feet, thus providing naturally a most favorable site
for a masonry dam.’ As the result of exhaustive
investigations, in 1901, having reference to the procuring of
an adequate water supply for the City of San Francisco, that
city, through its proper officers, selected, surveyed, filed
upon and made application for the reservoir rights of way in
the Hetch Hetchy Valley and Lake Eleanor, which lie within the
reservation known as Yosemite National Park. These reservoir
sites were recognized and surveyed as such by the United
States Geological Survey, in 1891, and the survey filings and
application were made in conformity with the act of Congress
of February 15, 1901, relating to rights of way through
certain parks, reservations and other public lands.
"Lake Eleanor is situated 136 miles east of San Francisco on
the west slope of the Sierra Nevada Mountains. It is about 300
acres in extent and lies in a broad, flat valley enclosed by
precipitous walls of granite, narrowing at the lower end of
the valley. It is 4,700 feet above sea level and receives the
direct drainage from 83 square miles, and by a diverting canal
6 miles long from 103 square miles additional of uninhabitable
mountain slopes which reach an altitude of 11,000 feet, and
receive a mean annual precipitation of from 40 to 50 inches,
most of which is snow. About a mile and a quarter below the
lake, the valley closes into a granite walled gorge and offers
an excellent site and material for a dam. …
"Hetch Hetchy reservoir (site) is about 140 miles from San
Francisco on the main fork of the Tuolumne River and is about
3,700 feet above sea level. It receives the drainage from 452
square miles of the uninhabitable slopes of the Sierra Nevada,
reaching to elevations of over 13,000 feet. …
"The Hetch Hetchy project proposes to conduct the water
liberated from these reservoirs by way of the gorge of the
Tuolumne River 16 miles and thence by canals, tunnels and
pipes."
_Frederick H. Clark,
Head of History Department, Lowell High School._
The application of the City to the United States Government
for the Lake Eleanor and Hetch Hetchy reservoir sites was
denied, in the first instance (1903), by the Secretary of the
Interior, the Honorable A. E. Hitchcock, but subsequently
granted, on a reopening of the case and a rehearing, by
Secretary James R. Garfield, in whose decision, rendered May
11, 1908, the considerations for and against the proposed use
of these famous seats of natural beauty and sublimity were
discussed at length and concluded to have the greater weight
in favor of the application.
One stipulation made by Secretary Garfield was that within two
years the City should submit the question of water supply to
the vote of its citizens, as contemplated in its Charter. This
was done on November 11, 1908, and the voters of San
Francisco, notwithstanding the strenuous efforts of the
private water company, recorded their approval of the Hetch
Hetchy Project by the overwhelming vote of 34,950 for, to 5708
against the proposition. At the same election a sale of
municipal bonds to the amount of $600,000 was authorized in
order to enable the City to proceed to perfect its titles.
These bonds have been sold and at this date (June, 1909) the
acquisition of the required land is under way.
Almost passionate protests and pleadings against this use of
the beautiful Hetch Hetchy Valley have been uttered by John
Muir, the word-painter of "The Mountains of California," and
many earnest voices from all parts of the country have been
joined to his in the expostulation. Mr. Muir writes: "It is
impossible to overestimate the value of wild mountains and
mountain temples. They are the greatest of our natural
resources, God's best gifts; but none, however high and holy,
is beyond reach of the spoiler. These temple destroyers,
devotees of ravaging commercialism, seem to have a perfect
contempt for Nature, and instead of lifting their eyes to the
mountains, lift them to dams and town skyscrapers. Dam Hetch
Hetchy! As well dam for water-tanks the people’s cathedrals
and churches, for no holier temple has ever been consecrated
by the heart of man.
{586}
"Excepting only Yosemite, Hetch Hetchy is the most attractive
and wonderful valley within the bounds of the great Yosemite
National Park and the best of all the campgrounds. People are
now flocking to it in ever-increasing numbers for health and
recreation of body and mind. Though the walls are less sublime
in height than those of Yosemite, its groves, gardens, and
broad spacious meadows are more beautiful and picturesque. It
is many years since sheep and cattle were pastured in it, and
the vegetation now shows scarce a trace of their ravages. Last
year in October I visited the valley with Mr. William Keith,
the artist. He wandered about from view to view, enchanted,
made thirty-eight sketches, and enthusiastically declared that
in varied picturesque beauty Hetch Hetchy greatly surpassed
Yosemite. It is one of God’s best gifts, and ought to be
faithfully guarded."
When this work went to press, in May, 1910, Secretary
Ballinger was giving hearings on the question of revoking the
permit to San Francisco.
SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1901 1909.
The Struggle with Political Corruption.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO.
SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1902.
The Chinese Highbinder Associations.
Report of the Industrial Commission on their Criminal
and Dangerous Character.
"Investigations made under the directions of the Industrial
Commission reveal the dangerous importance to be attached to
the existence of the so-called associations of ‘highbinders’
among the Chinese population of San Francisco. It is variously
estimated that of the total number of Chinese in that city,
amounting to 25,000 or 30,000, there are about 1,000 members
of the highbinder associations who represent the worst class
of criminals. Many of them have been compelled to flee from
their native country on account of crimes committed there.
They are organized under the semblance of benefit societies,
but for the purpose of blackmail and violation of the
immigration laws. They impose fines arbitrarily upon the
hard-working and prosperous Chinese, and enforce their decrees
through criminal violence and even assassination. They nullify
the judgment of American courts through their own secret
tribunals and their paid assassins; they make a business of
bringing to the United States slave girls and coolie laborers,
and through their system of intimidation it is difficult, and
often impossible, to secure witnesses who will testify to the
truth. It is generally believed by those who have given
attention to this matter, that if the country could be rid of
this criminal class of Chinese, and the highbinders societies
be permanently suppressed, one of the greatest factors in the
commission of fraud in the administration of the Chinese
exclusion laws would be eliminated. An eminent authority
asserts that fully 75 per cent of all the frauds committed at
the present time against the exclusion law can be traced
directly to the highbinder associations. So perfect is the
organization of these societies, and so thorough their reign
of terrorism, that the efforts of the authorities to suppress
them have never been successful. The only thing which they
fear above all others, holding it in greater dread than our
laws, our courts, and jails, is deportation to China. The only
decisive remedy in that case is legislation through Congress,
which should render aliens who are members of such societies,
or any society having for its purpose the commission of crime
or the violation of our laws, liable to deportation. What is
true of the highbinders of San Francisco is probably true also
of certain anarchistic societies which are recruited from
Europe."
_Final Report (1902) of the Industrial Commission,
page 1009._
SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1906.
The Earthquake Shock of April 18, 1906.
The Geological Explanation.
Stupendous Destruction by Fire following the Earth Tremor.
Conditions produced by the Fire.
Relief Measures.
"On the morning of April 18, 1906, the coastal region of
Middle California was shaken by an earthquake of unusual
severity. The time of the shock and its duration varied
slightly in different localities, depending upon their
position with reference to the seat of the disturbance in the
earth’s crust; but in general the time of the occurrence may
be stated to be 5h 12m A. M., Pacific standard time, or the
time of the meridian of longitude 120° west of Greenwich;
and the sensible duration of the shock was about one minute.
"The shock was violent in the region about the Bay of San
Francisco, and with few exceptions inspired all who felt it
with alarm and consternation. In the cities many people were
injured or killed, and in some cases persons became mentally
deranged, as a result of the disasters which immediately
ensued from the commotion of the earth. The manifestations of
the earthquake were numerous and varied. … Springs were
affected either temporarily or permanently, some being
diminished, others increased in flow. Landslides were caused
on steep slopes, and on the bottom lands of the streams the
soft alluvium was in many places caused to crack and to lurch,
producing often very considerable deformations of the surface.
This deformation of the soil was an important cause of damage
and wreckage of buildings situated in such tracts. Railway
tracks were buckled and broken. In timbered areas in the zone
of maximum disturbance many large trees were thrown to the
ground and in some cases they were snapped off above the
ground.
"The most disastrous of the effects of the earthquake were the
breaking out of fires and, at the same time, the destruction
of the pipe systems which supplied the water necessary to
combat them. Such fires caused the destruction of a large
portion of San Francisco, as all the world knows; and they
also intensified the calamity due to the earthquake at Santa
Rosa and Fort Bragg. The degree of intensity with which the
earthquake made itself felt by these various manifestations
diminished with the distance from the seat of disturbance, and
at the more remote points near the limits of its sensibility
it was perceived only by a feeble vibration of buildings
during a brief period.
{587}
"The area over which the shock was perceptible to the senses
extends from Coos Bay, Oregon, on the north, to Los Angeles on
the south, a distance of about 730 miles; and easterly as far
as Winnemucca, Nevada, a distance of about 300 miles from the
coast. The territory thus affected has an extent, inland from
the coast, of probably 175,000 square miles. If we assume that
(he sea-bottom to the west of the coast was similarly
affected, which is very probably true, the total area which
was caused to vibrate to such an extent as to be perceptible
to the senses was 372,700 square miles. Beyond the limits at
which the vibrations were sufficiently sharp to appeal to the
senses, earth waves were propagated entirely around the globe
and were recorded instrumentally at all the more important
seismological stations in civilized countries.
"Various manifestations of the earthquake above cited,
including the cracking and deformation of the soil and
incoherent surface formations, were the results of the earth
jar, or commotion of the earth’s crust. The cause of the
earthquake, as will be more fully set forth in the body of
this report, was the sudden rupture of the earth's crust along
a line or lines extending from the vicinity of Point Delgada
to a point in San Benito County near San Juan; a distance in a
nearly straight course, of about 270 miles. For a distance of
190 miles from Point Arena to San Juan, the fissure formed by
this rupture is known to be practically continuous. Beyond
Point Arena it passes out to sea, so that its continuity with
the similar crack near Point Delgada is open to doubt; and the
latter may possibly be an independent, tho associated, rupture
parallel to the main one south of Point Arena. It is most
probable, however, that there is but one continuous rupture.
The course of the fissure for the 190 miles thru which it has
been followed is nearly straight, with a bearing of from North
30° to 40° West, but with a slight general curvature, the
concavity being toward the. northeast, and minor local
curvatures. The fissure for the extent indicated follows the
old line of seismic disturbance which extends thru California
from Humboldt County to San Benito County, and thence
southerly obliquely across the Coast Ranges thru the Tejon
Pass and the Cajon Pass into the Colorado Desert."
_Report of the California State Earthquake Investigation
Commission, Volume 1, pages 1-2._
SAN FRANCISCO:
The Great Conflagration.
General Frederick Funston, commanding the United States troops
at San Francisco, lost no time in ordering them out for
service in the emergency, and his report gives many
interesting particulars of the struggle with outbreaking and
spreading fires, in which they took an heroic part.
"By 9 A. M.," he wrote, "the various fires were merging into
one great conflagration, and were approaching the Palace
Hotel, Grand Hotel, Call Building, Emporium, and other large
buildings from the south. … By the morning of the 19th the
fire had destroyed the main portion of the wholesale and
retail section of the city, and was actively burning on a line
from about the corner of Montgomery avenue and Montgomery
street southwest on an irregular line to Van Ness avenue at
Golden Gate avenue. … The progress of the fire was very slow.
It averaged not more than one block in two hours. … By the
night of the 19th about 250,000 people or more must have been
encamped or sleeping out in the open in the various military
reservations, parks, and open spaces of the city.
"On the night of the 19th, when the fire reached Van Ness
avenue, Colonel Charles Morris, Artillery Corps, in command of
the troops in that portion of the city, authorized Captain Le
Vert Coleman to destroy a number of buildings far enough ahead
of the fire to make a clearing along Broadway, Franklin and
Gough streets, which space the fire was unable to bridge, and
in this manner was stopped after it had crossed Van Ness
avenue and the fire department seemed powerless. It is my
opinion that if it had not been for the work done at this
place the entire Western Addition of the city would have been
destroyed.
"By the morning of the 20th the Western Addition, as that part
of the city lying west of Van Ness avenue is called, was
considered safe, except from the danger arising from a very
threatening conflagration working along the slopes of Russian
Hill toward that part of Van Ness avenue lying north of
Broadway. All day of the 20th an heroic fight was made by the
soldiers, sailors, firemen, and citizens to stop this fire,
which had a frontage of about half a mile, and was working its
way slowly against the wind. A number of buildings were
destroyed here by high explosives, and back firing was
resorted to. The fight, at this place was greatly aided by
water pumped from the bay at Fort Mason. …
"By the most tremendous exertions the flames were prevented
from crossing Van Ness avenue between that port (Fort Mason)
and the point where they had once crossed and been fought out.
By the morning of the 21st the Western Addition was considered
safe, and the advancing flames south from the Mission district
had been stayed; but a rising wind caused the fire to turn
northeastward from Russian Hill and destroy a portion of the
city along the bay shore that had hitherto been spared."
Of the work of dynamiting that was done, mainly by the
soldiers, Major General A. W. Greeley, in a special report,
says: "The authority for demolitions was in every case derived
from the Mayor or his representatives. During all of the 18th
and until the afternoon of the 19th the city authorities
withheld their permission to blow up any buildings, except
those in immediate contact with others already ablaze.
Consequently, although we were able to check the fire at
certain points, it outflanked us time and again, and all our
work had to be begun over in front of the fire. … By
[afternoon of April 19th] the Mayor gave permission to take
more drastic measures to stop the fire."
SAN FRANCISCO:
After the Fire.
Of conditions after the fire General Greeley gives a vivid
description, partly as follows:
"On April 18 this was a city of 500,000 inhabitants, the
commercial emporium of the Pacific coast, a great industrial
and manufacturing center, adorned with magnificent buildings,
equipped with extensive local transportation, provided with
the most sanitary appliances, and having an abundant water
supply. On April 21 these triumphs of human effort, this
center of civilization, had become a scene of indescribable
desolation, more than 200,000 residents having fled from the
burnt district alone, leaving several hundred dead under its
smoldering ashes. …
{588}
"The burnt area covered 3,400 acres, as against 2,100 in
Chicago and 50 in Boston. … Even buildings spared by the fire
were damaged as to chimneys, so that all food of the entire
city was cooked over camp fires in the open streets.
"Two hundred and twenty-five thousand people were not only
homeless, losing homes and all personal property, but also
were deprived of their means of present sustenance and future
livelihood. Food, water, shelter, clothing, medicines, and
sewerage were all lacking. Failing even for drinking purposes,
water had to be brought long distances. Every large bakery was
destroyed or interrupted. While milk and country produce were
plentiful in the suburbs, local transportation was entirely
interrupted so that even people of great wealth could obtain
food only by charity or public relief."
SAN FRANCISCO:
Loss of Life and Property.
General Greeley "gives the loss of life in San Francisco,
including some who subsequently died from injuries received,
as 304 known and 194 unknown. In addition, 415 persons were
seriously injured. Estimates of the value of property
destroyed made up from the reports of settlements by the
insurance companies are given as follows in Best’s Special
Report on San Francisco Losses and Settlement, published in
New York, February 25, 1907:
‘The total loss to insurance institutions throughout the world
was from $220,000,000 to $225,000,000. It is probable that the
sound value of the property represented by this loss was
nearly or quite $100,000,000 greater than the last named
figure, so that this conflagration takes rank as the largest
in history in point of values destroyed. The loss fell on 243
insurance institutions, plus those foreign companies (twenty
or more in number) which have made no report to us.’"
SAN FRANCISCO:
Maintenance of Order.
"After the arrival of state troops ordered into service by the
governor of California, five separate organizations were
maintaining order in San Francisco—the municipal police, the
national guard of California, the United States navy,
citizens’ committees, and the United States army. Under this
multiplied control it was inevitable that some clashes of
authority should occur, and that citizens should at times feel
hampered by excess of regulation. ‘It bears testimony,’ says
General Greeley, ‘to the judgment and forbearance of the
personnel enforcing order and to the sensible, law-abiding
qualities of the people of San Francisco, that during such
prolonged and desperate condition of affairs there should have
been but nine deaths by violence. All killed were men, and
four of the cases have been the subject of investigation under
the civil law.’
SAN FRANCISCO:
Relief Measures.
"Invaluable service of relief was rendered by the railway
companies, the Southern Pacific, under the personal direction
of President E. T. Harriman, and the Atchison, Topeka and
Santa Fe, giving free transportation over their lines from
April 18th to the 26th, and affording every possible facility
for the forwarding of relief supplies. The ferries and
suburban lines did the same.
"Food, clothing and tents furnished by Pacific coast cities
began to pour in, followed quickly by similar supplies from
more distant points and by the War Department of the United
States under special appropriation promptly made by Congress.
The proper handling and distribution of these vast quantities
of material and the control of the refugee camps that filled
the public parks devolved upon the military authorities.
Relief service was promptly systematized by the army officers,
ably assisted after the opening week by Dr. Edward T. Devine,
special representative of the National Red Cross. After July 2
the army was withdrawn from the refugee camps and the relief
work passed under the control of the Red Cross and citizens’
organizations. Mr. J. D. Phelan of San Francisco, chairman of
the Finance Committee of the Relief and Red Cross Funds, thus
commends the services of the army in its management of the
relief operations: ‘As citizens we feel that the army in time
of peace has demonstrated its efficiency and usefulness as it
has in our days of trouble signalized its splendid qualities
on the field of battle.’
SAN FRANCISCO:
Behavior of the People.
"General A. W. Greeley in his special report thus
characterizes the behavior of the people of San Francisco.
‘It is safe to say that nearly 200,000 persons were brought to
a state of complete destitution, beyond the clothing they wore
or carried in their arms. The majority of the community was
reduced from conditions of comfort to dependence upon public
charity, yet in all my experiences I have never seen a woman
in tears, nor heard a man whining over his losses. Besides
this spirit of cheerful courage, they exhibited qualities of
resourcefulness and self-respect which must command the
admiration of the world. Within two months the bread line,
which at first exceeded 300,000, was reduced to a comparative
handful—less than 5 per cent. of the original number.’"
_Frederick H. Clark,
Head of History Department, Lowell High School._
SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1906.
Segregation of Oriental Children in Public Schools.
Resentment of Japanese.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.
SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1906 (April-October).
During and after the Suppression of Saloons.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM: CASUAL OCCURRENCES.
SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1906-1909.
The Rebuilding of the Shattered and Burned City.
Improvements in the Reconstruction.
"The great fire of April, 1906, practically obliterated the
business section of San Francisco. Vast heaps of brick and
stone and iron beams, twisted and bent, filled the area where
the great hotels, banks and mercantile establishments,
wholesale and retail, had stood. The opportunity to correct
original errors and to make improvements in the ground plan of
this portion of the city was at once recognized. People said
to one another: ‘ London, Chicago, and Baltimore have bitterly
regretted, since their great fires, that they did not improve
their streets. Are we to fail to take advantage of their
mistakes?’ A Citizens’ Committee on Reconstruction was
appointed; many valuable suggestions were brought together;
and an expert engineer was directed to study the plans and
make practical estimates of the cost of the more important
improvements. A set of most commendable changes was thus
brought to the point of authoritative adoption. These changes
included, particularly, the widening of streets needed for
main thoroughfares, extension of a few main streets so as to
facilitate the distribution of traffic, the extension of
shipping facilities along the water front, and improving the
thoroughfares leading thereto. The opportunity of making these
improvements while the whole area was destitute of buildings
was, of course, never likely to recur.
{589}
"At this point the whole matter came to a standstill. It was
the misfortune of San Francisco at this critical moment to be
under a municipal administration, wholly incompetent and
corrupt. Private enterprise was strained to the utmost in the
effort to recover from the great losses, and from the want of
governmental initiative, all projects of municipal improvement
failed for the time. Under a reformed city-government after
1907, a great deal of municipal work was undertaken which will
be indicated below.
"Rebuilding of private structures is a wonderful record of
courage, energy and resourcefulness. The first stage was the
rushing up of temporary wooden structures,—any sort of a
building that would afford shelter and permit the resumption
of business. For the most part the lumber yards of San
Francisco were untouched by the fire, and thus the city had a
considerable stock of material for immediate operations. Van
Ness Avenue and other former residence streets were soon lined
with one-story wooden buildings over which appeared the
well-known names of down-town firms.
"The second stage in reconstruction was the removal of the
ruins left by earthquake and fire. The business section of the
former city was constructed mainly of brick. Whether from
ignorance or prejudice the former building laws of San
Francisco did not permit the use of concrete except for floors
and foundations. Only a few of the more recently constructed
buildings were of steel. Thus the first great problem was
presented by the standing brick walls.
"For a few days the use of dynamite for the overthrow of
standing walls was permitted, and in this way much additional
damage was done to buildings not wholly ruined by the
earthquake and fire. Subsequently it was found to be far more
systematic and advantageous as well as safer to pull down the
standing walls by means of wire cables and stationary engines.
Pulling down old walls became for a time a trade in itself.
"Thousands of men found employment in cleaning the old bricks
and stacking them up for use in rebuilding. For the removal of
the vast quantities of debris,—twisted pipe and beams, broken
brick and crumbled plaster, temporary railways were
constructed over the level down-town district, and elaborate
plans were made for a wholesale business by steam
transportation. There was trouble over loading facilities,
however, and the greater quantity was carried away by two
horse dump-wagons, the material being used for filling in low
lands along the water front and elsewhere. All California felt
the demand for horses and wagons that this great work created.
"Immediately after the fire the work of revising the building
laws was taken up. Fortunately this task received the
intelligent guidance of a citizens’ committee composed of
local builders, architects and engineers. The building
regulations were rescued from their contradictions and
confusion, and a clear, systematic ordinance was secured. The
most notable forward step was the authorization of reinforced
concrete buildings.
"Architects and engineers interested in the problems of
reconstruction organized a ‘Structural Association’ as a
clearing-house for improved building methods. The utmost pains
were taken to study the effects of the earthquake and the
conflagration in order to secure every possible advantage from
the lessons inculcated. The results of this study may be
summarized as follows.
"Steel frame buildings (Class A) were perfectly able to resist
the effects of earthquake shock of the severity of the
disturbance of 1906, and when properly protected, to endure
the test of conflagration as well. Concrete, both plain and
reinforced, rose rapidly in favor as structural material.
Opinion as to the continued use of brick in construction was
divided, but on account of the need of brick in the cheaper
buildings, there was no tendency toward its falling into
disuse. Wired glass, that is, plate glass in which a mesh of
fine wire netting is embedded has been brought into favor, the
idea being that when this glass is subjected to great heat it
may crack, but will not fall.
"Along with the improved methods of construction, the
rebuilding of office and business structures afforded an
opportunity of modernizing them. Merchants went so far as to
form a ‘Down-Town Association’ which held weekly meetings for
the purpose of studying the problems of rehabilitation and of
taking advantage of every suggestion for improvement. The new
buildings have been perfected in lighting and sanitation and
in exterior finish and interior arrangements have been brought
up to the standard of the world’s best types. Thus the
business district of the new city has been made immeasurably
superior in durability, cleanliness and appearance, to what it
was before the fire.
"The amount of reconstruction that has been done is shown in
the following table taken from the San Francisco
_Chronicle_ of April 18, 1909, which summarizes the work
done in three years. The table was compiled from the municipal
records.
"Private building operations, April 18, 1906 to April 18, 1909:
Number. Cost.
Class A 82 $19,391,982
Class B 109 8,042,831
Class C 1,369 42,416,072
Frame 12,352 50,962,813
Alterations 6,334 9,528,310
Total $130,344,008
"Class A
buildings having steel frames;
stone, brick or concrete facing, fire-proof floors.
Completely fire-proof.
"Class B
buildings of reinforced concrete,
brick or stone, with steel beams entering into the main walls,
fire-proof.
"Class C
brick, stone or concrete buildings
with floors and floor-framework of wood.
"As the actual cost usually exceeds the estimate that goes
into the public record by about 15 per cent. it would be
proper to estimate the cost of all this construction at
$150,000,000. Of this amount it is estimated that less than
$10,000,000 has been furnished from outside of San
Francisco,—local capital having proven itself sufficient for
this vast work. Within this same period the public service
corporations have expended nearly $20,000,000 in
reconstruction,—the greatest work being the practical
rebuilding of the street-car lines. For municipal
reconstruction the city has repaved nearly all of the business
streets and has voted bonds for $18,200,000. From the funds
thus provided permanent improvements of great importance are
now (August, 1909) in progress.
{590}
"The election authorizing the sale of bonds was held on May
11, 1908. The purposes for which these bonds were issued are
thus announced by the Public Utilities Committee of the Board
of Supervisors:
"‘Fire Protection Bonds, $5,200,000, for the installation of
an extensive high pressure water system which will give
superior fire protection to the greater part of the thickly
built portion of the city, and designed to be the most
serviceable of its kind in the world. With this installed it
will be almost impossible for a conflagration to ever again
visit the city.
"‘Sewer Bonds, $4,000,000, for the construction of a complete
sewer system which will discharge the sewage in a manner that
will perfectly safeguard the health of the city.
"‘School Bonds, $5,000,000, for the construction of
school-houses to the number of more than thirty, replacing
those destroyed by fire in April, 1906, and providing sites
and additional structures in districts now inadequately
supplied.
"‘Hospital Bonds, $2,000,000, for the construction of modern
hospitals.
"‘Hall of Justice Bonds, $1,000,000, for the construction of
buildings for the police and other departments of the city
government.
"‘Garbage System Bonds, $1,000,000, for the construction of
modern works for the disposal of the city’s waste in a
sanitary manner.
"‘With these improvements the City of San Francisco will be
equipped with public works that will insure it a prominent
place in the cities of the world in respect to all things that
go to make stability and give permanence to the community as a
great trade and industrial center.’ The rapid recovery of San
Francisco from the losses of the great fire is further shown
by the following comparison of values from the Assessors
Reports:
Value of Taxable Property.
1905. 1906. 1908.
Real Estate $304,136,185 $237,082,752 $258,642,215
Buildings 97,830,165 50,250,480 90,996,500
Personal Property 122,264,596 88,805,510 103,912,469
Total $524,230,946 $376,138,742 $453,551,184
_Frederick H. Clark,
Head of History Department,
Lowell High School._
SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1908 (July).
Visit of the Battleship Fleet.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.
SANITARY UNDERTAKINGS.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH.
SANTOS-DUMONT, A.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.
SARRIEN-CLEMENCEAU MINISTRY.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1906.
SARTO, Giuseppe, Cardinal:
Elected Pope.
See (in this Volume)
PAPACY: A. D. 1903 (JULY-AUGUST).
SASKATCHEWAN:
Organized as a Province of the Dominion of Canada.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1905.
SAXONY: A. D. 1906.
Political Reform.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.
SCANDINAVIAN-AMERICAN SOLIDARITY.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES.
SCHMITZ, EUGENE E.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO.
SCHOOL CHILDREN, UNDERFED.
See (in this Volume)
POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF.
SCHOOL PEACE LEAGUE,
The American.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1908.
SCHOOLS.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION.
SCHOUVALOFF, COUNT, ASSASSINATION OF.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).
SCHREINER, W. P.:
Opposition to Disfranchisement of Colored Natives
in South Africa.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.
----------SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Start--------
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Aeronautics:
The Development of the Aeroplane and the Dirigible Balloon.
To be lifted from the earth by an inflated sack of gas lighter
than air, and be drifted with it by the winds, was an
interesting experience for a few adventurous people, after the
Mongolfiers, in 1783, had found it could be done; but the
practical advantages from it were slight, so long as the
voyager of the air had no slightest control of his journeying.
The possibility of such control only came within the range of
inventors’ dreams when motor enginery had been carried far
towards the promise of much power with little weight. The
promise was half a century behind its fulfilment, however,
when Henri Giffard, the notable French engineer, is said to
have constructed a balloon which lacked nothing but the
adequately light and vigorous motor in order to be as [much a]
dirigible as any of the present day. But the needed motor
began to take form, and success in the propulsion of balloons
on steered courses, with some independence of the winds, began
to be realized, in the experiments of Count Zeppelin, in
Germany, and of M. Santos-Dumont in France, beginning about
1898.
Before that date, however, invention had been started on
bolder lines, seeking independence of the clumsy gas-bag, and
striving to mount the air as the bird does, by pushing against
it the inclined planes of his wings. Otto Lilienthal, in
Germany, began experiments to that end in 1893. He had no
motor; but starting from a height, and "making judicious use
of the movement of the wind," he accomplished gliding flights
of about 1200 feet, and the machines he constructed were
suggestive of ideas to the experimenters who followed him. He
was killed by a fall in 1896. Many were then working at the
problem of aerial flight without the lifting force of light
gases.
{591}
Some studied it scientifically and some attacked it in the
rough manner of sheer empiricism. Of the former, in the United
States, were Octave Chanute, the engineer, and Professor
Samuel P. Langley, the astronomer and physicist of the
Smithsonian Institution; in England there was Sir Hiram Maxim.
These gentlemen arrived at no practical success in their own
experimenting, but they furnished good guidance to the work of
their more fortunate successors. A little later the scientific
students of the problem were joined by the inventor of the
telephone, Alexander Graham Bell. And then came the two
workers who advanced from empiricism to science in their
undertaking, and who won the first great successes by a happy
combination of the two.
The brothers Orville and Wilbur Wright have told, in an
article contributed to _The Century Magazine_, how they
were stirred to serious interest in the aviation problem in
1896 and began to read what Langley, Chanute, Mouillard and
others had written on it. Entering, purely as a sport, on
experiments in gliding flight, on Lilienthal’s lines, they
became fascinated by the pursuit. From the first they appear
to have chosen what is known as the biplane structure for
their machines, the invention of which they credit to a
previous inventor, Wenham, whose design of it had been
improved by Stringfellow and Chanute. To this construction, of
two planes, one above the other, for supporting surfaces, they
have steadfastly adhered.
At the outset of their experimenting the Wrights found a
difficulty in the balancing of "flyers" which previous workers
did not seem to have treated seriously enough, and they
settled themselves to the conquest of it at once. This and
other problems soon carried them from empirical testing into
scientific studies, which occupied several years. They found
that the accepted measurements of wind pressure, on given
plane surfaces exposed at different angles, were unreliable,
and they applied themselves to the making and tabulating of
measurements of their own. It was not until this work had
given them "accurate data for making calculations, and a
system of balance effective in winds as well as in calms," as
well as the necessary data for designing an effective screw
propeller, that they felt themselves prepared "to build a
successful power-flyer."
So far, these thorough-going workers at the problems of
aviation had been experimenting with a machine designed, as
they said, "to be flown as a kite, with a man on board," or
without the man, "operating the levers through cords from the
ground." Their active experimenting began in October, 1900, at
Kitty Hawk, North Carolina. In 1901 they made the acquaintance
of Mr. Chanute, and he spent some weeks with them, observing
and encouraging their work. In September and October, they
say, "nearly one thousand gliding flights were made, several
of which covered distances of over 600 feet. Some, made
against a wind of thirty-six miles an hour, gave proof of the
effectiveness of the devices for control." Late in 1903 they
had reached the point of testing a power-machine, and sailed
into the air with it for the first time on the 17th of
December in the presence of five lookers-on. "The first
flight," they tell us, "lasted only twelve seconds: a flight
very modest compared with that of birds; but it was,
nevertheless, the first in the history of the world in which a
machine carrying a man had raised itself by its own power into
the air in free flight, had sailed forward on a level course,
without reduction of speed, and had finally landed without
being wrecked. The second and third flights were a little
longer, and the fourth lasted fifty-nine seconds, covering a
distance of 852 feet over the ground against a twenty-mile
wind."
In the spring of 1904 the experimenting of the Wright Brothers
was transferred from Kitty Hawk, North Carolina, to a prairie
not far from their home, at Dayton, Ohio. There they overcame
final difficulties in the maintaining of equilibrium when
turning their machine in circles of flight; and then, at the
end of September, 1905, they suspended experiments for more
than two years, which they spent in business negotiations and
in the construction of new machines. Their experimenting was
not resumed until May, 1908 (again at Kitty Hawk). At this
time it was directed to the testing of the ability of their
machine to meet the requirements of a contract with the United
States Government to furnish a flyer capable of carrying two
men and sufficient fuel supplies for a flight of 25 miles,
with a speed of forty miles an hour.
Meantime, during the two years of suspended experimenting by
the Wrights, other workers in Europe and America had been
approaching their successes, so far as to be competitors for
the important prizes now offered very plainly for winning in
the aviation field. M. Santos-Dumont, turning his attention
from dirigible balloons to aeroplanes, had made, at Paris, the
first public flight on that side of the ocean; and though he
covered no more than 220 yards, it was a long stride in
practical success. Henry Farman, Louis Bleriot, M. Delagrange,
in France, Glenn H. Curtiss and A. M. Herring, in the United
States, were making ready to dispute honors with the Dayton
aviators, of whose actual achievements the public knew little,
as yet.
On all sides there was readiness for surprising and
astonishing the public in 1908. Farman, at Paris, in March,
exceeded a flight of two miles; Delagrange, at Milan, in June,
covered ten miles, and more; Farman, in July, raised his
record to eleven miles, and Delagrange carried his to fifteen
and a half in September. The Wrights had made flights that
ranged from eleven to twenty-four miles in the fall of 1905;
and now, in their renewed trials of 1908, these distances were
more than doubled. Wilbur Wright went abroad, to exhibit their
machine in France and elsewhere, while Orville, in September,
submitted it to official tests at Fort Myer, near Washington.
There, on different days in that month, rounding circuits of
the parade ground, he made time records of continuous flight
that ran from 56 to 74 minutes, travelling estimated distances
that stretched in one instance over fifty-one and a third
miles. These trials at Fort Myer were interrupted sadly by an
accident, from the breaking of a propeller-blade, which caused
the machine to drop to the ground while in flight. Lieutenant
T. E. Selfridge, U. S. A., who rode with Mr. Wright at the
time, was killed, and Mr. Wright suffered a broken leg.
{592}
Wilbur Wright, meantime, was entering on great triumphs in
France. At Le Mans, on the 21st of September, he traversed 68
miles in a continuous flight of a little more than an hour and
a half. This achievement was far surpassed by him on the 18th
of December, when 95 miles were travelled in an hour and
fifty-four minutes, and again, on the 31st of December, when
the stay in the air was prolonged to two hours, nine minutes
and some seconds, and the distance covered was 76½ miles.
These records of the Wrights for time of continuous flight
were beaten by a number of European competitors, as will be
shown below. Otherwise, the records of 1909 show no very
marked advance beyond those of 1908; but the year had
excitements in aviation, connected especially with attempted
flights over the English Channel. Hubert Latham, a recent
French practitioner in aviation, was the first to venture this
leap through the air from France to England. His machine was
described as being an Antoinette monoplane, designed by M.
Levevasseur. He launched it from Calais in the early morning
of July 19, and traversed about six miles of the passage when
his motor failed and he fell to the water, unhurt, and was
rescued by an attendant steamer. Six days after Latham's
failure, on the 25th of July, Louis Bleriot, using another
monoplane machine, made the crossing with brilliant success,
flying from Calais to Dover, 21 miles, in 23 minutes, and
winning the prize of £1000 which the Daily Mail, of London,
had offered for the performance of the feat. M. Latham then
repeated his attempt and was unfortunate again, his motor
giving out after it had carried him within two miles of the
Dover shore.
Orville Wright, at this time, July 27, was demonstrating at
Fort Myer the ability of his aeroplane to carry two persons in
a well-sustained flight. With Lieutenant Frank P. Lahm, of the
Signal Corps, as a passenger, and having President Taft among
his spectators, he made a flight of an hour, twelve minutes
and forty seconds, accomplishing upwards of fifty miles at an
average speed of forty miles an hour. A day or two afterwards
he carried Lieutenant Benjamin D. Foulois over the ten mile
course from Fort Myer to Alexandria at a speed of more than
forty-two miles an hour.
In the last week of August the first race meeting for
heavier-than air flying machines occurred at Rheims, France,
and a dozen aviators from France, England and America competed
for large prizes in long distance and duration flights. A
number of new records was made, and new names acquired note.
Louis Paulhan kept the air for two hours and forty-three
minutes with a Voisin biplane, covering 83 miles. Hubert
Latham surpassed this in distance and speed, making 96 miles
in two hours and eighteen minutes; and this again was beaten
by Henri Farman, who travelled 118 miles, remaining in the air
over three hours. M. Latham used the Antoinette monoplane, and
M. Farman a biplane of his own design. Mr. Glenn H. Curtiss
won the prize for speed, doing 18 miles in twenty-five minutes
and forty-five seconds.
Orville Wright had now gone abroad and his brother had
returned to America. In August and September the former gave
exhibitions at Berlin, breaking some of his own records,
carrying a passenger in his machine for an hour and
thirty-five minutes, on the 18th of September, and rising, on
the 1st of October, to an unexampled height, believed to have
exceeded 1000 feet. This, however, was greatly exceeded in
January, 1910, by Hubert Latham, at Mourmelon, France, who
rose to 3280 feet, and by Louis Paulhan, at Los Angeles,
California, 4165 ft. On the 3d of October the Crown Prince of
Germany was his companion in a short flight.
Meantime Wilbur Wright, in America, had endeavored to supply
one of the spectacles arranged for the Hudson-Fulton
celebration at New York; but the intended programme of
aviation was spoiled by forbidding winds. He did, however,
make one astonishing flight, on the 4th of October, from
Governor’s Island, up the Hudson to Grant’s tomb, and, on his
return, passing over the British battle-ships then lying in
the river. The distance travelled was about twenty miles and
the time of the journey thirty-three minutes and a half.
Unfortunately it was unexpected, and was seen by a small part
only of the millions who had been watching several days for a
flight. On the next day Mr. Wright made the statement that no
more public exhibitions would be given by his brother or
himself. "Hereafter," he said, "we shall devote all our
efforts to the commercial exploitation of our machines, and
fly only as a matter of experiment, to test the value of
whatever changes we decide to make in the construction."
Turning now back to the development of the motor-propelled and
dirigible balloon, we find that field of aeronautics very
nearly monopolized at the beginning of the twentieth century,
so far as the public saw it, by the Brazilian millionaire, A.
Santos-Dumont, who spent his time and his wealth at Paris in
ballooning. The French Government had been authorizing army
experiments in dirigible ballooning since 1884, and a
motor-driven air-ship of that description, designed by Captain
Renard, and named "La France," had made a trip from
Chalais-Meudon to Paris and return in September, 1885, being
the first balloon ever navigated back to its starting point;
but not much in the same line to excite public interest
appears to have been done in the next sixteen years. Then, on
the 19th of October, 1901, a lively stir of interest
everywhere was excited by the exploit of Santos-Dumont, in
navigating his balloon from St. Cloud to and around the Eiffel
Tower and back to the starting point. He had done the same
privately three months before, at a very early morning hour of
July 12, on which occasion he broke his rudder at an early
stage of the journey, descended in the Trocadero Gardens, made
repairs and then went on doing the whole round in an hour and
six minutes, including the stop.
Expectation, however, that controllable navigation of the air,
in average conditions of wind, might really be an approaching
and not very distant fact, cannot be said to have had much
awakening in the world until the performances, in 1908, of
Count Zeppelin’s huge airship, 440 feet in length, called
Zeppelin No. IV., which enclosed numerous envelopes of gas in
a rigid aluminum frame. On the 2d of July, 1908, he drove this
great balloon from Friedrichshafen, on Lake Constance, to
Luzerne, 248 miles, within twelve hours. Starting again from
Friedrichshafen, August 4, intending a 500 mile trip, he made
a lauding at Oppenheim, 260 miles distant, returned thence to
Stuttgart, and finally to Echterdingen, where a hurricane
storm wrecked his airship completely, causing its motor to
explode. Public sympathy with the veteran aeronaut and public
faith in his work were so strong that a fund was raised
promptly by subscription for the building of another of his
costly balloons.
{593}
With this he was ready for new voyages in the spring of 1909,
and started from Friedrichshafen on the 30th of May, carrying
two engineers and a crew of seven, travelled 456 miles to
Bitterfield, where, without landing, he turned back; but
landed later near Goeppingen, receiving a slight injury to the
balloon in landing by contact with a tree. The whole distance
travelled was about 850 miles, in 37 hours. Late in August the
Count accomplished a long desired voyage from his headquarters
on Lake Constance to Berlin; but was forced to land at
Nuremberg for repairs, and again at Bitterfield, disappointing
the great crowds which waited at Berlin, till late at night on
the 29th, with the Emperor, to welcome his arrival. When he
came, the next day, however, the public enthusiasm showed no
cooling. "He was received," says a despatch from Berlin, "with
all the honours which the Court and capital could pay him, and
his triumphal entry into the city this afternoon as the
honoured guest of the Emperor, was not merely a dramatic
success but a national demonstration." And now, from this
glancing survey of achievement thus far in the navigation of
the air, with and without help from the levitation of gas,
what expectations of further achievement can we reasonably
indulge? Here is one answer, from a notably scientific
mind,—that of the late Simon Newcomb, the astronomer:
"It would seem that, at the present time, the public is more
hopeful of the flying-machine than of the dirigible balloon.
The idea that because such a machine has at last been
constructed which will carry a man through the air, there is
no limit to progress, is a natural one. But to judge of
possibilities, we must advert to the distinction already
pointed out between obstacles interposed by nature, which
cannot be surmounted by any invention, and those which we may
hope to overcome by possible mechanical appliances. The
mathematical relations between speed, sustaining power,
strength of material, efficiency of engine, and other elements
of success are fixed and determinate, and cannot be changed
except by new scientific discoveries, quite outside the power
of the inventor to make. That the gravitation of matter can in
any way be annulled seems out of the question. Should any
combination of metals or other substances be discovered of
many times the stiffness and tensile strength of the fabrics
and alloys with which we are now acquainted, then might one
element of success be at our command. But, with the metals
that we actually have, there is a limit to the weight of an
engine with a given driving power, and it may be fairly
assumed that this limit is nearly reached in the motors now in
use. … Owing to the levity of the air, the supporting surface
must have a wide area. We cannot set any exact limit to the
necessary spread of sail, because the higher the speed the
less the spread required. But, as we increase the speed, we
also increase the resistance, and therefore we must have a
more powerful and necessarily heavier motor. … Bearing in mind
that no limit is to be set to the possible discovery of new
laws of nature or new combinations of the chemical elements,
it must be understood that I disclaim any positive prediction
that men will never fly from place to place at will. The claim
I make is that they will not do this until some epoch-making
discovery is made of which we have now no conception, and that
mere invention has nearly reached its limit. It is very
natural to reason that men have done hundreds of things which
formerly seemed impossible, and therefore they may fly. But
for every one thing seemingly impossible that they have
succeeded in doing there are ten which they would like to do
but which no one believes that they can do. No one thinks of
controlling wind or weather, of making the sun shine when we
please, of building a railroad across the Atlantic, of
changing the ocean level to suit the purposes of commerce, of
building bridges of greater extent than engineers tell us is
possible with the strength of the material that we have at
command, or of erecting buildings so high that they would be
crushed by their own weight. Why are we hopeless as to all
these achievements, and yet hopeful that the flying-machine
may be the vehicle of the future, which shall transport us
more rapidly than a railroad train now does? It is simply
because we all have so clear a mental view of the obstacles in
the way of reaching such ends as those just enumerated that we
do not waste time in attempting to surmount them, and we are
hopeful of the flying-machine only because we do not clearly
see that the difficulties are of the same nature as those we
should encounter in erecting a structure which would not be
subject to the laws of mechanics.
"I have said nothing of the possible success of the
flying-machine for the purposes of military reconnaissance or
any other operations requiring the observer to command a wide
view of all that is on the landscape. This is a technical
subject which, how great soever may be its national
importance, does not affect our daily life."
_Simon Newcomb,
The Prospect of Aerial Navigation
(North American Review, March, 1908)._
Here is another, from Thomas A. Edison, the inventor:
"In ten years flying machines will be used to carry mails.
They will carry passengers, too, and they will go at a speed
of 100 miles an hour. There is no doubt of this."
These are the words of Mr. Edison in an interview published in
the _New York Times_, August 1st, 1909. But while he is
sure that the "flying machine has got to come," he is not at
all sure that it will come along the lines pursued in the
present experiments. "The flying problem now consists of 75
per cent. machine and 25 per cent, man," he said, "while to be
commercially successful the flying machine must leave little
to the peculiar skill of the operator and must be able to go
out in all weathers." He continued:
"If I were to build a flying machine I would plan to sustain
it by means of a number of rapidly revolving inclined planes,
the effect of which would be to raise the machine by
compressing the air between the planes and the earth. Such a
machine would rise from the ground as a bird does. Then I
would drive the machine ahead with a propeller."
{594}
Mr. Edison believes it is a question of power. "Is it not
thinkable that a method will be discovered of wirelessly
transmitting electrical energy from the earth to the motor of
the machine in mid-air?" He asked and answered his own
question, saying:—"There is no reason to disbelieve that it
can and will be done." He added, however, that there was great
room for improvement in explosive engines. "Any day we are
likely to read that somebody has made picric acid or something
else work—done some little thing that will transform the
flying machine from a toy into a commercial success." And when
it is perfected, he says, the flying machine may end war by
becoming a means of attack that cannot be resisted.
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
Agriculture: Dry Farming in the West.
For twenty consecutive years, in scores of places from the
James River to the Arkansas, Mr. H. W. Campbell, of Lincoln,
Nebraska, the pioneer "dry farmer" of Arid America, "has been
uniformly successful in producing without irrigation the same
results that are expected with irrigation, with comparatively
little additional expense, but not without a great deal more
watchfulness and labor. What Western people have become
accustomed to calling the ‘Campbell system of dry farming’
consists simply in the exercise of intelligence, care,
patience, and tireless industry. It differs in details from
the ‘good-farming’ methods practised and taught at the various
agricultural experiment stations; but the underlying
principles are the same.
"These principles are two in number. First to keep the surface
of the land under cultivation loose and finely pulverized.
This forms a soil mulch that permits the rains and melting
snows to percolate readily through to the compacted soil
beneath; and that at the same time prevents the moisture
stored in the ground from being brought to the surface by
capillary attraction, to be absorbed by the hot, dry air. The
second is to keep the sub-soil finely pulverized and firmly
compacted, increasing its water-holding capacity and its
capillary attraction and placing it in the best possible
physical condition for the germination of seed and the
development of plant roots. The ‘dry farmer’ thus stores water
not in dams and artificial reservoirs, but right where it can
be reached by the roots of growing crops.
"Through these principles, a rainfall of twelve inches can be
conserved so effectively that it will produce better results
than are usually expected of an annual precipitation of
twenty-four inches in humid America. The discoverer and
demonstrator of these principles deserves to rank among the
greatest of national benefactors."
_John L. Cowan,
Dry Farming the Hope of the West
(Century Magazine, July, 1906)._
"It is difficult for one who is used to the commonplace
methods of tilling the soil which obtained a quarter of a
century ago to believe that a new method has been discovered
which will triple and quadruple the results of the old system
in those parts of the country in which the rainfall is
somewhat restricted. The imagination cannot immediately grasp
the statement that dry farming methods would lift the Kansas
wheat crop from 75,000,000 to 216,000,000 bushels. Yet this is
a fact.
"If the mind of the eastern farmer can grasp this tremendous
fact he will be ready to credit the statement that there are
millions of acres in the western country which were until a
few years ago regarded as utterly worthless, but which are now
cheap at $25 an acre. To the wheat industry alone of the
western country the proved fact of the value of dry farming
means more than any other development fact in the agricultural
history of this country. What is true of increased yields in
dry farming is equally true, and in a larger degree, perhaps,
with respect to irrigation. For years the government has been
warning the country that the increased production of wheat is
not keeping pace with the increased consumption.
"Should this continue it would mean that ere long the United
States would be compelled to draw a part of its wheat supply
from the Canadian Northwest. It would also mean that the
United States would lose the export wheat trade with the
Orient, which is bound to increase rapidly. It is not
generally known that the 400,000,000 people in China are being
educated to the use of wheat and other cereals than rice, and
that, therefore, the demand for wheat will continue to
increase. …
"One of the facts which Mr. Harriman realized far in advance
of any one else and which was an important factor in his
transportation plans was the possibilities of dry farming as
well as irrigation. Before he began to talk much about these
subjects he set about to prepare his system to reap the first
and most substantial part of the results of dry farming and of
irrigation. Other railroad builders are now beginning to
realize that Mr. Harriman is prepared to transport the
products of the West, of the Northwest and the Southwest
between almost any parts of this country, as well as through
many ports from San Francisco to the South Atlantic ports,
including one or two on the western coast of Old Mexico.
Although he and former President Roosevelt were at war in many
respects, it was Mr. Harriman that gave the former President
much of the information he acquired regarding the boundless
resources of the West. By doing so he caused the government to
work even more energetically than it had been working for the
conservation of the nation’s resources."
_Chicago Record-Herald,
July 11, 1909._
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
Anniversary Celebrations.
The eightieth birthday of Dr. Rudolph Virchow, founder of
cellular pathology, was celebrated on the 13th of October,
1901, by a remarkable assemblage of distinguished physicians
and surgeons from many countries, who made pilgrimages to
Berlin to do him honor.
The centenary of the birth of Charles Darwin, and the
semi-centennial year of the publication, in 1859, of his work
on "The Origin of Species," were commemorated in every part of
the world; but the great collective demonstration of honor to
Darwin’s memory, organized by the University of Cambridge, his
_alma mater_, was a tribute of surpassing impressiveness.
As described by the London _Times_, on the opening day of
this extraordinary celebration, June 22, 1909, "the whole
learned world, from Chile to Japan," was joined in the homage
paid. "Some of those who will be present," said _The
Times_, "were his comrades, most of them have been in some
measure his working contemporaries.
{595}
Two hundred and thirty-five universities, academies, and
learned bodies at home and abroad have nominated delegates to
represent them; and of these 107 are situated in foreign
countries and British dominions outside the United Kingdom.
Thirty of the most famous institutions in Germany, thirty in
the United States, fourteen in France, ten in Austria-Hungary,
eight in Italy, as many in Sweden, seven in Russia, and lesser
numbers in seven other foreign countries have honoured the
occasion by naming some of their most distinguished members to
take part in it. The distant seats of learning in the younger
British countries have responded with not less cordiality;
seven in Canada, seven in Australia, five in New Zealand, and
the same number in South Africa have appointed delegates;
India and Ceylon are represented by eight. Within the United
Kingdom 68 universities and societies are lending their
support; and, in addition to the appointed delegates, there
are some 200 invited guests, who include men eminent in every
walk of life. … No such academic tribute as the present
festival has ever been paid to the memory of an individual
within so short a time of his own life."
The commemorative exercises of the occasion were continued
through three days.
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
Astronomy: The Astronomy of the Invisible.
"The discovery of double and multiple stars from the effects
of the gravitational attraction on their luminous components
is known as the ‘Astronomy of the Invisible.’ It was first
suggested by the illustrious Bessel about 1840. … The greatest
extension of the Astronomy of the Invisible has been made by
Professor Campbell, of the Lick Observatory. In the course of
the regular work on the motion of stars in the line of sight,
carried out with a powerful spectroscopic apparatus presented
to the Observatory by Honorable D. O. Mills, of New York, he
has investigated during the past five years the motion of
several hundred of the brighter stars of the northern heavens.
… With such unprecedented telescopic power and a degree of
precision in the spectrograph which can be safely depended
upon, it is not unnatural that some new and striking phenomena
should be disclosed. These consisted of a large number of
spectra with double lines, which undergo a periodic
displacement, showing that the stars in question were in
reality double, made up of two components, moving in opposite
directions,—one approaching, the other receding from the
Earth. There were thus disclosed spectroscopic binary stars,
systems with components so close together that they could not
be separated in any existing telescope, yet known to be real
binary stars by the periodic behaviour of the lines of the
spectra so faithfully registered on different days. …
"Campbell’s work at the Lick Observatory derives increased
importance from its systematic character, which enables us to
draw some general conclusions of the greatest interest. He has
thus far made known the results of his study of the spectra of
two hundred and eighty of the brighter stars of the northern
heavens. Out of this number he finds thirty-one spectroscopic
binaries, or one ninth of the whole number of objects studied.
… It seems certain that a more thorough study will materially
increase the number of spectroscopic binaries; and Professor
Campbell thinks one sixth, or even one fifth, of all the
objects studied may eventually prove to be binary or multiple
systems. Such an extraordinary generalization opens up to our
contemplation an entirely new view of the sidereal universe. …
"If we accept the conclusion that with our finest telescopes,
in the best climates, on the average one star in twenty-five
is visually double, it will follow from Campbell’s work on
some three hundred stars that five times that number are
spectroscopically double. Thus, although over a million stars
have been examined visually, and some five thousand
interesting systems disclosed by powerful telescopes, the
concluded ratio would give us, at last analysis, four million
visual systems among the hundred million objects assumed to
compose the stellar universe. On the other hand, the large
ratio of spectroscopic binaries to the total number of stars
examined by Campbell would lead us to conclude that in the
celestial spaces there exist in reality no less than twenty
million spectroscopic binary stars! Could anything be more
impressive than the view thus opened to the human mind? …
"It may indeed well be that the dark and unseen portion of the
universe is even greater than that which is indicated by our
most powerful telescopes. Half a century ago Bessel remarked:
‘There is no reason to suppose luminosity an essential quality
of cosmical bodies. The visibility of countless stars is no
argument against the invisibility of countless others.’"
_T. J. J. See,
Recent Progress in Astronomy
(Atlantic Monthly, January, 1902)._
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Biological:
Mendel’s Law of Variation in Species.
"Gregor Mendel was Abbot of Brünn in Moravia when Darwin was
at work on the Origin. He does not appear to have had any
unusual interest in the problem of evolution; indeed, his main
concern was with an essentially pre-Darwinian question,—the
nature of plant hybrids. With this problem as an avocation
from his serious clerical duties, the abbot busied himself in
the garden of his cloister; a leisurely, clear-headed,
middle-aged churchman in whom a great scientist was spoiled.
For eight years he experimented with varieties of the common
pea, and in 1865 communicated to the Society of Naturalists in
Brünn the substance of the discovery which is hereafter to be
known as Mendel’s law, ‘the greatest discovery in biology
since Darwin.’ Unfortunately, at that time, the Brünn Society,
like the rest of the world, had other things on its mind. …
Somehow or other, Mendel’s discovery escaped attention until
four years ago [1900], when De Vries reached it independently.
Two years later Mr. Bateson, who had been among the first to
realize its significance, made a translation of the two
original papers. … Since then, Mendel’s Law has been found to
hold for a considerable number of cases, both among animals
and plants, but most unaccountably not to work for a few
others; so that, as yet, no one knows how nearly universal it
may prove to be, nor how it is to be reconciled with the older
Law of Ancestral Heredity of Galton. …
{596}
"One illustration will serve to make clear the practical
workings of Mendel’s principle. If a single rough-coated
guinea-pig of either sex be introduced into a colony of normal
smooth-coated individuals, all its offspring of the first
generation will be rough-coated like itself. In the next
generation, if one of the parents is smooth and the other
rough, the young will be half of one sort and half of the
other, but if both parents are rough, three quarters will take
the ‘dominant’ rough coat. In the next, and all subsequent
generations, one half of these rough-coated individuals which
had one smooth-coated grandparent, and one-third of those
which had two smooth-coated grandparents, which were not
mated, will drop out the 'recessive' smooth-coatedness, and
become, in all respects, like their original rough-coated
progenitor, even to having only rough-coated young, no matter
what their mates may have. Thus Mendel’s law, though by no
means simple, is very precise. The essential part of his great
discovery is that in each generation of plants or animals of
mixed ancestry, a definite proportion lose one half of their
mingled heritage, and revert, in equal numbers, to one or
other of the pure types."
_E. T. Brewster,
Some Recent Aspects of Darwinism
(Atlantic Monthly, April, 1904)._
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
The Carnegie Institution of Washington.
Promotion of Original Research.
The following information relative to the founding, the plan
and the work of the Carnegie Institution of Washington, is
derived from the, authorities of the Institution:
The Institution was founded by Mr. Andrew Carnegie, January
28, 1902, when he gave to a board of trustees $10,000,000 in
registered bonds, yielding 5 per cent annual interest. To this
endowment fund an addition of $2,000,000 was made by Mr.
Carnegie on December 10, 1907. The Institution was originally
organized under the laws of the District of Columbia as the
Carnegie Institution. Subsequently, however, it was
incorporated by an act of Congress, approved April 28, 1904,
under the title of the Carnegie Institution of Washington. The
articles of incorporation declare, in general, "that the
objects of the corporation shall be to encourage in the
broadest and most liberal manner investigation, research, and
discovery, and the application of knowledge to the improvement
of mankind." By the act of incorporation the Institution was
placed under the control of a board of twenty-four trustees,
all of whom had been members of the original board referred to
above.
The President of the Institution is Dr. Robert S. Woodward,
formerly of the faculty of Columbia University. The Chairman
of its Board of Trustees is Dr. John S. Billings, Director of
the New York Public Library. The Board includes such notable
members as William H. Taft, Elihu Root, Seth Low, Andrew D.
White, Dr. S. Weir Mitchell, Henry L. Higginson and President
Henry S. Pritchett.
Since the object of the Institution is the promotion of
investigation "in the broadest and most liberal manner," many
projects in widely different fields of inquiry have been
considered, or are under consideration, by the Executive
Committee. These projects are chiefly of three classes,
namely:
First, large projects or departments of work whose execution
requires continuous research by a corps of investigators
during a series of years. Ten such departments have been
established by the Institution. …
Secondly, minor projects which may be carried out by
individual experts in a limited period of time. Many grants in
aid of this class of projects have been made.
Thirdly, research associates and assistants. Under this head
aid has been given to a considerable number of investigators
possessing exceptional abilities and opportunities for
research work.
An annual appropriation is made for the purpose of publishing
the results of investigations made under the auspices of the
Institution, and for certain works which would not otherwise
be readily printed. Its publications are not distributed
gratis, except to a limited list of the greater libraries of
the world. Other copies are offered for sale at prices only
sufficient to cover the cost of publication and transportation
to purchasers. Lists are furnished on application.
Since its organization in 1902, about one thousand individuals
have been engaged in investigations under the auspices of the
Institution and there are at present nearly five hundred so
engaged. Ten independent departments of research, each with
its staff of investigators and assistants, have been
established. In addition to these larger departments of work,
organized by the Institution itself, numerous special
researches, carried on by individuals, have been subsidized.
Seven laboratories and observatories, for as many different
fields of investigation and in widely separated localities,
have been constructed and equipped. A building in Washington,
D. C., for administrative offices and for storage of records
and publications, is now approaching completion. A specially
designed ship for ocean magnetic work has just been completed
and started on her first voyage.
Mr. George Iles, in his "Inventors at Work," describes and
characterizes the aims and guiding principles of the
Institution as follows: "In its grants for widely varied
purposes the policy of the Institution is clear: only those
inquiries are aided which give promise of fruit, and in every
case the grantee requires to be a man of proved ability, care
being taken not to duplicate work already in hand elsewhere,
or to essay tasks of an industrial character. Experience has
already shown it better to confine research to a few large
projects rather than to aid many minor investigations with
grants comparatively small.
"One branch of work reminds us of Mr. Carnegie’s method in
establishing public libraries—the supplementing of local
public spirit by a generous gift. In many cases a university
or an observatory launches an inquiry which soon broadens out
beyond the range of its own small funds; then it is that aid
from the Carnegie Institution brings to port a ship that
otherwise might remain at sea indefinitely. Let a few typical
examples of this kind be mentioned;—Dudley Observatory,
Albany, New York, and Lick Observatory, California, have
received aid toward their observations and computations;
Yerkes Observatory, Wisconsin, has been helped in measuring
the distance of fixed stars. Among other investigations
promoted have been the study of the rare earths and the
heat-treatment of some high-carbon steels. The adjacent field
of engineering has not been neglected: funds have been granted
for experiments on ship resistance and propulsion, for
determining the value of high pressure steam in locomotive
service.
{597}
In geology an investigation of fundamental principles has been
furthered, as also the specific problem of the flow of rocks
under severe pressure. In his remarkable inquiry into the
economy of foods, Professor W. O. Atwater, of Wesleyan
University, Middletown, Connecticut, has had liberal help. In
the allied science of preventive medicine a grant is advancing
the study of snake venoms and defeating inoculations.
"At a later day the Institution may possibly adopt plans
recommended by eminent advisers of the rank of Professor Simon
Newcomb, who points out that analysis and generalization are
to-day much more needed than further observations of a routine
kind. He has also had a weighty word to say regarding the
desirability of bringing together for mutual attrition and
discussion men in contiguous fields of work, who take the
bearings of a great problem from different, points of view."
_George Iles,
Inventors at Work
Chapter XIX, page 276
Doubleday, Page & Co., New York
https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/48454_
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Electrical:
A New Electric Phenomenon.
Writing recently in the London _Times_, Professor
Silvanus P. Thompson has described a discovery of effects
which "appear to point to a true electric momentum." "To two
men, Professor Nipher, of St. Louis, and Dr. Mathias Cantor,
of Würzburg, the question seems to have occurred whether, if a
flow of electricity is caused abruptly to turn its path round
a sharp corner, anything is observable in the neighbourhood of
the sharp corner, that would suggest a momentum of the
electric corpuscles. Nipher employed as conductor a
sharply-bent splinter of bamboo, carrying a high-tension
discharge from a large influence machine. Cantor used a thin
metallic film of gold or platinum formed by deposition on the
faces of a glass plate bevelled to a sharp edge; the current
being provided by a battery. Nipher, investigating by photographic
plates, discovered that the current passing the sharp
corner emitted radiations akin to the X-rays, and capable of
giving shadow pictures, even through ebonite 3/16 of an inch
thick. He has also used thin metal wires bent into a series of
sharp corners, and finds that at every corner some of the
electrons leave the wire, tending to persevere in their
original direction of movement rather than undergo a sudden
change of direction. Cantor, exploring electrically with a
wire attached to a charged insulated electrometer, found the
electrometer discharged by the emanations (or radiations) from
the acute angle of his conducting film. Later, but without
knowledge of what Nipher had accomplished, Cantor also exposed
a photographic plate to the angle of the film, and found it
marked with streaks as if charged particles had left the angle
in a particular direction. Both experimenters had already made
numerous observations under different circumstances before
publishing their results. Nipher’s discovery was communicated
to the American Philosophical Society in the early summer, and
an account of his work appeared in _Science_ of July 17
last [1909] . Cantor’s observations were announced to the
German ‘Naturforscher’ meeting at Cologne on September 23.
"If," remarks Professor Thompson, "we accept the modern
doctrine that all inertia in what we call matter is due to the
magnetic field surrounding a moving charge of electricity,
this newly-discovered effect takes its natural place beside
the other known effects."
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: TELEGRAPHY:
The Printer System.
The _Electrical Review_ of January 2, 1909, gave the
following account of the extent to which the "printer system"
of telegraphy had then come into use in the United States:
"Over fifty printer circuits are now in regular operation on
the Western Union lines, between leading business centres of
the United States, and additional wires are being equipped as
fast as the printer apparatus can be installed. This is a
system of rapid automatic telegraphy by which telegrams are
transmitted at a high rate of speed and received at their
destination printed on the regular message forms by a
typewriter automatically operated by the electrical impulses
transmitted over the wire. The appearance of the message as
received is identical with a message turned out by the most
expert typewriter operator on Morse circuits. The messages are
ready for delivery as soon as they come off the wire, and the
only attention required by the typewriter as it receives the
messages from the wire is that of removing the blank when the
message is completed and supplying a fresh, sheet to the
machine for the next message."
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Wireless Telegraphy.
Statement from Marconi.
"Up to the commencement of 1902 the only receivers that could
be practically employed for the purposes of wireless
telegraphy were based on what may be called the coherer
principle—that is, the detector, the principle of which is
based on the discoveries and observations made by S. A.
Varley, Professor Hughes, Calsecchi Onesti, and Professor
Branly. Early in that year the author was fortunate enough to
succeed in constructing a practical receiver of electric
waves, based on a principle different from that of the
coherer. … The action of this receiver is in the author’s
opinion based upon the decrease of magnetic hysteresis, which
takes place in iron when under certain conditions this metal
is exposed to high frequency oscillations of Hertzian waves. …
"This detector is and has been successfully employed for both
long and short distance work. It is used on the ships of the
Royal Navy and on all trans-Atlantic liners which are carrying
on a long-distance news service. It has also been used to a
large extent in the tests across the Atlantic Ocean. … The
adoption of this magnetic receiver was the means of bringing
about a great improvement in the practical working conditions
of wireless telegraphy by making it possible to do away with
the troublesome adjustments necessary when using coherers, and
also by considerably increasing the speed at which it is
possible to receive, the speed depending solely on the ability
of the individual operators. Thus a speed of over 30 words a
minute has been easily attained. …
"In the spring of 1903 the transmission of news messages from
America to the London _Times_ was attempted, and the
first messages were correctly received and published in that
newspaper. A breakdown in the insulation of the apparatus at
Cape Breton made it necessary, however, to suspend the
service, and, unfortunately, further accidents made the
transmission of messages unreliable, especially during the
spring and summer.
{598}
In consequence of this, the author’s company decided not to
attempt the transmission of any more public messages until
such time as a reliable and continuous service could be
maintained and guaranteed under all ordinary conditions. … In
October, 1903, it was found possible to supply the Cunard
steamship _Lucania_ during her entire crossing from New
York to Liverpool with news transmitted direct to that ship
from Poldhu and Cape Breton."
_G. Marconi,
Recent Advances in Wireless Telegraphy
(Annual Report Smithsonian Institution, 1905-1906,
pages 137-142)._
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
The Real Problem.
"It is well to remember that the year 1903 is the earliest
date at which radio-telegraphy could be regarded as really
workable, and of material practical utility. Previous to then,
‘wireless ’ working was very uncertain, but in that year tuning
devices were introduced, the principle of which was originally
due to Sir Oliver Lodge; and it is these that have made so much
difference in the application of Hertzian waves for the
purposes of telegraphy. Practical success in radio-telegraphy
should not, in fact, be judged from the point of view of the
distance at which signals can be sent—or received—but rather
from the standpoint of non-interference and secrecy. The
essential element in wireless telegraphy—above all others—is,
indeed, a discriminating or selective method. For the main
purposes of radio-telegraphy, immunity from interference by
syntony is essential. Thus a selective system in time of war
would be invaluable; a non-selective system almost worse than
useless. Syntonic wireless telegraphy entails in the first
place, a similar rate of oscillation, or time—i. e., a similar
wave length—at the sending and receiving ends. Indeed, the
real problem in wireless telegraphy is to arrange the
receiving apparatus so that it is alive to notes of one
definite frequency, or pitch, but deaf to any other notes,
even though of but slightly different pitch. This is effected
by the proper adjustment of inductance and capacity, as first
shown by Sir Oliver Lodge. … It is, however, at present,
impossible to secure really complete secrecy from any method
of open wave radiation. A radio-telegraphist, with the right
apparatus and a knowledge of the tune, could upset any system
of Hertzian wave telegraphy. It should, therefore, be clearly
understood that there are, as yet, definite limits to the
practical results of tuning for securing absolute selectivity
and secrecy."
_Charles Bright,
The Useful Sphere for Radio-Telegraphy
(Westminster Review, April, 1908)._
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
Singular Unexplained Phenomena.
Speaking at Stockholm, Sweden, on the occasion of his
receiving the Nobel Prize, in December, 1909, Mr. Marconi gave
the following account of some unexplained phenomena that are
experienced in the working of radio-telegraphy. He said that
"a result of scientific interest which he first noticed during
the tests on the steamship _Philadelphia_ and which was a
most important factor in long distance radio-telegraphy was
the very marked and detrimental effect of daylight on the
propagation of electric waves at great distances, the range by
night being usually more than double that attainable during
daytime. He did not think that this effect had yet been
satisfactorily investigated or explained. … He was now
inclined to believe that the absorption of electric waves
during the daytime was due to the ionization of the gaseous
molecules of the air effected by ultra-violet light, and as
the ultra-violet rays which emanated from the sun were largely
absorbed in the upper atmosphere of the earth, it was probable
that the portion of the earth’s atmosphere which was facing
the sun would contain more ions or electrons than that portion
which was in darkness, and therefore, as Sir J. J. Thomson had
shown, this illuminated and ionized air would absorb some of
the energy of the electric waves. Apparently the length of
wave and amplitude of the electrical oscillations had much to
do with this interesting phenomenon, long waves and small
amplitudes being subject to the effect of daylight to a much
smaller degree than short waves and large amplitudes. …
"For comparatively short waves, such as were used for ship
communication, clear sunlight and blue skies, though
transparent to light, acted as a kind of fog to these waves. …
It often occurred that a ship failed to communicate with a
near-by station, but could correspond with perfect ease with a
distant one. … Although high power stations were now used for
communicating across the Atlantic, and messages could be sent
by day as well as by night, there still existed short periods
of daily occurrence during which transmission from England to
America, or _vice versa_, was difficult."
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
Transatlantic Service.
"The Transatlantic wireless service was inaugurated in
October, 1907, between Ireland and Canada, the charges being
reduced from 1s. per word for business and private messages
and 5d. per word for Press messages to 5d. and 2½d.
respectively, these charges not including the land line
charges on both sides of the Atlantic. …
"The first wireless messages across the Atlantic were sent
from the Canadian station at Table Head, in Cape Breton, in
1902. This station was afterwards removed to its present site,
five miles inland, and there greatly enlarged. Ever since 1902
Mr. Marconi has been conducting experiments and making new
discoveries and improvements until, at the present day,
wireless telegraphy across the Atlantic, over a distance of
2000 miles, is an assured success. … Press traffic … was
started on October 17, 1907. On February 3, 1908, the service
was extended to private and business telegrams between
Montreal and London. The number of words transmitted during
the past year is in the neighbourhood of 300,000."
_Correspondence of the London Times,
June 25, 1909._
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
Equipments at Sea.
Extent of the Service.
Compulsory Legislation Pending.
"Although an installation was carried on the St. Paul for one
trip in 1899, the credit of being the pioneers in the use of
wireless telegraphy on the ocean belongs to the North-German
Lloyd and Cunard Companies. The first vessel fitted was the
Kaiser Wilhelm der Grosse, and the lead of the Germans was
immediately followed by the English company. Both vessels were
fitted by the Marconi Company, which has the distinction of
being the first company to equip vessels on a commercial
basis. … The Marconi Company alone has up to the present
fitted nearly 200 merchant ships, while the United Wireless
Telegraph Company has fitted nearly 170 ships. …
{599}
"A very large number of vessels engaged in the coasting trade
of America and on the Great Lakes are fitted with wireless
telegraphy; the American list shows that 133 vessels are
equipped, while a statement issued by the United Wireless
Telegraph Company shows 31 other vessels to have been fitted
up to April 2, besides 15 Great Lake steamers either fitted or
in course of equipment. …
"Nearly 500 warships belonging to nine different countries
have been fitted, or are in course of equipment, with
radio-telegraphy. According to the American list the United
States Navy has been foremost among the navies of the world in
the use of ‘wireless.’ On October 1 last 173 United States
warships were fitted with various systems. The Berne lists,
issued up to May 1 last, show Great Britain to have 157
vessels equipped, Germany 80, Netherlands 11, Denmark 9, and
Spain 5.
"In February last the United States House of Representatives
passed a Bill providing that ‘every ocean passenger steamer
certified to carry 50 passengers or more, before being granted
a clearance for a foreign or domestic port 100 miles or more
distant from the port of her departure from the United States,
shall be equipped with an efficient radio-telegraph
installation, and shall have in her employ and on board an
efficient radio-telegrapher.’ … The Bill, it is understood,
will be considered by the Senate in the autumn, and will it is
thought be passed after it has undergone some slight
modification. Following the example of the United States
Congress a Bill has been introduced in the Canadian House of
Commons. … An Italian Royal Decree dated March 14 last
provides that all vessels of whatever nationality clearing
from Italian ports with emigrants shall carry a wireless
installation. So far as this country [Great Britain] is
concerned no legislative action is likely to take place, at
least for the present."
_Correspondence of the London Times,
July 2, 1909._
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
The Cry that brought Help to the Steamship "Republic."
On the 23d of January, 1909, the service of the wireless
telegraph to imperilled ships was illustrated by an incident
which thrilled the world. In a dense fog, off the island of
Nantucket, 26 miles distant, the steamship "Republic," of the
White Star Line, was struck amidships by an Italian liner, the
"Florida." Two passengers on the former were killed and two
were seriously injured, while four sailors of the other were
killed. Both steamers were shattered to the sinking point, but
the state of the "Republic" was the worse. Fortunately she was
equipped with the wireless apparatus for telegraphy, and its
operator, "Jack" Binns, was a man equal to the emergency. His
appealing signals, "C. Q. D." ("Come Quick! Danger"), were
flashed out into all surrounding space, and brought many
responses from sea and shore; but then came the difficulty of
finding the sinking ships in the black fog. The first rescuing
vessel to reach their vicinity was the "Baltic" of the "White
Star Line," and she was helped in her groping to them, not
only by the ceaseless exchange of wireless messages, but by
the sounding of the submarine bell of the Nantucket lightship.
The "Baltic" was fitted with receivers for taking guidance
from these bells, as her Captain described afterwards in a
published account of his search. "On my ship," he said, "there
are two apertures on either side of the bow, which you might
call submarine ears. They are connected by wires with a
telephone receiver on the bridge. By listening at this
telephone and switching the instrument from the starboard
‘ear’ to the port ‘ear’ and back again, you can hear the faint
tones of the lightship’s submarine bell when you get in range
of it. If the tone is louder through the starboard ‘ear’ than
through the port ‘ear,’ you know the lightship is on your
starboard side. If the tone is exactly the same through both
‘ears,’ you know the lightship is dead ahead. This apparatus
helped me greatly."
Nevertheless, the "Baltic’s" search for the "Republic" went on
through twelve hours, like that of "a hound on the scent," as
the Captain described it. Meantime, the passengers of the
"Republic" had been transferred to the "Florida," which seemed
well afloat, and the "Baltic" now took everybody from both,
the total exceeding 1500. The "Republic" was then towed toward
Martha’s Vineyard, but sank a few miles from land, her Captain
remaining until the last minute on board. The conduct of all
connected with the peril and the rescue was fine, and none
more so than that of the sleepless and tireless operator of
the wireless telegraph.
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
Marconi Coast Stations in Great Britain taken over by
the British Government.
The following announcement was made by the British Postmaster
General in the House of Commons on the 30th of September,
1909:
"I am glad to say that arrangements have been completed with
the Marconi Company for the transfer to the Post Office of all
their coast stations for communication with ships, including
all plant, machinery, buildings, land, and leases, &c., and
for the surrender of the rights which they enjoy under their
agreement with the Post Office of August, 1904, for licences
or facilities in respect of coast stations intended for such
communication.
"In addition, the Post Office secures the right of using, free
of royalty, the existing Marconi patents and any future
patents or improvements, for a term of 14 years, for the
following purposes:—Communication for all purposes between
stations in the United Kingdom and ships, and between stations
on the mainland of Great Britain and Ireland on the one hand
and outlying islands on the other hand, or between any two
outlying islands; and (except for the transmission of public
telegrams) between any two stations on the mainland; and on
board Post Office cable ships. The inclusive consideration to
be paid to the company is £15,000.
"The arrangement is in no sense an exclusive one. All the
stations will, under the International Radio-Telegraphic
Convention, be open for communication equally to all ships,
whatever system of wireless telegraphy they may carry; and the
Post Office will be free to use or to experiment with any
system of wireless telegraphy at its discretion. All inland
communication of messages by wireless telegraphy will be
entirely under the control of the Post Office. The company
will retain the licence for their long-distance stations at
Poldhu and Clifden, which are primarily intended for
shore-to-shore communication with America. Arrangements have
also been made with Lloyd’s for the transfer to the Post
Office of their wireless stations for communication with
ships, and for the surrender of all claims to licences for
such communication."
{600}
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
Notes of Recent Progress.
A despatch from Seattle, March 5, 1909, reported that "the
steamship Aki Maru of the Nippon Yusen Kaisha fleet
accomplished her recent passage from Yokohama, Japan, to Puget
Sound, a distance of 4,240 miles, without losing communication
with wireless stations on either the Japanese or American
coasts. The accomplishment was made possible by relaying
messages through other vessels of the company, which were
picked up between the Aki Maru and the coast. The Aki Maru was
able to communicate directly with the Japanese coast stations,
when she was 1,400 miles away."
According to Paris correspondence of the London _Daily
Telegraph_, quoted in the New York _Evening Post_ of
August 21, "wireless messages from New York are now received
or intercepted almost daily by the military station on the
Eiffel Tower. Occasionally radio telegrams have also been
received from Canada, which, it is believed, forms a record in
wireless telegraphy. The communications are at present only of
a desultory nature, but the officer, Commandant Ferie, who is
in charge of the station, hopes to be able soon to organize a
regular service for government, and, perhaps, also for
commercial, purposes. The new apparatus which is now being set
up in the underground office on the Champ de Mars will be more
powerful than any preceding ones, and will be ready probably
by the end of next month. Wireless messages will then be
exchanged regularly between Paris and the eastern coast of the
United States, and perhaps also with Canada."
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
Electro-Chemistry: The Study of the Infinitely Little.
"A new branch of physical chemistry has lately been developed
from the study of the infinitely little which promises to be
the most important science of the future; for it deals most
intimately with the problems of life. This subject is called
electro-chemistry. It is based upon the effect of electricity
in revealing the important reactions and motions of the
smallest particles of matter. The literature of this subject
in current periodicals already exceeds that of any other
department of physical science. Until a comparatively late
day, heat and light were considered the principal agents which
chemists employed to study the reactions of matter. In the new
subject of electro-chemistry, electricity occupies the first
place, as a destroyer and a readjuster; and heat and light are
merely subordinate parts of its manifestations, differing from
it only in length of waves in the ether. The to-and-fro
motion, which is our incontestable fact, is an electrical
vibration. When we consider the investigations in
electro-chemistry, we perceive that the most important actions
of electricity are not those we are conscious of in their
great practical applications; it is rather in subtle and
silent effects that it works its greatest changes on life and
matter."
_John Trowbridge,
The Study of the Infinitely Small
(Atlantic Monthly, May, 1902)._
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
Entomological Study: What we Owe to it?
Practical Affairs.
"The insect friends and enemies of the farmer are getting
attention. The enemy of the San José scale was found near the
Great Wall of China, and is now cleaning up all our orchards.
The fig-fertilizing insect imported from Turkey has helped to
establish an industry in California that amounts to from fifty
to one hundred tons of dried figs annually, and is extending
over the Pacific coast. A parasitic fly from South Africa is
keeping in subjection the black scale, the worst pest of the
orange and lemon industry in California."
_Message of President Roosevelt to Congress, 1904._
"The business man, always on the outlook for a dividend, has
sometimes complained that some of our inquiries do not seem to
him practical, but he must have patience and faith. A few
years ago no knowledge could seem so useless to the practical
man, no research more futile than that which sought to
distinguish between one species of a gnat or tick and another;
yet to-day we know that this knowledge has rendered it
possible to open up Africa and to cut the Panama canal."
_A. E. Shipley,
on Research in Zoology, at Meeting of
British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1909._
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
Esperanto.
Dr. Zamenhof, a Russian physician, inventor of the proposed
international language called Esperanto, published his first
pamphlet on the subject in 1887; but it was not until ten
years later that the prospect of its extensive use as such
began to be realized. "It was well received, first in Russia,
then in Norway and Sweden. Then it was taken up in France, by
M. de Beaufront. The latter had himself invented an artificial
language, but gave it up as soon as he became acquainted with
the admirable work of his Russian competitor. He is the man
who forced the world at large to stop and seriously consider
Esperanto as the solution of the great problem proposed by men
like Roger Bacon, Descartes, Pascal, Leibnitz, Locke,
Condillac, Voltaire, Diderot, and so many others. From France
it went to Germany, Austria, Switzerland, Italy, and finally
to England, where thirty societies of Esperantists were
created within a little over a year. …
"The general principle upon which Dr. Zamenhof has worked is
this: to eliminate all that is accidental in our national
languages, and to keep what is common to all. In consequence,
and strictly speaking, he invents nothing; he builds entirely
with material that has been in existence for a long time.
Here, then, is the way in which he proceeds regarding the
various elements that are necessary to the formation of a
language.
"_The Sounds_.
Sounds that are peculiar to one language are eliminated. The
English _th_ and _w_ are not found in French or
German, therefore they are dropped. On the other hand, the
French _u_, the German _ü_, and the French nasals do
not exist in English; they too are dropped. The Spanish
_ñ_ and _j_, and the German _ch_, have the same
fate. Thus, only sounds which are found everywhere are kept,
and no one will have any difficulty about pronunciation, no
matter to what country he belongs. Spelling is of course
phonetic: one and the same sound for one letter. There are no
mute letters, as in French; neither are there double letters.
…
{601}
"_The Accent_ is always on the penultimate syllable.
Esperanto reminds one of Italian, when spoken, and has proved
extremely melodious for singing.
"_The Vocabulary._ The principle of internationalism is
applied here in a most ingenious fashion. Dr. Zamenhof
proceeded thus: he compared the dictionaries of the different
languages, and picked out first those words which are common
to them all. He spelled them according to the phonetic system,
dropped the special endings in each idiom, and adopted them as
root-words in his proposed language. … Then he picked out
those which appear in most languages, although not in all. …
For the remaining words,—and there are comparatively few
left,—which are never the same in the different languages, Dr.
Zamenhof selected them in such a manner as to make the task of
acquiring Esperanto equally difficult or equally easy for all
concerned."
_A. Schinz,
Esperanto: the Proposed Universal Language
(Atlantic Monthly, January, 1906)._
The sixth international Congress of teachers and promoters of
Esperanto is appointed to be held at Washington in 1910. An
influential Esperanto Association has been organized in the
United States, under the presidency of Dr. D. O. S. Lowell, of
the Boston Latin School.
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
Eugenics: The Science and Art of being Well-born.
"We know that the old rule, ‘Increase and multiply,’ meant a
vast amount of infant mortality, of starvation, of chronic
disease, of widespread misery. In abandoning that rule, as we
have been forced to do, are we not now left free to seek that
our children, though few, should be at all events fit, the
finest, alike in physical and psychical constitution, that the
world has seen?
"Thus has come about the recent expansion of that conception
of _eugenics_—or the science and art of being well-born,
and of breeding the human race a step nearer towards
perfection—which a few among us, and more especially Mr.
Francis Galton, have been developing for some years past.
Eugenics is beginning to be felt to possess a living actuality
which it was not felt to possess before. Instead of being a
benevolent scientific fad, it begins to present itself as the
goal to which we are inevitably moving. … Human eugenics need
not be, and is not likely to be, a cold-blooded selection of
partners by some outside scientific authority. But it may be,
and is very likely to be, a slowly growing conviction—first
among the more intelligent members of the community, and then
by imitation and fashion among the less intelligent
members—that our children, the future race, the torch-bearers
of civilisation for succeeding ages, are not the mere result
of chance or Providence, but that, in a very real sense, it is
within our grasp to mould them, that the salvation or
damnation of many future generations lies in our hands, since
it depends on our wise and sane choice of a mate. …
"Eventually, it seems evident, a general system, whether
private or public, whereby all personal facts, biological and
mental, normal and morbid, are duly and systematically
registered, must become inevitable if we are to have a real
guide as to those persons who are most fit or least fit to
carry on the race. Unless they are full and frank, such
records are useless. But it is obvious that for a long time to
come such a system of registration must be private. … Through
the munificence of Mr. Galton and the co-operation of the
University of London the beginning of the attainment of these
eugenic ideals has at length been rendered possible. The
senate of the University has this year appointed Mr. Edgar
Schuster, of New College, Oxford, to the Francis Galton
Research Scholarship in Natural Eugenics. It will be Mr.
Schuster’s duty to carry out investigations into the history
of classes and of families, and to deliver lectures and
publish memoirs on the subject of his investigations. It is a
beginning only, but the end no man can foresee."
_Havelock Ellis,
Eugenics and St. Valentine
(Nineteenth Century, May, 1906)._
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
The Gasoline Engine.
Writing in 1905, in an article entitled "The Age of Gasoline,"
contributed to the _American Review of Reviews_, Mr. F.
K. Grain, M. E., gave this brief account of the rapid
development of its use as a producer of power, threatening to
supersede coal: "About fifteen years ago we first began to
hear much of the gasoline engine, which was then in a very
crude state. Its possibilities, however, were so attractive,
and the field for its use so large,—practically
unlimited,—that inventors and manufacturers at once bent their
energies to its development, with the result that the gasoline
engine has reached a degree of perfection in the past few years
that is surprising in view of the fact that the designers were
working out a new problem in a practically unknown field, and
consequently had no data, theoretical or practical, of any value
to assist. … As a motive power, utilized by means of the
internal-combustion engine, gasoline is at this time
revolutionizing travel, through the automobile. The
automobile, in turn, has been the means of adapting gasoline
to propulsion of railway trains, as this form of power is
found especially useful on short lines where the traffic is
light. Several railroads are now building gasoline motor cars
of considerable size. …
"The gasoline engine as now made is an adaptation of the steam
engine, employing the gas produced by gasoline as a means of
energy. Contrary to the general understanding, the gas or
gasoline engine is but a high-pressure caloric motor. The
power in the gasoline motor is derived by igniting the gas
produced in the cylinder, which in turn by its heat expands,
the atmosphere imparting energy to the piston by its
expansion. A common error is the supposition that the
explosion of the gas produces the power, the same as a blow
from a hammer, whereas it is the heat generated by the
ignition of the compressed gases acting expansively."
One of the speakers at a Congress of Applied Chemistry held in
London in May, 1909, said that it seemed almost certain that
for most purposes on land the internal combustion engine would
before long replace the steam engine, at any rate for moderate
powers; for whereas the best types of the latter furnish only
about 12 per cent, of the energy of the fuel in the form of
work, the former can ordinarily be made to yield 25 per cent.,
and in the case of the Diesel engine the return is as much as
37 per cent.
{602}
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Interferometer, The:
Principle of the Invention of Professor Michelson for
Infinitesimal Measurements.
Suggestion of an Unvarying Unit of Measurement.
"In the measurement of length or motion a most refined
instrument is the interferometer, devised by Professor A. A.
Michelson, of the University of Chicago. It enables an
observer to detect a movement through one five-millionth of an
inch. The principle involved is illustrated in a simple
experiment. If by dropping a pebble at each of two centres,
say a yard apart, in a still pond, we send out two systems of
waves, each system will ripple out in a series of concentric
circles. If, when the waves meet, the crests from one set of
waves coincide with the depressions from the other set, the
water in that particular spot becomes smooth because one set
of waves destroys the other. In this case we may say that the
waves interfere. If, on the other hand, the crests of waves
from two sources should coincide, they would rise to twice
their original height. Light-waves sent out in a similar mode
from two points may in like manner either interfere, and
produce darkness, or unite to produce light of double
brilliancy. These alternate dark and bright bands are called
interference fringes. When one of the two sources of light is
moved through a very small space, the interference fringes at
a distance move through a space so much larger as to be easily
observed and measured, enabling an observer to compute the
short path through which a light-source has moved. … Many
diverse applications of the interferometer have been
developed, as, for example, in thermometry. The warmth of a
hand held near a pencil of light is enough to cause a wavering
of the fringes. A lighted match shows contortions. … When the
air is heated its density and refractive power diminish: it
follows that if this experiment is tried under conditions
which show a regular and measurable displacement of the
fringes, their movement will indicate the temperature of the
air. This method has been applied to ascertain very high
temperatures, such as those of the blast furnace. Most metals
expand one or two parts in 100,000 for a rise in temperature
of one degree centigrade. When a small specimen is examined
the whole change to be measured may be only about 1/10000
inch, a space requiring a good microscope to perceive, but
readily measured by an interferometer. It means a displacement
amounting to several fringes, and this may be measured to
within of a fringe or less; so that the whole displacement may
be measured to within a fraction of one per cent. Of course,
with long bars the accuracy attainable is much greater.
"The interferometer has much refined the indications of the
balance. In a noteworthy experiment Professor Michelson found
the amount of attraction which a sphere of lead exerted on a
small sphere hung on an arm of a delicate balance. The amount
of this attraction when two such spheres touch is proportional
to the diameter of the large sphere, which in this case was
about eight inches. The attraction on the small ball on the
end of the balance was thus the same fraction of its weight as
the diameter of the large ball was of the diameter of the
earth,—something like one twenty-millionth. So the force to be
measured was one twenty-millionth of the weight of this small
ball. In the interferometer the approach of the small ball to
the large one produced a displacement of seven whole fringes."
_George Iles,
Inventors at Work,
pages 214-218 (Doubleday, Page & Co., New York)._
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
International Congresses of Science.
The most notable of the gatherings at St. Louis in 1904,
connected with the Louisiana Purchase Exposition, was the
Congress of Arts and Science.
See (in this Volume)
ST. LOUIS: A. D. 1904.
Hardly less important from some points of view was the meeting
of the First Pan-American Scientific Congress, at Santiago,
Chile, beginning on the 25th of December, 1908. It had been
preceded by three scientific congresses of the Latin-American
states, at Buenos Aires in 1898, at Montevideo in 1901, and at
Rio de Janeiro in 1905. The Pan-American comprehensiveness was
given to a fourth one by an official invitation from the
Chilean Government to the Government of the United States to
send delegates to the meeting, and a further invitation from
the Chilean Committee of Organization to fifteen of the
prominent universities of the United States to do the same.
The response to the invitation was cordial, and both of the
American continents were well represented at the Congress. The
programme of topics for discussion included a number of
historically and politically scientific questions of specially
American interest, such, for example, as the following:
"An explanation of the reasons why the colonies of English
America were able to unite into a single state after they had
attained their independence, while those of Spanish America
never succeeded in establishing a permanent union.
"The extent to which America has come to possess a
civilization, as well as interests and problems, different
from those of Europe.
"Given the special circumstances of the states of the New
World, would it be feasible to create an American
international law? and if so, upon what bases should it rest,
and how should it be composed?"
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: The Moving Picture Show.
The Millions entertained by it in the United States.
In 1908, in the United States, "the moving-picture show drew
an attendance of 4,000,000 daily, a total attendance of more
than a billion; or an average of one visit a month to this
form of amusement for every man, woman, and child in the whole
country. Already this infant industry has developed to a point
where $50,000,000 is invested in it, and 7,000 moving-picture
houses are scattered over the country. Of the larger cities,
Chicago has at present 313 moving-picture shows, and probably
will have 500 before the end of the present year. New York has
300, St. Louis 205, Philadelphia 186, San Francisco 131,
Pittsburgh 90, and Boston 31. Hundreds of smaller cities and
towns have from one to a dozen, and the craze has extended to
Mexico, Central and South America, and the Panama Canal Zone.
Nearly 1,000,000 feet, or 190 miles, of films are shown every
day in the United States. … Making of these films is in itself
an enormous business. The organization which controls them not
only has agents photographing scenes in every part of the
world, but maintains theatres and out-of-door establishments,
where complete plays and all sorts of other activities are
presented before the camera."
_New York Evening Post._
{603}
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Opsonins:
A remarkable new Discovery in Biology.
Discovery of the functions of the white corpuscles found in
the blood of animals was begun, it is said, by Dr. Augustus
Waller, in 1843, and continued in much later years by
Professor Metchnikoff, who was associated with the work of
Pasteur. The latter determined the surprising and extremely
important fact that the white corpuscles or cells are
essentially minute living creatures, which serve the larger
creature they inhabit as a sanitary guard, defending it
against the invasion of microbes that are hostile to its
health. They pursue and devour these malignant invaders;
whence the name that has been given to them, of "phagocytes,"
or "eating cells."
"When we study the process familiarly known as ‘inflammation,’
we find the most perfect illustration at once of the duties of
the white blood-cells and of the new phase and meaning of a
common occurrence which are revealed by research.
‘Inflammation’ is a process which follows upon a large variety
of injuries, and which marks the onset and course of many
diseases, from a scratch on the finger to an inflammation of
the lungs. … Given a simple scratch and the phagocytes
stimulated by the injury to the tissues will come hurrying to
the scene of the accident like ambulance men, eager to assist
in the removal of any deleterious matter, and to give their
aid in the healing process and in the formation of the new
tissue, the production of which will complete the cure. But
given a scratch that inoculates the finger with ‘dirt,’ which
is only another name for microbes, and the nature of
inflammation becomes clearer to us. In a few hours the finger
will begin to feel painful; its temperature will rise; it will
appear red and ‘inflamed,’ and it will exhibit swelling. Later
on, if we puncture the swelling, we shall find a yellow fluid,
which we name ‘pus,’ or ‘matter,’ escaping from the puncture.
Now to what are the symptoms of inflammation due? The plain
answer is, that they represent the results of a great
migration of phagocytes from the blood-vessels, destined to
attack, and if possible remove, the infective particles which
threaten to do us injury. The inflammation, in this view, is
the evidence of a battle being fought in our favour, and often
with very long odds against us. If our phagocytes gain a
complete victory, we escape the suppuration which we saw to
result in the shape of the ‘festering’ finger. If, on the
other hand, they sustain defeat, they will fight on, leaving
their dead behind. It is the dead white blood-cells, which
have fallen in the fray, which constitute the ‘pus’ or
‘matter’ we find in wounds. … These dead cells, like the
corpses of soldiers who fall in battle, later become hurtful
to the organism they in their lifetime were anxious to protect
from harm, for they are fertile sources of septicaemia and
pyaemia (blood-poisoning)—the pestilence and scourge so much
dreaded by operative surgeons.
"Such is the story which forms the natural prologue to the
history of ‘Opsonins.’ For many a day after the publication of
Metchnikoff’s discoveries regarding the germ-killing power of
the phagocytes, it was held that these living cells alone
accomplished the duty of disposing of troublesome invaders.
Later on, other opinions were advanced to the effect that
while the phagocytes did undoubtedly accomplish their work in
the direction indicated, they demanded aid to that end from an
outside source. This source was indicated and represented by
the plasma or blood-fluid itself. The fluid part of the blood
had long been known to possess germ-killing properties, but
the extent of its powers in this direction had not been duly
determined, nor had the important point been settled whether
the plasma as a whole or only part thereof aided the white
blood-cells in their forays on microbes. … Researches made
prior to the year 1903 gave cause for the belief in the
importance of the blood-plasma in whole or in part, but it was
in the year just named that very important investigations were
undertaken with the view to determining the exact status of
the blood-fluid in work of bactericidal kind. Drs. Wright and
Douglas of St. Mary’s Hospital, London, undertook a piece of
research conducted on lines somewhat different from those on
which previous work of this nature had been carried on. They
proceeded first of all by the aid of delicate processes to
separate the blood-corpuscles from the blood-fluid. The white
blood-cells were thus kept in a medium or fluid of neutral
kind, while the blood-fluid itself on the other hand was
obtained free from its corpuscles. Next in order an emulsion
of certain microbes capable of producing disease was made in a
solution of salt. When the phagocytes, alive, of course, in
their neutral fluid, were allowed access to the germs they did
not attack them. It was as if two contending armies had been
brought face to face, waiting to attack, but restrained by
some negotiations proceeding between the commanders. The case
was at once altered, and the battle began, when the
experimenters brought the separated blood-fluid into the
field. Added to the germs and to the phagocytes these
elements, which had been ‘spoiling for a fight,’ joined issue,
and the white blood-cells performed their normal work of
microbe-baiting. There was but one inference to be drawn from
these facts. Clearly, the addition of the blood-fluid supplied
some condition or other, necessary for the development of the
fighting powers of the cells. … Our investigators are of the
opinion that the real source of the power possessed by the
blood-fluid or ‘plasma’ is to be sought and found in
substances contained therein and called ‘Opsonins.’ We can now
appreciate the meaning of this term. It is derived from the
classic verb for catering, for preparing food or for providing
food. The view taken of opsonic action justifies the use of
the word, for it is believed that these substances perform
their share of the germ-destroying work, not by urging on or
stimulating the phagocytes to the attack, but, on the
contrary, by acting on the microbes, by weakening their powers
of resistance and by rendering them the easy prey of the white
blood-cells. The ‘Opsonins’ are carried by the blood-stream
everywhere, and it is when they come in contact with any
microbe-colonies in the body that they exert their specific
action on the germs. … The idea that the more active our white
blood-cells are, and the more extensive and complete their
work, the greater the amount of ‘Opsonins’ present, is one
which seems to be founded on a rational basis. This view
regards these substances as the real cause of phagocytic
activity. That ‘Opsonins’ furthermore appear to possess
definite degrees of power seems proved by the observation that
a person’s blood may contain sufficient to deal with one
disease in the way of stimulating the phagocytes to work,
while the same quantity would not equal half that required to
effect a satisfactory attack on another and different disease.
What has been called the ‘opsonic index ’ of a person is the
standard, if so we may call it, or measure of his germ-killing
power, in so far as the amount of ‘Opsonins’ contained in his
blood is concerned. By a technical procedure and calculation
the experimenter can compute the opsonic power of a given
specimen of blood."
_Andrew Wilson,
About Opsonins
(Cornhill, January, 1907)._
{604}
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Medical.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH.
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Physical:
The New Conceptions of Electricity, Matter and Ether.
Statement by Madame Curie.
Sir Joseph Thomson’s Address to the British Association
at Winnipeg.
Sir Oliver Lodge on the Ether of Space.
"One point which appears to-day to be definitely settled is a
view of atomic structure of electricity, which goes to confirm
and complete the idea that we have long held regarding the
atomic structure of matter, which constitutes the basis of
chemical theories. At the same time that the existence of
electric atoms, indivisible by our present means of research,
appears to be established with certainty, the important
properties of these atoms are also shown. The atoms of
negative electricity which we call electrons, are found to
exist in a free state, independent of all material atoms, and
not having any properties in common with them. In this state
they possess certain dimensions in space, and are endowed with
a certain inertia, which has suggested the idea of attributing
to them a corresponding mass.
"Experiments have shown that their dimensions are very small
compared with those of material molecules, and that their mass
is only a small fraction, not exceeding one one-thousandth of
the mass of an atom of hydrogen. They show also that if these
atoms can exist isolated, they may also exist in all ordinary
matter, and may be in certain cases emitted by a substance
such as a metal without its properties being changed in a
manner appreciable by us.
"If, then, we consider the electrons as a form of matter, we
are led to put the division of them beyond atoms and to admit
the existence of a kind of extremely small particles able to
enter into the composition of atoms, but not necessarily by
their departure involving atomatic destruction. Looking at it
in this light, we are led to consider every atom as a
complicated structure, and this supposition is rendered
probable by the complexity of the emission spectra which
characterize the different atoms. We have thus a conception
sufficiently exact of the atoms of negative electricity.
"It is not the same for positive electricity, for a great
dissimilarity appears to exist between the two electricities.
Positive electricity appears always to be found in connection
with material atoms, and we have no reason, thus far, to
believe that they can be separated. Our knowledge relative to
matter is also increased by an important fact. A new property
of matter has been discovered which has received the name of
radioactivity. Radioactivity is the property which the atoms
of certain substances possess of shooting off particles, some
of which have a mass comparable to that of the atoms
themselves, while the others are the electrons. This property,
which uranium and thorium possess in a slight degree, has led
to the discovery of a new chemical element, radium, whose
radioactivity is very great. Among the particles expelled by
radium are some which are ejected with great velocity, and
their expulsion is accompanied with a considerable evolution
of heat. A radioactive body constitutes, then, a source of
energy.
"According to the theory which best accounts for the phenomena
of radioactivity, a certain proportion of the atoms of a
radioactive body is transformed in a given time, with the
production of atoms of less atomic weight, and in some cases
with the expulsion of electrons. This is a theory of the
transmutation of elements, but differs from the dreams of the
alchemists in that we declare ourselves, for the present at
least, unable to induce or influence the transmutation.
Certain facts go to show that radioactivity appertains in a
slight degree to all kinds of matter. It may be, therefore,
that matter is far from being as unchangeable or inert as it
was formerly thought; and is, on the contrary, in continual
transformation, although this transformation escapes our
notice by its relative slowness."
_Madame Curie,
Modern Theories of Electricity and Matter
(Annual Report, Smithsonian Institution, 1905-1906,
pages 103-104)._
A remarkable summary of recent advances in physical science,
by Sir Joseph Thomson, in his presidential address at the
opening (August 25, 1909) of the seventy-ninth annual meeting
of the British Association for the Advancement of Science,
held at Winnipeg, Canada, contains what is, without doubt, the
most successful of endeavors to give some understanding of the
new conceptions of matter, ether and electricity, with which
scientists are now working, to minds that have not been
scientifically trained. Sir Joseph treats the subject at more
length than can be given to it here, but abridgment seems
possible without robbing it of the more important parts of its
rich content of information:
"The period which has elapsed since the Association last met
in Canada [1897] has been," said the President, "one of almost
unparalleled activity in many branches of physics, and many
new and unsuspected properties of matter and electricity have
been discovered. The history of this period affords a
remarkable illustration of the effect which may be produced by
a single discovery; for it is, I think, to the discovery of
the Röntgen rays that we owe the rapidity of the progress
which has recently been made in physics. A striking discovery
like that of the Röntgen rays acts much like the discovery of
gold in a sparsely populated country; it attracts workers who
come in the first place for the gold, but who may find that
the country has other products, other charms, perhaps even
more valuable than the gold itself. The country in which the
gold was discovered in the case of the Röntgen rays was the
department of physics dealing with the discharge of
electricity through gases, a subject which, almost from the
beginning of electrical science, had attracted a few
enthusiastic workers, who felt convinced that the key to
unlock the secret of electricity was to be found in a vacuum
tube.
{605}
Röntgen, in 1895, showed that when electricity passed through
such a tube the tube emitted rays which could pass through
bodies opaque to ordinary light; which could, for example,
pass through the flesh of the body and throw a shadow of the
bones on a suitable screen. … It is not, however, to the power
of probing dark places, important though this is, that the
influence of Röntgen rays on the progress of science has
mainly been due; it is rather because these rays make gases,
and, indeed, solids and liquids, through which they pass,
conductors of electricity. … The study of gases exposed to
Röntgen rays has revealed in such gases the presence of
particles charged with electricity; some of these particles
are charged with positive, others with negative, electricity.
The properties of these particles have been investigated; we
know the charge they carry, the speed with which they move
under an electric force, the rate at which the oppositely
charged ones recombine, and these investigations have thrown a
new light, not only on electricity, but also on the structure
of matter. We know from these investigations that electricity,
like matter, is molecular in structure, that just as a
quantity of hydrogen is a collection of an immense number of
small particles called molecules, so a charge of electricity
is made up of a great number of small charges, each of a
perfectly definite and known amount. … Nay, further, the
molecular theory of matter is indebted to the molecular theory
of electricity for the most accurate determination of its
fundamental quantity, the number of molecules in any given
quantity of an elementary substance.
"The great advantage of the electrical methods for the study
of the properties of matter is due to the fact that whenever a
particle is electrified it is very easily identified, whereas
an uncharged molecule is most elusive; and it is only when
these are present in immense numbers that we are able to
detect them. …
"We have already made considerable progress in the task of
discovering what the structure of electricity is. We have
known for some time that of one kind of electricity—the
negative—and a very interesting one it is. We know that
negative electricity is made up of units all of which are of
the same kind; that these units are exceedingly small compared
with even the smallest atom. … The size of these corpuscles is
on an altogether different scale from that of atoms; the
Volume of a corpuscle bears to that of the atom about the same
relation as that of a speck of dust to the Volume of this
room. Under suitable conditions they move at enormous speeds,
which approach in some instances the velocity of light. The
discovery of these corpuscles is an interesting example of the
way Nature responds to the demands made upon her by
mathematicians. Some years before the discovery of corpuscles
it had been shown by a mathematical investigation that the
mass of a body must be increased by a charge of electricity.
This increase, however, is greater for small bodies than for
large ones, and even bodies as small as atoms are hopelessly
too large to show any appreciable effect; thus the result
seemed entirely academic. After a time corpuscles were
discovered, and these are so much smaller than the atom that
the increase in mass due to the charge becomes not merely
appreciable, but so great that, as the experiments of Kaufmann
and Bucherer have shown, the whole of the mass of the
corpuscle arises from its charge.
"We know a great deal about negative electricity; what do we
know about positive electricity? Is positive electricity
molecular in structure? Is it made up into units, each unit
carrying a charge equal in magnitude though opposite in sign
to that carried by a corpuscle? … The investigations made on
the unit of positive electricity show that it is of quite a
different kind from the unit of negative; the mass of the
negative unit is exceedingly small compared with any atom; the
only positive units that up to the present have been detected
are quite comparable in mass with the mass of an atom of
hydrogen; in fact they seem equal to it. This makes it more
difficult to be certain that the unit of positive electricity
has been isolated, for we have to be on our guard against its
being a much smaller body attached to the hydrogen atoms which
happen to be present in the vessel. … At present the smallest
positive electrified particles of which we have direct
experimental evidence have masses comparable with that of an
atom of hydrogen.
"A knowledge of the mass and size of the two units of
electricity, the positive and the negative, would give us the
material for constructing what may be called a molecular
theory of electricity, and would be a starting point for a
theory of the structure of matter; for the most natural view
to take, as a provisional hypothesis, is that matter is just a
collection of positive and negative units of electricity, and
that the forces which hold atoms and molecules together, the
properties which differentiate one kind of matter from
another, all have their origin in the electrical forces
exerted by positive and negative units of electricity, grouped
together in different ways in the atoms of the different
elements. As it would seem that the units of positive and
negative electricity are of very different sizes, we must
regard matter as a mixture containing systems of very
different types, one type corresponding to the small
corpuscle, the other to the large positive unit. Since the
energy associated with a given charge is greater the smaller
the body on which the charge is concentrated, the energy
stored up in the negative corpuscles will be far greater than
that stored up by the positive. The amount of energy which is
stored up in ordinary matter in the form of the electrostatic
potential energy of its corpuscles is, I think, not generally
realized. … This energy is fortunately kept fast bound by the
corpuscles; if at any time an appreciable fraction were to get
free the earth would explode and become a gaseous nebula. The
matter of which I have been speaking so far is the material
which builds up the earth, the sun, and the stars, the matter
studied by the chemist, and which he can represent by a
formula; this matter occupies, however, but an insignificant
fraction of the universe; it forms but minute islands in the
great ocean of the ether, the substance with which the whole
universe is filled.
{606}
"The ether is not a fantastic creation of the speculative
philosopher; it is as essential to us as the air we breathe.
For we must remember that we on this earth are not living on
our own resources; we are dependent from minute to minute upon
what we are getting from the sun, and the gifts of the sun are
conveyed to us by the ether. It is to the sun that we owe not
merely night and day, springtime and harvest, but it is the
energy of the sun, stored up in coal, in waterfalls, in food,
that practically does all the work of the world. … On the
electro-magnetic theory of light, now universally accepted,
the energy streaming to the earth travels through the ether in
electric waves; thus practically the whole of the energy at
our disposal has at one time or another been electrical
energy. The ether must, then, be the seat of electrical and
magnetic forces. We know, thanks to the genius of Clerk
Maxwell, the founder and inspirer of modern electrical theory,
the equations which express the relation between these forces,
and although for some purposes these are all we require, yet
they do not tell us very much about the nature of the ether.
"Let us consider some of the facts known about the ether. When
light falls on a body and is absorbed by it, the body is
pushed forward in the direction in which the light is
travelling, and if the body is free to move it is set in
motion by the light. Now it is a fundamental principle of
dynamics that when a body is set moving in a certain
direction, or, to use the language of dynamics, acquires
momentum in that direction, some other mass must lose the same
amount of momentum; in other words, the amount of momentum in
the universe is constant. Thus, when the body is pushed
forward by the light, some other system must have lost the
momentum the body acquires, and the only other system
available is the wave of light falling on the body; hence we
conclude that there must have been momentum in the wave in the
direction in which it is travelling. Momentum, however,
implies mass in motion. We conclude, then, that in the ether
through which the wave is moving there is mass moving with the
velocity of light. The experiments made on the pressure due to
light enable us to calculate this mass. …
"The place where the density of the ether carried along by an
electric field rises to its highest value is close to a
corpuscle, for round the corpuscles are by far the strongest
electric fields of which we have any knowledge. We know the
mass of the corpuscle, we know from Kaufmann’s experiments
that this arises entirely from the electric charge, and is
therefore due to the ether carried along with the corpuscle by
the lines of force attached to it. … Around the corpuscle
ether must have an extravagant density; whether the density is
as great as this in other places depends upon whether the
ether is compressible or not. If it is compressible, then it
may be condensed round the corpuscles, and there have an
abnormally great density; if it is not compressible, then the
density in free space cannot be less than the number I have
just mentioned. With respect to this point we must remember
that the forces acting on the ether close to the corpuscle are
prodigious. … I do not know at present of any effect which
would enable us to determine whether ether is compressible or
not. And although at first sight the idea that we are immersed
in a medium almost infinitely denser than lead might seem
inconceivable, it is not so if we remember that in all
probability matter is composed mainly of holes. We may, in
fact, regard matter as possessing a bird-cage kind of
structure in which the Volume of the ether disturbed by the
wires when the structure is moved is infinitesimal in
comparison with the Volume enclosed by them. If we do this, no
difficulty arises from the great density of the ether; all we
have to do is to increase the distance between the wires in
proportion as we increase the density of the ether."
Some English journals, in discussing Sir Joseph Thomson’s
address at Winnipeg, spoke doubtingly of its scientific
soundness, regarding it as too speculative, representing
conclusions in advance of what physical science had obtained a
real warrant to draw. These newspaper critics were called
sharply to account by Sir Oliver Lodge, and told that they
were suspicious of Sir Joseph’s statements only because they
knew nothing of the data on which he founded them.
In a magazine article of the previous year, Sir Oliver Lodge
had already traversed part of the ground covered by the
impressive review of Sir Joseph Thomson. In that article he
said of the present conception of the ether of space, as
accepted among the leaders of physical science:
"When a steel spring is bent or distorted, what is it that is
really strained? Not the atoms—the atoms are only displaced;
it is the connecting links that are strained—the connecting
medium—the ether. Distortion of a spring is really distortion
of the ether. All strain exists in the ether. Matter can only
be moved. Contact does not exist between the atoms of matter
as we know them; it is doubtful if a piece of matter ever
touches another piece, any more than a comet touches the sun
when it appears to rebound from it; but the atoms are
connected, as the planets, the comets and the sun are
connected, by a continuous _plenum_ without break or
discontinuity of any kind. Matter acts on matter solely
through the ether. But whether matter is a thing utterly
distinct and separate from the ether, or whether it is a
specifically modified portion of it—modified in such a way as
to be susceptible of locomotion, and yet continuous with all
the rest of the ether,—which can be said to extend everywhere,
far beyond the bounds of the modified and tangible portion
called matter—are questions demanding, and I may say in
process of receiving, answers.
"Every such answer involves some view of the universal, and
possibly infinite, uniform, omnipresent connecting medium, the
ether of space."
_Oliver Lodge,
The Ether of Space
(North American Review, May, 1908)._
[Transcriber's Note: The Michelson-Morley experiment 21
years earlier had cast doubt on the ether concept.
https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/70888]
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Radium and Radio-activity:
The Discovery by Professor and Madame Curie.
The Light it throws on many Scientific Problems.
Faraday’s Prophetic Anticipation.
The Dissolution of Atoms.
"In his first treatise on the X-rays, Röntgen [see in Volume
VI.] drew attention to the fact that they proceeded from those
parts of the Röntgen tubes where the glass, under the
influence of the impinging cathode rays, showed the most
fluorescence. It therefore seemed possible that the existence
of these mysterious rays was in some way dependent on
previously acquired fluorescence, and many physicists tried to
ascertain with the well-known Balmain dyes, which become
luminous after exposure to the light, if results could be
obtained resembling those with a Röntgen tube.
{607}
"Similar attempts by the French physicist, Henri Becquerel,
were crowned with success in an unexpected direction. He
exposed a uranium salt to the light, and then placing it in a
dark room on a photographic plate covered with opaque paper he
demonstrated the action of these rays on the plate through the
paper, thin sheets of metal, etc. But the supposed and
sought-for relation of the rays to the previous fluorescence
was not evident, for Becquerel obtained precisely the same
results with preparations of uranium which had not only not
been previously exposed directly to the light, but had
purposely been kept some time in darkness and could therefore
display no stored-up luminescence. He had, however, discovered
the uranium or Becquerel rays. …
"At Becquerel’s suggestion Madame Curie undertook a systematic
investigation of all the chemical elements and established the
fact that with none of them, excepting uranium and thorium,
could an appreciable effect indicating rays be obtained with
her apparatus. On the other hand, she found that many of the
minerals investigated showed noticeable action in this
direction. The fact that a few of them, the uranium
pitchblende, for example, from Joachimsthal, Bohemia, emitted
rays three or four times stronger than those of pure uranium,
and which could not therefore be announced as uranium rays,
led her to suppose that in the pitchblende itself, apart from
the uranium, there must exist a still more powerful
radioactive substance. It is a matter of record how, in this
research, which might serve as a model for such work, she and
her husband, so soon afterwards to lose his life by a
deplorable accident, succeeded in tracing this supposed
substance more and more accurately, and finally in obtaining
it pure. Madame Curie thus became the discoverer of radium, a
new element possessed of wonderful, of fabulous qualities.
"Besides Madame Curie no other investigator but Professor
Braunschweig, so far as I know, has yet succeeded in obtaining
pure radium."
_Franz Himstedt,
Radioactivity (Annual Report, Smithsonian Institution,
1905-1906, pages 117-118)._
"The phenomena of radio-activity revive interest in the
prophetic views of Michael Faraday. In 1816, when he was but
twenty-four years of age, he delivered a lecture at the Royal
Institution in London on Radiant Matter. In the course of his
remarks there occurs this passage:—‘If we now conceive a
change as far beyond vaporization as that is above fluidity,
and then take into account the proportional increased extent
of alteration as the changes arise, we shall perhaps, if we
can form any conception at all, not fall short of radiant
matter; and as in the last conversion many qualities were
lost, so here also many more would disappear. It was the
opinion of Newton, and of many other distinguished
philosophers, that this conversion was possible, and
continually going on in the processes of nature, and they
found that the idea would bear without injury the applications
of mathematical reasoning—as regards heat, for instance. If
assumed, we must also assume the simplicity of matter; for it
would follow that all the variety of substances with which we
are acquainted could be converted into one of three kinds of
radiant matter; which again may differ from each other only in
the size of their particles or their form. The properties of
known bodies would then be supposed to arise from the varied
arrangements of their ultimate atoms, and belong to substances
only as long as their compound nature existed; and thus
variety of matter and variety of properties would be found
co-essential.’"
George Iles,
Inventors at Work,
pages 204-205 (Doubleday, Page & Co., New York).
"An ascertained commercial value of £4 per milligramme
(equivalent to £114,000 per ounce) has been placed upon radium
by a contract just entered into between the British
Metalliferous Mines (Limited) and Lord Iveagh and Sir Ernest
Cassel for the supply of 7½ grammes (rather more than a
quarter of an ounce) of pure radium bromide. This very large
order for radium will be supplied from the above named
company’s mine near Grampound Road in Cornwall."
_London Times, June 21, 1909._
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
The Mono-Rail Gyroscopic System.
A mechanical invention not yet developed, but which seems more
than likely to count among the most important of the next few
years, is that known as the Brennan mono-rail system, which
balances cars and trains of cars on a single rail by use of
the principle of the gyroscope. It was first exhibited by its
English inventor, Mr. Louis Brennan, in model form, before the
Royal Society, in 1907, and won so much confidence in its
possibilities that the British War Office and the India Office
gave financial assistance to meet the cost of the long
experiments that were necessary for adapting the system to
service on a large practical scale. The result of these
experiments was exhibited in public trials at New Brompton,
England, and, subsequently, at New York, in the later part of
1909. The following account of the exhibition at New Brompton
was given by _The Times_:
"The car with which the test runs were carried out is 40 ft.
in length and 10 ft. in width; its weight is 22 tons, and it
is designed for a load of 10 to 15 tons. The weight of the
gyroscopes, of which there are two, is 1½ tons, each having a
diameter of 3 ft. 6 in. The speed of rotation is 3,000 r. p.
m., or considerably less than it was in the 6 ft. model
exhibited before the Royal Society. It would be possible for
the car to obtain the necessary power by collecting current
from an overhead wire with a consequent saving of weight, but
in the present example the motive power is provided by two
Wolseley petrol engines, one of 80 h. p., and the other of 20
h. p., driving two direct-current shunt-wound motors of the
Siemens type. It is not necessary that the car should be
propelled electrically, and steam or other motive power could
be employed; but in any case it would be necessary to spin the
gyroscopes electrically, this method being ideal for the
purpose. The air is exhausted from the gyroscope cases, the
pressure in them being equivalent to from ½ in. to 5/8 in. of
mercury. It is hoped in future installations to design the
gyroscopes for higher speeds, and in that case it would be
possible to reduce the size and weight of the equipment. In
this first car the gyroscopes run in the vertical plane, but
that is merely for convenience, the essential feature being
that the trunnions should be at right angles to the track. …
{608}
"Several experimental trips were made on the factory circular
track as well as on the straight, and the car travelled with
remarkable steadiness throughout. It is not likely that the
Brennan mono-rail will find any wide field of application in
this country, but there would appear to be great advantages in
the system for mountain railways in India and elsewhere, and,
indeed, it seems suitable for adoption in any country where
new railways are being planned. The inventor lays stress on
the absolute safety of the system at speeds ranging up to
about 150 miles per hour."
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
Sanitary.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH.
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
Submarine Signal Bells.
In May, 1909, it was announced from Washington that "the
Government, recognizing the substantial service rendered to
shipping by submarine bells, has decided to extend their
installation from time to time to light vessels and stations
on both coasts and upon the great lakes. At present forty-six
of the light vessels are thus equipped, and the signals which
they send out are of undoubted aid to deep-water navigation.
Canada, England, Germany, Holland, France, Sweden, and Denmark
are following suit. The bells operate during fogs and at night
and the sound waves emitted by the bell under water have been
known to travel as far as twenty-seven miles. These sound
waves are picked up by the receiving microphones on board
ships, and by the code signal of each station the vessel’s
navigator is able to tell where he is."
See (in this Volume) above,
ELECTRICAL: WIRELESS TELEGRAPHY:
THE CRY THAT BROUGHT HELP.
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
The Turbine Steam Engine.
Its Successful Development.
First Use on Ocean Steamers.
The "Lusitania" and "Mauretania."
"For a long time and well into the nineteenth century, water
was lifted by pistons moving in cylindrical pumps. Meantime
the turbine grew steadily in favor as a water motor, arriving
at last at high efficiency. This gave designers a hint to
reverse the turbine and use it as a water lifter or pump: this
machine, duly built, with a continuous instead of an
intermittent motion, showed much better results than the
old-fashioned pump. The turbine-pump is accordingly adopted
for many large waterworks, deep mines and similar
installations. This advance from to-and-fro to rotary action
extended irresistibly to steam as a motive power. It was clear
that if steam could be employed in a turbine somewhat as water
is, much of the complexity and loss inherent in reciprocating
engines would be brushed aside. A pioneer inventor in this
field was Gustave Patrich De Laval, of Stockholm, who
constructed his first steam turbine along the familiar lines
of the Barker mill. Steam is so light that for its utmost
utilization as a jet a velocity of about 2,000 feet a second
is required, a rate which no material is strong enough to
allow. De Laval by using the most tenacious metal for his
turbines is able to give their swiftest parts a speed of as
much as 1400 feet a second. His apparatus is cheap, simple and
efficient; it is limited to about 300 horse-power. Its chief
feature is its divergent nozzle, which permits the outflowing
steam to expand fully with all the effect realized in a steam
cylinder provided with expansion valve gear. Another device of
De Laval which makes his turbine a safe and desirable prime
mover is the flexible shaft which has a little, self-righting
play under the extreme pace of its rotation.
"Of direct action turbines the De Laval is the chief; of
compound turbines, in which the steam is expanded in
successive stages, the first and most widely adopted was
invented by the Honourable Charles A. Parsons of
Newcastle-on-Tyne. … In 1894 Mr. Parsons launched his
Turbinia, the first steamer to be driven by a turbine. Her
record was so gratifying that a succession of vessels,
similarly equipped, were year by year built for excursion
lines, for transit across the British Channel, for the British
Royal Navy, and for mercantile marine service. The
thirty-fifth of these ships, the _Victorian_ of the Allan
Line, was the first to cross the Atlantic Ocean, arriving at
Halifax, Nova Scotia, April 18, 1905. She was followed by the
_Virginian_ of the same line which arrived at Quebec, May
8, 1905. Not long afterward the Cunard Company sent from
Liverpool to New York the _Carmania_ equipped with steam
turbines, and in every other respect like the Caronia of the
same owners, which is driven by reciprocating engines of the
best model. Thus far the comparison between these two ships is
in favor of the Carmania. The new monster Cunarders, the
_Lusitania_ and the _Mauretania_, each of 70,000
horse power, are to be propelled by steam turbines. The
principal reasons for this preference are thus given by
Professor Carl C. Thomas:—Decreased cost of operation as
regards fuel, labor, oil, and repairs. Vibration due to
machinery is avoided. Less weight of machinery and coal to be
carried, resulting in greater speed. Greater simplicity of
machinery in construction and operation, causing less
liability to accident and breakdown. Smaller and more deeply
immersed propellers, decreasing the tendency of the machinery
to race in rough weather. Lower centre of gravity of the
machinery as a whole, and increased headroom above the
machinery. According to recent reports, decreased first cost
of machinery."
_George Iles,
Inventors at Work,
pages 452-456
(Doubleday, Page & Co., New York)._
In August, 1908, the _Lusitania_ made the voyage from
Queenstown to New York in 4 days and 15 hours; again in
February, 1909, in 4 days, 17 hours and 6 minutes. In
September, 1909, the _Mauretania_ crossed from New York
to Queenstown in 4 days, 13 hours and 41 minutes.
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
The Washington Memorial Institution.
Extension of the Usefulness of Scientific Work in Departments
of the Government.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901.
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
The Nobel Prizes.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
See also
EARTHQUAKES.
----------SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: End--------
----------SCOTLAND: Start--------
SCOTLAND: A. D. 1901 (March).
Census.
According to the returns of the decennial enumeration made on
the night of the 31st of March, 1901, the population of
Scotland that day, "including those in the Royal Navy, and
belonging to the Mercantile shipping in Scottish Ports or on
Scottish waters, number 4,472,000 persons, of whom 2,173,151
are males, and 2,298,849 females.
"When compared with the corresponding population as enumerated
at the Census of 1891, a total increase of 446,353 is found to
have occurred; the male increase being 230,434, and the female
215,919.
{609}
The percentage rate of increase of both sexes during the
decennial period is 11.09—that of the males being 11.86, and
of the females 10.37. The corresponding total rate of increase
during the preceding decennium, 1881-1891, was 7.77 per cent.
… The rate at the present Census for Scotland is, with the
exception of that at 1881, the highest since the decennial
period 1821-1831. …
"In 19 Counties an increase in the population has taken place,
in 14 a decrease. The highest rate of increase—both sexes
combined—is in Linlithgow, 24.4 per cent.; followed by Lanark
with an increase of 21.1 per cent.; Stirling with one of 20.6
per cent.; Renfrew with one of 16.5 per cent.; Dumbarton with
one of 16.2 per cent.; Kincardine with one of 15.3 per cent.;
Fife with one of 15.0 per cent. The greatest falling off
occurs in Berwick, 4.6 per cent.; in Orkney, 5.7 per cent.; in
Roxburgh, 8.8 per cent.; in Caithness 8.9 per cent.; in
Wigtown, 9.4 per cent.; and in Selkirk 15.8 percent. Inverness
stands almost as it was, having increased but 0.1 per cent.,
and the minimum rate of falling off as to population is in
Banff, 0.3 per cent., and Argyll, 0.6 per cent. …
"Among the larger Burghs the increase of population varies not
a little. Thus, in Motherwell, which heads the list, the
increase during the decennial period 1891-1901, is at the rate
of 62.5 per cent. Partick follows with a rate of increase of
48.6 per cent.; Wishaw with one of 36.8 percent.; Hamilton
with one of 31.8 per cent.; Kirkcaldy with one of 25.5
percent.; Falkirk with one of 24.3 per cent.; Govan with one
of 24.2 per cent.; Coatbridge with one of 21.3 per cent.;
Aberdeen with one of 22.9 per cent.; Kilmarnock with one of
20.1 per cent.; Paisley with one of 19.5 per cent.; Airdrie
with one of 16.5 per cent.; Glasgow with one of 15.5 per
cent.; Ayr with one of 15.1 per cent.; Edinburgh with one of
14.8 per cent.; Dunfermline with one of 14.1 percent.; Leith
with one of 12.6 per cent.; Inverness with one of 10.3 per
cent.; Perth with one of 9.9 per cent.; Greenock with one of
7.4 per cent.; and Dundee with one of 4.5 percent.; while
Arbroath indicates a decrease at the rate of 1.9 per cent."
_Preliminary Report to Parliament._
The division of population between town districts and rural
districts is shown in the following table:
Groups of Districts. Males. Females. Total.
Town Districts 1,404,382 1,520,698 2,925,080
(Pop. 2,000 and upwards)
Mainland-Rural Districts 479,009 495,172 974,841
Insular-Rural Districts 58,666 67,060 125,726
Total 1,942,717 2,082,930 4,025,647
SCOTLAND: A. D. 1901.
Mr. Carnegie’s great Gift to Universities and Students.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: SCOTLAND: A. D. 1901.
SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904-1905.
Decision of the House of Lords against the Union, in 1900,
of the Free Church with the United Presbyterian.
All Property given to the Opposing Remnant.
"In 1900, the United Free Church was formed by the union of
the majority of the Free Church with the entire body of the
United Presbyterians, …
See, in Volume VI. of this work,
SCOTLAND: A. D. 1900)
A new organisation placed in the field of Church politics in
Scotland almost equals in respect of numbers and resources to
the Established Church. The small minority opposed to this
union inside the Free Church seceded, held some of the
churches and manses by force, defying authority to the extent,
in one instance, of a month’s imprisonment, and retained the
denomination of ‘The Free Church of Scotland.’ As their
fathers left a ‘vitiated’ Establishment on purpose to preserve
the freedom and purity of the National Church, so they refused to
enter the new union, in order, by standing out, to save the
principles, doctrines, and purposes identified with the
Disruption of 1843. This minority of not more than
twenty-seven ministers and as many congregations, mostly
located in fastnesses beyond the Grampians, is now the Free
Church of Scotland, with Presbytery, Assembly, Moderator—in
short, with the offices and institutions, on a condensed
scale, which are essential in Presbyterian polity. These few
determined people claim to be the faithful remnant of the
Disruptionists. Like Milton’s Abdiel, ‘unshaken, unseduced,
unterrified,’ nor moved to ‘swerve from truth’ or ‘change
their constant mind,’ they claim to have kept their loyalty,
their love, their zeal in the cause of the Disruption through
all the temptations of an age in thought Pyrrhonist, in
morality lax, and in religion Latitudinarian. On the
assumption that they alone were the Free Church, they invoked
the aid of the Civil Courts in their defence. The Court of
Session—both the Ordinary and the Inner Courts—decided in
favour of the United Free Church. Home-made law could not
satisfy the minority, and, on appeal, the House of Lords
reversed the judgment of the Court of Session, declaring the
remnant to be the Free Church of Scotland, and finding that
the United Free Church was a modern composite body which, on
the evidence of its ambidextrous and Latitudinarian
constitution, had abandoned the fundamental doctrines and
principles held by the Disruptionists. In consequence of this
decision, the property of the Free Church, as it existed prior
to the union of 1900, now belongs to the remnant of the
Disruptionists.
"From the side of the losing United Free Church a bitter cry
has arisen against this finality in law. The decision is
formally accepted, yet denounced as unjust and incompetent, as
denying toleration and the right to change its creed to an
autonomous body; and there are murmurs about of the necessity
of an appeal to Parliament. … It seems the rankest injustice
to transfer more than one million in invested funds, nearly a
thousand church buildings, three superior colleges devoted to
the training of Divinity students (one in Edinburgh, another
in Glasgow, and a third in Aberdeen), the magnificent Assembly
Hall in Edinburgh, with the offices attached, probably also
much property in foreign missions, from the United Free Church
to this remnant of Disruptionists, the custodians of the dying
embers of Obscurantism in Scotland."
_J. M. Sloan,
The Scottish Free Church
(Fortnightly Review, September, 1904)._
{610}
To consider the situation created by the decision of the House
of Lords, a Royal Commission was appointed, which investigated
all the questions involved and reported its findings in April,
1905. In the judgment of the Commission, the Free Church (the
"Wee Frees," as that body was now commonly dubbed) had neither
the numbers nor the resources for putting to their proper use
the enormous endowment which it claimed. At the same time
there would be no justice in delivering those endowments
unconditionally to the United Free Church. It was recommended,
accordingly, that a Commission be constituted by Act of
Parliament to take charge of the whole property and funds
involved, and to arrange for the allocation of the same, to
the end of securing "adequate provision for the due
performance of the purposes for which the funds were raised
and the trusts on which they are held." A Bill in accordance
with this recommendation was passed during the next session of
Parliament.
On the request of the General Assembly of the Church of
Scotland, the same Act enabled the Church to change the
formula of subscription required from its ministers, under the
Act of 1693, so that, on being ordained, a minister shall only
make a "declaration of his faith in the sum and substance of
the doctrine of the Reformed Churches therein contained,
according to such formula as may from time to time be
prescribed by the General Assembly."
SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904-1909.
Peace followed by Threatened Conflict in
the Coal Mining Industry.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: SCOTLAND.
SCOTLAND: A. D. 1909.
Working of the Old Age Pensions Act.
See (in this Volume)
POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: PENSIONS.
----------SCOTLAND: End--------
SCOTT, James Brown:
Technical Delegate to the Second Peace Conference.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.
SCOTT, Captain K. T.:
Commander of Antarctic Expedition.
See (in this Volume)
POLAR EXPLORATION.
SEAL FISHERY NEGOTIATIONS.
"Negotiations for an international conference to consider and
reach an arrangement providing for the preservation and
protection of the fur seals in the North Pacific are in
progress with the governments of Great Britain, Japan, and
Russia. The attitude of the governments interested leads me to
hope for a satisfactory settlement of this question as the
ultimate outcome of the negotiations."
_Message of the President of the United States to Congress,
December 6, 1909._
SEATTLE: A. D. 1909.
The Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition.
"The fair at Seattle," said _The World's Work_ of August,
1909, "is beautiful; that goes without saying, for the best of
man’s art is fitted to the best of Nature’s workmanship to
make a balanced and blended picture never excelled in the long
list of great exhibitions. But better than that, the fair at
Seattle is a definite commercial lesson—and lessons in
commerce last forever. Primarily, the fair is teaching the
people of the United States to know the Pacific coast;
secondarily, it is teaching them a little of Alaska, a little
of Japan, and a little of the Philippines. And the distinctive
feature of this particular fair is the determined effort to
make those lessons true." This seems to describe the
impression which the Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition made
generally on the visitors who went to it with an intelligent
purpose in going. It gave them what they went to see, with
fidelity, with fulness, and in most attractive forms of
display. Like its Northwestern predecessor, at Portland, four
years before, it was an almost startling revelation of the
possibilities of planting and ripening in cities, states, and
their social institutions, that lie within trivial spaces of
time in this wonderful present age.
The Exposition was on the grounds of Washington University,
and seven of the principal buildings erected for it were of
permanent construction and remain for the use of the
University. Again, as at Portland, the most interesting of
these buildings architecturally was that for the forestry
exhibit, built of logs and other timber in a state as nearly
natural as it could be kept.
The Exposition was open from June 1st until October 16, and
registered about 3,740,000 visitors.
SEBAHEDDIN.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).
SECTARIAN SCHOOL QUESTION.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1903;
also
CANADA: A. D. 1905.
SEDDON, Richard J.: Prime Minister of New Zealand.
His Death.
See (in this Volume)
NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1906-1909.
SEGNATURA, The.
See (in this Volume)
PAPACY: A. D. 1908.
SEIYU-KAI.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1902 (August); 1903 (June), and 1909.
SELFRIDGE, Lieutenant T. E.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.
SENATORS, United States:
Proposed Election by Direct Popular Vote.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES SENATORS.
SENEGAMBIA: A. D. 1904.
Cession of a portion of territory by England to France.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).
SENUSSIA,
SENOUSSI:
The Pan-Islamic Movement in Africa.
Sidi Mahomed bin Ali es Senussia and his Sect.
His Doctrine and its Aim.
"We have recently heard, principally apropos of the
disturbances in Egypt, a considerable amount concerning
Pan-Islamism. Taking into consideration how much has been
written on this subject, it is surprising to find how little
has been said concerning one of the principal organisations
for the propagation of Pan-Islamism. I refer to the sect known
as Senussia. … At this present moment there is throughout
Africa very general discontent among the native population,
not only in Mohammedan countries, but universally over the
length and breadth of the entire continent. …
"It is a comparatively easy matter to so influence any warlike
Moslem people to religious enthusiasm that they are instantly
ready in arms to strike a blow for the faith. But the most
significant and sinister symptom of this anti-Christian
crusade is that the message carried by the Senussia agents is,
‘Wait, for the time is not yet ripe. Rest now, but when the
hour arrives, rise, slay, and spare not.’ Taking into
consideration the fact that the Senussia sect was founded in
1835, that its rise has been enormously rapid, and that its
propaganda has been actively and diligently preached in
British possessions for many years past, with scarcely one
definite item of intelligence concerning it being known, it
shows clearly that the motive power and organising
intelligence must be something considerably above the average.
…
{611}
"The sect was founded in 1835 by Sidi Mahomed bin Ali es
Senussia, otherwise known as Sheikh Senussi, an Algerian Arab
born near Mostaganem towards the end of the Turkish dominion.
A lineal descendant of the prophet Mahomed, he first gained a
reputation for sanctity at Fez. He then proceeded to Mecca,
where he commenced preaching. However his success, which was
remarkably rapid, caused great local jealousy and he had
perforce to fly to Egypt. He started a zawia or monastery at
Alexandria, but being excommunicated by the Sheikh el Islam at
Cairo, he was again compelled to seek safety in flight. This
time he fled across the Lybian desert to Jebel el Akhdar near
Benghazi on the north coast, where he again established a
zawia, and in a short time had obtained a considerable
following. There he lived and preached, and died in 1859 or
1860, having firmly established the Senussia sect. He was
succeeded by his son Mahomed.
"The doctrine preached by the Sheikh Senussi, and which still
comprises the doctrines and aims of his disciples, was as
follows: To free the Mahommedan religion from the many abuses
which have crept into it. To restore, under one universal
leader, the former purity of faith. Finally, and most
especially, to free all Moslem countries, more particularly
those in Africa, from the dominion of the infidel."
_H. A. Wilson,
The Moslem Menace
(Nineteenth Century, September, 1907)._
"The growth of the Senoussi has been one of the most striking
developments of modern Islam. They have adopted an active
missionary policy and have spread southwards through heathen
Africa, while their organization has been framed with the idea
of including and coordinating all existing brotherhoods. The
Senoussi have established in all countries where the Moslem is
governed by an alien race a system of occult government side
by side, and coinciding in its boundaries, with the state
administration. This occult government exists in Algeria,
Egypt, and India, and its emissaries are at work in Nigeria.
The Senoussi now include within their brotherhood practically
all the Sunnis, that is the majority of Moslems in Arabia,
Turkey, North Africa, Turkestan, Afghanistan and East Asia.
The Shiites, who predominate in Persia, are alone prevented by
their conception of orthodoxy from being Senoussi.
"The Senoussi had their headquarters at Djarboub, but some
twenty years ago it was decided to send their official
representative to Constantinople, and the venerable Mokkadem
who occupies this position is even more powerful in councils
than the Sheik ul Islam, who, nominated by the Sultan,
occupies in the hierarchy the place of Expounder of the Law,
second only to that of the Caliph, the ‘Shadow of God on
Earth.’"
_A. R. Colquhoun,
Pan-Islam
(North American Review, June, 1906)._
See, also, in Volume VI., page 835.
SERGIUS, Grand Duke,
Assassination of.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.
SERVIA.
See (in this Volume)
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.
SEVASTOPOL:
Riot and Naval Mutiny.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).
SHACKLETON, LIEUTENANT ERNEST H.:
Antarctic Explorations.
See (in this Volume)
POLAR EXPLORATION.
SHA-HO, BATTLE OF THE.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (SEPTEMBER-MARCH).
SHANGHAI: A. D. 1902.
Withdrawal of Foreign Troops.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1902.
SHANGHAI: A. D. 1905.
Boycott of Americans and American Goods.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.
SHANGHAI: A. D. 1909.
International Opium Commission.
See (in this Volume)
OPIUM PROBLEM.
SHAW, LESLIE M.:
Secretary of the Treasury.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909.
SHEIKH-UL-ISLAM, The:
His Authority and Function at Constantinople.
See (in this Volume)
SENUSSIA.
SHEIKH-UL-ISLAM, The:
His Part in the Turkish Constitutional Revolution.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY; A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.
SHEMSI PASHA,
Assassination of.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).
SHERIAT, The.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).
SHERMAN ANTI-TRUST ACT, of 1890.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1890-1902.
SHERMAN ANTI-TRUST ACT, of 1890.
Action of National Civic Federation on its Amendment.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.
SHERMAN, James S.:
Elected Vice-President of the United States.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).
SHEVKET PASHA, Mahmud:
Commander of the Turkish Constitutional Forces.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).
SHIPBUILDING AGREEMENT (BRITISH) OF 1908, THE.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.
SHIPPING COMBINATION, North Atlantic.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: INTERNATIONAL.
SHIRÉ HIGHLANDS:
Their Suitability for European Colonization.
See (in this Volume)
AFRICA.
SHIRTWAIST-MAKERS’ STRIKE, THE.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909-1910.
SHONTS, Theodore P.:
Chairman of the Panama Canal Commission.
See (in this Volume)
PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1905-1909.
SHOOA-ES-SULTANEH.
See (in this Volume)
PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.
SHORT BALLOT REFORM.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES.
SIA-GU-SHAN HILL, CAPTURE OF.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (May-January).
SIAM: A. D. 1902.
Treaty with France.
By a fresh treaty with Siam, secured in October, 1902, France
won from that kingdom another piece of territory to add to her
Indo-China domain. The new acquisition is between the Rolnos
and Piek Kompong Tiam rivers, on the Great Lake. In return
France restores the port of Chantabun, which she has held for
a long time without right, and which she agreed to restore in
1899.
See (in Volume VI.)
SIAM.
{612}
SIAM: A. D. 1904.
Declaration of England and France touching Influence in Siam.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).
SIAM: A. D. 1905.
Suppression of Gambling and Edict for
the Extinction of Slavery.
An official notification of the suppression of gambling and a
royal edict decreeing the abolition of the last remnants of
slavery in the Kingdom of Siam were communicated to the
American Government, through its Minister at Bangkok, in March
and April, 1905. In part, the former stated:
"His Majesty has long been impressed by the fact that although
the revenue derived from gambling is an important factor in
the finances of the Kingdom the evils resulting therefrom are
much greater than the benefits. People expend in gambling not
only their own wealth but the wealth of others. They devote to
gambling time during which they should be attending to their
work. Under present conditions large sums of money which come
into the hands of the gambling farmers are sent out of the
kingdom. Gambling is also responsible for much of the crime
that is committed. The abolition of gambling would, therefore,
not only result in an improvement in the morals of the people
and in increased industry, but money now expended therein
would remain in circulation within the country, thereby adding
to the wealth of the community. In order, however, to replace
the loss of the revenue derived from gambling, some taxes must
be increased and new taxes devised. In the increase of certain
of these taxes it will be necessary to enter upon negotiations
with foreign powers. Gambling cannot, therefore, be suppressed
at once, but must be gradually abolished. His Majesty,
therefore, has been pleased to order the abolition of gambling
within the period of three years."
The decree concerning slavery opens thus:
"Although slavery in our realm is very different from slavery
as it has existed in many other countries—most slaves being
persons who have become so voluntarily and not by force and
the powers of the master over the slaves being strictly
limited—yet we have always considered that the institution,
even in this modified form, is an impediment to the progress
of our country. We have, therefore, from the commencement of
our reign, taken steps, by the enactment of laws and
otherwise, for the abolition of slavery. … We now deem it time
to take more sweeping measures which will gradually result in
the entire disappearance of slavery from Siam." Accordingly, a
law is decreed as follows: "All children born of parents who
are slaves shall be free without the execution of the
condition stated in the law of Pee Chau. No person now free
can be made a slave. If any person now a slave shall hereafter
become free he cannot thereafter again become a slave.
Wherever any person is now held a debt slave, the master shall
credit upon the principal of the debt for which he is held a
slave the sum of four (4) tieals for each month after the 1st
of April, 124, provided that no credit shall be allowed for
any time during which the slave may desert his master. If a
slave changes his master, no increase shall be made in the
debt for which he is actually held."
SIAM: A. D. 1909.
Treaty with Great Britain, Ceding three States
in the Malay Peninsula.
By a treaty with Siam, signed on the 10th of March, 1909,
Great Britain added 15,000 square miles to her dominion in the
Malay Peninsula. Siam renounced, in favour of Great Britain,
her suzerain rights over the native States of Kelantan,
Trengganu, and Kedah, and perhaps other districts, in the
Peninsula. In return the British Government consented to
certain modifications in the extra-territorial rights enjoyed
by British subjects in Siam. The Government of the Federated
Malay States will advance to Siam the capital, about
£4,000,000, required for the construction of railways in
Southern Siam, by which it is hoped that direct railway
communication will soon be established between Bangkok and
Singapore. Kelantan lies 374 miles distant from Singapore and
about 500 from Bangkok, on the shore of the China Sea. It is a
purely Malay State under the rule of a Rajah, who has not,
like his predecessors, adopted the higher title of Sultan, but
who claims to be an independent Sovereign, though he has been
compelled to acknowledge the King of Siam as his suzerain.
This condition of affairs has led to the transfer of his
allegiance, very much, it is said, against his wish.
SIENKIEWICZ, HENRY K.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
SIFTON, CLIFFORD: CANADIAN MINISTER OF THE INTERIOR.
How he started the "American Invasion"
of the Canadian Northwest.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1896-1909.
SIGANANDA.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: NATAL: A. D. 1906-1907.
SILVER:
Suspension of Free Coinage in Mexico.
See (in this Volume)
MEXICO: A. D. 1904-1905.
SILVER EXCHANGE, WITH THE ORIENT.
See (in this Volume)
FINANCE AND TRADE: ASIA: A. D. 1909.
SIMON, GENERAL ANTOINE:
President of Haiti.
See (in this Volume)
HAITI: A. D. 1908.
SIMPLON TUNNEL.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1903.
SINHA, Satyendra Prasanna:
Appointment as a Member of the Executive Council
of the Viceroy of India.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
SINN FEIN, THE.
See (in this Volume)
IRELAND: A. D. 1905.
SIOUX INDIANS:
Colony in Nicaragua.
See (in this Volume)
CENTRAL AMERICA: NICARAGUA.
SIPAHDAR, The.
See (in this Volume)
PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
SIPIAGIN, M.:
Assassination of.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.
SLAVERY:
In Portuguese Africa.
See (in this Volume)
AFRICA: PORTUGUESE: A. D. 1905-1908.
SLAVERY:
Abolition in Siam.
See (in this Volume)
SIAM: A. D. 1909.
SLAVERY:
Legal, but not Practical Ending in Zanzibar.
See (in this Volume)
ZANZIBAR: A. D. 1905.
SLEEPING SICKNESS.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH.
SLOCUM, CONSUL-GENERAL C. R.:
Report on Affairs in the Congo State.
See (in this Volume)
CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.
"SLOCUM," BURNING OF THE.
See (in this Volume)
"GENERAL SLOCUM."
SMALL HOLDINGS ACT.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908.
{613}
SMIRNOFF, GENERAL.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).
SMITH, CHARLES E.:
Postmaster-General.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.
SMITH, GOLDWIN:
On Discontent in India.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.
SMITH, CONSUL-GENERAL JAMES A.:
Report on Affairs in the Congo State.
See (in this Volume)
CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.
SMITH, JAMES F.:
Governor-General of the Philippine Islands.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1906-1907.
SYNDER, R. M.:
Municipal "Boodler" of St. Louis.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: ST. LOUIS.
SOCIAL BETTERMENT: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
The Housing and Town-Planning Act.
A Housing and Town Planning Bill, brought over from the
previous session of Parliament, was introduced anew in April,
1909, by Mr. John Burns, President of the Local Government
Board. It passed the Commons and went in November to the
Lords, who gave it amendments which were thought to have
brought it to wreck. The House of Commons would not accept
them; but many in both Houses were keenly anxious for
legislation on the subject, and private negotiation brought
about a compromise of their differences, securing the
enactment in a fairly satisfactory form.
The first part of the Act aims at improving the dwelling
accommodation of the working classes, both by making it
obligatory on all local authorities to provide new housing
where required, and also by elaborate provisions for sanitary
inspection. Every county council is required to appoint a
public health and housing committee and also a medical officer
of health, who shall devote his whole time to the supervision
of the county area. Almost all working class dwellings in the
country are covered by provisions ensuring that they shall be
kept fit for human habitation throughout their tenancy.
Enlarged powers of compulsory purchase, of closing and of
demolition are also conferred upon local authorities or their
authorized agents.
The provisions of the Act relating to town-planning are
commended by _The Times_ as marking "a new departure in
legislation in this country. Hitherto new centres of
population have been allowed to grow up, and existing urban
areas have been allowed to expand, without control or
prevision. The result has too often been that the haphazard
development of land in the vicinity of urban centres has
produced slums, prevented the orderly growth of towns, and
involved enormous expenditure in clearing sites, widening
streets, and providing necessary open spaces. The Bill aims at
securing in the future sanitary conditions, amenity, and
convenience by enabling schemes to be made under which
building land will be developed with due regard to future
requirements. With this end in view the Local Government Board
are empowered to authorize local authorities to prepare town
planning schemes in connexion with land likely to be used for
building purposes, or to adopt any such schemes proposed by
owners of land. The schemes are to have effect, however, only
if approved by the Local Government Board. The Bill provides
for the payment of compensation to any person whose property
is injuriously affected by the making of a town planning
scheme, and, on the other hand, the local authority is
empowered to recover from any person whose land is increased
in value by the making of the scheme a proportion of the
amount of that increase."
In anticipation of the passage of this important Act, a party
of eighty representatives of municipalities and other bodies
in Great Britain who would be concerned in its administration
passed the Easter holidays of 1909 in some of the German
cities which are most famous for the manner in which they have
dealt with the problems of town-growth. The four cities
selected were Cologne, Dusseldorf, Frankfurt, and Wiesbaden,
each of which has formulated its own way of dealing with the
problem and offers a different point of view.
SOCIAL BETTERMENT: PRUSSIA: A. D. 1905.
A Government Bureau of Charities.
In 1905 a law passed by the Prussian Diet created a national
Charity Bureau, the duties of which are stated as follows:
(1) To follow the development of charity work and keep the
government informed of this development;
(2) to advise the state of conditions which justify change in
existing laws or the passing of new laws, or which suggest
change in government methods;
(3) to draw up opinions and make proposals which will help in
framing laws for the benefit of the people;
(4) to take general control of relief stations in case of
great calamities.
It will also be the duty of the department
(1) to establish relations between different charity
organizations, suggest improvements in the methods of these
organizations, and economize the forces of the various bodies;
(2) to follow the progress of charitable work and make an
index and collection of all literature relating to the
subject;
(3) to give information and advice in reference to
philanthropic endeavor when requested to do so;
(4) to make reports to the state at short intervals in
reference to the development and progress of the work in the
nation at large;
(5) to draw up opinions and make proposals for the improvement
or better organization of the charity propaganda in part or as
a whole;
(6) to take charge of the development of the work in any
section;
(7) to assist in putting in operation any suggestions or plans
which may be made or worked out for the improvement of social
conditions.
SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1900-1909.
The National Civic Federation.
Its Origin.
Its Purposes.
Its Organization.
Its Work.
The Federation was organized in 1900, in Chicago, after a
succession of national conferences had been held upon such
subjects as Primary Election Reform, Foreign Policy and Trusts
and Combinations. It consisted of an advisory council of five
hundred members and an Executive Committee. On the Executive
Committee were several of the members of the present National
Executive Committee, including Franklin MacVeagh, Archbishop
Ireland, Samuel Gompers, John Mitchell, D. J. Keefe, John W.
Stahl, and Benjamin Ide Wheeler. The prospectus, published at
the time, stated the purpose of the organization to be as
follows:
{614}
"… To organize the best brains of the nation in an educational
movement toward the solution of some of the great problems
related to social and industrial progress; to provide for
study and discussion of questions of national import; to aid
thus in the crystallization of the most enlightened public
opinion; and, when desirable, to promote legislation in
accordance therewith."
"Fifteen national subjects were named, and it was expected
that from time to time the formation of committees would
result having as their special province the consideration of
the subjects suggested.
"By vote, it was decided to take up for discussion, through
national conferences, the three subjects of industrial
arbitration, taxation and municipal ownership. The first
conference, that on industrial arbitration, was held at
Chicago, in December, 1900, and resulted in the organization
of the Industrial Department, with A. C. Bartlett, of Chicago,
chairman. In the following June a national conference on
taxation was held in Buffalo, resulting in the formation of
the Department on Taxation, with Edwin R. A. Seligman as
chairman. It was the intention to hold the Conference on
Municipal Ownership in New York the following December, but in
the meantime a number of large strikes, especially the Steel
Strike, the National Machinists’ strike and a threatened
Anthracite Coal Strike absorbed so much of the energy and
attention of the active members of the Federation at that time
that the Public Ownership Conference was postponed for the
time being.
"Through the work done by the committee in connection with the
coal and steel strikes, Senator Hanna became interested in the
organization, and in December of that year was made President
of the organization. His selection for that office, together
with the appointment of other men of national reputation on
the committee, attracted the attention of the country to the
organization. For two years following that department was the
only one prominent before the public, and its work in the
prevention of strikes and lockouts was naturally regarded as
the only purpose of the organization. The conferences held
during this period were naturally confined to the subject of
conciliation and collateral phases of the work. As national
labor disturbances then became less frequent after two years
of this special work the organization was able to resume its
original programme, holding itself, however, in readiness to
concentrate its energies on the industrial work at any time
the need might arise.
"It was at this time that the national conference on
immigration was called, and the Department of Immigration
organized. After that a national commission on Municipal
Ownership was formed, and by that time the public began to
take interest in the broader aspects of the organization.
Later came the establishment of the Industrial Economics
Department, which has taken up some of the most important
problems of the day, including Socialism and Trusts and
Combinations. The holding of a national conference on
Political Reform resulted in the organization of a department
especially devoted to these subjects.
"While the subjects to be taken up by the organization are
determined by the Executive Committee, the fact is here
emphasized that in devoting itself to other matters than
questions relating to strikes and lockouts, the organization
has not deviated from, but has returned to, its original
lines."
_The National Civic Federation Review,
March, 1909._
The following additional particulars of the organization and
operations of the Federation are drawn from a pamphlet
statement of 1909:
"The membership of the Federation is drawn from practical men
of affairs, whose acknowledged leadership in thought and
action makes them typical representatives of the various
elements that voluntarily work together for the general good.
Its National Executive Committee is constituted of three
factors: the general public, represented by the church, the
bar, the press, statesmanship and finance; employers,
represented by large manufacturers and the heads of great
corporations, and employers’ organizations; and labor,
represented by the principal officials of national and
international organizations of wage-earners in every important
industry.
"There are useful organizations of farmers, manufacturers,
wage-earners, bankers, merchants, lawyers, economists and
other distinct but interacting elements of society, which hold
meetings for discussion of affairs peculiar to their own
pursuits and callings. The Federation, in addition to its
Departments for the accomplishment of specific purposes,
provides a forum where representatives of all these elements
of society may meet to discuss national problems in which they
have a common interest.
"Twelve national conferences have thus been held upon such
subjects as Primary Election and Ballot Reforms, Foreign
Policy, Trusts, Conciliation and Arbitration, Taxation, and
Immigration. These conferences have usually been attended by
delegates appointed by Governors of States and by
representatives selected by various commercial, industrial,
and educational bodies.
"The present activities of the Federation are exercised
through the following agencies:
"Trade Agreement Department,
"Industrial Conciliation Department,
"Industrial Economics Department,
"Industrial Welfare Department,
"Public Employés’ Welfare Department,
"The Woman’s Department,
"Public Ownership Commission,
"Immigration Department,
"Political Reform Department.
"The Trade Agreement Department [John Mitchell, Chairman]
consists of employers and representatives of workingmen, who
make agreements as to hours, wages and conditions of
employment. The membership of the department is equally
divided between employers and labor leaders, the employers
being officers of steam and street railway companies, coal
operators, the publishers of large daily papers, building
contractors, brewers, stove manufacturers, shippers’
associations, while labor is represented by officials in
corresponding crafts. …
"The Conciliation Department [Seth Low, Chairman] deals
entirely with strikes, lock-outs and arbitration. The services
of this department have been enlisted in about five hundred
cases, involving every conceivable phase of a problem
interwoven with or underlying an industrial controversy. Its
membership extends to every industrial centre, and includes
representatives of leading organizations of employers and of
wage-earners. Through this membership information of any
threatened trouble between capital and labor usually reaches
the headquarters, from one side or the other, in advance of
any public rupture. …
{615}
"The Department of Industrial Economics [Nicholas Murray
Butler, Chairman] was formed to promote discussion of
practical economic problems. Its membership is composed of
leading economists, including the heads of the departments of
political economy in universities, lecturers and economic and
legal authors; editors of the daily press, of politico-social
magazines, of trade papers and of labor journals;
representatives of the pulpit; large employers and
representatives of labor. This department has arranged a
programme for the discussion, by the ablest experts to be
procured, of each of the vital and frequently irritating
questions that arise in the Conciliation Department in
connection with the prevention or settlement of controversies.
…
"The Industrial Welfare Department [the work of which is
conducted by a number of sub-committees, at the head of one of
which is the President of the United States, William H. Taft,
as Chairman of the committee which studies the welfare of the
Public Employés of the country, and the general Chairman of
which is William H. Willcox] is composed of employers of labor
in stores, factories, mines and on railroads. It is devoted to
interesting employers in improving the conditions under which
employés in all industries work and live. In extending the
practice of Welfare Work the department has found of especial
value conferences of employers, held under its auspices in
different parts of the country, for the interchange of
experiences. Illustrated literature is widely distributed, and
stereopticon lectures are given. A bureau of exchange is
maintained at headquarters, where descriptive matter, plans
and photographs relating to betterments in different
industries may be obtained by employers.
"Some of the subjects involved are;
"Sanitary Work Places:
Systems for providing pure drinking water;
for ventilation, including the cooling of super heated
places, and devices for exhausting dust and removing gases;
for lighting work places;
and for guarding machinery;
wash rooms with hot and cold water, towels and soap;
shower baths for molders and stationary firemen;
emergency hospitals;
locker rooms;
seats for women;
laundries for men’s overalls or women’s uniforms;
the use of elevators for women, and luncheon rooms.
"Recreation:
The social hall for dancing parties, concerts, theatricals,
billiards, pool or bowling;
the gymnasium, athletic field, roof garden, vacations and
summer excursions for employés, and rest rooms or
trainmen’s rest houses.
"Educational:
Classes for apprentices;
in cooking, dressmaking, millinery;
first aid to the injured;
night classes for technical training;
kindergartens and libraries.
"Housing:
Homes rented or sold to employés, and boarding houses.
"Provident Funds:
For insurance, pensions, savings or lending money in
times of stress.
"The Woman’s Department [of which Mrs. William H. Taft is
Honorary Chairman, Mrs. Horace Brock, Chairman, and which has
a strong corps of other officers] "is composed largely of
women who are themselves stockholders or who are financially
interested in industrial organizations (including railroads,
mills, factories, mines, stores and other work places) through
family relationships, and who therefore naturally should be
interested in the welfare of workers in enterprises from which
they draw their incomes; there are also, among other
influential members, the wives of public officials.
"The object of this department is: ‘To use its influence in
securing needed improvements in the working and living
conditions of women and men wage-earners in the various
industries and governmental institutions, and to co-operate,
when practicable, in the general work of the Federation.’ …
"The Public Ownership Commission [Melville E. Ingalls,
Chairman], appointed by the Executive Council of the
Federation, is composed of one hundred prominent men
representing practically every shade of opinion on the
subject. …
"The Department of Immigration [Franklin MacVeagh, Chairman]
is composed of men selected to represent every locality in the
Union affected by the admission of aliens.
"This Department was organized at the request of the National
Immigration Conference, held in New York City, December 6-8,
1905, this conference being attended by more than five hundred
delegates appointed by Governors of States, leading
commercial, agricultural, manufacturing, labor and economic
organizations, and by prominent ecclesiastical and educational
institutions. It undertook an investigation of all important
phases of the immigration problem, the Department being
organized into seven distinct committees. …
"Largely through the work of the Immigration Department,
Congress was induced to appoint a Commission on Immigration,
which commission has, with unlimited funds at its disposal,
undertaken a large part of the work that had been planned by
the Federation’s department. In fact, two members of that
department are on the commission and have utilized all the
material gathered by the Federation’s experts, relating to
both white and Oriental immigration. …
"The organization of a Political Reform Department was the
practical outcome of a National Conference on that subject
held in New York City, March 6 and 7, 1906, under the auspices
of The National Civic Federation. The Conference was attended
by delegates from all parts of the country, appointed by
congressmen, governors, mayors, municipal and political reform
bodies, and representing all shades of political opinion.
"It is the purpose of the Political Reform Department to teach
practical politics, and especially to organize the young men
of the country and induce them to participate actively,
through their respective party organizations, in governmental
affairs--Federal, State and municipal."
{616}
SOCIAL BETTERMENT: A. D. 1904-1909.
The American Civic Association.
"Organized effort for the systematic making of a beautiful
America did not manifest itself until within comparatively
recent years. Prior to 1904 there had been various short-lived
state associations, a few interstate societies and two
national organizations, working with the same general objects
in view. But at St. Louis, in 1904, the year of the great
exposition, a merger of the two national organizations brought
forth the American Civic Association which, since that time,
has carried on with increasing success and popular support the
greatly needed work for a 'More Beautiful America’; and since
that time it has been recognized as the one great national
agency for the furtherance of that work. With its purpose as
stated in its constitution clearly before it, it has
constantly widened the circle of its usefulness until recently
they were grouped under fifteen general departments, each
department headed by an expert in his or her particular
specialty.
"In classifying its varied activities, the Association
announces that it aims ‘to make American living conditions
clean, healthful, attractive; to extend the making of public
parks; to promote the opening of gardens and playgrounds for
children and recreation centers for adults; to abate public
nuisances—including objectionable signs, unnecessary poles and
wires, unpleasant and wasteful smoking factory chimneys; to
make the buildings and the surroundings of railway stations
and factories attractive; to extend the practical influence of
schools; to protect existing trees and to encourage
intelligent tree planting; to preserve great scenic wonders
(such as Niagara Falls and the White Mountains) from
commercial spoliation.’
"So vigorously has it pursued these activities that it has
seen some of them develop to such proportions that they were
ready to swing off from the parent circle into spheres of
their own. Such was the case with the playground movement,
which for years was fostered most energetically by the
American Civic Association until it grew into an independent
organization known as the National Playground Association, and
which is now an agency of splendid achievements in its one
specialized function."
_Richard B. Watrous,
The American Civic Association
(The American City, October, 1909)._
SOCIAL BETTERMENT: A. D. 1907.
The Sage Foundation for the Improvement of Social
and Living Conditions.
One of the most notable of gifts from private wealth for the
endowment of undertakings to promote the general welfare of
mankind was made by Mrs. Russell Sage, in 1907, when she
placed a fund of $10,000,000 in the hands of trustees, to be
administered under the name of The Russell Sage Foundation. On
the announcement of this endowment, Mrs. Sage, through her
counsel, Mr. Henry W. de Forest, authorized the following
statement, which explains clearly and fully the purposes
contemplated:
"I have set aside $10,000,000 for the endowment of this
foundation. Its object is ‘the improvement of social and
living conditions in the United States.’ The means to that end
will include research, publication, education, the
establishment and maintenance of charitable and beneficial
activities, agencies, and institutions, and the aid of any
such activities, agencies and institutions already
established.
"It will be within the scope of such a foundation to
investigate and study the causes of adverse social conditions,
including ignorance, poverty and vice, to suggest how these
conditions can be remedied or ameliorated, and to put in
operation any appropriate means to that end. It will also be
within the scope of such a foundation to establish any new
agency necessary to carry out any of its conclusions, and
equally to contribute to the resources of any existing
agencies which are doing efficient and satisfactory work, just
as the present General Education Board, organized to promote
higher education, is aiding existing colleges and
universities. While its scope is broad, it should preferably
not undertake to do within that scope what is now being done
or is likely to be effectively done by other individuals or by
other agencies with less resources. It will be its aim to take
up the larger and more difficult problems, and to take them up
so far as possible in such a manner as to secure co-operation
and aid in their solution. In some instances it may wisely
initiate movements with the expectation of having them
maintain themselves unaided after once being started. In other
instances it may start movements with the expectation of
carrying them on itself. Income only will be used for its
charitable purposes, because the foundation is to be permanent
and its action continuous. It may, however, make investments
for social betterment, which themselves produce income.
"While having headquarters in New York city, where I and my
husband have lived and where social problems are most pressing
and complicated, partly by reason of its extent and partly
because it is the port of entry for about a million immigrants
a year, the foundation will be national in its scope and in
its activities. I have sought to select as my trustees men and
women who are familiar with social problems and who can bring
to their solution not only zeal and interest, but experience
and judgment.
"The bill for incorporation of the endowment further provides:
The corporation hereby formed shall have power to take and
hold, both by bequest, devise, gift, purchase, or lease,
either absolutely or in trust, for any of its purposes, any
property, real or personal, without limitation as to amount or
value, except such limitation, if any, as the legislature
shall hereinafter impose, to convey such property and to
invest and reinvest any principal, and deal with, and expend
the income of the corporation in such manner as in the
judgment of the trustees will best promote its objects."
SOCIAL BETTERMENT: A. D. 1907-1908.
The Pittsburg Survey.
A remarkable Investigation of Living Conditions in
a great Industrial Center.
"Under the name of the Pittsburgh Survey, Charities
Publication Committee has carried on a group of social
investigations in this great steel district. In a sense we
have been blue-printing Pittsburgh. Our findings will be
published in a series of special numbers … covering in order:
"I.—The People;
"II.—The Place;
"III.—The Work.
"Full reports are to be published later in a series of Volumes
by the Russell Sage Foundation, and, throughout, the text will
be reinforced with such photographs, pastel, maps, charts,
diagrams and tables as will help give substance and reality to
our presentations of fact. …
{617}
"The Pittsburgh Survey has been a rapid, close range
investigation of living conditions in the Pennsylvania steel
district. It has been carried on by a special staff organized
under the national publication committee which prints this
magazine. It has been financed chiefly by three grants, of
moderate amount, from the Russell Sage Foundation for the
Improvement of Living Conditions. It has been made practicable
by co-operation from two quarters,—from a remarkable group of
leaders and organizations in social and sanitary movements in
different parts of the United States, who entered upon the
field work as a piece of national good citizenship; and from
men, women and organizations in Pittsburgh who were
large-minded enough to regard their local situation as not
private and peculiar, but a part of the American problem of
city building.
"The outcome has been a spirited piece of interstate
co-operation in getting at the urban fact in a new way. …
"The main work was set under way in September, 1807, when a
company of men and women of established reputation as students
of social and industrial problems spent the month in
Pittsburgh. On the basis of their diagnosis, a series of
specialized investigations was projected along a few of the
lines which promised significant results. The staff has
included not only trained investigators but also
representatives of the different races who make up so large a
share of the working population dealt with. Limitations of
time and money set definite bounds to the work, which will
become clear as the findings are presented. The experimental
nature of the undertaking, and the unfavorable trade
conditions which during the past year have reacted upon
economic life in all its phases, have set other limits. Our
inquiries have dealt with the wage-earners of Pittsburgh (a)
in their relations to the community as a whole, and (b) in
their relation to industry. Under the former we have studied
the genesis and racial make-up of the population; its physical
setting and its social institutions; under the latter we have
studied the general labor situation; hours, wages, and labor
control in the steel industry; child labor, industrial
education, women in industry, the cost of living, and
industrial accidents.
"From the first, the work of the investigations has been
directed to the service of local movements for improvement.
For, as stated in a mid-year announcement of the Survey, we
have been studying the community at a time when nascent social
forces are asserting themselves. Witness the election of an
independent mayor three years ago, and Mr. Guthrie’s present
fight to clear councils of graft. Within the field of the
Survey and within one year, the Pittsburgh Associated
Charities has been organized; the force of tenement inspectors
has been doubled and has carried out a first general housing
census, and a scientific inquiry, under the name of the
Pittsburgh Typhoid Commission, has been instituted into the
disease which has been endemic in the district for over a
quarter of a century. A civic improvement commission,
representative in membership and perhaps broader in scope than
any similar body in the country, is now in process of
formation.
"A display of wall maps, enlarged photographs, housing plans,
and other graphic material was the chief feature of a civic
exhibit held in Carnegie Institute in November and December,
following the joint conventions in Pittsburgh of the American
Civic Association and the National Municipal League. The local
civic bearings of the Survey were the subject of the opening
session of these conventions. Its economic aspects were
brought forward at a joint session of the American Economic
Association and the American Sociological Society at Atlantic
City in December."
_P. U. Kellogg,
The Pittsburgh Survey
(Charities and the Commons, January 2, 1909)._
See (in this Volume),
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY;
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW;
LABOR PROTECTION, ETC.;
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT;
PUBLIC HEALTH;
POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF;
ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908.
SOCIAL DEMOCRATS.
See (in this Volume)
SOCIALISM: ENGLAND, AND FRANCE;
also GERMANY: A. D. 1903;
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907;
DENMARK: A. D. 1906.
SOCIAL REVOLUTIONISTS.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907, and 1906-1907.
SOCIALISM: AT LARGE: A. D. 1909.
The Socialist Press in all Countries.
According to a list of the Socialist Press, in the world at
large, published in November, 1909, by the International
Bureau of Socialists, at Brussels, fifty-seven Socialist daily
newspapers are published in Germany. English Socialists have
three weekly publications, and one that appears monthly. There
is a daily Socialist journal in the Argentine Republic, a
weekly review in Australia, and in Austria two daily
publications and a bi-weekly review. The Socialists in Belgium
publish four daily organs; those of Bulgaria support two
bi-weekly reviews; and those of Canada one weekly review. One
daily Socialist newspaper circulates in Denmark, and four
weekly publications in Spain. In the United States there are
four daily and eight weekly publications and a monthly
magazine. France has two daily Socialist newspapers and ten
weekly Socialist periodicals. In Greece the Socialists support
a weekly publication, in Holland a daily one, and in Hungary
both a daily and a weekly one. In Italy there are four daily
Socialist newspapers; and a single one in Norway, Poland, and
Sweden respectively. Socialists living in Switzerland have
three daily and three weekly organs; while those in Russia
have 20 monthly or bi-monthly ones, most of which are
published secretly. In Rumania and Sweden there are also
Socialist publications.
SOCIALISM: AUSTRALIA:
Government Ownership of Railways.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: AUSTRALIA.
SOCIALISM: AUSTRIA: A. D. 1903.
Adoption of a Resolution against Alcoholic Drinking by
the National Convention of the Social Democracy.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM: AUSTRIA.
SOCIALISM: BELGIUM: A. D. 1904.
Socialist Losses in the Belgium Elections.
See (in this volume)
BELGIUM: A.D. 1904.
SOCIALISM: DENMARK: A. D. 1905-1909.
Socialists Contending for Disarmament.
See (in this Volume)
DENMARK: A. D. 1905-1909.
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SOCIALISM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
The Principal Socialist Organizations of the Present Day. --
"There are four principal organizations actively engaged in
gaining adherents to the cause of Collectivism as a practical
policy, all over the kingdom. They are:
(1) The Social Democratic Party, formerly Social Democratic
Federation, and familiarly known as S. D. F.;
(2) the Fabian Society;
(3) the Independent Labour Party or I. L. P.;
(4) the Clarion Fellowship and Scouts.
There are several others of minor importance, though not to be
ignored, for they all represent the spread of the central idea
of Socialism. Among them is the Church Socialist League, which
is significant as being a society of convinced Socialists
within the Church of England holding that the ‘community
should own the land and capital collectively and use them
co-operatively for the good of all.’"
The oldest organization "began as the Democratic Federation in
1881, became the Social Democratic Federation in 1883, and has
recently changed its name to the Social Democratic Party. Its
object, according to the programme as revised in 1906, is:
"‘The socialization of the means of production, distribution,
and exchange, to be controlled by a democratic State in the
interests of the entire community, and the complete
emancipation of labour from the domination of capitalism and
landlordism, with the establishment of social and economic
equality between the sexes.’
"It demands a large number of ‘immediate reforms,’ including
the following:
"Abolition of the Monarchy.
Abolition of the House of Lords.
Payment of members of Parliament and administrative
bodies.
Adult suffrage.
Referendum.
Legislative and administrative independence for all
parts of the Empire.
Repudiation of the National Debt.
Abolition of indirect taxation and a cumulative tax on
all incomes exceeding £300.
Elementary education to be free, secular, industrial,
and compulsory for all classes.
Age for school attendance to be raised to 16.
State maintenance of all school children.
Abolition of school rates.
Nationalization of land, of trusts, railways, docks,
and canals.
Public ownership of gas, electric light, water supply,
tramways, omnibuses, &c., food and coal supply;
State and municipal banks, pawnshops, restaurants,
public ownership of hospitals, cemeteries, and the
drink traffic.
A legal eight-hours day;
no employment under 16 years;
public provision of work for unemployed at trade union rates;
free State insurance against sickness, accident, old age,
and disability;
a _minimum_ wage of 30s. a week;
equal rates of pay for both sexes.
Compulsory construction of healthy dwellings by public bodies.
Free administration of justice and legal advice.
Judges to be ‘chosen by the people.’
Abolition of capital punishment.
Disestablishment and disendowment of all State Churches.
Abolition of standing armies and establishment of
national citizen forces. …
"The Social Democratic Party is the most downright and
straightforward of the larger Socialist organizations. It is
more outspoken and consistent, less hazy and opportunist, than
the Independent Labour Party or the Fabian Society. It derives
its inspiration from the Social Democrats of Germany and
boldly upholds the ideal of revolutionary Socialism."
The Fabian Society, which comes next "in point of age, is at
the opposite end of the scale in regard to policy. It was
founded in 1884, on American inspiration, as a sort of mutual
elevation society, but adopted Socialistic principles from
Germany. Its ‘basis’ is thus stated:
"‘The Fabian Society consists of Socialists. It therefore aims
at the reorganization of society by the emancipation of land
and industrial capital from individual and class ownership and
the vesting of them in the community for the general benefit.
In this way only can the natural and acquired advantages of
the country be equitably shared by the whole people.
"‘The society accordingly works for the extinction of private
property in land and of the consequent individual
appropriation, in the form of rent, of the price paid for
permission to use the earth, as well as for the advantages of
superior soils and sites.
"‘The society further works for the transfer to the community
of the administration of such industrial capital as can
conveniently be managed socially.’
"It is not surprising that thorough-going Socialists denounce
the Fabians as make believe, Socialism-and-water ‘comrades,’
and hardly worthy to be called ‘comrades’ at all, an honour
which the Fabians, for their part, show no desire to claim.
Nevertheless, the Fabians are a very influential element in
the Socialist movement. … The Fabian Society is numerically
small, but growing rapidly, and that largely by the formation
of provincial branches. The headquarters are in London, where
it had in March last [1908] 1085 members out of a total of
2015. … Eleven Fabians are members of Parliament, and the
society supports the Labour party; but its real work lies
outside of politics, and is carried on chiefly by the
distribution of literature and by lectures. It contains
several well-known writers, and may almost be called a
literary society. The output of tracts and leaflets sold and
distributed last year was over 250,000. … Among the best-known
Fabians are Mr. Granville Barker, the Reverend R. J. Campbell,
the Reverend Stewart D. Headlam, Mr. Chiozza-Money, M. P., Mr.
Bernard Shaw, Mr. Sidney Webb, and Mr. H. G. Wells, who has,
however, recently seceded. Many members belong also to other
Socialist organizations. …
"The third large organization on the list is the Independent
Labour Party. It is considerably younger than the Social
Democratic Party and the Fabian Society, but much larger and
politically far more powerful than either or both together. In
character it comes between them, being more opportunist and
supple than the former, less nebulous and elusive than the
latter. It was formally inaugurated at Bradford in 1893, under
the leadership of Mr. Keir Hardie. The following are the
principal [demands] in the official prospectus, revised for
1908-1909:
"‘1. A _maximum_ of 48 hours working week, with the
retention of all existing holidays and Labour Day, May 1,
secured by law.
"‘2. The provision of work to all capable adult applicants at
recognized trade union rates, with a statutory _minimum_,
of sixpence per hour.
{619}
"‘In order to remuneratively employ the applicants, parish,
district, borough, and county councils to be invested with
powers to
(_a_) Organize and undertake such industries as they may
consider desirable.
(_b_) Compulsorily acquire land; purchase, erect, or
manufacture buildings, stock, or other articles for carrying
on such industries,
(_c_) Levy rates on the rental values of the district and
borrow money on the security of such rates for any of the
above purposes.
"‘3. State pensions for every person over 50 years of age, and
adequate provision for all widows, orphans, sick, and disabled
workers.
"‘4. Free secular, moral, primary, secondary, and University
education, with free maintenance while at school or
University.
"‘5. The raising of the age of child labour, with a view to
its ultimate extinction.
"‘6. Municipalization and public control of the drink traffic.
"‘7. Municipalization and public control of all hospitals and
infirmaries.
"‘8. Abolition of indirect taxation and gradual transference
of all public burdens on to unearned incomes with a view to
their ultimate extinction.
"‘The Independent Labour Party is in favour of adult suffrage,
with full political rights and privileges for women, and the
immediate extension of the franchise to women on the same
terms as granted to men; also triennial Parliaments and second
ballot.’ …
"The most prominent individuals in the Independent Labour
Party are Mr. Keir Hardie, M. P., its father and guide; Mr.
Ramsay Macdonald, M. P., who pulls the political strings; Mr.
Philip Snowdon, M. P., who is an active pamphleteer; and Mr.
Bruce Glasier, who edits the _Labour Leader_. This
organization, by far the most important in Great Britain,
takes much less part in international Socialism than the
Social Democratic Federation, with which it has never agreed
very well. …
"The ‘Clarion’ organizations, - which make the fourth of the
more important Socialist organizations, need only a brief
mention here. They are not regular societies, like the others,
but merely propagandist agencies organized by the
_Clarion_ newspaper and manned by Socialists who belong
to other bodies or to none. … The agencies include the
_Clarion_ vans, which travel round the country and
proselytize; the _Clarion_ fellowship societies, which
are social bodies, and the _Clarion_ scouts, who are
young recruits, organized for special purposes."
_From a series of Articles on
"The Socialist Movement in Great Britain,"
in the London Times, January, 1909._
SOCIALISM:
Work of the Anti-Socialist Union.
An Anti-Socialist Union in Great Britain is conducting a
training school for speakers and workers whom the union sends
into the constituencies to controvert the arguments of
Socialist orators. Of the 175 students who entered the
training school soon after the inauguration of the union in
1908 about 50 were reported the next year as qualified to take
an active part in the anti-Socialist campaign. In reply to an
appeal for volunteers, nearly 2,000 applications were received
from men and women who were anxious to enter the training
school.
SOCIALISM: FRANCE:
The Trade Union Version of Socialism.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION; FRANCE: A. D. 1884-1909.
SOCIALISM: A. D. 1909.
The Classes to which the Socialist Principle appeals.
Strength of Socialist Political Parties.
Their Leadership.
"The agriculturist loves the land which he usually owns, and
would scout the idea of becoming a farmer under the State,
which would be his position under a Socialistic regime; he is
frugal, hard-working, and thrifty to the point of avarice, but
intolerably narrow, suspicious and bigoted. Among this class
Socialism can hardly make proselytes, nor can it do so to any
great extent among tradesmen and commercial men, who are
either their own masters or who hope to set up for themselves
when they have amassed a small capital. We therefore find
ourselves reduced to two classes, the artisans and the
professions, and it is among these that we must seek the
Socialist voters of France. … In France, thanks to the fact
that members of Parliament are paid, the professional classes
are available for the recruiting of labour leaders; indeed the
younger section is naturally attracted to the Socialist
standard. As regards this particular class, we can find in
Great Britain no parallel. … Young Britons appear to be too
busy with their sports or social pleasures to study political
questions, so that we can hardly compare them with the
continental ‘Intellectuals.’ The ‘Intellectual’ is essentially
a product of modern Europe and is principally to be found in
France, Germany and Russia. He is almost invariably highly
educated, in sympathy with foreign progress, a humanitarian
and imbued with ideas either somewhat or very much ahead of
his time. The French ‘Intellectual’ is at his best in the
twenties; he may then be quixotic, but he generally knows his
subject and is fired with generous enthusiasms. … This curious
factor must never be lost sight of when the Socialist movement
in any European country is examined. In Great Britain members of
the educated classes almost invariably belong to one of the
two great political parties; but in France they are willing to
join hands with the masses, not only as leaders, but with a
view to the true enthronement of the people. It is probably
for this reason that the Socialist party has made so much
headway in France. Such being the soldiers and officers who
march under the Red Flag, it is not surprising that their
political organisation should have grown so powerful. The
Socialist party has hardly suffered from the ups and downs of
political life; every election has sent it back to power with
a greater number of seats to its credit; at the present time
the party has 74 representatives in the Chamber of Deputies,
to whom we must add, in certain cases, 135 Radical Socialists.
… The ‘Unified Socialists’ of the uncompromising type hold 53
seats, and the Independent Socialists 21; if we add these two
figures to the 135 Radical Socialists, we find that they form
a considerable portion of the 591 members. Though they have
not an absolute majority, the weight of these 209 advanced
votes is such as to colour very strongly modern legislation,
and there is no reason to doubt that their progress will
continue up to a certain point."
_W. L. George,
France in the Twentieth Century,
chapter 8 (John Lane Co., New York, 1909)._
SOCIALISM: Germany: A. D. 1902.
The Socialist Congress on Alcoholic Drinks.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM: GERMANY.
SOCIALISM: A. D. 1903.
Gains of the Socialists in Elections to the Reichstag.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1903, and 1906-1907.
{620}
SOCIALISM: A. D. 1903.
Opposition among Workmen.
A great Congress of 200 delegates from bodies of German
workingmen opposed to Socialism, said to represent a total of
620,000, was held in October, 1903, at Frankfort-on-the Main.
Its object was to promote effective organization of workmen,
to which end it appealed to "all unorganized German workmen to
join those industrial organizations which do not make enmity
between the classes their principle."
SOCIALISM: A. D. 1908.
Socialists win Seats in the Prussian Diet for the First Time.
See (in this Volume)
PRUSSIA: A. D. 1908.
SOCIALISM: A. D. 1909.
Statistics reported to the Socialist Congress.
The annual report to the Socialist Congress at Leipzig stated
that the German Social Democratic party has a membership of
571,050 men and 62,259 women—total 633,309. The number of men
had increased during the past year by 13,172, and the number
of women by 32,801. There are said to be now only 20 Reichstag
constituencies in which there is no Socialist organization.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).
SOCIALISM: Italy: A. D. 1904.
Gains in the Election claimed by the Socialists.
See (in this Volume)
ITALY: A. D. 1904 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).
SOCIALISM: A. D. 1909.
Gains in Italian Elections.
See (in this Volume)
ITALY: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).
SOCIALISM: NEW ZEALAND.
Government Ownership of Land.
Graduated Taxation.
Public Loans to Farmers.
See (in this Volume)
NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1905.
SOCIALISM: SPAIN: A. D. 1909.
Socialist-Republican Alliance.
See (in this Volume)
SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.
SOCIALISM: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902.
Socialist Platform adopted by the Western Federation
of Miners.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D). 1899-1907.
SOCIALISTIC POLITICAL PARTIES.
See (in this Volume)
PARTIES, POLITICAL.
SOKOTO:
British, Capture and Occupation.
See (in this Volume)
AFRICA: A. D. 1903 (NIGERIA).
SOMALILAND.
See (in this Volume)
AFRICA: SOMALILAND.
SONE, Viscount:
Japanese Resident-General in Korea.
See (in this Volume)
KOREA: A. D. 1905-1909.
SONNINO, BARON: PRIME MINISTER OF ITALY.
See (in this Volume)
ITALY: A. D. 1906-1909.
SOUDAN.
See (in this Volume)
SUDAN.
SOUFFRIÈRE, LA: VOLCANIC ERUPTION OF.
See (in this Volume)
VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS: WEST INDIES.
----------SOUTH AFRICA: Start--------
SOUTH AFRICA:
Suitable and Unsuitable Parts of South
Africa for European Settlement.
See (in this Volume)
AFRICA.
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.
The Last Year of the Boer-British War.
The Concentration Camps.
Kitchener’s Block-house System and Protected Areas.
The Opening of Negotiations for Peace.
Text of the Treaty concluded.
When Volume VI. of this work went to press, in April, 1901,
and its record of events was closed, the dreadful Boer-British
War had still a little more than another year to be prolonged
through; but it was to be, as it had been throughout the past
year, a sheerly destructive prosecution of guerrilla warfare
by separate bands of the indomitable Boers. The operations of
such warfare,—its raids, its counter "drives," its little
battles and skirmishes, its captures and recaptures, its
breaking of railway lines, and the like,—cannot be detailed in
a work like this. Nothing of any decisive effect was done at
any time, on either side, to constitute an important event in
the war. There was simply a wearing process in operation which
went on, in an inexorable and horrible slow way, till the
country on which it worked was a desert, and the endurance of
its surviving people was worn out.
In November, 1900, Lord Kitchener had succeeded Lord Roberts
in the British command. He decided to empty the contested
regions of their non-combatant population, by gathering it
into "concentration camps," thus resorting to a measure which
the Spaniards had employed in Cuba, and which the Americans
had copied from them in the Philippines. Accordingly, on the
21st of December, 1900, he had issued to general officers a
"Memorandum" in which he said:
"Lord Kitchener desires that General Officers will, according
to the means at their disposal, follow this system in the
Districts which they occupy or may traverse. The women and
children brought in should be camped near the railway for
supply purposes, and should be divided in two categories,
viz.: 1st. Refugees, and the families of Neutrals,
non-combatants, and surrendered Burghers. 2nd. Those whose
husbands, fathers, and sons are on Commands. The preference in
accommodation, &c., should of course, be given to the first
class. The Ordnance will supply the necessary tents and the
District Commissioner will look after the food on the scale
now in use.
"It should be clearly explained to Burghers in the field,
that, if they voluntarily surrender, they will be allowed to
live with their families in the camps until it is safe for
them to return to their homes."
In "The Times History of the War in South Africa" it is
remarked on this order: "The policy was inspired by two
motives. In the first place, it was supposed that the removal
of the families would induce fighting Boers to surrender, and
would thus shorten the War. In the second place, it was a
measure of humanity towards the unprotected occupants of
lonely farms. The decision was taken somewhat lightly. In its
primary object it failed absolutely. Far from providing an
inducement to surrender, it lifted from the fighting burghers
a load of embarrassment. To the British, military consequences
were disastrous. To the Boers the gain was twofold. On the
shoulders of their enemy lay the heavy tasks of removal and
maintenance, involving enormous expense and a grave hindrance
to military operations, while they themselves, relieved of all
responsibility for their women and children, were free to
devote their energies with a clear conscience to the single
aim of fighting.
{621}
While one of the British aims was signally defeated, the
other, that of humanity, was at first only partially attained.
The scheme for the concentration camps was lacking in
foresight. Adequate provision was not made for the hosts of
refugees requiring shelter. The regular medical and sanitary
staff were already fully occupied with the needs of the army,
and men were lacking for the organisation and supervision of
the camps. Sites chosen on purely military grounds often
proved wholly unsuitable. Too much reliance was placed on the
capacity for self-help to be shown by the Boers themselves,
and the Boers proved to be helpless, utterly averse to
cleanliness and ignorant of the simplest elements of medicine
and sanitation. The result was that for a certain period there
was a very high rate of mortality among these unfortunate
people."
_The Times History of the War in South Africa,
Volume v., chapter 3
(Low, Marston & Co., London)._
With better success Kitchener adopted and steadily perfected a
block-house system, by which lines of barrier were drawn
across the country in different directions, and protected
areas were formed. The system and its working are thus
described in the history quoted above:
"One of the first reforms undertaken by Kitchener when he
assumed command in South Africa was the strengthening of the
railways. At that time the defences of the lines were of the
simplest description, consisting almost wholly of open
trenches at stations, bridges and culverts, while the line
itself was patrolled by small parties of mounted men. In
laying out these trench defences, the principal object kept in
view was to render them inconspicuous and thus immune from
artillery fire. The system required enormous numbers of men
both for patrol work and for manning the long lines of
trenches. … It was clear that some form of permanent or
semi-permanent defence must be adopted, if security was to be
gained and the railway guards reduced. Early in January,
accordingly, the first blockhouses were constructed. …
"Planted at first only at stations, bridges, culverts,
important cuttings and curves—at the points, in fact, which
experience had proved to be most vulnerable—blockhouses came
to be established at regular intervals of about a mile and a
half down the whole extent of a line. This interval was
steadily lessened. Ultimately it became as small as 400 yards
on the Delagoa line and was reduced even to 200 yards on some
portions of the Cape railways. A continuous fencing of barbed
wire ran along the line; elaborate entanglements surrounded
each blockhouse, and the telephone linked up the whole system.
A somewhat later development was a deep trench bordering the
line of barbed wire and running to within 100 yards of each
blockhouse. …
"Until July the system was confined to the railways; but in
July the idea first took definite shape of throwing blockhouse
lines across country, and thus creating fenced areas of
manageable size within which the Boers could be dealt with
piece-meal. It is important to note that these lines almost
invariably followed roads, which thus became to all intents
and purposes as safe as railways. In other words, a great
number of additional lines of communication were opened up and
secured, and the striking power of the army proportionately
increased. …
"While a thousand yards, or thereabouts, was the usual
interval between cross-country blockhouses, the rule was
invariably followed that each must be in sight of its
neighbour on either side. The wire fence spanning this
interval always ran in the form of an obtuse angle, so that
fire could be directed along it from both ends without risk to
either blockhouse. In order to secure accurate fire in the
dark, rests were provided for the correct alignment of rifles.
Ordinary barbed wire was used at first, but the Boers became
such adepts at cutting it that a quarter-inch unannealed steel
wire, specially manufactured in England, had to be
substituted. In Cape Colony, an eight-strand cable,
manufactured in special 'rope walks' established at
Naauwpoort, was largely used. Not to be daunted, the Boers
took to uprooting the stays and levelling the fence bodily.
The stays, accordingly, had to be anchored securely to heavy
rocks sunk deep in the ground. As on the railways, alarms of
all sorts were devised to give the garrisons notice of an
attempt to tamper with the fence. A spring-gun would fire,
dangling biscuit tins would rattle, a weight would drop in the
blockhouse, and on any such signal the garrison would fire
down the line of the fence. But, when all precautions were
taken, it was impossible, on dark nights, to prevent
determined bodies of Boers from passing the barrier. The
passage could be made dangerous and difficult; that was all. …
Exaggerated hopes were built on the efficacy of the lines as
barriers to determined men. … The Boers, for a long time to
come, viewed with disdain the eruption of tiny forts. It was
only by degrees that they awoke to the realization that they
were taken like flies in a spider’s web. … Communication
between commanders became more and more difficult;
concentrations on a large scale impossible.
"The ramifications of the blockhouse system and the slow
formation of protected areas were not the only signs that the
day of conquest was approaching. Within these areas, under the
able and energetic administrations of Lord Milner, who
returned to South Africa in August, and, in the Orange River
Colony, of the Deputy Administrator, Sir H. Goold-Adams,
marked progress was beginning to be made in the establishment
of civil industry and in administrative reconstruction. …
"With regard to the Boer non-combatant population, an
important modification of policy was initiated in December.
Orders were issued to all columns that no more families, save
those in actual danger of starvation and those belonging to a
privileged class, … were to be brought into the concentration
camps. Since most of the accessible farms had already been
emptied, the order applied mainly to the women and children
who had preferred, in defiance of hardship, to accompany the
commandos and who lived in nomadic laagers. The Boers, however
much they had railed in the past against the inhumanity of the
camps, were soon to realise and admit the essential humanity
of the concentration system. The embarrassment and anxiety
caused by the helpless non-combatants in their midst was to
grow day by day.
{622}
Finally, at the Vereeniging Conference, the truth received
frank and undisguised expression. ‘To-day,’ said Botha, ‘we
are only too glad to know that our women and children are
under British protection.’ The wretchedness of those who
remained on the veld became, indeed, a powerful argument for
submission."
_The Times History of the War in South Africa,
chapters 10, 11, 14
(London, Low, Marston & Co.)._
It was not until March, 1902, that the men of authority on
both sides of the war began to give tokens of a mutual
disposition to discuss terms of peace. In the previous
January, the government of the Netherlands had offered to act
as intermediary between Great Britain and the Boers, and the
proffer had been declined, the British government repeating
its determination to accept no foreign intervention. At the
same time it was suggested that, inasmuch as Mr. Steyn and Mr.
Schalk Burger, the chiefs of the Orange Free State and of the
Transvaal burghers, respectively, were understood to be
invested with full powers of government, including the power
of negotiation, those gentlemen could open, if they wished,
direct communication with Lord Kitchener, who had already been
instructed to forward to his government any offers that he
might receive. On the 7th of March this correspondence was
sent by Lord Kitchener, without comment, to the Transvaal
government, then established at Stroomwater. The suggestion in
it was rightly taken as an invitation, and acting President
Schalk Burger at once asked for a safe-conduct for himself and
the other members of his government into the British lines,
with intimations of a wish for opportunity to meet the members
of the Free State government, in order that they might concert
proposals for peace. His wishes were readily complied with. On
the 22d he entered the British lines, and all possible aid was
given him in getting together the men whom he wished to
consult. Some were brought away from active fighting, which
went on without them, no pause on the military side being
permitted for a single day, while the parleying of a month
went on.
The Transvaal and Free State governments met on the 9th of
April, at Klerksdorp, under British safe-conduct, and, after
debate among themselves on that day and the next, sent a
telegram to Lord Kitchener, requesting him to meet them and
receive from them a proposal of peace. He replied promptly,
inviting them to his headquarters at Pretoria, and there they
were received on April 12th. Their proposal was on the basis
of political independence for the two Boer states, under "an
enduring treaty of friendship and peace" with the British
government, as well as a customs, postal and railway union
with the adjoining British colonies, and with concessions of
the franchise to Uitlanders in the Transvaal. Kitchener could
give no consideration to a proposal of this nature; but
consented, after much discussion to cable it to London. At, a
second meeting on the 14th (when Lord Kitchener was joined by
Lord Milner, the British High Commissioner in South Africa) he
had the answer of the British government to produce. It
declared with emphasis that the government could not
"entertain any proposals based on the continued independence
of the former republics, which have been formally annexed to
the British Crown." To this the Boer officials replied that
they had no power to negotiate on any other basis than that of
independence, and they asked for an armistice, to enable them
to consult their people. This was refused, but, after some
parleying, it was arranged that they should have free use of
the railway and telegraph, and that military operations should
be so conducted as to allow opportunities for meetings in all
parts of the country, at which thirty burghers from each re-
public should be elected, with authority to act for the
people. These representatives were to meet on the 15th of May,
at Vereeniging, to determine the answer they would give.
Between the 11th and the 15th of May immunity was promised to
all commandos whose leaders should be chosen as
representatives, and this practically operated as an armistice
during those days.
"History records no precedent," says The Times History of the
War, "for the state of affairs which existed in South Africa
between April 18 and May 15, 1902. War went on, but, to borrow
a metaphor from football, the ball of war was continually
rolling into ‘touch.’ Kitchener loyally carried out his
undertaking to the Boer leaders. Commandos were allowed to
assemble and confer unmolested; officers and messengers
scoured the country by road and railway with free passes,
passing through British outpost lines, receiving the unstinted
hospitality of their foes, and occasionally, to the chagrin of
a junior British officer, undergoing accidental capture,
followed by immediate release on the production of the magic
pass. Steyn, indeed, was too ill to take part in all this
activity and had retired to a farm near Wolmaransstad. But De
Wet, with amazing energy, travelled over the whole of the Free
State, inspiring the burghers with his leader’s fiery spirit.
At eight successive meetings he personally addressed
practically the whole of the commandos and secured unanimous
resolutions against any surrender of independence. The
Transvaal leaders were scarcely less active, though the
purport of their activity was by no means the same." These
chiefs of the Transvaal, Louis Botha and others, were disposed
to end the struggle for independence; those of the Free State,
inspired by their unconquerable President, were not.
On the 15th of May the officials of the two Boer governments
met the sixty delegates from the burghers at Vereeniging, and
the question between surrender and a hopeless continuation of
war was threshed out. The Free State delegates and a few of
the Transvaalers had been bound by pledges to vote against any
surrender of independence; but in the end they were persuaded
by their own legal advisers that such a restriction on the
free action of a delegate was contrary to the principles of
law; and gradually the question of independence gave place to
other matters of consideration in the discussion of terms. On
the 19th a sub-committee was appointed to consider those
details, and several days of bargaining with Kitchener and
Milner, at Pretoria, ensued. There was much use of the cable
meantime, to secure assent in London to what might be done.
The result was a draft treaty which Lord Milner assured the
Boer Commissioners was absolutely final, and must be accepted
or rejected without any change, on or before the 31st of May.
{623}
They took it to the convention at Vereeniging on the 29th, and
there, in two days of stormy debate, the no-surrender party,
led by Steyn and De Wet, made their last stand. When the
decisive vote was taken, their ranks were reduced to six,
against fifty-four. The Boer commissioners returned at once to
Pretoria, with the accepted draft-treaty, and it was signed on
the night of the 31st, a little less than an hour before the
expiration of the fixed term of grace. The following is the
text of this treaty, which ended one of the worst of modern
wars:
"General Lord Kitchener of Khartoum, Commander-in-Chief, and
His Excellency Lord Milner, High Commissioner, on behalf of
the British Government;
"Messrs. S. W. Burger, F. W. Reitz, Louis Botha, J. H. De la
Rey, L. J. Meyer, and J. Krogh on behalf of the Government of
the South African Republic and its burghers;
"Messrs. M. T. Steyn, W. J. C. Brebner, C. R. de Wet, J. B. M.
Hertzog, and C. H. Olivier, on behalf of the Government of the
Orange Free State and its burghers, being anxious to put an
end to the existing hostilities, agree on the following
points:
"Firstly, the burgher forces now in the Veldt shall at once
lay down their arms, and surrender all the guns, small arms,
and war stores in their actual possession, or of which they
shall have cognizance, and shall abstain from any further
opposition to the authority of his Majesty King Edward VII.,
whom they shall acknowledge as their lawful sovereign.
"The manner and details of this surrender shall be arranged by
Lord Kitchener, Commandant-General Botha, Assistant
Commandant-General J. H. De la Rey, and Commander-in-Chief de
Wet.
"Secondly, burghers in the Veldt beyond the frontiers of the
Transvaal and of the Orange River Colony, and all prisoners of
war who are out of South Africa, who are burghers, shall, on
their declaration that they accept the status of subjects of
His Majesty King Edward VII., be brought back to their homes,
as soon as transport and means of existence can be assured.
"Thirdly, the burghers who thus surrender, or who thus return,
shall lose neither their personal freedom nor their property.
"Fourthly, no judicial proceedings, civil or criminal, shall
be taken against any of the burghers who thus return for any
action in connexion with the carrying on of the war. The
benefit of this clause shall, however, not extend to certain
deeds antagonistic to the usages of warfare, which have been
communicated by the Commander-in-Chief to the Boer generals,
and which shall be heard before a court-martial immediately
after the cessation of hostilities.
"Fifthly, the Dutch language shall be taught in the public
schools of the Transvaal and of the Orange River Colony when
the parents of the children demand it; and shall be admitted
in the Courts of justice, whenever this is required for the
better and more effective administration of justice.
"Sixthly, the possession of rifles shall, on taking out a
licence in accordance with the law, be permitted in the
Transvaal and the Orange River Colony to persons who require
them for their protection.
"Seventhly, military administration in the Transvaal and in
the Orange River Colony shall, as soon as it is possible, be
followed by civil government; and, as soon as circumstances
permit it, a representative system lending towards autonomy
shall be introduced.
"Eighthly, the question of granting a franchise to the natives
shall not be decided until a representative constitution has
been granted.
"Ninthly, no special tax shall be laid on landed property in
the Transvaal and Orange River Colony to meet the expenses of
the war.
"Tenthly, as soon as circumstances permit there shall be
appointed in each district in the Transvaal and the Orange
River Colony a Commission, in which the inhabitants of that
district shall be represented, under the chairmanship of a
magistrate or other official, with a view to assist in the
bringing back of the people to their farms, and in procuring
for those who, on account of losses in the war, are unable to
provide for themselves food, shelter, and such quantities of
seed, cattle, implements, etc., as are necessary for the
resuming of their previous callings.
"His Majesty’s Government shall place at the disposal of these
Commissions the sum of £3,000,000 for the above-mentioned
purposes, and shall allow that all notes issued in conformity
with Law No. 1, 1900, of the Government of the South African
Republic, and all receipts given by the officers in the Veldt
of the late Republics, or by their order, may be presented to
a judicial Commission by the Government, and in case such
notes and receipts are found by this Commission to have been
duly issued for consideration in value, then they shall be
accepted by the said Commission as proof of war losses
suffered by the persons to whom they had originally been
given. In addition to the above-named free gift of £3,000,000,
His Majesty’s Government will be prepared to grant advances,
in the shape of loans, for the same ends, free of interest for
two years, and afterwards repayable over a period of years
with three per cent. interest. No foreigner or rebel shall be
entitled to benefit by this clause."
The following military statistics of the War, as conducted on
the British side, were published in a Parliamentary paper soon
after its close:
The garrison in South Africa on August 1st, 1899, consisted of
318 officers and 9,622 men; reinforcements sent between then
and the outbreak of hostilities, October 11th, 1899, totaled
12,546. Thereafter the troops sent up to May 31st, 1902,
reached the great total of 386,081, besides 52,414 men raised
in South Africa. The final casualty figures are: Killed,
5,774; wounded, 23,029; died of wounds or disease, 16,168.
A return made to Parliament in April, 1902, of the estimated
amount of war charges in South Africa that had been and would
be incurred up to the 31st of March, 1903, gave the following
figures:
For the first year of the war (1899-1900), £23,217,000; for
the second year, £65,120,000; for the third year, £71,037,000;
for the year in which it ended, £63,600,000. Total,
£222,974,000.
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902.
Cape Colony and Natal at the Colonial Conference, London.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE.
{624}
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1903.
Repatriation and Resettlement of the Boers in
the Transvaal and Orange River Colony.
Work of the first Eight Months of Restored Peace.
The following passages from a report dated March 14, 1903,
made by Governor Viscount Milner to Mr. Chamberlain, British
Secretary for the Colonies, will give some intimation of the
task of reconstruction and restoration which the war had
imposed on the victors, and the vigor with which it was
performed:
"The Terms of Surrender were signed at Pretoria on the 31st
May, 1902, but the Civil Government could not really begin to
take over the administration of the new Colonies, and
especially the country districts, for nearly a month after
that date. At Lord Kitchener’s request no attempt was made to
enter into possession of those districts until after the
surrender of the Commandos, and though that surrender was
accomplished with extraordinary celerity and smoothness,
something like three weeks elapsed before any Civil officer
could even set out for the house or tent, generally a tent,
allotted to him in the wilderness which we were about to take
over, devoid, as it was, of crops, of stock, of population,
and, to a large extent, of habitable dwellings. The period
over which this review extends is, therefore, one of about
eight months—from the end of June, when the work of
restoration commenced, till the end of February. …
"To begin with the Prisoners of War. The Vereeniging Terms
entitled something over 33,000 people to be restored to
liberty, and if they happened to be burghers imprisoned out
side South Africa, to be brought back to their homes as soon
as transports could be provided and their means of subsistence
assured. Of this large number upwards of 24,000 were in
prisoners’ camps in St. Helena, Bermuda, India and Ceylon;
upwards of 1,000 were in a prisoners’ camp, at Simons Town,
and about 1,200 were prisoners elsewhere in South Africa. Of
the rest the great majority had been allowed to live in
Concentration Camps, while the balance were on parole in
different parts of South Africa and a few in Europe. The
principal difficulty in connection with the prisoners was, of
course, the bringing back and distribution of the 24,000 odd,
who were at prisoners’ camps oversea. …
"The prisoners of war, on their return to South Africa, were,
in the first place, with few exceptions, sent to the
Concentration Camps of their respective districts, there to
rejoin their families, if they had them, and to return
together with them to their homes. They thus, in the majority
of cases, helped to swell the enormous number of people for
whom the Repatriation Departments of the two colonies had to
provide the means of transport to their homes, and, as a
general rule, the means of subsistence for months after such
return, as well as the seeds, instruments and animals
necessary to enable them to raise a crop. … In the eight and a
half months that we have been at work, we have restored about
200,000 of the old Burgher population in the two Colonies to
their homes, including all the inhabitants in the
Concentration Camps in the Transvaal, the Orange River Colony,
the Cape Colony and Natal, and the Prisoners of War. …
"By hook or by crook we had succeeded by the end of 1902, in
enabling the people to sow a fairly large mealie crop, besides
a considerable amount of forage, potatoes and other
vegetables. The change in the attitude of the farming
population, about that time, was very noticeable. The extreme
depression which characterised them two or three months
earlier had almost completely passed away, and they were
looking forward to the future with much more hopefulness. I
may say that almost the whole time, even when the outlook was
blackest, their attitude towards the Government was not
otherwise than a friendly one. They showed, with few
exceptions, great patience under hardships, and much energy
and resourcefulness in making the best of the small means at
their disposal."
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1904.
Death of Cecil Rhodes.
Survival of his Influence and his Policy.
Dr. Jameson, as his representative, made Premier
of Cape Colony.
On the 26th of March, 1902, two months before the end of the
British-Boer war, Cecil J. Rhodes died at Cape Town, and his
death removed the most powerful of the personal influences
that would have been reckoned on for determining the results
of the war. He had been the master-spirit in South Africa for
nearly thirty years. Indications of the part he had taken in
the expansion of the British dominion in that part of the
world, and in the conflict of British with Dutch ambitions
which produced the war, will be found in Volume VI. of this
work (see, especially, pages 460-466, 470-471, and 475-477, in
that Volume).
Had he lived and been in health there can be no doubt that he
would have been a leading actor in the political
reconstruction of British South Africa since the war. He had
been the Premier of Cape Colony from 1890 to the end of 1895;
then his career was clouded by the "Jameson raid" into the
Transvaal, and he was forced to resign. But the cloud would
have cleared, as it has cleared from Jameson. Indeed, the new
career of Dr. Jameson, since 1904, when a general election in
Cape Colony brought the party of the Progressives into power,
and put the former chief lieutenant of Cecil Rhodes in the
place of Sir J. Gordon Sprigg as Prime Minister of the
colonial Government, is indicative of the new career that
would have opened to Rhodes. It is the Rhodes policy and the
Rhodes influence that has prevailed, as was said by Mr. Edward
Dicey in an article written at the time:
"When Rhodes’ life came to a sudden and melancholy end,
Jameson felt the best way he could show his respect for his
dead friend was to carry on the work of his lifetime. Amongst
the Progressives there were several public men who, in normal
circumstances, might have been selected as leaders of the
party, but there was a well-grounded conviction that the man
who could best carry on Rhodes’ policy, with the least breach
of continuity, was Jameson. Even the few British colonists who
had not altogether condoned the Raid, felt that there was no
one so qualified to lead the Progressive Party as the author
of the Raid. The result was that Jameson was appointed, by
acclamation, the political successor of Rhodes. It was under
the new leader that the battle of the general election in the
Cape Colony has been fought and won.
{625}
The Progressive majority in the Cape Parliament is small; but,
in spite of all disintegrating influences, it may be trusted
to hold together till a Redistribution Bill has been passed.
When the influence of the Bond was supreme in the Cape
Parliament, the electoral divisions were manipulated in such a
manner as to give thinly populated, rural constituencies equal
representation with that enjoyed by the comparatively densely
populated urban constituencies. This arose from the fact that
in the country the Dutch settlers outnumbered the British,
while in the town the British composed the vast majority of
the electorate. The simplest way to rectify this abuse was to
remodel the existing electoral system, by making population
the basis of representation. This reform, however, was open to
the objection that it practically disfranchised a large number
of rural constituencies in which the Boers were in a majority.
On Jameson being appointed Prime Minister, after Sir Gordon
Sprigg’s compulsory retirement, his first step was to
introduce a new Redistribution Bill based on a less invidious
principle than its predecessor."
_Edward Dicey,
The New Cape Premier
(Fortnightly Review, April, 1904)._
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903-1904.
The Labor Question.
Investigation and opposing Reports by a Commission.
Adoption of Ordinance to admit Unskilled Non-European Laborers.
Beginning of Importation of Chinese Coolies.
The Political Side of the Question.
Debate in the British Parliament.
Early in 1903 Lord Milner appointed a Commission to
investigate and report on the labor question in South Africa,
which is a question between the mining people, who maintain
that the needful supply of labor for profitable mine-working
is not procurable, at rates which mine-owners can afford, from
any other than an Asiatic source, and their opponents who deny
the need of bringing either Chinese or East Indian coolies
into the mining fields. In November the Labor Commission
produced a majority and a minority report, the former agreeing
substantially with the mine-owners, the latter in contention
with them. The signatures to the majority report were ten in
number, the latter were but two. In the discussion of the
reports which took place in the Legislative Council of the
Transvaal late in the year, one speaker made the statement
that he was authorized by General Louis Botha to say that he
and all the Dutch he represented were opposed to the
introduction of Asiatics. A resolution favoring the
introduction of Chinese was adopted in the Council by a vote
of 22 to 4.
Ultimately, against the protests of a great majority of the
Boer population, an ordinance to regulate the introduction
into the Transvaal of unskilled non-European laborers was
adopted by the Legislative Council. It applied to males of
other races than those indigenous to Africa south of 12
degrees north of the Equator. The ordinance was to be
administered by an official superintendent; the laborers were
to be brought in by licensed persons only; they were to be
employed only in the Witwatersrand district, and only in
unskilled labor connected with the production of minerals, and
they were to be sent back to the country of their origin, at
the expense of their importer, at once on the termination of
their contract, which should not be for a longer term than
three years, renewable for two more. Provisions as to their
treatment, their passport identification, their restricted
residence, etc., were very precise and minute. The importation
of Chinese coolies under the provisions of this ordinance began
in June, 1904. At the end of the year over 20,000 had been
brought in.
That the question has its political as well as its industrial
side, and is one which concerns democracy no less than labor,
is shown in the following: "The political and industrial
position of the Rand, and, in some degree of the Transvaal as
a whole, is almost unique. The only parallel that comes to
mind is that of the town and district of Kimberly. A
considerable European community is dependent—on the Rand
entirely, throughout the Transvaal very largely—on a single
industry for the maintenance of its prosperity. This
dependence necessarily places great power in the hands of the
small group of men who are the owners, or represent the
owners, of the capital by which the industry has been created
and is now worked. Their influence is supreme. No law which
threatened their interests could be placed on the Statute
Book. Men who offer any effective opposition to their
wishes—like Mr. Wybergh, the Commissioner of Mines, Mr.
Creswell, the manager of the Village Main Reef Mine, Mr.
Moneypenny, the editor of the chief Johannesburg
newspaper—find it impossible to retain their positions. Two
dangers, and two only, threaten the permanency of this
supremacy—the Trade Union and the ballot, the combination of
the men employed and the possibility of an unsympathetic
majority in the legislature when a system of self government
is restored. Both these dangers would be increased in degree,
and brought nearer in time, by a large and rapid growth of the
white population.
"‘If 200,000 native workers were to be replaced by 100,000
whites,’ said Mr. Rudd, one of the directors of the
Consolidated Goldfields Company, ‘they would simply hold the
Government of the country in the hollow of their hand, and,
without any disparagement to the British labourer, I prefer to
see the more intellectual section of the community at the
helm!’ ‘ With reference to your trial of white labour for
surface work on the mines,’ wrote Mr. Tarbutt, another
director of the same important company and the chairman of the
Village Main Reef Company, in an often-quoted letter to Mr.
Creswell, 'I have consulted the Consolidated Goldfields
people, and one of the members of the board of the Village
Main Reef has consulted Messrs. Wernher, Beit and Co., and the
feeling seems to be one of fear that if a large number of
white men are employed on the Rand in the position of
labourers, the same troubles will arise as are now prevalent
in the Australian Colonies, i. e., that the combination of the
labouring classes will become so strong as to be able to more
or less dictate, not only on questions of wages, but also on
political questions, by the power of the votes when a
Representative Government is established.’
{626}
There have been other declarations of the same tenour; and,
indeed, no one who is acquainted with the views that prevail
among the circles of South African finance would seek to deny
that this dread of a second Australian democracy influencing
the political and economic future of the Rand is one of the
chief motives that direct the policy of the more far-sighted
men among those groups. …
"White labour, coupled with improved mechanical appliances,
stands established as the feasible remedy for the admitted
shortage in the number of Kaffir workers. To reject it in
favour of the introduction of Chinese is a policy which has
natural attractions for the owners of the mines. It is a
policy which should not have won the support of the
representatives of the British people."
_Herbert Samuel,
The Chinese Labour Question
(Contemporary Review, April, 1904)._
The bringing of Asiatic laborers into the mines was resisted
as strenuously in Cape Colony as by the Boer burghers and the
non-mining interests in general of the Transvaal. The leading
colony addressed a petition on the subject personally to King
Edward, saying: "Such an immigration, hampered and restricted
as it is proposed to be by stringent regulations, would, even
if it were possible to enforce such regulations, which is
doubtful, introduce a servile element, alien to the country,
destitute of rights, or interests, either in the present or
future of South Africa, and worked for the benefit of masters,
in many cases non-resident, thus constituting what would
practically be a slave state, in close contact with the other
free communities of South Africa. Your petitioners feel that
the introduction of such a class of labour would place an
obstacle in the way of the natural growth alike of European
and native elements in the population. …
"Such an importation would decide whether South Africa is in
future to constitute one of those great free communities under
the British flag, the growth of which shed so much lustre on
the reign of your august predecessor, or whether it is to be
ranked as a mere plantation worked in the interest and for the
benefit of foreign holders. Your petitioners therefore most
earnestly pray that your Majesty may be pleased to withhold
your sanction from any measure having for its object the
importation of Asiatics into South Africa, and by so doing
save them and those who may come after them from consequences
that will be fatal to their peace and prosperity."
_Parliamentary Papers, 1904
(Cd. 1895), page 133._
Mr. Chamberlain, Secretary of State for the Colonies, returned
to England in March, 1903, from a visit to South Africa, and
made an extended statement in Parliament soon afterwards of
his observations and his conclusions from what he had seen. On
the labor question, then the subject of greatest agitation in
South Africa, he stoutly supported the mine-owners in their
contention that native labor, and supplies from beyond the
Zambesi, to supplement the Kaffir supply, is a necessity of
the mining industry; that white labor is impossibly expensive,
and that the feeling against the introduction of Asiatic labor
seemed invincibly strong. There was not, he maintained, the
slightest foundation for the charge that the mine-owners
wanted forced labor or slavery in any shape or form, but that
they must have cheap labor if the mines were to be worked.
A few days later Lord Lansdowne, the Foreign Secretary,
received a deputation from various missionary societies to
protest against a proposed exportation of native labor from
Central to South Africa. In reply to them he said that the
Government had no more in view at present than an experiment
with 1000 laborers, who would be taken from British Central
Africa to the Rand District of the Transvaal and employed
there under regulations very carefully framed. If
objectionable results were found the experiment would be
carried no farther. This was followed by warm debate on the
subject in the House of Commons, where Sir William Harcourt
and others denounced the greed of the mining companies,
insisting that the mines could not pay fair wages simply
because the rich mines were over-capitalized and the low-grade
mines had been developed only for sale. Mr. Chamberlain again
championed the mine-owners, and defended the policy of the
Government, which sought, he said, to promote the general
prosperity of the country by getting as many of the mines as
possible into working order. The debate had no practical
result.
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903-1908.
Hostility to British Indian Immigration.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: A. D. 1903-1908.
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1904.
Census of all British South Africa.
Whites and Natives.
A general census taken in 1904 showed a total white population
in all British South Africa--south of Zambesi—of 1,135,655,
and a colored population of 5,169,338. The distribution of
this in the several colonies was as follows; Cape Colony,
580,380 white, 1,825,172 colored; the Transvaal and Swaziland,
300,225 white, 1,030,029 colored; Natal, 97,109 white,
1,011,645 colored; Rhodesia, 12,623, white, 593,141 colored;
Orange River Colony, 143,419 white, 241,626 colored;
Basutoland, 895 white, 347,953 colored; Bechuanaland, 1,004
white, 119,772 colored.
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1905.
Importation of Chinese Coolies Suspended
by orders from London.
The Liberal Ministry in Great Britain, under Sir Henry
Campbell-Bannerman, which succeeded the Conservative-Unionist
Ministry of Mr. Balfour on the 10th of December, 1905, had
been seated but twelve days when a despatch was cabled by Lord
Elgin, Secretary for the Colonies, to Lord Selborne, the High
Commissioner in South Africa, that "the experiment of the
introduction of Chinese laborers should not be extended
farther until they could learn the opinion of the colony
through an elected and really representative Legislature, and
they had accordingly decided that the recruiting, embarking
and importation of Chinese coolies should be arrested pending
a decision as to the grant of responsible government to the
Colony"—that is, the Transvaal.
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1905-1907.
Fulfillment by the British Government of the Promises
of the Treaty of the Vereeniging Treaty.
Representative Government restored to the Boer States.
The seventh stipulation in the Vereeniging Treaty of May 81,
1902, which ended the Boer-British War (see above, A. D.
1901-1902), contained the promise, on the part of the British
Government, that "military administration in the Transvaal and
in the Orange River Colony shall, as soon as possible, be
followed by civil government; and, as soon as circumstances
permit it, a representative system tending towards autonomy
shall be introduced."
{627}
On the 31st of March, 1905, the first step toward the
fulfillment of this pledge was taken, by the issue of letters
patent from the crown (without action of Parliament, inasmuch
as the Boer States, in the eye of the law, had been under the
suzerainty of the British sovereign, had been in revolt, had
been subjugated, and were directly subject to the crown, as
conquered territory), conferring a Constitution of Civil
Government on the Transvaal. It gave popular representation in
a legislature of a single chamber, styled the Legislative
Assembly. Not exceeding thirty-five of the members of this
body were to be elected, and from six to nine others were to
be appointed by the High Commissioner of South Africa,—in
which office Lord Milner had been succeeded of late by Lord
Selborne. Every burgher of the former Transvaal Republic not
disqualified by conviction for treason since May 31, 1902, was
to be entitled to vote in the election of representatives; and
so were all white males of British birth occupying premises at
an annual rental of not less than $50, or possessed of capital
to the value of $500. The debates in the Assembly were to be
in English—not in English or Dutch, like the English or French
of the Parliament of Canada; but there is a provision that the
Speaker may permit a member to use the Dutch language. No bill
passed by the Legislative Assembly which should subject the
natives to disabilities or restrictions could become law until
it had received the sanction of the Colonial Office in London.
This organization of a partially representative colonial
government extended only to the Transvaal. The Orange River
Colony remained still under the Crown Colony system, which had
been the status hitherto of both the Boer states since the
close of the war.
This limited realization of the promise of representative
government to the Boers was undoubtedly all that could be
expected from the Conservative Ministry in England, which went
out of power soon after it had conferred the Transvaal
Constitution. Its successors, of the British Liberal party,
soon broadened the basis of self-government in the Transvaal,
by a new constitutional instrument, which was outlined to
Parliament on the 1st of August, and issued December 6th,
1906. This made the legislature a bicameral body, having, for
the time being, an upper Council of 15 appointed members,
which, however, it was said to be the intention of the
Government to extinguish at no distant day. The elective
Assembly was to be composed of sixty-nine members, elected by
secret ballot for terms of five years. Every adult male of
twenty-one years of age who had been a resident for six
months, except members of the British garrison, was entitled
to vote. The general lines of the old Boer magisterial
districts were followed, and, on the basis of the census
figures of 1904 the Rand would have 32 members, Pretoria 6,
Krugersdorp 1, and the rest of the country 30. The
constitution prohibited Chinese contract labor, and no more
coolies could be imported into the country after November 15.
Either the English or the Dutch language could be used for
public business, and naturalization was made easy, but the
Boers’ request for woman suffrage was denied.
A Constitution framed on similar lines was given to the Orange
River Colony within the same year.
In the first elections for the Transvaal Assembly there were,
besides Socialists and labor organizations, three parties
engaged in a somewhat embittered contest. "The Progressives
are the party of the great mining houses on the Rand; the
Nationalist party is composed of British electors opposed to
the enormous political influence which the mining houses have
hitherto exercised; while the Boers at Johannesburg and
Pretoria and in the rural constituencies are organized in Het
Volk. There was a coalition between the Nationalists and Het
Volk. These two parties united against the Progressives, and
adopted as the chief plank in their platform a declaration
that the one question on which the election must turn was,
‘Who shall control the Transvaal—the people or the mining
houses?’ The Progressives on their part insisted that the
question was, ‘Shall the Transvaal be governed by the people
of the Transvaal, or from Downing Street?’ They were aggrieved
by the action of the British Government in making legislation
concerning non-European labor subject to review in London, and
in the campaign they made no attempt to conceal their
hostility to the Campbell-Bannerman Government. In this way
the question of Chinese labor was forced to the front. The
Nationalists and Het Volk coalition was successful," and
General Lotus Botha, who has been the leading spirit and
guiding mind among the Boers since the war ended, became the
Prime Minister of the Transvaal Government then organized.
It has been fortunate for the Transvaal, and no less for South
Africa at large, that so large-minded and strong a leader of
the subjugated race was found for the trying period in which
victors and vanquished were to have peace and friendship
established between them.
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1906-1907.
Revolt of the Zulus in Natal.
Their Grievances.
An extensive and determined revolt of the Zulus living within
the Colony of Natal broke out late in January, 1906, as the
consequence of an attempt to collect a poll-tax levied on them
by the colonial Parliament. A police sergeant and two or three
native policemen were killed in the first melée, and from that
time until near the end of the following summer there was war.
That it was prosecuted with fierceness, if not actual
ferocity, by the whites of the Colony, is made manifest by the
fact that about 3500 Zulus are said to have been slain and
2000 taken prisoners. The principal Zulu leader, a chief named
Bambaata, was killed in a battle fought in June, and the
revolt declined from that time. Sigananda, another chief, was
condemned to death, and twelve prisoners, convicted by
court-martial of complicity in the original murder of police
officers, were executed; while thirty-eight others were
sentenced to imprisonment for two years.
A serious question between the colony and the
Imperial-Government arose in connection with these military
trials. The sentences to death, confirmed by the governor and
the Natal ministry, were about to be carried out, when Mr.
Winston Churchill, with the approval of Lord Elgin, Colonial
Secretary, cabled to the Natal premier ordering the suspension
of the execution pending an investigation by the Liberal
government, on the contention that the natives should have
been tried in a civil court.
{628}
Premier Smyth refused to obey, but the governor postponed the
executions, whereupon the Natal ministry resigned. Much
indignation was evident in England, as well as in the colony,
against what was regarded as an unwarrantable interference in
colonial affairs by the Imperial government. The matter was
concluded by Lord Elgin cabling to the governor of Natal that
the home government had no intention of interfering in
colonial matters, and that, upon the receipt of full
information, it recognized the right and competency of the
Natal ministry to decide the question at issue.
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1907 (April-May).
Imperial Conference at London.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.
Formation of the Legislative Union of South Africa.
The Framing of the Constitution.
Compromise on the Race Question of Franchise.
British Imperial Assent.
The Royal Proclamation of Union.
Very quickly after the placing of the Boer colonies on a
footing of political equality with their English neighbors a
fresh desire for South African Union, in which they, who had
fought to the death for its prevention only six years before,
now shared, began to be earnestly voiced. Its genesis was
explained clearly by a correspondent of the London
_Times_ of May 24, 1909, who wrote "Economic causes of a
special character assisted the process. A great wave of
commercial depression, following hard upon the golden
expectations of the peace, passed over the whole country, but
made itself specially felt in the coast colonies. Here the
situation was painful in the extreme. It was a tale of
deficit, of retrenchment, of heroic Budgets. But far beyond
the rolling hills of the Karoo and the flat tableland of the
Orange River there was a wealthy State, a State with a
surplus. The Transvaal, possessing in Johannesburg the
principal centre of opulence and the chief market for produce,
was in a position to exert economic pressure upon colonies
whose principal source of revenue was derived from the profits
upon their railways and from the sale of their goods to the
great city on the high veld. The poorer colonies lived, so to
speak, upon the custom of the Transvaal, and were unable to
ignore, however much they might dislike, their position of
dependence. A rate war or a tariff war between the Transvaal
and the coast colonies could hardly end with a victory for
Cape Town or Durban, and so by a process of reasoning which
was not always pleasantly illustrated the coast colonies came
to accommodate themselves to the view that some form of
arrangement as to railways and Customs was desirable in their
own interests. Other causes contributed to illumine and
enlarge the horizon. A Zulu rebellion in Natal brought home
the common danger to the white community from native unrest or
from mistakes made by a weak colonial Government in its native
policy; the grant of responsible government to the two
conquered Colonies tended, not only to bring the English and
Dutch leaders into habitual communion, but to give to the
progressive section of the community a pressing interest in
the construction of a Government which should be strong enough
to resist the influences of the back veld."
The first action taken to transform the desire for Union into
a movement to that end was early in May, 1908, by a convention
of officials from the several colonies, assembled at Pretoria
to negotiate a new customs agreement and to arrange
intercolonial railway rates. The railway situation was nearly,
if not quite, the most serious one that brought pressure to
bear on some of the colonies, forcing them to seek a union in
which conflicts of interest would be overcome. It was a
situation which the High Commissioner, Lord Selborne,
described briefly, in a review of the many reasons for Union
which he addressed to the Governors and Lieutenant-Governors
of the several colonies, on the 7th of January, 1907:
"Of all the questions fruitful in divergence of opinion or of
interest to the Colonies of South Africa, there is none so
pregnant with danger," he wrote, "as the railway question. It
is not an exaggeration to say that a field more thickly sown
with the seed of future quarrel and strife than the
[State-owned] railway systems of South Africa does not exist.
As long as the Governments of the five British Colonies in
South Africa are wholly separated from, and independent of,
each other, their railway interests are not only distinct but
absolutely incompatible. There is a competitive struggle
between the ports of Cape Colony and of Natal to snatch from
each other every ton of goods which can be snatched. The
Orange River Colony desires as many tons of goods as possible
to be passed to the Transvaal through its territory, but it is
to the interest of Cape Colony that no such tons of goods
should pass into the Transvaal through the Orange River
Colony. … In the same way it is to the interest of Natal to
pass the goods consigned to the Transvaal from Durban into the
Transvaal at Volksrust, and not at Vereeniging through the
Orange River Colony. Thus the interests of Cape Colony, of
Natal, and of the Orange River Colony conflict the one with
the other. But when it comes to considering the railway
interests of the Transvaal, then it will be found that the
interest of the Transvaal is diametrically opposed to the
interests of Cape Colony, of Natal, and of the Orange River
Colony. The Transvaal loses revenue on every ton of goods
which enters the Transvaal by any other route than that from
Delagoa Bay [on the Portuguese coast]. … If the [Transvaal
Government] were as indifferent to the welfare of the three
sister Colonies as every State in Europe is to the welfare of
every other State, the Transvaal would see that all the trade
to the Transvaal came exclusively through Delagoa Bay. And
what then would be the position of the railways and the
finances of the three sister Colonies and of the ports of Cape
Colony and of Natal? This divergence, this conflict of railway
interests, this cloud of future strife, would vanish like a
foul mist before the sun of South African Federation, but no
other force can dissipate it."
That a railway and customs convention should start the action
which united the colonies of South Africa happened as
logically, therefore, as the happenings which derived the
American Federal Constitutional Convention of 1787 from a
River and Harbor Convention at Annapolis in 1786.
{629}
The South African Railway convention, before adjourning,
adopted a resolution recommending the appointment of delegates
from each colony to a convention for the framing of a
Constitution of United Government. Cape Colony led off in
approving the proposal, followed within a day or two by the
Transvaal and Orange River Colony, and a week later by Natal,
where the strongest opposition was developed. The
apportionment of delegates to the Convention was, for Cape
Colony 12, for the Transvaal 8, for Orange River and Natal 5
each. On the 12th of October these delegates assembled at
Durban, in Natal, under the presidency of Sir Henry de
Villiers and were in session there until the 5th of November,
when they adjourned to meet again at Cape Town, November 23.
Their labors were not concluded until the 3d of February,
1909, when all differences had been harmonized or compromised
and a draft Constitution approved, which every delegate signed
that day.
The Constitution was officially published on the 9th of
February, with a recommendation that the several Parliaments
should meet on March 30 to consider the draft, and that the
Convention should meet again in May on a day to be fixed by
the president of the Convention and the Premiers in
consultation. The final draft to be submitted to the
Parliaments in June. Then a committee of delegates appointed
by the Governments to proceed to England to facilitate the
passing of the Act.
This programme was successfully carried through. Cape Colony
and Natal contended for certain amendments to the draft
Constitution, but the Transvaal and Orange River colonies
approved the instrument and instructed their delegates to
support it as a whole. The General Convention was reassembled
at Bloemfontein, capital of the Orange River Colony, on the 3d
of May, when it discussed the proposed amendments and agreed
to eight of them. As thus amended the draft was adopted in
June by the parliaments of each of the four colonies, and sent
with that endorsement to the Imperial Government for the seal
of Sovereign Law. It was followed by an official mission,
composed of nineteen members, who represented, as a London
journal remarked, "almost the whole of the driving power in
South African politics," including, of course, such former
antagonists as General Botha and Dr. Jameson, now shoulder to
shoulder in powerful leadership of the movement for South
African Union.
One feature of the Constitution, as framed by the four
colonies and presented for the imperial approval, was
profoundly repugnant to English feeling. It was the product of
a compromise in the colonial convention, which ran a curious
parallel to that in the American constitutional convention of
1787, which gave the Southern States a representation in
Congress for their slaves. The question of elective franchises
and legislative representation for the colored natives had
troubled the South African union-making, just as the slavery
question had troubled the American. Cape Colony had conferred
the suffrage on its qualified colored citizens, and refused to
disfranchise them; the other colonies had disfranchised all
races but the white, and refused to allow a possible election
from the Cape Colony to the Union Parliament of any other than
members of European descent. The necessary compromise which
secured the Union left the Cape franchise undisturbed for the
present, but exposed to a future chance of being overruled;
and it barred all but European humanity from both houses of
the general Parliament.
This compromise was opposed with unyielding resolution by a
strong party in Cape Colony, led by two former premiers, Mr.
W. P. Schreiner and Sir J. Gordon Sprigg. Mr. Schreiner went
to England to appeal there to the Imperial Parliament against
the sanctioning of these provisions of the proposed
Constitution.
Mr. Schreiner found in Great Britain almost universal sympathy
with the feeling that he represented. In Parliament and out,
it was expressed by all parties; but there went with it a
prevailing opinion that the matter in question and the
attending circumstances were such that the Imperial Parliament
ought not to refuse assent to the action of the colonies. The
Prime Minister, Mr. Asquith, set forth the reasoning to this
conclusion very clearly and concisely, when, on the 19th of
August, he moved, in the House of Commons, the third reading
of the South Africa Bill. "I wish," he said, "in submitting
this motion to the House, to take the opportunity of putting
on record the fact that this Bill, consisting of over 150
clauses and a very complicated schedule, has, after the most
careful consideration by this House, been passed without
amendment. It would, however, be a totally false impression
were it suggested that as regards all provisions of this Bill
there is unanimity of opinion in the House. In particular as
regards some of the clauses which deal with the treatment of
natives—the access of native members to the Legislature—as
everybody who has followed the debate can see, there is not
only no difference of opinion, but absolute unanimity in the
way of regret that those particular provisions should have
been inserted in the Bill. I wish before the Bill leaves the
Imperial Parliament to make it perfectly clear that we here
have exercised, and I think wisely and legitimately exercised,
not only restraint of expression, but reserve of judgment in
regard to matters of this kind, simply because we desire that
this great experiment of establishing free self-government in
South Africa should start on the lines and in accordance with
the ideas of our fellow-citizens there which they have
deliberately and after long consideration come to.
"It is perfectly true that the Imperial Government cannot
divest itself of responsibility in this matter. We do not do
so. I think that if we have yielded, as we have, on points of
detail—on some points on which many of us feel very
strongly—to the considered and deliberate judgment of South
Africa, it has been because we thought it undesirable at this,
the last, stage in the completion of an almost unprecedentedly
difficult task to put forward anything that could be an
obstacle to the successful working of the Bill. Speaking for
myself and the Government, I venture to express not only the
hope, but the expectation, that in some of these matters that
have been discussed in this House, both on the second reading
and in the Committee stage, the views which have been so
strongly expressed, and practically without any dissent, will
be sympathetically considered by our fellow-citizens in South
Africa.
{630}
For my part I think, as I have said throughout, that it would
be far better that any relaxations of what almost all of us
regard as unnecessary restrictions upon the electoral rights
and eligibility of our native fellow-subjects there should be
carried out spontaneously and on the initiative of the South
African Parliament rather than that it should appear to be
forced on them by the Imperial Parliament here."
The Bill had already passed the House of Lords. It received
the royal approval on the 20th of September; and, on the 2d of
December, the Union of South Africa was proclaimed, to be of
effect on and after the 31st of May, 1910.
Soon after the passage of the Bill, announcement was made that
the Prince of Wales would visit South Africa to open the Union
Parliament, as he had done on the opening of the Parliament of
the Australian Commonwealth, in 1901.
In December it was made known that the Right Honourable
Herbert Gladstone would be the first Governor-General of
United South Africa.
For the text of the South African Constitution:
See (in this Volume)
CONSTITUTION OF THE UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA.
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1909.
The Native Protectorates.
Their Condition and Circumstances on the Eve of
the Inauguration of the Union of South Africa.
"It should not be forgotten that the protectorates are in
being to-day not because this particular arrangement of
protection was economically necessary or inevitable, nor even
because the general relationship of the native tribes of South
Africa made it the best that could be devised. The fact is
that they came into existence at different times and as
definite and probably expedient results of various fortuitous
crises in a chaotic native political history, which is at
least characteristic of South Africa. …
"To-day the protectorates are to a considerable degree
isolated native communities, so far at any rate as they are
concerned with any possible united feeling among the other
native tribes of South Africa. They are carefully guarded by
their responsible officials from interference and possible
harm from outside their own territories—that is from taking
any considerable interest or partnership in the real or
fancied troubles of neighbouring states. They are in a
sense—and more than a political sense—inside a ring fence.
"As regards the relationship between the native inhabitants
and the white settlers of the several protectorates, there are
no striking points of difference. In Basutoland no land is
held under white ownership. Such white residents as there are,
apart from officials and missionaries, are there as traders
and storekeepers. No land rights have been alienated to white
men. In the Bechuanaland Protectorate certain areas are held
by white men, but at the same time very large areas are
reserved entirely for native uses. In Swaziland the
relationship was, until a few months ago, upon a very
different basis—a position surely unique in the history of the
British colonial possessions. I have not space to describe
even briefly the extraordinary intricacy of the concessions
troubles or the heroic measures found necessary to effect a
settlement at once just to the concessionaire and the native.
It must be sufficient to say that today about half the area of
the country is held in white ownership, while rather more than
one-third is reserved for the exclusive use and benefit of the
natives. In Zululand certain areas of land are held by whites,
but the bulk of land is held in native possession. In each
case, however, it is not probable that any more land will be
alienated for purposes of sale or settlement by whites. It may
be accepted without doubt, I think, that the natives will
retain in perpetuity the land they hold at present. It will be
seen that the material interests of the natives, at any rate
as regards land, have been well guarded in the three
protectorates."
_R. T. Coryndon,
The Position of the Native Protectorates
(The State, South Africa, September, 1909)._
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1909.
Introduction of Proportional Representation.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: SOUTH AFRICA.
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1909.
Native Labor Supplanting the Chinese.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: SOUTH AFRICA. A. D. 1909.
----------SOUTH AFRICA: End--------
SOUTH AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
See (in this Volume)
American Republics.
SOUTH CAROLINA, and Interstate and West Indian Exposition.
See (in this Volume)
CHARLESTON: A. D. 1901.
SPAIN: A. D. 1870-1905.
Increase of Population compared with other European Countries.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.
SPAIN: A. D. 1898-1906.
Gains from the Loss of Cuba and the Philippines.
Growth of Close Relations with the Spanish-American States.
"In many a war it has been the vanquished, not the victor, who
has carried off the finest spoils. Cuba and the Philippines
have been like a tumor in the side of Spain, dragging her down
in the race of civilization. They have drained her life-blood
and disturbed all her national activities. Only a serious
surgical operation could remove this exhausting excrescence;
and Spaniards themselves have been the first to recognize that
the operation, though painful, was in the highest degree
beneficial. Not even the most Quixotic of Spaniards dreams of
regaining these lost possessions. The war has been beneficial
in at least two different ways. It has had a healthy economic
influence, because, besides directing the manhood of Spain
into sober industrial channels, it has led to the removal of
artificial restrictions in the path of commercial activity. It
has been advantageous morally, because it has forced even the
most narrow and ignorant Spaniard to face the actual facts of
the modern world.
"The war has had a further result in leading to a movement,
for a closer sympathy between Spain and the Spanish states of
South America. The attitude of these states towards the mother
country has hitherto been somewhat unsympathetic; they have
regarded her as hopelessly opposed to all reform; the
hostility of Spain to the aspirations of Cuba and their own
earlier struggles for freedom amply accounted for such an
attitude. Now there is nothing to stand in the way of a
movement towards approximation which has already begun to
manifest itself, and may ultimately possess a serious
significance."
_Havelock Ellis,
The Spirit of Present-Day Spain
(Atlantic Monthly, December, 1900)._
{631}
"Thoughtful Spaniards will tell you that a change has come
over their country with the close of last century, and that
this change has been developing since the accession of their
young King. The starting-point of this evolution in national
life was the close of the short struggle with the United
States and the loss of what remained of their colonial empire.
That turning-point in the modern annals of Spain caused a deep
impression in the minds, not only of the governing classes of
the country, but of the hard-working middle classes and of the
masses themselves. … Almost immediately after conclusion of
the peace treaty, first a few and then more and more Spaniards
dared to speak out what at heart they felt, however sore and
resentful—namely, that foreign and colonial foes had rendered
Spain a service by ridding her of the colonies that hampered
her revival in Europe and in fields of action and enterprise
nearer home. This feeling spread widely among the masses and
middle classes when they perceived the first-fruits of the
concentration of the resources and energies of the nation in
Spain between 1899 and 1905. Much capital had flowed back from
the former colonies, especially from Cuba and the Philippines,
and promoted a rapid increase in enterprises of every
kind—banks, financial establishments, mines, industries,
syndicates, trusts, shipping-interests that, developing,
perhaps, too rapidly, were led to overproduction, and thus
gave rise to local crises at Bilbao, Barcelona, Santander,
Cadiz, Malaga. The rebound of the last year of the nineteenth
century and of the first few years of the twentieth was a
consequence also of the recovery of Spanish credit, effected
by a vigorous reorganization of Spanish finance and budgets by
the late Señor Villaverde, and by the gallant resolution with
which Governments and Parliaments, backed by the press and
public opinion, undertook to honor both the domestic
engagements of Spain herself, and the engagements that
resulted from saddling her treasury and budget with the debts
of Cuba and the Philippines, and with the cost of the last and
previous civil wars in the lost colonies. The restoration of
Spain’s credit abroad and at home, the successful levelling of
her budgets with a surplus revenue annually of several
millions of dollars since 1900, dispelled the fears of her
native capitalists; and they too, large and small, came
forward to invest in mines, banks, companies and railways."
_World-Politics
(North American Review, November, 1905)._
SPAIN: A. D. 1901-1904.
Four Years of Political Shuffling in the Government.
End of the Queen Dowager Regency.
Coronation of the Young King, Alfonso XIII.
Death of Sagasta.
A New Ministry, of Liberals, was formed in March, 1901, with
the veteran leader, Praxedes Mateo Sagasta, at its head; but
the military party was represented in the Government by
General Weyler, as Secretary for War. Measures undertaken by
the Government against unauthorized religious orders, to bring
them under surveillance, gave rise to anti-clerical
disturbances in some parts of the Kingdom, and were defiantly
opposed by the Church. Legislative elections held in June gave
the Government 280 seats, leaving but 70 to the Opposition;
but any party controlling the conduct of elections in Spain
was said to be able to secure whatever majority it desired.
The general condition of confusion and disturbance was
continued in 1902, and constant recourse was had, in one
region or another, to declarations of a "state of siege,"
involving martial law. General Weyler fought a battle of a
week’s duration in February at Barcelona, with rioting
consequent on a general strike.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: SPAIN.
On the 17th of May, his sixteenth birthday, Alfonso XIII.,
whose father, Alfonso XII., died before he was born, and who,
consequently, had been, nominally and constitutionally, King
of Spain since his birth, entered on the actual exercise of
royal functions. He was crowned that day, and the regency of
his mother came to an end. The coronation ceremonies were
splendid; the oath taken by the young King was very simple: "I
swear by God upon the Holy Bible to maintain the constitution
and laws. If so I do, may God regard me; if I do not, may he
call me to account." There is reason to believe that he took
this oath with a serious sense of the responsibilities he
assumed; but influences at Court, military, clerical, and
otherwise reactionary, were stronger than the influence of his
constitutional advisers for a few years, and the political
distractions of the time were increased. The attempted action
of Government against unauthorized religious orders ended in a
compromise which gave authorization to every order demanding
it.
On the 3d of December, 1902, Sagasta and his Cabinet resigned,
and a Conservative Ministry, under Señor Silvela, was formed.
On the 5th of January following Sagasta died. The liberalism
he represented had no substantial unity left, nor were the
opposing groups in a condition to give more consistency or
strength to the Government. A new Ministry under Senor
Villaverde succeeded that of Silvela in May, and was succeeded
in turn by another in December, with Señor Maura at its head.
Premier Maura, formerly of Sagasta’s party, but latterly more
Conservative, held the reins for a full year, escaping two
attempted assassinations in 1904, and giving place to General
Azcarraga on the 14th of December in that year. The General
was less fortunate, for he enjoyed the honors of the prime
ministry but six weeks.
SPAIN: A. D. 1903.
Agreement for Settlement of Claims against Venezuela.
See (in this Volume)
VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.
SPAIN: A. D. 1904 (April).
Declarations of England and France touching Spanish
interests in Morocco.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).
SPAIN: A. D. 1905-1906.
Unsatisfactory State of the Kingdom.
Rapid Succession of Changes in the Government.
Disorders in Catalonia.
The King’s Marriage.
Attempted Assassination of the King.
Proposed Anti-Clerical Law, which came to naught.
In the character of its political parties, in the condition of
its finances and in the general circumstances of the country,
Spain appeared to be in an increasingly unsatisfactory state.
Four changes of Ministry occurred within the year 1905, and no
Government was found able to project any policy that promised
permanency and definiteness of line.
{632}
Don Ramon Villaverde succeeded General Azcarraga as Premier in
January, and was succeeded in the following June by Don E.
Montero Rios, who had Don Jose Echegaray, the eminent poet,
dramatist, novelist, and banker, for his Minister of Finance.
In turn, Señor Montero Rios, after a reconstruction of his
Cabinet in October with the help of the King, gave way at the
end of November to Señor Moret. The Azcarraga and Villaverde
Ministries had been Conservative; those of Montero Rios and
Moret were of the Liberal type. The Parliament, which should
have been convened early in the year, but was not called
together until the middle of June, contained no majority which
any Ministry could trust, and all the leaders in Spanish
politics were afraid of it. Fresh elections in September gave
the Montero Rios Ministry a decided majority; but it had
quarrels within itself, and threatening disorders had arisen
in many parts of the country, especially in half-rebellious
Catalonia, which it seems to have lacked courage to face. An
arrogant, insubordinate temper had been developed among the
officers of the army, who disputed the supremacy of civil over
military authority; and in many ways the conditions in the
kingdom gave cause for grave anxiety to thoughtful minds.
Not much, if any, quieting of the disturbed conditions in
Spain came during the next year. The Government stooped to a
compromise with the insolent military faction, so far as to
allow press offenses against officers of the army to be dealt
with by courts-martial. On the 31st of May, 1906, King Alfonso
was married to the English Princess Ena of Battenberg, who
previously entered the Roman Catholic Church, much to the
disturbance of Protestant feeling in England. The wedding
festivities at Madrid were nearly made tragical by an
anarchist attempt to kill the royal pair. As they returned
from the marriage ceremony to the palace a wretch named Matteo
Morales threw a bomb into the midst of the procession of
carriages, killing a number of attendant people, but missing
those for whom it was intended. The coolness and readiness of
mind shown by the young king, and by his bride, excited
general admiration, and indicated a strength of character that
augured well for Spain.
In July the Moret Ministry found it expedient to resign, and
the administration of Government passed to a new Cabinet,
under Captain-General Lopez Dominguez. Then a strange change
of attitude toward the Church of Rome was given for a brief
time to the Spanish Government, as though it had caught the
temper of France. There had been signs of a disposition toward
some independence of secular policy a few years before, when
the strenuous opposition of the Church failed to prevent the
passage of a Spanish law which authorized civil marriage
between persons legally qualified, whatever their creed might
be. The Church continued its hostility to this law until it
succeeded, in 1900, in securing an amendment which restricted
the right of civil marriage to parties one of whom should not
be a Catholic. Public opinion does not seem to have approved
that concession, and the original provisions of the law were
now restored. This drew on the Government a fierce clerical
attack; in the face of which it brought forward, in October, a
project of law which seems to have been modelled very closely
on that French Associations Law, of 1901, by which all
religious orders, along with other associations, were brought
under surveillance and regulation by the State.
See in Volume VI. of this work,
FRANCE: A. D. 1901,
and, in this Volume,
FRANCE: A. D. 1903.
This Spanish measure proposed to allow no religious order to
be established in the kingdom without parliamentary
authorization. It would empower the Government to withdraw the
authorization of any order or association that it found
dangerous to public tranquility or morals; it would permit any
member of an order to renounce his or her vows; it would
dissolve any order whose members were foreigners or whose
directors lived abroad; it would command monasteries and
convents to open their doors to representatives of the proper
civil authority at any time; it would limit the property held
by religious orders to the need of the objects for which they
were instituted and put a limit on the gifts and bequests they
could receive.
This seemed an extraordinary measure to come even under
discussion in Spain. Some of the Liberal leaders were prompt
in declaring opposition to it, and its passage through the
Cortes was probably impossible; but it came to no vote. Debate
on it, opened on the 27th of November, was brought soon to an
abrupt and not well-explained end. The Prime Minister resigned
suddenly, in consequence of alleged intrigues; Señor Moret,
recalled to office, was forced to retire again almost at once;
a new Ministry was formed by the Marquis Vega de Armijo, and
nothing more appears to have been heard of the proposed
Associations Law.
SPAIN: A. D. 1906.
At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco question.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.
SPAIN: A. D. 1907.
Franco-Spanish Bombardment of Casablanca.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.
SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.
The Maura Conservative Ministry.
Unpopularity of the War in Morocco.
Insurgency in Barcelona.
The Ferrer Case.
The Moret Ministry.
Municipal Reform.
Present Parties.
The Ministry of Marquis Armijo de la Vega held the Government
little more than a month, giving way to Señor Maura and his
party, who returned to power in January, 1907. Five changes of
administration had occurred within a year and a half.
Elections in April yielded the Government a majority, and the
birth of an heir to the throne on the 10th of May gave much
satisfaction to the country. The Liberals, however, were so
indignant at the manipulation of the elections to the lower
chamber that, on the advice of their leader, Señor Moret, they
took no part in the senatorial elections which followed, later
in May; and this proved singularly embarrassing to the
Government. Bomb explosions and other anarchist outrages,
centering in Barcelona, but not confined to that turbulent
city, were being dreadfully increased, and a ministerial Bill
was brought before the Cortes in January, 1908, providing
measures of suppression so drastic, especially in its dealing
with the Press, that a most formidable opposition was stirred
up. The Government stood stoutly by the Bill for months, until
its control of the Cortes was shaken by the coalition that
took form against it.
{633}
In the end it withdrew the Anarchist Bill, but raised another
obstinate and threatening storm by the proposal of a Local
Administration Bill, quite startlingly revolutionary in its
plans for giving more independence to municipalities and
provincial councils. Contest over this Bill went on till early
in February, 1909, when Premier Maura came to an understanding
with Señor Moret, leader of one of the Liberal groups, which
enabled a part of the extensive measure, relating to
municipalities, to be passed. Among other things, this new
enactment made voting in the municipalities compulsory, and
elections held since are reported to have shown a heavy
increase of vote, proving effectiveness in the law. The other
section of the Bill, dealing with provincial councils, was
held over for subsequent action in the Cortes, and had not
been disposed of when Premier Maura and his Cabinet were
driven to resign, in October, 1909.
The causes of the overthrow of the Maura Ministry came
primarily from the serious war with the tribesmen of the Riff,
Morocco, into which Spain had been drawn in the midsummer of
1909.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1909).
The war was exceedingly unpopular from the beginning, and made
more so by early reverses in its prosecution. Riotous
outbreaks and labor strikes occurred in several parts of the
Kingdom, but most fiercely at the turbulent city of Barcelona,
where they were suppressed with a severity which embittered
feeling against the Government. This feeling was excited to a
climax in October by the military trial and execution, at
Barcelona, of Professor Francisco Ferrer. Professor Ferrer was
a teacher of high standing and wide acquaintance in Europe,
extremely radical in his political opinions, and accused of
disseminating seditious doctrines in the school which he
conducted at Barcelona. The military authorities there put him
under arrest on the charge of having been a principal
instigator of the revolutionary rising in July. He was tried
by court-martial, without just opportunity for defence,
according to common belief, and summarily shot, the Government
disregarding many appeals from all parts of Europe for its
intervention in the case. An extraordinary excitement
throughout the world was produced by this tragedy, and it was
felt in Spain with reverberant effect. After violent speeches
in the Chamber of Deputies, October 20, Señor Maura felt it
necessary to resign, and the Liberal leader, Señor Moret y
Prendergast, was called by the King to take the Government in
hand.
The Moret Ministry made a speedy good beginning in domestic
policy, by reviving, in some degree, the further undertaking
of reform in local administration which Señor Maura had
attempted two years before. This was now done by a decree,
designed to clear away the mass of ordinances and special
decrees by which the existing municipal law has been gradually
choked since it was enacted in 1877, and to restore to
municipal bodies the liberty and initiative that they were
originally supposed to possess. Señor Moret and his party had
supported Premier Maura’s Local Administration Bill in 1907;
but it had been opposed and defeated by the class of
politicians who are trained to a distaste for any sort of
political reform. According to all accounts, the Moret
Ministry, with a much mixed and uncertain support in the
Cortes, has thus far done well.
Municipal elections were held throughout Spain December 12,
and the introduction of compulsory voting brought out an
unprecedented vote, from which the Republicans and Liberals
drew most. Altogether, there are said to have been chosen 481
Republicans, Liberals, and Democrats, 253 Conservatives, and
over a hundred Radicals of various shades. Madrid elected 12
Republican councillors, 2 Liberals, 1 Democrat, and 7
Conservatives, thus giving the Republicans an absolute
majority. Valencia chose 15 Republicans, against 10 of all
other parties. In Valladolid, 12 Liberals, 6 Republicans, and
3 Conservatives were elected; in La Coruña, 7 Republicans, 3
Liberals, and 3 others; in Córdoba, 10 Republicans, 6
Liberals, and 6 Conservatives.
In present politics the Republicans are said to have gone into
alliance with the Socialist or Labor party; the alliance
having its leader in a Señor Lerroux, of Barcelona, who
returned lately from a long political exile, and who has had
warm receptions in a number of the chief cities, where he made
stirring speeches. "Señor Lerroux," says a correspondent,
writing from Madrid in December, "preaches neither anarchism
nor atheism nor anti-militarism. But he asks for the abolition
of the Monarchy and of the religious orders. He would make the
army the humble servant of the State, promote lay education
and local autonomy, and do away with indirect taxation. And he
looks for the realization of this programme to a well-timed
revolution. Such are the ideas with which the bulk of the
Republican-Socialist coalition will go to the polls at the
next general election. Between these two extremes—the
Conservatives, representing the Monarchy, the aristocracy, and
the Church, and the Republican-Socialist alliance,
representing revolution—we see the present Government
balancing itself uneasily, with a foot in each camp, amenable
to pressure from both, and without any independent means of
support, save that which it enjoys in virtue of its temporary
control of the political machine."
----------SPAIN: End--------
SPALDING, Bishop John L.:
On the Anthracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commission.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.
SPANISH AMERICA: A. D. 1906.
Growth of Close Relations with Spain.
See (in this Volume)
SPAIN: A. D. 1898-1906.
SPERRY, Rear-Admiral Charles S.:
Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.
SPERRY, Rear-Admiral Charles S.:
Commanding the American Battleship Fleet.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.
SPHAKIANAKIS, Dr.
See (in this Volume)
CRETE: A. D. 1905-1906.
SPIERS, Bishop:
Murder of.
See (in this Volume)
AFRICA: A. D. 1905.
{634}
SPITZBERGEN CONFERENCE.
"The Norwegian government, by a note addressed on January 26,
1909, to the Department of State, conveyed an invitation to
the government of the United States to take part in a
conference which, it is understood, will be held in February
or March, 1910, for the purpose of devising means to remedy
existing conditions in the Spitzbergen Islands. This
invitation was conveyed under the reservation that the
question of altering the status of the islands as countries
belonging to no particular State, and as equally open to the
citizens and subjects of all States, should not be raised.
"The European Powers invited to this conference by the
government of Norway were Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany,
Great Britain, Russia, Sweden, and the Netherlands.
"The Department of State, in view of proofs filed with it in
1906, showing the American possession, occupation, and working
of certain coal-bearing lands in Spitzbergen, accepted the
invitation under the reservation above stated, and under the
further reservation that all interests in those islands
already vested should be protected, and that there should be
equality of opportunity for the future. It was further pointed
out that membership in the conference on the part of the
United States was qualified by the consideration that this
government would not become a signatory to any conventional
arrangement concluded by the European members of the
Conference which would imply contributory participation by the
United States in any obligation or responsibility for the
enforcement of any scheme of administration which might be
devised by the conference for the islands."
_Message of the President of the United States
to Congress, December 6, 1909._
SPOILS SYSTEM:
Cause of Corruption in the United States Customs Service.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).
See (in this Volume)
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM.
SPRECKELS, Rudolph.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO.
SPRIGGS, SIR J. GORDON.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1904.
SPRIGGS, SIR J. GORDON.
Opposition to the Disfranchisement of Blacks
in South Africa.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.
SPRING-RICE, SIR C.:
British Minister to Persia.
See (in this Volume)
PERSIA: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY-SEPTEMBER).
STACKELBERG, General.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and after.
STANDARD OIL COMPANY:
Suit by the Government for its Dissolution.
Decree of the U. S. Circuit Court.
Appeal to the Supreme Court.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.
STATE LEGISLATION, Need of Unity in.
See (in this Volume)
LAW AND ITS COURTS: UNITED STATES.
"STATE RIGHTS":
The question in Australia.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902.
STEUNENBERG, EX-GOVERNOR FRANK, OF IDAHO:
His assassination.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1899-1907.
STEVENS, DURHAM WHITE:
Adviser to the Korean Foreign Office, by Japanese Selection.
His assassination.
See (in this Volume)
KOREA; A. D. 1905-1909.
STEVENS, JOHN L.:
Chief Engineer of the Panama Canal.
See (in this Volume)
PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1905 and 1905-1909.
STEYN, PRESIDENT M. T.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.
STOCK EXCHANGE, NEW YORK:
Report on its Operations.
See (in this Volume)
FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.
STOCKHOLM: A. D. 1909.
Lockout and attempted General Strike.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: SWEDEN.
STOLYPIN, P. A.:
Premier of the Russian Government.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1906, 1907, and after.
STONE, ELLEN M.:
Capture by Brigands in Turkey and Ransom paid for Release.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1901-1902.
STÖSSEL, GENERAL.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY); (FEBRUARY-AUGUST),
and A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).
STRAUS, OSCAR S.:
Secretary of Commerce and Labor.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1909.
STRAUS, OSCAR S.:
On the Chinese Exclusion Laws and their Administration.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.
STRIKE, A GENERAL: THE IDEA OF IT.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1884-1909.
STRIKES.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION.
STUNDISTS, POLITICAL IDEAS OF THE.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1902.
SUBMARINE SIGNAL BELLS.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION: SUBMARINE SIGNAL BELLS.
SUBWAYS, NEW YORK.
See (in this Volume)
NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900-1909.
SUCCESSION DUTIES:
Treaty concerning, between England and France.
See (in this Volume)
DEATH DUTIES.
SUGAR TRUST, THE FRAUDS OF THE.
See (in this Volume)
Combinations, Industrial, &c.:
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907-1909, and 1909.
SUDAN, THE WESTERN: A. D. 1903.
English Ascendancy established in Nigeria.
See (in this Volume)
AFRICA: A. D. 1903 (NIGERIA).
SUDAN, THE WESTERN: A. D. 1907.
Great Changes wrought in Ten Years.
The new Khartoum.
"After Khartoum had fallen the palace was looted and
demolished, but on its ruins another stately pile has arisen
wherein Gordon’s memory is kept green by a tablet marking the
fatal spot where on the 26th of January, 1885, he was done to
death. And even as a new palace sprang up on the ashes of the
old, so likewise after a thorough clearing away of the ruins
of Gordon’s city, a new Khartoum has been planned and built on
the ancient site. This new city lies at an altitude of 1263
feet above sea level, has a moderate yearly rainfall of but
some forty inches, and a mean annual temperature of 84°
Fahrenheit; by water it is 1560 miles from the source of the
Nile at Ripon Falls, and 1920 miles from the Rosetta mouth of
that fertilising river. Slowly but surely vaccination is
reducing the small-pox mortality among the Soudanese; the old
mosquito-breeding pools have been filled up, and the mosquito
brigade is still doing good work. Thus the new Khartoum may be
said to enjoy a fairly salubrious climate, which, moreover,
should yearly become more and more healthy. …
{635}
"South of Khartoum proper, across the desert race-course and
golf-links, and hard by what remains of Gordon’s
fortifications, dwell, each in their own settlement with its
distinctive huts, the divers native tribes who make up the
city’s indigenous population. Probably the new Khartoum of
to-day, with Omdurman and the near villages, totals nearly one
hundred thousand souls, and, considering that its geographical
situation so admirably adapts itself to fostering the
expansion of trade, I venture to predict that in another fifty
years Khartoum will contain half a million inhabitants. …
"The material condition of the people is improving; indeed, it
is already prosperous. For the first time in their history the
Soudanese are an absolutely free people, living under a
Government anxious to protect them from injustice and to
promote their welfare; it is hard for stay-at-home Britishers
to realise adequately how far-reaching is this change in a
land ‘where slavery in one form or another has been for
thousands of years a permanent and universal institution.’ …
"To Lord Cromer’s wise counsel and untiring efforts the new
Soudan owes much, and in 1901 the Shillook and Dinka
representatives fully recognised this, when, using for the
simple ceremony a sort of dark green fez, they crowned him
their king. In the name of his own great Sovereign, whose
ensign holds sway on every continent and on all known seas,
his Lordship promised that the sacred law of Islam shall be
respected; and the very remarkable agreement of the 19th of
January, 1899, gave to this hitherto down trodden people their
Magna Charta, for Article II. stipulates that ‘the British and
Egyptian flags shall be used together, both on land and water,
throughout the Soudan.’"
_W. F. Miéville,
The New Khartoum
(Nineteenth Century, January, 1908)._
SUEZ CANAL:
Renewed Agreements between England and France.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).
SUFFRAGE, Political.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE.
SUFFRAGETTES.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.
SUGAR-BOUNTY CONFERENCE, AND CONVENTION.
As the result of a Conference, at Brussels, in which Germany,
Austria-Hungary, Belgium, France, Spain, Great Britain, Italy,
the Netherlands, Sweden and Norway were represented, a Convention
was framed and signed March 5, 1902, the occasion for which is
set forth in these words:
"Desiring, on one hand, to equalize the conditions of
competition between beet and cane sugars from different
sources, and, on the other hand, to promote the development of
the consumption of sugar; considering that this double result
can only be attained by the suppression of bounties as well as
by limiting the surtax"—the high contracting parties concluded
a convention, the first article of which binds them as
follows:
"to suppress the direct and indirect bounties by which the
production or export of sugar may benefit, and they agree not
to establish bounties of this kind during the whole duration
of the said convention. In view of the execution of this
provision, sweetmeats, chocolates, biscuits, condensed milk,
and all other analogous products which contain in a notable
proportion sugar artificially incorporated, are to be classed
as sugar. The above paragraph applies to all advantages
resulting directly or indirectly, for the different categories
of producers, from the fiscal legislation of the States,
notably:
(_a_) The direct bounties granted to exports.
(_b_) The direct bounties granted to production,
(_c_) The total or partial exemptions from taxation
granted for a part of the manufactured output.
(_d_) The profits derived from surplusages of output,
(_e_) The profits derived from the exaggeration of the
drawback.
(_f_) The advantages derived from any surtax in excess of
the rate fixed" in a subsequent article.
Further articles elaborate the programme of measures for
carrying out this agreement. It was to come into force from
September 1, 1903; to remain in force during five years from
that date, and if none of the high contracting parties should
have notified the Belgium Government, twelve months after the
expiration of the said period of five years, of its intention
to have its effects cease, it should continue for one year,
and so on from year to year.
_Papers relating to the Foreign Relations
of the United States, page 80._
Under this Convention, a Permanent Commission was established
at Brussels. In July, 1907, this Commission gave attention to
a suggestion from the Government of Great Britain, "to the
effect that if Great Britain could be relieved from the
obligation to enforce the penal provisions of the Convention
they would be prepared not to give notice on the first of
September next of their intention to withdraw on the 1st of
September, 1908, a notice which they would otherwise feel
bound to give at the appointed time." The ensuing discussion
and correspondence resulted in the signing, on the 28th of
August, 1907, of "An Additional Act to the Sugar Convention of
March 5, 1902," renewing it for a fresh period of five years
from September 1, 1908, with the privilege to any one of the
contracting parties to withdraw after September 1, 1911, on
one year’s notice, "if the Permanent Commission, at the last
meeting held before the 1st September, 1910, have decided by a
majority of votes that circumstances warrant such power being
granted to the contracting States. The request of Great
Britain was granted in the following article of the Additional
Act:
"Notwithstanding Article I, Great Britain will be relieved,
after the 1st September, 1908. from the obligation contained
in Article IV of the Convention. After the same date the
Contracting States may demand that, in order to enjoy the
benefit of the Convention, sugar refined in the United Kingdom
and thence exported to their territories shall be accompanied
by a certificate stating that none of this sugar comes from a
country recognized by the Permanent Commission as granting
bounties for the production or exportation of sugar."
_Parliamentary Papers, 1907,
Commercial, Number 10 (Cd. 3780)._
SULLY-PRUDHOMME, RENÉ FRANÇOIS ARMAND.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
SULTAN AHMED MIRZA,
The young Shah of Persia.
See (in this Volume)
PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
SUMATRA: A. D. 1909 (June).
Earthquake in Upper Padang.
See (in this Volume)
EARTHQUAKES: SUMATRA.
{636}
SUNDAY OBSERVANCE:
Legal institution of a weekly Rest Day.
Recent Legislation in Europe.
The Canadian Lord’s Day.
A British Parliamentary Paper, published in the spring of
1909, gave information, gathered by the diplomatic
representatives of the Government, relative to legislation in
many foreign countries bearing on the observance of Sunday, or
otherwise prescribing a weekly Day of Rest. The facts
presented in these reports were discussed editorially by the
London _Times_ in an article from which the following is
quoted.
"Within quite recent years the principle of the weekly
rest-day has been enforced, with various practical
modifications, in most of the chief Continental countries. It
forms, indeed, a striking vindication of the claim for the
observance of one day’s rest in seven—which was recognized
among Eastern races long before the days of Moses—that while
Sunday work has shown a regrettable, if in some ways scarcely
avoidable, tendency to increase in this country, steps to
restrict it have been widely taken elsewhere. While the
English Sunday has been becoming in some respects more
‘Continental,’ the actual Continental Sunday has shown a
distinct tendency to approximate to our own. … The review
provided by the present report of the legislation already in
force in France, Germany, Austria, Belgium, Holland, and other
leading industrial States gives plenty of examples of the way
in which the general principle of making Sunday a day of rest
has been accommodated to the necessities of a modern
community. The case of France is particularly interesting,
since the French method of observing Sunday has traditionally
provided the English public with the most familiar contrast
with its own. In France the law establishing a statutory
weekly day of rest, and making that day Sunday, was passed so
recently as in 1906. In common with the similar legislation
passed in other countries, it allows partial and carefully
regulated exceptions, to provide for the necessary sale of
food, and for such uninterrupted attention as is required, for
example, by foundries. But the application of the law is both
thorough and extensive, while supplementary legislation is to
be introduced, with the support of the Government, to extend
its benefits to all servants of the State and to all other
workers on railways, tramlines, and steamboat services who do
not already enjoy it. On the other hand, while the report
bears decided witness to the efficiency and success with which
the law has been enforced, it notes certain points on which
concession is being made by the Government in deference to the
strong demands of certain interests which claimed that they
were being unjustly sacrificed. …
"The law seems at first to have aroused opposition among many
shopkeepers, especially those who were handicapped by
competition with rivals whose business was carried on by
members of the family, and therefore was not affected by it. …
The difficulty is now said to be settling itself, as the
public is gradually learning to restrict its shopping to
week-days, when there is a wider field of choice. The
encouraging evidence provided by the operation of the law of
1906 in France is supported more or less explicitly by the
reports forwarded by His Majesty’s representatives in other
parts of Europe. The aim and method of the various enactments
show a prevailing similarity, and where they have already been
sufficiently long in operation for a fair estimate to be made,
their success seems to be recognized with but few exceptions.
Material is not available in every case for forming a full
opinion of the completeness with which the law of rest has
been enforced. In Vienna, however, it is expressly reported
that its administration is effective; and although no such
statement is expressly made in the case of Germany, it appears
improbable that the regulations, though less stringent than
those of some other States, are lightly disregarded."
The Canadian "Lord’s Day Act" of 1906 is a measure of much
stringency. Making numerous well-defined and carefully guarded
exceptions for "works of necessity and mercy," and for such
railway service as is subject to provincial regulation, the
prohibitions of the Act include the following:
"To sell or offer for sale or purchase any goods, chattels, or
other personal property, or any real estate, or to carry on or
transact any business of his ordinary calling, or in
connection with such calling, or for gain to do, or employ any
other person to do, on that day, any work, business, or
labour." "To require any employee engaged in any work of
receiving, transmitting, or delivering telegraph or telephone
messages, or in the work of any industrial process, or in
connection with transportation, to do on the Lord’s Day the
usual work of his ordinary calling, unless such employee is
allowed during the next six days of such week twenty-four
consecutive hours without labour." "To engage in any public
game or contest for gain, or for any prize or reward, or to be
present thereat, or to provide, engage in, or be present at
any performance or public meeting, elsewhere than in a church,
at which any fee is charged, directly or indirectly." "To run,
conduct, or convey by any mode of conveyance any excursion on
which passengers are conveyed for hire, and having for its
principal or only object the carriage on that day of such
passengers for amusement or pleasure." "To shoot with or use
any gun, rifle or other similar engine, either for gain, or in
such a manner or in such places as to disturb other persons in
attendance at public worship or in the observance of that
day." "To bring into Canada for sale or distribution, or to
sell or distribute within Canada, on the Lord’s Day, any
foreign newspaper or publication classified as a newspaper."
----------SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES: Start--------
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
Summary of Decisions (1901-1906) touching
the Governmental Regulation of Corporations.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
Decision in the Case of the
Trans-Missouri Freight Association.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1890-1902.
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
On Constitutionality of Utah Law restricting Hours of
Adult Labor in Mines.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902.
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
In the Northern Securities Case.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D). 1901-1905.
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
In the "Beef Trust" Cases, so-called.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
On Interstate Commerce Act of 1887.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1870-1908.
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
Limiting Police Power to regulate Hours of Labor.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.
{637}
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
In the Tobacco Trust Case of Hale vs. Henkel.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1906.
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
Concerning the Isle of Pines.
See (in this Volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1907 (APRIL).
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
In Case of Virginia Railroads vs. the State
Corporation Commission of Virginia.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
On the Constitutionality of the "Commodities Clause"
of the Hepburn Act.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
On the Right of a State to Specially Limit the Hours
of Labor for Women.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
Limiting State Authority in matters touching
Interstate Commerce.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907-1908.
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
On Law against Rebating in Armour Packing Company Case.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908.
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
Invalidating Debts to an Illegal Combination.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
Affirming Fines on the New York Central Railroad Company.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.
----------SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES: End--------
SUTTNER, BARONESS BERTHA VON.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
SWADESHI MOVEMENT.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1905-1909.
SWALLOW, SILAS E.:
Nomination for President of the United States.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER).
SWARAJ.
The Hindu term for self government.
SWAZILAND.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1909.
"SWEATING," ENGLISH ACT TO SUPPRESS.
The Trade Boards Bill.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR REMUNERATION: WAGES REGULATION.
----------SWEDEN: Start--------
SWEDEN: A. D. 1901.
Unveiling of Monument to John Ericsson.
The Nobel Prizes.
The First Awarding of them.
A monument to the memory of John Ericsson, the
Swedish-American inventor, was unveiled at Stockholm with
impressive ceremonies on the 14th of September, 1901, that
being the date of the reception of his remains at Stockholm
eleven years before.
The first award of the munificent prizes for beneficial
services to mankind, instituted by the will of Alfred Bernard
Nobel, the eminent Swedish engineer and inventor, was made on
the 10th of December, 1901.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
SWEDEN: A. D. 1903.
Agreement for Settlement of Claims against Venezuela.
See (in this Volume)
VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.
SWEDEN: A. D. 1905.
Secession of Norway from the Union of Crowns.
Acceptance by King Oscar of his Practical Deposition.
See (in this Volume)
NORWAY: A. D. 1902-1905.
SWEDEN: A. D. 1906.
At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco Question.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.
SWEDEN: A. D. 1908.
Municipal Office opened to Women.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.
SWEDEN: A. D. 1908 (April).
Treaty with Denmark, England, France, Germany,
and the Netherlands, for maintenance of the Status
Quo on the North Sea.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.
SWEDEN: A. D. 1909.
Franchise Reform Legislation.
During many successive years, earnest attempts by the Swedish
Government, strongly backed by liberal majorities in the
Second or popular Chamber of the Riksdag, to answer the public
demand for a broadening of the suffrage, were defeated in the
First Chamber, whose members are elected by the provincial
Landstings and by municipal corporations. Success was not
attained until 1909, when a Franchise Reform Bill,
establishing universal suffrage and proportional
representation, was passed by the Riksdag on the 10th of
February, by larger majorities. According to a Press report
from Stockholm, "the leader of the Liberals declared in the
Lower House that, though his party had originally opposed it,
they would now vote for the Bill, as the country demanded a
solution of this long pending question. The Social Democrats
and a few extremists of the Liberal party voted against it,
considering it unacceptable in principle and inadequate
because it excluded female suffrage. In the Upper House the
Bill was opposed by a few uncompromising Conservatives, to
whom it seemed too democratic."
SWEDEN: A. D. 1909.
Lockout and Attempted General Strike.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: SWEDEN.
SWEDEN: A. D. 1909 (October).
Arbitration of Frontier Dispute with Norway.
See (in this Volume)
NORWAY: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).
----------SWEDEN: End--------
SWIFT & COMPANY et al.,
THE CASE OF THE UNITED STATES AGAINST.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.
SWITZERLAND:
Backwardness of Woman Suffrage.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.
SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1870-1905.
Increase of Population compared with other European Countries.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.
SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1902.
General Election.
The general election, in October, of representatives in the
Federal Assembly, returned 97 Radicals, 35 Catholic
Conservatives, 25 Moderate Liberals, 9 Socialists, and 1
Independent, being a total of 167. The previous Chamber had
contained but 147, the increase of population having raised
the number of representatives.
SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1902.
Use of the Referendum and Initiative down to that time.
See (in this Volume)
REFERENDUM.
SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1905.
Rupture between Radicals and Socialists.
Completion of the Simplon Tunnel.
The coalition hitherto maintained between Radical and
Socialist parties was broken entirely in the elections of
October, 1905, because of the anti-military attitude of the
latter, who sought to have all national feeling and policy
sunk in international sentiments and principles. The
Socialists elected but two representatives in the National
Council. In April the completion of the Simplon Railway
Tunnel, furnishing a second passage through the Alps, was
celebrated with much rejoicing. The work of boring this
twelve-mile length of tunnel had been begun in 1898.
See, also, (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: SWITZERLAND.
SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1909.
Acquisition of the St. Gothard Tunnel and Railway
by the Government.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: SWITZERLAND.
{638}
SYDOW, REINHOLD.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.
SYNDICATES, German.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL (in Germany).
SYNDICATS AND SYNDICALISM, French.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1884-1909.
SZELL MINISTRY.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903.
T.
TABAH INCIDENT, THE.
See (in this Volume)
EGYPT: A. D. 1905-1906.
TABRIZ, SIEGE OF.
See (in this Volume)
PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
TACNA AND ARICA QUESTIONS.
See (in this Volume)
CHILE: A. D. 1907.
TAFF-VALE DECISION.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1900-1906.
----------TAFT, WILLIAM H.: Start--------
TAFT, WILLIAM H.
President of the Second Philippine Commission.
Civil Governor of the Philippines.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.
TAFT, WILLIAM H.
Secretary of War.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909.
TAFT, WILLIAM H.
Report on the Purchase of the Friars’ Lands.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902-1903.
TAFT, WILLIAM H.
Organization of Provisional Government in Cuba.
See (in this Volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).
TAFT, WILLIAM H.
Special Report on the Philippine Islands.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.
TAFT, WILLIAM H.
Elected President of the United States.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).
TAFT, WILLIAM H.
Inauguration and Inaugural Address.
Cabinet Appointments.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).
TAFT, WILLIAM H.
On the Tariff.
See (in this Volume)
TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.
TAFT, WILLIAM H.
Statement, as President, relative to the
Tariff Maximum and Minimum Clause.
See (in this Volume)
TARIFFS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.
TAFT, WILLIAM H.
Tour of the United States.
Meeting with President Diaz, of Mexico.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER).
TAFT, WILLIAM H.
Legislation Recommended for the Conservation
of Natural Resources.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION, &c.: UNITED STATES.
TAFT, WILLIAM H.
On Injunctions in Labor Disputes and on the Expediting
of Civil and Criminal Procedure.
See (in this Volume)
LAW AND ITS COURTS: UNITED STATES.
TAFT, WILLIAM H.
Special Message on "Trusts" and on Interstate Commerce.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1910,
and RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1910.
----------TAFT, WILLIAM H.: End--------
TAI HUNG CHI.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1906.
TAI HUNG-TZE: GRAND COUNCILLOR OF CHINA.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1909 (October).
TAIREN.
See (in this Volume)
DALNY.
TAI-TZE-HO, BATTLES AT THE.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).
TAKAHIRA KOGORO:
Japanese Minister at Washington and Plenipotentiary
for negotiating Treaty of Peace with Russia.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).
TAKUSHAN HILL, CAPTURE OF.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).
TALIENWAN,
Re-named Dalny.
Later named Tairen, by the Japanese.
TAMMANY HALL:
Struggles with it.
See (in this Volume)
NEW YORK CITY.
TANG SHAO YI.
See (in this Volume)
OPIUM PROBLEM: CHINA.
TANGIER: A. D. 1905.
The German Emperor’s Speech.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.
----------TARIFFS: Start--------
TARIFFS: Australia:
The question in the First Parliament.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1901-1902.
TARIFFS: Tariff Excise Act.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR REMUNERATION: THE NEW PROTECTION.
TARIFFS: Austria-Hungary: A. D. 1907.
Settlement of the Austro-Hungarian Tariff Question.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1907.
TARIFFS: Balkan States: A. D. 1905.
Serbo-Bulgarian Customs Union.
See (in this Volume)
BALKAN STATES: BULGARIA AND SERVIA.
TARIFFS: British Empire: A. D. 1909.
Resolutions of Empire Congress of Chambers of Commerce.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER).
TARIFFS: Canada:
Attitude of Canadian Manufacturers’ Association toward Great
Britain and the United States on Tariff Questions.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1903-1905.
TARIFFS: Canada and Germany:
German retaliation for Discriminating Duties in Favor
of British Goods.
Consequent on the discrimination in favor of British goods
which was granted in the Canadian tariff of 1897, Germany took
action which is explained in the following, from the Canadian
side of the official correspondence that ensued:
"Prior to July 31, 1898, Canada, as a portion of the British
Empire, received the most favourable tariff treatment in
Germany, under the terms of the treaty which had long existed
between that country and Great Britain. On the date named,
that treaty, having been denounced by the British Government,
ceased to have effect. Provisional agreements have since been
entered into from time to time between Great Britain and
Germany. Canada, however, has been excluded from the benefit
of such agreements. The products of Canada are no longer
admitted into Germany on the favoured terms known in the
German tariff as 'conventional duties,' but are specially
excluded therefrom and made subject to the higher duties of
the general tariff. The reason assigned by the German
Government for this discrimination against Canada is the
enactment by the Dominion of legislation granting preferential
tariff rates to the products of Great Britain.
{639}
The undersigned desires to point out that the policy of the
Canadian Government was not designed to give to any foreign
nation more favoured treatment than was to be allowed to
Germany. The Canadian policy has been confined to a
readjustment of the commercial relations of the Dominion with
the British Empire of which it is a part, a domestic affair
which could hardly be open to reasonable objection by any
foreign government. It would therefore seem that the action of
Canada afforded no just ground for complaint by Germany. The
undersigned is of opinion that there has been some
misconception of the Canadian policy in this respect, and
hopes that upon further consideration the German Government
will see that Canada, in taking the step referred to, did not
forfeit her claim to the advantages accorded by Germany to the
most-favoured nations."
The German Government, however, maintained with firmness the
ground it had taken; but eleven years later, in 1909, a German
Canadian Economic Association at Berlin sent delegates to
Canada to confer with chambers of commerce and solicit efforts
for bettering commercial relations between them. The Montreal
Board of Trade declined to take any action, saying,
substantially: "the reprisals against Canada were commenced by
Germany on account of the granting of preference by the
Dominion to Great Britain. If Germany now finds that she has
made a mistake the Montreal Board holds that she should
restore Canadian products to the conventional tariff, when the
Canadian surtax on German goods will be automatically
removed."
Finally, an agreement was reached which ended this tariff war
between Germany and Canada. Announcement of it was made in the
Canadian Parliament on the 15th of February, 1910, and it went
into effect on the 1st of March.
TARIFFS: FRANCE: A. D. 1910.
A revision of the tariff, on which the French Parliament had
long been engaged, was completed and became law on March 29,
1910, going into effect April 1.
TARIFFS: France-Canada:
Commercial Convention with Great Britain concerning Canada.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1907-1909.
TARIFFS: Germany: A. D. 1902-1906.
The New Tariff Law and seven Special Tariff Treaties
with European Countries.
A changed Commercial Policy.
In the Diet of the Empire the committee which had been
laboring long and arduously on a tariff bill reported the
measure in October, and its increase of duties, which the
government did not favour, was stoutly opposed by Socialists,
Radicals, and Liberals; but the Conservatives, representing
the protected interests, constrained the government to
withdraw its opposition and the bill was carried through as a
whole, without change.
"How deliberately the Germans go about their tariff policy;
how thoroughly they study all the strong and weak points in
their adversaries’ positions; with what scientific care they
measure their own manifold interests; how carefully they
guard, in their work of tariff legislation, against disturbing
the stability of existing business conditions may best be seen
from the way in which the new tariff has been adopted. As
early as 1898—_i. e._, more than five years before the
expiration of the old tariff treaties—a Commission of
government experts and leading representatives of the
industrial and commercial interests was organized to make a
detailed study of the needs of every industry whose products
were in any way affected by the tariff. After five years of
incessant work of that character, in which more than 2,000
experts took part, the new general or so-called ‘autonomous’
tariff was enacted into law (but not put into effect) by the
German Reichstag.
"The new tariff law adopted on December 25, 1902, with rates
considerably raised, formed the basis of diplomatic
bargaining, of which it took more than two years to conclude
commercial treaties with the following seven countries:
Austria-Hungary, Russia, Italy, Switzerland, Belgium, Roumania
and Servia. These treaties, which considerably reduce some of
the rates provided for in the tariff of 1902, were enacted
into law on February 22d of this year, [1905], and together
form the new so-called ‘conventional’ tariff, which will be
applied to all countries enjoying ‘most favored nation’
privileges. Deliberate and cautious as these steps have been,
the new tariff is not to be thrust upon the business community
of the Empire on short notice, but the country is given one
full year in which to adjust itself to the new rates. Hence
the date for giving effect to the new tariff law has been set
for March 1, 1906."
_N. I. Stone,
The New German Customs Tariff
(North American Review, September, 1905)._
The chief point of interest for the United States in this law
is to be found, not so much in the high rates adopted, as in
the statement made in the Reichstag foreshadowing a changed
policy on the part of Germany in making new commercial
treaties. On the final day of the tariff debate Dr. Paasche,
one of the leaders of the majority, asserted that the
government had promised that it would no longer extend treaty
advantages to other countries than those that reciprocate with
corresponding concessions. ‘We expect,’ said Dr. Paasche,
‘that the government will undertake a thorough revision of all
the treaties containing the most favored-nation clause.
Promises of this kind were made to us in committee. We have
absolutely no occasion to concede anything to such nations as
are glad to take what we give by treaty to other countries
without making us any concessions in return. The United States
has introduced a limitation of the most-favored-nation clause;
we have every reason to act in precisely the same manner."
_W. C. Dreher,
A Letter from Germany
(Atlantic Monthly, March, 1903)_.
In March, 1905, a few weeks after the conclusion of the last
of the seven special tariff treaties referred to above, which
modify the general German tariff of 1902-1906, in favor of the
nations which became parties to them, the Consul-General of
the United States at Berlin sent to the State Department at
Washington the following table, showing, with reference to
forty-six of the principal articles of German import from
America (1) the then maximum or autonomous duty as paid under
the tariff of 1879; (2) the same duties as modified and
reduced by then existing treaty concessions; (3) the new
autonomous duties that were to go into effect in 1906, and (4)
the amounts to which each of these rates of duty would be
reduced on merchandise coming from certain of the seven
European countries which had just concluded treaties of
commerce with Germany.
{640}
The figures show in all cases, unless otherwise specified, the
amount in American currency of duty per double centner (100
kilograms or 220.4 pounds):
Merchandise.
Tariff New tariff law of Difference.
1902 (to go into
(adopted in 1879). effect in 1906).
Maximum. Reduced Autonomous. Reduced
by treaty. by treaty.
Wheat $1.19 $0.83 $1.78 $1.30 $0.58
Rye 1.19 .83 1.66 1.19 .47
Oats .95 .67 1.66 1.19 .47
Barley .53 .47 1.66 .95 .71
Corn .47 .38 1.19 .71 .48
Wheat Flour 2.50 1.74 4.36 2.42 1.94
Malt .95 .85 2.44 1.37 1.07
Potatoes Free. Free. .59 1.24 (a)
Hops 4.76 3.38 16.66 4.76 11.90
Dried apples,
pears,
apricots,
peaches .96 .95 2.38 .95 1.43
Dried Prunes 2.38 1.19 1.19
Fresh apples
in barrels Free. Free. 2.38 1.19 1.19
Sausages 4.76 4.04 16.66 9.52 7.14
Lard 2.38 2.38 2.97 2.38 .59
Salted
Meats 4.76 4.04 10.71 8.33-9.25 2.38-1.46
Butter 4.76 3.80 7.14 4.76 2.38
Cheese 4.76 4.76 7.14 3.57-4.76 3.57-2.38
Eggs .71 .47 1.42 .71 .71
Margarine 4.76 3.80 7.14 4.76 2.38
Wood Alcohol Free Free 4.76 Free. 4.76
Cows and
oxen,
per head 2.14 2.14 4.28 1.90 2.38
Horses,
per head 4.76 4.76 21.42-85.68 7.14-28.56 14.28-57.12
Hogs,
per head 1.42 1.19 4.28 2.14 2.14
Shoes,
coarse 11.90 11.90 20.23 20.23 …
Shoes,
medium 16.66 15.47 28.86 23.80 5.06
Shoes,
fine 16.66 15.47 42.84 30.70 7.14
Lumber,
rough … … 1.42 .47 .95
Lumber,
dressed 2.38 2.38 2.38 2.38 …
Sewing
machines 5.71 5.71 8.33 2.85 5.48
Sewing
machines,
power 5.71 5.71 4.76 1.90 2.86
Electrical machinery
a. Under 500 kilograms (
1,102 pounds) per 100 kilograms 2.14 2.14 …
b. 500 to 3,000 kilograms
(1,102 to 6,614 pounds) 1.66 1.42 .24
c. More than 3,000 kilograms 1.42 .95 .47
Machine tools:
a. 250 kilograms
(551 pounds or less),
per 100 kilograms. 4.76 2.85 1.91
b. 250 to 1,000 kilograms
(551 to 2,205 pounds) 2.85 1.90 .95
c. 1,000 to 3,000 kilograms
(2,205 to 6,614 pounds) 1.90 1.42 .48
d. 3,000 to 10,000 kilograms
(6,614 to 22,046 pounds) 1.42 1.19 .23
Over 10,000 kilograms .97 .97 …
Telegraph instruments,
telephones, electric
lighting and power
apparatus. 14.28 (b).95-9.52 (b)
Railway and
street cars 2.38 .71 1.67
Motor cars and motor
bicycles, each:
a. 50 kilograms
(110 pounds) or less, each 35.70 … …
b. 50 to 100 kilograms
(110 to 220 pounds), each 28.56 … …
c. 100 to 250 kilograms
(220 to 550 pounds), each 21.42 … …
d. 250 to 500 kilograms
(550 to 1,110 pounds) 14.28 9.52 4.76
e. 500 to 1,000 kilograms
(1,110 to 2,220 pounds) 9.52 5.95 3.57
f. 1,000 kilograms and over 4.76 3.57 1.19
(a) Free from August 1 to February 14.
(b) According to weight.
"It needs but a glance at this list," said Consul-General
Mason, "to show how important will be the concessions granted
to one or more of the seven treaty nations, and how formidable
will be their competition in the German market against similar
goods coming from countries which, for want of a reciprocal
treaty or other convention, will be subject to the autonomous
or unmodified tariff in exporting goods into Germany."
On the 1st day of March, 1906, this tariff came into effect,
and the tariff arrangements of Germany with the United States,
under which the latter had enjoyed important concessions,
secured by the "most favored nation" agreement in its
commercial treaty with Germany, came to an end.
TARIFFS: A. D. 1909.
Economic Results of the Protective System.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1009 (APRIL).
TARIFFS: Great Britain: A. D. 1909.
List of articles on which Import Duties are collected.
The following is a complete list of the articles enumerated in
the British tariff as subject to import duties:
Beer; Cards, Playing; Chicory; Cocoa; Coffee;
Fruit, dried or otherwise preserved without sugar;
Spirits and Strong Waters (including all alcoholic
liquors, cordials and other alcoholic preparations);
Sugar (including all confectionery, sugar-preserved
fruits, and other sugared preparations);
Tea; Tobacco, in all forms; Wine.
TARIFFS: A. D. 1909.
Question of Preferential Trade raised by Mr. Chamberlain.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (MAY-SEPTEMBER).
TARIFFS: The United States: A. D. 1908-1909.
The Demand for Tariff Revision.
Its Expression in the Presidential Election.
The Action of Congress and the President.
The Payne-Aldrich Tariff Act.
For more than a decade prior to the presidential election of
1908 the popular demand for a revision of the exorbitantly
protective duties imposed by the so-called Dingley Tariff of
1897 had been steadily rising in the United States, and making
itself heard by men in public life. It had penetrated the mind
of the great captain-general of the protectionist forces.
{641}
President McKinley, as early as 1901, and his last public
utterance, addressed to a multitude at the Pan American
Exposition, in Buffalo, on the 5th of September, the day
before he was struck down by a murderous anarchist, contained
this wise admonition on the subject:
"We have a vast and intricate business, built up through years
of toil and struggle, in which every part of the country has
its stake, which will not permit of either neglect or of undue
selfishness. No narrow, sordid policy will subserve it. The
greatest skill and wisdom on the part of manufacturers and
producers will be required to hold and increase it. … Our
capacity to produce has developed so enormously, and our
products have so multiplied, that the problem of more markets
requires our urgent and immediate attention. Only a broad and
enlightened policy will keep what we have. No other policy
will get more. … We must not repose in fancied security that
we can forever sell everything and buy little or nothing. If
such a thing were possible, it would not be best for us or for
those with whom we deal. We should take from our customers
such of their products as we can use without harm to our
industries and labor. Reciprocity is the natural outgrowth of
our wonderful industrial development under the domestic policy
now firmly established. What we produce beyond our domestic
consumption must have a vent abroad. … If perchance some of
our tariffs are no longer needed for revenue or to encourage
and protect our industries at home, why should they not be
employed to extend and promote our markets abroad?"
TARIFFS: The Party-Platform Promises of 1908.
But President McKinley’s words fell on deaf ears, among those
to whom he had been leader and guide in this department of
economic policy hitherto. They gave no heed to his new
counsels of moderation for seven years. Even treaties of
commercial reciprocity, which he had learned to appreciate
since his own tariff-making was done, were negotiated in vain
by the executive department of Government, to be scorned and
rejected by the Senate. By 1908, however, the claim of the
many-millioned consumers of the nation, for some relief from
the intolerable cost to which almost every necessary of living
had been worked up by the protective tariff lever, had risen
to a pitch which compelled some attention from the managers of
political parties and drew from them promises in the
"platforms" prepared for the presidential and congressional
canvassing of that year.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908, APRIL-NOVEMBER)
The National Republican Convention at Chicago, which nominated
Mr. Taft for the presidency, made this distinct and emphatic
pledge:
"The Republican party declares unequivocally for a revision of
the tariff by a special session of Congress, immediately
following the inauguration of the next President, and commends
the steps already taken to this end, in the work assigned to
the appropriate committees of Congress, which are now
investigating the operation and effect of existing schedules.
In all tariff legislation the true principle of protection is
best maintained by the imposition of such duties as will equal
the difference between the cost of production at home and
abroad, together with a reasonable profit to American
industries. We favor the establishment of maximum and minimum
rates to be administered by the President under limitations to
be fixed in the law, the maximum to be available to meet
discriminations by foreign countries against American goods
entering their markets, and the minimum to represent the
normal measure of protection at home."
The National Convention, at Denver, of the Democratic party,
supposedly confirmed in opposition to the whole theory of
tariff protection by all its doctrinal history, made this
declaration:
"We favor immediate revision of the tariff by the reduction of
import duties. Articles entering into competition with
trust-controlled products should be placed upon the free list,
and material reductions should be made in the tariff upon the
necessaries of life, especially upon articles competing with
such American manufactures as are sold abroad more cheaply
than at home, and graduated reductions should be made in such
other schedules as may be necessary to restore the tariff to a
revenue basis."
The Republican Party elected its candidate for the presidency,
with a majority in Congress, and was given the greater
opportunity to redeem its pledge, while the Democratic Party
obtained sufficient representation in both branches of
Congress to aid and influence the promised revision with
important effect. President Taft, in his inaugural address,
spoke impressively of the urgent duty thus laid on Congress,
saying:
"A matter of most pressing importance is the revision of the
tariff. In accordance with the promises of the platform upon
which I was elected, I shall call Congress into extra session,
to meet on the fifteenth day of March, in order that
consideration may be at once given to a bill revising the
Dingley act."
TARIFFS:
The Making of the Payne-Aldrich Tariff.
The new Congress, as called by the President, was convened on
the 15th of March, 1909, and a provisional tariff bill was
introduced in the House of Representatives on the 18th by
Chairman Payne of its Ways and Means Committee. This Bill was
a product of the work of the House Committee of the preceding
Congress, which had been giving hearings on successive tariff
schedules since November. Naturally the protected interests
swarmed to Washington, with attorneys and technical experts,
and their side of every argument for and against existing
duties was heard in its most persuasive form. Naturally, too,
the unprotected consumers, less able to combine, were
represented at the hearings in no such potent way, and their
side of most arguments, according to all accounts, was but
feebly pressed. Mr. Charles Francis Adams, who has the habit
of plain speech, wrote a letter to Congressman McCall, of
Massachusetts, while these hearings were in progress, in which
he characterized a conspicuously greedy part of the clamorers
for high duties in terms that were savagely rough, but not
entirely undeserved. "Speaking after the fashion of men," he
said, "they are either thieves or hogs. I myself belong to the
former class. I am a tariff thief, and I have a license to
steal. It bears the broad seal of the United States and is
what is known as the ‘Dingley Tariff.’ I stole under it
yesterday; I am stealing under it today; I propose to steal
under it to-morrow.
{642}
The Government has forced me into this position, and I both do
and shall take full advantage of it. I am therefore a tariff
thief with a license to steal. And—what are you going to do
about it? The other class come under the hog category; that
is, they rush, squealing and struggling, to the great
Washington protection trough, and with all four feet in it
they proceed to gobble the swill. … To this class I do not
belong. I am simply a tariff thief. … But, on the other hand,
I am also a tariff reformer. I would like to see every
protective schedule swept out of existence, my own included.
Meanwhile, what inducement have I to go to Washington on a
public mission of this sort? A mere citizen, I represent no
one. … Meanwhile, have it well understood that my position is
exactly the position of tens of thousands of others scattered
throughout the country; to ask us to put aside our business
affairs and at our own expense to go to Washington on a
desperate mission is asking a little too much."
The Bill introduced by Mr. Payne was under debate in the House
for three weeks, and passed on the 10th of April. In the
Senate it was then nominally taken into consideration by the
Finance Committee of that body, but that Committee, in fact,
under the dominating lead of its chairman, Senator Aldrich,
framed a new and protectively stiffened Bill, changed in 847
particulars from that of the House. A little more than twelve
weeks were required for this more arduous labor of Mr.
Aldrich, which the Senate approved by the passage of the Bill
on the 8th of July. On the 9th it went to a conference
committee of the two Houses; and there the President’s
influence, not much exerted, apparently, until now, wrung a
few important concessions to the great public of consumers,
which the special interests guarded by a majority in Congress
had been determined not to yield. The American people owe it
to President Taft’s insistence that their shoes may be
cheapened by a free importation of hides, and that lumber for
their houses and coal for warming them may come from Canada at
a slightly lower rate of duty than before; but he failed to
loosen the grip of the woolen and cotton interests on the
protected prices at which they are clothed.
After twenty days of battle the conferees reached agreement,
July 29; the House adopted their report on the 31st, the
Senate on the 5th of August. It was signed at once by the
President, and went into effect the next day.
In the House the Bill was adopted by a vote of 195 to 183,
twenty Republicans voting against it and two Democrats in its
favor. In the Senate the vote stood 47 to 31, the negative
including seven Republicans, and one Democratic senator
recording himself on the side of the Bill. The opposing
Republicans in both Houses were stigmatized as "insurgents,"
and the autocratic Speaker of the House, Cannon, of Illinois,
presumed, so far as the powers of his office would stretch, to
"read them out" of their party. In their struggle to secure a
more honest fulfilment of the election promises of both
parties, and more loyalty to the welfare of the people at
large, the Republican "insurgents" had no such compact and
earnest support from the Democrats of Congress as even party
considerations gave reason to expect.
After signing the Bill, the President gave out a statement for
publication, in part as follows:
"I have signed the Payne tariff bill because I believe it to
be the result of a sincere effort on the part of the
Republican party to make a downward revision, and to comply
with the promises of the platform as they have been generally
understood, and as I interpreted them in the campaign before
election.
"The bill is not a perfect tariff bill or a complete
compliance with the promises made, strictly interpreted, but a
fulfilment free from criticism in respect to a subject matter
involving many schedules and thousands of articles could not
be expected. It suffices to say that, except with regard to
whiskey, liquors, and wines, and in regard to silks and as to
some high classes of cottons—all of which may be treated as
luxuries and proper subjects of a revenue tariff—there have
been very few increases in rates.
"There have been a great number of real decreases in rates,
and they constitute a sufficient amount to justify the
statement that this bill is a substantial downward revision,
and a reduction of excessive rates.
"This is not a free trade bill. It was not intended to be. The
Republican party did not promise to make a free trade bill.
"It promised to make the rates protective, but to reduce them
when they exceeded the difference between the cost of
production abroad and here, making allowance for the greater
normal profit on active investments here. I believe that while
this excess has not been reduced in a number of cases, in a
great majority, the rates are such as are necessary to protect
American industries, but are low enough, in case of abnormal
increase of demand, and raising of prices, to permit the
possibility of the importation of the foreign article, and
thus to prevent excessive prices."
"The administrative clauses of the bill and the customs court
are admirably adapted to secure a more uniform and a more
speedy final construction of the meaning of the law. The
authority to the President to use agents to assist him in the
application of the maximum and minimum section of the statute,
and to enable officials to administer the law, gives a wide
latitude for the acquisition, under circumstances favorable to
its truth, of information in respect to the price and cost of
production of goods at home and abroad, which will throw much
light on the operation of the present tariff and be of primary
importance as officially collected data upon which future
executive action and executive recommendations may be based.
"The corporation tax is a just and equitable excise measure,
which it is hoped will produce a sufficient amount to prevent
a deficit, and which, incidentally, will secure valuable
statistics and information concerning the many corporations of
the country, and will constitute an important step toward that
degree of publicity and regulation which the tendency in
corporate enterprises in the last twenty years has shown to be
necessary."
{643}
TARIFFS:
New Apparatus of Tariff Administration.
The President’s remarks in the next to the last paragraph of
the above statement have reference to an important section of
the Tariff Act, which authorized the creation of a Board of
General Appraisers, a Customs Court of Appeals, and an agency
for the collection of information. The Board is to consist of
nine general appraisers of merchandise, the salary of each to
be $9,000 per annum, who shall possess all the powers of a
Circuit Court of the United States. To these general
appraisers all cases of dissatisfaction with the amount and
rates of duties levied by the appraisers and assistant
appraisers at the various ports would be referred; the board
to exercise both judicial and inquisitorial functions. The
Customs Court was to be composed of a presiding Judge and four
associate Judges appointed by the President, each to receive a
salary of $10,000 per annum; to be a Court of Record, with
jurisdiction limited to Customs cases, and to have several
judicial circuits, including Boston, New York, Philadelphia
and Baltimore, New Orleans and Galveston, Chicago, Seattle,
Portland and San Francisco, and such other places as may be
found necessary.
More important, however, than either of these creations was
the third one, embodied in a brief clause of the Act, which
reads:
"To secure information to assist the President in the
discharge of the duties imposed upon him by this section, and
the officers of the Government in the administration of the
customs laws, the President is hereby authorized to employ
such persons as may be required."
The President availed himself promptly of this permission to
have assistance from a commission or bureau of tariff
information, and on the 11th of September it was announced
that he had chosen for the service three well-qualified
gentlemen, namely: Professor Henry C. Emery, of Yale,
chairman; James B. Reynolds, of Massachusetts, assistant
secretary of the treasury, and Alvin H. Sanders, of Chicago,
editor and proprietor of the Breeders’ Gazette. In announcing
the selection of the board, the following statement was made
at the Executive Offices: "The President and the secretary of
the treasury have agreed upon the plan that these three
gentlemen are to constitute the board and are to be given
authority to employ such special experts as may be needed in
the investigation of the foreign and domestic tariff."
The important direction that was given at once by President
Taft to this Tariff Board, as he has named it, was explained
in his Message to Congress, December 6, 1909, as follows:
"An examination of the law and an understanding of the nature
of the facts which should be considered in discharging the
functions imposed upon the Executive show that I have the
power to direct the tariff board to make a comprehensive
glossary and encylopædia of the terms used and articles
embraced in the tariff law, and to secure information as to
the cost of production of such goods in this country and the
cost of their production in foreign countries. I have
therefore appointed a tariff board consisting of three
members, and have directed them to perform all the duties
above described. This work will perhaps take two or three
years, and I ask from Congress a continuing annual
appropriation equal to that already made for its prosecution.
I believe that the work of this board will be of prime utility
and importance whenever Congress shall deem it wise again to
readjust the customs duties. If the facts secured by the
tariff board are of such a character as to show generally that
the rates of duties imposed by the present tariff law are
excessive under the principles of protection as described in
the platform of the successful party at the late election, I
shall not hesitate to invite the attention of Congress to this
fact, and to the necessity for action predicated thereon.
Nothing, however, halts business and interferes with the
course of prosperity so much as the threatened revision of the
tariff, and until the facts are at hand, after careful and
deliberate investigation, upon which such revision can
properly be undertaken, it seems to me unwise to attempt it.
The amount of misinformation that creeps into arguments pro
and con in respect to tariff rates is such as to require the
kind of investigation that I have directed the tariff board to
make, an investigation undertaken by it wholly without respect
to the effect which the facts may have in calling for a
readjustment of the rates of duty."
TARIFFS:
The Corporation Tax.
The Corporation Tax mentioned in the final paragraph of the
President’s statement is one imposed by an incongruous section
of the Tariff Act, designed for revenue additional to the
expected yield of import duties. It exacts one per cent. of
the net earnings in excess of $5000 of all corporations, joint
stock companies, and associations organized for profit and
having a capital stock represented by shares, and all
insurance companies. Foreign corporations are liable for the
tax to the extent of their business in the United States. The
net income upon which the tax is paid is to be ascertained by
deducting from the gross income of the corporation all
ordinary and necessary expenses of operation and maintenance;
all uncompensated losses actually paid within the year on its
bonded or other indebtedness not exceeding the paid-up capital
stock; all Federal and State taxes already paid and all
amounts received by it as dividends upon stock of other
corporations subject to the tax hereby imposed.
Holding corporations were exempted in the original Bill. That
exemption was struck out, but the Conference Committee adopted
the original clause. Corporations exempted from the tax
are:—Labour organizations, fraternal beneficiary societies,
orders or associations operating under the lodge system, and
providing for the payment of life, sick, accident, and other
benefits to their members and dependents; domestic building
and loan associations organized and operated exclusively for
the mutual benefit of their members, and any corporation or
association organized and operated exclusively for religious,
charitable, or educational purposes, no part of the profits of
which inures to the benefit of any private stockholder, or
individual, but all the profit of which is in good faith
devoted to these purposes.
TARIFFS:
Two Opposite Views of the new Tariff.
The Payne-Aldrich Tariff has been and will long be a subject
of bitterly contentious discussion, from opposite standpoints
of disgusted disappointment and happy satisfaction, before a
large indifferent audience, which takes such legislation as
belonging to an established order of conditions in the United
States. For a fair presentation of the conflicting judgments,
two carefully chosen reviews of the Act, from the two points
of view, by unquestionably representative writers, are quoted
below. The first is from President Woodrow Wilson, of
Princeton University, as follows:
{644}
"The methods by which tariff bills are constructed have now
become all too familiar and throw a significant light on the
character of the legislation involved. Debate in the Houses
has little or nothing to do with it. The process by which such
a bill is made is private, not public; because the reasons
which underlie many of the rates imposed are private. The
stronger faction of the Ways and Means Committee of the House
makes up the preliminary bill, with the assistance of
‘experts’ whom it permits the industries most concerned to
supply for its guidance. The controlling members of the
Committee also determine what amendments, if any, shall be
accepted, either from the minority faction of the Committee or
from the House itself. It permits itself to be dictated to, if
at all, only by the imperative action of a party caucus. The
stronger faction of the Finance Committee of the Senate, in
like fashion, frames the bill which it intends to substitute
for the one sent up from the House. It is often to be found at
work on it before any bill reaches it from the popular
chamber. The compromise between the two measures is arranged
in private conference by conferees drawn from the two
committees. What takes place in the committees and in the
conference is confidential. It is considered impertinent for
reporters to inquire. It is admitted to be the business of the
manufacturers concerned, but not the business of the public,
who are to pay the rates. The debates which the country is
invited to hear in the open sessions of the Houses are merely
formal. They determine nothing and disclose very little. …
"One extraordinary circumstance of the debates in the Senate
should receive more than a passing allusion. The Republican
party platform had promised that the tariff rates should be
revised and that the standard of revision should be the
differences between the cost of producing the various articles
affected in this country and in the countries with which our
manufacturers compete. One of our chief industrial competitors
is now Germany, with its extraordinary skill in manufacture
and the handicrafts and its formidable sagacity in foreign
trade; and the Department of State, in order to enable
Congress the more intelligently to fulfil the promises of the
party, had, at the suggestion of the President, requested the
German Government to furnish it with as full information as
possible about the rates of wages paid in the leading
industries of that country,—wages being known, of course, to
be one of the largest items in the cost of production. The
German Government of course complied, with its usual courtesy
and thoroughness, transmitting an interesting report, each
portion of which was properly authenticated and vouched for.
The Department of State placed it at the disposal of the
Finance Committee of the Senate. But Senators tried in vain to
ascertain what it contained. Mr. Aldrich spoke of it
contemptuously as ‘anonymous,’ which of course it was not, as
‘unofficial,’ and even as an impertinent attempt, on the part
of the German Government, to influence our tariff legislation.
It was only too plain that the contents of the report made the
members of the controlling faction of the Finance Committee
very uncomfortable indeed. … It would have proved that the
leaders of the party were deliberately breaking its promise to
the country. It was, therefore, thrown into a pigeonhole and
disregarded. It was a private document.
"In pursuance of the same policy of secrecy and private
management, the bill was filled with what those who discovered
them were good-natured or cynical enough to call ‘jokers,’
—clauses whose meaning did not lie upon the surface, whose
language was meant not to disclose its meaning to the members
of the Houses who were to be asked to enact them into law, but
only to those by whom the law was to be administered after its
enactment. This was one of the uses to which the ‘experts’
were put whom the committees encouraged to advise them. They
knew the technical words under which meanings could be hidden,
or the apparently harmless words which had a chance to go
unnoted or unchallenged. Electric carbons had been taxed at
ninety cents per hundred; the new bill taxed them at seventy
cents per hundred _feet_;—an apparent reduction if the
word feet went unchallenged. It came very near escaping the
attention of the Senate, and did quite escape the attention of
the general public, who paid no attention at all to the
debates, that the addition of the word feet almost doubled the
existing duty.
"The hugest practical joke of the whole bill lay in the
so-called maximum and minimum clause. The schedules as they
were detailed in the bill and presented to the country,
through the committees and the newspapers,—the schedules by
which it was made believe that the promise to the country of a
‘downward’ revision was being kept by those responsible for
the bill, were only the minimum schedules. There lay at the
back of the measure a maximum provision about which very
little was said, but the weight of which the country may come
to feel as a very serious and vexatious burden in the months
to come. In the case of articles imported from countries whose
tariff arrangements discriminate against the United States,
the duties are to be put at a maximum which is virtually
prohibitive. The clause is a huge threat. Self-respecting
countries do not yield to threats or to ‘ impertinent efforts
on the part of other Governments, to affect their tariff
legislation.’ Where the threat is not heeded we shall pay
heavier duties than ever, heavier duties than any previous
Congress ever dared impose.
"When it is added that not the least attempt was made to alter
the duties on sugar by which every table in the country is
taxed for the benefit of the Sugar Trust, but just now
convicted of criminal practices in defrauding the Government
in this very matter; that increased rates were laid on certain
classes of cotton goods for the benefit, chiefly, of the
manufacturers of New England, from which the dominant party
always counts upon getting votes, and that the demand of the
South, from which it does not expect to get them, for free
cotton bagging was ignored; that the rates on wool and woollen
goods, a tax which falls directly upon the clothing of the
whole population of the country, were maintained unaltered;
and that relief was granted at only one or two points,—by
conceding free hides and almost free iron ore, for
example,—upon which public opinion had been long and anxiously
concentrated; and granted only at the last moment upon the
earnest solicitation of the President,—nothing more need be
said to demonstrate the insincerity, the uncandid, designing,
unpatriotic character of the whole process. It was not
intended for the public good. It was intended for the benefit
of the interests most directly and selfishly concerned."
_Woodrow Wilson,
The Tariff Make-Believe
(North American Review, October, 1909)._
{645}
The second quotation is from an article in _The Atlantic
Monthly_, by Honorable Samuel W. McCall, Congressman from
Massachusetts, setting forth reasons for a moderate
satisfaction with the Act:
"The certain method of determining just what the Payne Act
does, is, as I have said, to take its paragraphs in detail and
scrutinize the new duties in comparison with those which they
have supplanted. Such a course will show the exact character
and number of the increases and decreases. Those who have no
other means of comparison at hand may safely take the table
prepared by the Honorable Champ Clark of Missouri, Democratic
leader in the House of Representatives, and produced by him
July 31 last, in his speech in the House of Representatives
against the Conference Report on the bill. It is true that in
commenting upon it he showed that he was a trifle rusty on his
Cobden, and made the amount of actual revenue the test,—a
method only less weird than that based upon the average ad
valorem, for it is demonstrable that a purely free-trade
tariff after the British model would provide us a greater
revenue than does the Payne Act. While the table given by Mr.
Clark exaggerates in some cases the extent of the increases,
it will clearly appear from it that on the whole the decreases
so vastly outnumber the increases as to make the new law seem
almost revolutionary in character. If one takes the schedules
in their order, he will find in the first schedule, which
relates to chemicals, that the increases are a bare half-dozen
in number, and include fancy soaps and alkaloids of opium and
cocaine, while the decreases are more than fifty, and include
many of the articles which are in general consumption, such as
sulphur, various forms of soda, potash, lead, and sulphate of
ammonia, the last of which is put on the free list.
"The second schedule shows a slight increase upon the smaller
sizes of plate glass, and this increase is many times offset
by decreases upon fire and other brick, gypsum, various kinds
of window-glass, nearly all the grades of marble, and other
important articles.
"In the metal schedule there is an increase in fabricated
structural steel, zinc ore, and a very few other items, some
of which relate to articles not manufactured when the Dingley
law was passed; but, on the other hand, the basic article of
iron ore is reduced from forty to fifteen cents per ton, the
lowest ad valorem that it has had in the history of the
country; pig iron is reduced from four dollars to two dollars
and a half per ton, scrap iron and steel from four dollars to
one dollar per ton, bar iron from six-tenths to three-tenths
of a cent a pound, cotton ties from five-tenths to
three-tenths of a cent per pound, steel rails from seven
dollars and eighty-four cents to three dollars and ninety-two
cents per ton. There are nearly a hundred other reductions in
the metal schedule: in fact, the reductions in this schedule
are so general, and in some cases so drastic, that it may be
said, practically, that these duties have been cut in two.
"The lumber schedule shows but two unimportant increases,
while the schedule generally is cut nearly forty per cent. One
grade of sawed boards is reduced from one dollar to fifty
cents per thousand feet, and all other sawed lumber from two
dollars to a dollar and a quarter per thousand. Fence posts
are put on the free list. Dressed lumber, telephone poles,
railroad ties, and other important products of wood, are very
much reduced.
"Notwithstanding the attempt that is being made to create a
sectional feeling in the West, the only schedule covering
necessary articles in which increases predominate is the
agricultural schedule. The duties are also increased upon
champagnes and other wines, brandy, ale, beer, tobacco, silks,
high-priced laces, and various other articles, which for want
of a better term, are called luxuries.
"Bituminous coal is reduced from sixty-seven cents to
forty-seven cents per ton, which with the exception of a very
brief period, is in value the lowest duty we have ever imposed
upon it.
"Agricultural implements are reduced, and a provision added
admitting them free of duty from any country which admits our
agricultural machinery free.
"Works of art more than twenty years old are put on the free
list.
"Hides of cattle are put on the free list, and an enormous
reduction made, not merely on all the products of these hides,
but on nearly all articles of leather. Sole leather is cut
from twenty to five per cent ad valorem, upper leather from
twenty to seven and a half per cent, and boots and shoes from
twenty-five to fifteen per cent, and, on important kinds, to
ten per cent. … The two great textile schedules are
practically unchanged. The wool duty is politically the most
powerful of any in the tariff. The farmers of the country have
been pretty thoroughly educated to the belief, whether rightly
or wrongly, that the free-wool agitation, culminating in the
tariff of 1894, was responsible for the slaughter of their
flocks. Their representatives formed the strongest single
element behind the passage of the Dingley law; and, in the
session just ended, their strength was so great as to
discourage any assault upon the wool duties. These duties
range from forty to more than one hundred per cent of the
value, and so long as they are maintained at such a high point
it is idle to talk of any very material reduction on woolens
or worsteds. The centre of the entire schedule is the duty
upon wool. … Every duty in this schedule from top to bottom
might have been cut ten per cent without trenching upon the
necessary amount of protection.
"The Dingley duties upon cottons were greatly less than those
in the woolen schedule. This was doubtless due to the fact
that we are the great cotton-producing nation, and our
manufacturers are at no disadvantage in raw material with any
of their foreign competitors. … These duties are so
complicated that it is difficult for one who is not an expert
to understand them; but according to the best experts, they
are, at least, no higher in the Payne Act than the Dingley
duties were intended to be, and were interpreted to be for
four years after the passage of the act."
{646}
The following is from an article in the _American Review of
Reviews, September, 1909:_
"Summing up the changes made in the tariff as shown in the
various Senate documents, the new act has increased the
Dingley rates in 300 instances, while reducing them in 584
cases. The increases affect commodities imported in 1907 to
the value of at least $105,844,201, while the reductions
affect not more than $132,141,074 worth of imports. Four
hundred and forty-seven million dollars’ worth of imports (on
the basis of 1907) remain subject to the same duties as under
the Dingley tariff. That is to say, 65 per cent of the total
imports remain subject to the old rates, more than fifteen per
cent of the total will be subject to higher duties, the
average increase amounting to 31 per cent. over the Dingley
rates; and less than 20 per cent. of the imports are to be
subject to lower duties, the reduction being estimated about
23 per cent. below the Dingley rates. All of these figures
greatly underestimate the increases of duty for the following
reasons: First they do not take into account the numerous
changes (nearly all increases of duty) due to classification,
similar to the instances cited in the case of sawn wood,
structural iron, and cotton cloth; second a large part of the
imports subject to ad valorem duties will now be assessed on
the basis of domestic prices instead of the prices in foreign
markets (with due allowance for freight and duty), as has
hitherto been the case; and, finally, the possibility, even if
remote, of the application of maximum rates to imports from
some of the foreign countries, which will amount on the
average to an increase of more than 50 per cent. over the new
rates. The real increase of duty will not be accurately known
for a year, until we have full returns of the imports and
duties actually levied under the new law under the decisions
of the Board of General Appraisers and the new Customs Court."
TARIFFS:
Certain Outside Effects.
As between the United States and France, the situation
produced by the new Tariff Act, which caused existing
commercial agreements between the two countries to be
abrogated on the 31st of October, 1909, was explained as
follows in a Press despatch of September 22 from Washington:
"The State Department has received from Consul-General Mason
at Paris the text of the announcement by the French government
of the abrogation of the several commercial agreements with
the United States by the action of President Taft in
conformity with the provisions of our new tariff act.
"‘Under and in consequence of these conditions,’ the French
announcement says, ‘there is reason to decide that the decrees
dated July 7, 1893, May 28, 1898, and February 21, 1903, which
constitute the measure of the application of the
Franco-American agreement for merchandise produced in the
United States and the Island of Porto Rico shall cease to be
enforced on October 31, 1909.’
"On that date the articles produced in the United States and
exported to France will pay what is known in France as its
general tariff, but which in effect is its maximum rates of
duty. The principal articles of export from the United States
under this agreement are mineral oils and coffee from Porto
Rico. At the same time articles imported from France into the
United States under these agreements will pay our regular or
highest rate. These include canned meats, fresh and dried
fruits, manufactured and prepared pork meats, lard, and a few
other articles of less importance."
The effect of the Payne-Aldrich Tariff Act on trade between
the United States and Canada was left an open question,
dependent on a decision which President Taft must make on or
before April 1, 1910. Section 2 of the Law expressly provides
the President with power to treat "any dependency, colony, or
other political subdivision having authority to adopt and
enforce tariff legislation" as a separate fiscal entity. The
question for the President to decide is whether Canada, by
reason of her preferential treatment of the Mother Country or
by reason of the commercial treaty which she is about to
conclude with France, will be judged guilty of "undue
discrimination" and unworthy of the _minimum_ rates.
Looked at from the English standpoint, it is thought that he
"can hardly declare so natural a relationship as the existing
British preference to be ‘unduly’ discriminatory when a
similar relationship exists between Cuba and the United
States, and when Porto Rico, Hawaii, and the Philippines
actually enjoy reciprocal free trade with America and with
America alone."
A more practical consideration in the matter, however, is that
suggested in the following, from a Boston newspaper, which
remarks:
"According to the Department of Commerce and Labor, there are
now 147 branch factories in Canada, representing a capital of
$125,000,000, established by United States concerns which
formerly supplied their Canadian trade with the product of
industry on this side the national border. This is the result
of retaliatory legislation in Canada invited by our own tariff
against Canadian imports. If further tariff war is invited by
the imposition of the maximum schedules against Canada, still
more United States capital will go over the line to provide
employment and wages for Canadian workmen."
The _Monetary Times_, of Toronto, made an exhaustive
inquiry on this subject late in 1909, and found 168 American
manufacturing concerns in Canada, representing an estimated
investment of $226,000,000.
The spirit in which President Taft will interpret the maximum
and minimum clause of the Act, and exercise his discretion in
applying it, was indicated by him in his Message to Congress,
December 6, 1909, when he said: "By virtue of the clause known
as the ‘Maximum and Minimum’ clause, it is the duty of the
Executive to consider the laws and practices of other
countries with reference to the importation into those
countries of the products and merchandise of the United
States, and if the Executive finds such laws and practices not
to be _unduly discriminatory_ against the United States,
the minimum duties provided in the bill are to go into force.
Unless the President makes such a finding, then the maximum
duties provided in the bill, that is, an increase of 25 per
cent. ad valorem over the minimum duties, are to be in force.
Fear has been expressed that this power conferred and duty
imposed on the Executive is likely to lead to a tariff war. I
beg to express the hope and belief that no such result need be
anticipated.
{647}
"The discretion granted to the Executive by the terms ‘unduly
discriminatory’ is wide. In order that the maximum duty shall
be charged against the imports from a country, it is necessary
that he shall find on the part of that country not only
discrimination in its laws or the practice under them against
the trade of the United States, but that the discriminations
found shall be undue; that is, without good and fair reason. I
conceive that this power was reposed in the President with the
hope that the maximum duties might never be applied in any
case, but that the power to apply them would enable the
President and the State Department through friendly
negotiation to secure the elimination from the laws and the
practice under them of any foreign country of that which is
unduly discriminatory. No one is seeking a tariff war or a
condition in which the spirit of retaliation shall be
aroused."
On the 19th of January, 1910, the President issued the first
of his proclamations relative to the operation of the maximum
and minimum rates of duty. Six countries, namely Great
Britain, Russia, Italy, Spain, Switzerland, and Turkey, were
designated as entitled to the minimum rates. Negotiations with
Germany and France were understood to be still in progress,
which might, it was hoped, clear away the differences that
obstructed a similar concession to those countries. In the
case of Germany, the difficulty related to the exclusion of
American meats.
A second proclamation, February 7, announced the conclusion of
an agreement with Germany which gave to each country the
minimum rates of the other. This agreement had been ratified
by the Reichstag on the 5th.
Negotiations with France and with Canada occupied more time,
being protracted in the latter case almost to the limit of the
period prescribed in the Act. Terms of agreement were arrived
at in both instances, and, in the end, the President was not
called on to apply the maximum rates to any country.
----------TARIFFS: End--------
TARSUS:
Moslem attack on Armenians.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).
TARTARS:
Holy War against Armenians in the Caucasus.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).
TASHINCHIAO, Battle of.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN; A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).
TAVERA, DR. T. H. PARDO DE.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.
TAXATION:
Graduated Taxation of Land.
See (in this Volume)
NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1905.
TAXATION:
Progressive Taxation of Fortunes.
See (in this Volume)
WEALTH, THE PROBLEMS OF.
TAYLOR, EDWARD R.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO.
TEACHERS:
English and American Interchange of Visits.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES.
TEAMSTERS’ UNION:
Strike at Chicago.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905 (APRIL-JULY).
TECHNICAL EDUCATION.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION.
TEHERAN:
TEHRAN:
Revolutionary events in.
See (in this Volume)
PERSIA.
TELEGRAPHERS’ STRIKE:
In France.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (MARCH-MAY).
TELEGRAPHERS’ STRIKE:
In Russia.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.
TELEGRAPHERS’ STRIKE:
In the United States.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.
TELEGRAPHY.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION: ELECTRICAL.
TELEPHONE AND TELEGRAPH MERGER, United States.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.
TELISSU, Battle of.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).
TELLES, Sebastião.
See (in this Volume)
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.
TEMPERANCE.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM.
TENEMENT HOUSE REFORM.
See (in this Volume)
NEW YORK: A. D. 1900-1903.
TERRITORIAL FORCE, THE BRITISH.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY.
TEWFIK PASHA.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.
TEXAS: A. D. 1906-1909.
Successful Prosecution of the Waters-Pierce Oil Company.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &C.:
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.
THEOTOKIS MINISTRY.
See (in this Volume)
GREECE: A. D. 1906, and 1909.
THIBET.
See TIBET.
THOMSON, Sir Joseph:
Presidential Address to British Association for the
Advancement of Science, at Winnipeg.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION: RECENT: PHYSICAL.
THOMSON, J. J.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
TIBET: A. D. 1902.
Russo-Chinese Treaty for Control of the Country.
"A Russo-Chinese treaty concerning Tibet was negotiated [in
the later months of 1902] … by Yung-lu. And as it had to be
notified to the Chief-Lamas of the different Buddhist
countries, it became possible to obtain the confidential
communication of its text immediately on its conclusion. This
text, which I published a month ago in the _Frankfurter
Zeitung_, and which has since been admitted as correct by
Russian semi-official papers, runs as follows:
"Article 1st.
Tibet being a territory situated between Central China and
Western Siberia, Russia and China are mutually obliged to care
for the maintenance of peace in that country. In case troubles
should arise in Tibet, China, in order to preserve this
district, and Russia, in order to protect her frontiers, shall
despatch thither military forces on mutual notification.
{648}
"Article 2nd.
In case of apprehension of a third Power’s contriving,
directly or indirectly, troubles in Tibet, Russia and China
oblige themselves to concur in taking such measures as may
seem advisable for repressing such troubles.
"Article 3d.
Entire liberty in what concerns Russian orthodox as well as
Lamaist worship will be introduced in Tibet; but all other
religious doctrines will be absolutely prohibited. For this
purpose, the Grand-Lama and the Superintendent of the Orthodox
Peking Mission are bound to proceed amicably and by mutual
assent, so as to guarantee the free propagation of both
religions and take all necessary measures for avoiding
religious disputes.
"Article 4th.
Tibet shall be made, gradually, a country with an independent
inner administration. In order to accomplish this task, Russia
and China are to share the work. Russia takes upon herself the
reorganisation of the Tibetan military forces on the European
model, and obliges herself to carry into effect this reform in
a good spirit and without incurring blame from the native
population. China, for her part, is to take care of the
development of the economic situation of Tibet, and especially
of her progress abroad."
_Alexander Ular,
England, Russia, and Tibet
(Contemporary Review, December, 1902)._
TIBET: A. D. 1902-1904.
British Enforcement of Unfulfilled Promises.
The Peaceful Mission of Colonel Younghusband which forced
its way to Lhasa.
For a dozen years prior to 1902 there had been unfulfilled
promises from China to India of a settlement of trade
relations between Tibet and the latter, so far as the nominal
suzerain at Peking had power to settle them. In that year the
Chinese Government proposed to send a Commissioner to the
Tibetan frontier to discuss matters there, and the Viceroy of
India, assenting promptly to the proposal, commissioned
Colonel Younghusband, in June, 1903, to proceed, with the
British Political Officer in Sikkim, to Khamba Jong, for a
meeting with Chinese and Tibetan representatives. The mission
was escorted by 200 native troops, and reached the meeting
place in July, but found no Chinese or Tibetan envoys on the
spot. It remained encamped at the appointed place for six
months or more, Colonel Younghusband returning personally
meantime to Simla to report the situation and receive
instructions. A reserve force was stationed in Sikkim to
protect the mission in case of need.
Early in 1904 the mission moved forward, over the Tang Pass,
to Tuna, where it halted again until the end of March, no
envoys appearing, but many marks of hostility shown. Then,
after being reinforced,—as the intention of Tibetans to oppose
its further advance had become plain,—its march was resumed.
Thrice attacked within the next few days and forced to severe
fighting, it reached Gyangtse on the 11th of April, where it
was halted again until near the end of June, in a camp
established on the plain. There Colonel Younghusband received
a communication from the Chinese Resident or Amban at Lhasa,
promising to meet him in three weeks. This was followed
immediately however by a fierce attack of the Tibetans on the
British camp. The assault was repelled, but bombardment of the
camp was opened from a neighboring fort. The Mission now
abandoned attempts to maintain its peaceful character, and
with approval of the governments behind it, both in India and
Great Britain, prepared to force its way to Lhasa and extort
fulfilment of the promises on the strength of which it had
been sent. General Macdonald, who held the military command,
brought up further reinforcements, and the expedition, now
numbering about 1000 British and 2000 native troops, after
capturing the fort at Gyangtse which had harassed it, set
forth on its march to Lhasa July 14th. It met with slight
resistance in the Karola Pass, across which a wall had been
built; but otherwise it found little but the natural obstacles
of the mountain country to overcome. Lhasa was reached, but
not entered in force, on August 3d. The Dalai Lama had left
the city, but had appointed an intelligent monk to act as
regent in his place. With him and with the Chinese Amban
Colonel Younghusband succeeded in negotiating the treaty
desired, which was signed September 7th. As soon as possible
thereafter the expedition started on its return, but suffered
severely from the cold and snows of the mountains before India
was reached. Its total death roll was 411, of which only 37
officers and men had died from battle-wounds.
By the treaty secured, the Tibetan Government was pledged to
carry out former agreements concerning the marking of
boundaries and the opening of trade at three marts; to arrange
a fixed tariff; to maintain certain roads from the frontier;
and to make no territorial, political, or commercial
concession to any foreign Power without granting similar or
equivalent concessions to Great Britain. It also undertook to
pay an indemnity for the cost of the British expedition,
pending the payment of which the Chumbi Valley should be held
by a British force.
TIBET: A. D. 1907.
Convention between Great Britain and Russia relative to Tibet.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).
TIBET: A. D. 1910.
Chinese Authority strengthened in Tibet.
Flight of the Dalai Lama.
His formal Deposition.
The Dalai Lama, who had fled from Lhasa in 1904, on the
approach of the British expeditionary force under Colonel
Younghusband, did not return to Tibet until more than five
years later. Meantime he had visited Peking, where he was
coldly received, and seems to have wandered widely through the
Empire. During his absence the Chinese authority in Tibet had
been strengthened, and his return was followed by a
considerable reinforcement of troops to support the Ambans who
represent the Chinese Government at Lhasa. Exactly what
friction arose then has not yet been made clear; but, in
February, 1910, the Lama fled again from his capital, into
India, and on the 25th he was solemnly deposed from his sacred
office by an imperial decree.
TIEN-TSIN:
Delivered to the Chinese Viceroy.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1902.
TIGER HILL.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).
TILAK, BAL GANGADHAR:
His Trial and Imprisonment.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908.
TIRPITZ, Admiral:
On German Navy-building.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.
TISZA MINISTRY.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903; 1905-1906.
{649}
TITTONI MINISTRY.
See (in this Volume)
ITALY: A. D. 1905-1906.
TOBACCO FARMERS’ UNION, IN KENTUCKY:
Its Night-Riders.
See (in this Volume)
KENTUCKY: A. D. 1905-1909.
TOBACCO TRUST:
Suit of the Government against it.
Report of Commissioner of Corporations.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: UNITED STATES:
A. D. 1901-1906; 1905-1906; 1907-1909; and 1909.
TOGO, Admiral:
In the Russo-Japanese War.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and after.
TOLSTOI, COUNT LYOFF:
His Challenge to the Russian Government.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1909.
TOMUCHENG.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).
TORONTO: A. D. 1909.
Meeting of International Council of Women.
See (in this Volume)
WOMEN, INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL OF.
TOWN-PLANNING LEGISLATION.
See (in this Volume)
SOCIAL BETTERMENT: ENGLAND; A. D. 1909.
TRADE BOARDS BILL, THE ENGLISH.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR REMUNERATION: WAGES REGULATION.
TRADE UNIONS.
Disputes.
Agreements:
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION.
TRANSANDINE RAILWAY TUNNEL.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: ARGENTINE-CHILE.
_en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Transandine_Railway_
TRANS-MISSOURI FREIGHT ASSOCIATION, The Case of the.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1890-1902.
TRANSVAAL, THE.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA.
TREPOFF.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.
TRIPLE ALLIANCE, THE: A. D. 1902.
Renewal.
The Triple Alliance of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy,
originally negotiated in 1879, was renewed in June, 1902, for
twelve years from May, 1903.
TRIPLE ALLIANCE, THE: A. D. 1905.
Effect of the Defeat of Russia in the War with Japan.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.
TROUBETZKOI, PRINCE S. N.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.
TRUSTS.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.
TSAI-TSE, PRINCE: HIS MISSION ABROAD.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1905-1908.
TSONTSHEFF, GENERAL:
Operations in Macedonia.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1902-1903.
TSUSHIMA, NAVAL BATTLE OF.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).
TUBERCULOSIS, THE CRUSADE AGAINST.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH.
TUNG FANG.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1906.
TURBINE ENGINE.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT.
----------TURKEY: Start--------
TURKEY: A. D. 1901.
The Bulgarian Committee which directs Revolutionary
Operations in Macedonia.
Its Instructions to the Bands and Control of their Murders.
"The Committee which was originally formed at Sofia for the
purpose of conducting the nationalist campaign among the
Macedonians has been the dominant factor in the later
developments of the Macedonian problem, and is directly
responsible for all the periodical outbreaks which students of
Eastern politics have been accustomed to look for at the
approach of spring during the last few years. The nature of
this Society will be clearly appreciated from the following
document, which sets forth in unequivocal terms both the
Committee’s mission and the means resorted to for its
fulfilment. This document was seized on the Bulgarian
conspirators who in the spring of 1901 were arrested at
Salonica, tried, sentenced to fifteen years’ incarceration at
Rhodes, and permitted to escape a few months after. I obtained
a literal translation of it from an official source at the
time …:
"‘Each armed band to consist of Bulgarians belonging to each
particular district. Their duty is to carry out secretly the
orders given by the president of the committee. The bands are
armed with weapons furnished by the Committee. These bands are
formed by the revolutionary committees of each district or
village, and receive the military training necessary for their
purpose. These bands depend on the committees, and in their
turn distribute arms among those whom they enrol or gain over
to the cause. … The armed bands are placed under the command
of the local committees in accordance with the following
rules:
"‘To obey received instructions. By means of persuasion or
intimidation to place new recruits at the committees’
disposal. To put to death the persons indicated by the
committees. … Each band, under the command of the
revolutionary committee established in the district, to be
ready to raise the standard of revolt on being so ordered by
the local committee, which cannot act except by the order of
the president of the Sofia committee. … The bands shall also
commit political crimes: that is to say, they shall kill and
put out of the way any person who will attempt to hinder them
from attaining their ends, and shall immediately inform the
Sofia committee of the crimes committed. The instructions of
the bands must be kept quite secret, as the least indiscretion
may lead to great disaster. … "Acts of personal vengeance,
attacks on villages, and generally all kinds of unauthorised
attempts to raise a revolution are strictly forbidden, and
those who are guilty of such acts will be sentenced to death.
No murder shall be committed by the bands without a previous
decision taken by the committee, except those which are
inevitable in an accidental encounter.’
"The reports of the action of the Committee in Macedonia
during the last twelve months alone form a _dossier_
which leaves little doubt to the reader of average candour
that the regulations printed above are not allowed to remain a
dead letter, but that practice goes hand in hand with, or
rather outstrips, precept. The exploits of the Committee and
its brigands in the country may be classed under three heads:
extortion, intimidation, provocation. …
{650}
"Cases of wanton massacre, though not so numerous as the
atrocities committed with a material object in view, are not
uncommon. The victims in these cases are generally
Mohammedans. … The motive of these outrages is purely to
provoke reprisals—that is, a general massacre—and then pose as
the victims of Turkish cruelty and fanaticism, a cry which
never fails to move the nations of Europe to sympathy and
their Governments to intervention."
_G. F. Abbott,
The Macedonian Question
(Nineteenth Century, March, 1903)._
TURKEY: A. D. 1901-1902.
Abduction of Miss Ellen M. Stone, by Brigands.
The Ransom paid for her Release.
In a communication to the President of the United States,
March 24, 1908, the Secretary of State, Mr. Root, recited the
circumstances which attended the abduction by brigands, in
1901, of Miss Ellen M. Stone, an American missionary to
Turkey, as she travelled the highway from Raslog to Djumabala
in the Turkish Empire, and the necessary payment of a ransom
to her captors, to secure her release. In the judgment of Mr.
Root the Government should refund the ransom money to the
citizens from whom it was obtained by subscription at the
time, and his communication, as follows, was to that end:
"Our diplomatic and consular representatives in Turkey, in
correspondence with the Department of State, shortly after the
capture, indicated their belief that the motive therefor was
to obtain a ransom, and stated that they had requested the
Turkish officials to abstain from too close pursuit of the
brigands, lest the death of the captured might result. From
later correspondence with our representatives it appeared that
the brigands had retired to the mountains with the captive,
probably over the border into Bulgaria. The exact location of
the party during the captivity, however, is not established by
any evidence in the possession of the Department of State, nor
does it appear clearly of what government the bandits were
subjects.
"About October 1, 1901, the bandits opened negotiations for a
ransom, demanding £25,000, and transmitting a letter from Miss
Stone, asking that the sum demanded be paid and that pursuit of
the brigands by the Turkish troops be stopped. Our diplomatic
representatives were of the opinion that Miss Stone’s release
could only be obtained by the payment of the ransom, and the
State Department shared this view. Miss Stone’s friends, of
course, entered into correspondence with the Department
regarding the payment of the ransom, and were told that it
must be raised by private means.
"On October 3, 1901, the State Department wrote to the
Reverend Judson Smith, of the American Board of Commissioners
for Foreign Missions, Boston, Massachusetts, as follows: ‘It
seems imperative that the amount (of the ransom) should be
raised or pledged, so as to be available by your treasurer at
Constantinople in season to save Miss Stone. Statutory
prohibitions make it impossible for this Government to advance
the money or guarantee its payment. If paid by Miss Stone’s
friends, every effort will be made to obtain reimbursement
from whichever government may be found responsible under
international law and precedent. In the event of its proving
impossible to hold any foreign government responsible for the
capture and to secure the repayment of the money, this
Government is willing in the last resort to urge upon Congress
as strongly as possible to appropriate money to repay the
missionaries.’
"It is claimed that this assurance given by the Department in
its letter to Mr. Smith, to the effect that, as a last resort,
a recommendation would be made to Congress looking toward the
appropriation of a sum sufficient to pay the donors, was
largely instrumental in enabling Miss Stone’s friends to
secure the sum of $66,000, which was raised through public
subscription in this country by October 23, 1901, for the
purpose of effecting Miss Stone’s release. After negotiations
of considerable length, the brigands finally consented to
accept the amount raised and arrangements were made by United
States Minister Leishman for the payment of the money at a
point near Bansko, Macedonia, the Turkish authorities
consenting to withhold their troops from the vicinity of the
place in order that the negotiations might have a successful
issue. The release of the captive was not obtained so soon as
expected, but was finally reported by Minister Leishman on
February 23, 1902.
"After careful consideration of all the facts my predecessor,
Mr. Hay, decided on January 19, 1905, that it was not
advisable to attempt to hold the Turkish Government
responsible for the capture and to secure the repayment of the
money. Upon the subsequent application for reconsideration of
this decision Mr. Hay again, on April 11, 1905, reaffirmed the
judgment which he had originally expressed. Upon a further
review of the same subject I have come to the conclusion that
it is not advisable to reverse or change the conclusion which
Mr. Hay reached.
"It would seem, therefore, that the Executive Department is
bound to make good its promise to recommend to Congress that
money be appropriated to repay the ransom money, a promise
which was probably relied upon by many of those who
contributed of their private means to save the life of an
American citizen believed to be in the gravest peril.
Accordingly I have the honor to advise that Congress be
recommended to appropriate an amount sufficient to repay the
contributors."
_60th Congress 1st Session, Senate Document No. 408._
TURKEY: A. D. 1902-1903.
Conventions for Building the Bagdad Railway.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1909.
TURKEY: A. D. 1902-1903.
Insurgent operations in Macedonia.
Horrible Retaliatory Atrocities.
Misery of the Macedonian Peasants.
Contradictory Reports and Views of the Situation.
Insurgent operations in Macedonia were opened in the fall of
1902 and continued the following year, and into 1904. Besides
an activity of insurgent bands and collisions with Turkish
soldiery, there were many dynamite explosions, wrecking a bank
at Salonica, blowing up a railway train, a passenger steamer,
and other outrages of that kind. Then came confused and
revolting accounts of a terrible retaliation by the Turks.
According to Dr. Dillon, the monthly reviewer of "Foreign
Politics" for _The Contemporary Review_, the substantial
facts of what occurred were these:
{651}
"The insurrection in Macedonia planned by outsiders and fixed
for last autumn [1902] proved abortive. The first shot should
have been fired in August, but the members of the
revolutionary agencies which organised the scheme quarrelled
among themselves at the Congress held during that month in
Sofia, and then split up into hostile factions. In the
committee of one of these sections, General Tsontsheff
occupied the foremost position, and he resolved on his own
initiative to stir up the Macedonians to rebellion. Now it
should be borne in mind that all these committees are composed
of so-called outsiders—that is to say, mainly Macedonian
refugees in Bulgaria, and that whether their aim be to get the
provinces annexed to Bulgaria or Servia, or to demand simple
autonomy, they meet with but little sympathy and less active
support in Macedonia itself, where there is a very intelligent
native organisation in favour of self-government. Tsontsheff
was therefore left largely to his own resources. On the 23rd
of September his adjutant, Nikoloff, crossed the frontier, but
owing to the Shipka festivities, it was not until the 15th of
October that Tsontsheff himself, who had meanwhile escaped
from prison, took the field. The scene of action was the
valley of the Struma, which a week later was wholly occupied
by the Turks, and the insurrection, which had hardly even
flashed, suddenly fizzled and went out. The natives warned by
their own committee had generally held aloof. But there were
people among them who, not content with holding back, resolved
to act in the spirit of the admonitions vouchsafed to them by
the Great Powers, and ordered the revolutionary bands to quit
the country, and when the latter refused, actually drove them
off with arms in their hands. …
"When the people had gone home the Turks came to search for
arms. The peasants denied that they possessed any, and then
the work of torture began. All who could, ran away, and, owing
to the height of the mountain passes and the enormous
snowdrifts, had to leave their wives and children behind.
Before this calamity overtook the place, the district of
Razlog had twelve hamlets and 3,665 Bulgarian houses
containing about 25,000 inmates. Of these Madame Bakhmetieff,
the American wife of the Russian minister in Sofia, counted
961 fugitives, besides some hundreds who found a refuge in the
Peshtshersky district. The entire number of able-bodied men
driven away from Razlog alone is about 1,500!
"In that loyal and well-conducted district there were fourteen
churches with twenty-two priests; of the latter eight escaped
to Bulgaria, one was killed, one arrested, and the fate of the
remainder is unknown. According to the statement of the priest
who, having made good his escape, found an asylum in the
Principality, their churches were defiled and destroyed by the
Turks. A considerable number of the remaining peasants are
said to have perished on the way over the mountains. Over
one-third, therefore, of the male population of the best
behaved district of Macedonia has been thus forced to flee the
country. …
"We have the authority of Madame Bakhmetieff—who travelled
about in the deep snow with the thermometer at 22 Celsius
below freezing point, to bring succour to the fugitives—for
saying that two priests of the villages of Oranoff and Padesh
were tortured in a manner which suggests the story of St.
Lawrence’s death. They were not exactly laid on gridirons, but
they were hung over a fire and burned with red hot irons. In
the Djumaisk District six churches were destroyed, and the
Church of St. Elias was turned into a stable, while the shrine
dedicated to the same saint in Shelesnitza was converted into
a water closet. The churches of Padesh, Troskoff and Serbinoff
were razed to the ground; the school buildings in the Djumaisk
District were used as barracks, and the teachers put in prison
or obliged to flee. The horror of the situation is
intensified, Madame Bakhmetieff says, by the fact that large
numbers of fugitives have been driven back by the Turks into
the interior southwards towards Seres, where their horrible
sufferings and their miserable end will be hidden from all who
might give them help or pity."
_E. J. Dillon,
The Reign of Terror in Macedonia
(Contemporary Review, March, 1903)._
Another view of the Macedonian situation is presented in the
following, from another of the English reviews:
"The Macedonian problem is desperate mainly because it has
been overlaid with abstractions. We talk of trouble in the
Balkans, of insurgent excesses, and Turkish atrocities,
without realising that these occasional and startling
phenomena are the product of a misery that is as constant as
it is uninteresting—and unbearable. We think of Turkish
misrule as an isolated and irrational fact, without
comprehending that it is a highly organised and quite
intelligent system, designed to promote the profit of a small
minority of officials, tax farmers, and landlords. It rests on
a substantial basis of corrupt and anti-social interest. The
political mismanagement is the least of all the evils it
produces. The reality behind the whole muddle of racial
conflicts, beyond the Chauvinism of the Balkan peoples and the
calculations of the greater Powers, is the unregarded figure
of the Macedonian peasant, harried, exploited, enslaved,
careless of national programmes, and anxious only for a day
when he may keep his warm sheepskin coat upon his back, marry
his daughter without dishonour, and eat in peace the bread of
his own unceasing labour. All our efforts might fail to bestow
upon him an ideal government—there are not the makings of a
harmonious nation in Macedonia. But politics are, after all, a
mere fraction of life. While Servia earns the contempt of the
civilised world, the Servian peasant sows in hope and reaps in
peace, keeping for winter evenings the tale of murdered
forbears and ravished ancestors. The Macedonian villager is
ignorant. But his leaders have heard of a far-off England
which twenty-five years ago flung them back under the heels of
the Turk, after Russia had won their freedom at San Stefano.
The tale runs that this same England then guaranteed them, at
Berlin, the amplest of reforms. And thereupon these simple men
will talk about their rights. It is for these they are
fighting."
_H. N. Brailsford,
The Macedonian Revolt
(Fortnightly Review, September, 1903)._
{652}
And still a third view in this which follows:
"The Turks are honestly doing their best to administer justice
indifferently. Again and again during my travels in Macedonia
I have admired the energy of Valis and Kaimakams, who hold
thankless posts with courage and determination. If the
Albanians could be kept in order and Bulgarian anarchism could
be suppressed, there would be no grievances in Macedonia
to-day. The Albanians are turbulent sportsmen, engaging as
individuals, but intolerable as neighbours. They must be made
to understand that no further nonsense will be permitted. The
Porte would be quite capable of reducing them to order if they
had not a powerful protector at hand. The Porte could also
reduce the Bulgarian conspirators if she did not fear to
arouse prejudice in Europe. The echo of former Bulgarian
‘atrocities’ (as resolute government was dubbed), paralyses
effective action. The Turks cannot punish Christian criminals
so long as Exeter Hall is on the _qui vive_ to defend
them. Give the Sultan a free hand, and the Macedonian
conspiracy may be ended in a few weeks."
_Herbert Vivian,
The Macedonian Conspiracy
(Fortnightly Review, May, 1903)._
The British Government received the following representation
of facts from its Minister to Bulgaria, Mr. Elliott, in a
despatch dated May 19, 1903.
"There are some points which appear to me to be too frequently
lost sight of in apportioning responsibilities for occurrences
in Macedonia. In the first place, the term ‘Bulgarian’ is
applied indiscriminately to subjects of the Principality and
to Macedonians of Bulgarian race, and the former are made to
bear the blame for the actions of the latter. In the same way,
it appears to be believed that the ‘Bulgarian bands’ which
make incursions into Macedonia from the territory of the
Principality are composed of Bulgarian subjects, whereas the
latter probably do not contribute more than 10 per cent, of
the number of incursionists, the remainder being all
Macedonians, of whom there are some 200,000 in the
Principality."
The same Minister wrote from Sophia on the 1st of July: "All
the reports received concur in stating that every Turkish
official, civil and military, from Hilmi Pasha downwards, look
to war as the only means of escape from a situation which is
becoming intolerable. It is obvious that in such a war both
sides would have much to lose and little material advantage to
gain; but the Turks argue that if they could administer a
crushing defeat to Bulgaria, of which they have no doubt, they
would, even if they were afterwards obliged to withdraw,
obtain some years’ peace in Macedonia, by the destruction of
what they have been taught to believe, with some justification
in the past, is the centre of disaffection, though the real
cause of it is to be sought in their own maladministration.
The Bulgarians, although believing that the conquest of
Bulgaria would not prove the easy matter that the Turks seem
to imagine, are, for the most part, under no illusions as to
their ability to hold out single-handed against the Ottoman
Empire; they are unprepared, and they have apparently been
deserted by their protectors. They are, therefore, sincere in
their desire to do everything to avoid a conflict. But it does
not rest with them to avoid it. The Macedonian agitators will
naturally do all they can to provoke a war. It is therefore of
the most urgent importance that an attempt should be made by
the Turkish Government to restore the conditions of life in
Macedonia to something like their normal state. If the
persecutions of the last few weeks continue, it will be
impossible for the Government to restrain the Macedonians
established in this country."
_Parliamentary Papers, Cd. 1875._
The condition of suffering in the region of country tormented
by this inhuman strife is indicated by such despatches as the
following, from the British Vice-Consul at Monastir, writing
September 23, 1903:
"According to the best data actually available, the number of
persons now wandering on the mountains homeless and destitute
cannot be estimated at less than 40,000, while the number of
Christians massacred may be safely put down at 3,000. Some of
my colleagues, notably the Austrian, French, and Italian
Consuls, have sent even higher figures to their embassies."
_Parliamentary Papers
(Turkey, No. 2, 1904), Cd. 1879._
TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.
The Mürzsteg Programme of Reforms in the Administration of
Macedonia.
During a meeting of the Emperors of Austria-Hungary and
Russia, in 1903, at Mürzsteg, in the Austrian Alps, a plan of
supervised administration in Macedonia (known since as the
Mürzsteg Programme), to be pressed on the Turkish Government,
was agreed upon by the two sovereigns and their advisers. With
the assent and support of the other Powers in Europe this was
submitted to the Porte, and was accepted in principle on the
25th of November; but it was not until the following May that
it could be said to have been brought at all into action.
Turkey "agreed
(1) to the appointment, for two years only, of Austrian and
Russian civil agents, with a limited staff of dragomans and
secretaries, to reside in the same place as the
Inspector-General, and to make tours in the interior,
accompanied by a Turkish official, to question the inhabitants
as to their grievances;
(2) to the appointment of an Italian general to reorganize the
gendarmerie;
(3) to consider the question of altering the administrative
districts so as to establish a more regular grouping of the
various nationalities;
(4) that neither race nor religion shall be a hindrance to
official employment;
(5) that an amnesty shall be granted to all persons implicated
in the insurrection, except those guilty of dynamite outrages;
and
(6) to exempt the inhabitants of destroyed villages from all
taxation for one year."
_Annual Register, 1904, page 318._
General De Giorgis, of Italy, was appointed to the command of
the gendarmerie. Hostility to the arrangements of the Mürzsteg
programme in Albania was carried to the extent of open
warfare, and a number of serious engagements between Turkish
and Albanian forces occurred. Other collisions between the
various quarreling races—Greek, Bulgarian and Servian—were not
stopped by the reorganized _gendarmerie_. Turkish action
and inaction afforded about equal occasion for Bulgarian
complaints; but in April the Bulgarian and Turkish governments
came to mutual agreements, that the former would stop the work
of revolutionary committees within her territory, and that the
latter would carry out the reforms of the Mürzsteg programme
in good faith. No effective performance of either engagement
appears to have been secured.
{653}
TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.
Incursions of Armenian
Revolutionists from Russia and Persia into Asiatic Turkey.
Exaggerated accounts of retaliatory Massacre.
Many bands of revolutionary Armenians who crossed the
frontiers from Russia and Persia during 1903 and 1904, making
incursions into Armenian Turkey, and bringing upon the
inhabitants there the tender mercies of Turkish troops, appear
to have been acting generally in cooperation with the
Bulgarian revolutionists in Macedonia. The consequent
barbarities were dreadful enough, no doubt, but were found to
be greatly exaggerated in the reports current at the time.
This was the conclusion of the British Ambassador to Turkey,
derived from investigations made on the ground by a consular
officer who traversed it with care. In a despatch dated August
16, 1904, the Ambassador, Sir N. O’Conor, related a
conversation on the subject that he had had with the Armenian
Patriarch, Mgr. Ormanian, as follows:
"In the course of conversation I told his Beatitude that I had
heard with deep concern the statements he had made to several
newspaper correspondents, to the effect that he believed that
between 6,000 and 9,000 persons had been massacred in the
Sasun and Talori districts during the late troubles, and that
I deeply regretted that upon my applying for precise
information which would enable me to make earnest
representations to the Grand Vizier, his Beatitude has sent me
word that he was unable to indicate the places at which these
massacres had taken place or to affirm that his reports were
based on really trustworthy information. His Beatitude replied
that he had had no means of controlling these reports, and
that he had communicated them to others as he had received
them. I said that, judging from the reports of His Majesty’s
Consul at Van, who had visited many of the districts in
question, the numbers of victims mentioned by his Beatitude
was grossly exaggerated. Captain Tyrrell was more inclined to
estimate the number at 900 than 9,000, and he had, moreover,
been unable to confirm the statements in the public press that
there had been any massacre of Armenians in the ordinary sense
of these words, although, no doubt, many innocent persons had
been killed both by the insurgents and the troops. … I did not
despair of following to the end the investigations which had
been set on foot by the Grand Vizier. If, however, his
Beatitude could now furnish me with more definite information,
I would do all in my power, in conjunction with my French and
Russian colleagues, to bring about a searching investigation
on the spot. Mgr. Ormanian replied that he was not in a
position to give me this information."
TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1905.
A "Holy War" in Arabia.
The Sheik Hamid Eddin contesting the Caliphate
with the Sultan.
"Under the obscure heading of ‘Rebellion in the Yemen,’ a
series of brief telegrams has recently appeared in the British
and American press, describing in skeleton language the
exploits of Sheik Hamid Eddin, the Sovereign of Hadramaut,
against the troops of the Turkish Sultan. Absorbed in the
contemplation of the Far-Eastern struggle, neither the writers
nor readers of the newspapers have yet found leisure to
reflect upon the meaning of the movement, which the Lord of
the Land of Frankincense is leading. … But the Government in
Constantinople, though it would fain throw dust in the eyes of
Europe, is itself painfully conscious of the menacing
character of the challenge which has gone forth from Arabia.
It is, indeed, impossible for it any longer to doubt that
Hamid Eddin, the namesake of Abdul Hamid, is contesting not
only the possession of Yemen, but also the spiritual supremacy
of Islam. A Holy War, in fact, has started in Arabia, and upon
its issue depend the fate of Mecca and the title of Caliph. …
"For several years, the propaganda proceeded on comparatively
peaceful lines. Only occasionally it was marked by collisions
with the Turkish troops. But, towards the end of 1903, the
Sheik entered the northern district of the Yemen and laid
siege to the Turkish garrison of Assyr. The engagement ended
disastrously for the Turks. … For a whole year the Turks
refrained from attempting any serious resistance to the
Arabian movement. In February of this year, however, they
succeeded in inflicting on Hamid Eddin a slight reverse, which
the authorities in Constantinople, for political reasons, at
once magnified into a disaster."
_W. F. Bullock,
The Fight for the Caliphate
(North American Review, August, 1905)._
TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1906.
Demand in Crete for Union with Greece.
Resignation of Prince George as High Commissioner.
Appointment of M. Zaimis.
See (in this Volume)
CRETE: A. D. 1905-1906.
TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1906.
Anti-British agitation in Egypt.
Encroachments on the Sinai Frontier.
The Tabah Incident.
See (in this Volume)
EGYPT: A. D. 1905-1906.
TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.
Continued Reign of Terror in Macedonia.
Financial Reform forced on Turkey by a Naval Demonstration.
Barbaric Warfare of Greek and Bulgarian Bands.
Efforts of Great Britain to secure further action by the Powers.
On the 17th of January, 1905, the Austro-Hungarian and Russian
Governments proposed to supplement the Mürzsteg Programme by a
measure of financial reform, which would empower the agencies
of the Imperial Ottoman Bank to "act as Treasurer and
Paymaster-General in the three vilayets of Salonika, Kossovo
and Monastir," to receive the net revenues of those vilayets,
and to "be intrusted with the issue of payments of whatever
nature and in whatever form." The Turkish Government submitted
a counter proposition, somewhat to the same purpose, on the
5th of March; and, after much discussion between the six great
Powers, of Austria-Hungary, Russia, Germany, Great Britain,
France, and Italy, they joined in a note to the Sublime Porte,
on the 8th of May, accepting the Turkish project of financial
reform, provided the Porte would consent to complete it by
adding the following:
"To supervise the execution of the financial reforms and the
application of the preceding Regulation, and to insure its
observation, the Governments will each nominate a financial
Delegate. These Delegates of the four Powers will act in
concert with the Inspector-General and the Austro-Hungarian
and Russian Civil Agents, whose functions were defined in the
Mürzsteg programme. The Commission thus formed will have all
the powers necessary for the accomplishment of its task, and
particularly for the supervision of the regular collection of
taxes, including also the tithe.
{654}
Before being finally settled, the budgets must be submitted to
the Commission, which will have the right to amend, under the
head of receipts and expenditure, any provision which may be
inconsistent with the existing laws or unsuited to the
economic and financial requirements of the country. With a
view to facilitating its task, the Commission will have the
power of nominating for each vilayet an inspector charged with
the supervision of the agents employed in the different
services of the Treasury."
The Porte declined to acquiesce in a proposal which it
declared to be "contrary to the essential principles of the
maintenance of the rights and independence of the Imperial
Government." The demand was persisted in by the six Powers,
inflexibly, and resisted as determinedly by the Sultan and his
Ministers, during more than six months of parley. By that time
the Powers had arranged for a joint naval demonstration, and
landed forces at Mytilene on the 26th of November. This
brought the Turkish Government to terms; details of the
financial reform were settled on the 16th of December, 1905,
and the international fleet was withdrawn.
Meantime conditions in the wretched country for which these
attempted reforms of government were being so deliberately and
laboriously prepared do not seem to have been much improved,
if at all. On the 4th of September, the British Ambassador,
Sir N. O’Conor, forwarded to his Government "a statistical
résumé of the despatches recording occurrences in Macedonia"
sent to him "by His Majesty’s Consuls at Salonica, Uskup, and
Monastir between the 1st of January and the 27th of August,"
giving "the number of deaths for which the various
nationalities and organizations are responsible" in those
eight months of the year. The statistics were as follows:
Christians killed by Bulgarian Komitajis [Committees], 69;
Moslems killed by Bulgarian Komitajis, 60;
Christians killed by Greek Komitajis, 211;
Moslems killed by Servian Komitajis, 12;
Christians killed by Servian Komitajis, 10:
total, 362.
Troops killed by various bands, 60;
Bulgar Komitajis killed by troops, 145;
Greek Komitajis killed by troops, 38;
Serb Komitajis, killed by troops, 83;
total 326.
Christians murdered by Moslems, 43;
Christians killed during military operations, 54;
total 97.
Throughout the next two years the monthly reports of British
consular officers and the despatches of the Ambassador at
Constantinople, as published in the British Blue Books, are
monotonous in their sickening enumeration of single murders,
wholesale massacres, destruction of villages, flights to the
mountains of starving refugees,—outrages and miseries beyond
description. On the 10th of June, 1906, the Consul-General at
Salonika wrote:
"The general state of insecurity in the disturbed areas tends
to grow worse rather than better, chiefly owing to the
increase in the numbers and activity of the Greek bands and a
slight recrudescence of Moslem crime, the most remarkable
cases of which are attributed to a band of fifteen Albanians,
who at the beginning of the month infested the forest country
north of Niausta, where they robbed and murdered with
impunity. The fact that their victims were nearly all Greeks
has given rise to the belief in Greek circles that they have
been acting in the interests of the Vlach and Bulgarian
propagandas, though, so far as I know, there is no evidence
whatever in support of this theory. The operations of Turkish
troops have been on the whole very successful as against the
small Bulgarian and Servian bands which still kept the field.
Four of the former and two of the latter were totally
destroyed, with comparatively small loss to the soldiery. It
will be seen that the loss of life by violence again amounts
to over 200 during the month. Of armed revolutionaries, about
40 Bulgarians, 19 Servians and 26 Greeks were accounted for,
at a loss to the Turkish army of 23 killed. The great majority
of the unarmed victims were Bulgarians, of whom 33 were killed
by Greek bands, 15 by soldiers or in operation by the troops,
about 15 by the Moslems, and 12 by Bulgarian Komitajis of
rival factions; while 11 Vlachs were killed by Greek bands, 14
Greeks by Albanian brigands, 1 Greek by Bulgarian Komitajis,
and 6 Mussulmans by Greek revolutionaries."
Conditions were still the same at the end of another year, and
in December, 1907, the British Government addressed a
memorandum on the subject to France and similarly to the other
Powers, reciting some of the recent facts reported by its
consular officers, and saying: "These facts and the
circumstances of the outrages committed afford striking
evidence of the manner in which the gradual extermination of
the Christian inhabitants is being tolerated in Macedonia,
where the Ottoman authorities have displayed an utter
incapacity to maintain public tranquility. It therefore
devolves upon the Powers to suggest the adoption of measures
which will put an end to such a condition of affairs, and His
Majesty’s Government earnestly hope that the French Government
will give their most serious consideration to the proposals
which they are about to put forward. … His Majesty’s
Government are profoundly convinced that the time has now
arrived when General Degiorgis and the foreign Staff Officers
should be intrusted with a full measure of executive control,
and when the force under his command should be properly
qualified for effective action by a substantial increase in
numbers and an adequate equipment."
To this communication there was no encouraging response from
any other Government; and on the 3d of March, 1908, the
British Foreign Minister, Sir Edward Grey, reopened the
subject, expressing the regret with which His Majesty’s
Government had received the replies made to their proposals.
"The situation is not beyond remedy, but it cannot be remedied
by half-measures. Were a Governor of Macedonia to be appointed
who would be given a free hand and be irremovable for a term
of years except with the consent of the Powers, and were an
adequate force of gendarmerie and European officers placed at
his disposal, His Majesty’s Government are convinced that the
country might be cleared of bands and pacified in a short
time."
{655}
The measure proposed to other Powers by the British
Government, in this communication of the 3d of March, 1908,
obtained the assent of none, but it opened a discussion of the
subject between London and St. Petersburg which brought Great
Britain and Russia together, in joint action that gave promise
of effective results. The negotiations ensuing, between the
two Governments led to the drafting of two schemes of further
reform in Macedonia, to be pressed upon the Porte. Great
Britain accepted the Russian scheme, submitted in the form of
an _aide mémoire_, dated July 2, 1908. Some inkling of
this new programme, which the European Concert of Powers was
about to be asked to support, had been given to the public by
this time, and it seems to have precipitated a revolutionary
conspiracy for the self-reformation of Turkish Government,
which had been in the process of organization for many years,
and which had now drawn near to the point of open action.
TURKEY: A. D. 1906.
A Troublesome Punctilio removed.
The United States represented at Constantinople
by an Ambassador.
"According to usage in Constantinople, an Ambassador may
obtain an audience at any time with the Sultan, and force many
items through even against the influence of both the Palace
and the Porte. But every representative lower than an
Ambassador can never appear before the Sultan except when
called for by His Gracious Majesty. This invitation can be
secured sometimes by indirect means; but when, for any reason,
the Sultan does not wish to see a Minister of any foreign
Power, the Palace officials can baffle him, if necessary, for
years. Now, the American representative is called ‘Envoy
Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary,’ and is outranked
by every Ambassador to Turkey. Hence, he lacks the
all-important privilege of approaching the Sultan uninvited."
_Americus,
Some Phases of the Issues between
the United States and Turkey
(North American Review, May, 1906)._
The obstacle to American influence with the Turkish Government
which is explained in the statement above was removed in 1906,
by raising the diplomatic representative of the United States
at Constantinople to the rank of Ambassador.
TURKEY: A. D. 1907-1909.
The Cretan Situation as dealt with by
the Four Protecting Powers.
See (in this Volume)
CRETE: A. D. 1907-1909.
TURKEY: A. D. 1908.
Building the Damascus to Mecca Railway.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: ASIATIC: A. D. 1908.
TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (March).
The Races in Macedonia.
Struggle for Political Predominance.
The Bulgarian Propaganda.
"Macedonia, although a country of numerous tribes and tongues,
has a population of which the chief ethnic elements are Serbs,
Bulgarians, and Greeks. The last-named are numerically the
most important, while the Turks are, so to say, intruders.
Between Bulgarians and Serbs, a bitter struggle has been waged
for political predominance, each party being supported more or
less effectively by its kindred in the kingdom of Servia or
the Principality of Bulgaria. Both races in Macedonia speak
almost the same language, profess the same religion, and
inter-marry, so that the need of distinguishing between them
did not arise until the Bulgarian Church, freeing itself from
the Greek Patriarch, established an exarchate. Then all the
flock of the Exarchate was deemed to consist of Bulgarians,
although in reality many were Serbs; and the vigorous
proselytising campaign carried on by agents from the
Principality was successful in gathering many thousands more
into the true fold.
"Bulgaria had luck from the outset. Before this people had
been freed from the Mohammedan yoke the Turkish Government
favoured them because it hated the Serbs, who were believed to
be trying to gather together all Slavs and to found a powerful
Slav state. After the creation of the Bulgarian Principality
the Turks continued to wink at the Bulgarian propaganda in
Macedonia, because of Stambuloff’s anti-Russian and Turcophile
policy. And in this way crowds of Macedonians were won over to
the Bulgarian Exarchate. Moreover, the Prince’s Government
warmly seconded the efforts of its agents. Money was spent
liberally and judiciously. Many Macedonians who distinguished
themselves at school were sent to finish their education at
Sofia, where the most gifted among them received high places
in the civil service or the army. In time, however, peaceful
agitation gave way to filibustering expeditions, culminated in
bloodshed, and drove the Turks to repressive measures against
the Bulgarian element in Macedonia."
_E. J. Dillon,
Foreign Affairs
(Contemporary Review, March, 1908)._
TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (July-December).
The Young Turk party and its Revolutionary organization.
Its Plans hurried by the Anglo-Russian project of a
new Macedonian Intervention.
Beginning and Rapid Spread of Revolt.
Proclamation of the Constitution of 1876.
Yielding of the Sultan.
Intense Joy in the Empire.
Election of a Parliament.
Until July 3, 1908,—the day after M. Isvolsky, Russian
Minister of Foreign Affairs, had dated (as stated above) his
_aide mémoire_ of Macedonian Reform, which he and Sir
Edward Grey were about to submit to the Powers,—the Turkish
party since famous under the name of "the Young Turks" had
attracted not much general attention, and, even in diplomatic
circles, there does not seem to have been much known of the
extraordinary work of revolutionary propagandism and
organization it had done. Its leadership, seated at Salonika,
had been in a Committee, named formerly the Committee of
Liberty, but styled in later years the Ottoman Committee of
Union and Progress. Of the rise and origin of this Young Turk
party, the following account was written some years before it
leaped into public fame, by the veteran apostle of political
liberty, Karl Blind:
"I remember its rise and origin in the sixties, when, between
1867 and 1868, a small group of Turkish exiles—namely, Zia
Bey, Ali Suavi, and Aghaia Effendi—lived in London. They
published here and in Paris an ably conducted journal, called
the _Mukhbir_ (the ‘Advertiser’), copies of which are
still in my library. That paper came out under the auspices of
Mustafa Fazil Pasha, the well-known statesman who contributed
so much to the spread of public instruction and of Liberal
ideas by sending young students and others—among them, a
distinguished poet, Kemal—to Paris and London. In the
_Mukhbir_, parliamentary institutions and all other
desirable reforms were advocated.
{666}
"In 1876, the Sofia rising at Constantinople at last brought
about the introduction of a Charter under the young Sultan,
who had just come to the throne—the present Abdul Hamid the
Second. It was a popular movement, officered by the better
educated class of Mohammedans. In a famous rescript, the
Sultan said that ‘if his sire had lived longer, a
constitutional era would have been inaugurated under him.
Providence, however, had reserved for him (the son) the task
of accomplishing this happy transformation, which is the
highest guarantee of the welfare of his subjects.’ He went on
to denounce ‘the abuses which are the result of the arbitrary
rule of one or of some individuals.’ He then enumerated the
various reforms to be accomplished by the National Assembly:
responsibility of ministers; parliamentary right of control;
independence of the courts of justice; equilibrium of the
budget.
"All races and all creeds were represented in that Parliament,
which sat during 1877-1878: Turks and Armenians, Bulgars,
Greeks, Albanese, Syrians, and Arabs; Mohammedans,
Greco-Catholics, Armenian Christians, Protestants, and Jews.
Its debates, through the whole of which I went carefully at
the time in the French text of the Constantinople press,
exhibited a remarkable degree of ability. I learnt afterwards,
from men conversant with Turkish, and who had repeatedly been
present at the sittings, that these official reports had even
considerably toned down the liveliness of the discussions.
"I need not refer to the activity of Midhat Pasha, nor go into
the many useful reforms then debated, including freedom of the
press; equality before the law; liberty in matters of public
instruction; admission of all citizens, irrespective of race
and creed, to the various public employments; an equal
imposition of taxes; free exercise of every religious cult,
and so forth. …
"How did that Assembly come to grief? When the Russian army
arrived before the gates of Constantinople [in 1878], the
Sultan, pressed close by the Czar, and being at issue with the
representatives of the people on account of the exile of
Midhat and about budget questions, suddenly _prorogued_
Parliament. Alexander the Second, the ‘Divine Figure from the
North,’ was thus freed from the danger of hearing Liberal
subjects of his own uttering the cry: ‘Let us, by way of
reward for our sacrifices in blood and money in this war, have
parliamentary government as in Turkey!’
"Prorogued the Turkish National Assembly was, let it well be
remembered—not abolished; not dissolved even. Ever since, the
Young Turkish party has called for its restoration."
_Karl Blind,
Macedonia and England’s Policy
(Nineteenth Century, November, 1903)._
When it came to be known, in the spring or early summer of
1908, that Great Britain and Russia were concerting a fresh
proposal to the Powers of more thorough going intervention in
Macedonian affairs, the Young Turk leaders are said to have
been driven to a hurried rearrangement of their own plans.
They had not expected, it seems, to be in readiness for a
decisive movement until some months or a year hence; but they
could not afford to have the Concert of Europe as well as the
despotism of the Sultan to deal with in their revolutionary
undertaking, contemplating as that did a state of government
for Turkey which outside nations would have no right or need
to be meddlesome with. Hence they hastened preparations for an
explosion of the revolt they had organized so patiently, and
its first outbreaks chanced to occur just as M. Isvolsky had
signed and dated the statement of his scheme of intervention
for communication to other Powers.
The beginnings, on the 3d of July, were in the vilayet of
Monastir, where the officers and soldiers of two battalions,
at Resna and Presba, with some officials of the district,
formed themselves openly into a "Young Turk" band, seized arms
and the military chest, and went into the mountains. Similar
movements in the Kossovo and Salonika vilayets followed
quickly. On the 7th, at the city of Monastir, General Shemsi
Pasha, when setting forth to take command of operations
against the insurgents, was shot, and the soldiers of his
escort were reported to have allowed the assassins to escape
by firing in the air. Other murders of officers who showed
activity against the rebels were soon announced. The Ottoman
Committee of Union and Progress had now issued a manifesto,
announcing that the object of their League was to secure the
restoration of the Constitution of 1876, and appealing to the
Great Powers "to show their good will towards the peoples of
Turkey by earnestly urging His Majesty, the Sultan, to yield
to the legitimate demands of his subjects, who are loyal,
though in revolt against the shameful situation of their
country." The Committee protested solemnly that the League
entertained no hostility to non-Moslems; that it would avoid
useless bloodshed, and employ "energetic methods" only in
extreme cases against the enemies of liberty.
By the 22d of the month the Sultan had become sufficiently
alarmed to dismiss his Grand Vizier, Ferid Pasha, and call
Kiamil Pasha, the former Grand Vizier, to his council again.
Kiamil exacted conditions which his master was slow in
yielding to, and he seems to have been Grand Vizier _de
facto_ for a short time before he accepted the responsible
title. Change of Ministry, however, did not check the
deepening and spreading of revolt. On the 23d of July the
Young Turks, having complete possession of the cities of
Monastir and Salonica, and of several lesser towns, made
solemn proclamation of the Constitution, with popular
demonstrations and ceremonies of prayer and speech in which
Moslems and Christians were joined. That night the Sultan held
long counsel with his Ministers, at the Palace, and before
morning the reestablishment of the suspended Constitution of
1876 was decided.
See (in this Volume)
CONSTITUTION OF TURKEY.
The morning papers of the 24th gave the decree to the public
of Constantinople and the news of it was flashed throughout
the Empire and to the ends of the earth. This was the message
that went from the Grand Vizier to Hilmi Pasha, Inspector
General at Salonika:
"In compliance with the wish expressed by the people and by
order of His Majesty the Sultan, the Constitution promulgated
on the 11th (23d) December, 1876, which had for various reasons
been withdrawn, has been again enforced. The General Assembly
(Senate and Chamber of Deputies) may assemble on the terms
prescribed by law. I beg you to convey this news to the
public."
{657}
According to all accounts of the time, the feeling evoked by
the announcement of a constitutionalized government—as soon as
the long oppressed people could be persuaded of its actuality
—was quite extraordinary, and it swept away temporarily, at
least, the enmities of religion and race to a remarkable
extent. What occurred, for example, at Beirut, in Syria, as
described by a missionary, was probably not exceptional in
that place. "Men gathered," he says, "in large groups.
Audiences and orators sprung up like mushrooms. The torrent of
eloquence that poured forth there was such as would put
Niagara to shame. There were people mingling together there
who during the past years had been bitterly antagonistic to
each other, but who now were showing their friendship in
public; Greek Orthodox and Mohammedan priests were embracing
each other; branches were cut down from the trees; rugs were
brought out from the houses; the streets were lined with
people offering their hospitality to their new-found brothers;
everywhere, even among the criminal classes, there were these
evidences of good fellowship."
_Howard S. Bliss,
Address to National Geographic Society,
December 18, 1908._
On the night of the 26th of July the Sultan received a
deputation, headed by the Sheikh-ul-Islam, who petitioned for
the removal of certain obnoxious favorites of the "Palace
camarilla," and especially for the dismissal of the notorious
Izzet Pasha, one of his secretaries, who was hated and feared
above all. Abdul Hamid refused at first; but three days later
he ordered Izzet Pasha into exile and disgraced Ismail Pasha,
his Aide-de-camp, who was said to be the chief spy of the
military schools. Izzet succeeded, a few days later, in
escaping from the country, and so, undoubtedly, saved his
life.
On the 29th of July the British Ambassador at Constantinople,
Sir G. Lowther, sent the following telegram to Sir Edward
Grey:
"The Sultan has sworn on the Koran, as Caliph, not to repeal
the Constitution, and the Sheikh-ul-Islam has officially
notified the oath, which was registered at his Department, to
the people. It religiously binds not only Abdul Hamid but also
his successors in the Caliphate to govern in accordance with
the Constitution, and becomes part of the Sheri law. This step
was demanded by the Young Turkey and Constitutional party, in
order to prevent the Constitution being put aside, as was that
of 1876." On the 31st, announcement was made in the morning
papers of Constantinople that "a Hatti Humayun which is
binding on the successors of the Sultan will be publicly read
at the Porte confirming the Constitution." Subsequently, on
sending a copy of this instrument to his Government, Sir G.
Lowther remarked that "a Hatti Humayun is the most binding
form of legislation in the Ottoman Empire." In the present
case it seems to have supplemented as well as confirmed the
original Constitution, pledging equality of freedom and of
rights to all subjects of every race and religion; supremacy
of law; inviolability of the individual domicile;
inviolability of the Post; freedom of the Press; freedom of
Education, etc., etc.
The ministers and spies of the old regime of despotism and
corruption were now proceeded against with celerity and vigor.
Some escaped, some were imprisoned, some were killed by
enraged crowds of people. The latter was the fate of Fehim
Pasha, who had been at the head of the secret police. At the
same time exiles of an opposite character were returning to
their country and meeting with excited welcomes as they came.
Kiamil Pasha took his proper place as Grand Vizier on the 7th
of August, and formed a new Cabinet, with Tewfik Pasha as
President of the Council of State and Minister of Foreign
Affairs. In announcing the composition of the Cabinet,
Ambassador Lowther remarked: "Kiamil Pasha appears very wisely
to have taken the League of Union and Progress into his
counsels in forming his Ministry, all of whom were
incorruptible opponents of the old regime, while two of them
are Christians, in accordance with the principles of the
Constitution."
While practically dominating the Imperial Government on one
hand, the ruling Committee of the League was likewise bringing
to terms the lawless Bulgarian, Greek, and other bands which
had tortured and terrorized Macedonia so long, and was
respectfully but plainly intimating its expectation that
foreign management of the gendarmerie and the finances of that
region would soon be withdrawn. Already, as early as the 25th
of July, M. Isvolsky had withdrawn, for the time being, at
least, his project of further intervention, saying that
"Russia will follow with the most sympathetic attention the
efforts of Turkey to insure the working of the new regime. She
will abstain, for her part, from all interference calculated
to complicate this task, and will exercise all her influence
in order to obviate and prevent all disturbing action on the
part of the Balkan States." Of course the British Government
was moved by the same feeling, and, as the new order in Turkey
gave more and more promise of stability, the willingness to
suspend the foreign organization of gendarmerie in the
Macedonian provinces became general among the Powers. A
collective note, accordingly, was addressed to the Sublime
Porte in September, asking if the Imperial Government had any
objection to a provisional suspension of its contract with
foreign officers, with leave of absence to them _sine
die_. The Porte promptly acquiesced and the Macedonian
intervention came to an end.
Preparations for the election of representatives in the new
Parliament became active in October, the League of Union and
Progress sending agents into the provinces to give much-needed
instructions to officials and people as to what they must do
and how. The elections were conducted under a complicated
electoral law. Excepting foreign residents, natives in foreign
service, soldiers not on furlough, bankrupts, criminals, and a
few other classes, all male tax-payers twenty-five years of
age were made "electors in the first degree." By their vote
they chose, not the parliamentary representative, but
"electors in the second degree" who would meet subsequently
and make that choice. At the preliminary elections 250 to 750
voters were entitled to one elector; 750 to 1250 to two, and
so on. The representation in Parliament was by one Deputy for
25,000 to 75,000 electors of the first degree; two for 75,000
to 125,000,—and further at that rate. Candidates for
Parliament were to be not less than thirty years of age.
{658}
According to the Constitution the chosen Deputies to
Parliament were to assemble at Constantinople on the 30th of
October, old style; but inevitable delays in the elections
postponed the meeting of Parliament until the 17th of
December, on which day it was opened by the Sultan in person,
good order prevailing in the city. In a written Speech from
the Throne, read by his First Secretary, he offered as an
explanation of the long suspension of the Constitution of
1876, that, in consequence of the difficulties encountered in
operating the parliamentary system thirty years ago, it was
thought best that "the execution of the said Constitution
should be postponed until, by the progress of instruction in
my Empire, the capacity of my people should be brought up to
the desired level." As this was now believed to have been
accomplished, he had "proclaimed the Constitution anew without
hesitation, in spite of those who hold views and opinions
opposed thereto." With marked abruptness the Sultan’s speech
was then turned to some recent occurrences which have not yet
been touched in this narrative of events. Its reference to
them was in these words: "Whilst the Ministry formed under the
Presidency of Kiamil Pasha, to whom the office of Grand Vizier
was intrusted upon this change in the system of
administration, was occupied with organizing the new
Constitutional Administration, Prince Ferdinand, Prince of
Bulgaria and Vali of the Province of Eastern Roumelia,
departing, for whatever reason, from the loyalty due to our
Empire, proclaimed the independence of Bulgaria; and
immediately after this the Government of Austria-Hungary also
announced to the Porte and to the Cabinets of the other Great
Powers that it had decided to annex to the sphere of its
dominion Bosnia and Herzegovina, which were subject to the
temporary occupation and administration of Austria in
accordance with the Treaty of Berlin. These two important
events, which are prejudicial to existing legal rights and
relations, are occurrences which have moved me to very great
regret, and our Ministers have been intrusted with the task of
taking the necessary action consequent on these encroachments
and of safeguarding (he rights of the State. In regard to this
matter, and under all circumstances, the help and support of
Parliament are desired."
The concluding words of the Sultan’s brief speech were these:
"I open the Chamber of Deputies to-day with prayers for the
happiness and prosperity of our Empire and country. I am happy
to see in my presence the Deputies of my nation. My intention
to govern our country under the Constitution is absolute and
unalterable. Please God our Chamber of Deputies will
accomplish good work for our Empire and our nation, and our
fatherland will attain to happiness of every kind. May God
make us all the objects of His divine grace!"
TURKEY: A. D. 1909.
American Mission Schools.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: TURKEY AND THE NEAR EAST.
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (January-May).
Wise Moderation of the Young Turks.
Gathering of Opposition to them.
The Counter-Revolution of April 13.
Treacherous Agency of the Sultan in it.
Quick Recovery of Power by the Young Turks.
Battle in Constantinople.
Moslem attack on Armenians in Asiatic Turkey.
Deposition of Abdul Hamid.
Mohammed V. placed on the Throne.
The declaration of Bulgarian independence and the Austrian
annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, protested against by the
Sultan in his Speech from the Throne at the opening of the new
Parliament, on the 17th of December, are recounted at some
length in another place, with notice of the prolonged
anxieties they produced in Europe at large.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).
In Turkey itself the feeling roused by these offensive
proceedings was overborne to a great extent by increasing
excitements in home politics at the time. The first unity of
welcome and support to the revolution, as organized by the
League of Union and Progress, was now being broken, as always
happens in such movements, by conflicts of ambition and
differences of opinion and aim. In other words, contentions of
party and faction were coming into play. The Young Turk
leaders of the League had manifestly conducted the whole
movement of revolution with extraordinary ability,
self-effacement, and restraint. The President of Robert
College, at Constantinople, Dr. C. Frank Gates, who must be
accounted a trustworthy observer of events in the Ottoman
capital, writing in _The Outlook_, November 7, 1908, of
"Turkey under the New Regime," paid this high tribute to its
chiefs:
"One of the most striking features of this movement to those
who have lived long in the country is the moderation shown by
the Young Turks. The regime which has been overthrown was
oppressive in the extreme, and all the people had suffered
terribly from it. The Turks have often said, ‘We suffer more
than the Christians.’ Many have predicted a day of terrible
retribution, when the old regime should fall into the hands of
its victims. But there have been no reprisals. Officers of the
army were killed in order to gain control of the army, a few
spies fell into the hands of the people and were killed, the
notorious Fehim Pasha was torn to pieces by the mob at
Broussa, but most of the rascals have been held for regular
trial, and the leaders of the new movement have firmly
insisted that it is no time for vengeance or for the
gratification of personal animosities; only one consideration
can be admitted, and that is the good of the country. Their
eyes are upon the future, not upon the past. This is
wonderful. If one could have expected a reign of terror
anywhere, here was the place to expect it, but it has not
come.
"The Young Turks have shown a practical wisdom in dealing with
the various parties and in solving the questions which have
arisen which commands the admiration of all. A friend who is
very well acquainted with the leaders in this movement said
the other day, ‘The most wonderful thing of all is the
committees.’ Properly speaking, there are no committees and no
tangible organization. There are men who stand behind the
present Government and practically guide and control it, but
they are content to be unknown and to work in silence. They
say, ‘It is the work of God,’ 'Do not congratulate us: thank
God.’
{659}
"The difficulties which these men have to face are enormous.
There is the difficulty of financing the Government, which is
aggravated by the fact that some of the provinces have
understood liberty as meaning freedom from taxes. Then there
is the difficulty of forming a programme for the new regime.
There have been two parties among the Young Turks, the
Committee of Union and Progress, and the Party of
Decentralization headed by Sebaheddin. … Sebaheddin has been
explaining his programme to popular audiences. His plan is to
have local assemblies in the provinces, to which shall be
relegated many of the functions which have been centralized in
Constantinople under the old regime."
The working of the new machinery of government went smoothly,
in appearance, for some weeks after this was written. On the
1st of January the Sultan gave a banquet to the Deputies of
Parliament at the Yildiz Kiosk, sitting with them at table and
speaking to them with eloquent piety and patriotism;
subsequently permitting a general kissing of his hands, which
performance of affectionate reverence was much disapproved by
some of the Turkish journals next day. A fortnight later Mr.
Hagopian, special correspondent at Constantinople of the New
York _Evening Post_, seemingly intimate in acquaintance
with the inner circles of parties, began to be sharply
critical of the Committee of Union and Progress, saying that
their "arrogant programme" "has led more enlightened Turks to
organize a new party, the Sons of Liberal Ottomans." Then he
speaks of what appears to be another party, "the association
of ‘Fedakiarans’ (Confederates), composed of all former
political exiles and prisoners who became free after the
establishment of the new regime. On the surface their aim is
said to be to assist all their unfortunate members who have
been brought to poverty, or disabled by the tortures of prison
and exile. Their membership within the last four months has
reached twenty thousand. …
"The mistake which the Young Turks committed in opposing
Kiamil Pasha, and in persecuting the Confederates," this
writer goes on to say, "has strengthened the cause of
Sabakheddin Bey and his followers. All the oppressed Christian
races, who welcomed the inauguration of a liberal government
in Turkey, were alarmed when a part of the young Turks came
forward as champions of Panislamism, and to-day they are
inclined to be in the rank and file of this new liberal
movement. The Young Turkish Parliament has shown a tendency to
be a Moslem institution."
A fortnight later Kiamil Pasha, the Grand Vizier, or Prime
Minister, as he preferred, it is said, to be called, dropped
Ali Riza Pasha, Minister of War, and Aarif Pasha, Minister of
Marine, from his Cabinet, appointing them to other posts,
which they declined; and this completed his breach with the
Committee of Union and Progress. Mr. Hagopian, in his next
letter to the _Evening Post_, averred that the Grand
Vizier had discovered a plot, organized by the Young Turks, to
dethrone the Sultan and proclaim Youssuf-Izeddin, elder son of
Abdul Aziz, the murdered former Sultan, and that he defeated
their project by the sudden change he made in the Ministries
of War and Marine. Other reporters from Constantinople to the
Press do not seem to have given credit to this explanation.
Whatever the inner facts may have been, the Young Turk
Committee proved stronger than the Grand Vizier, and they
forced his resignation on the 13th of February, by an
overwhelming vote in the Chamber of Deputies, 198 to 8, that
he "no longer possesses its confidence." He had commanded
foreign confidence more, perhaps, than any other Turkish
statesman, and his overthrow gave a serious shock for the
moment to the hopefulness with which the Turkish
constitutional experiment had come to be quite generally
regarded.
Hilmi Pasha, who had been Minister of the Interior under
Kiamil, was now called by the Sultan to be Grand Vizier, and a
new Cabinet was formed, Ali Riza Pasha resuming the portfolio
of the Ministry of War, and with it that of the Marine. The
administration was now entirely in harmony with the Committee
of Union and Progress. During the next two months there was
not much in Turkish affairs to command attention abroad. But
political hostility to the Committee of Union and Progress was
evidently increasing. The correspondent of the London
_Times_ wrote to his paper from Constantinople in March
that "one of the most perplexing and disquieting features of
the situation since the fall of the late Cabinet has been the
persistent manner in which the Committee have denied that any
extra-Parliamentary pressure was employed to effect that
change, or that, since it was accomplished,
extra-Parliamentary forces have exercised any influence on the
conduct of affairs. Had they frankly admitted that such
influences had been, and were still, brought to bear—as,
indeed, the speech of the President of the Chamber implicitly
acknowledges—but that such interference was justified by
circumstances and would continue to be exercised until the
country had safely emerged from the critical period through
which it is passing, many who are now falling away from them
would have been found to agree, and few persons capable of
forming an unbiased opinion would have ventured to declare
that their contention was altogether unreasonable and
unjustifiable. By adopting a different course they have
alienated much of the sympathy and confidence they hitherto
commanded, and given rise to suspicions, quite possibly
unfounded, as to the purity of their motives, with the result
that the country, which needs and will long continue to need
the united energies of all its ablest and most enlightened
citizens, for the tremendous task of regeneration and
reorganization, is now weakened by a fierce party struggle,
and that many competent observers regard a fresh Ministerial
crisis as an event which cannot be delayed for many weeks."
The anticipated crisis came about four weeks after this had
been written, in a form much more serious than that of a mere
Ministerial collapse. It was precipitated by excitements that
followed the murder, on the 6th of April, of a political
journalist, Hassan Fehmi Effendi, editor of the
_Serbesti_, the organ of the Liberal party. As the
murdered man had been a vigorous critic and opponent of the
Committee of Union and Progress, that organization was accused
at once of having brought about his death.
{660}
This gave the start to agitations and demonstrations that were
secretly pushed for several days, until they culminated, on
the 13th, in an outbreak of soldiers and city mobs which
reversed for a time the Young Turk revolution of the previous
July. That the crafty Abdul Hamid had more than lent his hand
to the reactionary outbreak was universally believed; but when
it had accomplished the overthrow of Hilmi Pasha and his
Ministry the Sultan did not venture to call creatures of his
own to take their place. On the contrary, he gave the office
of Grand Vizier to Tewfik Pasha, one of the most respected and
independent of the elder officials of the Empire, charging
him, in an imperial rescript, "to form a Cabinet to conform
more directly to the sacred law and to maintain the
Constitution and guard public order." These words are
indicative of the nature of the hostility to the regime of the
Young Turks which had been worked up. Formerly, as appears in
one of the quotations above from Mr. Hagopian, the Young Turks
had been accused of being "champions of Pan-Islamism," and
their Parliament of showing "a tendency to be a Moslem
institution." Latterly, Moslem orthodoxy had been appealed to
against them on the charge that they were unfaithful to "the
sacred law" (the Sheriat), and that they were making the
Constitution a mere cover for designs that boded evil to
Islam. A fair inference from the contradictoriness of the
charges brought against them is decidedly favorable to the
party of the Young Turks.
At the outset of the revolutionary riot in Constantinople a
few murders were committed and some fatal shooting at random
was done, the victims including the Minister of Justice, an
Albanian Deputy and a few officers of the riotous soldiery;
but the mob-rising, as a whole, appears to have been kept
under singular restraint. No important members of the League
of Union and Progress are reported to have been killed. Those
who were in Constantinople escaped, and their ruling Committee
was soon established in activity at Salonika again, taking
measures which resulted quickly in the recovery of more than
the power that they had seemed for the moment to have lost.
That no reaction of substantial influences at Constantinople
against constitutional and representative government was
signified by what had occurred there was made plain by an
important proclamation, issued on the 16th of April, by the
Committee of the Ulema, the Moslem Doctors of the Sacred Law.
It was addressed to the Deputies and the Nation, in these
words:
"We are informed that certain Deputies, fearing for their
lives, wish to resign, while, on the other hand, the public
fears the return of despotic rule. The Committee of the Ulema,
which has never doubted that the Constitution is in entire
conformity with sacred law, and has not forgotten the burning
of Islamic books at Gulhaneh in the days of absolutism, will
defend the Constitution, which is in conformity with the
Sheriat, to the last, aided by the army and Parliament. Its
members consider it to be a religious duty to sacrifice their
lives for this end. They and the nation preserve the
confidence of Deputies, Moslem and non-Moslem alike, save such
as have resigned, or have fled and are thereby considered to
have resigned. Deputies, therefore, are informed that
henceforth those who resign will be considered traitors. Let
them do their duty justly and honourably, and they may be sure
of the support of the nation and the spiritual aid of the
Prophet. We beg the glorious army to maintain order and
discipline, following the counsels of the Ulema, for it is
thus that the Almighty will grant salvation to the country and
happiness in this world and the next."
But Asiatic Turkey was easily made distrustful and suspicious
of a change in government which appeared to lower the
authority and dignity of the Sultan-Caliph; and news of the
seeming triumph of that sacred sovereign in what had happened
at Constantinople must have had not a little to do with the
sudden outburst, on the 15th of April, of Moslem hostility to
the Armenian Christians in parts of Asia Minor and Syria. The
fighting and massacre then begun, and which continued for many
days, was most fiercely carried on within a circle of towns at
the corner where Syria and Asia Minor touch, and where the
Gulf of Iskanderun runs far into the land. On the northern and
western side, this piece of the Turkish dominion was the
ancient province of Cilicia, which Pompey added to the empire
of Rome; in which St. Paul was born, and which received its
modern name of Adana from Haroun al Raschid, the most famous
of the Caliphs of Bagdad,—thanks to "The Arabian Nights." In
and around its three principal towns, of Adana, Mersina, and
Tarsus, the first and worst of the atrocities occurred.
The League of Union and Progress had given way for an instant,
only, to the outbreak at Constantinople, which must have taken
its leaders by surprise. But the momentary reverse was a gift
of opportunity, in fact, to prove the astonishing energy of
ability that was in this remarkable body of men. They had been
betrayed by a considerable part, at least, of the division of
the army which garrisoned Constantinople, and which is said to
have been heavily bribed with money that must have come from
the Sultan’s purse. But the Second and Third Corps of the army
in Macedonia were unshaken in fidelity to them and their
cause. It was on Tuesday, the 13th of April, that their
opponents at the capital had their triumph; on Wednesday, the
14th, the two trusted corps were under orders from Salonika to
march on Constantinople. Nine days later Mahmud Shevket Pasha,
who commanded the movement, was in full possession of the
city, with the Sultan a prisoner, and the victorious general
was about to publish the following brief report of what had
been done in the interval:
"Our Second and Third Army Corps," he wrote, "being the
nearest to Constantinople, undertook as the executive power of
the whole Ottoman nation to shed the last drop of their blood
in defence of the Constitutional _régime_. Having
therefore taken counsel together and organized a force
sufficient for the purpose, they marched to Constantinople, in
order to counteract the effects of the despotic blow recently
struck at that _régime_, to subdue and chastise the
guilty, and to take the necessary measures for the prevention
of similar attempts in the future. Leaving Salonika on
Wednesday, I arrived the following day at San Stefano and gave
orders for a general movement preparatory to entering the
capital on Friday.
{661}
The troops quartered at the Ministry of War were compelled to
surrender before they had time to defend themselves. Only the
mutinous troops at Taslikishla and other barracks in Pera
offered any resistance to the army of occupation. These
barracks were accordingly bombarded and destroyed, their
garrisons being disabled or forced to surrender. As our heroic
army began operations at night and entered the town at dawn,
and as the inhabitants remained in their houses and the shops
were closed, there were no deaths in the civil population and
no disorder took place. The losses on both sides were heavy,
but the numbers are not yet known. I pray God that the hearts
of all Ottomans may rejoice at the news of this great victory
and that it may prove the dawn of a great future for our
country."
Military observers who accompanied Shevket Pasha and his army
are said to have been profoundly impressed by the masterly
handling of the whole operation, from start to finish. His
fellow Constitutionalists were equally impressed by the
qualities that he had revealed. A Press despatch to New York,
from Constantinople, April 26, reported:
"Schefket Pasha, commander of the Constitutional army, is the
man of the hour. The leading civilian members of the Committee
of Union and Progress desire him to be grand vizier in
succession to Tewfik Pasha, and he has been assured that a
majority of Parliament would gladly support a ministry under
his leadership in succession to the Tewfik ministry, which
resigned to-day. In reply to these proposals Schefket Pasha
said that the premiership afforded such a splendid opportunity
to assist in the political development of the country that he
would have rejoiced to accept the honor had it come to him
under any other circumstances, but that he could not accept it
while still leader of the army. To do so would not accord with
his ideas of civil and political liberty of action." This
seems to have been a true exhibit of the fine spirit and
intelligent patriotism of the man, and it added much to the
hopefulness of the regenerative undertaking of the Young
Turks. Shevket is an Arab, from Bagdad, who had his training
as a soldier in Germany and had lived in Europe twelve years.
What to do with Abdul Hamid was a question over which the
Committee of Union and Progress wasted very little time. He
became their captive on the 24th. On the 26th it was known
that he would be deposed and exiled to Salonika. His falsity
in all that he had professed of a willing adoption of
constitutional government, and his treacherous engineering of
the conspiracy against it, were believed to be open to no
doubt. It was probably not easy to save him from the doom of
death which he feared: but the men of calmly tempered mind and
will who had ruled the revolution from its beginning were
still in control. On the morning of the 27th a _fetva_ or
formal decision by the Sheik-ul-Islam, authorizing the
deposition of Abdul Hamid from the Ottoman throne, was sent to
the National Assembly and read. It was in the form of a
question from that body, answered tersely by the supreme judge
of the law of Islam,—as follows:
"What becomes of an Imam [the title of the Sultan of Turkey as
head of the Orthodox faith] who has destroyed certain holy
writings, who has seized property in contravention to the
Sheri laws, who has committed cruelties in ordering the
assassination and imprisonment of exiles without any
justification under the Sheri laws, who has squandered the
public money, who, having sworn to govern according to the
Sheriat, has violated his oath, who, by gifts of money, has
provoked internecine bloodshed and civil war, and who no
longer is recognized in the provinces?" To this the
Sheik-ul-Islam replied: "He must abdicate or be deposed." At
once, by unanimous vote, the deposition of Abdul Hamid and the
succession of his younger brother, Mohammed Reschad Effendi
was pronounced by the National Assembly. The new Sultan was
proclaimed with impromptu ceremony in the afternoon, at the
Seraskierat, to which he went in the plain costume of a
Turkish gentleman. He was received by Mahmud Shevket Pasha and
his staff in the central court. The Grand Vizier, the
Sheikh-ul-Islam, Said Pasha, President of the Senate, and
Ahmed Riza, President of the Chamber, stood at the foot of the
stairs. All kissed hands, and the whole group, headed by his
Majesty, proceeded to a reserved chamber, the gallery above
the court being in the meantime crowded with Senators,
Deputies, officers, journalists, and ordinary sightseers. The
Deputies and Senators were then admitted to kiss hands, and a
prayer was recited. This ended the simple ceremony of the day;
but one of more solemnity occurred on the 10th of May, when
the Sultan received the sword of Osman—the equivalent of a
coronation—in the Mosque Ayub, which Christians are never
permitted to enter, and was conducted in an imposing
procession through the streets of the city.
Mohammed Reschad Effendi, who reigns as Mohammed V., was in
his sixty-fifth year when he came to the throne. Until the
revolution of the previous July he had been practically a
prisoner in one of the palaces on the Bosporus, surrounded by
the creatures of his jealous and suspicious brother, without
whose permission he could not leave the palace grounds.
Latterly he had enjoyed some degree of personal freedom, for
the first time in his life. An anonymous contributor to the
_London Times_, who had had an opportunity to meet him
since the revolution broke his bonds, wrote thus of the
interview:
"I had the privilege of a long conversation with Reschad when
I was in Constantinople in the autumn, on condition that the
visit should be conducted with some secrecy and should remain
secret until the return of Hamidianism was beyond the range of
possibility. I believe I was the first European whom he had
seen since the revolution of July mitigated the severity of
the reclusion enforced for 30 years by Abdul Hamid. The Heir
Apparent was still living in the Palace adjoining Dolma
Baghche, which had been his prison throughout the reign,
jealously guarded by the Sultan’s Pretorians at the entrances
from the main road, and by a gunboat moored in the Bosporus
opposite the water approach. …
"His Highness talked slowly and hesitatingly, often lowering
his voice to a whisper and casting furtive glances round the
room as if he was still haunted by the fear of spies, but he
listened eagerly while I told him of my own many journeyings
in Turkey, whose people I had known since the beginning of the
Hamidian _régime_, occasionally interrupting me with an
apposite remark, or asking for an explanation which showed
both interest and intelligence.
{662}
There was something strangely pathetic in this desire for
information about his own country, over which his Highness was
soon destined to reign. A full hour’s conversation left the
impression that, given favourable circumstances and good
advisers, the Prince was well qualified to preside over a
period of peaceful transition."
Punishment of the authors of the counter-revolution followed
quickly on the reestablishment of constitutional authority,
and it was sternly meted out. As Mr. Hagopian expressed the
feeling of the Young Turks, in his letter of April 26 to the
New York _Evening Post_, they "could not afford to be
lenient. The conspiracy of April 13," he added, "was no longer
a secret. In the last two days 15,000 soldiers and 6,000
_hodjas_ and spies had been arrested. In their possession
over half a million dollars had been found. Where had this
money come from? Who could deny any longer that Abdul Hamid
drew from his bank about ten million dollars a month ago? His
favored son, Burhaneddin Effendi, went from barrack to barrack
and distributed the money among the soldiers. Former spies,
disguised in Turkish clergymen’s garments, went among the
troops and won them over with the Sultan’s bribes. Soldiers,
when arrested, were found to have an average of one hundred
dollars; some had two hundred, three hundred, and even five
hundred. Indeed, Abdul Hamid was the head of the conspiracy,
and the massacre in Adana was instigated by his emissaries
sent from Constantinople. The old and the new Yildiz cliques
were not less responsible." By the 12th of May thirty-eight
executions had been reported, most of them by hanging in
public places. "A member of the court-martial that sentenced
these men to death explained the reason of the public hangings
by saying that Constantinople was such a city of rumor and
traditions of corruption that, had the announcement been made
that these men had been executed in private, it would not have
been believed by the masses. It was desired to impress the
people with the fact that the guilty had been punished."
TURKEY: April-December.
Outbreak of Massacre in Southeastern Asia Minor.
The first news of the outbreak of massacre in southeastern
Asia Minor came to Europe and America in a telegram from
Constantinople, dated April 15, saying: "A massacre of
Armenians is in progress to-day at Mersina, a seaport of Asia
Minor on the Mediterranean." In this report the outbreak was
ascribed to the provocation of a murder of two Moslems by an
Armenian; but nothing that appeared subsequently gave any
confirmation to this. The Sultan has been accused of having
instigated the rising, as a means of starting complications
which might check the Young Turks; but that remains unproved.
Mersina, from which the first report of massacre came, is
thirty-six miles by railway from Adana, the capital of the
vilayet of that name and an important missionary station of
several American missionary organizations. Adana was a city of
about 45,000 inhabitants, mostly Mohammedans, but with
Armenians in considerable numbers and a few Greeks. The
Christian missions included important schools. In this city
the murderous mob had begun its work on the 14th of April, a
day prior to the Mersina report, and it is found to have been
the center of the deadly outbreak throughout. The Moslem fury
was directed against the Armenians, and, though two
missionaries were among the killed, they do not appear to have
been objects of attack, but to have suffered incidentally to
the efforts they made for the protection of their Armenian
neighbors and their schools. There were Turkish troops in the
city from the beginning of the slaughter, but they did nothing
to stop it for five days. According to some accounts the vali,
or governor, kept them shut up in quarters; according to others
they took part in the massacre. The Reverend Stephen
Trowbridge, who was in Adana during these terrible days,
declared a little later: "One man is responsible for the
disorders here. This is the vali himself. He had it in his
power to suppress lawlessness and massacre, but deliberately
refrained from doing so. He said simply: ‘We are not
responsible.’ The better class of Turks in Adana," Mr.
Trowbridge continued, "the members of the Committee of Union
and Progress, are deeply grieved and saddened at these
dreadful events. Some of them are ready to join us in relief
work for the Armenians. One Bey already has opened his house
to refugees." This gives color to the belief that the outbreak
was not mere mob-madness, but captained in some way from a
higher center of Turkish authority. Such, indeed, was the firm
conviction of many who were witnesses of what occurred.
Writing on the 24th of April from Tarsus, which bore its share
of the widespread attack, another missionary said: "The
massacres all began on the same day, Wednesday, the 14th,
showing, were there no other proof, that they were inaugurated
by telegraphic orders from Adana, probably from
Constantinople. The only places where the Christians took up
arms for a short time to defend themselves were Adana, Hadjin,
and near the battle-field of Issus; at the latter place they
are still holding out. The statement by Turkish officials that
there was an Armenian insurrection, that Turks were massacred,
and houses burned by the Christians, etc., etc., are simply
abominable lies. This cannot be put too strongly. … During
fifty long hours, while battle and murder and burnings were
going on all around our school and residence in Adana, the
vali, though he had hundreds of soldiers at the Konak, sent
not one to protect us and our property."
According to a report made some months later, after
investigations under the new Turkish regime, and quoted from a
Turkish newspaper, the number killed in all parts of the
province was 20,008; 620 were Moslems, and the remaining
19,400 were non-Moslems. Of the non-Moslems killed, 418 were
Old Chaldeans, 163 Chaldeans, 210 Armenian Catholics, 655
Protestants, 99 Greeks, and the remainder Gregorian Armenians.
The same report estimated the destruction of property as
having been equal to two-thirds of the entire wealth of the
province. The appearance of Adana and of the surrounding
country after the massacres were stopped was described by one
who made the journey from Tarsus to Adana, and who wrote:
{663}
"Leaving behind us the ruins of Tarsus, and the hundreds of
weeping widows and orphans there, we came by train to Adana.
Near the city the road runs for miles through vineyards and
gardens, in former days a beautiful sight. But now it is a
waste of desolation; all the houses of the Christians are
heaps of ruins; in and around those houses more than five
hundred were slain during the three terrible days of April.
The houses of Moslems have not been injured. We noted a like
contrast as respects the numerous farms on the plain between
Tarsus and Adana. And yet the charge is made, and believed,
that the Armenians were the aggressors!
"In the once prosperous Adana, nothing but ruins; it is like
the pictures I have seen of Pompeii. The wretched survivors
wander by twos and threes around the places where once stood
their happy homes; they look more like ghosts than human
beings, these pale, dejected, barefooted widows and orphans."
On the 12th of May, after the Young Turks had recovered power
at Constantinople, the Turkish Embassy at London gave out the
following announcement: "Order and tranquillity prevail
throughout the Sanjak of Djebel-i-Bereket. Troops are arriving
gradually and are being distributed according to the
necessities of each place. The local authorities at Adana are
about to proceed at once to confiscate stolen property and to
disarm Musulmans and non-Musulmans alike. This measure will be
adopted generally in the other parts of the vilayet as soon as
the troops which are coming from the various places have
reached the positions to which they have been assigned. The
authorities are very busily engaged in finding homes for
people who are without shelter and in supplying them with
food. A Commission for that purpose has been appointed at
Adana."
A Court Martial and a Parliamentary Commission were now sent
to Adana to investigate the massacre and punish the guilty.
Their work was soon showing results. On the 24th of May a
report came from Constantinople that "Ferid Pasha has informed
a representative of the Tanin that several of the soldiers who
took part in the recent massacres in Cilicia have been
arrested. Nine persons have already been condemned to death by
the Court-martial. With regard to the responsibility for the
outbreak, the Minister said that, while he could not
definitely ascribe it to official promptings, certain
officials had failed to do their duty, among them the
Mutesarrif of Jebel Bereket, who had been imprisoned pending
an inquiry into his conduct. The reactionaries had certainly
played a part in fomenting the outbreak, but other
elements—which the Minister did not specify—had contributed
thereto."
On the 13th of July it was reported that "an Imperial Iradeh
has been issued ordering the arrest of the ex-Governors of
Adana and Djebel Bereket, the commander of the Adana garrison,
and a number of notables of Cilicia, among whom is the editor
of the Itidal, the notorious Baghdadi."
Two days later it was said that "the ex-Governors of Adana and
Djebel Bereket have been sent to Adana under a strong escort.
Some 20 leading Moslem notables of Adana who have been
arrested will be immediately brought before a Court-Martial.
The Grand Vizier has given orders for a manifesto to be
prepared by the Sheikh-ul-Islam, demonstrating by means of
texts from the Koran and the Traditions that the duty of all
good Moslems is to treat Christians with justice and to regard
them as fellow-citizens with equal rights. It is to be
distributed by the kadis, muftis, and hodjas in every town and
village of the empire, and the most learned ulema are to take
it as their text in the sermons to be preached during next
Ramazan."
July 18th the court-martial was stated to have made a report
which concluded as follows:
"‘Fifteen persons have been already hanged, 800 deserve death,
15,000 deserve hard labour for life, and 80,000 deserve minor
sentences. If it is decided to proceed with the punishment, we
will draw a cordon around the town and deal expeditiously with
the matter.’ In view, however, of the general reconciliation
between the various elements, the Court-martial recommends a
general amnesty on the occasion of the National Fête."
The 11th of August brought accounts of the publication of a
declaration by a Commission of three ministers in the Turkish
Cabinet appointed to prepare it, acquitting the Armenians of
all responsibility for the outbreak at Adana. This
declaration, drawn up after a careful examination of the
reports of the members of the Parliamentary Commission on the
massacres and approved by the Council of Ministers, ascribes
the massacre to the ignorance of the population. "In the reign
of Abdul Hamid the people had become imbued with the idea that
every Armenian was a separatist at heart, and were therefore
averse from equality with the Armenian community. They had
become in consequence the tools of religious or political
agitators. The declaration censures severely the local
officials for their failure, not only to quell the outbreak,
but to warn the Government that the situation in Cilicia was
critical."
One of the Deputies of the Parliamentary Commission which
investigated matters at Adana gave, perhaps, a more distinct
idea of the causes that worked to produce the massacres, in an
interview published during August, when he said:
"The massacre in Adana had two strong causes: reaction and
tyranny. The joy of the July demonstrations [of 1908] had
scarcely passed when, at the beginning of August, tyrannical
tendencies began to appear. The former Mufti of Bakhcheh went
hither and thither declaring that liberty and the constitution
were the work of the Christians, that the constitution was
contrary to the Sheriat. In this way he stirred up Moslems
against the Christians and the constitution. In place of the
joy which appeared among all classes during the first days of
the constitution, a spirit of revenge and enmity against
non-Moslems began to spread."
Evidently the amnesty recommended by the Court-martial in July
was not granted; for the following telegram was sent from
Constantinople on the 12th of December to the London
_Times_: "Twenty-six Moslems, who were sentenced to death
in connexion with the Adana massacres in April last, were
executed at Adana yesterday and to-day. Order was maintained,
although the population was much moved, the women relatives of
the condemned publicly manifesting their grief. One Armenian
is awaiting execution."
{664}
Nevertheless the Armenians have not been satisfied with the
punishments inflicted, and the Armenian Patriarch resigned in
September, as a mark of protest, maintaining that the real
instigators of the massacres went unpunished.
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (May-December).
Hilmi Pasha, Grand Vizier.
Parliament opened by the new Sultan.
Constitutional Amendments on Religion and Education.
The Committee of Union and Progress.
Change of Ministry.
From the 1st to the 5th of May Tewfik Pasha was Grand Vizier,
by appointment from the new Sultan. Then, as had been
expected, Hilmi Pasha was called to his place, and remained at
the head of the Government until the last week of the year. On
the 20th of the month the Sultan in person opened the session
of Parliament, and, after a speech from the throne had been
read by the Grand Vizier, pronounced the following words: "I
have sworn to respect the Sheriat and the Constitution in its
entirety, and not to transgress for one instant from
safeguarding the national rights and interests of the country.
You must now in return take the necessary oath." The oath was
then taken by the Senators and Deputies in turn, his Majesty
watching the proceedings from the Imperial box. On the 24th
the Grand Vizier announced the programme of measures and
general policy to be undertaken by his Ministry, and received,
after debate, a vote of confidence by 190 to 5. The
reconstituted Government was now a fully organized fact.
Questions concerning the attitude of the State towards
religion and education, as it should be defined in the
Constitution, were among the earliest of high importance to be
brought before the Parliament. On the 8th of June it adopted
an amendment to the article in the Constitution of 1876
reading as follows:
See, (in this Volume)
CONSTITUTION OF TURKEY.
"Islam is the State religion.
"The State, while safeguarding this principle, guarantees the
free exercise of all cults recognized in the Empire, and
maintains the religious privileges granted to divers
communities, provided public order and morality be not
infringed."
On the subject of education the Constitution was amended to
read:
"Education is free.
"All schools are placed under the control of the Government.
The necessary measures shall be taken to assure to every
Ottoman subject a uniform system of education. There shall be
no interference with the religious education of the different
communities."
The Christian communities, especially the Greek, objected
strenuously to this, fearing that governmental control would
be found to mean the imposition of the Turkish language in all
schools, as an instrument of nationalization.
Another proposed amendment, making members of the Chamber of
Deputies eligible for the posts of Parliamentary
Under-Secretaries of State, failed to secure the requisite
two-thirds majority, and this was regarded as a defeat of the
civilian leaders of the "Young Turk" Committee of Union and
Progress, who were supposed to be desirous of holding the
posts in question, while sitting also in the Chamber.
The firm control of affairs which the Committee in question
had exercised throughout the revolutionary movement, while
keeping itself mysteriously anonymous in the background, had
been extraordinarily successful, indicative of high wisdom and
a very genuine public spirit. But the forces thus handled by
the Committee, especially in the military element of the
revolution, were growing restive, it would appear, under the
feeling of too much subordination, and gave increasing signs
of discontent with the invisibility of the wires by which they
were pulled. Without doubt, it was evidence of this which led
the Committee, at a meeting at Salonika, in October, to
resolve and announce that their organization should no longer
be a secret society, but open to public knowledge and directed
henceforth by a responsible executive. Whether the Committee
did or did not strengthen itself by thus coming into the open,
it has maintained its ascendancy and still exercises a
controlling power.
The second session of Parliament was opened by the Sultan, on
the 14th of November, with a speech of roseate contentedness
in its contemplation of Turkish affairs. Late in December a
change of Ministry occurred, in somewhat obscure connection
with a consolidation of steamer lines on the Euphrates. A
British line of steamers, known as the Lynch Line, which had
been running on that river since 1860, was being consolidated
with a Turkish line that the Turkish Government controlled,
and something in the transaction which raised an issue between
Parliament and the Grand Vizier. Hilmi Pasha, led the latter
to resign December 28. Nobody seems to have doubted, however,
that the real cause of his leaving office was in the
willingness of the Committee that he should do so. General
Mahmud Shevket, the able military leader of the Revolution,
was invited to form a Cabinet, but declined, as he is said to
have done before. The high office was then conferred on Hakki
Bey, Turkish Ambassador at Rome, and Mahmud Shevket Pasha
accepted office in his Cabinet as Minister of War.
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (October).
Railway and Irrigation Projects in the Tigris-Euphrates Delta.
Sir William Willcocks, the British engineer who has been
engaged for some time past in surveys for the Turkish
Government, having reference to irrigation and railway
improvements for the reclamation of the great Mesopotamian
region, made a report to the Ministry of Public Works at
Constantinople in October, 1909, of which the following
account was given to the Press through Reuter’s Agency:
"Sir William Willcocks advocates the construction of a railway
from Baghdad to the Mediterranean. The proposed railway would
start from Baghdad, cross the Euphrates at Feludia, and follow
the Valley to Hit. At Hit the line would take the Euphrates
Valley and traverse the flat desert in a straight line to El
Kaim, near Abu Kemal, the northern limit of the cataracts.
From El Kaim to Der Zor, the Euphrates has no cataracts, and
the river Khabour, which joins the Euphrates at Mayadin, the
ancient Rehoboth, is, like the Euphrates, navigable during the
whole year. These parts of the Euphrates and Khabour could be
extensively developed and all their products transported to El
Kaim by boat and thence by rail. From El Kaim the railway
would proceed to Tidmor (Palmyra) and follow the old trade
route over a flat desert supplied with water. From Palmyra the
line would go either to Homs or Damascus. The total length of
the railway from Baghdad to Damascus is placed at 880
kilometres.
{665}
"The report next deals with the works of irrigation to be
undertaken at once. These consist of barrages of the Hindich
canal, dams on the Habbania and Sakhlawia, and works for the
navigation on the Tigris. The total cost of the entire works
on the Euphrates is estimated at £T1,034,000, while that of
the works on the Tigris is placed at £T1,110,480. The cost of
the works to be undertaken forthwith attains the following
figures:—
On the Euphrates, £T822,700;
on the Tigris, £T710,000;
total, £T1,532,700.
The railway could be built in two years, while the irrigation
works would take eight years to complete. To begin with, one
million hectares of land would be restored to its former
prosperity out of five million hectares which comprise the
Tigris-Euphrates delta."
----------TURKEY: End--------
TUSKEGEE INSTITUTE:
Its Twenty-fifth Anniversary.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.
TWEEDMOUTH, LORD:
First Lord of the Admiralty.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.
TWO-HUNDRED-AND-THREE METRE HILL.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).
TWO POWER STANDARD, NAVAL.
See (in this Volume)
War, The PREPARATIONS for.
TURNEY, DANIEL BRAXTON:
Nominated for President of the United States.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).
TYRREL, Father George:
Writer of a Famous Letter on Questions of Religion.
His death.
The Reverend George Tyrrel, widely known as Father Tyrrel,
died on the 15th of July, 1909, at Storrington, Sussex,
England. He was the writer of a letter which gave a notable
impulse to the movement of thought in the Roman Catholic
Church known as "Modernism," which Pope Pius X. condemned as
heretical in his encyclical of 1907. The letter was addressed
to an English man of science (supposed to have been Professor
Mivart) who, being a Roman Catholic, found difficulty in
reconciling his scientific convictions with the tenets of his
Church. Parts of the letter obtained publication in Italy, and
led to the expulsion of Father Tyrrel from the Society of
Jesus. He then gave publication to the full text of the
letter, under the title of "A Much Abused Letter." On the
appearance of the encyclical against Modernism he criticised
it with keenness, and was virtually excommunicated from the
Church. The fact that on his death-bed, when stricken with
speechlessness, he received the sacraments of the Church, gave
rise to much controversy, as to his volition in the matter and
as to the justification of the priest who ministered to him.
Father Tyrrel had entered the Roman Church in 1879, under the
influence of the writings of Cardinal Newman.
TZE-HSI:
Dowager-Empress of China.
Her death.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).
U.
UGANDA:
Its habitability by Whites.
See (in this Volume)
AFRICA.
ULEMA, THE.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).
UNDERFED SCHOOL CHILDREN.
See (in this Volume)
POVERTY, THE PROBLEMS OF.
UNEMPLOYMENT, THE PROBLEM OF.
See (in this Volume)
POVERTY, THE PROBLEMS OF.
UNIFORM STATE LAWS.
See (in this Volume)
LAW AND ITS COURTS: UNITED STATES.
UNITED DRY GOODS COMPANIES.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &C.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.
UNITED FREE CHURCH, OF SCOTLAND.
See (in this Volume)
SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904-1905.
UNITED MINE-WORKERS, OF AMERICA.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.
UNITED PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH, OF SCOTLAND.
See (in this Volume)
SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904.
----------UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: Start--------
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (September).
The Assassination of President McKinley.
"On the sixth of September, President McKinley was shot by an
anarchist while attending the Pan-American Exposition at
Buffalo, and died in that city on the fourteenth of that
month. Of the last seven elected Presidents, he is the third
who has been murdered, and the bare recital of this fact is
sufficient to justify grave alarm among all loyal American
citizens. Moreover, the circumstances of this, the third
assassination of an American President, have a peculiarly
sinister significance. Both President Lincoln and President
Garfield were killed by assassins of types unfortunately not
uncommon in history; President Lincoln falling a victim to the
terrible passions aroused by four years of civil war, and
President Garfield to the revengeful vanity of a disappointed
office-seeker. President McKinley was killed by an utterly
depraved criminal belonging to that body of criminals who
object to all governments, good and bad alike, who are against
any form of popular liberty if it is guaranteed by even the
most just and liberal laws, and who are as hostile to the
upright exponent of a free people’s sober will as to the
tyrannical and irresponsible despot.
"It is not too much to say that at the time of President
McKinley’s death he was the most widely loved man in all the
United States; while we have never had any public man of his
position who has been so wholly free from the bitter
animosities incident to public life. His political opponents
were the first to bear the heartiest and most generous tribute
to the broad kindliness of nature, the sweetness and
gentleness of character, which so endeared him to his close
associates.
{666}
To a standard of lofty integrity in public life he united the
tender affections and home virtues which are all-important in
the make-up of national character. A gallant soldier in the
great war for the Union, he also shone as an example to all
our people because of his conduct in the most sacred and
intimate of home relations. There could be no personal hatred
of him, for he never acted with aught but consideration for
the welfare of others. No one could fail to respect him who
knew him in public or private life. The defenders of those
murderous criminals who seek to excuse their criminality by
asserting that it is exercised for political ends, inveigh
against wealth and irresponsible power. But for this
assassination even this base apology cannot be urged. …
"The blow was aimed not at this President, but at all
Presidents; at every symbol of government. President McKinley
was as emphatically the embodiment of the popular will of the
Nation expressed through the forms of law as a New England
town meeting is in similar fashion the embodiment of the
law-abiding purpose and practice of the people of the town. On
no conceivable theory could the murder of the President be
accepted as due to protest against ‘inequalities in the social
order,’ save as the murder of all the freemen engaged in a
town meeting could be accepted as a protest against that
social inequality which puts a malefactor in jail."
_Message of President Roosevelt to Congress,
December 3, 1901._
See (in this Volume)
Buffalo: A. D. 1901.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (September).
Settlement of Boxer Indemnity from China.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (December).
Communication of German Claims and Complaints against Venezuela.
The President’s Reply.
Interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine.
See (in this Volume)
VENEZUELA: A. D. 1901.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1902.
The "Boom Years" in Trade and Investment of Capital.
See (in this Volume)
FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1902.
Efforts of Secretary Hay to maintain the "Open Door"
in Manchuria.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1901-1902.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1902 (October-January).
The Second International Conference of American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1902 (November-February).
Negotiation and Ratification of the Second Hay-Pauncefote
Treaty, relative to a Ship Canal between the Atlantic
and Pacific Oceans.
See (in this Volume)
PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1901-1902.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1903.
Urgency of President Roosevelt for more Effective Legislation
to control the Operation of so-called Trusts.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS: INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1903.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1903.
Purchase of Franchises and Property of French Panama Canal Co.
Failure of Canal Treaty with Colombia.
Secession and recognized Independence of Panama.
Treaty with the Republic of Panama.
Undertaking of the Canal.
See (in this Volume)
PANAMA CANAL.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1905.
The Cabinet of President Roosevelt during his First Term.
On succeeding the murdered President McKinley, to fill the
unexpired term, President Roosevelt retained his predecessor’s
Cabinet, three members of which remained in it throughout the
term. These were John Hay, Secretary of State, Ethan Allen
Hitchcock, Secretary of the Interior, and James Wilson,
Secretary of Agriculture. Lyman J. Gage, Secretary of the
Treasury, resigned in 1902 and was succeeded by Leslie M.
Shaw. Elihu Root, Secretary of War, was succeeded by William
H. Taft in 1904. John D. Long, Secretary of the Navy, retired
in 1902, to be succeeded by William H. Moody, who went two
years later to the Department of Justice, as Attorney-General,
taking the place of Philander C. Knox, and being followed in
the Navy Department by Paul Morton. Charles E. Smith,
Postmaster-General, left the Cabinet in 1902, and his place
was taken by Henry C. Payne, who was succeeded in turn by
Robert J. Wynne in 1904. The Department of Commerce and Labor,
created in February, 1903, was filled first by George B.
Cortelyou, until 1904, then by Victor H. Metcalf.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1905.
Urgency of President Roosevelt for more effective Railway Rate
Legislation.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1870-1908.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1906.
Governmental Action against Corporate Wrongdoing.
A summary of Legislation, Litigation, and Court Decisions.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1909.
Progress of Civil Service Reform under President Roosevelt.
See (in this Volume)
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1909.
The great National Movement for an organized Conservation of
Natural Resources.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902.
Arbitration at The Hague of the Pious Fund Dispute with Mexico.
See (in this Volume)
MEXICO: A. D. 1902.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (August).
Assertion to Germany of Principles involved in the Right of
Expatriation.
See (in this Volume)
NATURALIZATION.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (January).
Founding of the Carnegie Institution of Washington.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (February-March).
Visit of Prince Henry of Prussia.
A visit by Prince Henry of Prussia, brother of the German
Emperor, was an event of considerable importance, in what it
signified of friendly relations between Germany and the United
States. The Prince arrived on the 22d of February and remained
in the country until the 11th of March, visiting and being
entertained at Washington (and Mt. Vernon), Annapolis, West
Point, Philadelphia, New York, and making a six days trip into
the West.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (March).
Creation of a Permanent Census Bureau.
After long urging, Congress, in February, 1902, passed a bill
authorizing the organization of a permanent Census Bureau in
the Department of the Interior.
{667}
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (May).
Unveiling of a Monument to Marshal de Rochambeau.
A joint resolution of the two Houses of Congress, in the
following words, was approved by the President on the 21st of
March, 1902:
"That the President be, and is hereby, authorized and
requested to extend to the Government and people of France and
the family of Marshal de Rochambeau, commander in chief of the
French forces in America during the war of independence, and
to the family of Marquis de Lafayette, a cordial invitation to
unite with the Government and people of the United States in a
fit and appropriate dedication of the monument of Marshal de
Rochambeau to be unveiled in the city of Washington on the
twenty-fourth day of May, nineteen hundred and two; and for
the purpose of carrying out the provisions of this resolution
the sum of ten thousand dollars is hereby appropriated, out of
any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, the
same, or so much thereof as may be necessary, to be expended
under the direction of the Secretary of State."
The invitation was conveyed to the President of France by an
autograph letter from President Roosevelt, while Secretary
Hay, at the same time, communicated it officially, through the
American Ambassador at Paris, to representatives of the
families of Marshal de Rochambeau and the Marquis de
Lafayette. France, in response, sent a battleship, the
_Gaulois_, bearing a general and an admiral, with two
aids each, and two officials from the foreign office. The
invitation was accepted by the present Count and Countess de
Rochambeau; and, as explained by Ambassador Porter in a
despatch, "Mr. Gaston de Sahune de Lafayette and his wife, not
being able to proceed to the United States, the invitation is
accepted for Mr. Paul de Sahune de Lafayette, who has been
living in the United States for the last two years and who
speaks English. He is the brother of Mr. Gaston de Sahune de
Lafayette."
The ceremonies of the unveiling of the monument took place at
Washington on the 24th of May, and were followed by official
hospitalities to the guests of the occasion at Washington,
Annapolis, West Point, New York, Newport, and Boston. With the
sailing of the _Gaulois_, on the 1st of June, the
formalities of the visit came to an end.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (May).
Establishment of the Republic of Cuba.
Transfer of Executive Authority from U. S. Military Governor
to President-elect Palma.
See (in this Volume )
CUBA: A. D. 1901-1902.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (May-November).
The Restoration of the White House.
Until 1902 the residence and the executive offices of the
President of the United States were crowded together in the
historic White House, with increasing inconvenience and
impropriety. Many projects for their separation had been
discussed, involving generally the erection of a new mansion
for the chief magistrate; but they had no result until
President Roosevelt, with characteristic resolution, took the
matter in hand. His emphatic pronouncement that "under no
circumstances should the President live elsewhere than in the
historic White House" appealed strongly to a very common
public feeling, and smoothed the way for an undertaking which
speedily cleared the White House of its secretarial and
clerical offices and made it a fit and worthy residence for
the chief citizen of the Republic and his family.
On consultation with the Park Commission of Washington, and
especially with the architect, Mr. McKim, who was one of its
members, as to the expenditure of the annual appropriations of
Congress for repairs to the White House, it was decided to be
thriftless policy "to patch a building that needed thorough
reconstruction. When asked for his ideas as to such
reconstruction, Mr. McKim advised that a temporary one-story
building be located west of the White House, nearly on the
site once occupied by Thomas Jefferson’s offices, and be
distinctly subordinate to the main building; and that the
White House be restored to its original uses as a residence.
This solution commended itself to the President, but lateness
in the session of Congress seemed to make the project
impossible of immediate execution.
"The discussion was still in the academic stage when, one day
[in May, 1902], Mr. McKim outlined his ideas to the late
Senator McMillan, who straightway asked the cost of the
proposed changes. Pressed for an immediate answer, Mr. McKim
made a rough estimate. The Sundry Civil Appropriation Bill was
then pending in the Senate Committee on Appropriations, and
within an hour from the time the figures were given that
committee agreed to insert an item for the restoration of the
White House and for the construction of temporary executive
offices. To Senators Allison and Hale the President afterward
submitted the architect’s scheme; and when the item was
reached during the passage of the bill in the Senate, the plan
was received with favor, and the appropriation was agreed to
without objection."
It passed the House with equal promptitude. The President then
stipulated that "the work should be completed in time for the
next social season, and that the executive offices and the
living portion of the White House should be ready in November,
1902. That meant a campaign. Stones for floors and stairways
must be selected piece by piece at the distant quarry; steel
must be found to replace the over-tired wooden floor-beams;
velvets and silks must be woven; hardware must be fashioned;
and a thousand and one details must be looked after, because
in less than six months the White House was to be made over
from cellar to garret, and every piece of woodwork, every item
of furniture, each ceiling and panel and moulding, must be
both architecturally correct and also befitting a house of the
latter part of the eighteenth century. Such was the task which
the architects, Messrs. McKim, Mead & White, took upon
themselves. …
"The total amount which Congress placed in President
Roosevelt’s hands for both the executive offices and the
White House was $530,641, and he might expend the money either
by contract or otherwise in his discretion. This amount was
based on estimates furnished by the architects, with the
understanding that any portion saved on one item might be used
on others, a very happy proviso, as it turned out, because the
electric wiring had to be entirely renewed, new heating
apparatus provided, and even a new roof put on the house--all
unforeseen requirements. …
"At the outset the architects discovered that simply by
carrying out completely the early plans as to the exterior,
and by making certain rearrangements in the interior, the …
White House problems could be solved, at least for the
immediate future, without destroying one single feature of the
historic building. …
{668}
"By the restoration of the east and west terraces the White
House now rises from a stylobate 460 feet in length, thus
greatly enhancing the dignity of the structure. The roofs of
these terraces (which are level with the ground on the north)
are surrounded with stone balustrades bearing electric lamps."
_Charles Moore,
The Restoration of the White House
(Century Magazine, April, 1903)._
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (June).
Reclamation (Irrigation) Act of Congress.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (October).
Failure of Projected Purchase of the Danish West Indies.
See (in this Volume)
DENMARK: A. D. 1902.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902-1903.
Friendly course of Germany in undertaking Proceedings,
with Great Britain and Italy, against Venezuela.
Recognition of the Monroe Doctrine.
Intermediation of the United States.
"If any proof were needed of Germany’s purpose to maintain
good relations with our country [the United States], her
course in the Venezuela matter has amply supplied it.
See (in this Volume)
VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904]
Indeed, the fact that Germany came to an understanding with
our government before taking forcible measures against
Venezuela is of most momentous significance. Why? Because this
was the first explicit recognition of the Monroe Doctrine by
any Continental Power. It is a notable milestone passed in the
history of our country and its relations with European
governments. It gives the Monroe Doctrine a validity no longer
to be disputed. All this was instantly recognized in Germany.
‘America for the Americans,’ said a great Berlin daily, ‘has
become an irreversible fact.’ German Jingo organs were dazed,
and angrily exclaimed, ‘Must we ask permission at Washington
to collect our claims from Venezuela?’ Papers of more rational
temper, however, accepted Germany's course, as not only
without detriment to her dignity, but as in harmony with her
political interests. Indeed, this saner section of the German
press was even pleased that the government had thus made such
an emphatic disavowal of the aims and dreams of the noisy,
fantastic Pan-Germans."
_W. C. Dreher,
A Letter from Germany
(Atlantic Monthly, March, 1902)._
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902-1903.
Extension of Civil Service Classification
to Rural Free Delivery Service.
Order concerning Unclassified Laborers.
See (in this Volume)
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902-1905.
Negotiation and Senatorial Destruction of the Hay-Bond
Reciprocity Treaty with Newfoundland.
See (in this Volume)
NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1902-1905.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (February).
Creation of the Department of Commerce and Labor in
the National Government.
The Bureau of Corporations.
"The establishment of the Department of Commerce and Labor,
with the Bureau of Corporations thereunder, marks a real
advance in the direction of doing all that is possible for the
solution of the questions vitally affecting capitalist and
wage-workers. The act creating the Department was approved on
February 14, 1903, and two days later the head of the
Department was nominated and confirmed by the Senate. Since
then the work of organization has been pushed as rapidly as
the initial appropriations permitted, and with due regard to
thoroughness and the broad purposes which the Department is
designed to serve. After the transfer of the various bureaus
and branches to the department at the beginning of the current
fiscal year, as provided for in the act, the personnel
comprised 1,289 employees in Washington and 8,836 in the
country at large. The scope of the Department’s duty and
authority embraces the commercial and industrial interests of
the Nation. It is not designed to restrict or control the
fullest liberty of legitimate business action, but to secure
exact and authentic information which will aid the Executive
in enforcing existing laws, and which will enable the Congress
to enact additional legislation, if any should be found
necessary, in order to prevent the few from obtaining
privileges at the expense of diminished opportunities for the
many.
"The preliminary work of the Bureau of Corporations in the
Department has shown the wisdom of its creation. Publicity in
corporate affairs will tend to do away with ignorance, and
will afford facts upon which intelligent action may be taken.
Systematic, intelligent investigation is already developing
facts the knowledge of which is essential to a right
understanding of the needs and duties of the business World.
The corporation which is honestly and fairly organized, whose
managers in the conduct of its business recognize their
obligation to deal squarely with their stockholders, their
competitors, and the public, has nothing to fear from such
supervision. The purpose of this Bureau is not to embarrass or
assail legitimate business, but to aid in bringing about a
better industrial condition—a condition under which there
shall be obedience to law and recognition of public obligation
by all corporations, great or small."
_Message of the President to Congress,
December 7, 1903._
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903 (February).
Passage of the Act to further regulate Commerce with Foreign
Nations and among the States, known commonly as
the Elkins Anti-Rebate Law.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903 (FEBRUARY).
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903 (October).
Settlement of the Alaska Boundary Question.
See (in this Volume)
ALASKA: A. D. 1903.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903 (October).
Lease from Cuba of two Coaling and Naval Stations.
See (in this Volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1903.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903 (October).
New Treaty with China.
Two Ports in Manchuria opened to Foreign Trade.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1903 (MAY-OCTOBER).
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903 (October).
Commercial Relations with Germany as affected by the
new German Tariff Law.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1902 (OCTOBER).
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903-1904.
The Financial Crisis.
See (in this Volume)
FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903-1904.
Contention against Canadian claims to Sovereignty over Land
and Sea in Hudson Bay Region.
Canadian Measures to establish it.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1903-1904.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903-1905.
Investigation and Prosecution of the "Beef Trust," so called.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.
{669}
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903-1906.
Unearthing of Extensive Frauds in the Land Office.
Late in December, 1902, the Secretary of the Interior
Department, the Honorable Ethan Allen Hitchcock, received
information which led him, with the President’s approval, to
demand the resignation of the Commissioner of the Land Office,
Binger Hermann, of Oregon. Mr. Hermann was a man of importance
in the Republican party, and he rallied powerful influences to
his support. They could not anchor him durably in the Land
Office, but they did delay his departure from it for about a
mouth, during which time he is said to have destroyed
thousands of letters and documents bearing on land frauds
which he was under suspicion of having protected and promoted.
Returning to Oregon from Washington he sought and obtained
from his party an election to Congress, to fill a vacancy
which death had caused opportunely, and this seemed to augment
his political power. But agents of the Interior Department
were in Oregon and other Western States at the same time,
gathering evidence which soon removed all doubt of the huge
conspiracy of fraud which Commissioner Hermann had been a
party to, and which had wide ramifications wherever public
lands of value were open to entry, under the Homestead Act,
the Desert Land Act, or the Timber and Stone Act.
The frauds were carried on under false appearances of
compliance with the requirements of law, and the dismissal of
Hermann had not cleared from the General Land Office all the
treacherous connivance which made them possible. Other allies
of the land-thieves were tracked to their official desks, some
at Washington, some in the Interior Department, some in
Congress, and some out in the land offices at the West. Then
the Federal Grand Jury at Portland, Oregon, began to turn out
indictments, on evidence handled by Francis J. Heney, now
entering on a famous career, as special prosecutor for the
Government. Mr. Heney was appointed by the President on the
recommendation of Secretary Hitchcock and Attorney-General
Knox, with neglect of advice from Oregon Senators and
Congressmen. One of the first of the indictments found struck
an Oregon Senator, John H. Mitchell, and brought him to a
prison sentence, which death rescued him from. Another put a
member of the House of Representatives, J. H. Williamson, on
trial; a third put its brand on a recently removed United
States District Attorney, John H. Hall. Binger Hermann, a
State Senator, and several special agents of the Land Office
were among the other subjects of prosecution, besides a large
number of private operators in the land-thieves’ ring.
These proceedings were at the beginning of vigorous measures
which have gone far towards, if not fully to the end of
arresting the frauds which were rapidly robbing the nation of
the last of its valuable public lands.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1904.
Representation in the Interparliamentary Union.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904-1909.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1904 (May).
Kidnapping of Mr. Ion Perdicaris at Tangier, for Ransom.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1904 (May-October).
The Louisiana Purchase Exposition.
See (in this Volume)
ST. LOUIS: A. D. 1904.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1904 (May-November).
The Presidential Election.
Parties, Candidates, and Platforms.
Election of President Roosevelt.
The questions of leading interest and influence in the canvass
preliminary to the Presidential election of 1904 were
undoubtedly those relating to the governmental regulation of
interstate railways and of the capitalistic combinations
called "trusts"; but those questions had not yet acquired the
height of importance in the public mind which they reached
before the next quadrennial polling of the nation occurred.
The question of tariff revision and a moderated protective
system, in the interest of the great mass of consumers, was
rising in interest, especially at the West; but that, too, was
but mildly influential in the campaign. As for the
imperialistic ambitions that had been excited for a time by
the conquests of 1898, they had cooled to so great a degree as
to offer no longer much challenge to opposition; opinion in
the country now differing on little more than the length of
time to which American guardianship over the Philippine
Islands should be allowed to run. The voters of the United
States, in fact, made their election between the men who were
offered to it as candidates, far more than between the parties
and the policies whom the candidates represented; and
President Roosevelt was reelected on personal grounds, in the
main, because the kind of vigorous character he had shown was
greatly to the liking of a large part of the people.
The first nominating convention to be held was that of the
Socialist party, whose delegates met at Chicago, May 2, and
nominated for President Eugene V. Debs, of Indiana; for
Vice-President Benjamin Hanford, of New York.
On the same day the United Christian Party, whose declaration
of principles appears below, met at St. Louis.
The Convention of the Republican Party, also held at Chicago,
came next in time, June 21, and, with Theodore Roosevelt, of
New York, for reëlection as President, it named for
Vice-President Charles Warren Fairbanks, of Indiana.
The Prohibition Party, in convention at Indianapolis, June 29,
named Silas C. Swallow, of Pennsylvania, for President, and
George W. Carroll, of Texas, for Vice-President.
On the 4th of July the People’s or Populist Party held
convention at Springfield, Illinois, and nominated Thomas E.
Watson, of Georgia, for President, with Thomas H. Tibbles, of
Nebraska, for Vice-President.
Meeting two days earlier, in New York City, but in session
some days longer, the Socialist Labor Party named for
President Charles Hunter Corregan, of New York, and for
Vice-President William Wesley Cox, of Illinois.
The convention of the Democratic Party opened its session, at
St. Louis, on the 6th of July. Its nominee for President was
Alton B. Parker, of New York; for Vice-President Henry G.
Davis, of West Virginia.
The National Liberty Party met at St. Louis on the 7th of July
and put forth its platform of principles.
The last of the nominations were presented on the 31st of
August, at Chicago, by a convention representing a new party,
the Continental, whose candidates then named declined and were
subsequently replaced by Austin Holcomb, of Georgia, for
President, and A. King, of Missouri, for Vice-President.
{670}
With some abridgment, the declarations of principles and
pledges of party policy adopted by these several conventions
on the main questions at issue are given conveniently for
comparison in the following arrangement by subjects:
Trusts.
The Republican Party contented itself with a brief boast of
"laws enacted by the Republican party which the Democratic
party failed to enforce," but which "have been fearlessly
enforced by a Republican President," and of "new laws insuring
reasonable publicity as to the operations of great
corporations and providing additional remedies for the
prevention of discrimination in freight rates."
The Democratic Party condemned with vigor the failure of
Republicans in Congress to prohibit contracts with convicted
trusts; declared that "gigantic trusts and combinations" "are
a menace to beneficial competition and an obstacle to
permanent business prosperity;" denounced "rebates and
discrimination by transportation companies as the most potent
agency in promoting and strengthening these unlawful
conspiracies against trade," demanded "an enlargement of the
powers of the Interstate Commerce Commission," "a strict
enforcement of existing civil and criminal statutes against
all such trusts, combinations and monopolies," and "the
enactment of such further legislation as may be necessary to
effectually suppress them."
The People’s Party set forth the proposition that, "to prevent
unjust discrimination and monopoly the Government should own
and control the railroads and those public utilities which in
their nature are monopolies." It should "own and operate the
general telegraph and telephone systems and provide a parcels
post." Corporations "should be subjected to such governmental
regulations and control as will adequately protect the
public," and demand was made for "the taxation of monopoly
privileges, while they remain in private hands, to the extent
of the value of the privileges granted."
The Continental Party contended for a guarded chartering by
Congress of "all railroad and other corporations doing
business in two or more States," and for having the "creating
of ‘corners’ and the establishing of exorbitant prices for
products necessary to human existence … made a criminal
offence."
The United Christian Party declared that "Christian government
through direct legislation will regulate the trusts and labor
problem according to the golden rule."
The Tariff.
The Republican Party declared "Protection" to be its "cardinal
policy," maintenance of the principles of which policy is
insisted upon; wherefore "rates of duty should be readjusted
only when conditions have so changed that the public interest
demands their alteration," and "this work cannot safely be
committed to any other hands than those of the Republican
party."
The Democratic Party, on the contrary, denounced "protection
as a robbery of the many to enrich the few," favored "a tariff
limited to the needs of the Government, economically
administered," and called for a "revision and gradual
reduction of the tariff by the friends of the masses, for the
commonwealth, and not by the friends of its abuses, its
extortions and its discriminations."
The People’s Party declared for a change in our laws that
"will place tariff schedules in the hands of an omni-partisan
commission."
The Continental Party limited its declaration on this subject
to one pronouncing for an "adherence to the principles of
reciprocity advocated by that eminent statesman, James G.
Blaine, as applied to Canada and all American Republics."
Capital and Labor.
Public Ownership.
Socialism.
The Republican Party recognized "combinations of capital and
labor" as "being the results of the economic movements of the
age," but "neither must be permitted to infringe upon the
rights and interests of the people"; "both are subject to the
laws, and neither can be permitted to break them."
The Democratic Party expressed similar impartiality, in
favoring "the enactment and administration of laws giving
labor and capital impartially their just rights."
The People’s Party pledged its effort to "preserve inviolate"
"the right of labor to organize for the benefit and protection
of those who toil." It would seek "the enactment of
legislation looking to the improvement of conditions for the
wage-earners, the abolition of child labor, the suppression of
sweat shops and of convict labor in competition with free
labor"; also the "exclusion from American shores of foreign
pauper labor," and "the shorter work day."
The Continental Party adopted these expressions of the
People’s Party, in identical words.
The National Liberty Party asked "that the General Government
own and control all public carriers in the United States."
The Prohibition Party declared itself "in favor of … the
safeguarding of the people’s rights by a rigid application of
the principles of justice to all combinations and
organizations of capital and labor."
The United Christian Party pronounced simply for "Government
ownership of coal mines, oil wells and public utilities."
The Socialist Party pledged itself "to watch and work, in both
the economic and the political struggle, for each successive
immediate interest of the working class": for "shortened days
of labor and increases of wages"; for "insurance of the
workers against accident, sickness and lack of employment";
for pensions; for "public ownership of the means of
transportation, communication and exchange"; for graduated
taxation of incomes, etc.; for "complete education of children
and their freedom from the workshops"; for "free
administration of justice"; for "the initiative, referendum,
proportional representation, equal suffrage for men and women,"
etc.; and for "every gain or advantage for the workers that
may be wrested from the capitalist system and that may relieve
the suffering and strengthen the hands of labor"; but in so
doing it proclaims that it is "using these remedial measures
as means to the one great end of the co-operative
commonwealth."
The Socialist Labor Party declared that "the existing
contradiction between the theory of democratic government and
the fact of a despotic economic system … perverts government
to the exclusive benefit of the capitalist class"; wherefore,
"against such a system the Socialist Labor Party raises the
banner of revolt, and demands the unconditional surrender of
the capitalist class."
{671}
Nomination and Election.
Initiative and Referendum.
The Democratic Party declared for the election of United
States Senators by direct popular vote.
he People’s Party demanded "that legal provision be made under
which people may exercise the initiative and referendum, and
proportional representation, and direct vote for all public
officers, with the right of recall."
The Continental Party demanded "the enactment by the several
States of a primary election law"; the "elimination of the
party ‘boss’"; "direct legislation by the method known as the
initiative and referendum," and the possession by each State
of "the sole right to determine by legislation the
qualifications required of voters within its jurisdiction,
irrespective of race, color or sex."
The Prohibition Party expressed itself in favor of the popular
election of United States Senators; of "a wise application of
the principle of the initiative and referendum," and of making
the right of suffrage "depend upon the mental and moral
qualifications of the citizen."
Natural Resources.
Land.
Reclamation.
Waterways.
The Republican Party pointed simply to the fact that it had
"passed laws which will bring the arid lands of the United
States within the area of cultivation."
The Democratic Party congratulated "our western citizens upon
the passage of the law known as the Newlands Irrigation Act,"
claiming it as "a measure framed by a Democrat, passed in the
Senate by a non-partisan vote, and passed in the House against
the opposition of almost all Republican leaders, by a vote the
majority of which was Democratic." It declared for "liberal
appropriations for the improvement of waterways of the
country," and pronounced its opposition to "the Republican
policy of starving home development in order to feed the greed
for conquest and the appetite for national prestige."
The People’s Party asserted that "Land, including all the
natural sources of wealth, is a heritage of all the people,
and should not be monopolized for speculative purposes; and
alien ownership of land should be prohibited."
Each of the party platforms was fluent on many other topics,
such as the protection of citizens at home and abroad, the
Panama Canal, territories and dependencies, injunctions,
public economy, taxation, monetary questions, pensions, the
civil service, army and navy, merchant marine,
liquor-licensing and prohibition (the specialty of the
Prohibition Party), divorce, polygamy, etc.; but these entered
so little into the canvass that the party declarations on them
had small effect, if any, on the popular vote.
At the election, in November, the votes given to the
Republican nominees numbered 7,623,486; to Democratic,
5,077,971; to Socialist, 402,283; to Prohibition, 258,536; to
People’s, 117,183; to Socialist Labor, 31,249.
The electoral votes cast were 336 for Roosevelt and Fairbanks;
140 for Parker and Davis.
The States which gave Republican majorities were California,
Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana,
Iowa, Kansas, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota,
Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire, New
Jersey, New York, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania,
Rhode Island, South Dakota, Utah, Vermont, Washington, West
Virginia, Wisconsin, Wyoming,—32.
Democratic majorities were given in Alabama, Arkansas,
Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, North
Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia,—12.
In Maryland, where the electors are chosen by the Legislature,
6 votes were given to the Democratic candidates and 2 to the
Republican.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1904 (October).
Initial invitation by the President to the holding of a Second
Peace Conference.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1904 (November).
President Roosevelt’s Renunciation of any Third Term Candidacy.
On the evening of the day of election, as soon as the result
was known to have given him a second term in the presidential
office, President Roosevelt issued the following
acknowledgment and announcement to the country:
"I am deeply sensible of the honor done me by the American
people in thus expressing their confidence in what I have done
and have tried to do. I appreciate to the full the solemn
responsibility this confidence imposes upon me, and I shall do
all that in my power lies not to forfeit it. On the Fourth of
March next I shall have served three and one-half years, and
this three and one-half years constitutes my first term. The
wise custom which limits the President to two terms regards
the substance and not the form. Under no circumstances will I
be a candidate for or accept another nomination."
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1904-1905.
Beginning and Organization of Work on the Panama Canal.
See (in this Volume)
PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1904-1905.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1904-1909.
Progress of State, County, and Town Prohibition.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM: UNITED STATES.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905.
Arbitration Treaty with Mexico.
See (in this Volume)
MEXICO: A. D. 1904-1905.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905.
Reopened Controversy over American Fishing Rights on
the Newfoundland coast.
See (in this Volume)
NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905.
Assistance to San Domingo against threatening Creditors.
See (in this Volume)
SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1907.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905 (February).
Concentration of Forest Service in the Department
of Agriculture.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905 (February-June).
Recovery from France of the body of Admiral John Paul Jones.
On the 13th of February, 1905, President Roosevelt addressed
a Message to Congress which gave the following information:
"For a number of years efforts have been made to confirm the
historical statement that the remains of Admiral John Paul
Jones were interred in a certain piece of ground in the city
of Paris then owned by the Government and used at the time as
a burial place for foreign Protestants. These efforts have at
last resulted in documentary proof that John Paul Jones was
buried on July 20, 1792, between 8 and 9 o’clock P. M., in the
now abandoned cemetery of St. Louis, in the northeastern
section of Paris. About 500 bodies were interred there, and
the body of the admiral was probably among the last hundred
buried. It was encased in a leaden coffin, calculated to
withstand the ravages of time.
{672}
"The cemetery was about 130 feet long by 120 feet wide. Since
its disuse as a burial place the soil has been tilled to a
level and covered almost completely by buildings, most of them
of an inferior class. The American ambassador in Paris, being
satisfied that it is practical to discover and identify the
remains of John Paul Jones, has, after prolonged negotiations
with the present holders of the property and the tenants
thereof, secured from them options in writing which give him
the right to dig in all parts of the property during a period
of three months for the purpose of making the necessary
excavations and searches, upon condition of a stated
compensation for the damage and annoyance caused by the work.
The actual search is to be conducted by the chief engineer of
the municipal department of Paris having charge of
subterranean works at a cost which has been carefully
estimated. The ambassador gives the entire cost of the work,
including the options, compensation, cost of excavating and
caring for the remains as not exceeding 180,000 francs, or
$35,000, on the supposition that the body may not be found
until the whole area has been searched. If earlier discovered,
the expense would be proportionately less."
The President recommended an appropriation of the sum named,
"or so much thereof as may be necessary for the purposes above
described, to be expended under the direction of the Secretary
of State."
On the 14th of April following a telegram from the Ambassador
at Paris, General Horace Porter, announced that his "six
years’ search for the remains of Paul Jones" had resulted in
success, and described the identification of the body. This
had been verified by Doctors Capitan and Papillault,
distinguished professors of the School of Anthropology, who
had ample particulars of information from which to judge.
Arrangements were made at once for sending a naval squadron,
under Admiral Sigsbee, to France, to bring the remains to the
United States. This was done in the following June, when the
relics of the first of American naval heroes received the high
honors that were due to his exploits. They were deposited in a
vault on the grounds of the Naval Academy at Annapolis.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905 (June-October).
Mediation by the President between Russia and Japan.
The Peace Treaty of Portsmouth.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905 (July).
Proclamation of the Death of John Hay, Secretary of State.
"John Hay, Secretary of State of the United States, died on
July 1st. His death, a crushing sorrow to his friends, is to
the people of this country a national bereavement; and it is
in addition a serious loss to all mankind, for to him it was
given to stand as a leader in the effort to better world
conditions by striving to advance the cause of international
peace and justice. He entered the public service as the
trusted and intimate companion of Abraham Lincoln, and for
well nigh forty-five years he served his country with loyal
devotion and high ability in many positions of honor and
trust, and finally he crowned his life work by serving as
Secretary of State with such far-sighted reading of the future
and such loyalty to lofty ideals as to confer lasting benefits
not only upon our own country, but upon all the nations of the
earth.
"As a suitable expression of national mourning, I direct that
the diplomatic representatives of the United States in all
foreign countries display the flags over their embassies and
legations at half-mast for ten days; that for a like period
the flag of the United States be displayed at half-mast at all
forts and military posts and at all naval stations and on all
vessels of the United States. I further order that on the day
of the funeral the Executive Departments in the city of
Washington be closed, and that on all public buildings
throughout the United States the national flag be displayed at
half-mast.
"Done at the city of Washington this third day of July, A. D.
1905, and of the Independence of the United States of America
the one hundred and twenty-ninth. Theodore Roosevelt."
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905-1906.
American Claims against Venezuela.
See (in this Volume)
VENEZUELA: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1907-1909.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905-1906.
Part taken in the organization of the International
Institute of Agriculture.
See (in this Volume)
AGRICULTURE.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905-1906.
The new Period of Inflated Exploitation of Capital.
Increased Cost of Living.
See (in this Volume)
FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905-1907.
Receivership of San Domingo Revenues.
The "Modus Vivendi" and the Treaty.
See (in this Volume)
SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1905-1907.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905-1909.
The Cabinet of President Roosevelt during his Second Term.
During the second term of President Roosevelt his Cabinet
underwent the following changes: On the death of John Hay, in
July, 1905, Elihu Root became Secretary of State, and
continued in the office until January, 1909, when he resigned,
and was succeeded by the Assistant Secretary of State, Robert
Bacon. Leslie M. Shaw left the Treasury Department in 1907,
and the secretaryship was given to George B. Cortelyou.
William H. Taft continued in charge of the War Department
until his nomination for President, in 1908, when General Luke
E. Wright was called to his place. Charles J. Bonaparte,
appointed Secretary of the Navy at the beginning of the
President’s new term, was transferred in 1907 to the
Department of Justice, succeeding Attorney-General Moody,
appointed to the bench of the Supreme Court, and being
succeeded in the Navy Department by Victor H. Metcalf,
previously Secretary of Commerce and Labor. In the Department
of the Interior, Secretary Hitchcock resigned in 1907, and
James R. Garfield, previously Commissioner of Corporations,
came into his place. George B. Cortelyou had been called to
the Post Office Department at the beginning of the new
presidential term, and transferred thence to the Treasury
Department in 1907. His place in the Post Office was then
filled by George von L. Meyer. The Secretary of Agriculture,
James Wilson, remained at the head of that Department
throughout the term. On the transfer of Mr. Metcalf from the
Department of Commerce and Labor to that of the Treasury, in
1907, his place in the former was taken by Oscar S. Straus.
{673}
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906.
Joint Action with Mexico in Central American Mediation.
See (in this Volume)
CENTRAL AMERICA.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906.
Act for the Preservation of the Scenic Grandeur
of Niagara Falls.
See (in this Volume)
NIAGARA FALLS.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906.
Dealings with Turkey facilitated by making the
American Minister an Ambassador.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1906.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906.
Enactment of a National Pure Food Law.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (January-April).
Represented at the Algeciras Conference on
the Morocco Question.
Instructions to the Delegates.
Declaration made on signing the Act of the Conference.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (March).
Supreme Court Decision enforcing the Demand of the Government
for the production of Books and Papers by the so-called
Tobacco Trust before a Federal Grand Jury.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1906.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (April).
Laying the Corner Stone of an Office Building for Congressmen.
On the 14th of April, 1906, the corner stone of a building
designed to supply each member of the House of Representatives
with an office was laid with ceremony, the President
delivering an address. Besides 410 distinct offices, the
design of the building contemplated a large assembly room for
public hearings before committees of the House. Its estimated
cost was something over $3,000,000. A corresponding office
building for the Senate was also in view.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (April).
Convention with British Government for Determining and
Marking the Alaska Boundary Line.
See (in this Volume)
ALASKA: A. D. 1906.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (April-July).
Long and Widespread Suspension of Coal Mining,
both Anthracite and Bituminous.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (June).
The Joint Statehood Act.
By the Joint Statehood Bill, approved by the President June
16, 1906, Indian Territory and Oklahoma were united to form
the State of Oklahoma, the people being authorized to adopt a
constitution. Arizona and New Mexico were proffered a similar
union, in a State to be called Arizona. On the question of
such union the Bill provided for a vote to be taken in each
Territory, following which, if a majority in each should be
found to favor the union, delegates to be chosen at the same
election should meet and frame a constitution for submission
to the people. The contemplated vote was taken at the election
of November 6, and resulted in the rejection of the proposal
by Arizona, while New Mexico gave assent. The project was thus
defeated.
The plan of union was successful, however, in the creation of
the State of Oklahoma. Delegates to a convention for framing
its Constitution were elected November 6, 1906; the convention
began its session on the 20th of the same month, and finished
its labors on the 16th of July, 1907. By proclamation of the
President the new State,—the 46th of the Federal family,—was
admitted to the Union on the 16th of November following, under
the Constitution which had been ratified by vote of a majority
of the citizens of each of the Territories now united in it.
For some account of the Constitution;
See (in this Volume)
CONSTITUTION OF OKLAHOMA.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (July-August).
The Third International Conference of American Republics,
at Rio de Janeiro.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (August).
The Brownsville Affair.
On the 13th of August, 1906, a riotous affair of a
much-disputed nature occurred at Brownsville, Texas, in which
one man was killed and two, at least, were wounded. The
shooting was alleged to have been done by colored soldiers who
formed part of a battalion of the Twenty-fifth Infantry,
United States Army, stationed at Brownsville. An investigation
of the affair convinced the President that some few soldiers
of the battalion were guilty of what had been done, and that
their comrades knew of their guilt, but were shielding them,
by assertions to the contrary. On this belief he ordered the
entire battalion to be discharged from the service, and angry
controversy over his action arose at once. The negro soldiers
were championed by a considerable part of the Press of the
country, and by a section of Congress when it met. The
evidence of their guilt was declared to be more than doubtful,
and the authority of the President to issue the order of
discharge was challenged.
In the annual report of the then Secretary of War, now
President Taft, the action of President Roosevelt was firmly
sustained. Secretary Taft’s version of the circumstances of
the affair was substantially to the following effect: Some
number of men, from a battalion of 170, formed a preconcerted
plan to revenge themselves upon the people of a town for
insults which they resented. They left their barracks about
midnight and fired into the houses of the town for the purpose
of killing those against whom they had a grievance. They did
kill one man, wound another, and seriously injure the chief of
police. There can be no doubt, therefore, that this squad of
men were guilty; the purpose of one was the purpose of all.
Within a few minutes after the crime was committed, the men
returned to their places in the ranks (a call to arms having
been sounded), and must have been among the last to take their
places, for the firing continued after the formations had
begun. The absence of their rifles from the racks could not
have escaped the attention of the sergeants who had the keys;
yet all the sergeants swear that the rifles were in the racks,
untouched. It is impossible that many of the battalion who did
not take part as active members of the conspiracy were not
made aware, by one circumstance or another, of the identity of
the persons who committed the offense, instead of giving to
their officers or the inspectors the benefit of anything which
they knew tending to lead to a conviction of the guilty men,
there was a conspiracy of silence on the part of many who must
have had some knowledge of importance. "These enlisted men,"
said Secretary Taft, "took the oath of allegiance to the
Government, and were to be used under the law to maintain its
supremacy. Can the Government properly, therefore, keep in its
employ for the purpose of maintaining law and order any longer
a body of men, from five to ten per cent. of whom can plan and
commit murder, and rely upon the silence of a number of their
companions to escape detection? "
{674}
Mr. Taft then called attention to the fact that "when a man
enlists in the army he knows that, for the very purpose of
protecting itself, the Government reserves to itself the
absolute right of discharge, not as a punishment, but for the
public safety or interest." He thus corrected the supposition
that the discharge was a punishment either of the innocent or
the guilty. He said further: "The discharge ‘without honor’ is
merely the ending of a contract and separation from the
service under a right reserved in the statute for the
protection of the Government, which may work a hardship to the
private discharged, but which, in the public interest, must
sometimes be arbitrarily exercised."
Of the repeated investigations, Congressional and military,
that ensued, and of the protracted disputation, led in
Congress by Senator Foraker, and echoed in the newspapers, it
is needless to attempt an account; for no greater certainty as
to the facts in the case can be recognized to-day than when
Secretary Taft's report was made.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (August-October).
Insurrection in Cuba.
American Intervention called for.
The Cuban Government dissolved.
Provisional Government established by Secretary-of-War Taft.
See (in this Volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (October-November).
Segregation of Orientals in San Francisco Schools.
Resentment of the Japanese.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906-1909.
The Provisional Government of Cuba.
Reinstatement of the Republic.
See (in this Volume)
CUBA: A D. 1906-1909.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906-1909.
The Reform of the Consular Service.
See
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1907.
Monetary Panic.
Distress among the Speculative Great Capitalists.
Industrial Paralysis.
Unemployment for Labor.
See (in this Volume)
FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1907.
Enactment of a new Law of Citizenship.
See (in this Volume)
NATURALIZATION.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1907 (January).
Act to prohibit Corporations from making Contributions
in connection with Political Elections.
The following Act of Congress was approved by the President,
January 26, 1907.
"That it shall be unlawful for any national bank, or any
corporation organized by authority of any laws of Congress, to
make a money contribution in connection with any election to
any political office. It shall also be unlawful for any
corporation whatever to make a money contribution in
connection with any election at which Presidential and
Vice-Presidential electors or a Representative in Congress is
to be voted for or any election by any State legislature of a
United States Senator. Every corporation which shall make any
contribution in violation of the foregoing provisions shall be
subject to a fine not exceeding five thousand dollars, and
every officer or director of any corporation who shall consent
to any contribution by the corporation in violation of the
foregoing provisions shall upon conviction be punished by a
fine of not exceeding one thousand and not less than two
hundred and fifty dollars, or by imprisonment for a term of
not more than one year, or both such fine and imprisonment in
the discretion of the court."
According to a statement presented to the Senate in February,
1908, the laws of the following nineteen States and
Territories contain provisions for the publicity of election
contributions or expenditures originally enacted at the dates
given:
Alabama, 1903;
Arizona, 1895;
California, 1893
Colorado, 1891;
Connecticut, 1895;
Iowa, 1907;
Massachusetts, 1892;
Minnesota, 1895;
Missouri, 1893;
Montana, 1895;
Nebraska, 1897;
New York, 1890;
Pennsylvania, 1906;
South Carolina, 1905;
South Dakota, 1907;
Texas, 1905;
Virginia, 1903;
Washington, 1907;
Wisconsin, 1897.
The laws of the three following States, which contain no
publicity provisions, forbid corporations to contribute in any
manner for political purposes: Florida, 1897; Kentucky, 1897;
Tennessee, 1897.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1907 (April).
First National Peace Congress.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1907 (June-October).
Represented at the Second Peace Conference.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1907-1909.
The World-round Cruise of the Battleship Fleet.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908.
Supreme Court Decision affirming right to specially limit
the Hours of Labor for Women.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (April).
Conditional Ratification, by the Senate of the Peace
Conference Convention for the Pacific Settlement of
International Disputes.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (April).
Treaty with Great Britain respecting the Demarcation of the
International Boundary between the United States and Canada.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1908 (APRIL).
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (April).
Convention for the Preservation and Propagation of Food
Fishes in waters contiguous to the United States and Canada.
See (in this Volume)
FOOD FISHES.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (April).
Passage of Act relating to the Liability of Common Carriers
by Railroad to their Employees.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR PROTECTION: EMPLOYERS’ LIABILITY.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (April-November).
The Presidential Election.
Parties, Candidates, and Platforms.
Election of President Taft.
In the interval between the presidential elections of 1904 and
1908 the Trust and the Tariff questions had both received an
increase of attention and of real study, and were factors of
more influence in the latter than in the former election. The
energy with which President Roosevelt had pressed both
legislative and executive action, towards a more effective
restraint and regulation of monopolistic combinations, had
greatly strengthened his party in public favor. His
extraordinary personal force, moreover, had made itself felt
in many quickenings and stimulations of public spirit and of
governmental action, which gave a cheering experience to the
country.
{675}
The various ends to which this worked, and especially on the
lines which looked to the rescuing of the rich natural
resources of the country from private monopoly and reckless
waste became associated in thought with the President, and
widely talked of as belonging to "the Roosevelt policies."
Popular satisfaction with these policies and their champion
would have given Mr. Roosevelt a renomination by his party, if
he had not emphatically reiterated his pledge of four years
before, that "under no circumstances" would he "be a candidate
for or accept another nomination." There were some who strove
to persuade him to be false to that pledge; but they were not
the people who esteemed him most truly. Naturally the
nomination that would have gone again to Mr. Roosevelt if he
had been free to accept it sought a candidate so closely
identified with what he had stood for and labored for that no
departure from the favored "policies" need be feared. Quite as
naturally that candidate won a large majority of the popular
votes.
The first nominating convention held in 1904 was that of the
People’s or Populist Party, which sat in St. Louis April 2-3,
and again named its old leader, Thomas E. Watson, of Georgia,
for President, with Samuel W. Williams, of Indiana, for the
second place.
Reverend Daniel Braxton Turney, of Illinois, was the next to
be named for President, and L. S. Coffin, of Iowa, for
Vice-President, by the United Christian Party, at Rock Island,
Illinois, May 1.
On the 10th of May the Socialist Party met in convention at
Chicago and was in session until the 18th, again nominating
Eugene V. Debs, of Indiana, and Benjamin Hanford, of New York,
for President and Vice-President.
The Republican convention was assembled at Chicago, June
16-19, and its nominees were William Howard Taft, of Ohio, for
President, and James Schoolcraft Sherman, of New York, for
Vice-President.
The Socialist Labor Party, at New York, July 24, nominated,
for President, August Gillhaus, of New York; for
Vice-President, Donald L. Munro, of Virginia.
At Denver, July 7-10, the Convention of the Democratic Party
named, for the third time, William Jennings Bryan, of
Nebraska, for President, and for Vice-President John Worth
Kern, of Indiana.
The Prohibitionists convened at Columbus, Ohio, July 15-16,
and the candidates named by them for President and Vice
President were Eugene W. Chafin, of Illinois, and Aaron S.
Watkins, of Ohio.
The last of the parties to meet in convention was that
organized by William R. Hearst and named the Independence
Party. The candidates put forward were Thomas L. Hisgen, of
Massachusetts, and John Temple Graves, of Georgia.
Of the eight political parties which offered candidates to the
voters of the nation, four presented them on special grounds,
aside from which their standing on other questions of public
policy was but slightly and incidentally made known. The
"platforms" of the remaining four were of the scope of general
politics, defining positions taken on all or most of the
political discussions of the time. The declarations of these
latter on the questions which enlisted real interest in the
country will be given, as in the treatment of the party
platforms of 1904, under a dissected arrangement, by subjects,
for convenient comparison; while the former cannot easily be
dealt with in that analytic way. In both cases the distinctly
declaratory text of the platforms, only, will be given, with
some abridgment, as follows:
Trusts.
"The Republican Party," it asserted, "passed the Sherman
anti-trust law over Democratic opposition, and enforced it
after Democratic dereliction. … But experience has shown that
its effectiveness can be strengthened and its real objects
better attained by such amendments as will give to the Federal
Government greater supervision and control over, and secure
greater publicity in, the management of that class of
corporations engaged in interstate commerce having power and
opportunity to effect monopolies."
The Democratic Party demanded "the enactment of such
additional legislation as may be necessary to make it
impossible for a private monopoly to exist in the United
States." Among the additional remedies required it specified
three:
(1) "A law preventing a duplication of directors among
competing corporations";
(2) requirement of a federal license for a manufacturing or
trading corporation, "before it shall be permitted to control
as much as 25 per cent. of the product in which it deals, the
license to protect the public from watered stock, and to
prohibit the control by such corporation of more than 50 per
cent. of the total amount of any product consumed in the
United States"; and
(3) " a law compelling such licensed corporation to sell to
all purchasers in all parts of the country on the same terms,
after making due allowance for the cost of transportation."
The People’s Party declared that "the Government should own
and control the railroads and those public utilities which in
their nature are monopolies," including the telegraph and
telephone systems, and should provide a parcels post. From
those trusts and monopolies which are not public utilities or
national monopolies it demanded a withdrawal of the special
privileges they enjoy; taxation of all such privileges while
they remain in private hands, and "a general law uniformly
regulating the powers and duties of all incorporated companies
doing interstate business."
The Independence Party denounced all combinations which "are
not combinations for production, but for extortion," and
demanded "the enforcement of a prison penalty against the
guilty and responsible individuals controlling the management
of the offending corporations." It advocated, "as a primary
necessity for sounder business conditions and improved public
service, the enactment of laws, State and National, to prevent
watering of stock, dishonest issues of bonds and other forms
of corporation frauds."
Tariff.
The declarations of the Republican and Democratic national
conventions touching a revision of the tariff have been quoted
already in this Volume.
See (in this Volume)
TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.
The Independence Party, like the Democratic, demanded a
revision of the tariff, not by its friends, but by the friends
of the people, and declared for a gradual reduction of tariff
duties.
{676}
Capital and Labor.
Injunctions.
The Republican Party recited the enactments of the existing
Congress in the interest of labor, and pledged "its continued
devotion to every cause that makes for safety and the
betterment of conditions among those whose labor contributes
to the progress and welfare of the country." On the burning
question of the interference of courts of law, by writ of
injunction, with labor "strikes," it declared that, while "the
Republican Party will uphold at all times the authority and
integrity of the courts," it believes "that the rules of
procedure in the writ of injunction should be more accurately
defined by statute, and that no injunction or temporary
restraining order should be issued without notice, except
where irreparable injury would result from delay, in which
case a speedy hearing thereafter should be granted."
The Democratic Party gave expression to the same desire to
maintain the dignity of the courts, but had seen that
"experience has proven the necessity of a modification of the
present law relating to injunctions," and added: "we reiterate
the pledges of our national platforms of 1896 and 1904 in
favor of the measure which passed the United States Senate in
1896, but which a Republican Congress has ever since refused
to enact, relating to contempts in Federal courts and
providing for trial by jury in cases of indirect contempt. …
We deem … that injunctions should not be issued in any case in
which injunctions would not issue if no industrial dispute
were involved." Its further declarations were against any
"abridgment of the right of wage-earners and producers to
organize for the protection of wages and the improvement of
labor conditions"; for "the eight hour law on all government
work"; for the enactment by Congress of a "general employers’
liability act," and for the creation of "a department of
labor, represented separately in the President’s cabinet."
The Independence Party denounced "the so-called labor planks
of the Republican and Democratic platforms as political
buncombe and contemptible clap trap," and asserted "that in
all actions growing out of a dispute between employers and
employees concerning terms and conditions of employment no
injunction should issue until after a trial upon the merits;
that such trial should be held before a jury, and that in no
case of alleged contempt should any person be deprived of
liberty without a trial by jury." In further declarations the
party indorsed "those organizations among farmers and workers
which tend to bring about a just distribution of wealth," and
favored legislation to "remove them from the operation of the
Sherman anti-trust law"; endorsed the eight-hour work day, and
would have it applied to all work done for the Government;
called for legislation to prohibit "any combination or
conspiracy to blacklist employees"; demanded "protection for
workmen through enforced use of standard safety appliances and
provision of hygienic conditions"; advocated State and Federal
inspection of railways to secure a greater safety for
employees and the travelling public; condemned the manufacture
and sale of prison-made goods; favored a Federal department of
labor, with its chief in the Cabinet; and called for a Federal
inspection of grain.
The People’s Party condemned "all unwarranted assumption of
authority by inferior Federal courts in annulling by
injunction the laws of the States," and demanded legislation
to "restrict to the Supreme Court of the United States the
exercise of power in cases involving State legislation";
condemned the "attempt to destroy the power of trades unions
through the unjust use of the Federal injunction"; demanded
the abolition of child labor in factories and mines,
suppression of sweat shops, exclusion of foreign pauper labor,
the enactment of an employers’ liability act and measures
against carelessness in the operation of mines; opposed the
use of convict labor; favored the eight-hour work-day, and
"legislation protecting the lives and limbs of workmen through
the use of safety appliances"; declared that when working men
are thrown into enforced idleness works of public improvement
should be inaugurated.
Banking and Currency.
The Republican Party approved "the emergency measures adopted
by the government during the recent financial disturbances"
and declared the party to be "committed to the development of
a permanent currency system, responding to our greater needs."
It favored the establishment of a postal savings bank system.
The Democratic Party pointed to the panic of 1907, "coming
without any legitimate excuse," as furnishing additional proof
that the Republican party "is either unwilling or incompetent
to protect the interests of the general public," having "so
linked the country to Wall Street that the sins of the
speculators are visited upon the whole people." It declared
the belief that "in so far as the needs of commerce require an
emergency currency, such currency should be issued, controlled
by the Federal Government and loaned on adequate security to
National and State banks." It pledged itself "to legislation
under which the national banks should be required to establish
a guarantee fund for the prompt payment of the depositors of
any insolvent national bank under an equitable system which
shall be available to all State banking institutions wishing
to use it." It favored a postal savings bank "if the
guaranteed bank can not be secured, and believed that it
should be so constituted as to keep the deposited money in the
community where the depositors live."
The People’s Party reiterated its belief that "the issuance of
money is a function of government and should not be delegated
to corporation or individual." It therefore demanded "that all
money should be issued by the Government direct to the people,
without the intervention of banks, and shall be a full legal
tender for all debts, public and private, and in quantities
sufficient to supply the needs of the country." It also
demanded postal savings banks.
The Independence Party made a similar declaration, "that the
right to issue money is inherent in the Government," and it
favored "the establishment of a central governmental bank,
through which the money so issued shall be put into general
circulation." It also called for an extension of the parcels
post system and for postal savings banks, the deposits in
which should "be loaned to the people in the locality of the
several banks."
Railroads.
The Republican Party approved the railroad rate law and "the
vigorous enforcement by the present administration of the
statutes against rebates and discriminations"; believing,
"however, that the interstate commerce law should be further
amended so as to give railroads the right to make and publish
traffic agreements subject to the approval of the commission."
It declared for legislation and supervision to "prevent the
future overissue of stocks and bonds by interstate carriers."
{677}
The Democratic Party asserted "the right of Congress to
exercise complete control over interstate commerce, and the
right of each State to exercise like control over commerce
within its borders"; and it demanded a needed enlargement of
the powers of the interstate commerce commission. It
recommended a valuation of railroads by the commission. It
favored legislation to "prohibit the railroads from engaging
in business which brings them into competition with their
shippers"; to prevent the overissue of stocks and bonds, and
to "assure such reduction in transportation rates as
conditions will permit." It approved the laws prohibiting the
pass and the rebate. It favored giving to the interstate
commerce commission "the initiative with reference to rates
and transportation charges," also permitting it, "on its own
initiative to declare a rate illegal," and otherwise enhancing
its efficiency.
The Independence Party advocated "a bill empowering shippers
in time of need to compel railroads to provide sufficient cars
for freight and passenger traffic and other railroad
facilities through summary appeal to the courts." It also
favored "the creation of an Interstate Commerce Court, whose
sole function it shall be to review speedily and enforce
summarily the orders of the Interstate Commerce Commission,"
and it urged that the Commission "should proceed at once with
a physical valuation of railroads engaged in interstate
commerce."
Natural Resources.
Public Lands.
Waterways.
The Republican Party indorsed "the movement inaugurated by the
administration for the conservation of natural resources";
commended "the work now going on for the reclamation of arid
lands"; reaffirmed "the Republican policy of the free
distribution of the available … public domain to the landless
settler," and declared it to be "the further duty, equally
imperative, to enter upon a systematic improvement, upon a
large and comprehensive plan, just to all portions of the
country, of the water harbors and Great Lakes."
The Democratic Party repeated "the demand for internal
development and for the conservation of our national resources
contained in previous platforms," covering lines of policy the
same as above, and adding "the development of water power and
the preservation of electric power generated by this natural
force from the control of monopoly." It insisted upon "a
policy of administration of our forest reserve which shall …
enable homesteaders as of right to occupy and acquire title to
all portions thereof which are especially adapted to
agriculture, and which shall furnish a system of timber sales
available as well to the private citizen as to the larger
manufacturer and consumer." It called for regulations "in
relation to free grazing upon the public lands outside of
forest or other reservations until the same shall eventually
be disposed of." It favored the "immediate adoption of a
liberal and comprehensive plan for improving every water
course in the Union which is justified by the needs of
commerce," with "the creation of an ample fund for continuous
work."
The People’s Party declared that the public domain is a sacred
heritage of all the people, and should be held for homesteads
for actual settlers only; alien ownership should be forbidden.
The Independence Party rejoiced "in the adoption in both the
Democratic and Republican platforms of the demand of the
Independence party for improved national waterways." It
declared for the reclamation of arid lands and generally for
the conservation of the country’s natural resources. It called
for provision to be made for free grazing on public lands
outside of forest or other reservations. It protested against
the sale of water and electric light power derived from public
works to private corporations.
On other subjects touched in their platforms the declarations
of these parties varied little from those of 1904, and cannot
be regarded as having much historical significance.
Of the remaining parties, which are organizations with special
objects, the Socialist set forth the most elaborate programme
of demands, under three headings,—General, Industrial, and
Political. The first included "immediate Government relief for
the unemployed" by public works of many descriptions;
collective ownership of railroads, telegraphs, etc., and all
lands; "collective ownership of all industries which are
organized on a national scale and in which competition has
virtually ceased to exist"; inclusion of mines, quarries, oil
wells, forests and water-power in the public domain.
Industrial demands included improved industrial conditions;
shortened work days; a weekly rest-period of not less than a
day and a half; effective inspection of factories and shops:
no child labor under sixteen years of age; no interstate
transportation of products of child labor; substitution of
compulsory insurance against unemployment, illness, age, etc.,
for all official charity. Political demands were for extended
and graduated inheritance taxes; a graduated income tax; equal
suffrage for men and women; the initiative, referendum,
recall, and proportional representation; abolition of the
Senate; abolition of power in the Supreme Court to pass on the
constitutionality of legislation; amendability of the
Constitution by a majority vote, election of all judges for
short terms; free administration of justice; further measures
for general education and conservation of health.
The Socialist Labor Party repeated in substantially the same
words its general declarations of 1904, against a "despotic
economic system," as quoted above, under the heading "Capital
and Labor."
The Prohibition Party embodied its fundamental object in
demands for the submission of a constitutional amendment
prohibiting the manufacture, sale, etc., of alcoholic liquors
for beverage purposes; suppression of the liquor traffic in
all places under the jurisdiction of the National Government,
and repeal of the internal revenue tax on alcoholic liquors.
To this it added demands for a popular election of United
States Senators; graduated income and inheritance taxes;
postal savings banks; guarantee of deposits in banks;
regulation of corporations doing an interstate business; a
permanent tariff commission; uniform marriage and divorce
laws; enforcement of law against the social evil; an equitable
employers’ liability act; court review of post office
decisions; prohibition of child labor in mines, workshops and
factories; suffrage based on ability to read and write the
English language; preservation of the resources of the
country, and improvement of highways and waterways.
{678}
The United Christian Party, basing its platform, as before, on
the ten commandments and the golden rule, favored "direct
primary elections, the initiative, referendum, recall, uniform
marriage and divorce laws, equal rights for men and women,
government ownership of coal mines, oil wells and public
utilities; the regulation of trusts and the election of the
president and vice-president and senators of the United States
by the direct vote of the people."
The votes cast at the popular election, November 3, numbered
7,637,676 for the Republican nominees; 6,393,182 for the
Democratic; 420,464 for the Socialist; 231,252 for the
Prohibitionist; 83,183 for the Independence; 33,871 for the
Populist; 15,421 for the Socialist Labor. The total of votes
polled, including a few thousands to other than party
nominees, was reported to be 14,863,711.
The States which gave Republican majorities were California,
Connecticut, Delaware, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas,
Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Montana, Nevada,
New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, North Dakota, Ohio,
Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Dakota, Utah,
Vermont, Washington, West Virginia, Wisconsin, Wyoming,—29.
The States which gave Democratic majorities were Alabama,
Arkansas, Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana,
Mississippi, Missouri, Nebraska, North Carolina, Oklahoma,
South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia,—16.
Maryland, where the electors are chosen by the Legislature,
divided its vote, giving 6 to the Democratic nominees and 2 to
the Republican.
The total vote in the Electoral College was 326 for Taft and
Sherman and 157 for Bryan and Kern.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (May).
The Emergency Currency Act.
See (in this Volume)
FINANCE AND TRADE; UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (July).
Remission to China of Part of Boxer Indemnity.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (October).
Reply of Secretary Root to the announcement from Belgium of
the Annexation of the Congo State.
Recognition of the Annexation reserved.
See (in this Volume)
CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (November).
Supreme Court Decision in Case of Virginia Railroads vs.
the State Corporation Commission of Virginia.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS. UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (November).
Exchange of Notes with Japan embodying a Declaration of
Common Policy in the East.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (December).
Extension of the Competitive System of Appointment to
Fourth Class Postmasters in a large section of the Country.
See (in this Volume)
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (December).
Relief for the Survivors of the Earthquake at
and around Messina.
See (in this Volume)
EARTHQUAKES: ITALY.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908-1909.
Diminished Consumption of Whiskey and Beer.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM: UNITED STATES.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908-1909.
The Government giving attention to Liberian Affairs.
See (in this Volume)
LIBERIA: A. D. 1907-1909.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908-1909 (August-February).
The Country Life Commission, and its Report.
On the 10th of August, 1908, President Roosevelt addressed a
letter to five gentlemen whom he asked to serve upon a
Commission on Country Life. The five thus addressed were
Professor L. H. Bailey, New York State College of Agriculture,
Ithaca (named as Chairman of the Commission); Mr. Henry
Wallace, of _Wallace’s Farmer_, Des Moines, Iowa;
President Kenyon L. Butterfield, Massachusetts Agricultural
College, Amherst; Mr. Gilford Pinchot, of the United States
Forest Service; Mr. Walter H. Page, of _The World's
Work_, New York. Subsequently, Mr. Charles S. Barrett, of
Georgia, and Mr. William A. Beard, of California, were added
to the Commission.
In his letter to the original appointees the President wrote:
"I doubt if any other nation can bear comparison with our own
in the amount of attention given by the Government, both
Federal and State, to agricultural matters. But practically
the whole of this effort has hitherto been directed toward
increasing the production of crops. Our attention has been
concentrated almost exclusively on getting better farming. In
the beginning this was unquestionably the right thing to do.
The farmer must first of all grow good crops in order to
support himself and his family. But when this has been secured
the effort for better farming should cease to stand alone, and
should be accompanied by the effort for better business and
better living on the farm. It is at least as important that
the farmer should get the largest possible return in money,
comfort, and social advantages from the crops he grows as that
he should get the largest possible return in crops from the
land he farms. Agriculture is not the whole of country life.
The great rural interests are human interests, and good crops
are of little value to the farmer unless they open the door to
a good kind of life on the farm. … The farmers have hitherto
had less than their full share of public attention along the
lines of business and social life. There is too much belief
among all our people that the prizes of life lie away from the
farm."
The Commission entered promptly on its task, of obtaining wide
and exact information as to the existing conditions of farm
life and work in the country, as to homes and schools; means
of communication and intercourse, by postal service,
telephone, highway, electric railway and other railways;
neighborhood organizations to promote mutual advantages in
buying and selling; profitable sale of products; supply of
labor; facilities for business in banking, credit, insurance;
sanitary conditions; social entertainment; meetings for mutual
improvement, etc., etc.
{679}
This was sought, in the first instance, by a circular of
questions, about 550,000 copies of which were sent to names
supplied by the United States Department of Agriculture, state
experiment stations, farmers’ societies, women’s clubs, to
rural free deliverymen, country physicians and ministers, and
others. To these inquiries about 115,000 persons have replied
before the report of the Commission was made, "mostly with
much care and with every evidence of good faith."
In addition to the replies given to the circular questions, a
great number of persons sent carefully written letters and
statements that were invaluable. At thirty places, in all
sections of the country, the Commission, or part of it, held
appointed hearings in November and December, and obtained much
light from those. Its report of the conclusions to which it
had been led was presented to the President on the 23d of
January, 1909, and transmitted by him to Congress on February
9th.
The Commission found an unquestionable lack in the country of
a well organized rural society, and came to clear conclusions
concerning the many causes therefor, which are fully discussed
in its report. The leading specific causes are summarized with
brevity at the outset, as follows.
"A lack of knowledge on the part of farmers of the exact
agricultural conditions and possibilities of their regions;
"Lack of good training for country life in the schools;
"The disadvantage or handicap of the farmer as against the
established business systems and interests, preventing him
from securing adequate returns for his products, depriving him
of the benefits that would result from unmonopolized rivers
and the conservation of forests, and depriving the community,
in many cases, of the good that would come from the use of
great tracts of agricultural land that are now held for
speculative purposes;
"Lack of good highway facilities;
"The widespread continuing depletion of soils, with the
injurious effect on rural life;
"A general need of new and active leadership.
"Other causes contributing to the general result are: Lack of
any adequate system of agricultural credit, whereby the farmer
may readily secure loans on fair terms; the shortage of labor,
a condition that is often complicated by intemperance among
workmen; lack of institutions and incentives that tie the
laboring man to the soil; the burdens and the narrow life of
farm women; lack of adequate supervision of public health."
To this summary of main deficiencies the Commission adds the
following, of chief remedies:
"Congress can remove some of the handicaps of the farmer, and
it can also set some kinds of work in motion, such as:
"The encouragement of a system of thorough-going surveys of
all agricultural regions, in order to take stock and collect
local fact, with the idea of providing a basis on which to
develop a scientifically and economically sound country life;
"The encouragement of a system of extension work in rural
communities, through all the land-grant colleges, to the
people at their homes and on their farms;
"A thorough investigation by experts of the middleman system
of handling farm products, coupled with a general inquiry into
the farmer’s disadvantages in respect to taxation,
transportation rates, cooperative organizations and credit,
and the general business system;
"An inquiry into the control and use of the streams of the
United States, with the object of protecting the people in
their ownership and of saving to agricultural uses such
benefits as should be reserved for these purposes;
"The establishing of a highway engineering service, or
equivalent organization, to be at the call of the States in
working out effective and economical highway systems;
"The establishing of a system of parcel posts and postal
savings banks;
"Providing some means or agency for the guidance of public
opinion toward the development of a real rural society that
shall rest directly on the land. …
"Remedies of a more general nature are: A broad campaign of
publicity, that must be undertaken until all the people are
informed on the whole subject of rural life, and until there
is an awakened appreciation of the necessity of giving this
phase of our national development as much attention as has
been given to other phases or interests; a quickened sense of
responsibility in all country people, to the community and to
the State, in the conserving of soil fertility, and in the
necessity for diversifying farming in order to conserve this
fertility and to develop a better rural society, and also in
the better safe-guarding of the strength and happiness of the
farm women; a more widespread conviction of the necessity for
organization, not only for economic but for social purposes,
this organization to be more or less cooperative, so that all
the people may share equally in the benefits and have voice in
the essential affairs of the community; a realization on the
part of the farmer that he has a distinct natural
responsibility toward the laborer in providing him with good
living facilities and in helping him in every way to be a man
among men; and a realization on the part of all the people of
the obligation to protect and develop the natural scenery and
attractiveness of the open country.
"Certain remedies lie with voluntary organizations and
institutions. All organized forces, both in town and country,
should understand that there are country phases as well as
city phases of our civilization, and that one phase needs help
as much as the other."
In his Message communicating the reports of the Commission to
Congress the President focussed attention on four "great
general and immediate needs of country life" which stand out
of the exhibit before all others:
"First, effective coöperation among farmers, to put them on a
level with the organized interests with which they do
business.
"Second, a new kind of schools in the country, which shall
teach the children as much outdoors as indoors and perhaps
more, so that they will prepare for country life, and not as
at present, mainly for life in town.
"Third, better means of communication, including good roads
and a parcels post, which the country people are everywhere,
and rightly, unanimous in demanding.
{680}
"To these may well be added better sanitation: for easily
preventable diseases hold several million country people in
the slavery of continuous ill health.
"The commission points out, and I concur in the conclusion,
that the most important help that the Government, whether
National or State, can give is to show the people how to go
about these tasks of organization, education, and
communication with the best and quickest results. This can be
done by the collection and spread of information."
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908-1909.
Spasmodic Process of Recovery from
the Financial Crisis of 1907.
See (in this Volume)
FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908-1909.
Second Conference of State Governors and Report
of National Conservation Commission.
Its Inventory of Natural Resources.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909.
Existing Treaties with China and existing Enactments relative
to the Admission of Chinamen to the United States.
The Question of their Consistency with each other.
Chinese Complaints.
The present Status of the Question.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909.
The Census Bill and the President’s Veto.
he Amended Bill, which became Law.
See (in this Volume)
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909.
Protest against the Russo-Chinese Agreement of May, relative
to Municipalities on the line of the Chinese Eastern Railway.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1909 (MAY).
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909.
Trouble with Nicaragua.
See (in this Volume)
CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (January).
The Waterways Treaty with Great Britain, concerning Waters
between the United States and Canada.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (February).
Anti-Opium Act.
See (in this Volume)
OPIUM PROBLEM.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (February).
Initiative in securing International Opium Commission
at Shanghai.
See (in this Volume)
OPIUM PROBLEM.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (February).
Invitation of Canada and Mexico to a Conference on
the Conservation of Natural Resources.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: NORTH AMERICA.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (March).
The Inauguration of President Taft.
Intimations of Policy in his Inaugural Address.
His Cabinet.
The ceremonies of the inauguration of President Taft on the
4th of March were performed under singularly unfavorable
circumstances, in consequence of one of the most dreadful
storms that ever visited the Capital. Trains blocked by it
contained thousands of people who reached Washington too late
for what they had travelled far to witness or to take part in,
while those who did arrive on the scene were hardly gladdened
by their success. The President, however, accepted the
untoward conditions with a characteristic high-hearted
equanimity. His inaugural address, delivered in the Senate
Chamber, instead of in the open air at the East front of the
Capitol, opened with the following words:
"Any one who takes the oath I have just taken must feel a
heavy weight of responsibility. If not, he has no conception
of the powers and duties of the office upon which he is about
to enter, or he is lacking in a proper sense of the obligation
which the oath imposes.
"The office of an inaugural address is to give a summary
outline of the main policies of the new Administration, so far
as they can be anticipated. I have had the honor to be one of
the advisers of my distinguished predecessor, and as such, to
hold up his hands in the reforms he has initiated. I should be
untrue to myself, to my promises, and to the declarations of
the party platform upon which I was elected to office, if I
did not make the maintenance and enforcement of those reforms
a most important feature of my administration. They were
directed to the suppression of the lawlessness and abuses of
power of the great combinations of capital invested in
railroads and in industrial enterprises carrying on interstate
commerce. The steps which my predecessor took and the
legislation passed on his recommendation have accomplished
much, have caused a general halt in the vicious policies which
created popular alarm, and have brought about, in the business
affected, a much higher regard for existing law. To render the
reforms lasting, however, and to secure at the same time
freedom from alarm on the part of those pursuing proper and
progressive business methods, further legislative and
executive action are needed."
From this general intimation of the course to which his mind
was turned, the incoming President went on to a more specific
unfolding of his views on many subjects of governmental care.
The following is a summary of the suggestions of future policy
conveyed in the Address:
Reorganization of the Department of Justice and the Bureau of
Corporations of the Department of Commerce and Labor and of
the Interstate Commerce Commission.
Tariff revision in accord with the promises made in the
national platform adopted at Chicago.
A continuation of scientific experiments in the Department of
Agriculture for the improvement of agricultural conditions.
The enactment and carrying out of laws for the conservation of
the resources of the country.
Maintenance of the army and navy in such a state of
preparation as will insure a continuance of peace with other
countries.
A continuation of that treatment of aliens which will insure
for the people of the United States respect and fair treatment
among the peoples of other countries.
The enactment of legislation which will empower the Federal
government to enforce treaty promises made to other countries
within every State.
Such changes in the monetary and banking laws as will insure a
greater elasticity of the currency.
The enactment of a law providing for postal savings banks.
The encouragement of American shipping through the use of mail
subsidies.
A continuation of work on the Panama canal along the plans
which have been adopted for a lock type with such energy as
will insure the earliest possible completion of the work.
The continuation of a colonial policy which will still further
increase the business prosperity of our dependencies.
{681}
The betterment of the condition of the negro in the South
through observance of principles laid down in the Fifteenth
Amendment.
The promotion of legislation for the protection of labor and
the betterment of labor conditions.
On the day following his inauguration the President named his
chosen Cabinet to the Senate, and the nominations were duly
confirmed, as follows.
Philander C. Knox of Pennsylvania, to be Secretary of State.
Franklin MacVeagh of Illinois, to be Secretary of the Treasury.
Jacob M. Dickinson of Tennessee, to be Secretary of War.
George W. Wickersham of New York, to be Attorney-General.
Frank H. Hitchcock of Massachusetts, to be Postmaster-General.
George von L. Meyer of Massachusetts, to be Secretary
of the Navy.
Richard A. Ballinger of Washington, to be Secretary
of the Interior.
James Wilson of Iowa, to be Secretary of Agriculture.
Charles Nagel of Missouri, to be Secretary of Commerce and
Labor.
A few days after the appointment of the Cabinet, Mr.
Dickinson, the new Secretary of War, in a speech at Chicago,
explained why President Taft had chosen him, a Democrat, for a
place in a Republican Cabinet, and why he had accepted it. He
said that Mr. Taft, as President of the whole country, desired
to have a representative of the South among his counsellors.
To have chosen a Southern Republican would have been to
perpetuate the bitter sectionalism which it was Mr. Taft's
desire to obliterate. He had therefore chosen a Democrat who
had voted against him. Mr. Dickinson continued:—
"That his purpose was broad, magnanimous, and patriotic none
can question. The wisdom both of his purpose and his selection
must be tried by time, but I have every assurance that his
action in appointing me, and my action in accepting, are
approved by the South, and, having this approval, I can bear
with equanimity any criticism from individual Democrats
elsewhere."
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (March).
Passage of new Copyright Act.
See (in this Volume)
COPYRIGHT.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (March-August).
Tariff Revision.
The Payne-Aldrich Tariff-Act.
See (in this Volume)
TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (May).
Creation of the Senate Committee on Public Expenditures.
An important incident of the Special Session of Congress which
was called by President Taft immediately after his
inauguration, was the creation by the Senate of a new Standing
Committee, on Public Expenditures, the function of which was
indicated in the following resolution of the Senate, adopted
May 29:
"Resolved, That the Committee on Public Expenditures be, and
they are hereby, authorized and directed, by subcommittee or
otherwise, to make investigations as to the amount of the
annual revenues of the Government, and as to the expenditures
and business methods of the several departments, divisions,
and branches of the Government, and to report to the Senate
from time to time the result of such investigations and their
recommendations as to the relation between expenditures and
revenues and possible improvements in Government methods; and
for this purpose they are authorized to sit, by subcommittees
or otherwise, during the recesses or sessions of the Senate,
at such times and places as, they may deem advisable, to send
for persons and papers, to administer oaths, and to employ
such stenographic, clerical, expert, and other assistance as
may be necessary, and to have such printing and binding done
as may be necessary, the expense of such investigations to be
paid from the contingent fund of the Senate."
Seven members of the Committee are the chairmen of the seven
committees in the Senate to some one of which every bill
providing for revenue or carrying an appropriation is
submitted. "Thus," as has been remarked, "is provided a medium
for better co-ordination and co-operation between what may be
termed the revenue and appropriation committees. The powers of
existing committees are not affected, but an avenue is
provided for concentration and distribution of information—a
committee forum for the discussion and recommendation of
fundamentals affecting the Government."
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (May).
Establishment in the Government of a General Supply Committee.
On the 13th of May the President issued an Executive Order
establishing an Administrative General Supply Committee, which
is to purchase all supplies for Government use, paying one
price instead of several prices for the same supplies.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (May).
Second National Peace Congress.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (July).
Proposed Constitutional Amendment authorizing
the Levying of an Income Tax.
Without a dissenting vote, on the 5th of July, 1909, the
Senate adopted a joint resolution providing for the submission
to the several States of a proposed amendment to the
Constitution of the United States, as follows:
"Article XVI.
The congress shall have the power to lay and collect taxes on
incomes, from whatever source derived, without any
apportionment among the several states and without regard to
any census or enumeration."
In reporting this action, a newspaper correspondent of
considerable sagacity remarked that the ease with which the
resolution glided through the Senate, and would with certainty
pass the House, must be regarded as "an indication of the
expectation of the representatives of capital and of high
protection that twelve states can be found among the forty-six
in the union to refuse their assent to the amendment, in which
event it will fail."
The endorsement of the House to the resolution was given on
the 12th, by a vote of 317 to 14, the negative votes being all
from Republicans. An attempt to have the resolution amended so
that the constitutional amendment would be submitted to state
conventions for ratification instead of to legislatures was
ruled out of order, and an appeal from Speaker Cannon’s ruling
was voted down, 185 to 143, on a strict party division.
{682}
The first State to act on the proposed amendment was Alabama,
where it was ratified by the Legislature and signed by the
Governor, August 17.
In the State of New York, on the 5th of January, 1910,
Governor Hughes addressed a special message to the
Legislature, recommending that the amendment in its proposed
form should not be ratified. He said: "I am in favor of
conferring upon the Federal government the power to lay and
collect an income tax without apportionment among the States
according to population. I believe that this power should be
held by the Federal government so as properly to equip it with
the means of meeting national exigencies.
"But the power to tax incomes should not be granted in such
terms as to subject to Federal taxation the incomes derived
from bonds issued by the State itself, or those issued by
municipal governments organized under the State’s authority.
To place the borrowing capacity of the State and of its
governmental agencies at the mercy of the Federal taxing power
would be an impairment of the essential rights of the State,
which, as its officers, we are bound to defend. …
"The comprehensive words, 'from whatever source derived,' if
taken in their natural sense, would include not only incomes
from ordinary real or personal property, but also incomes
derived from State and municipal securities. It may be urged
that the amendment would be limited by construction. But there
can be no satisfactory assurance of this. The words in terms
are all-inclusive. …
"In order that a market may be provided for State bonds, and
for municipal bonds, and that thus means may be afforded for
State and local administration, such securities from time to
time are excepted from taxation. In this way lower rates of
interest are paid than otherwise would be possible. To permit
such securities to be the subject of Federal taxation is to
place such limitations upon the borrowing power of the State
as to make the performance of the functions of local
government a matter of Federal grace."
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (July).
The Question of American Participation in the
Hankau-Szechuan Railway Loan.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1904-1909.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (September).
Visit of a Commercial Commission from Japan.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER).
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (September-October).
Tour of President Taft.
Meeting with President Diaz on Mexican Soil.
In the fall of 1909 President Taft made an extended tour of
the country, from New England to the Pacific Coast and
southward to Mexico and the Gulf, speaking to great assemblies
at many points on all the important questions, political and
economical, that were then before the country. In the course
of the tour a meeting between President Diaz of Mexico and
himself was arranged, and took place on the 16th of October,
first at El Paso, on the Texas side of the Rio Grande, and
then at Ciudad Juarez, on the Mexican side, formal visits
being thus exchanged. Finally, in the evening, President Taft
was entertained at dinner in the Mexican city by President
Diaz. This was a second time that a President of the United
States had left the soil of his own country while in office,
President Roosevelt having done the same at Panama in 1906.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (October-November).
Further Disclosures of Corruption in the Customs Service.
The shameful disclosure in 1907-1908 of Sugar Trust frauds on the
Federal Treasury afforded glimpses of a state of corruption in
the Customs Service of the Government, at the port of New York
especially, which were more than verified within the next year
and a half.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907-1909.
The Collector of Customs, Mr. William Loeb, Jr., who took
charge of the New York office in the spring of 1909, exercised
a watchfulness which soon put him on the traces of fraud, and
he pursued them with an energy and determination that cannot
have been brought into action before. The first case brought
to light was that of a cheese-importing firm, the members of
which, father and son, were found to have paid bribes to
weighers of the Custom House for false reports of the
quantities on which duties were paid. Conviction was obtained
by means of evidence from some of the guilty officials, who
were given immunity and retained in service, in order to
secure information without which, it was said, the
well-covered corruption in the service could not be
successfully probed. In his annual report, made in December,
1909, Secretary MacVeagh, of the Treasury Department, had this
to say of the vigorous reformatory measures thus undertaken at
the port of New York, and of the significance of the
consequent revelations:
"The revelations made and proven were so startling and
impressive that opposition was silenced; and in this silence
the necessary, clear-cut measures could be carried out without
meeting serious obstructions.
"It soon developed that the frauds of the American Sugar
Refining Company, while, perhaps, the most important
instances, were as had been apprehended, symptoms of a
diseased condition, not universal by any means, but almost
general. And difficult as it always is to sufficiently bring
to light the facts of such a condition to afford a basis for
rehabilitation, this has been already largely accomplished.
Much has been discovered to afford an understanding of the
situation, with the result of numerous seizures, of numerous
prosecutions made or projected, and of important and
successful beginnings of a complete rehabilitation. While the
recovery of evaded duties, and the prosecution of individuals
have been of large significance, the greatest asset to the
government of these disgraceful conditions is the knowledge
and the light which guarantee in time a wholesome
reorganization.
"The study of the causes of the demoralization which has been
revealed is still incomplete, but the main causes are evident.
It is clear, for instance, that the influence of local
politics and politicians upon the customs service has been
most deleterious, and has promoted that laxity and low tone
which prepare and furnish an inviting soil for dishonesty and
fraud. Unless the customs service can be released from the
payment of political debts and exactions, and from meeting the
supposed exigencies of political organizations, big and
little, it will be impossible to have an honest service for
any length of time. Any considerable share of the present cost
of this demoralization to the public revenues, to the
efficiency of the service, and to public and private morality
is a tremendous amount to pay in mere liquidation of the small
debts of political leaders.
{683}
"It is also clear that the widespread disposition of returning
American travellers to evade the payment of legal duties has
greatly helped to create the conditions which have become
intolerable. Those Americans who travel abroad belong to the
sections of the people which most readily create public
sentiment, and are most responsible for it; and the fact that
in so many instances these travellers are willing to defraud
the government out of considerable or even small sums creates
an atmosphere on the docks that strongly tends to affect the
morale of the entire customs service. And when to this is
added the frequent willingness upon the part of these
responsible citizens to specifically corrupt the government's
men, then the demoralization is further accentuated."
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (November).
Arbitration of the Alsop Claim against Chile.
See (in this Volume)
CHILE: A. D. 1909.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (December).
Proposal to neutralize Manchurian Railways.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1909-1910.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1910 (January).
President’s Message on Legislation relating to "Trusts"
and Interstate Commerce.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1910,
and
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1910.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
Movements of Reform in Municipal Government.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
Comparative Statement of the Consumption of Alcoholic Drink.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
The Interchange of People between the United States and Canada.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1896-1909.
----------UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: End--------
UNITED STATES SENATORS:
Proposed Election by Direct Popular Vote.
"On December 3, 1895, the State of Idaho, taking advantage of
that provision of article 5, which permits States to apply to
Congress for authority to hold a constitutional convention,
passed a resolution requesting Congress to call such a
convention. Since then the States of Wyoming, Ohio, Minnesota,
Montana, Utah, North Carolina, North Dakota, Nevada,
Washington, Tennessee, South Dakota, Colorado, Oregon,
Michigan, Nebraska, Iowa, Kansas, Missouri, Illinois,
Wisconsin, New Jersey, Louisiana, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania,
Indiana, Texas, California, Arkansas, Kentucky, and Alabama,
have taken legislative action in some form or other expressing
either a demand similar to that of the State of Idaho, or a
sympathy with the intent of the Idaho resolution. These
thirty-one States form a constitutional two-thirds of the
forty-six States of the Union.
"One of the complications which have arisen in connection with
these resolutions is the fact that only twenty-four of them
are of record as having been actually received by the Senate
of the United States. One of them, that of the State of Ohio,
which was the third State to act, was only recently discovered
to be in the Senate files. It is possible therefore, that
since the question of submitting the proposed amendment has
become a live issue, a further search of the files may
increase the number of State resolutions on this subject which
are actually on hand.
"A legal quibble is bound to ensue over the form of some of
these resolutions. Nine of the resolutions now on file in the
Senate are already held to be of doubtful legality, but the
ground on which they are held doubtful will appeal to most
people as a mere splitting of legal hairs. Nevertheless, the
Senate of the United States, at least, is, as a whole, a
notorious legal hair-splitter, and this fact must be taken
into account.
"It is, of course, a matter of record, that the House of
Representatives has four times sent to the Senate a proposed
joint resolution calling for the direct election of United
States Senators."
_Washington Correspondent of the New York Evening Post,
October 13, 1909._
UNITED STATES STEEL CORPORATION:
Its conflict with the Amalgamated Association of Iron, Steel
and Tin Plate Workers.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901.
UNITED STATES STEEL CORPORATION:
The Placing of its Stock among its Employés.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR REMUNERATION: PROFIT-SHARING.
UNIVERSITIES.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION.
URIBE-URIBE, RAFAEL.
See (in this Volume)
COLOMBIA: A. D. 1898-1902.
URUGUAY: A. D. 1901-1906.
Participation in Second and Third International Conferences
of American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
URUGUAY: A. D. 1904.
Rebellion and prolonged Civil War.
On the 8th of January, 1904, the American Minister at
Montevideo reported by telegram to the State Department at
Washington "that another crisis is at hand in Uruguay; that
encounters have taken place between groups of ‘Blanco,’ and
the Government forces, and that the former, who were neither
concentrated nor well organized, have been dispersed. A number
were killed and wounded. The Government is making an
aggressive campaign and demands obedience to the constituted
authority as a condition before peace negotiations will be
entered into."
This was the beginning of a state of civil war that was
prolonged through nine months, with infinite harm to the
country.
When peace came, at the end of September, it was practically
bought from the insurgents, the terms of submission, as
officially announced, including the following: "Sixth,
incorporation into the army of all the chiefs and officers
included in the amnesty law. Seventh. A mixed committee
appointed by agreement by the Government and insurgents will
distribute the sum of $100,000 between the chiefs, officers,
and soldiers of the rebel forces."
URUGUAY: A. D. 1910.
Agreement with Argentina concerning the River Plate.
See (in this Volume)
ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1910.
URUSSOFF, PRINCE:
Speech in the Duma.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.
URYU, ADMIRAL.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).
UTAH:
Law limiting Hours of Adult Labor in Mines.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902.
UTILITIES, PUBLIC.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC UTILITIES.
{684}
V.
VACUUM OIL COMPANY.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
UNITED STATES. A. D. 1904-1909.
VALIAHD, The:
Heir to the Persian throne.
See (in this Volume)
PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.
VANNOVSKY, GENERAL.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.
VALPARAISO, DESTRUCTIVE EARTHQUAKE AT.
See (in this Volume)
EARTHQUAKES: CHILE.
VEHEMENTER NOS, THE PAPAL ENCYCLICAL.
See (in this Volume)
PAPACY: A. D. 1906 (FEBRUARY).
VENEZUELA: A. D. 1901.
Claims and Complaints of Germany.
Memorandum presented to the Government of the United States.
Its Reply.
Interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine.
On the 11th of December, 1901, the German Embassy at
Washington presented to the State Department of the Government
of the United States a memorandum of the claims and complaints
of Germany against the Government of Venezuela. The principal
claim recited was that of the Berlin Company of Discount, "on
account of the non-performance of engagements which the
Venezuelan Government has undertaken in connection with the
great Venezuelan Railway which has been built by the said
Government." In respect to this it is remarked that the
"behaviour of the Venezuelan Government could, perhaps, to a
certain degree, be explained and be excused by the bad
situation of the finances of the State; but our further
reclamations against Venezuela, which date from the Venezuelan
civil wars of the years 1898 until 1900, have taken during
these last months a more serious character. Through those wars
many German merchants living in Venezuela and many German
land-owners have been seriously damaged"; and the treatment of
claims for these damages is characterized as "a frivolous
attempt to avoid just obligations." After some recital of
circumstances in these cases, the memorandum proceeds to
announce that "the Imperial Government believes that further
negotiations with Venezuela on the present base are hopeless,"
and that measures of coercion are contemplated. "But we
consider it of importance to let first of all the Government
of the United States know about our purposes, so that we can
prove that we have nothing else in view than to help those of
our citizens who have suffered damages. … We declare
especially that under no circumstances do we consider in our
proceedings the acquisition or the permanent occupation of
Venezuelan territory."
In reply, the Department of State returned a memorandum, in
part as follows:
"The President in his Message of the 3d of December, 1901,
used the following language: ‘The Monroe Doctrine is a
declaration that there must be no territorial aggrandizement
by any non-American Power at the expense of any American Power
on American soil. It is in no wise intended as hostile to any
nation in the Old World.’ The President further said: ‘This
doctrine has nothing to do with the commercial relations of
any American Power, save that it in truth allows each of them
to form such as it desires. … We do not guarantee any State
against punishment if it misconducts itself, provided that
punishment does not take the form of the acquisition of
territory by any non-American Power. … The President of the
United States, appreciating the courtesy of the German
Government in making him acquainted with the state of affairs
referred to, and not regarding himself as called upon to enter
into the consideration of the claims in question, believes
that no measures will be taken in this matter by the agents of
the German Government which are not in accordance with the
well-known purpose, above set forth, of His Majesty the German
Emperor."
_Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations
of the United States
(House Doc’s, 57th Congress 1st Session, Volume 1),
pages 192-195_
VENEZUELA: A. D. 1901.
Delegates withdrawn from Second International Conference
of American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.
Concerted Action by Great Britain, Germany, and Italy
to enforce Claims.
Blockade of Ports and seizure of Warships.
Intermediation of the United States.
Agreements Secured.
Reference to the Tribunal at The Hague.
The rebellion and revolution in Venezuela which gave control
of the government to General Cipriano Castro, in 1899, and the
speedy outbreak of revolt against his self-assumed
administration, are told of in Volume VI. of this work.
See, also, (in this Volume)
COLOMBIA: A. D. 1898-1902.
The first insurrection was overcome in May, 1900; but other
risings, concentrated in leadership finally under Manuel A.
Matos, followed in 1901-1902. Partly growing out of the
disturbances in the country and partly due to the arbitrary
and wayward conduct of Castro (who obtained election to the
Presidency in 1902, for six years) many claims for indemnity
and debt against that Government accumulated and citizens of
many countries were interested in them. As no satisfaction
could be obtained from President Castro by diplomatic methods,
peremptory proceedings against Venezuela were concerted in
1902 by Great Britain, Germany and Italy. A blockade of
Venezuelan ports and seizure of war vessels was undertaken by
the three Powers, with results which are narrated as follows
in the Message of President Roosevelt to the Congress of the
United States, on its meeting in December, 1903:
The "employment of force for the collection of these claims
was terminated by an agreement brought about through the
offices of the diplomatic representatives of the United States
at Caracas and the Government at Washington, thereby ending a
situation which was bound to cause increasing friction, and
which jeoparded the peace of the continent. Under this
agreement Venezuela agreed to set apart a certain percentage
of the customs receipts of two of her ports to be applied to
the payment of whatever obligations might be ascertained by
mixed commissions appointed for that purpose to be due from
her, not only to the three powers already mentioned, whose
proceedings against her had resulted in a state of war, but
also to the United States, France, Spain, Belgium, the
Netherlands, Sweden and Norway, and Mexico, who had not
employed force for the collection of the claims alleged to be
due to certain of their citizens.
{685}
"A demand was then made by the so-called blockading powers
that the sums ascertained to be due to their citizens by such
mixed commissions should be accorded payment in full before
anything was paid upon the claims of any of the so-called
peace powers. Venezuela, on the other hand, insisted that all
her creditors should be paid upon a basis of exact equality.
During the efforts to adjust this dispute it was suggested by
the powers in interest that it should be referred to me for
decision, but I was clearly of the opinion that a far wiser
course would be to submit the question to the Permanent Court
of Arbitration at The Hague. It seemed to me to offer an
admirable opportunity to advance the practice of the peaceful
settlement of disputes between nations and to secure for the
Hague Tribunal a memorable increase of its practical
importance. The nations interested in the controversy were so
numerous and in many instances so powerful as to make it
evident that beneficent results would follow from their
appearance at the same time before the bar of that august
tribunal of peace.
"Our hopes in that regard have been realized. Russia and
Austria are represented in the persons of the learned and
distinguished jurists who compose the Tribunal, while Great
Britain, Germany, France, Spain, Italy, Belgium, the
Netherlands, Sweden and Norway, Mexico, the United States, and
Venezuela are represented by their respective agents and
counsel. Such an imposing concourse of nations presenting
their arguments to and invoking the decision of that high
court of international justice and international peace can
hardly fail to secure a like submission of many future
controversies. The nations now appearing there will find it
far easier to appear there a second time, while no nation can
imagine its just pride will be lessened by following the
example now presented. This triumph of the principle of
international arbitration is a subject of warm congratulation
and offers a happy augury for the peace of the world."
_Message of President Roosevelt,
December 7, 1903._
The claims of the Powers against Venezuela, presented in
September, summed up as follows:
France, $16,040,000;
United States, $10,900,000;
Italy, $9,300,000;
Belgium, $3,003,000;
Great Britain, $2,500,000;
Germany, $1,417,300;
Holland, $1,048,451;
Spain, $600,000;
Mexico, $500,000;
Sweden, $200,000.
The claim of Great Britain, Germany, and Italy to a right of
priority in payment, because of their action which compelled
the Government of Venezuela to arrange a settlement, was
submitted to the Tribunal at The Hague in November. The
decision, rendered in the following January, affirmed the
right of the three Powers which had exercised coercion in the
case to priority in the payment of their claims, and it
imposed on the United States the duty of overseeing the
fulfilment of the agreements which Venezuela had made. In this
last particular the decision of the Tribunal could be regarded
as an international affirmation of the Monroe Doctrine, and of
signal importance in that view.
VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1905.
A short Period of Comparative Tranquility.
"After the blockade instituted in December, 1902, by Germany,
Great Britain and Italy, had been raised, and protocols had
been signed for the settlement of all duly recognized claims
of foreign nations against Venezuela, Venezuela enjoyed a
short period of tranquility; but, by the beginning of 1905,
every legation in Caracas had a list of grievances founded on
alleged unfair awards of arbitrators, on denials of justice on
the part of the Venezuelan courts and on the diminution by
President Castro of the percentage he had agreed to pay to the
creditor nations from the receipts of his custom-houses.
Moreover, Germany and Great Britain began to show signs of
restlessness, because President Castro had not provided, as
had been agreed in the protocols, for the payment of interest
to British and German bondholders. The situation looked even
worse than before the blockade, for the principal nation
aggrieved was the United States, and it had the moral support
of all other nations represented in Caracas by legations.
"The main issue between the United States and Venezuela was
the asphalt case. In July, 1904, President Castro had demanded
ten million dollars from the American Company, known as the
‘New York and Bermudez Asphalt Company,’ and had threatened,
if that amount was not paid immediately, that the whole
asphalt lake and the property of the Company would be seized.
He based his demand on the alleged support given by the
Asphalt Company to the Matos revolution of 1902; but, as he
did not demand anything from the countless other supporters of
the revolution, it was clear that his demand on the Asphalt
Company was piratical."
_H. W. Bowen,
Queer Diplomacy with Castro
(North American Review, March 15, 1907)._
VENEZUELA: A. D. 1904.
Adoption of a new Constitution.
The following summary of the provisions of a new Constitution,
adopted in Venezuela, on the 27th of April, 1904, was
communicated to the State Department at Washington by United
States Minister Bowen:
It reduces the number of States to thirteen—Aragua, Bermudez,
Bolivar, Carabobo, Falcon, Guarico, Lara, Merida, Miranda,
Tachira, Trujillo, Zamora, and Zulia—and provides for five
Territories—Amazonas, Cristobal Colon, Colon, Delta Amacuro,
and Yururari—and the Federal District, which is composed of
the Departments Libertador, Varagas, Guaicaipuro, and Sucre,
and the island of Margarita.
The States enjoy equality and autonomy, having all rights not
delegated to the central Government. The Territories are
administered by the President.
The Government is divided into three branches—the legislative,
the executive, and the judicial.
The legislative branch is called the Congress, and is composed
of two bodies—the Senate and the House of Deputies. One deputy
will be elected by every 40,000 inhabitants, and all deputies,
as well as senators (two from every State) and the President,
will serve for six years. Deputies must be 21 years of age,
senators 30, and the President over 30. No extraordinary
powers are given to the Congress, except that 14 of its
members shall be chosen by itself to elect every sixth year a
President, a first and a second vice-president, and to elect a
successor to the second vice-president.
{686}
The President, besides being charged with the usual executive
duties, is authorized to declare war, arrest, imprison, or
expel natives or aliens who are opposed to the reëstablishment
of peace, to issue letters of marque and reprisal, to permit
aliens to enter the public service, to prohibit the
immigration into the Republic of objectionable religious
teachers, and to establish rules for the postal, telegraph,
and telephone services.
The judicial power is vested in the Corte Federal y de
Casacion (seven judges elected by the Congress) and the lower
courts (appointed by the State governments).
All Venezuelans over 21 years of age may vote, and aliens can
obtain that right by getting naturalized. No length of time is
prescribed for an alien to live in the Republic before he can
become naturalized.
Article 15 of the constitution denies the right of natives or
aliens to present claims to the nation or States for damages
caused by revolutionists.
Article 17 abolishes the death penalty.
And article 120 provides that all of Venezuela’s international
treaties shall hereafter contain the clause, "All differences
between the contracting parties shall be decided by
arbitration, without going to war."
In conclusion, the constitution provides that the next
constitutional terms shall begin May 23, 1905. Up to that date
General Castro will be Provisional President. He took his oath
of office as such on the 5th instant, and on the same day Juan
Vicente Gomez was made first vice-president and Jose Antonio
Velutini second vice-president.
As Provisional President, General Castro has been authorized
to name the presidents of the States, to organize the Federal
Territories, to fix the estimates for the public expenses,
and, in short, to exercise the fullest powers.
VENEZUELA: A. D. 1905-1906.
Troubles with the United States and France.
President Castro’s Vacation.
Both France and the United States had troubles which became
acute in 1905 with the arrogant President of Venezuela,
growing out of his high-handed treatment of French and
American business interests and rights in that country. In the
case of the United States, the most serious grievance, as
stated above, was that of the New York and Bermudez Company,
which had a concession dating back to 1883, and a later mining
title, under Venezuela laws, to the asphalt deposit known as
Bermudez Lake, together with the fee-simple ownership of land
surrounding the lake. Ever since the advent of Castro, the
company had been harassed by litigious proceedings, behind
which the Government was said to be always in action. In 1905
these were carried to the point of putting the whole property
into the hands of a receiver or "depositary," practically
transferring its capital and plant to its rivals in business.
A little later, a judicial decision, pronounced by a Venezuela
court, annulled the company’s concession. The main ground of
this confiscation appears to have been the charge that the
company had contributed funds to the support of the Matos
revolt, in 1901.
The same accusation was brought against the French Cable
Company, whose franchise was annulled and its property
confiscated in like manner. In both cases, the matter was a
proper one for arbitration, and this Castro refused,
maintaining the finality of the decision of the Venezuela
courts. Neither France nor the United States could afford to
permit such a penalty of confiscation to be imposed on its
citizens without a searching investigation of the justice of
the act. Under instructions from Secretary Hay, the American
Minister to Venezuela informed the Government of that country
that if it refused to arbitrate the questions involved in this
and other American claims, "the Government of the United
States may be regretfully compelled to take such measures as
it may find necessary to effect complete redress without
resort to arbitration"; and France, about the same time, made
a significant movement of armored cruisers to the French
Antilles. Not contented with the strain thus brought on the
relations of his Government with those of two considerable
Powers in the world, the Venezuelan President soon—in January,
1906—gave a fresh and quite wanton provocation to France. The
French _Chargé d’ Affaires_ in Venezuela had gone on
board a French steamer without official permit, and was
refused permission to return to shore, on the pretence that he
might bring yellow fever infection. France at once dismissed
the Venezuelan _Chargé_ from Paris, and added a demand
for apologies to her other claims.
Having brought his country into this interesting situation,
the eccentric Castro, of incalculable mind and temper, found
the occasion opportune for a vacation, and announced it, April
9, 1906, in a proclamation which opened as follows:
"Fatigue, produced by constant labor, and which I have been
endeavoring to overcome for some time past, makes it
imperative for me now, in order to restore my broken health,
to retire from the exercise of the office of prime magistrate.
"In accordance with a provision of the constitution I have
called to power General Juan Vincente Gomez, a very
meritorious citizen of well-known civic virtues, who in my
absence will fulfill strictly the duties of his office. You
all know him, and you know perfectly well that in view of his
character you must support him without any hesitation
whatever, in order that the administration may continue, as it
has up to now, under the surest bases of stability, order, and
progress, thus making the action of the executive the most
expeditious possible.
"On retiring from power I wish you to take into consideration
my effort and my sacrifices for the country’s cause, which has
been, and still is, the cause of the people, of reason,
justice, and right, so that you will agree with me that he who
has thus labored has a right to even a slight rest, and this
cannot be taken except in retirement and solitude.
"On the other hand, our present international situation,
completely defined and clear, gives us reason to hope that
everything will continue harmoniously and on a basis of mutual
respect and consideration."
{687}
The next morning he left quietly for Los Teques, where he has
a private estate; his late cabinet resigned, and a new
Ministry was formed by the acting President, Gomez. Six weeks
later, on the 23d of May, the President-on-vacation, from his
retirement, issued a second proclamation, announcing his wish
to withdraw permanently from public life, and his intention to
resign the presidency at the next session of Congress. But
differences appear to have arisen soon after this between the
retired President and his substitute, General Gomez, over
cabinet appointments, and presently there was a delegation
sent to request the former to abandon his intended
resignation. The delegation succeeded in its mission, and on
the 4th of July the now rested and refreshed Chief Magistrate
returned to Caracas and reburdened himself with the cares of
state.
VENEZUELA: A. D. 1905-1909.
Trouble given to Colombia over the Navigation of Rivers
flowing through both countries.
See (in this Volume)
COLOMBIA: A. D. 1905-1909.
VENEZUELA: A. D. 1906.
No participation in Third International Conference
of American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
VENEZUELA: A. D. 1907-1909.
President Castro’s obstinate Provocations to France and
the United States.
His Quarrel with Holland.
His unwary venture Abroad.
The Triumph of his Enemies in Venezuela.
The Foreign Governments he Quarrelled with take part
in Preventing his Return.
President Castro, practically Dictator in Venezuela, continued
obstinate in his provocative attitude towards both France and
the United States, and added Holland at length to the list of
exasperated nations which were questioning and studying how to
deal with insolence from so petty a source. His courts, after
confiscating the franchises and seizing the property of the
French Cable Company and the American asphalt concessionaries,
imposed fines of $5,000,000 on each. Of the five claims for
redress or indemnity which the American Government pressed
upon him he refused to submit any to arbitration, in any form,
at The Hague or elsewhere. This situation continued until the
American Legation was withdrawn from Caracas, in June, 1908,
to signify that negotiation was ended, and the whole
correspondence of the State Department with Venezuela was laid
before Congress, for such action as it might see fit to take.
Castro had opened his quarrel with Holland in a characteristic
way. The bubonic plague had got a footing at the Venezuelan
port of La Guayra, and he refused to allow his own medical
officers, who reported the fact, to take measures for
preventing the spread of the disease. Then, when his Dutch
neighbors at Curaçao protected themselves by a quarantine
against La Guayra he retaliated by an embargo on commerce with
Curaçao, exchanged angry letters with the Dutch Minister at
Caracas, and ordered him finally to quit the country. The
Netherland Government acted slowly, with deliberation, on the
matter, despatching a battle-ship, at length, to the scene,
and otherwise manifesting serious intentions.
But now the domestic situation in Venezuela underwent a sudden
change; or, rather, a recurrence to the situation in 1906,
when Castro had found it easy to lay down the reins of
authority and take them up again at his pleasure. He was
afflicted with some ailment, for which he went abroad to seek
treatment, appointing Vice-President Gomez to conduct the
Government in his absence. Landing at Bordeaux on the 10th of
December, 1908, he made a short visit to Paris, receiving no
official recognition or entertainment, and went thence to
Berlin. In Germany he stayed with his family and suite for
about three months, undergoing a surgical operation with
subsequent treatment for his malady. Meantime, in Venezuela,
his enemies, or the opponents of his rule, had acquired the
upper hand, and were prepared to resist his return. On the
16th of December a mob at Caracas, crying "Down with Castro,"
wrecked considerable property of his friends. A few days later
some of his partisans were arrested on the charge of having
plotted the death of Acting-President Gomez, and that trusted
representative of the absent President became openly
antagonistic to him. The Castro Cabinet was dismissed, and an
anti-Castro Ministry was formed.
Pacific overtures were now made to the foreign governments
with which Castro had quarrelled. The Honorable William I.
Buchanan, an able diplomat, of much experience in
Spanish-America, was sent from the United States to reopen
negotiations at Caracas, where he arrived on the 20th
December, and the late Venezuelan Minister of Foreign Affairs
went abroad as an agent of President Gomez to treat with the
Netherlands, Great Britain, and France. Mr. Buchanan found
difficulty in arranging modes of settlement in the case of two
American claims, that of the New York and Bermudez Company,
and that of the Orinoco Corporation, which claimed very
extensive concessions; but the obstacles were overcome and a
satisfactory protocol signed, February 13, 1909.
Before this time, criminal proceedings had been instituted
against Castro, on the charge that he had instigated the
assassination of Vice-President Gomez, and the High Federal
Court had decided that adequate evidence had been adduced to
warrant the action. To this accusation Castro made answer from
Dresden, February 27, saying: "The only charge that has been
raised against me is that I tried to instigate the murder of
Gomez. It is incredible that, after having shown my interest
in him in so many ways, I should try to cause him to be
murdered. If Gomez had given me occasion to suspect him, I
would have given orders regarding him before my departure from
Venezuela, and I would not have been so stupid as to send such
an order by cable. Whoever knows me knows also that I am
incapable of such disgraceful cowardice. I give this
declaration in the interest of truth to the press and to the
foreign countries, in order to set at rest in places where I
am not known all doubts and suspicions regarding my behavior."
Having no apparent doubt that he could master the adverse
situation in Venezuela, Castro was now making his arrangements
to return. On the 24th of March he arrived at Paris, on his
way to Bordeaux, to take passage on the Steamer
_Guadeloupe_. There he was met by a statement from the
steamship company, "that it had been informed by the
Venezuelan government that Señor Castro will not be permitted
to land in Venezuela; that he will be arrested on board the
Guadeloupe if this vessel calls at a Venezuelan port, and that
even the movement of the _Guadeloupe_ in Venezuelan ports
will be controlled by the authorities, if Castro is a
passenger.
{688}
As a result of this communication the company will embark
Castro only on condition that he leave the _Guadeloupe_
before reaching Venezuela, either at Martinique or Trinidad.
This official notification to the steamship company was handed
in by José de Jesus Paul, the special Venezuelan envoy to
Europe. Señor Paul says in part:
"‘Cipriano Castro is under criminal prosecution in Venezuela,
and the High Federal Court having suspended his function as
President, he is liable, in accordance with the laws of
Venezuela, to imprisonment pending the result of the trial. A
warrant of arrest can be executed even on board the
_Guadeloupe_ at the first Venezuelan port.’ "
At Bordeaux he was forced to take passage with the
understanding that he must leave the ship before she reached a
Venezuelan port, and he accepted tickets to Port-au-Spain,
Trinidad. On leaving Paris his parting words had been: "I
believe that God and destiny call me back to Venezuela. I
intend to accomplish my mission there, even though it involves
revolution." But he mistook the call, and mere earthly
authority sufficed to frustrate the mission he had in mind.
The British Government, after consultation with the United
States and other Powers most interested in the avoidance of
fresh disturbances in Venezuela, forbade his landing at
Trinidad, and he found no port to receive him but that of Fort
de France, Martinique. From that French soil, too, he was
ordered away the next day, and look passage back to France,
ultimately settling himself with his family in Spain. If he
has made further efforts or plans to recover a footing in
Venezuela, the public has not learned of them.
As soon as the out-cast President had been thus eliminated
from Venezuelan politics, he was cleared, May 21, of the
charge of plotting to assassinate General Gomez, by decision
of the Criminal Court. Both Holland and France had settled, by
this time, their differences with Venezuela, and restored
diplomatic relations. On the 12th of August, Vice-President
Gomez was formally elected Provisional President by Congress
in the exercise of powers claimed under the new Constitution.
On the 11th of September announcement was made that all but
one of the five American claims for which Mr. Buchanan had
arranged modes of settlement had been settled, and that one—of
the Orinoco Steamship Company—was before the tribunal at The
Hague.
VENICE: A. D. 1902.
Fall of the Campanile of St. Marks.
On the morning of July 14, 1902, the Campanile or bell-tower
of the cathedral of St. Marks fell to the ground. An attentive
architect had been calling attention for several years to
signs of danger in its walls, but nothing had been done to
avert the destruction of the most interesting monument of
antiquity in the city. The building of the tower was begun in
the year 888, and underwent a reconstruction in 1329. Its
height was 322 feet.
"At 9 o’clock, according to the story of an American architect
who witnessed the fall of the tower from the neighborhood of
the Rialto, he saw the golden angel slowly sink directly
downward behind a line of roofs, and a dense gray dust arose
in clouds. Instantly, from all parts of the city, a crowd
rushed toward the Piazza, to find on their arrival that
nothing was left of all that splendid nave but a mound of
white dust, 80 feet high." A press telegram from Venice,
January 4, 1910, announced that "the Campanile, after seven
years’ work, is now approaching completion. The shaft is
finished, and only lacks the belfry, the separate pieces of
which are ready to be set in place."
VEREENIGING, BOER-BRITISH TREATY OF PEACE AT.
See (in this Volume)
South Africa: A. D. 1901-1902.
VERESTCHAGIN, VASILI, DEATH OF.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).
VERNON-HARCOURT, LOUIS:
First Commissioner of Works.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.
VESUVIUS, MOUNT:
Violent Eruption in 1906.
See (in this Volume)
VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS.
VETO, CIVIL, IN PAPAL ELECTIONS.
See (in this Volume)
PAPACY: A. D. 1904.
VIBORG CONFERENCE.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.
VICTOR EMMANUEL III., KING OF ITALY:
His Agency in founding the International Institute
of Agriculture.
See (in this Volume)
AGRICULTURE.
VILHENA, SENHOR.
See (in this Volume)
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.
VILLAZON, ELIDORO:
President of Bolivia.
See (in this Volume)
ACRE DISPUTES.
VIRCHOW, RUDOLPH:
Celebration of his Eightieth Birthday.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION: ANNIVERSARY CELEBRATIONS.
VIRGINIA: A. D. 1907.
The Jamestown Tercentennial Exposition.
See (in this Volume)
JAMESTOWN.
VITHÖFT, ADMIRAL.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).
"VLADIMIR’S DAY."
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.
VLADIVOSTOCK:
In the Russo-Japanese War.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).
VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS: ITALY: A. D. 1906 (April).
Great Outburst of Vesuvius.
The Most Violent since 1631.
"At a meeting of the Geological Society, London, on May 9, a
paper giving a scientific account of the recent great eruption
of Mount Vesuvius was read by Professor Giuseppe de Lorenzo,
of the Mineralogical Museum in the Royal University of Naples,
a foreign correspondent of the society. According to the
report in the London _Times_ Professor de Lorenzo stated
that after the great eruption of 1872 Vesuvius lapsed into
repose, marked by merely solfataric phenomena, for three
years. Fissuring of the cone and slight outpourings of lava
began in May, 1905, and continued until April 5, 1906, when
the fourth great outburst from the principal crater occurred,
accompanied by the formation of deeper and larger fissures in
the south-eastern wall of the cone, from which a great mass of
fluid and scoriaceous lava was erupted. After a pause the
maximum outburst took place during the night of April 7 and 8,
and blew 3,000 feet into the air scoriæ and lapilli of lava as
fragments derived from the wreckage of the cone.
{689}
The southwesterly wind carried this ash to Ottajano and San
Giuseppe, which were buried under three feet of it, and even
swept it on to the Adriatic and Montenegro. At this time the
lava which reached Torre Annunziato was erupted. The
decrescent phase began on April 8, but the collapse of the
cone of the principal crater was accompanied by the ejection
of steam and dust to a height of from 22,000 to 26,000 feet.
On April 9 and 10 the wind was northeast, and the dust was
carried over Torre del Greco and as far as Spain; but on April
11 the cloud was again impelled northward. The ash in the
earlier eruptions was dark in color and made of materials
derived directly from the usual type of leucotephritic magma;
but later it became grayer and mixed with weathered elastic
material from the cone. The great cone had an almost
horizontal rim on April 13, very little higher than Monte
Somma, and with a crater possibly exceeding 1,300 feet in
diameter; this cone was almost snow white from the deposit of
sublimates. Many deaths, Professor de Lorenzo states, were due
to asphyxia, but the collapse of roofs weighted with dust was
a source of much danger, as was the case at Pompeii in A. D.
79. The lava streams surrounded trees, many of which still
stood in the hot lava with their leaves and blossoms
apparently uninjured. The sea level during April 7 and 8 was
lowered six inches near Pozzuoli, and as much as twelve inches
near Portici, and had not returned to its former level on
April 13. The maximum activity conformed almost exactly with
full moon, and at the time the volcanoes of the Phlegræan
Fields and of the islands remained in their normal condition.
Professor de Lorenzo believes that this eruption of Vesuvius
is greater than any of those recorded in history with two
exceptions—those of A. D. 79, the historic eruption which
destroyed Pompeii and Herculaneum, and of 1631, when Torre del
Greco was overwhelmed and 4,000 persons perished."
_Scientific Notes and News
(Science, May 25, 1906)._
VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS: WEST INDIES: A. D. 1902 (May).
Of Mont Pelee and La Souffrière, on the islands of Martinique
and St. Vincent.
Destruction of the City of St. Pierre.
The most appalling catastrophe in the annals of the Western
Hemisphere is that which burst from the long torpid volcano of
Mont Pelée, overlooking the city of St. Pierre, on the French
island of Martinique, and from its slumbering neighbor, La
Souffrière, of the British island of St. Vincent, on the
morning of the 8th of May, 1902. The following particulars of
the frightful volcanic explosion are borrowed from a graphic
account prepared for _The American Review of Reviews_ by
W. J. McGee, of the Smithsonian Institution.
"The outbreak of Mont Pelée seems to have been second only to
that of Krakatoa in explosive violence in the written history
of the world. Nor was the catastrophe confined to a mountain
and a city, or even to an island: the towns and villages of
northern Martinique were devastated or utterly destroyed as
far southward as Fort de France, while the scant 400 square
miles of the whole island were at once shaken from below and
showered from above with uncounted tons of hot rock-powder,
scorching what it touched, and desolating the tropical
luxuriance of one of the fairest among the gems of the
Antilles. At the same time the Vulcanian spasm thrilled afar
through subterranean nerves and stirred into sympathetic
resurrection other long-dead volcanoes; and one of these,—La
Souffrière, on the island of St. Vincent, over a hundred miles
away,—sprang into baleful activity, poured out vast sheets of
viscid lava, showered land and sea with its own scorching
rock-powder, devastated another gem in the Antillean necklace,
and slew its thousands. The vigor of such volcanic outbursts
as those of Martinique and St. Vincent, and the vastness of
their products, are beyond realization. The governor of
Barbados, Sir Frederick Hodgson, estimates that ‘two million
tons of volcanic dust’ fell on his island, which is 110 miles
from La Souffrière, and still farther from Mont Pelée. …
"About the middle of April of the present year the inhabitants
of Martinique and passing seafarers began to note the
appearance of ‘smoke’ about the crest of the mountain; and
within a few days the report spread that Mont Pelée was in an
ugly mood. The smoky columns and clouds increased at
intervals, and anxiety deepened both at St. Pierre and Fort de
France; but as the days went by without other manifestations,
apprehension faded. On May 5, detonations were heard and a
tremor shook St. Pierre, while a mass of mud was violently
erupted from the old crater. The indications are that this
eruption was occasioned by the rise of viscous lava,
accompanied by steam and other gases attending its formation,
probably through the old vent, in sufficient quantity and with
sufficient violence to blow the lake out of the ancient crater
and vaporize the water. Portions of the lava were apparently
blown into dust by the flashing into steam of water imprisoned
in its interstices, after the manner of volcanic ejecta
generally; and this material (better called ‘lapilli’ than
‘ashes’) hastened condensation of the aqueous vapor in the air
already overcharged by the addition of that cast up from the
lake. The consequence was a shower of mud, apparently of
limited extent. Some of the accounts indicate that the greater
part of this mud was not vomited into the air, but that it
welled up in such wise as to fill and overflow the old crater,
and send scalding streams down the gorges seaming the rugged
sides of Mont Pelée; one of these flooded a sugar factory and
enveloped a score or more of the employees; others mingled
with the rivers, converting them into hot and muddy torrents,
carrying destruction down their channels to the sea. … So
matters rested, with Pelée still grumbling, until the evening
and night of May 7, when the black vapor-clouds and
subterranean groanings grew more terrifying; but it was too
late to escape before another day.
"About 7:50 A. M. on May 8 came the great shock, of which that
of May 5 was the precursor; and within ten minutes St. Pierre
and the smaller towns of Martinique were in ruins. Few
witnesses were left to describe the event, and the accounts of
these vary so widely as to require interpretation through the
testimony of other witnesses of similar eruptions elsewhere.
Briefly it seems evident that the lava mass, of which the
uppermost portion exploded on May 5, had continued to rise in
the vent after the temporary shock due to the recoil of the
initial explosion, and that by the morning of May 8 it had
reached such a height in the throat as to find relief from the
stupendous pressure of the lower earth-crust.
{690}
Coming up with the high temperature of subterranean depths,
the mass was, like other rocks in a state of nature, saturated
with water held in liquid state by the pressure, and charged
with other mineral substances ready to flash into gas or to
oxidize on contact with the air; and these more volatile
materials, being of less density than the average, were more
abundant in the upper portions of the mass.
"As the viscid plug of red-hot rock forced its way upward, the
mighty mountain travailed, the interior rocks were rent, and
the groaning and trembling were conveyed through the outer
strata to the surface and strange shakings of the shores and
quiverings of the sea marked the approach of the culmination.
Then the plug passed above the zone of rock-pressure great
enough to compress steam into water whatsoever the heat,—and
with this relief the liquid flashed into steam and the
superheated rock-matter into gases, while the unoxidized
compounds leaped into flame and smoke as they caught the
oxygen of the outer air. The lava was probably acidic, and
hence highly viscous; and when the imprisoned droplets of
water expanded, they formed bubbles, or vesicles, often much
larger than the Volume of rock-matter; doubtless some of this
matter remains in the form of vesicular pumice; but
unquestionably immense quantities were blown completely into
fragments representing the walls of the bubbles and the
angular spicules and thickenings between bubbles. Of these
fragments lapilli, or so-called volcanic ashes, consists; and
the Mont Pelée explosion was so violent that much of the
matter was dust-fine, and drifted hundreds of miles before it
settled from the upper air to the sea or land below. When the
imprisoned water burst into steam, the heavier gases were
evolved, also, with explosive violence; and while the steam
shot skyward, carrying lapilli in vast dust-clouds, these
gases rolled down the slopes, burning (at least in part) as
they went; and at the same time the heavier lava fragments,
together with rock-masses torn from the throat of the crater
by the viscid flood, were dropped for miles around. …
"Both press dispatches and physical principles indicate that
it was the debacle of burning gas that consumed St. Pierre
even before the red-hot rocks reached the roofs and balconies.
Meantime the aerial disturbance was marked by electrical
discharges, with continuous peal of thunder and glare of
lightning, while portions of the hot rock-powder were washed
down from the clouds by scalding rains. The heat of millions
of tons of red-hot lava and of the earth-rending explosion, as
well as of the burning gases, fell on Martinique; green things
crumbled to black powder, dry wood fell into smoke and ashes,
clothing flashed into flame, and the very bodies of men and
beasts burst with the fervent heat. Such, in brief, were the
evil events of Pelée and St. Pierre for May 8."
Simultaneously, on St. Vincent’s Island, the outbreak of La
Souffrière occurred that day. "The accounts are vague or
conflicting as to the hour and as to the precise nature of the
initial and later throes; yet it would appear, from the burden
of the testimony, that the outbreak quickly succeeded that of
Pelée. Apparently, too, the extravasation of rock-matter, both
of liquid and lava, exceeded that of the northern neighbor;
yet the indications are that the explosion was feebler, and
that the formation of gases was proportionately less abundant.
Lapilli are reported to cover the entire island to depths
ranging from an inch or more to several feet, several
roofs,—like those of Pompeii of old,—being crushed in by the
weight; the estimates of human mortality ranged from a few
hundreds in the early reports to over two thousand, and were
afterward slightly reduced, while the destruction of property
seems to have been relatively greater than on Martinique. So
far as the accounts of the two outbursts go, they indicate
that the Pelée eruption was primarily an explosion due to the
flashing of water and other gases on relief from pressure,
with attendant heat and meteorologic disturbances, followed by
a limited and quiet outflow of lava from the deeper and drier
portion of the lava plug; but that the upwelling lava of
Souffrière was in some way nearer equilibrium,—perhaps drier,
perhaps cooler, perhaps from less depth and pressure,—and
hence poured out in broad sheets of viscid rock-matter,
likened by some observers to burning sealing wax.
"Such, in brief, is the record of La Souffrière on May 8,—a
record that would have appalled the nations had it not been
eclipsed by the ghastly tale of Mont Pelée and St. Pierre."
In the case of St. Pierre almost the entire population had
remained in the town, not sufficiently warned by the outbreak
of May 5, and was, in consequence, destroyed. It is estimated
that 30,000 people perished in or near that town alone. Death
came to them almost instantaneously,—not from the flow of lava
or the showers of hot ashes that fell to the depth of perhaps
two feet, but from such a fierce current of burning gases that
men breathed flames instead of air.
On the English island, there was no large town close to the
mountain, and therefore not as great loss of life as in
Martinique, but nearly two thousand persons in the rural
districts lost their lives. These were burned to death by hot
sand or were killed by lightning, there being no suffocation,
as in St. Pierre. A layer of ashes fell over the entire
island, and in the northeastern part the land was buried in
ashes and stones to the depth of eighteen inches. As a
consequence, all the crops were destroyed.
Repeated outbreaks of both Mont Pelée and La Souffrière
occurred at intervals during more than a year following the
great explosion, adding much to the destruction of the means
of living on large parts of the islands and to the misery of
the inhabitants remaining in the regions affected, though not
greatly to the loss of life. Of the relief in money and
supplies from all sources that was poured into the two
afflicted islands no full reckoning can be obtained; but the
Governor of the Windward Islands reported to the Colonial
Office at London on the 20th of June, 1903, that total
receipts for the Eruption Fund to that date were £77,000, and
expenditures £42,787. "I shall have sufficient funds left in
the Colony," he added, "to meet all present needs, unless any
further unforeseen misfortune takes place."
VULGATE, REVISION OF THE.
See (in this Volume)
PAPACY: A. D. 1907-1909.
{691}
W.
WAGES AND COST OF LIVING.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR REMUNERATION: WAGES, &c.
WAI-WU-PU.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.
WALDECK-ROUSSEAU, PIERRE MARIE:
Resignation of Ministry.
See (in this Volume )
FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (APRIL-OCTOBER).
WALLER, DR. AUGUSTUS.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: OPSONINS.
WALL STREET INVESTIGATION, THE.
See (in this Volume)
FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.
----------WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: Start--------
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: At Large:
Contradictory Feeling and Action in the World.
Its Causes.
International Barbarism with Inter-Personal Civilization.
The Two Main Knots of Difficulty in the Situation.
The British and the German Posture.
There was never before in the world so wide-spread and so
passionate a hatred of War, among civilized peoples, or so
earnest and determined an endeavor to supplant it by rational
methods of composing international disputes. At the same time,
there was never so frenzied a rivalry of preparation among the
nations for Warfare, by monstrous accumulation of its horrible
engines and tools. How can the glaring inconsistency be
accounted for without impeaching the general sanity of
mankind?
The strangeness of the situation was described most
graphically and feelingly, not long since, by Lord Rosebery,
in speaking at a banquet given to the delegates attending the
British Imperial Press Conference, at London, in June, 1909,
and his own feeling that went into the description of it
affords an explanation of the anomaly. "I do not know," said
the eloquent Earl, "that in some ways I have ever seen a
condition of things in Europe so remarkable, so peaceful, and
in some respects so ominous as the condition which exists at
this moment. There is a hush in Europe, a hush in which you
may almost hear a leaf fall to the ground. There is an
absolute absence of any questions which ordinarily lead to
war. One of the great Empires which is sometimes supposed to
menace peace is entirely engrossed with its own internal
affairs. Another great Eastern empire which furnished a
perpetual problem to statesmen has taken a new lease of life
and youth in searching for constitutional peace and reform.
"All forebodes peace; and yet at the same time, combined with
this total absence of all questions of friction, there never
was in the history of the world so threatening and so
overpowering a preparation for war. That is a sign which I
confess I regard as most ominous. For 40 years it has been a
platitude to say that Europe is an armed camp, and for 40
years it has been true that all the nations have been facing
each other armed to the teeth, and that has been in some
respects a guarantee of peace. Now, what do we see? Without
any tangible reason we see the nations preparing new
armaments. They cannot arm any more men on land, so they have
to seek new armaments upon the sea, piling up these enormous
preparations as if for some great Armageddon—and that in a
time of profoundest peace. We live in the midst of what I
think was called by Petrarch _tacens bellum_—a silent
warfare, in which not a drop of blood is shed in anger, but in
which, however, the last drop is extracted from the living
body by the lancets of the European statesmen. There are
features in this general preparation for war which must cause
special anxiety to the friends of Great Britain and the
British Empire, but I will not dwell upon these. I will only
ask you who have come to this country to compare carefully the
armaments of Europe with our preparations to meet them, and
give your impressions to the Empire in return. (Cheers.) I
myself feel confident in the resolution and power of this
country to meet any reasonable conjunction of forces. But when
I see this bursting out of navies everywhere, when I see one
country alone asking for 25 millions of extra taxation for
warlike preparation, when I see the absolutely unprecedented
sacrifices which are asked from us on the same ground, I do
begin to feel uneasy at the outcome of it all and wonder where
it will stop, or if it is nearly going to bring back Europe
into a state of barbarism, (hear, hear), or whether it will
cause a catastrophe in which the working men of the world will
say, ‘We will have no more of this madness, this foolery which
is grinding us to powder.’ (Cheers.)
"We can and we will build Dreadnoughts—or whatever the newest
type of ship may be (loud cheers)—as long as we have a
shilling to spend on them or a man to put into them. (Loud
cheers.) All that we can and will do; but I am not sure that
even that will be enough, and I think it may be your duty to
take back to your young dominions across the seas this message
and this impression—that some personal duty and responsibility
for national defence rests on every man and citizen. (Loud and
prolonged cheers.) Yes, take that message back with you. Tell
your people—if they can believe it—the deplorable way in which
Europe is lapsing into militarism and the pressure which is
put upon this little island to defend its liberties—and yours.
(Cheers.) But take this message also back with you—that the
old country is right at heart, that there is no failing or
weakness in heart, and that she rejoices in renewing her youth
in her giant dominions beyond the seas. (Loud cheers.) For her
own salvation she must look to herself, and that failing her
she must look to you. (Cheers.)"
{692}
Here, in the feeling of one superlatively civilized man, is
the feeling of more than half the world epitomized. It shrinks
with horror from the enormity of preparations that are "as if
for some great Armageddon," and shudders over what seems to be
"nearly going to bring back Europe into a state of barbarism";
but suspicion, distrust, fear impel it nevertheless, to cry
with Lord Rosebery: "We can and we will build Dreadnoughts as
long as we have a shilling to spend on them or a man to put
into them—because others are building them who may use them
against us." There is senselessness in this predicament of
mind, but it is the senselessness of a persisting
international barbarism, which keeps nation-neighbors still
standing in attitudes toward one another which became
foolishness to individual neighbors a thousand years ago. It
means, simply, that the society of nations is as barbaric as
it was when Englishmen and Normans fought at Senlac; and that
it is only in little street-neighborhoods that men have
arrived at the rational relationships which offer an
appearance of civilization in some parts of the world.
Two principal knots of difficulty must be cut in some way,
before an international civilization can be developed, by the
rational and moral processes which have civilized us
interpersonally in some considerable degree. The hardest of
these knots is tightened upon England, by the weight and the
strain of her great world-wide empire on the little island to
which it is bound. Not only the whole exterior fabric of
British Empire, but the bare subsistence of the people of the
small island at its center, depends on the uninterrupted use
of the surrounding seas for trade and travel between its
parts. To lose freedom in that use means the downfall of Great
Britain, not merely as a militant power, but in everything
that could carry her past importance into the future of the
world. It means so much as this, because the resources of the
island-home of the nation, within themselves, are so small.
There can be no wonder, then, that Englishmen reckon nothing
else so important to them as an indisputable free use of the
seas. Nor can there be wonder that they learned in the past to
look on an indisputable free use of the seas as implying a
mastery of the sea. Until within the last generation or two
this was the sole condition on which there could be security
in ocean trade. That it remains so still is the continued
belief of all the Governments which put millions on millions
into bigger and bigger steel-clad battleships, and of the
publics behind the Governments, which cry with Rosebery, "We
can and we will build Dreadnoughts as long as we have a
shilling to spend on them or a man to put into them." England
differs from the rest only in the imperativeness to her of
what is simply important to them. If security in the use of
the seas is still impossible of attainment without the
supremacy over them of an irresistible sea-power, then England
has justifications for the enormity of her naval armament
which no other nation can claim.
So long as a majority of Englishmen feel constrained to
believe that their ocean trade is made secure from hostile
obstruction by nothing but their naval strength, so long they
will strive to maintain a navy that shall be equal to the
combined navies of any other two Powers; and so long as that
"Two Power Standard" of British naval policy remains
inflexible, it seems forbidding to the hope of a common
agreement among the maritime nations to reduce their building
of battleships. With other Powers than Germany there might be
possibilities of such an agreement, even subject to a
concession of British naval supremacy, because of the
exceptionality of circumstance in England’s case; but it is
here that we come to the second of the two principal knots of
difficulty which hinder the international civilization of the
world, now so flagrantly over-due. Germany, coming late, by a
tardy unification, into the national career which the German
people are entitled to, by their energy of spirit and capacity
of brain, is impatient in the ambitions that were repressed so
long. Her industries, her commerce, her maritime undertakings
have been pushed in the last generation, against the older
competitions of Europe and America, with an impassioned
determination that has won extraordinary triumphs on every
line. Here, again, as in the case of England, there is an
exceptional exposure of the nation to those perils from war
which the state of international barbarism still keeps in
suspense. Germany elbows so many close neighbors in Europe
that nothing but a perfectly trusting friendship or a
perfectly organized reign of law among them can make safety
for any. In the absence of both friendly trust and
authoritative law, they stand on guard against each other in
the twentieth century as they did in the tenth; but with arms
a hundred-fold more hellish and a thousand-fold more ruinous
in cost. Under the pressure of her long-pent ambitions and
energies, Germany has beaten all her neighbors in this as in
other fields of exertion. She commands the best trained, the
best organized, the best equipped army in the world, and
stands admittedly the first among military Powers. But
military power does not give "world power," in the accepted
meaning of that term, and Germany is impelled by all the
strong motives of our time to acquire that. She is competing
with England in commerce, in shipping, in exploitations of
enterprise, everywhere, and she manifestly hopes yet to make
good the lateness of her coming into the field of colonial
plantation. By everything in the prevailing theories of
statesmanship, this calls for a development of naval power to
mate the military; and Germany has been zealously obedient to
the call,—so zealously that England has taken alarm. Since
about the year 1900 a German navy has been created so fast
that the "two power standard" of Great Britain has begun of
late to be a seriously difficult, because a frightfully
costly, naval standard to maintain. Yet England more than ever
believes that she must maintain it at any cost; because the
strenuousness of the German navy-building inspires her with a
new distrust. Hence these two Powers are setting a new pace to
the increase of naval armament, all other Governments catching
some infection from the new temper of suspicion and distrust
which works in theirs.
And this, mainly, at least, is why the world is busier to-day
than it was ever busy before in building monstrous ships and
guns and horrible inventions of a thousand sorts for battle,
while it loathes battle and war as they were never loathed by
mankind before.
{693}
One of the most impressive of recent utterances on this grave
subject fell from the lips of the Secretary for Foreign
Affairs in the Government of Great Britain, Sir Edward Grey,
on the 29th of March, 1909, when he said in Parliament: "Sir,
the martial spirit, I should be the last to deny, has its
place, and its proper place, in the life of a nation. That the
nation should take pride in its power to resist force by force
is a natural and wholesome thing. It is a source of perfectly
healthy pride to have soundness of wind and limb and physical
strength, and it has no unworthy part in the national spirit.
That I sympathize with entirely, but I would ask the people to
consider to what consequences the growth of armaments has led.
The great countries of Europe are raising enormous revenues
and something like one-half of them is being spent on naval
and military preparations. You may call it national insurance,
that is perfectly true; but it is equally true that one-half
of the national revenue of the great countries in Europe is
being spent on what are, after all, preparations to kill each
other. Surely the extent to which this expenditure has grown
really becomes a satire and a reflection upon civilization.
(Cheers.) Not in our generation, perhaps, but if it goes on at
the rate at which it has recently increased, sooner or later I
believe it will submerge that civilization. The burden already
shows itself in national credit—less in our national credit
than in the national credit of other nations—but sooner or
later, if it goes on at this rate, it must lead to national
bankruptcy. Is it to be wondered that the hopes and
aspirations of the best men in the leading countries are
devoted to trying to find some means of checking it? (Cheers.)
Surely that is a statement of the case in which, however
attached a man may be to what I may call the martial spirit,
he may at least see that the whole of Europe is in the
presence of a great danger. But, Sir, no country alone can
save that."
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: At Large:
Lord Morley on the Responsibility of the Press.
Speaking to the Imperial Press Conference, at London, in June,
1909, and referring to the "rebarbarism of Europe—the
rattling back into arms and the preparation to use arms," Lord
Morley said he thought the Press was more answerable for this
than all the ministers, officers, and diplomatists taken
together, and he pleaded for a systematic and persevering work
on the part of newspapers in behalf of peace among the
nations.
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: Military:
Average Cost of the Armies of the Great Military Powers.
In his report on the French army budget of 1909 M. Gervais
made a calculation of the average military expenditure of the
six Powers—namely, Russia, Germany, France, Austria-Hungary,
Italy, and Japan, which can mobilize the largest armies, and
found the total amount spent annually to be no less than 5,037
million francs (more than $1,000,000,000), and the number of
men which they could put into the field to be 31,700,000. The
army which England can mobilize comes seventh, and is given as
555,000 men, though her average annual expenditure is the same
as that of France—namely, 700 million francs ($140,000,000).
Comparing next the expenditure and the effectives of France
and Germany, the report states that the German army estimates
show an increase in 1909 to 69 million francs, being fixed at
1,067,862,437f., of which 838,037,151f., belong to the
ordinary budget and 229,825,226f. to the extraordinary budget.
The French army estimates for the year were 742,443,745f.
($150,000,000). The totals on either side were: Germany,
34,118 officers and 602,670 men; France, 27,310 officers and
511,930 men. The average cost per man in Germany is l,398f.
and in France 1,150f.
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
Belgian Military Service Stiffened.
Substitution Abolished.
Personal Service Exacted.
Conscription of a mild type has existed in Belgium for some
years, supplemented by voluntary enlistments and ameliorated
by hired substitution, which released the well-to-do from
military service if they wished to escape it. The Liberals and
Socialists have for a long time been advocating the abolition
of the practice of substitution in favor of a system of
personal and universal military service; and, latterly they
were joined in the demand by a section of the Catholics. The
question became a dominant one in politics, and brought about
an extraordinary session of the Belgian Chamber in October,
1909, for discussion of a comprehensive measure of military
reform, for strengthening the self-defense of the kingdom. It
resulted in a decision that "general personal service
restricted to one son per family should be introduced, that
the annual contingent should be raised to 18,000 men, that the
peace strength should stand at 48,400, and that the eventual
war strength should be 250,000 men. It was also agreed that,
the ecclesiastics should be exempt."
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
Brazilian Military Service.
Service in the Brazilian army was made obligatory by
legislation in 1907.
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
The British Territorial Force.
The Reorganization of 1907-1908.
Lord Roberts’ Criticism.
His Bill for Compulsory Training.
The volunteer or militia forces of the United Kingdom, for
home service, underwent an important reorganization in 1907,
according to the provisions of an Act entitled the
"Territorial and Reserve Forces Act," the general scheme of
which may be learned from the following clauses, taken out of
the text of the Act:
"For the purposes of the reorganisation under this Act of His
Majesty’s military forces other than the regulars and their
reserves, and of the administration of those forces when so
reorganised, and for such other purposes as are mentioned in
this Act, an association may be established for any county in
the United Kingdom, with such powers and duties in connection
with the purposes aforesaid as may be conferred on it by or
under this Act. Associations shall be constituted, and the
members thereof shall be appointed and hold office in
accordance with schemes to be made by the Army Council."
"It shall be the duty of an association when constituted to
make itself acquainted with and conform to the plan of the
Army Council for the organisation of the Territorial Force
within the county and to ascertain the military resources and
capabilities of the county, and to render advice and
assistance to the Army Council and to such officers as the
Army Council may direct, and an association shall have,
exercise, and discharge such powers and duties connected with
the organisation and administration of His Majesty’s military
forces as may for the time being be transferred or assigned to
it by order of His Majesty signified under the hand of a
Secretary of State or, subject thereto, by regulations under
this Act, but an association shall not have any powers of
command or training over any part of His Majesty’s military
forces."
{694}
"The Army Council shall pay to an association, out of money
voted by Parliament for army services, such sums as, in the
opinion of the Army Council, are required to meet the
necessary expenditure connected with the exercise and
discharge by the association of its powers and duties.
"All men of the Territorial Force shall be enlisted by such
persons and in such manner and subject to such regulations as
may be prescribed: Provided that every man enlisted under this
Part of this Act—
(_a_)
Shall be enlisted for a county for which an association has
been established under this Act and shall be appointed to
serve in such corps for that county or for an area comprising
the whole or part of that county as he may select, and, if
that corps comprises more than one unit within the county,
shall be posted to such one of those units as he may select:
(_b_)
Shall be enlisted to serve for such a period as may be
prescribed, not exceeding four years, reckoned from the date
of his attestation:
(_c_)
May be re-engaged within twelve months before the end of his
current term of service for such a period as may be prescribed
not exceeding four years from the end of that term."
"Any part of the Territorial Force shall be liable to serve in
any part of the United Kingdom, but no part of the Territorial
Force shall be carried or ordered to go out of the United
Kingdom. Provided that it shall be lawful for His Majesty, if
he thinks fit, to accept the offer of any part or men of the
Territorial Force, signified through their commanding officer,
to subject themselves to the liability to serve in any place
outside the United Kingdom."
"Subject to the provisions of this section, every man of the
Territorial Force shall, by way of annual training—
(_a_)
Be trained for not less than eight nor more than fifteen, or
in the case of the mounted branch eighteen, days in every year
at such times and at such places in any part of the United
Kingdom as may be prescribed, and may for that purpose be
called out once or oftener in every year:
(_b_)
Attend the number of drills and fulfill the other conditions
relating to training prescribed for his arm or branch of the
service":
"His Majesty in Council may—Order that the period of annual
training in any year of all or any part of the Territorial
Force be extended, but so that the whole period of annual
training be not more than thirty days in any year."
The King is empowered to make orders with respect to pay and
allowances of the Territorial Force, as well as concerning its
government and discipline.
Under this Act the Territorial Force assumed form on the 1st
of April, 1908. The former organizations of Yeomanry and
Volunteers were given until 30th June to transfer to the new
Force. The strength of the Yeomanry and Volunteers on 31st
March had been 9,174 officers and 241,085 men. On 1st July the
strength of the new Force, including both transfers and
recruits, was about 8,000 officers and 176,500 men. Of these
some 112,000 men had joined for one year.
The latest published statement of the enrollment in the
Territorial Force (that can be referred to, here) was made on
the 26th of April, 1909, in the House of Lords, by Lord Lucas,
speaking for the Government, in reply to questions as to "how
many of the 315,000 men required to complete the Territorial
Force had been enrolled up to date; how many of these now
serving in the force were under 20 years of age; what was the
lowest age at which they had been and were now accepted; and
how many Territorials now serving had engaged for one year
only." The answer was: "the strength of the Territorial Force
on the first of this month was 8,938 officers out of an
establishment of 11,267, or 79 percent.; 254,524 men out of a
strength of 302,047; or a total of 263,462 out of an
establishment of 313,314, which came out at 84 per cent. In
answer to the second question he was sorry that they had not
got later particulars than October 1, 1908, but on that day
there were 188,785 men on the strength of the Territorial
Force of whom 62,288 were under 20. The answer to the third
question was that the limit of age for men was 17, and for
boys 14. In answer to the fourth, he could not give the noble
earl the actual number of men serving at the present time for
one year, but the figures he could give would make it pretty
clear. They had last year 107,857 one-year men serving in the
force—Volunteers who had transferred for one year. On April 1
last out of these 107,857 men 56,238 had already reengaged for
one year or more. That was to say, that these men had
signified their intention of re-engaging before their year was
actually up."
Lord Roberts has no confidence in the efficiency of the
Territorial Force, as a voluntary organization. In a letter
read to the House of Lords on the 17th of May, 1909, when a
motion expressive of this opinion was to be made and he found
himself unable to attend and support it personally, he wrote:
"On July 10, 1905, I said that ‘I have no hesitation in
stating that our armed forces as a body are as absolutely
unfitted and unprepared for war as they were in 1899-1900.
Close upon four years have passed since then, and I have no
hesitation in reaffirming my conviction."
Subsequently Lord Roberts introduced in the House of Lords a
"National Service (Training and Home Defence) Bill," on which
he spoke with great earnestness on the 12th of July. His Bill
imposed on all male subjects the obligation of serving in the
Territorial Force between the ages of 18 and 30, excepting
officers of the Regular and Reserve Forces, naval and
military, and some others; but subject to this and other
modifications every person who came under the Bill would be in
the same position as a person who voluntarily joins the
existing Territorial Force. The liability to training would
not extend over the whole term of service, but be limited to
four years. The Bill provided for absolute equality of
treatment of all classes, no purchase of discharge or of
exemption from service being allowed; but in the matter of
training various exemptions were provided for.
The Bill encountered more opposition than support in the
debate on it, and did not secure a second reading.
{695}
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
British Army Reorganization.
Creation of a General Staff.
Result of the Report of the Esher Army Commission.
Work of the Defence Committee.
Speaking, in April, at the Imperial Conference of 1907, Mr.
Haldane, the Secretary for War in the British Ministry, gave a
brief but clear account of the reforms in the organization of
the Army which had been in progress since 1904. "The effect of
the war in South Africa," he said, "made a profound impression
on the minds of our advisers here. We realized that we had
gone into the war without adequate preparation for war on a
great scale, and that we had never fully apprehended the
importance of the maxim that all preparation in time of peace
must be preparation for war; it is of no use unless it is
designed for that; it is the only justification for the
maintenance of armies—the preparation for war. In consequence,
when the war was over, the then Government set to work—and the
present Government has continued to work—to endeavour to put
the modern military organization into shape. In 1904 a very
important committee sat. It was presided over by a civilian
who had given great attention to the study of military
organization, Lord Esher, and it contained on it two very
distinguished exponents of naval and military views, Sir John
Fisher and Sir George Clarke, as its other members. The
committee reported, and its report contained a complete scheme
for the reorganization of the War Office and of the Army. That
scheme was adopted by the late Government and has been carried
on by the present Government. One broad feature is this, that
our naval organization has been the one with which we have
been conspicuously successful in the history of this country,
as distinguished from our military organization, and,
therefore, as far as was possible, the naval organization was
taken as a type. But the broad feature which emerged with
regard to military preparations was this—Count Moltke was
able to organize victory for the Prussian and German armies in
1866, and again in 1870, because he and the General Staff
working under him were free to apply their minds wholly to war
preparation. That he was able to do this was due to the fact
that the organization and business administration of the Army
in peace were kept entirely distinct from the service which
consisted in the study of war problems and in the higher
training of the Staff and of the troops. That was the
principle recommended by the Esher Committee, and it
culminated in the provision of a brain for the Army in the
shape of a General Staff. That General Staff we have been at
work on for a long time past in endeavouring to get together.
The task was not as difficult as it seemed at first, because
the effect of the war was to bring to the front a number of
young officers who had shown remarkable capacity, and who
constituted the nucleus of a serious and thoughtful military
school. They were got together under the Esher reorganization,
and virtually there has been a General Staff in existence for
some time. But it was not until last September that it
received formal and complete shape in the Army Order of that
month."
Besides this fundamental reform, the Esher Commission pointed
the way to other important changes or effective improvements
in the administrative system of the Army. In place of the
commander-in-chief, a new post, that of inspector-general,
with a term of five years, was proposed, the principal duty of
the office being to inspect and report on the efficiency of
the military forces. Earl Roberts had just retired from the
position of commander-in-chief, and the Duke of Connaught
became inspector-general under the new regime. The existing
Defence Committee, instituted in 1902, was to be enlarged by
the addition of a permanent secretary, holding office for five
years; two naval officers, selected by the admiralty; two
military officers, chosen by the Viceroy of India; and, if
possible, other colonial representatives, holding office for
two years.
Of the importance of this Defence Committee, and of its work,
Prime Minister Asquith took occasion to speak recently in
Parliament (July 29, 1909). "Under the present Government," he
said, "during the four years we have been in office the full
Committee constituted by my predecessor, and which has since
rendered the same service to myself, has consisted of six
Cabinet Ministers in addition to the Prime Minister—namely,
the four Secretaries of State other than the Home Secretary,
the First Lord of the Admiralty, and the Chancellor of the
Exchequer. It has consisted next, as representing the Navy, of
the First Sea Lord and the Director of Naval Intelligence, and
as representing the Army the Chief of the General Staff and
the Director of Military Operations; and in addition to these
official members it has had the services and the coöperation
of the Inspector-General of the Forces (Sir John French), who
occupies an independent position; of Lord Esher, who is a
great expert in all these matters; and latterly, at my
nomination, Admiral Sir Arthur Wilson. That has been the
composition of the full Committee, but from time to time we
were able to add to it, and we ought to add to it, members
_ad hoc_. …
"The functions of the Defence Committee arise out of the
necessity felt, I think, in almost all the great countries of
the world, but which is nowhere so pressing as it is here
owing to our geographical and economic conditions—the
necessity of coordinating the work of the Navy and Army. It is
the primary business of the Defence Committee to study and
determine what is the best provision that can from time to
time be made for the military and naval requirements of the
Empire as a whole, to keep both naval and military
requirements, and their due relation to each other, constantly
in view." Giving examples of the subjects which the committee
had discussed, he said they had had under consideration the
military needs of the Empire with reference to recent changes
in Army organization; its military requirements as affected by
the defence of India; the strategical aspects of the Firth of
Clyde Canal; aerial navigation in view of the present and
prospective developments; our policy in regard to the Channel
tunnel and to the means of transit across the Channel; the
standard of fixed defences and garrisons in various parts of
the Empire, and the scale of reinforcements.
{696}
"In 1905 Mr. Balfour, who was then Prime Minister, made a
statement of the highest importance in regard to the
possibility of an invasion of these islands. Since then Lord
Roberts had asked for a reinvestigation of the problem in the
light of new facts and of the changed situation, and in 1907 a
special committee of the Committee of Imperial Defence was
appointed to go into the whole matter. In arriving at their
conclusion the committee conceded to those who were
apprehensive of invasion that it would take place when our
Regular Forces were absent upon some foreign expedition and
that the attack might be a surprise attack. The view
unanimously arrived at was, in the first place, that as long
as the naval supremacy of the country was adequately assured,
invasion on a large scale, involving the transport of 150,000
men, was an absolutely impracticable operation. The committee
held, on the other hand, that if we were permanently to lose
command of the sea, whatever might be the strength and
organization of our military forces at the moment—even if we
had an army like that of Germany—the subjection of the country
by the enemy would be inevitable. It followed from this that
it was the business of the Admiralty to maintain our naval
supremacy at such a height as would enable us to retain
command of the sea against any reasonably possible
combination. The second conclusion arrived at was that we
ought to have an Army for home defence sufficient in numbers
and organization to repel raids and to compel an enemy who
contemplated invasion to embark a force so considerable that
it could not possibly evade our Fleet. The belief of the
Admiralty was that a force of 70,000 men could not get
through; but an ample margin must be allowed for safety, and
it therefore became the business of the War Office to see that
we had a force capable of dealing effectively with 70,000 men.
For this country, then, to be secure against invasion we ought
to have an unassailable supremacy at sea and a home Army ready
to cope with a force of the dimensions he had named. It was
upon these conclusions that both the military and naval policy
of the country during his administration would be carried on."
Speaking in Parliament, in June, 1909, of the peculiar
character and efficient quality of the Regular Army of Great
Britain, Mr. Haldane, the Secretary for War, described it as
"an Army of the kind which no other Power in the world
possesses to the same extent as we do. It is customary," he
said, "to speak of the small British Army; but what Power in
the world has 80,000 white soldiers raised in their own
country stationed in a country like India, and 40,000 in other
parts of the Empire, and a further large force at home which
is tending to increase—and more and more the overseas
Dominions are tending to undertake their own defence? Now that
force is not primarily for use at home, though it may be used
for that; its real purpose is to work with the Navy overseas
and to undertake wars there. The great armies of the Continent
can only be mobilized for a limited time, and they cannot
undertake wars which last for two or five or ten years, as
ours can because it is a professional Army and leaves the
resources of the nation unaffected. That kind of overseas Army
is a peculiarity of the military organization of this country,
a peculiarity which is too often overlooked, but which is just
as essential as the command of the sea."
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
German Emperor’s Speech.
The following speech by the Emperor William was made at
Karlsruhe, September 11, 1909, after a military review in
Baden: "We Germans are a people glad to bear arms and proud of
the game of war (_kriegsspielfreudiy_). We carry the
burden of our defence lightly and willingly, for we know that,
we must preserve and maintain our peace in which alone our
labour can prosper. At the review from which I have just come
I have seen that portion of the warrior sons of our Fatherland
which springs from the land of Baden. Today, under the command of
their illustrious lord, they have given me the most complete
satisfaction. So long as there are peoples there will be
enemies and envious folk; and so long as there are enemies and
envious folk it will be necessary to be on one’s guard against
them. Consequently there will continue to be prospects of war,
and even war itself, and we must be ready for everything.
Hence our army before all forms the _rocher de bronze_ on
which the peace of Europe is based and with which no one
intends to pick a quarrel. It is to preserve this peace, to
maintain the position in the world which is our due, that our
army serves; this also is the aim of the strenuous days which
are expected of it. But I am firmly convinced that it will
stand its test successfully and that our German Fatherland may
rest in confidence that we are on guard and that with God’s
help and under God’s protection nothing will befall us."
MILITARY AND NAVAL;
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
British Imperial Defence Conference of 1909.
Its Agreements for an Imperial System.
Compulsory Military Training contemplated in Australia.
In connection with the doubts that were awakened in Great
Britain, and throughout the British Empire, in 1909, as to the
adequacy of their general preparations for defence, the
Premier announced in the House of Commons, on the 3d of May,
that steps had "been taken to ascertain whether the
Governments of the self-governing Dominions are prepared to
favour a conference at an early date for the discussion of
Imperial co-operation for defence. The Government had
suggested, he said, that the conference should be held this
summer—if possible, in July." The proposal was approved
throughout the Empire, and delegates to the Conference from
each of the self-governing Dominions came to London and held
sessions with representatives of the Home Government,
beginning on the 28th of July. The delegates in attendance
were the following;
Commonwealth of Australia.—
Colonel J. F. Foxton, Minister without portfolio, assisted by
Captain Creswell and Colonel Bridges, naval and military
experts.
New Zealand.—
Sir Joseph Ward, Prime Minister and Minister of Defence.
Canada.—
Sir Frederick Borden, Minister of Militia and Defence, Mr. L.
Brodeur, Minister of Marine and Fisheries, these Ministers
being assisted by Admiral Kingsmill and General Sir Percy
Lake, as naval and military advisers.
Newfoundland.—
Sir E. P. Morris, Prime Minister.
Cape Colony.—
Mr. J. F. X. Merriman, Prime Minister.
Natal.—
Mr. J. R. Moor, Prime Minister, assisted by
Colonel Greene, Minister of Railways.
The Transvaal.—
General J. C. Smuts, Colonial Secretary.
Orange River Colony.—
General Hertzog, Colonial Secretary.
{697}
The discussions of the Conference were unreported, but on the
26th of August, after its adjournment, the Premier, in a
statement to the House of Commons, summarized its main
conclusions as follows: "First as regards military defence:
after the main Conference at the Foreign Office, a military
Conference took place at the War Office, and resulted in an
agreement on the fundamental principles set out in papers
which had been prepared by the General Staff for consideration
by the delegates. The substance of these papers, which will be
included among the papers to be published, was the
recommendation that, without impairing the complete control of
the Government of each Dominion over the military forces
raised within it, those forces should be standardized, the
formation of units, the arrangements for transport, the
patterns of weapons, and so forth, being as far as possible
assimilated to those which have been recently worked out for
the British Army. Thus while the Dominion troops would in each
case be raised for the defence of the Dominion concerned, it
would be made readily practicable in case of need for that
Dominion to mobilize and use them for the defence of the
Empire as a whole. The military Conference then entrusted to a
sub-Conference, consisting of military experts at headquarters
and from the various Dominions, and presided over by Sir
William Nicholson, acting for the first time in the capacity
of Chief of the Imperial General Staff, the duty of working
out the detailed application of these principles. I may point
out here that the creation early this year of an Imperial
General Staff thus brought into active working is a result of
the discussions and resolutions of the Conference of 1907.
Complete agreement was reached by the members of the
sub-Conference, and their conclusions were finally approved by
the main Conference and by the Committee of Imperial Defence,
which sat for the purpose under the presidency of the Prime
Minister. The result was a plan for so organizing the forces
of the Crown wherever they are that while preserving the
complete autonomy of each Dominion, should these Dominions
desire to assist in the defence of the Empire, in a real
emergency, their forces could be rapidly combined into one
homogeneous Imperial Army.
"Naval defence was discussed at meetings of the Conference
held at the Foreign Office on August 3, 5, and 6. The
Admiralty memorandum which had been circulated to the Dominion
representatives formed the basis of the preliminary
conference. The alternative methods which might be adopted by
Dominion Governments in co-operating in Imperial naval defence
were discussed. New Zealand preferred to adhere to her present
policy of contribution; Canada and Australia preferred to lay
the foundation of fleets of their own. It was recognized that
in building up a fleet a number of conditions should be
conformed to. The fleet must be of a certain size in order to
offer a permanent career to the officers and men engaged in
the service: the _personnel_ should be trained and
disciplined under regulations similar to those established in
the Royal Navy, in order to allow of both interchange and
union between the British and the Dominion services, and with
the same object the standard of vessels and armaments should
be uniform. A remodelling of the squadrons maintained in Far
Eastern waters was considered on the basis of establishing a
Pacific Fleet, to consist of three units in the East Indies,
Australia, and the China Seas. … The generous offer of New
Zealand and then of the Commonwealth Government to contribute
to Imperial naval defence by the gift each of a battleship was
accepted with the substitution of cruisers of the new
‘Indomitable’ type for battleships, these two ships to be
maintained one on the China and one on the Australian station.
Separate meetings took place at the Admiralty with the
representatives of Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, and
general statements were agreed to in each case for further
consideration by their respective Governments.
"As regards Australia, the suggested arrangement is that with
some temporary assistance from Imperial funds the Commonwealth
Government should provide and maintain the Australian unit of
the Pacific Fleet. The contribution of the New Zealand
Government would be applied towards the maintenance of the
China unit, of which some of the smaller vessels would have
New Zealand waters as their headquarters. The New Zealand
armoured cruiser would be stationed in China waters. As
regards Canada, it was considered that her double seaboard
rendered the provision of a fleet unit of the same kind
unsuitable for the present. It was proposed according to the
amount of money that might be available that Canada should
make a start with cruisers of the ‘Bristol’ class and
destroyers of the improved ‘River’ class, a part to be
stationed on the Atlantic seaboard and a part on the Pacific.
In accordance with an arrangement already made, the Canadian
Government would undertake the maintenance of dockyards at
Halifax and Esquimault, and it was a part of the arrangement
proposed by the Australian representatives that the
Commonwealth Government should eventually undertake the
maintenance of the dockyard at Sydney. Papers containing all
the material documents will be laid before Parliament in due
course, and it is hoped before the conclusion of the Session."
In Australia and New Zealand there had been eagerness for some
time to take a more effective part in the defence of the
Empire, their remote position and their contiguity to swarming
alien populations giving their people some special anxieties
which are reasonable enough. They are lonely communities of
Europeans, planted on the edge of the prodigious populations
of the Asiatic world. They have learned suddenly that some, at
least, of those populations can do things, in war and
otherwise, that were supposed to be reserved especially for
effective performance by the white variety of the human race.
What disposition of mind will move the Eastern folk in the
exercise of these powers of action—which are discoveries as
new to them as to us—has yet to be learned. It is doubtful if
they themselves know what the inclination of their career will
be, when they have really digested the new contents of their
minds and have fully surveyed their new position in the world.
Meantime, Australia has good reason to think anxiously of what
Japan certainly and China most probably can do, if they are
moved by imperialistic ambitions to an aggressive career.
{698}
If anywhere in the British Empire there was reason for the
lively stir of increased preparation for defence, it was Far
East Australasia. New Zealand, in March, had put a heavy
strain on its resources by offering to build a
_Dreadnought_ for the Imperial Navy, and Australia had
followed quickly by the proffer of another. When,
subsequently, these projects were superseded by the
arrangement made at the London Conference, funds raised by
private subscription for the Australian _Dreadnought_
were applied partly to the foundation of a naval college near
Sydney for the training of officers of the Australian
squadron, and partly to the establishment of at least two
farms for the training of young British immigrants, who will
be specially selected by the county colonization societies.
In acting promptly to realize the plans of military
organization that were formed at the London Conference,
Australia went far beyond anything that is likely to be done
by any other of the British Dominions, unless it may be New
Zealand; for that Commonwealth has undertaken to organize a
system of compulsory military training. A Defence Bill
introduced in the Federal Parliament on the 21st of September
applies compulsory training to all males from the age of 12 to
that of 20. "Junior cadets are to have annually 120 hours’
physical drill, elementary marching, and practice with
miniature rifles, for two years. Senior cadets will have 96
hours’ annually, including four whole-day drills, elementary
naval or military exercises, and musketry practice at ranges
up to 500 yards, for four years. The citizen forces are to
have 16 whole-day drills or their equivalent annually,
including eight days in camp for two years. Those who are to
undergo naval, artillery, and engineer training will have 25
days instead of 16. Males from the age of 20 to 26 will remain
enrolled, attending only one muster parade each year.
Exemptions will be made only on the ground of unfitness or in
the case of persons of non-European descent. The latter,
however, will be trained in non-combatant duties. Sparsely
populated districts may be exempted temporarily. Persons
failing to attend the training will be fined from £5 to £500
according to the culprit’s wealth, or may be confined and
trained till they have performed the duties they have shirked.
Persons failing to reach efficiency must undergo another
year’s training. The cadet training begins in 1911, and the
citizen training in 1912. When the scheme is in full working
order it is estimated that it will provide 40,000 junior
cadets, 75,000 senior cadets, and 55,000 citizen soldiers
under 21. The Militia, 25,000 strong, will thenceforth be
recruited only from the fully-trained, and will become a corps
d'élite."
On this subject of British imperial defence,
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909.
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
New Zealand adoption of Compulsory Military Training.
An Act which establishes compulsory military training in New
Zealand, on lines similar to that in Australia, passed the
colonial Parliament during its session which closed December
29, 1909.
NAVAL:
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
Brazil and Argentina in a "Dreadnought" Competition.
"The controversy between Brazil and Argentina about what is
called ‘equilibrium of armament’ is still carried on with much
animation in the Press of both countries, but apparently
without producing any effect, good or otherwise. The subject
of discord is the Brazilian Government’s order for three large
battleships of the ‘Dreadnought’ type, which is to be met by
an Argentine triplet, for which tenders are urgently called.
Fortunately these big ships take a long time to build, and by
the time they are ready the Press will probably be commenting
upon the _entente cordiale_ in South America and the
obsolescence of floating engines of war; but in the meantime
taxpayers in both countries are inclined to support the
somewhat daring proposal from Buenos Ayres that Brazil should
keep the first ‘Dreadnought,’ cede the second to Argentina,
and cancel the order for the third."
_Rio de Janeiro Correspondent
London Times, December 22, 1902._
Four months later the same correspondent telegraphed, May 3,
1909, among other statements quoted from the President’s
Message to Congress, that day: "In regard to the navy seven
vessels would be launched under the new programme. Two-thirds
of the total expenditure of £4,500,000 had already been paid
from ordinary resources, and this proved that the
reorganization of the navy would not be disastrous to the
national finances. Tenders would shortly be invited for the
construction of a new dry dock."
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
British Navy War Council.
The following is from an official statement issued by the
British Admiralty, October 11, 1909: "In further development
of the policy which has actuated the Board of Admiralty for
some time past of organizing a Navy War Council, it has been
decided to place on an established footing the arrangements
made in previous years for the study of strategy and the
consideration and working out of war plans. A new department,
called the Naval Mobilization Department, has been formed
under the directorship of a flag officer, and there is
concentrated in it that part of the business of the Naval
Intelligence Department and the Naval War College which
related to war plans and mobilization. Under the presidency of
the First Sea Lord, the officers directing the Naval
Intelligence Department and the Naval Mobilization Department,
and the Assistant Secretary of the Admiralty will form the
standing Navy War Council."
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
The British "Two Power Standard."
During the debate in the British House on the Navy Estimates,
in the spring of 1909, the Premier, Mr. Asquith, was called on
by the Opposition to define the Government's understanding of
the requirements of the "two Power standard" of naval
strength, so called (see above). In reply, he laid it down
that in dealing with this standard they must not merely take
into account the number of Dreadnoughts and Invincibles, but
the total effective strength of the British for defensive
purposes as compared with the combined effective strength of
any two other navy Powers. That was the two-Power standard as
understood by successive Administrations, and the present
Government had in this matter in no way changed the policy
pursued by preceding Administrations. For the moment this
question was an academic one, because whatever two Powers
might be selected, their combined effective strength for
aggressive purposes against Great Britain was far below the
defensive strength of the latter. The expression "two-Power
standard" was a purely empirical generalization, a convenient
rule of thumb, and he should be very sorry to predict that
this formula would be an adequate or necessary formula some
years hence.
{699}
In measuring the combined effective strength of the two next
strongest fleets the power of one powerful homogeneous fleet
ought to be borne in mind. Further it had been established
that the rule only applied to battleships and ships ejusdem
generis. Then in existing conditions "we ought not," he said,
"to limit our vision to Europe alone; but at the same time,
while considering the combined effective strength of any other
two Powers for aggressive purposes against this country regard
should be had to geographical conditions." Supposing China had
a fleet of Dreadnoughts, no rational Minister would treat that
fleet as standing upon the same footing for the purpose of the
two-Power standard as the German or French fleet. In the same
way, the fleet of the United States could not be put in the
same category with the fleets of France and Germany.
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
Canadian Share of the Undertakings of British Imperial Defence.
For performance of the share assumed by Canada, of
undertakings of British imperial defence agreed to at the
Imperial Conference in London, July, 1909 (see above), Sir
Wilfrid Laurier brought forward a Bill in the Dominion House
of Commons, on the 12th of January, 1910, the essential
provisions of which he set forth in a speech from which the
following passages are taken:
"The bill is entitled ‘An act respecting the naval service of
Canada.’ It provides for the creation of a naval force to be
composed of a permanent corps, of a reserve force, and of a
volunteer force on the same pattern absolutely as the present
organization of the militia force. … Every man who will be
enrolled for naval service in Canada will be enrolled by
voluntary engagement. There is no compulsion of any kind, no
conscription, no balloting. … ‘Active service’ as defined by
the act means service or duty during an emergency, and
emergency means war, invasion or insurrection, real or
apprehended. The act provides also that at any time when the
Governor in Council deems it advisable, in case of war,
invasion, or insurrection, the force may be called into active
service. There is also an important provision that while the
naval force is to be under the control of the Canadian
Government, and more directly under the control and
administration of the Department of Marine, yet in case of
emergency the Governor in Council may place at the disposal of
his Majesty for general service in the Royal Navy the naval
force or any part thereof, and any ships or vessels of the
naval service and any officers or men serving on these
vessels, or any officers or men of the naval service. There is
a subsequent provision that if action is taken by the Governor
in Council at a time when Parliament is not sitting,
Parliament shall immediately be called. …
"Another important provision of the bill is that it provides
for the establishment of a naval college on the pattern of the
Military College now in existence at Kingston."
Coming to a statement of the armament contemplated, the
Premier said: "Two plans were proposed and discussed, one
involving the expenditure of $2,000,000 a year and the other
involving an expenditure of $3,000,000. The first one would
have consisted of seven ships, the second one would have
consisted of eleven ships, namely—four Bristols, one Boadicea,
and six destroyers. We have determined to accept the second
proposition, that is to say, the larger one of eleven ships.
That is the force which we intend to create, and to start with
four Bristols, one Boadicea and six destroyers. Perhaps it
will be interesting to the House to understand what is meant
by a fleet unit, by a Bristol, a Boadicea, and a destroyer.
The fleet unit, which was suggested and which has been
accepted by Australia, and to which the government contributed
a certain sum per annum, is to be composed of one armored
cruiser of the type of the Indomitable, three protected
cruisers, six destroyers and three submarines. Now the fleet
which we have agreed to accept is to be composed of four
Bristols, one Boadicea, and six destroyers.
"A Bristol is a protected cruiser, which means that it has a
steel deck which protects all the vital parts of the ship. It
has a tonnage of 4,800 tons, with a speed of 25 knots. The
number of guns has not yet been determined, but the largest
Indomitable carries eight guns. A Boadicea carries six guns,
so that it is probable that the number of guns will be eight.
It has a total crew of 391 men, of which twenty are officers.
The Boadicea is an unarmored cruiser, with a tonnage of 3,300
tons, and carries six 4-inch guns. It has a crew of 278 men,
of whom seventeen are officers. We are to build six destroyers
of what is known as the improved river class. …
"The total cost of these eleven ships will be, according to
the British figures, £2,338,000, or a little more than
$11,000,000. According to Canadian prices, supposing the ships
were to be built in Canada, we would have to add at least 33
per cent, to the cost just given. I may say that it is our
intention to start at the earliest possible moment with the
construction of this fleet, and, if possible, to have the
construction done in Canada."
The leader of the Opposition, Mr. Borden, who spoke after Mr.
Laurier, endorsed fully the purpose of the Bill, but
criticised the proposals of the Government as being
inadequate. "They are," he said, "either too much or too
little. They are too much for carrying on experiments in the
organization of a Canadian naval service; they are too little
for immediate and effective aid, and it seems to me that the
policy of the Government will be attended with a very great
waste of money, with no immediate effective result."
The Bill embodying the naval programme of the Government, as
set forth by the Prime Minister, was enacted on the 11th of
March, 1910, by 119 votes to 78.
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
Chilian Navy-building.
It was reported from Santiago de Chile to the English Press,
October 21, 1909, that "the Government has decided upon a
naval expenditure of £4,000,000, which includes a 20,000 ton
battleship, two ocean-going destroyers, and several
submarines. Instructions for tenders have been sent to the
Commission in London." A later message to the American Press,
November 12, stated that "the naval building programme decided
upon by the Chilian government, provides for the construction
of one battleship, four torpedo boat destroyers, and two
submarines at an expenditure of $14,000,000."
{700}
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
The Chinese Programme.
A Press message from Peking, October 11, 1909, announced that
a naval commission, consisting of Prince Tsai-hsun, the
Regent’s brother, Admiral Sa Chen-ping, and Sir Chen Tung
Liang Cheng, who was secretary to the Special Chinese Embassy
to the Diamond Jubilee celebrations in 1897, left that day for
Europe. This was understood to be the first step toward the
fulfilment of China’s programme for the expenditure of
£40,000,000 on the rehabilitation of her army and navy.
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
Denmark’s Fortification and Naval Defense.
See (in this Volume)
DENMARK: A. D. 1905-1909.
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
The "Dreadnought" Era.
Outclassing of all Battleships built prior to 1906.
The New Type.
Effects of its Introduction.
The evolution of sea-fighting monstrosities received a
startling and revolutionizing impulsion in 1906, when a new
_Dreadnought_ (replacing an obsolete battleship of that
name) was added to the British navy. In size, plan and
armament it embodied naval teachings just taken from the
Russo-Japanese War, and was supposed to put every other
existing battle-ship into an inferior second class. It brought
suddenly a new standard into all comparative measurements of
naval power, impairing seriously the worth of the costly
monsters then afloat. It signalled, in fact, a start for
entirely new racing among the competitors for "sea-power,"
since the prizes of substantial fighting efficiency among the
navies must all be won over again, by the quickest builders of
the _Dreadnought_ type of ship. England had more reason
than any other nation to lament this happening, and her Lords
of the Admiralty have been sharply criticised for bringing it
about; though the new type of battle-ship would have had
creation elsewhere (as still newer types of monstrosity are
being created already) if English naval architects had not
produced it. Even Admiral Lord Charles Beresford has lashed
the naval authorities of his country for bringing on the
_Dreadnought_ craze. In a speech at London within the
past year he said that "he did not object to Dreadnoughts or
improvements in battleships; what he did object to was the
advertisement connected with the first Dreadnought. Then they
had told another nation that that ship would sink the whole of
its fleet, and the result was that that nation set to work
upon a definite naval programme of its own. Having given that
insane advertisement of their Dreadnought, the British delayed
ship-building with the inevitable result that they would have
to pay a great deal more than if they had kept up their yearly
proportion of ships. The command of the seas was their life,
and he believed that they would have to spend £50,000,000 more
than they need have spent through that insane advertisement.
It would be absolutely impossible for Great Britain alone,
under present conditions, to keep up the two-Power standard,
and if there were no other alternative, there could only be
the prospect of bankruptcy or defeat; but the two-Power
standard could easily be kept up with an Imperial Navy."
Similar criticism appeared in a pamphlet published last year
by Mr. Carnegie; and when his attention was called to the fact
that both Japan and Russia had bigger ships than the
_Dreadnought_ on the stocks before the latter was begun,
he wrote:
"Britain, having so much larger a Navy compared with any other
Power or compared with several other Powers together, should
have adopted the policy of waiting before building a type that
rendered most of her ships ineffective. She had nothing to
fear from Japan, Russia, nor the United States, and could
easily have overtaken Germany if Germany began building the
new type. Britain made such a noise about the Dreadnought as
to attract the attention of the whole world."
The following account of the _Dreadnought_ and of the
interest she had excited in naval circles appeared in a
prominent technical magazine while the building of the ship
was in progress:
"Not for many years has the building of a man-of-war excited
such wide-spread interest as that of H. M. S.
_Dreadnought_. In many respects this ship has assumed a
sensational character; she is the largest vessel ever
constructed for any war fleet; she was the first to be
commenced after the recent great struggle in the Far East; her
design, which embodies many new features, has hitherto been
kept an official secret, and the work of construction has been
pressed forward with so much success that it is hoped she will
be in commission within fourteen months of the laying of the
keel plates. All these facts have contributed to arouse
curiosity, particularly as it is well known that British naval
attaches were accorded special privileges by the Japanese and
were enabled to watch the progress of the war to greater
advantage than the representatives of other powers.
Consequently, from the day when the first whispers of the
coming of the _Dreadnought_ were heard, an unusual amount
of interest has been taken in this ship, not only in the
United Kingdom, but in foreign countries, and the influence of
the design may be traced in the new programmes of several
rival Powers. … The essential feature of the
_Dreadnought_ which distinguishes her from all
battleships now in commission in the world’s fleets is that
she is of huge size and mounts only one type of gun for use in
line of battle, instead of three types, as in the 'King Edward
VII.’ class.
"The war between Japan and Russia conclusively showed that the
intermediate armament carried by the vessels flying European
flags was not effective at modern battle ranges. Even on the
partial evidence obtained by the French authorities it has
been calculated that the effective ranges for battle have been
raised from 3000 yards to 7000 or 8000 yards. Careful
calculations show that at such a distance the striking power
of 7.5-inch and 6-inch guns, which have been the favourite
intermediate weapons in the British Navy hitherto, are
comparatively useless. … It is understood that originally the
_Dreadnought_ was to have carried twelve guns of the
12-inch type, but difficulties arose in working out the
design, and it was eventually decided to drop out two of these
weapons in order to mount effectively ten pieces of this
colossal striking power, so as to enable eight of them to fire
on the broadside, six ahead and four astern, without
endangering either the stability of the ship or running any
undue risks owing to the blast. … With a broadside of eight
12-inch guns, the _Dreadnought_ is equivalent to any two
battleships built for the British fleet prior to the
construction of 'King Edward VII.,' and yet her total cost,
complete with guns, will be only £1,797,497, while the ships
of the ‘King Edward VII.,’ class, carrying only four 12-inch
guns and the same number of 9.2-inch guns, represent an outlay
of just under a million and a half sterling."
_Cashier's Magazine,
June, 1906._
{701}
The steadily increasing sine of the _Dreadnought_ ships
is shown in the following, reported from Portsmouth, England,
September 30, 1909: "Since the launch of the
_Dreadnought_ by the King in February, 1906, each
successive ship which has taken the water at Portsmouth has
exceeded her predecessor in size. The weight of the
_Neptune_, successfully floated by the Duchess of Albany
to-day shows an advance of no fewer than 1,500 tons upon that
of the vessel launched by his Majesty; and of 500 tons over
that of the St. Vincent, the preceding battleship on the
building slip. The ship which is to be laid down next month
will probably far exceed the dimensions of the
_Neptune_."
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
England and Germany.
Their "Dreadnought" Building Compared.
The Question in the British Parliament and the Hysteria
in the Country.
An exciting period of debate in Parliament and of discussion
throughout Great Britain was opened on the 17th of March,
1909, when the Navy estimates for the coming year were
submitted to the House of Commons. In his speech on bringing
forward the Estimates, which contemplated an expenditure of
£35,142,700, being nearly £3,000,000 in excess of the
expenditures of the current year, the First Lord of the
Admiralty, Mr. Reginald McKenna, explained the reasons for the
increase at length, saying in part: "We cannot take stock of
our Navy, and measure our requirements except in relation to
the strength of foreign navies. I am, therefore, obliged to
refer to foreign countries in making estimates of our naval
requirements. Several of the Powers are rapidly developing
their naval strength at this moment; but none at a pace
comparable with that of Germany. If in what I have to say now
I select that Power as the standard by which to measure our
own requirements, the House will understand that I do so only
for what may be called arithmetical purposes, and without
presuming upon the expression of any feeling or opinion of my
own—except it be one of respectful admiration for
administrative and professional efficiency. …
"When the Estimates were presented to Parliament a year ago we
had seven battleships of the Dreadnought class and three
cruisers of the Invincible class, either afloat or in process
of construction. The whole of these were due for completion by
the end of 1910. At that time Germany was building four
Dreadnoughts and one Invincible, of which two Dreadnoughts
were expected to be completed by the end of this year, and the
remaining three ships in the autumn of 1910. Thus, at that
time, we had a superiority in these classes of ships of ten to
five in course of construction, with the additional advantage
that the whole of ours were expected to be completed some
months in advance of the last three of the German ships. The
new German Fleet Bill had at that time become law, and
according to our interpretation of its provisions three
Dreadnoughts and one Invincible would be laid down in the
course of the year 1908-1909. The financial provisions of that
Bill were such as to lead us to the opinion that no work would
be commenced upon these four ships until the month of August
last year, and that they would not be completed before
February, 1911. This time last year, therefore, we had to
contemplate five German ships under construction, three of
which would be completed in the autumn of 1910 and four more
ships to be commenced about August, 1908, and commissioned in
February, 1911. In view of this state of affairs this House of
Commons last year approved of a programme of two large ships
to be laid down at such a time as would give to this country a
total of 12 of these new ships, as against a possible
completed German total of nine. In the face of last year’s
programme no one could with any fairness charge this
Government with having started upon a race of competitive
armaments. By example as well as by precept we sought to check
the rapid rate of shipbuilding. We failed. …
"The difficulty in which the Government find themselves placed
at this moment is that we do not know—as we thought we did—the
rate at which German construction is taking place. We know
that the Germans have a law which, when all the ships under it
have been completed, will give them a navy more powerful than
any at present in existence. We know that, but we do not know
the rate at which the provisions of this Act are to be carried
into execution. We now expect that the four German ships of
the 1908-1909 programme will be completed, not in February, 1911,
but in the autumn of 1910. I am informed, moreover, that the
collection of materials and the manufacture of armaments,
guns, and gun-mountings have already begun for four more ships
which, according to the Navy Law, belong to the programme of
1909-1910. Therefore we have to take stock of the new
situation, in which we reckon not nine but 13 German ships may
be completed in 1911, and in 1912 such further ships, if any,
as may be begun in the course of the next financial year, or
laid down in April, 1910. We may stop here and pay a tribute
to the extraordinary growth of the power of constructing ships
of the largest size in Germany. Two years ago, I believe,
there were in Germany, with the possible exception of one or
two slips in private yards, no slip capable of carrying a
Dreadnought. To-day they have actually no less than 14 such
slips and three more under construction. And what is true of
the hull of the ships is true also of the guns, armour, and
mountings. Two years ago any one familiar with the capacity of
Krupp’s and other great German firms would have ridiculed the
possibility of their undertaking the supply of all the
component parts of eight battleships in a single year. To-day
this productive power is a realized fact, and it will tax the
resources of our own great firms if we are to retain the
supremacy in rapidity and Volume of construction.
{702}
"Having said so much on foreign naval development, I turn to
our own programme of construction. As I have said, we shall
have in March, 1911, eight completed Dreadnoughts and four
Invincibles. We propose to lay down two more Dreadnoughts in
July of this year, and the terms of the contracts will provide
that they shall be completed in July, 1911. … Two more ships
will be laid down in November this year, to be completed in
1911, and in that year our total strength in Dreadnoughts and
Invincibles will be 12 of the former and four of the latter.
The date, however, which we have to bear in mind is that up to
which the present programme must provide—April, 1912. I have
shown that we shall in the course of 1911 have 16 of these
modern ships, as against 13 ships for which Germany is already
making provision. The German law provides for four more ships
to be laid down in 1910-1911. But if the construction of these
ships is accelerated—as I understand was the case of the four
ships of the 1909-1910 programme—they would be completed by
April, 1912. Therefore on that date Germany would have 17
Dreadnoughts and Invincibles. But even if no acceleration
takes place before April, 1910, this number would be completed
in the autumn of 1912. This is a contingency which his
Majesty’s Government have to take into account.
"We cannot afford to run risks. If we are to be sure of
retaining superiority in this by far the most powerful types
of battleships, the Board of Admiralty must be in a position,
if the necessity arises, to give orders for guns,
gun-mountings, armour, and other materials at such a time and
to such an amount as will enable them to obtain delivery of
four more large armoured ships by March, 1912. We should be
prepared to meet the contingency of Germany having 17 of these
ships in the spring of 1912 by our having 20, but we can only
meet that contingency if the Government are empowered by
Parliament to give the necessary orders in the course of the
present year. I can well imagine that this method of
calculating in Dreadnoughts and Invincibles alone may seem
unsatisfactory, and even unfair to many persons. They may say:
‘What has become of the Lord Nelsons, the King Edwards, the
Duncans, and the Formidables and the earlier battleships on
which our naval superiority has been so constantly reckoned?
Is no account to be taken of our powerful fleet of armoured
cruisers, numbering no less than 35?’ Yes; the Board of
Admiralty have not forgotten these ships. They still
constitute a mighty fleet. The Dreadnought has not rendered
them obsolete, and many of them would give a good account of
themselves in the line of battle for many years to come. But,
though they have not been rendered obsolete by the
Dreadnoughts and the Invincibles, yet their life has been
shortened. … A battleship must be regarded as a machine of
which the output is fighting capacity. All improvements in the
designs of ships which increase the fighting capacity
necessarily shorten the life of earlier battleships just as in
the case of any other machine. The greater the value of the
improvements, the sooner the earlier ships become obsolete."
Mr. McKenna’s reckoning of the comparative numbers of
Dreadnoughts that Great Britain and Germany would have in 1912
was challenged at once by the leader of the Opposition, Mr.
Balfour, who said: "On the two-years’ basis of building we
shall in December, 1910, as I calculate, have ten, and only
ten, Dreadnoughts. But the Germans at that date, as I
calculate, will have 13. That assumes, of course, that I am
right in stating, and I do not think I shall be contradicted,
that the Germans anticipated their programme by four months.
If you work that out, and assume that the German ships begun
last November, in anticipation by five months of the ordinary
date, are completed in two years, then you will find that I am
not wrong in saying that in December, 1910, we shall have only
ten Dreadnoughts and the Germans will have 13. That danger
period in which, according to my calculation, the ratio of
British to German Dreadnoughts is as ten to 13 extends, on the
basis of two years’ building, from December, 1910, to the end
of March, 1911. On April 1, 1911, the Germans, as I understand
it, will have only 13 and we shall have raised our number to
12. We should still, therefore, on April 1, 1911, according to
my calculation, have one less than the Germans, and that
period of what I might call the 12 British to 13 Germans will
last until July, 1911. Then we shall have 14; but in the
meanwhile the Germans, if they build their four ships this
year, in addition to the anticipated ships they laid down in
November, will have 17, as I understand. We should still have
14 in July, 1911, but the Germans would, as I make out, have
17."
Mr. Balfour contended that the four ships which, according to
the German programme, were to be laid down on the 1st of April
coming (1909) had been actually laid down in advance of that
time. He had information to that effect; whereas Mr. McKenna
was informed that materials for them had been collected in
advance, but that the construction was not begun. Mr. Balfour
contended stoutly for the correctness of his own information,
and argued: "If they [the four battleships supposedly waiting
to be laid down April 1, 1909] were laid down in November, as
I believe, that means that the Germans laid down eight
Dreadnoughts last year. They may lay down no Dreadnoughts this
year, and they may say, ‘We anticipated our four ships for
1909-1910; we anticipated them by laying them down in November;
we have no ships for this financial year.’ But there are two
other things to remember. Having laid down eight ships last
year, they may lay down four ships this year, or they may lay
down eight ships this year. That the capacity of their yards
and their great engineering shops renders that process
perfectly feasible no one now doubts. … If the Germans go on
at that rate, which is more than possible, the probability is
that they will have on April 1, 1912, 21 Dreadnoughts to our
20. The hypotheses, then, are these, and I want to make it
clear to the Government and to the House:—Eight Dreadnoughts
have been laid down in 1908 by Germany. If four are laid down
in 1909, there will be 17 on April 1, 1912; if eight are laid
down—as eight have been laid down last year—there will be 21
on April 1, 1912, to our 20; and if the Germans imitate the
policy of the present Government and lay down not only their
eight in the financial year, but begin a new group of four
when the Government propose their group of four, on April 1,
12 months hence, they will then have 25."
{703}
Over this difference of information as to the facts of German
Dreadnought-building, and consequent differences of
conclusion, controversy raged throughout the kingdom for
weeks. The Prime Minister, Mr. Asquith, tried unavailingly to
moderate the impeachment of German good faith in the matter.
"It is fair and right to the German Government that I should
say," he remarked, "that we have had a most distinct
declaration from them that it is not their intention to
accelerate their programme (cheers) and we cannot possibly, as
a Government, believing as we do most explicitly in the good
faith of those declarations (cheers), we cannot possibly put
before the House of Commons and Parliament a programme based
on the assumption that a declaration of that kind will not be
carried out. Be it observed—I want to be very careful in the
language I use about this—I am not saying that it is a pledge
in the sense of an agreement between the two countries.
Nothing of the kind. I should not accuse the German Government
of anything in the nature of bad faith if they altered their
intention. We have been told by them expressly and explicitly
that that is their intention, an intention not to accelerate,
or in other words not to do what the right honourable
gentleman contemplates, when he credits them with the
intention possibly of doing—namely, of laying down as many as
eight ships in one financial year. It is impossible in framing
these Estimates to do so while at the same time ignoring that
declaration from the German Government, and that is why I say
in taking this power to lay down if need be four ships on
April 1 next year we are making such provision as prudence
shows to be necessary for all the contingencies which we can
reasonably anticipate at the present moment."
At the same time, Mr. Asquith made a statement of importance
in reply to the question, Why should there be an increasing
competition in naval expenditure between these two countries?
"The question," he said, "has been raised by us, the British
Government, more than once, with a view to ascertaining
whether any proposal for a mutual reduction of expenditure for
naval purposes would be accepted by the German Government, but
we have been assured more than once, and in the most formal
manner, that their naval expenditure is governed solely by
reference to their own needs, and that their programme does
not depend upon ours. That is the statement which has been
made to us. They tell us quite plainly that if we build 100
Dreadnoughts we must not assume that they would add to their
naval programme, and, on the other hand, if we built no
Dreadnoughts at all they would go on with their programme just
as it is. If that is so, it is perfectly clear that there is
no possibility of an arrangement for mutual reduction. I
regret it very much, but I do not complain. The Germans, like
every other nation, are the best judges of their own national
requirements and necessities."
As will have been learned from Mr. McKenna’s statement, quoted
above, the Government desired authority to begin construction
of two new Dreadnoughts in July and two in November, 1909,
with contingent authority in addition to give orders during
the year for four more, if reasons for doing so appeared. This
did not satisfy the Opposition, which insisted that not less
than eight the new type of battle-ships should be built
outright; and a veritable panic of public excitement on the
subject of German designs against England was created in the
country, by the combined agency of speech and press and the
melodramatic stage. The Government was so little shaken by the
clamor that a motion of censure on its "declared policy" in the
matter was defeated in the House of Commons by a majority of
218. Nevertheless, on the 26th of July, Mr. McKenna made the
following announcement of a modification in its naval
programme:
"After very anxious and careful examination of the condition
of shipbuilding in foreign countries the Government have come
to the conclusion that it is desirable to take all the
necessary steps to ensure that the second four ships referred
to in this year’s programme should be completed by March,
1912. They propose to take all the necessary steps in the way
of preparation of plans, getting out of specifications,
invitations to tender, and, finally, the giving of orders
which will procure the delivery of these ships at the time I
have named. As was said in the month of March, there will be
no need to lay the keels of these ships in the course of the
present financial year. It will be quite time enough if the
keels are laid in the month of April next. …
"The examination of the state of foreign shipbuilding
programmes to which I have referred is bound to lead in the
minds of most members of the Committee to the conclusion that
the Government had no other course open to them. The Committee
had stated to them last March very amply what was the
condition of foreign shipbuilding up to that date. Since then
the development of shipbuilding in foreign countries has gone
on apace. Two countries, Italy and Austria, have now declared
a definite programme of four large armoured ships of the
latest type. In Italy one of those ships is already laid down,
a second is to be laid down immediately, and the remaining two
are both to be laid down in the course of the present year.
With regard to the Austrian programme, sceptics might say they
would never believe in it until, as in the case of Italy, they
saw the keels actually laid down, but the fact is every
earnest has been given of the determination of the Austrian
Government, and two large slips have been prepared for the
construction of battleships of the largest type."
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
The English Naval Programme for 1910.
"The navy estimates for 1910, which were issued by the British
Admiralty last night, provide for an expenditure of
$203,000,500, [thousands digits, "000", obscured and unknown]
an increase of $27,805,000 over 1909. The increase is almost
wholly taken up by shipbuilding armaments authorized by
Parliament before dissolution. The new programme provides for
five large armored ships, five protected cruisers, twenty
destroyers, and a considerable number of submarines. By April
1 there will be under construction seven battleships, three
armored, nine protected, and two unarmored cruisers,
thirty-seven destroyers, and nine submarines."
_New York Evening Post,
March 10, 1910._
{704}
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
The French Naval Administration.
Alarming discovery of Bad Conditions.
France was greatly startled and shocked in March, 1909, by
rumored scandals in naval administration, uncovered by the
investigations of a Parliamentary Commission, but not yet
officially made known. The report of the Commission was not
published until late in June, and when it appeared it
confirmed, not the worst of the state of things which rumor
had described, but enough to show an alarming and unsuspected
weakness of the nation on that side of its armament for war.
From the conclusion of the elaborate report a few translated
passages will suffice to indicate some of the conditions it
brought to light. In this final summary, the Commission states
that the testimony submitted by it establishes, among other
facts, the following:
"That during the last ten years Parliament has been asked to
authorize the construction of ships for which in most cases
the plans have not been definitely (_sérieusement_)
fixed; that months, and most generally years, elapsed between
the different contracts for the essential parts of the ships,
the hulls, the turrets, the boilers, &c., entailing
considerable loss of time and of money …; that numerous and
important changes were introduced in the course of
construction, … changes the chief inconvenience of which,
apart from the increase of expenditure and the retardation of
construction, is to impair that homogeneity which is the
supreme quality of a squadron; that most of these defects are
aggravated in the case of the six battleships of the Danton
type, the original contract for which, signed at the end of
December, 1906, has undergone hundreds of modifications which
must now be placed on a proper basis. …
"That the arsenals are not at present in a state to carry out
with the rapidity which is desirable new constructions and
repairs; that the mechanical equipment is in general
inadequate and out of date; that the abolition of piece-work,
which has coincided with a reduction of working hours and the
diminution of the powers and authority of the superintendents
in charge, has resulted in a considerable lessening of
production; and that lack of material sometimes entails a
stoppage of work. …
"That the four divisions of battleships and the cruiser
division of the Mediterranean Squadron have not the regulation
supply of steel shells, that the two divisions of armoured
cruisers of the Northern Squadron have only one-third of their
proper supply of steel shells, and that for both squadrons the
stores for renewing their supplies of steel shells are not
ready.
"That the various branches of the administration are wanting
in unity of views and purpose, in method and in defined
responsibility, and that neglect, disorder, and confusion too
frequently prevail. …
"In view of the fact that only a small part of the scheme of
1901 for modernizing ports and (lock yards in accordance with
the requirements of the construction programme of 1900 has
been executed, and in view of the total failure to provide
docking accommodation for the large battleships of the Danton
class, the Commission invites the Chamber to censure the want
of foresight and the indifference which these lamentable
discoveries disclose."
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
French Naval Programme revised in 1909.
Radical Changes in the Department of the Marine.
A despatch from Paris, June 8, 1909, announced:
"According to the _Temps_ this evening, the Navy Council
has finally decided to recommend that, in addition to 45 ships
of the line, the fleet shall consist of 12 ‘scout cruisers,’
60 large destroyers, and 64 submarines. The importance
attached to an increase in the number of capital ships, which
is the chief feature of the new proposals, is illustrated by a
comparison with the so-called ‘programmes’ of 1900 and 1907.
In 1900 it was decided on paper that the fleet should consist
of 28 battleships, 24 armoured cruisers, 52 destroyers, 263
torpedo-boats, and 38 submarines or submersibles. In 1907 the
composition of the fleet was changed to 38 battleships, 20
armoured cruisers, six scouts, 109 destroyers, 170
torpedo-boats, 82 submarines for offensive purposes, and 49
defence submarines.
"A comparison of these three ‘programmes’ shows an increase in
the number of capital ships and destroyers, the abolition of
armoured cruisers as a separate class and of torpedo-boats in
favour of destroyers, and a decrease in the number of
submarines. With regard to the existing armoured cruisers,
which the Navy Council no longer regards as efficient fighting
units, it may be noted that two out of the four 14,000-ton
Gambettas have not yet been completed. Given the age limit of
armoured ships as fixed at 20 years, only the six Danton and
the six République battleships would still figure on the
effective list by 1925. In other words, 33 armoured ships
would have to be completed during the next 16 years. In
addition, 12 scout cruisers would have to be constructed, and,
besides a number of submarines, over 100 destroyers would have
to be laid down, since the life of this class of vessel is
fixed at 17 years."
On the 29th of July the Paris correspondent of the London
_Times_ wrote: "It is semi officially announced this
evening that the Council of Ministers at its meeting to-day
approved a number of radical changes proposed by the new
Minister of Marine, among the higher ranks of the
_personnel_ of the naval administration. All the heads of
departments at the Ministry of Marine appointed under the old
regime have been removed and their places have been filled by
Admiral Boué de Lapeyrère’s own nominees. So complete a
reconstruction of a public department is without precedent in
modern French history. These changes, moreover, are
supplemented by a number of new appointments in the commands
afloat."
On the first of April, 1910, it was announced from Paris that
the Chamber of Deputies had voted to lay down two battle-ships
in the current year, designed to equal the latest type added
to the navies of Great Britain and Germany.
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
French Naval Administration.
Parliamentary Investigation.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (MARCH-JUNE).
{705}
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
The German Emperor’s Statement of his Peace Policy based
on Preparation for War.
In the spring of 1905, speaking at Bremen, on the unveiling of
a monument to his father, the Emperor made an impressive
statement of his motives in striving for the creation in
Germany of a great naval and military power. He said that in
boyhood he had been angered at the weakness of the German
navy, and that his policy had sprung from that feeling, not
directed toward aggression, but to the command of respect from
the rest of the world. His aim was to "do everything possible to
let bayonets and cannon rest, but to keep the bayonets sharp
and the cannon ready, so that envy and greed shall not disturb
us in tending our garden or building our beautiful house." "I
vowed," he said, "never to strike for world-mastery. The
world-power that I then dreamed of was to create for the
German Empire on all sides the most absolute confidence as a
quiet, honest, and peaceable neighbor. I have vowed that if
ever the time comes that history shall speak of a German
world-power, or a Hohenzollern world-power, this should not be
based upon conquest, but should come through the mutual
striving of nations after common purposes."
It is not difficult to believe in the perfect truthfulness of
this assertion of high motives, and the perfect sincerity with
which they have been obeyed, while seeing at the same time how
much, in their working, they have threatened the peace of the
world. As the power of Germany has grown under his hand, the
Kaiser has been tempted more and more to impose his will on
neighbors whose cannon were not as ready or their sharpened
bayonets as many as his. The world-power of his desire has
become more and more a dictatorial power. The peace he has
preserved by it has been peace on his own terms, more than
once. The result has been to excite throughout the world such
a feeling of being menaced by war as had not been known since
Napoleon’s day, and to impel among nations, big and little, a
more feverish and competitive arming for war than ever busied
them before. As worked out by the man, the Kaiser’s policy of
peace-making by the tools of war has certainly lost the
innocence it had when conceived by the boy.
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
The German Side of the Navy-building Question.
When, in March, 1909, debate on the Navy Estimates in England
started excitement over the rapidity with which Germany seemed
to have developed the building of Dreadnoughts, Chancellor
Bülow, on the 29th of that month, said in the Reichstag: "The
Federated Governments entertain no thoughts of entering into
competition with British sea-power by means of the
construction of the German navy. According to the provisions
of the Navy Law, the immovable purpose of German naval policy
is founded upon the fact that we desire to create our naval
armaments solely for the protection of our coasts and our
trade. It is, moreover, an indisputable fact that the
programme of our naval construction lies open in absolute
publicity. We have nothing to keep secret, nothing to hide,
and it is not intended to accelerate the carrying out of our
construction programme beyond the limits of time contemplated
by the law (_über die gesetzliche Frist hinaus zu
beschleunigen_). All rumours to the contrary are false. In
the autumn of 1912, at the earliest, we shall have ready for
service the 13 large new ships, including three armoured
cruisers, provided by law."
This statement was supplemented by one from Admiral Tirpitz,
who said:
"Now, as previously, we build all ships in about 36 months
—about 40 months in the small yards. To that period are added
trials, which last for several months. Equally inaccurate is
the assertion that, with a view to more rapid construction,
the contracts for the newer ships are placed sooner than is
allowed by the estimates. All that is true is the following:
Subject to approval by the Reichstag, contracts for two ships
of the 1909 financial programme were last autumn promised to
two private yards at comparatively low prices. This was done
because there was a danger that, if orders for four ships were
placed at the same time at the beginning of 1909 there would
be a considerable advance in price. If orders for two ships
were already placed the Imperial Navy Office was in a much
more favourable position for placing orders for the other two.
We can put the Imperial yards into competition with the
private yards. The Imperial yards cannot undertake more than
two ships at once. The private firms, therefore, will be
compelled to ask lower terms. If the matter has been kept
secret, that is solely because the firms must not be made
aware of the business transactions of the Navy Office.
Contracts for the ships have not been placed; assurances only
have been given. The contract is concluded only after the
voting of the estimate. The period for delivery is 36 months
from April 1, 1909. Not a penny is available for the
‘promised’ ships before April 1. That must be clear to
everybody who knows the Parliamentary conditions and our
accounts system. Not even indirectly has any money been
procured from banks for the yards in any way whatever by the
agency of the Navy Office.
"In regard to the placing of the order for the first of the
two ships special account was taken of the fact that the yard
in question is principally engaged in the construction of this
kind of ship. Accelerated completion of these two ships is
neither asked for nor intended. The firms get their money only
in quarterly instalments. Contracts for the two other ships of
this year’s programme are not to be placed until some months
after the conditions for tendering are drawn up late in the
summer. As the private yards no more than the Imperial yards
know whether they will get the orders for these ships, there
can be no possibility of special preparation of material. If
there has been any such accumulation, it is, presumably, due
to business reasons, certainly to no incentive of ours.
"In conclusion, I repeat once more with emphasis that, as the
Imperial Chancellor has already said, we shall have ready for
use in 1912 ten Dreadnoughts and three Invincibles—in all 13,
and not 17, large modern ships—and that not in the spring, but
in the autumn. How far it is right to base comparisons of
naval strength upon the number of Dreadnoughts is a question
which I shall not here discuss."
As to the suggested readiness and desire of Great Britain to
join in an international agreement for the limiting of naval
armaments, the Germans have always had a rather reasonable
answer, which was phrased forcibly by one of the Agrarian
organs when it said:
"When the weaker promises the stronger to abstain from all
means of increasing his strength, the strong man needs to make
no further effort to retain his relative preponderance for
ever. If the other naval Powers entered into such an
agreement, England, without taking upon herself any further
burdens, would retain mastery at sea before which all must
bow. Little need as we have to interfere with regard to
England’s programme, even so little need has England to look
askance upon our construction of ships, not to attack England,
but only in order to have a naval power with which even the
strongest opponent will not light-heartedly engage in battle.
This good right of ours we shall not surrender by any
agreement."
{706}
But a better view was that taken by one of the German
Conservative journals, the _Kreuz Zeitung_, which said
last summer: "First of all we must complete our construction
programme. Before that we could not agree to any limitation of
naval armaments. Otherwise we should not be able to create the
navy of moderate size which corresponds to our position as a
seafaring people. … Even after the completion of our
construction programme our navy will be but a dwarf as
compared with the British Navy. Nevertheless, the moment ought
then to have arrived for entering into an international
agreement about limitation of armaments, and on the part of
Germany there will, presumably, be readiness for it."
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
Elasticity of the German Navy Law.
At the annual meeting of the German Navy League in June, 1909,
Admiral Weber, speaking of the German Navy Law, praised its
elasticity. "In international relations," he said, "it had
lately proved to be a political instrument of equal force with
the American Monroe doctrine and the English two-Power
standard. In 1906 the Reichstag had agreed to increase the
size of capital ships without altering the number. The
amending law of 1908 (which shortened the ‘life’ of
battleships) had rendered possible a rational fulfilment of
all immediate possibilities with regard to battleships, small
cruisers, torpedo-boats, and submarines."
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
Italian and Austrian Programmes of Naval Construction.
A despatch from Rome in May, 1909, announced that the minister
of marine, Admiral Mirabello, had obtained the approval of the
Cabinet to a naval programme that provides for the
construction within three years at a total expense of
$52,800,000 of four "Dreadnoughts" and a number of fast scout
cruisers. A local paper stated that the decision to build
these vessels was reached after Italy had learned that
Austria-Hungary was going to spend $40,000,000 on increased
naval power.
Four months later, on the 1st of October, a report came to the
English Press from Rome as follows:
"The Minister of Marine announced in June that the ships would
be begun at once, and completed before the middle of 1912.
Only one, the Dante Alighieri, has yet been laid down, and
owing to some blunder with regard to her steel plates, no work
has been done on her for more than a month. The second is
still awaiting the completion of a building slip before it can
be laid down. As to the other two, according to the
_Tribuna_, the contracts, which ought to have been
concluded with two shipbuilding firms last June, have not yet
been even examined by the Council of State; consequently
neither firm has yet been able to begin the work which will be
necessary in its yards before the ships can be laid down. The
_Tribuna_ throws the blame upon the bureaucratic system."
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
Italian Fighting Strength at the End of 1909.
The fighting strength of the Italian Navy was reckoned by the
Rome correspondent of the London _Times_, in November,
1909, as follows:
"Counting in all four of the San Giorgio cruisers [only two of
which were then finished] as forming part of the available
navy at the end of this year, and setting aside some 20 ships
of various kinds and 40 or 50 torpedo-boats, which may,
however, be of some secondary use, the full fighting force of
the Italian navy at the beginning of 1910 should be six
first-class battleships, five second class battleships, seven
first-class armoured cruisers, three second-class armoured
cruisers, 19 destroyers, and 36 first-class torpedo-boats. But
it must be borne in mind that eight of the first 21 fighting
units—the five battleships and three armoured cruisers
described here as of the second class—are not very modern
ships.
"The shipbuilding programme of Admiral Mirabello promises,
besides other less important vessels, four battleships of the
Dreadnought type. As far as one could learn at first these
ships were to be on much the same lines as the Bellerophon,
with a displacement of 18,200, and an armament of ten 12 inch
guns. The chief question then was, When would they be ready
for sea? Admiral Mirabello said in 1912. In order to effect
this he would have had to revolutionize the whole system of
shipbuilding in the Italian navy."
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
Japan’s Armament, Present and Prospective.
The naval status of Japan in December, 1909, as ascertained
and described by the Tokio correspondent of T_he Times_,
London, was as follows:
"Ever since the Russo-Japanese War it has been well-nigh
impossible for the public to form a clear idea of what steps
were in progress with regard to the expansion and maintenance
of the Japanese Navy. In the year before the outbreak of the
conflict—namely, 1903, a programme of expansion was approved
by the Diet. It involved the building of three battleships,
three armoured cruisers, and two second-class cruisers; that
is to say, eight fighting vessels, displacing 100,000 tons
approximately. The cost was set down as ten millions sterling,
and the programme was to have been spread over a period of 11
years, ending in 1913. Subsequently, however, owing to
financial expediency, the time of completion was extended,
first to 1915, and thereafter to 1916, so that seven years
still remain. Knowing this and observing carefully what ships
were laid down from time to time, there should have been, it
will appear, no difficulty in forming a clear perception of
the actual conditions at any moment.
{707}
"But naturally the war produced a radical change in the plans
of the Japanese Admiralty. It became necessary at once to
adopt special measures for recouping the losses suffered in
battle, as well as for renewing armaments. Of course the
general public was not taken into official confidence in such
matters, and some time elapsed before people became vaguely
conscious that not one building programme only, but three, had
been taken in hand. Occasionally announcements were made of the
launch of such-and-such a battleship or the laying down of
such-and-such a cruiser, but as to which vessel belonged to
which programme, and what dimensions the several programmes
were ultimately to take, nothing could be clearly ascertained.
Now, at length, this obscurity has been removed. It is seen
that two of the programmes were undertaken with funds included
in the war expenditures, and that, therefore, the nation is
not required to make any further provision of money on these
accounts. These programmes are, first, an emergency programme,
carried out with what is called an ‘implementing fund,’ and,
secondly, an emergency programme carried out with an
‘adjustment fund.’ Under the three programmes, respectively,
the following vessels have been bought, built, or are
building:—
Third Period Expansion Programme.
Tons.
Katori, battleship 15,950
Kashima, battleship 16,400
Ibuki, armoured cruiser 14,600
Emergency Implementing Programme.
Aki, battleship 19,150
Satsuma, battleship 19,150
Tsukuba, armoured cruiser 13,750
Ikoma, armoured cruiser 13,750
Kurama, armoured cruiser 14,600
Tone, cruiser 4,400
Yodo, despatch boat 1,250
Mogami, despatch boat 1,350
Emergency Adjustment Programme.
Kawachi, battleship 21,000
Settsu, battleship 21,000
"There is here a total of 13 ships displacing 176,000 tons,
approximately, and to these have to be added 29 destroyers
built under the ‘emergency implementing programme.’ As for
the vessels which have still to be built, but which have not
yet been laid down, they are as follows:-
Third Period Programme.
Battleship, 1 16,000 tons
Armoured cruisers, 2 11,000 tons each
Cruisers, 2 5,000 tons each
Emergency Implementing Programme.
Armoured cruiser, 1 14,600 tons
Cruisers, 2 4,100 tons each
Destroyers, several 375 tons each
Torpedo-boats, 6 120 tons each
"These eight vessels, exclusive of torpedo craft, aggregate
over 70,000 tons, and if the two lists be combined, we get a
total of 21 ships displacing 247,000 tons, approximately,
apart from about 35 destroyers and six torpedo boats. …
"It may be mentioned that in February last the ships on the
active list of the Japanese Navy were:—
Battleships 13
Armoured Cruisers 12
Other Cruisers 43
Destroyers 59
Torpedo-boats 69"
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
Russian "Dreadnoughts" Building.
"The keels of the four Dreadnoughts which are to represent the
nucleus of Russia’s future navy were laid down in St.
Petersburg this morning. The materials to be employed will be
throughout Russian; the designs and the supervision will be
British. It is an open secret that the Tsar has taken a deep
personal interest in arrangements that have been made for
placing the contracts for the new ships."
_St. Petersburg Correspondent
London Times, June 16, 1909._
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
The United States Navy in 1909.
As summarized in the Annual Report of the Navy Department for
the fiscal year 1909, the United States Navy was composed, on
the 30th of June in that year, of the following vessels:
_Fit for Service, including those under Repair:_
First-class battle ships, 25;
second-class battle ship, 1;
armored cruisers, 12;
armored ram, 1;
single-turret harbor-defense monitors, 4;
double-turret monitors, 6;
protected cruisers, 22;
unprotected cruisers, 3;
scout cruisers, 3;
gunboats, 9;
light-draft gunboats, 3;
composite gunboats, 8;
training ships, 3;
training brigantine, 1;
special class (Dolphin, Vesuvius), 2;
gunboats under 500 tons, 12;
torpedo boat destroyers, 16;
steel torpedo boats, 33;
wooden torpedo boat, 1;
submarine torpedo boats, 12;
iron cruising vessels, steam, 5;
wooden ditto, 5;
wooden sailing vessels, 5;
tugs, 44;
auxiliary cruisers, 5;
converted yachts, 21;
colliers, 8;
transport and supply ships, 8;
hospital ships, 2;
receiving ships, 4;
prison ships, 3.
Total, 292.
_Under Construction: _
First-class battle ships, 6;
torpedo boat destroyers, 20;
submarine torpedo boats, 16;
tug, 1;
colliers, 6.
Total 49.
_Authorized_:
First-class battle ships, 2;
gunboat for Great Lakes, 1;
submarine torpedo boats, 4;
colliers, 2.
Total 9.
_Unfit for Service:_
Of all descriptions, 12.
Grand Total, 362.
Since the above report, the House of Representatives, by vote
on the 8th of April, 1910, authorized the building of two
additional battle ships of the first class, at a cost of
$6,000,000 each.
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
The World-round Cruise of the American Battleship Fleet,
1907-1909.
On the 16th of December, 1907, a fleet of battle-ships which,
comprised practically the whole available fighting force of
the United States Navy steamed away from Hampton Roads, on the
longest and most notable cruise ever made by so formidable an
assemblage of ships of war. Its primary appointment was to
circuit the American continents from the Atlantic to the
Pacific shores of the United States, and the further direction
of the voyage was left for future decision. Ultimately,
invitations from foreign governments drew the fleet to
Australia, New Zealand, China and Japan, and it returned from
these visits in the Far East by way of the Suez Canal and the
Mediterranean Sea. The duration of the long voyage was a year,
two months and six days, and the total miles of ocean
traversed were about 45,000. Many foreign ports were visited,
South American, Australasian, Asiatic and European, and
boundless hospitalities were bestowed everywhere on the fleet.
Its stay of some days at San Francisco, before leaving
American waters, was the grand event of the year to Americans
of that coast, and its call at Manila gave emphasis to
American authority in the Philippines.
Until it reached San Francisco the fleet was under the command
of Rear-Admiral Robley D. Evans; but physical disabilities
then compelled the retirement of Admiral Evans, and he was
succeeded in the command by Rear-Admiral Charles S. Sperry,
under whom the remainder of the voyage was made. The sixteen
battleships of the fleet were divided into two squadrons and
four divisions, each division consisting of vessels of the
same general type; the first division comprised the
Connecticut, Admiral Evans’s flag-ship, the Kansas, the
Vermont, and the Louisiana; the second included the Georgia,
the New Jersey, the Rhode Island and the Virginia; the third
included the Minnesota, the Ohio, the Missouri, and the Maine;
the fourth contained the Alabama, the Illinois, the Kearsarge,
and the Kentucky. The battle-ships were accompanied by two
supply-ships, a repair-ship, and a tender, and were preceded
from Hampton Roads by a flotilla of six torpedo-boats and a
squadron of armored cruisers.
{708}
From San Francisco to New Zealand the voyage of 6000 miles was
made with one stop, only, at Honolulu, and so perfectly in
order, it is said, that only twice did any ship fall out of
the line of formation, in which the ships steamed steadily
together, two hundred and fifty yards apart. This order, with
time-table regularity of movement, was maintained from
beginning to end, and when, on the 22d of February, 1909,
President Roosevelt welcomed the return of the fleet to
Hampton Roads, he was able to say with just pride: "This is
the first battle fleet that ever circumnavigated the globe.
Those who perform the feat again can but follow your
footsteps. You have falsified every prediction of failure made
by the prophets. In all your long cruise not an accident
worthy of mention has happened to a single battleship, nor yet
to the cruisers or torpedo-boats. You left this coast in a
high state of battle efficiency, and you return with your
efficiency increased as a war machine, as the fleet returns in
better shape than when it left. In addition, you have shown
yourselves the best of all possible ambassadors and heralds of
peace. Wherever you have landed you have borne yourselves so
as to make us at home proud of being your countrymen."
Before the undertaking of this notable cruise of a battle-ship
fleet having no militant mission, many political reasons for
and against the movement were urged and discussed. From the
naval point of view, professionally, the true motive of the
project was stated undoubtedly by Captain A. T. Mahan, in an
article published in the _Scientific American_, and it
had no political purpose whatever. "A perfectly sufficient
reason," said Captain Mahan, "is the experience to be gained
by the fleet in making a long voyage, which otherwise might
have to be made for the first time under the pressure of war,
and the disadvantage of not having experienced at least once
the huge administrative difficulties connected with so distant
an expedition by a large body of vessels dependent upon their
own resources. By ‘own resources’ must be understood, not that
which each vessel carries in herself, but self-dependence as
distinguished from dependence on near navy-yards—the great
snare of peace times. The renewal of stores and coal on the
voyage is a big problem, whether the supply vessels accompany
the fleet or are directed to join from point to point."
The following statistics are given of the cost of the cruise:
"The fleet burned 400,320 tons of coal, costing $1,078,994.
The transportation of this coal by naval and hired colliers
cost $1,463,825. The total coal bill was $2,646,069. There
were used on the engines and other machinery 125,000 gallons
of oil costing $43,750. No official statement has been made of
the cost of ammunition used in target and battle practice. The
figure is put at above a million dollars, and $20,000,000 is
estimated as the total cost of the 14 months’ cruise."
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
The World Naval Armament.
Fleets of the Great Powers in March, 1910.
A British Parliamentary Paper made public on the 29th of
April, 1910, gave statistics of the navies of the greater
Powers as they existed on the 31st of March. The following
summary of the figures appeared in the next issue of _The
Mail_. The letters at the heads of the columns signify—
E., England;
F., France;
R., Russia;
G., Germany;
I., Italy;
U., United States; and
J., Japan:--
Ships Built.
E. F. R. G. I. U. J.
Battleships 56 17 7 33 10 30 14
Armored C. D. Vessels - 8 2 7 - 10 -
Armored Cruisers 38 20 4 9 8 15 12
Protected Cruisers, I. 18 5 7 - - 3 2
Protected Cruisers, II. 35 9 2 23 3 16 11
Protected Cruisers, III 16 8 2 12 11 2 6
Unprotected Cruisers 2 - - 10 - 5 6
Scouts 8 - - - - 3 -
Torpedo Vessels 23 10 6 1 5 2 2
T. B. Destroyers 150 60 97 85 21 25 57
Torpedo Boats 116 246 63 82 96 30 69
Submarines 63 56 30 8 7 18 9
Ships Building.
E. F. R. G. I. U. J.
Battleships 9 6 8 8 2 4 3
Armored Cruisers 3 2 2 3 2 - 1
Protected Cruisers, II. 9 - - 5 - - 3
Unprotected Cruisers 2 - - - - - -
T. B. Destroyers 37 17 - 12 2 15 2
Submarines 11 23 3 * - 10 3
* Number uncertain.
----------WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: End--------
----------WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: Start--------
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1899-1909.
General Treaties of Arbitration concluded since the First
Peace Conference at The Hague.
"Arbitration in the sense of the present day dates from Jay’s
Treaty of 1794, in which Great Britain and the United States
bound themselves to arbitrate contested boundary claims
(Article 5); claims preferred by British creditors (Article
6); and, more especially, the claims of American and British
creditors based upon ‘irregular or illegal captures or
condemnations of their vessels and other property’ (Article
7). …
"The first award under it [Jay’s Treaty] was made in 1798, so
that exactly one hundred years elapsed until the call of the
First Hague Conference. Arbitrations in this period were very
frequent. Writers differ as to the exact number; for example
Dr. Darby instances no less than 471 cases, but in his
enthusiasm for the peaceful settlement of international
differences he has included a large number of interstate
arrangements, which cannot be regarded as international
arbitrations in the strict sense of the word. Mr. Fried, in
his Handbook of the Peace Movement, enumerates some 200. M. La
Fontaine gives a list of 177 instances to the year 1900, which
should be reduced to 171 arbitrations or agreements to
arbitrate before the meeting of the First Conference in 1899.
Professor John Bassett Moore is more conservative and
enumerates 136 cases of international arbitration during the
nineteenth century, in 57 of which the United States was a
party, with a like number of 57 to which Great Britain has
been a party.
{709}
"But, as happily said by M. Descamps, arbitration is not a
question of mathematics, and whether the instances be 471,
according to Darby or 136, according to Professor Moore, the
recourse to arbitration bids fair to become a habit with
nations."
_James Brown Scott,
The Hague Peace Conferences of 1899 and 1907,
Volume 1, pages 210 and 224-225._
Dr. Scott cites from M. La Fontaine a table showing the
participation of each State in arbitration. Germany has no
representation in the table, either as a whole or by any of
its parts; whereas every other nation of the least importance
in the world appears as having arbitrated some of its
disputes, prior to the preparation of this table.
At the First Peace Conference, of 1899, an attempt, strongly
supported, was made to frame and secure the adoption of a
treaty of arbitration by which the nations would bind
themselves to arbitrate a carefully selected list of subjects.
This failed, says Dr. Scott, in the work quoted above, "owing
to the opposition of Germany. As a compromise, Article 19 of
the convention for the peaceful adjustment of international
differences was adopted:
"‘Independently of existing general or special treaties
imposing the obligation to have recourse to arbitration on the
part of any of the Signatory Powers, these powers reserve to
themselves the right to conclude, either before the
ratification of the present convention or subsequent to that
date, new agreements, general or special, with a view of
extending the obligation to submit controversies to
arbitration to all cases which they consider suitable for such
submission’ (re-enacted in 1907 as Article 40).
"The article did not seem at the time to be of any special
importance and it was generally looked upon as useless because
independent and sovereign States possess the right without
special reservation to conclude arbitration agreements,
general or special, without being specifically empowered to do
so. The fact is, however, that this article, insignificant and
useless as it may seem, marks, one may almost say, an era in
the history of arbitration. The existence of the article has
called attention to the subject of arbitration and by
reference to it many States have negotiated arbitration
treaties. It is true that there is no legal obligation created
by the article and it is difficult to find a moral one, for it
is not declared to be the duty of any State to conclude
arbitration treaties. The moral effect of the article has,
however, been great and salutary, and the existence of
numerous arbitration treaties based upon the reservation
contained in the article shows the attention and respect which
nations pay to the various provisions of the Hague
Conference."
Dr. Scott adds to these remarks a list of treaties, of the
character contemplated, which had been entered into since the
First Hague Conference, up to the time at which he wrote, with
appended notes describing briefly the nature of the variously
broadened or narrowed reference clauses contained in them. A
more extended list has been published since by the
International Peace Bureau of Berne, Switzerland, for a copy
of which I am indebted to Mr. Frederick P. Keppel, Secretary
of Columbia University, New York. The list below is mainly
that of the International Peace Bureau, with the addition of a
few more recent treaties to which the United States has been a
party, obtained from the State Department at Washington. Some,
but not all, of Dr. Scott’s notes have been borrowed, with his
permission.
In the list of treaties as they are given here the date of
signature is entered first, with the prefix S.; that of
ratification follows, with the prefix R. When two dates of
ratification are given, the first is that by the government
named first in the entry of the parties to the treaty in
question. [Notes "A", "B", "C" and "E" are defined following
entry 105 below.]
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST:
List of States between which Permanent Treaties of Arbitration
have been concluded since the First Peace Conference at The
Hague, with the Dates of their Signature and Ratification.
1. Brazil and Chile.
S. May 18, 1899.
R. March 7, 1906, at Santiago.
2. Argentine and Uruguay.
S. June 8, 1899.
R. December 21, 1901.
Additional protocol
S. December 21, 1901.
R. December 18, 1901.
3. Argentine and Paraguay,
S. November 6, 1899.
R. June 5, 1902.
Additional protocol
S. January 25, 1902.
R. June 5, 1902.
4. Bolivia and Peru.
S. November 21, 1901.
R. December 29, 1903.
5. Spain and Mexico.
S. January 11, 1902.
R. July 18, 1902.
6. Nicaragua, Salvador, Honduras, Costa Rica.
S. January 20, 1902.
[R. No date given.]
7. Argentine and Spain.
S. January 28, 1902.
[R. No date given.]
8. Spain and Salvador.
S. January 28, 1902.
R. July 18, 1902.
9. Spain and Dominican Republic.
S. January 28, 1902.
R. July 18, 1902.
10. Spain and Uruguay.
S. January 28, 1902.
R. July 18, 1902.
11. Pan-American Treaty of obligatory arbitration between
Argentine, Bolivia, Guatemala, Mexico, Paraguay.
Peru, Dominican Republic, Salvador, and Uruguay (for
differences relating to diplomatic privileges, rights of
navigation, questions of frontiers and interpretation and
enforcement of treaties). E
S. January 29, 1902, at Mexico. According to Article 21 of the
Treaty it would become of force as soon as three States among
those which signed the Treaty should make known their
approbation to the government of Mexico, which would
communicate the information to other governments. It has been
ratified by the governments of Salvador, May 28, 1902, of
Guatemala, August 25, 1902, and of Uruguay, January 31, 1903.
12. Special Treaty between the seventeen States represented at
the Pan-American Conference at Mexico, including the United
States of America, relating to the adjustment by means of
arbitration of difficulties resulting from financial
questions.
S. January 30, 1902, at Mexico.
[R. No date given.]
13. Argentine and Bolivia.
S. February 3, 1902.
R. March 13, 1902.
14. Bolivia and Spain.
S. February 17, 1902.
R. October 10, 1903.
15. Colombia and Spain.
S. February 17, 1902
R. July 18, 1902.
16. Spain and Guatemala.
S. February 28, 1902.
R. July 18, 1902.
{710}
17. Mexico and Persia.
S. May 14, 1902.
[R. No date given.]
18. Argentine and Chile. E
S. May 28, 1902.
R. July 30, 1902.
19. Germany and Venezuela.
S. May 7, 1903.
(R. La ratification n’a pas étc exigée.)
20. Paraguay and Peru.
S. May 18, 1903.
[R. No date given.]
21. France and Great Britain. C
S. October 14, 1903.
R. February 25, 1904.
22. Guatemala, Nicaragua, Honduras and Salvador.
S. November, 1903.
[R. No date given.]
23. France and Italy. C
S. December 25, 1903.
R. March 26, 1904-March 7, 1904.
24. Great Britain and Italy. C
S. February 1, 1904.
Not ratified.
25. Denmark and The Netherlands. B
S. February 12, 1904.
R. March 8, 1906, at The Hague.
26. Spain and France. C
S. February 26, 1904.
R. March 7, 1904-April 20, 1904.
27. Spain and Great Britain. C
S. February 27, 1904.
R. March 7, 1904-March 16, 1904.
28. France and The Netherlands. C
S. April 6, 1904.
R. July 5, 1905, at Paris.
29. Spain and Portugal.
S. May 31, 1904.
Not ratified.
30. France and Sweden. C
S. July 9, 1904.
R. November 9, 1904.
31. France and Norway. C
S. July 9, 1904.
R. November 9, 1904.
32. Germany and Great Britain. C
S. July 12, 1904.
Without reserve of ratification.
33. Great Britain and Sweden. C
S. August 11, 1904.
R. November 9, 1904.
34. Great Britain and Norway. C
S. August 11, 1904.
R. November 9, 1904.
35. The Netherlands and Portugal.
S. October 1, 1904.
R. October 29, 1908, at The Hague.
36. Spain and Nicaragua.
S. October 4, 1904.
R. March 19, 1908.
37. Belgium and Russia. A
S. October 17/30, 1904.
R. September 9/August 27, 1905-July 27 /August 9, 1905.
38. Belgium and Switzerland. A
S. November 15, 1904.
R. August 19, 1905.
39. Great Britain and Switzerland. C
S. November 16, 1904.
R. July 12, 1905.
40. Great Britain and Portugal. C
S. November 16, 1904.
Not ratified.
41. Germany and The United States of America.
S. November 22, 1904.
Not ratified.
42. Italy and Switzerland. C
S. November 23, 1904.
R. December 5, 1905.
43. Norway and Russia. A
S. November 26/December 9, 1904.
R. February 27, 1905-February 12/25, 1905.
44. Russia and Sweden. A
S. November 26/December 9, 1904.
R. February 12/25-February 27/14, 1905.
45. Belgium and Sweden. A
S. November 30, 1904.
R. August 11, 1905.
46. Belgium and Norway. A
S. November 30, 1904.
R. August 11, 1905-October 30, 1906.
47. Austria-Hungary and Switzerland. C
S. December 3, 1904.
R. October 17, 1905, at Vienna.
48. France and Switzerland. C
S. December 14, 1904.
R. July 13, 1905.
49. Sweden and Switzerland. A
S. December 17, 1904.
R. July 13, 1905.
50. Norway and Switzerland. A
S. December 17, 1904.
R. July 13, 1905.
51. Austria-Hungary and The United States of America.
S. January 6, 1905.
Not ratified.
52. Austria-Hungary and Great Britain. C
S. January 11, 1905.
R. May 17, 1905, at Loudon.
53. Spain and Sweden.
S. January 23, 1905.
R. March 20, 1905.
54. Spain and Norway.
S. January 23, 1905.
R. March 20, 1905.
55. Belgium and Spain. A
S. January 23, 1905.
R. December 16-July 28, 1905.
56. Great Britain and The Netherlands. C
S. February 15, 1905.
R. July 12, 1905, at London.
57. Denmark and Russia. A
S. February 16/March 1, 1905.
R. April 11, 1905-March 20/April 3, 1905.
58. Italy and Peru.
S. April 18, 1905.
R. November 11, 1905.
59. Belgium and Greece. A
S. April 19/May 2, 1905.
R. July 9/22, 1905.
60. Belgium and Denmark. A
S. April 26, 1905.
R. May 2, 1906.
61. Portugal and Sweden. C
S. May 6, 1905.
Not ratified.
62. Norway and Portugal. C
S. May 6, 1905.
Not ratified.
63. Italy and Portugal. C
S. May 11, 1905.
Not ratified.
64. Spain and Honduras.
S. May 13, 1905.
R. July 16, 1906.
65. Belgium and Roumania. A
S. May 27/14, 1905.
R. October 9/September 26, 1905.
66. Portugal and Switzerland. C
S. August 18, 1905.
R. October 23, 1908, at Berne.
67. Argentine and Brazil.
S. September 7, 1905.
R. September 28, 1908-October 2, 1908.
68. Colombia and Peru.
S. September 12, 1905.
R. July 6, 1906, with the modus _rivendi_.
69. Denmark and France. C
S. September 15, 1905.
R. May 31, 1906.
70. Denmark and Great Britain. C
S. October 25, 1905.
R. May 4, 1906.
71. Norway and Sweden. A
S. October 26, 1905.
Without reserve of ratification.
72. Denmark and Spain. A
S. December 1, 1905.
R. May 10, 1906-May 14. 1906.
73. Denmark and Italy. B
S. December 16, 1905.
R. May 22--March 30, 1906.
74. Austria-Hungary and Portugal. C
S. February 13, 1906.
R. October 16, 1908, at Vienna.
75. Belgium and Nicaragua.
S. March 6, 1906.
Not ratified.
76. France and Portugal. C
S. July 29, 1906.
Not ratified.
77. Denmark and Portugal. B
S. March 20, 1907.
R. October 26, 1908, at Copenhagen.
78. Nicaragua and Salvador.
S. April 3, 1907.
Not ratified.
79. Spain and Switzerland. C
S. May 14, 1907.
R. July 9, 1907.
80. Argentine and Italy.
S. September 18, 1907.
Not ratified.
81. Italy and Mexico.
S. October 16, 1907.
R. December 31, 1907.
82. Honduras, Guatemala, Salvador, Nicaragua and Costa Rica.
S. December 20, 1907, at Washington.
R. March, 1908.
83. United States of America and France. D
S. February 10, 1908.
R. March 12, 1908, at Washington.
84. United States of America and Greece.-
S. February 29, 1908.
Not ratified [?].
85. United States of America and Switzerland. D
S. February 29, 1908.
R. December 23, 1908.
86. United States of America and Mexico. D
S. March 24, 1908.
R. June 27, 1908, at Washington.
{711}
87. United States of America and Italy. D
S. March 28, 1008.
R. January 22, 1900.
88. United States of America and Great Britain. D
S. April 4, 1008.
R. June 4, 1908, at Washington.
89. United States of America and Norway. D
S. April 4, 1908.
R. June 24, 1908, at Washington.
90. United States of America and Portugal. D
S. April 6, 1908.
R. November 14, 1908.
91. United States of America and Spain. D
S. April 20, 1908.
R. June 2, 1908, at Washington.
92. United States of America and Sweden. D
S. May 2, 1908.
R. August 18, 1908, at Washington.
93. United States of America and The Netherlands. D
S. May 2, 1908.
R. March 25, 1909.
94. United States of America and Japan. D
S. May 5, 1908.
R. August 24, 1908, at Washington.
95. Denmark and the United States of America. D
S. May 18, 1908.
R. March 29, 1909.
96. Denmark and Sweden. D
S. July 17, 1908.
Not ratified.
97. China and the United States of America. D
S. October 8, 1908.
R. April 6, 1909.
98. Denmark and Norway.
S. October 8, 1908.
Not ratified.
99. United States of America and Austria-Hungary. D
S. January 15, 1909, at Washington.
R. May 13, 1909.
100. United States of America and Peru. D
S. December 5, 1908, at Washington.
R. June 29, 1909.
101. United States of America and Salvador. D
S. December 21, 1908, at Washington.
R. July 3, 1909.
102. United States of America and Costa Rica. D
S. January 13, 1909, at Washington.
R. July 20, 1909.
NOTES.
The treaties differ in the range given to the obligation
imposed on the signatory parties, as to the nature of the
differences which they shall submit to arbitration. Most of
them, however, are divisible in this respect into three
classes, distinguished above by the reference letters "A,"
"B," and "C," and the distinction described in the following
notes thus marked, from Dr. Scott’s work. Treaties concluded
by the United States have an otherwise distinct character, as
explained in note "D."
A.—The article of reference in these treaties is substantially
(when not identically) as follows:
"The high contracting parties agree to submit to the permanent
Court of Arbitration established at The Hague by the
Convention of July 29, 1899, the differences which may arise
between them in the cases enumerated in Article 3, in so far
as they affect neither the independence, the honor, the vital
interests, nor the exercise of sovereignty of the contracting
countries, and provided it has been impossible to obtain an
amicable solution by means of direct diplomatic negotiations
or by any other method of conciliation.
"1. In case of disputes concerning the application or
interpretation of any convention concluded or to be concluded
between the high contracting parties and relating—a. To
matters of international private law; b. To the management of
companies; c. To matters of procedure, either civil or
criminal, and to extradition.
"2. In cases of disputes concerning pecuniary claims based on
damages, when the principle of indemnity has been recognized
by the parties.
"Differences which may arise with regard to the interpretation
or application of a convention concluded or to be concluded
between the high contracting parties and in which third powers
have participated or to which they have adhered shall be
excluded from settlement by arbitration."
"B. The treaties of this noble class are the few thus far
concluded which pledge the parties engaged in them to submit
_all differences that may arise between them to pacific
arbitration_, reserving no dispute, of any nature, to
become a possible entanglement in war. The formula of
reference in them is substantially this:
"The high contracting parties agree to submit to the permanent
Court of Arbitration established at The Hague by the
Convention of July 29, 1899, all differences of every nature
that may arise between them, and which cannot be settled by
diplomacy, and this even in the case of such differences as
have had their origin prior to the conclusion of the present
Convention."
C.—The reference clause in these treaties is substantially
alike in all, to the following purpose:
"Differences which may arise of a legal nature, or relating to
the interpretation of treaties existing between the two
contracting parties, and which it may not have been possible
to settle by diplomacy, shall be referred to the Permanent
Court of Arbitration, established at The Hague by the
convention of the 29th July, 1899; provided, nevertheless,
that they do not affect the vital interests, the independence,
or the honor of the two contracting States, and do not concern
the interests of third parties."
D.—In the treaties of arbitration negotiated by the United
States the article of reference is like that last quoted, in
Note C; but the following is added to it:
"In each individual case the High Contracting Parties, before
appealing to the Permanent Court of Arbitration, shall
conclude a special Agreement, defining clearly the matter in
dispute, the scope of the powers of the arbitrators, and the
periods to be fixed for the formation of the Arbitral Tribunal
and the several stages of the procedure. It is understood that
on the part of the United States such special agreements will
be made by the President of the United States, by and with the
advice and consent of the Senate thereof, and on the part of
Costa Rica shall be subject to the procedure required by the
Constitution and laws thereof."
This was required by the United States Senate, which rejected
a number of earlier arbitration treaties, negotiated by
Secretary Hay, because they would have allowed cases of
controversy with other nations to be referred to The Hague
Tribunal by the President without specific consent from the
Senate in each particular case. This brings the general treaty
of arbitration down very close to absurdity, leaving almost
nothing of its intended pacific influence to act.
E.—See below: A. D. 1901 (November), and 1902.
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1901 (November).
Treaty of Unreserved Arbitration for all Controversies between
Bolivia and Peru.
On the 21st of November, 1901, the republics of Bolivia and
Peru set a great example of trust in arbitration as a means of
settling controversies between nations, by concluding a
convention which pledged them for ten years to submit every
disagreement between themselves to that peaceful solution,
reserving no question whatsoever. Their example, as will be
seen, was remarkably imitated among their Spanish-American
neighbors in the following year. The subjoined are the
important articles of their compact of peace:
"Article 1.
The high contracting parties pledge themselves to submit to
arbitration all the controversies which have thus far been
pending, and those which, while the present treaty is in
force, may arise between them, whatever may be their nature
and causes provided that it has been found impossible to
settle them by direct negotiation.
"Article 2.
In each case that may arise the contracting parties shall
conclude a special agreement with a view to determining the
subject-matter of the controversy, to fixing the points that
are to be settled, the extent of the powers of the
arbitrators, and the procedure to be observed.
"Article 3.
In case the high contracting parties do not succeed in
agreeing on the points referred to in the foregoing article,
the arbitrator shall be authorized to determine, in view of
the claims of both parties, the points of fact and of law that
are to be decided for the settlement of the controversy, and
to establish the mode of procedure to be followed.
{712}
"Article 4.
The high contracting parties agree that the arbitrator shall
be the permanent court of arbitration that may be established
in virtue of the decisions adopted by the Pan-American
Conference now sitting in the City of Mexico.
"Article 5.
For these two cases: (_a_) If the court referred to in
the foregoing article shall not be created, and (_b_) if
there is need of having recourse to arbitration before that
court shall be created, the high contracting parties agree to
designate as arbitrator the Government of the Argentine
Republic, that of Spain, and that of the United Mexican States
for the performance of this duty, one to act in case of the
disability of the other, and in the order in which they are
named.
"Article 6.
If, while the present treaty is in force, and in the two
contingencies referred to in the foregoing article, different
cases of arbitration shall arise, they shall be successively
submitted for decision to the aforesaid governments in the
order above established.
"Article 7.
The arbitrator shall further be competent:
1. To pass upon the regularity of his appointment, the
validity of the agreement, and the interpretation thereof.
2. To adopt such measures as may be necessary, and to settle
all difficulties that may arise in the course of the debate.
Concerning questions of a technical or scientific character
that may arise during the debate, the opinion of the Royal
Geographical Society of London or that of the International
Geodetic Institute of Berlin shall be asked.
3. To designate the time in which he shall perform his
arbitral functions.
"Article 8.
The arbitrator shall decide in strict obedience to the
provisions of international law, and, on questions relating to
boundary, in strict obedience to the American principle of
‘uti possedetis’ of 1810, whenever, in the agreement mentioned
in article 2, the application of the special rules shall not
be established, or in case the arbitrator shall (not ?) be
authorized to decide as an amicable referee.
"Article 9.
The decision shall decide, definitely, every point in dispute,
stating the reasons therefor. It shall be prepared in
duplicate, and notice thereof shall be given to each of the
parties through its representative before the arbitrator.
"Article 10.
The decision, legally pronounced, shall decide, within the
limits of its scope, the contest between the parties.
"Article 11.
The arbitrator shall fix, in his decision, the time within
which said decision is to be executed.
"Article 12.
No appeal from the decision shall be allowed, and its
execution is intrusted to the honor of the nations that sign
this treaty.
"Nevertheless, an appeal for revision to the arbitrator who
pronounced it shall be admissible, provided that such appeal
be taken before the expiration of the time fixed for its
execution, in the following cases:
1. If the decision has been pronounced on the basis of a
counterfeit document, or of one that has been tampered with.
2. If the decision has been, either in whole or in part, the
consequence of a fact resulting from the proceedings or
documents of the case."
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1902.
Noble Treaties between Argentina and Chile for Obligatory
Arbitration of all Disputes, and for Restriction of Naval
Armaments.
Notwithstanding the fortunate arrangement, in 1898, for
arbitration of a serious boundary dispute between the
Argentine Republic and Chile (see, in Volume VI. of this work,
Argentine Republic), there continued to be troublesome
frictions between the two Spanish-American neighbors, while
awaiting the decision of the arbitrator, King Edward VII.,
which was not rendered until November 27, 1902. These had led
to a ruinous rivalry in naval armament. Reporting on this
state of affairs in May of that year, Mr. William P. Lord, the
American Minister to the Argentine Government, wrote:
"Both countries have incurred heavy expense for the equipment
and maintenance of largely increased army and naval forces.
Chile has recently contracted for two formidable warships
involving a heavy cost with the object of putting her navy
upon an equality with the Argentine navy, whereupon Argentina,
not to be outdone, contracted for two war ships larger in size
and perhaps more formidable at a like heavy cost in order to
continue and maintain her naval superiority. The costly
expenditure incurred on account of war and naval preparations
is paralyzing industrial activity and commercial enterprise.
Both countries are largely in debt and confronted with a
deficit. Both have appropriated their conversion funds which
had been set apart for a specific purpose, and which, it would
seem, should have been preserved inviolable. Neither is able
to make a foreign loan without paying a high rate of interest
and giving guarantees to meet the additional expenses which
their war policy is incurring, and both Governments know and
their people know that the only remedy to which either can
resort to meet existing financial conditions is to levy fresh
taxes of some description, notwithstanding nearly everything
that can be taxed is now taxed to the utmost limit. The weight
of taxation already imposed bears heavily upon the energies
and activities of the people. The outlook is not promising,
business being dull, wage employment scarce, and failures
frequent."
Happily, good sense prevailed over this folly very soon after
Minister Lord wrote his account of it. On the 3d of June,
1902, the same writer was enabled to forward to Washington the
text of four remarkable "peace agreements" which had been
signed on the 28th of May, at the Chilean capital, by the
Chilean Minister of Foreign Relations and the Argentine
Minister Plenipotentiary to Chile, who had been brought to
negotiations by the friendly mediation of Great Britain. The
four documents were: a political convention declaring a common
international policy on the part of the two republics; a broad
treaty of general arbitration; an agreement for the reducing
of naval forces; an agreement for the conclusive marking of
boundary lines by the engineers of the arbitrator, King
Edward. The general arbitration treaty is no less unreserved
and comprehensive than that between Peru and Bolivia and
offers another Spanish-American model for imitation in the
interest of peace. Its articles are as follows:
"Article 1.
The high contracting parties bind themselves to submit to
arbitration every difficulty or question of whatever nature
that may arise between them, provided such questions do not
affect the precepts of the respective constitutions of the two
countries, and that they can not be solved through direct
negotiation.
{713}
" Article 2.
This treaty does not embrace those questions that have given
rise to definite agreements between the two parties. In such
cases the arbitration shall be limited exclusively to
questions of validity, interpretation, or fulfillment of these
agreements.
"Article 3.
The high contracting parties designate as arbitrator the
Government of His Britannic Majesty or, in the event of either
of the powers having broken off relations with the British
Government, the Swiss Government. Within sixty days from the
exchange of ratifications the British Government and the Swiss
Government shall be asked to accept the charge of arbitrators.
"Article 4.
The points of controversy, questions or divergencies shall be
specified by the high contracting parties, who may determine
the powers of the arbitrator or any other circumstance
connected with the procedure.
"Article 5.
In the case of divergence of opinion, either party may solicit
the intervention of the arbitrator, who will determine the
circumstances of procedure, the contracting parties placing
every means of information at the service of the arbitrator.
"Article 6.
Either party is at liberty to name one or more commissioners
near the arbitrator.
"Article 7.
The arbitrator is qualified to decide upon the validity of the
obligation and its interpretation, as well as upon questions
as to what difficulties come within the sphere of the
arbitration.
"Article 8.
The arbitrator shall decide in accordance with international
law, unless the obligation involves the application of special
rules or he have been authorized to act as friendly mediator.
"Article 9.
The award shall definitely decide each point of controversy.
"Article. 10.
The award shall be drawn up in two copies.
"Article 11.
The award legally delivered shall decide within the limits of
its scope the question between the two parties.
"Article 12.
The arbitrator shall specify in his award the term within
which the award shall be carried out, and he is competent to
deal with any question arising as to the fulfillment.
"Article 13.
There can be no appeal from the award, and its fulfillment is
intrusted to the honor of the signatory powers. Nevertheless,
the recourse of revision is admitted under the following
circumstances:
1. If the award be given on the strength of a false
document;
2. If the award be the result, either partially or totally,
of an error of fact.
"Article. 14.
The contracting parties shall pay their own expenses and each
a half of the expenses of the arbitration.
"Article 15.
The present agreement shall last for ten years from the date
of the exchange of the ratifications, and shall be renewed for
another term of ten years, unless either party shall give
notice to the contrary six months before expiry."
_Papers relating to the Foreign Relations
of the United States, 1902, pages 13-20._
In their convention on naval armaments the two governments
"renounced the acquisition of the war vessels they have in
construction and the making for the present of any new
acquisitions," agreeing to reduce their fleets to "a prudent
equilibrium."
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1902.
Ten South and Central American Nations join in Protocol
of Convention for Compulsory Arbitration.
"Ten of the nineteen nations represented at the City of Mexico
[Second Pan-American Conference, 1902] united in the project
of a treaty, to be ratified by their respective governments,
providing for compulsory arbitration of all controversies
which, in the judgment of any of the interested nations, do
not affect either their independence or national honor; and it
is prescribed that in independence and national honor are not
included controversies concerning diplomatic privileges,
limits, rights of navigation, or the validity, interpretation,
and fulfillment of treaties. Mexico became a party to this
project, but the United States declined; thus showing an
entire change of attitude on the part of these two nations
since the Washington conference of 1890. Mexico had in the
meantime adjusted its boundary dispute with Guatemala. But
since Mr. Blaine’s ardent advocacy of compulsory arbitration
the Senate of the United States had manifested its opposition
to the policy by the rejection of the Olney-Pauncefote
arbitration treaty of 1897, and it is to be inferred that the
Secretary of State did not think it wise to commit our
government to a measure which had been disapproved of by the
coordinate branch of the treaty-making power."
_J. W. Foster,
Pan-American Diplomacy
(Atlantic Monthly, April, 1902)._
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1902.
Central America.
Treaty of Compulsory Arbitration between Nicaragua, Salvador,
Honduras, Costa Rica, and Guatemala.
A treaty of compulsory arbitration and obligatory peace,
between four of the States above named, in fulfillment of the
agreement at Mexico was signed at Corinto on the 20th of
January, 1902.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS: SECOND INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE.
Its essential provisions were the following:
"The Governments of Nicaragua, Salvador, Honduras, and Costa
Rica, desirous of contributing by all the means in their power
to the maintenance of the peace and good harmony that exists
and should exist among them, have agreed to celebrate a
convention of peace and obligatory arbitration, and to that
effect have named as their respective plenipotentiaries: …
Who, after having presented their credentials and the same
being found in good and due form, have agreed upon the
following covenant:
"Article 1.
It is declared that the present convention has for object the
incorporation in form of public treaty the conclusions to
which have arrived their excellencies, the Presidents, General
Don J. Santos Zelaya, General Don Tomas Regalado, General Don
Terencio Sierra, and Don Rafael Iglesias, in the several
conferences that have been held in this port with the sole
object of maintaining and assuring, by all possible means, the
peace of Central America.
"Article 2.
The contracting Governments establish the principle of
obligatory arbitration, in order to adjust every difficulty or
question that might present itself between the contracting
parties, binding themselves in consequence to submit them to a
tribunal of Central American arbitrators.
{714}
"Article 3.
Each one of the contracting parties shall name an arbitrator
and a substitute to constitute the tribunal. The terms of the
arbitrators shall be for one year, counting from their
acceptance, and then they may be reelected.
"Article 4.
The arbitrators of those states among whom exists the
disagreement shall not form part of the tribunal for the
consideration of the concrete case, this remaining entirely
with the arbitrator or arbitrators of the remaining states.
"Article 5.
If, through pairing, there should be no decision, the tribunal
shall select a third among the substitutes. The third should
necessarily adhere to one of the views given out.
"Article 6.
As soon as a difficulty or question presents itself between
two or more states, their respective Governments shall advise
the remaining signers of the present convention.
"Article 7.
The contracting Governments establish and recognize the right
of each one of them to offer without delay, singly or
conjointly, their good offices to the Governments of the
states that are in disagreement, even without previous
acceptation by them, and though they should not have notified
them of the difficulty or question pending.
"Article 8.
The friendly offices exhausted without satisfactory result,
the government or governments that would have exercised them
shall notify the others, declaring at the proper time
arbitration proceedings. This declaration shall be
communicated with the greatest possible brevity to the member
of the tribunal corresponding to the president of same, with
the object that within a period not exceeding fifteen days the
tribunal that is to know and decide the case comes together.
The installation of the tribunal shall be communicated by
telegraph to the signing governments, demanding from the
contending parties the presentation of their claims within the
fifteen days following.
"Article 9.
The tribunal shall give its judgment within five days
following the expiration of the term which has been spoken of.
"Article 10.
The difficulties that may arise through questions of pending
limits, or through interpretation, or execution of treaties of
limits, shall be submitted by the governments interested to
the knowledge and decision of a foreign arbitrator of American
nationality
"Article 11.
The Governments of the states in dispute solemnly agree not to
execute any hostile act, warlike preparations, or mobilization
of forces, with the object of not impeding the arrangement of
the difficulty or question through the means established by
the present agreement."
On the 1st of March following the signing of this peace treaty
by the four Presidents named above, the United States Minister
to Costa Rica, Mr. William Lawrence Merry, reported to his
Government that the President of Guatemala had added his
signature to theirs.
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1903.
Gift of a Court House and Library for the Permanent Court
of Arbitration at The Hague.
By a deed signed October 7, 1903, Mr. Andrew Carnegie created
a foundation or trust under the Netherland law (a
_Stichting_ in the Dutch language), "for the purpose of
building, establishing, and maintaining in perpetuity at The
Hague a court-house and library (temple of peace) for the
permanent court of arbitration established by the treaty of
July 29, 1899." As stated in the deed, "the Netherland
Government, according to agreement, will see to the
appointment of a board of directors under proper control, and
draw up the rules according to which the ‘Stichting’ shall be
governed, so as to ensure in perpetuity its maintenance and
efficiency. The words maintaining, maintenance, in this
agreement are not to be construed as relieving the signatory
powers to the treaty of July 29, 1899, from the financial
obligations incurred and so far discharged in connection with
the permanent court of arbitration. If at any time the purpose
for which the 'Stichting' was founded should fail, the assets
of the ‘Stichting’ shall be employed for promoting the cause
of international peace and concord in such a manner as shall
be determined jointly by the sovereign of the Netherlands and
the President of the United States."
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904.
International Peace Congresses.
The Thirteenth at Boston.
The First International Peace Congress was held in London in
1843, when men who could think of the possibility of ending
war were jeered at, and little heed was given to their talk.
In the next ten years it had six successors, all in Europe,
and three of them in Great Britain. Then came the succession
of wars in the fifties, sixties and seventies, which seemed to
discourage peace-dreams, and it was not until 1878, on the
occasion of the Paris Exposition, that an eighth international
gathering of the dreamers was attempted. Then they waited
eleven years for hope and faith enough to draw them for a
ninth time together. After that date the series ran on under
growing impulsions and encouragements, and when Boston, in
1904, invited its moving spirits to honor America, for the
first time, with their assemblage, the Congress gathered in
that city, in early October, was the Thirteenth of its name
and kind. It was given exceptional brilliancy by the
attendance of many distinguished people from abroad who had
been drawn to the United States that season by the Exposition
at St. Louis and the various conferences there.
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904.
A Philosopher’s Plan for Ending War.
"Man lives inhabits, indeed, but what he lives for is thrills
and excitements. The only relief from Habit’s tediousness is
periodical excitement. From time immemorial wars have been,
especially for non-combatants, the supremely thrilling
excitement. Heavy and dragging at its end, at its outset every
war means an explosion of imaginative energy. The dams of
routine burst, and boundless prospects open. The remotest
spectators share the fascination. …
"This is the constitution of human nature which we have to
work against. The plain truth is that people _want_ war.
They want it anyhow; for itself; and apart from each and every
possible consequence. It is the final bouquet of life’s
fireworks. The born soldiers want it hot and actual. The
non-combatants want it in the background, and always as an
open possibility, to feed imagination on and keep excitement
going. …
{715}
"We do ill, I fancy, to talk much of universal peace or of a
general disarmament. We must go in for preventive medicine,
not for radical cure. We must cheat our foe, politically
circumvent his action, not try to change his nature. In one
respect war is like love, though in no other. Both leave us
intervals of rest; and in the intervals life goes on perfectly
well without them, though the imagination still dallies with
their possibility. … Let the general possibility of war be
left open, in Heaven’s name, for the imagination to dally
with. Let the soldiers dream of killing, as the old maids
dream of marrying. But organize in every conceivable way the
practical machinery for making each successive chance of war
abortive. Put peace-men in power; educate the editors and
statesmen to responsibility;—how beautifully did their trained
responsibility in England make the Venezuela incident
abortive! Seize every pretext, however small, for arbitration
methods, and multiply the precedents; foster rival excitements
and invent new outlets for heroic energy; and from one
generation to another, the chances are that irritations will
grow less acute and states of strain less dangerous among the
nations. Armies and navies will continue, of course, and will
fire the minds of populations with their potentialities of
greatness. But their officers will find that somehow or other,
with no deliberate intention on any one’s part, each
successive ‘incident’ has managed to evaporate and to lead
nowhere, and that the thought of what might have been remains
their only consolation."
_William James,
Remarks at the Peace Banquet
(Atlantic Monthly, December, 1904)._
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904-1909.
The Interparliamentary Union.
The Interparliamentary Union, composed of members of the
parliamentary bodies of many countries, had its origin in
1888, when, on the 31st of October, thirty members of the
French Chamber of Deputies met with ten members of the British
Parliament, at Paris, to discuss the practicability of
cooperation in efforts for the promotion of international
peace. William Randal Cremer, a labor union member of
Parliament, is credited with the conception and the active
agency which set the movement on foot, and in 1903 he received
the Nobel Prize of $35,000, for distinguished service to the
cause of peace. He devoted the money to the same cause. He
received further honors from the Government of France, which
made him a Chevalier of the Legion of Honor. The results of
the undertaking he led have already acquired high importance,
and exhibit more each year. If the glorious dream of a World
Parliament, empowered to enact international law, is ever
realized, the realization may be a growth from this seed.
Thus far, the growth has produced an Interparliamentary Union
composed of representatives from the legislatures of every
country in Europe which has a really constitutional
government, and from the United States. The Congress of the
latter became represented in the Union in the winter of 1904,
and the next meeting of the Union was held at St. Louis that
year, while the Louisiana Purchase Exposition was in progress.
The membership of the Union had then risen to about 2000 in
number, drawn entirely from the national law-making bodies of
the world,—elected representatives of many millions of people,
making up a powerfully influential combination of experienced
public men. The St. Louis meeting was attended by two hundred
of these, including many of distinguished standing in the
parliaments of their several countries. This session of the
Union was under the presidency of the Honorable Richard
Bartholdt, Member of Congress from Missouri. Its most
important action was the adoption, by unanimous vote, of the
following resolution:
"_Whereas_, Enlightened public opinion and the spirit of
modern civilization alike demand that differences between
nations should be adjudicated and settled in the same manner
as disputes between individuals are adjudicated—namely, by
the arbitrament of courts in accordance with recognized
principles of law;
"The Conference requests the several governments of the world
to send representatives to an International Conference, to be
held at a time and place to be agreed upon by them, for the
purpose of considering—
"First, the questions for the consideration of which the
Conference at The Hague expressed a wish that a future
conference be called;
"Second, the negotiation of arbitration treaties between the
nations represented at the Conference to be convened;
"Third, the advisability of establishing an International
Congress to convene periodically for the discussion of
international questions;
"And this Conference respectfully and cordially requests the
President of the United States to invite all the nations to
send representatives to such a Conference."
Subsequently, this resolution was presented to the President,
at Washington, by the members of the Union, and his assent to
the request was received. Out of this came the train of
proceedings which brought about the Second Peace Conference at
The Hague.
In 1905 the meeting of the Interparliamentary Union was held
at Brussels; in 1906 at London; in 1908 at Berlin.
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.
The First National Peace Congress in the United States,
assembled at New York.
The Peace Congress assembled at New York April 14, 1907, (the
first National assembly of its character), on the initiative
of Andrew Carnegie, "surpassed expectation. First of all, in
numbers. Delegates registered by the thousand. The best hall
in the metropolis proved inadequate. Overflow and additional
meetings were held in other halls and in churches. For the
first time in the history of great conferences, two banquets
were necessary at the close, taking place coincidentally, with
some of the same speakers passing from one to the other, no
hotel accommodations being sufficient for the function if all
applicants were to be housed in one place. Even with this
doubling the issuance of tickets had to be stopped.
"Secondly, the Congress was the first really National peace
meeting in America. In comparison, previous peace congresses
have been sectional. But at last week’s over thirty-five
States were represented by their Governors or their
representatives, by members of State tribunals and State
Legislatures, and by Mayors of important cities. The Federal
Government was represented by members of the Hague Court, of
the Supreme, Circuit, and District Courts, and of Congress.
Thus the resultant body was a peculiarly representative
official gathering. …
{716}
"Still another striking feature of the Congress lay in the
prominent place given to the representatives of labor and
commerce, a feature comprised in two meetings, addressed by
prominent leaders of the various industries. The general
position was well taken by Mr. Samuel Gompers, President of
the American Federation of Labor: ‘Not as workers will we
permit ourselves to be shot down in order to conquer the
markets of barbarians and savages. I know of no gathering of
labor in the last twenty-five years which has not declared
itself unequivocally for international brotherhood and
peace.’"
"A final and chief feature of interest lay in the notably
practical character of the vast majority of speakers and
listeners. The Congress was no ‘collection of cranks and
fools,’ as a hard-headed man of affairs dubbed it in passing
the hall, without looking in to verify his statement. Neither
was it a collection of white-blooded, weak-kneed theorists,
feebly appreciating the actual conditions that govern
individual passions and national prejudices. As one glanced
around, there were the faces of great captains of industry, of
practical leaders of labor, of men who bulk large in
commercial enterprises, of trusted political leaders. Nor was
the Congress any mere anti-war affair: its business was
positive, not negative; it was to affirm the necessity of
substituting reason for passion. There was a general sentiment
that it ought to emphasize, not ‘rainbows’ or distant Utopias,
but only practical plans certain of realization, and of
realization, too, not in the far future, but in this very
coming summer by action at The Hague."
_The Outlook,
April 27, 1907._
Among the prominent speakers were Mr. Carnegie, who presided,
Mr. Root, Secretary of State, Governor Hughes, of New York,
Ambassador Bryce, Mr. William J. Bryan, Congressman Bartholdt,
President of the American group in the Inter-parliamentary
Union, Professor Münsterberg, President Eliot, Baron
d’Estournelles, the eminent peace advocate of France, and Mr.
W. T. Stead. Mr. Root pointed out the great obstacle to
arbitration—a fear that the tribunals selected would not be
impartial, because arbitrators are thought often to act
diplomatically rather than judicially. "We need," he said,
"for arbitrators, not distinguished public men concerned in
all the international questions of the day, but judges
interested only in the question appearing on the record before
them. Plainly, this end is to be attained by the establishment
of a court of permanent judges."
Mr. Bryan made the excellent suggestion that in time of war
money-lenders shall not be allowed to wax fat by loans, taking
advantage of a nation’s weakness and urging it to continue
hostilities. A loan by the citizens of a neutral nation, he
pointed out, is practically a loan by the nation itself, and
should be objected to as much as furnishing shot and shell.
Mr. Stead, writing of the Congress in the _American Review
of Reviews_, characterized it as "in many respects the most
notable Congress of its kind that has ever been held in the
Old World or the New," and as being "the pioneer or John the
Baptist of the Second International Conference" soon to meet
at The Hague. "It represented," he said, "the first
rudimentary, crude, but nevertheless definite effort on the
part of the New World to impress its will on the Old World."
But he thought the resolutions of the Congress, "as a whole,
were hardly worthy of the importance of the occasion or the
representative character of the conference," and criticised
the committee for taking "no steps for pressing their adoption
upon other governments than their own."
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.
Second International Peace Conference at The Hague:
Its Conventions, Declarations, and Recommendations.
Text of the Convention for a Pacific Settlement of
International Disputes, and of the "Final Act," with its
recommended Draft Convention for the Creation of a Judicial
Arbitration Court.
"Pursuant to a request of the Interparliamentary Union, held
at St. Louis in 1904, that a further peace conference be held,
and that the President of the United States invite all nations
to send representatives to such a conference, the late
Secretary of State, at the direction of the President,
instructed, on October 21, 1904, the representatives of the
United States accredited to each of the signatories to the
acts of The Hague Conference of 1889 to present overtures for
a second conference to the ministers for foreign affairs of
the respective countries.
"The replies received to this circular instruction of October
21, 1904, indicated that the proposition for the calling of a
second conference met with general favor. At a later period it
was intimated by Russia that the initiator of the First
Conference was, owing to the restoration of peace in the
Orient, disposed to undertake the calling of a new conference
to continue as well as to supplement the works of the first.
The offer of the Czar to take steps requisite to convene a
second international peace conference was gladly welcomed by
the President, and the Final Act of the Conference only
recites in its preamble the invitation of the President.
"The Russian Government thus assumed the calling of the
Conference, and on April 12, 1906, submitted the following
programme, which was acceptable to the Powers generally and
which served as the basis of the work of the Conference:
"1. Improvements to be made in the provisions of the
convention relative to the peaceful settlement of
international disputes as regards the Court of Arbitration and
the International commissions of inquiry.
"2. Additions to be made to the provisions of the convention
of 1899 relative to the laws and customs of war on land—among
others, those concerning the opening of hostilities, the
rights of neutrals on land, etc. Declaration of 1899. One of
these having expired, question of its being revived.
"3. Framing of a convention relative to the laws and customs
of maritime warfare, concerning—
"The special operations of maritime warfare, such as the
bombardment of ports, cities, and villages by a naval force;
the laying of torpedoes, etc.
"The transformation of merchant vessels into war ships.
"The private property of belligerents at sea.
"The length of time to be granted to merchant ships for their
departure from ports of neutrals or of the enemy after the
opening of hostilities.
{717}
"The rights and duties of neutrals at sea, among others the
questions of contraband, the rules applicable to belligerent
vessels in neutral ports; destruction, in cases of _vis
major_, of neutral merchant vessels captured as prizes.
"In the said convention to be drafted there would be
introduced the provisions relative to war on land that would
be also applicable to maritime warfare.
"4. Additions to be made to the convention of 1899 for the
adaptation to maritime warfare of the principles of the Geneva
Convention of 1864.
"The United States, however, reserved the right to bring to
discussion two matters of great importance not included in the
programme, namely, the reduction or limitation of armaments
and restrictions or limitations upon the use of force for the
collection of ordinary public debts arising out of contracts.
"It was finally decided that the Conference should meet at The
Hague on the 15th day of June, 1907, and thus the Conference,
proposed by the President of the United States, and convoked
by Her Majesty the Queen of The Netherlands upon the
invitation of the Emperor of All the Russias, assumed definite
shape and form. …
"In the circulars of October 21 and December 16, 1904, it was
suggested as desirable to consider and adopt a procedure by
which States nonsignatory to the original acts of The Hague
Conference may become adhering parties. This suggestion was
taken note of by the Russian Government and invitations were
issued to forty-seven countries, in response to which the
representatives of forty-four nations assembled at The Hague
and took part in the Conference. No opposition was made to the
admission of the nonsignatory States."
The delegation of the United States to the Conference was
composed of the following members: Commissioners
plenipotentiary with the rank of ambassador extraordinary:
Joseph H. Choate, of New York, Horace Porter, of New York,
Uriah M. Rose, of Arkansas; Commissioner plenipotentiary:
David Jayne Hill, of New York, envoy extraordinary and
minister plenipotentiary of the United States to the
Netherlands; Commissioners Plenipotentiary with rank of
minister plenipotentiary: Brigadier General George B. Davis,
Judge-Advocate-General, United States Army, Rear-Admiral
Charles S. Sperry, United States Navy, William I. Buchanan, of
New York; Technical delegate and expert in international law:
James Brown Scott, of California; Technical delegate and
expert attache to the Commission: Charles Henry Butler, of New
York; Secretary to the Commission: Chandler Hale, of Maine;
Assistant secretaries to the Commission: A. Bailly-Blanchard,
of Louisiana, William M. Malloy, of Illinois.
"The Dutch Government set aside for the use of the Conference,
the Binnenhof, the seat of the States-General, and on the 15th
day of June, 1907, at 3 o’clock in the afternoon, the
Conference was opened by his excellency the Dutch minister for
foreign affairs in the presence of delegates representing
forty-four nations. … At the conclusion of the address of
welcome his excellency suggested as president of the
Conference His Excellency M. Nelidow, first delegate of
Russia, and, with the unanimous consent of the assembly, M.
Nelidow accepted the presidency and delivered an address." …
In accordance with the suggestion of the president, an order
of procedure, in twelve articles, was adopted, and the
Conference was divided into four Commissions, between which
the subjects specified in the programme of the Conference were
apportioned. "The actual work of the Conference was,
therefore, done in commission and committee. The results, so
far as the several commissions desired, were reported to the
Conference sitting in plenary session for approval, and after
approval, submitted to the small subediting committee for
final revision which, however, affected form, not substance.
The results thus reached were included in the Final Act and
signed by the plenipotentiaries on the 18th day of October,
1907, upon which date the Conference adjourned."
_Report of the Delegates of the United States
(60th Congress, 1st Session Senate Doc. 444)._
The results of the Conference are embodied in fourteen
Conventions duly formulated and signed, and a "Final Act" in
which certain principles are declared as being "unanimously
admitted." Of the Conventions entered into, that most
important one which provides means for a pacific solution of
international conflicts is but a revision of the Convention
for the same purpose which the Powers represented at the First
Peace Conference, of 1899, gave adhesion to, and the full text
of which is printed in Volume VI. of this work (pages
356-359). To a large extent the articles of the Convention are
unchanged, and the changes made are mostly in the nature of an
amplification of provisions and prescriptions of procedure for
carrying out the agreements set forth in the compact of 1899.
This occurs especially in Part III., relating to
"International Commissions of Inquiry," the specifications for
which, merely outlined in six articles of the Convention of
1899, were detailed with precision in twenty-eight articles of
the Convention of 1907. A similar amplification was given to
the chapters on "The System of Arbitration" and "Arbitral
Procedure." By a verbal change of some significance, the
parties to the Convention are designated "Contracting Powers,"
instead of "Signatory Powers," as before.
Other important features of the revision are noted in an
article which the Honorable David Jayne Hill, one of the
American Commission at the Conference, communicated to _The
American Review of Reviews_ of December, 1907. Dr. Hill
wrote:
"With regard to good offices and mediation, a slight step
forward was taken by the acceptance of the American
proposition that the initiative of powers foreign to the
controversy in offering them is not only ‘useful’ but
‘desirable.’ Greater precision has been given to the operation
of commissions of inquiry, whose great utility has already been
tested, but it was decided that the functions of such
commissions should be confined to a determination of facts and
should not extend to fixing responsibility. As regards
arbitration, while it was reasserted that ‘in questions of a
legal character, and especially in the interpretation or
application of international conventions, arbitration is
recognized by the contracting powers as the most efficacious
and at the same time the most equitable means of settling
differences that have not been adjusted by diplomacy,’ and,
‘in consequence, it would be desirable that, in contentions of
this character, the powers should resort to arbitration,’ it
was not found possible to render this resort an obligation.
{718}
"It is necessary to state, however, that while unanimity upon
this proposal was not obtainable—even for a convention that
omitted all questions affecting ‘the vital interests,
independence, or honor’ of the contestants and included only a
meagre list of mainly unimportant subjects—32 powers voted in
favor of it, only 9 were opposed, and 3 abstained from voting.
As practical unanimity was held to be necessary for the
inclusion of a convention in the final act, even this very
moderate attempt at obligatory arbitration was unfruitful.
Still, as this strong manifestation of a disposition to make a
definite engagement could not conveniently be nullified
without being in some measure recognized, it was resolved,
with four abstentions, that the first commission was:
‘Unanimous (1) in recognizing the principle of obligatory
arbitration; and (2) in declaring that certain differences,
notably those relative to the interpretation and application
of conventional stipulations, are susceptible of being
submitted to obligatory arbitration without restriction.’
"Regarding this resolution as a retreat from the more advanced
position that had been taken by 32 powers, the head of the
American delegation clearly explained its attitude and
refrained from voting.
"It must, in justice, he added that some of the powers voting
against an obligatory arbitration convention probably did so
chiefly for the purpose of avoiding the isolation of others,
and that some of the powers most earnest in opposing the
project not only have negotiated special treaties of
obligatory arbitration, but declare their intention of
negotiating many more. The state of the question, then, is
this: All accept the principle of obligatory arbitration in
certain classes of cases, 32 powers are prepared to make
definite engagements with all the rest, 9 prefer to make them
only with states on whose responsibility they can rely, and 3
decline at present to commit themselves."
On the part of the United States, when this important
Convention was submitted subsequently to the Senate, it was
ratified conditionally, by the following resolution, adopted
April 2, 1908.
"_Resolved (two-thirds of the Senators present concurring
therein_), That the Senate advise and consent to the
ratification of a convention signed by the delegates of the
United States to the Second International Peace Conference,
held at The Hague from June sixteenth to October eighteenth,
nineteen hundred and seven, for the pacific settlement of
international disputes, subject to the declaration made by the
delegates of the United States before signing said convention,
namely:
"‘Nothing contained in this convention shall be so construed
as to require the United States of America to depart from its
traditional policy of not intruding upon, interfering with, or
entangling itself in the political questions of policy or
internal administration of any foreign state; nor shall
anything contained in the said convention be construed to
imply a relinquishment by the United States of its traditional
attitude toward purely American questions.’
"_Resolved further, as a part of this act of
ratification,_ That the United States approves this
convention with the understanding that recourse to the
permanent court for the settlement of differences can be had
only by agreement thereto through general or special treaties
of arbitration heretofore or hereafter concluded between the
parties in dispute; and the United States now exercises the
option contained in article fifty-three of said convention, to
exclude the formulation of the ‘compromis’ by the permanent
court, and hereby excludes from the competence of the
permanent court the power to frame the ‘compromis’ required by
general or special treaties of arbitration concluded or
hereafter to be concluded by the United States, and further
expressly declares that the ‘compromis’ required by any treaty
of arbitration to which the United States may be a party shall
be settled only by agreement between the contracting parties,
unless such treaty shall expressly provide otherwise."
Of the other Conventions agreed to and signed at the
Conference it will be sufficient to give here in part a
summary statement of their objects and provisions which was
prepared by the Honorable James Brown Scott, one of the
Technical Delegates to the Conference from the United States,
originally for publication in _The American Journal of
International Law_ for January, 1908. They are described by
Mr. Scott as follows:
"The second is the convention restricting the use of force for
the recovery of contract debts. This was introduced by the
American delegation, loyally and devotedly seconded by Doctor
Drago, who has battled for the doctrine to which he has given
his name. Without the support of Doctor Drago, it is doubtful
if Latin America—for whose benefit it was introduced—would
have voted for this very important doctrine. The proposition
is very short; it consists of but three articles, but we must
not measure things by their size. In full it is as follows;
‘In order to avoid between nations armed conflicts of a purely
pecuniary origin arising from contractual debts claimed from
the government of one country by the government of another
country to be due to its nationals, the contracting powers
agree not to have recourse to armed force for the collection
of such contractual debts.
"‘However, this stipulation shall not be applicable when the
debtor state refuses or leaves unanswered an offer to
arbitrate, or, in case of acceptance, makes it impossible to
formulate the terms of submission, or after arbitration, fails
to comply with the award rendered.
"‘It is further agreed that arbitration here contemplated
shall be in conformity, as to procedure, with Title IV,
Chapter III of the convention for the pacific settlement of
international disputes adopted at The Hague, and that it shall
determine, in so far as there shall be no agreement between
the parties, the justice, and the amount of the debt, the time
and mode of payment thereof.’ …
{719}
"The third convention relates to the opening of hostilities
and provides, in Article I, that the contracting powers
recognize that hostilities between them should not commence
without notice, which shall be either in the form of a formal
declaration of war or of an ultimatum in the nature of a
declaration of conditional war. This is to protect
belligerents from surprise and bad faith. Article 11 is meant
to safeguard the rights of neutrals. The state of war should
be notified without delay to neutral powers, and shall only
affect them after the receipt of a notification, which may be
sent even by telegram.’ …
"The fourth convention concerns the laws and customs of land
warfare, [and is] a revision of the convention of 1899. It is
highly technical and codifies in a humanitarian spirit the
warfare of the present.
"The fifth convention attempts to regulate the rights and
duties of neutral powers and of neutral persons in case of
land warfare. Short, but important, its guiding spirit is
expressed in the opening paragraph of the preamble, namely, to
render more certain the rights and duties of neutral powers in
case of warfare upon land and to regulate the situation of
belligerent refugees in neutral territory. …
"The sixth is the convention concerning enemy merchant ships
found in enemy ports or upon the high seas at the outbreak of
hostilities. Custom forbids the capture of enemy vessels
within the port of the enemy on the outbreak of hostilities
and allows them a limited time to discharge or load their
cargo and depart for their port of destination. The attempt
was made to establish this custom or privilege as a right. The
proposition, however, met with serious opposition and, instead
of the right, the convention states that it is desirable that
enemy ships be permitted freely to leave the port. The
convention, therefore, was restrictive rather than declaratory
of existing international practice. The same might be said of
another provision of the convention concerning the treatment
of enemy merchant ships upon the high seas. It may be said
that the expression of a desire is tantamount to a positive
declaration, but, strictly construed, the convention is not
progressive. It lessens rights acquired by custom and usage,
although it does, indeed, render the privilege granted
universal. The American delegation, therefore, refrained from
signing the convention.
"The seventh convention deals with the transformation of
merchant ships into ships of war, and it must be said that the
positive results of this convention are of little or no
practical value. The burning question was whether merchant
ships might be transformed into men-of-war upon the high seas.
As the transformation of merchant vessels into war vessels
upon the high seas caused an international commotion during
the recent Russo-Japanese war. Great Britain and the United
States insisted that the transfer should only be allowed
within the territorial jurisdiction of the transforming power.
Some of the continental states, on the contrary, refused to
renounce the exercise of the alleged right. The great maritime
states were thus divided, and as the question was too simple
and too plain to admit of compromise, it was agreed to drop it
entirely for the present. In order, however, that something
might remain of the careful and elaborate discussions of the
subject, a series of regulations was drawn up regarding the
transformation of merchant ships into vessels of war,
declaratory of international custom. … Indirectly, the
rightfulness or wrongfulness of privateering was concerned,
and inasmuch as the United States would not consent to abolish
privateering unless the immunity of private property be
safeguarded, the American delegation abstained from signing
the convention.
"The eighth convention relates to the placing of submarine
automatic mines of contact, a subject of present and special
interest to belligerents; while the interest of the neutral is
very general. … Mines break from their moorings and endanger
neutral life and property. The conference, therefore, desires
to regulate the use of mines in such a way as not to deprive
the belligerents of a recognized and legitimate means of
warfare, but to restrict, as far as possible, the damage to
the immediate belligerents. …
"The ninth convention forbade the bombardment by naval forces
of undefended harbors, villages, towns, or buildings. The
presence, however, of military stores would permit bombardment
of such ports for the sole purpose of destroying the stores,
provided they were not destroyed or delivered up upon request.
Notice, however, should be given of the intention to bombard.
In like manner, the convention permitted the bombardment of
such undefended places if provisions were not supplied upon
requisition to the naval force. Bombardment, however, was not
allowed for the collection of mere money contributions. …
"The tenth convention adapted to maritime warfare the
principles of the Geneva Convention of 1906. …
"The eleventh convention relates to certain restrictions in
the exercise of the right of capture in maritime war. It is a
modest document, but is all that was saved from the wreck of
the immunity of private property. The American delegation
urged the abolition of the right of capture of unoffending
enemy private property upon the high seas, but great maritime
powers such as Great Britain, France, Russia, and Japan were
unwilling to relinquish this means of bringing the enemy to
terms. …
"The twelfth convention sought to establish an international
court of prize, and there only remains the ratification of
this convention by the contracting powers in order to call
into being this great and beneficent institution. For years
enlightened opinion has protested against the right of
belligerents to pass final judgment upon the lawfulness of the
capture of neutral property, and it is a pleasure to be able
to state that the interests of the neutrals in the neutral
prize are henceforward to be placed in the hands of neutral
judges with a representation of the belligerents, in order
that the rights of all concerned may be carefully weighed and
considered. …
{720}
"The thirteenth convention concerns and seeks to regulate the
rights and duties of neutral powers in case of maritime war.
This is an elaborate codification of the rights and duties of
neutrals in which the conference essayed to generalize and
define on the one hand the rights of neutrals and the
correlative duties of the belligerents, and in the second
place to set forth in detail the duties of neutrals, thus
safeguarding the rights of belligerents in certain phases of
maritime warfare. … The result, however, was unsatisfactory to
some of the larger maritime powers, which prefer their present
regulations on the subject of neutrality or which were
unwilling to accept the modifications proposed. The United
States was not satisfied with certain provisions of the
convention, and reserved the right to study the project in
detail before expressing a final opinion. It therefore
abstained from voting and signing.
"The fourteenth convention is a reenactment of the declaration
of 1899 forbidding the launching of projectiles and explosives
from balloons. The original declaration was agreed to for a
period of five years, and as this period had expired the
powers were without a regulation on the subject. The
reenactment provided that the present declaration shall
extend, not merely for a period of five years, but to the end
of the Third Conference of Peace."
Reprinted in
_Senate Document Number 433, 60th Congress, 1st Session._
Appended to these Conventions are the Resolutions or
Declarations of accepted Principles embodied in the "Final
Act"; and these are far from being the least important of the
fruits of the Conference. They need presentation in full.
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST:
Final Act of the Second International Peace Conference.
"At a series of meetings, held from the 15th June to the 18th
October, 1907, in which the above Delegates [named in a
preamble] were throughout animated by the desire to realize,
in the fullest possible measure, the generous views of the
august initiator of the Conference and the intentions of their
Governments, the Conference drew up for submission for
signature by the Plenipotentiaries, the text of the
Conventions and of the Declaration enumerated below [named in
their order, as summarized above] and annexed to the present
Act:—
"These Conventions and Declaration shall form so many separate
Acts. These Acts shall be dated this day, and may be signed up
to the 30th June, 1908, at The Hague, by the Plenipotentiaries
of the Powers represented at the Second Peace Conference.
"The Conference, actuated by the spirit of mutual agreement
and concession characterizing its deliberations, has agreed
upon the following Declaration, which, while reserving to each
of the Powers represented full liberty of action as regards
voting, enables them to affirm the principles which they
regard as unanimously admitted;—
"It is unanimous—
"1. In admitting the principle of compulsory arbitration.
"2. In declaring that certain disputes, in particular those
relating to the interpretation and application of the
provisions of International Agreements, may be submitted to
compulsory arbitration without any restriction.
"Finally, it is unanimous in proclaiming that, although it has
not yet been found feasible to conclude a Convention in this
sense, nevertheless the divergences of opinion which have come
to light have not exceeded the bounds of judicial controversy,
and that, by working together here during the past four
months, the collected Powers not only have learnt to
understand one another and to draw closer together, but have
succeeded in the course of this long collaboration in evolving
a very lofty conception of the common welfare of humanity.
"The Conference has further unanimously adopted the following
Resolution:—
"The Second Peace Conference confirms the Resolution adopted
by the Conference of 1899 in regard to the limitation of
military expenditure; and inasmuch as military expenditure has
considerably increased in almost every country since that
time, the Conference declares that it is eminently desirable
that the Governments should resume the serious examination of
this question.
"It has besides expressed the following opinions:—
"1. The Conference calls the attention of the Signatory Powers
to the advisability of adopting the annexed draft Convention
for the creation of a Judicial Arbitration Court, and of
bringing it into force as soon as an agreement has been
reached respecting the selection of the Judges and the
constitution of the Court.
"2. The Conference expresses the opinion that, in case of war,
the responsible authorities, civil as well as military, should
make it their special duty to ensure and safeguard the
maintenance of specific relations, more especially of the
commercial and industrial relations between the inhabitants of
the belligerent States and neutral countries.
"3. The Conference expresses the opinion that the Powers
should regulate, by special Treaties, the position, as regards
military charges, of foreigners residing within their
territories.
"4. The Conference expresses the opinion that the preparation
of regulations relative to the laws and customs of naval war
should figure in the programme of the next Conference, and
that in any case the Powers may apply, as far as possible, to
war by sea the principles of the Convention relative to the
Laws and Customs of War on land.
"Finally, the Conference recommends to the Powers the assembly
of a Third Peace Conference, which might be held within a
period corresponding to that which has elapsed since the
preceding Conference, at a date to be fixed by common
agreement between the Powers, and it calls their attention to
the necessity of preparing the programme of this Third
Conference a sufficient time in advance to ensure its
deliberations being conducted with the necessary authority and
expedition.
"In order to attain this object the Conference considers that
it would be very desirable that, some two years before the
probable date of the meeting, a preparatory Committee should
be charged by the Governments with the task of collecting the
various proposals to be submitted to the Conference, of
ascertaining what subjects are ripe for embodiment in an
International Regulation, and of preparing a programme which
the Governments should decide upon in sufficient time to
enable it to be carefully examined by the countries
interested. This Committee should further be intrusted with
the task of proposing a system of organization and procedure
for the Conference itself.
"In faith whereof the Plenipotentiaries have signed the
present Act and have affixed their seals thereto."
{721}
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST:
Draft Convention recommended for the Creation of
a Judicial Arbitration Court.
The following are the more important provisions of the
"annexed draft Convention for the creation of a Judicial
Arbitration Court" which the Signatory Powers are asked, in
the first of the "Opinions" expressed above, to consider "the
advisability of adopting":
"Article I.
With a view to promoting the cause of arbitration, the
Contracting Powers agree to constitute, without altering the
status of the Permanent Court of Arbitration, a Judicial
Arbitration Court, of free and easy access, composed of Judges
representing the various juridical systems of the world, and
capable of insuring continuity in jurisprudence of
arbitration.
"Article II.
The Judicial Arbitration Court is composed of Judges and
Deputy Judges chosen from persons of the highest moral
reputation, and all fulfilling conditions qualifying them, in
their respective countries, to occupy high legal posts, or be
jurists of recognized competence in matters of international
law. The Judges and Deputy Judges of the Court are appointed,
as far as possible, from the members of the Permanent Court of
Arbitration. The appointment shall be made within the six
months following the ratification of the present Convention.
"Article III.
The Judges and Deputy Judges are appointed for a period of
twelve years, counting from the date on which the appointment
is notified to the Administrative Council created by the
Convention for the Pacific Settlement of International
Disputes. Their appointments can be renewed. Should a Judge or
Deputy Judge die or retire, the vacancy is filled in the
manner in which his appointment was made. In this case, the
appointment is made for a fresh period of twelve years.
"Article IV.
The Judges of the Judicial Arbitration Court are equal and
rank according to the date on which their appointment was
notified. The Judge who is senior in point of age takes
precedence when the date of notification is the same. The
Deputy Judges are assimilated, in the exercise of their
functions, with the Judges. They rank, however, below the
latter.
"Article V.
The Judges enjoy diplomatic privileges and immunities in the
exercise of their functions, outside their own country. Before
taking their seat, the Judges and Deputy Judges must swear,
before the Administrative Council, or make a solemn
affirmation to exercise their functions impartially and
conscientiously.
"Article VI.
The Court annually nominates three Judges to form a special
delegation and three more to replace them should the necessity
arise. They may be re-elected. They are balloted for. The
persons who secure the largest number of votes are considered
elected. The delegation itself elects its President, who, in
default of a majority, is appointed by lot. A member of the
delegation cannot exercise his duties when the Power which
appointed him, or of which he is a national, is one of the
parties. The members of the delegation are to conclude all
matters submitted to them, even if the period for which they
have been appointed Judges has expired.
"Article VII.
A Judge may not exercise his judicial functions in any case in
which he has, in any way whatever, taken part in the decision
of a National Tribunal, of a Tribunal of Arbitration, or of a
Commission of Inquiry, or has figured in the suit as counsel
or advocate for one of the parties. A Judge cannot act as
agent or advocate before the Judicial Arbitration Court or the
Permanent Court of Arbitration, before a Special Tribunal of
Arbitration or a Commission of Inquiry, nor act for one of the
parties in any capacity whatsoever so long as his appointment
lasts. …
"Article X.
The Judges may not accept from their own Government or from
that of any other Power any remuneration for services
connected with their duties in their capacity of members of
the Court.
"Article XI.
The seat of the Judicial Court of Arbitration is at The Hague,
and cannot be transferred, unless absolutely obliged by
circumstances, elsewhere. …
"Article XII.
The Administrative Council fulfills with regard to the
Judicial Court of Arbitration the same functions as to the
Permanent Court of Arbitration.
"Article XIV.
The Court meets in session once a year. The session opens the
third Wednesday in June and lasts until all the business on
the agenda has been transacted. …
"Article XVII. The Judicial Court of Arbitration is competent
to deal with all cases submitted to it, in virtue either of a
general undertaking to have recourse to arbitration or of a
special agreement.
"Article XXXII.
The Court itself draws up its own rules of procedure, which
must be communicated to the Contracting Powers. After the
ratification of the present Convention the Court shall meet as
early as possible in order to elaborate these rules, elect the
President and Vice-President, and appoint the members of the
delegation.
"Article XXXIII.
The Court may propose modifications in the provisions of the
present Convention concerning procedure. These proposals are
communicated through the Netherland Government to the
Contracting Powers, which will consider together as to the
measures to be taken."
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST:
The sequent International Naval Conference
at London in 1908-1909.
The action of the Peace Conference which contemplated the
establishment of an International Prize Court (embodied in the
Twelfth Convention described above) had a sequel in the next
year, resulting from the suggestion by the British Government
that, preliminary to the creation of such a court, the prior
holding of an International Naval Conference was desirable,
for the purpose which it explained in the following words:
"Having regard to the importance attached by his Majesty’s
Government to the setting up of that Court, they decided to
take the initiative in inviting the co-operation of the Powers
whose belligerent rights would be most directly affected, in
formulating in precise terms a set of rules relative to the
law of prize, which should be recognized as embodying
doctrines held to be generally binding as part of the existing
law of nations." In connection with this suggestion a list of
questions was submitted to the several Governments consulted,
"on which his Majesty’s Government, after careful examination,
considered that an understanding should if possible be
reached, and which would therefore appropriately constitute
the programme of a special naval conference to meet in
London."
{722}
The questions were as follows:
"(_a._)
Contraband, including the circumstances under which particular
articles can be considered as contraband; the penalties for
their carriage; the immunity of a ship from search when under
convoy; and the rules with regard to compensation where
vessels have been seized but have been found in fact only to
be carrying innocent cargo;
"(_b._)
Blockade, including the questions as to the locality where
seizure can be effected, and the notice that is necessary
before a ship can be seized;
"(_c._)
The doctrine of continuous voyage in respect both of
contraband and of blockade;
"(_d._)
The legality of the destruction of neutral vessels prior to
their condemnation by a Prize Court;
"(_e._)
The rules as to neutral ships or persons rendering ‘unneutral
service’ (‘assistance hostile’);
"(_f._)
The legality of the conversion of a merchant-vessel into a
war-ship on the high seas;
"(_g._)
The rules as to the transfer of merchant-vessels from a
belligerent to a neutral flag during or in contemplation of
hostilities;
"(_h._)
The question whether the nationality or the domicile of the
owner should be adopted as the dominant factor in deciding
whether property is enemy property."
Responses to the British invitation by the greater naval
Powers were favorable, and the resulting International Naval
Conference had sittings in London from December 4, 1908, until
February 26, 1909. The Powers sending representatives to take
part in it were Great Britain, France, Germany, Russia,
Austria-Hungary, Italy, the United States, Japan, Spain,
Holland. A report of the proceedings and conclusions arrived
at was made public on the 22d of March. On two, only, of the
questions, proposed by Great Britain, no agreement was
reached, and these were left open,—namely; "the legality of
the conversion of a merchant-vessel into a war-ship on the
high seas, and the question whether the nationality or the
domicile of the owner should be regarded as the dominant
factor in deciding the character, neutral or enemy, of
property." Original differences on other questions were
compromised.
A serious difficulty in the undertakings of the Conference was
occasioned by the fact that the Constitution of the United
States is held to preclude any right of appeal from decisions
of its Supreme Court. What was done to overcome this
difficulty is explained in the report of the British Delegates
as follows: "The Conference was asked to express its
acceptance of the principle that, as regards countries in
which such constitutional difficulty arose, all proceedings in
the International Prize Court should be treated as a rehearing
of the case _de novo_, in the form of an action for
compensation, whereby the validity of the judgments of the
national courts would remain unaffected, whilst the duty of
carrying out a decision of the International Court ordering
the payment of compensation would fall upon the government
concerned. The proposal was further coupled with the
suggestion that the jurisdiction of the International Prize
Court might be extended, by agreement between two or more of
the signatory Powers, to cover cases at present excluded from
its jurisdiction by the express terms of the Prize Court
Convention, and that in the hearing of such cases that court
should have the functions, and follow the procedure, laid down
in the Draft Convention relative to the creation of a Judicial
Arbitration Court, which was annexed to the Final Act of the
Second Peace Conference of 1907.
"Great hesitation was felt in approaching these questions. It
was undeniable that they lay wholly outside the programme
which the Conference had been invited to discuss, and to which
the Powers accepting the invitation had expressly assented. It
was, however, not disputed that so much of the United States
proposal as related to the difficulties in the way of the
ratification of the Prize Court Convention was in so far
germane to the labours of the Conference, as these also were
avowedly directed to preparing the way for the more general
acceptance of the Prize Court Convention. As it must clearly
be desired by all countries interested in the establishment of
the International Prize Court that the United States should be
one of the Powers submitting to its jurisdiction and bound by
its decisions, the Conference thought it right,
notwithstanding its lack of formal authority, to go so far as
to express the wish (‘vœu’) which stands recorded in the final
Protocol of its proceedings, and of which the substance is
that the attention of the various Governments represented is
called by their delegates to the desirability of allowing such
countries as are precluded by the terms of their constitution
from ratifying the Prize Court Convention in its present form,
to do so with a reservation in the sense of the first part of
the United States proposal. On the other hand, the question of
setting up the Judicial Arbitration Court, which seemed to
have no necessary connexion with the Prize Court Convention,
was decided by all the delegations, except that which had
brought it forward, to be one which the Conference could not
discuss."
_Parliamentary Papers, 1909:
Papers by Command, 4554._
Also,
_London Times, March 22, 1909._
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST:
Central American Peace Conference at Washington.
General Treaty of Peace and Amity.
Convention establishing a Central American Court of Justice.
See (in this Volume)
CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1907.
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1908.
Waning of the Military Passion in France.
Two very striking indications of the cooling in the French
people of the militant passion which made them in former times
one of the most warlike of the European races have been
afforded within the past three years. The first appeared in
the winter of 1907, when a Paris newspaper of great
circulation collected votes from its readers on the question,
"Who was the Greatest Frenchman of the Nineteenth Century?"
Much interest in the query was excited, and more than
15,000,000 [votes] were said to have been cast.
{723}
From any prior generation the answer of a big majority would
undoubtedly have been, "Napoleon Bonaparte"; but the French of
the Twentieth Century have developed so different an estimate of
human greatness that Louis Pasteur, the Man of Science, led
the poll, receiving 1,838,103 votes; while Victor Hugo came
next below him, by somewhat more than a hundred thousand
votes, and Gambetta was put third in the list. Napoleon
received only the fourth place of honor in the estimate of
fifteen millions of the French of these days.
About a year later the same change was betokened in a hardly
less significant way, by a speech from the Prime Minister of
France. The occasion of the address was the inauguration of a
monument to M. Scheurer-Kestner, who had been vice-president
of the French Senate when the Dreyfus iniquities began to be
dragged out of darkness into light, and who was one of the few
men in public life then who strove heroically to have the
truth ascertained and justice done. Scheurer-Kestner was an
Alsatian, and this fact gave Premier Clemenceau an opportunity
to break silence on the sore subject of the loss of Alsace,
which French statesmen have not ventured to refer to since the
heart-breaking surrender of 1871. His breaking of that silence
was meant to break, and assuredly does break, the long
brooding of revengefulness in French hearts which has been a
menace to the peace of Europe for nearly 40 years.
"I do not fear," he said, "to call up the memory of that
bloody past. I am mindful of the responsibility which belongs
to my office, and I can speak without constraint of events
which have entered into history. I can proclaim feelings which
we cannot repudiate—which we cannot even hide without lowering
ourselves." And this is his open proclamation of the feeling
to which France has come, in its thought of Alsace:
"We received France issuing from frightful trial. To rebuild
her in her legitimate power of expansion as well as in her
dignity as a great moral person, we have no need either to
hate or to lie, nor even to recriminate. We look to the
future. Sons of a great history, jealously careful of the
lofty impulses native to us, in which the civilizing virtue of
France was fashioned, we can look in quiet of soul on the
descendants of strong races which for centuries have measured
themselves with the men of our lands in battlefields beyond
numbering. Two such great rival peoples, for the very honor of
their rivalry, have a like interest to keep their respect, the
one for the other."
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1909.
German Opposition to the "Navy Fever,"
in High Circles as well as Low.
Views of Herr Von Holstein and Admiral Galster.
How far the naval ambitions and costly naval policy of Germany
are supported by public opinion is much of a question. It is
certain that they are a cause of wide discontent in the
industrial classes, and no less certain that the weightiest
influence behind them is that of the Emperor, who stimulates
the exertions of a powerful Navy League. That there is an
effective disapproval of the policy in high political circles
has been shown lately by the publication of some expressions
on the subject by the late Herr von Holstein, who was for many
years the chief of the Political Department of the German
Foreign Office,—the mentor and prompter from behind the scenes
of several successive Chancellors of the Empire. In some
reminiscences of this important official, by an intimate
friend, Herr von Rath, who published them in September, 1909,
he is quoted as having, in 1907, denounced what he called
"navy fever" in Germany in these strong words;
"This dangerous disease is fed upon the fear of an attack by
England, which is not in accordance with facts. The effect
of the ‘navy fever’ is pernicious in three directions—in
domestic politics on account of the intrigues of the Navy
League, which also produce the greatest ill-feeling in South
Germany; in the finances on account of the prohibitive
expenditure; in foreign politics on account of the mistrust
which these armaments awake. England sees in them a menace
which keeps her bound to the side of France. At the same time,
even with taxation strained to the utmost limit, the
construction of a fleet able to cope with the united fleets of
England and France is entirely out of the question. From the
menace which everybody in England sees in German naval
construction the present Liberal Government in England will
not draw serious conclusions. It will be different when the
Conservatives come into power. The danger of war between
Germany on the one hand and England and France on the other is
even today playing a part in the political calculations of
other countries. Against armaments on land nobody will offer
any objection, because they are justified by the needs of
defence. In our naval armaments several Powers see a perpetual
menace.
"Even among Parliamentary Deputies there are many who condemn
the ‘navy fever,’ but no one of them will take the
responsibility of refusing to vote ships, a responsibility
which would recoil upon him in the event of a defeat at sea.
Anybody who to-day makes a stand against the prevailing ‘navy
fever’ is attacked from all sides as wanting in patriotism,
but a few years hence the justice of my opinion will be
established."
According to Herr von Rath, Herr von Holstein declared in
February, 1909, three months before his death, that the navy
question transcended all others in importance. He is said to
have watched with approval the campaign which is still more or
less vigorously carried on by Vice-Admiral Galster and others
against the "big ship policy," and to have said, with
reference to one of Admiral Galster’s pamphlets:—"The main
thing is to expose the lying and treacherous fallacy expressed
in the statement that every fresh ship is an addition to the
power of Germany—when every fresh ship causes England, to say
nothing of France, to build two ships."
The Vice-Admiral Galster here referred to contends that
submarines are more effective for defence than Dreadnoughts,
and he labors to persuade his fellow countrymen to be
satisfied with defensive armament, repudiating what creates
suspicion of offensive designs.
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1908.
School Peace League, The American.
"The American School Peace League [organized in 1908] aims to
secure the cooperation of the educational public of America in
the project for promoting international justice and equity. …
It is hoped that every teacher in the country will subscribe
to the purposes of the League by becoming a member. Much of
the work will be done by committees, five of which have been
organized up to the present time. …
{724}
"The Committee on Meetings and Discussion aims to induce
educational associations throughout the country to place the
subject of internationalism on their programs. It also seeks
to stimulate literary and debating societies, in colleges and
schools, to study the subject. The Committee recommends to
educational associations the establishment of International
Committees, or Departments, for the purpose of making a
detailed study of the relation of the International Movement
to school instruction.
"The Committee on Publications intends to build up a body of
literature, dealing with the interrelation between peoples and
nations along political, industrial, and social lines. To this
end, the Committee purposes to issue, directly or indirectly,
a series of publications for the young, that may be used in
the geography, history, science, and literature classes; it
also intends to make a collection of the present songs which
illustrate the peace sentiment, and to stimulate the writing
of new ones.
"The Press Committee, which comprises some of the leading
educational editors of the country, is prepared to acquaint
teachers with the work of the League through the columns of
the educational magazines.
"The Committee on Teaching History will study the textbooks
with reference to the space devoted respectively to war and to
peace. It hopes to develop among teachers a sentiment which
shall lay emphasis on the arts of peace, and on the industrial
and social conditions of the people, rather than on campaigns,
battles, and other military details. It further aims to
arrange, if possible, courses in history to be given at summer
schools and teachers’ institutes, with special attention to
the growth of international friendship.
"The International Committee intends to make a constructive
study of international cooperation in activities which
particularly affect educational work."
_Mrs. Fannie Fern Andrews, Secretary.
Objects of the American School Peace League,_
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1908.
Evasion of the Conscription in Russia.
According to statistics published in the spring of 1909 by the
military organ, the _Russky Invalid_, the conscription of
1908 took place in the following circumstances. The annual
contingent had been fixed by the Duma at 456,481 men.
Altogether 1,281,655 conscripts were called up for
examination. Of this huge number 80,165 men failed to appear,
including 20,693 Jews, out of a total of 64,005 Jews
conscripted. The largest number of absentees was in the
provinces of Suwalki, Lomja, Plotzk, and Kovno. It is from
these provinces that a general exodus of Polish, Lithuanian,
and Jewish youths to America is noticeable. The actual number
found to be fit for military service in 1908 was 17,926 short
of the contingent fixed by the Duma. This deficiency was
composed of 943 Russians, 5,154 other Christians, 10,677 Jews,
1,082 Mahomedans, and 70 other non-Christians. The recruiting
stations noted a general falling off in the physique of the
conscripts.
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.
Changed Conditions in Europe making for Peace.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1909.
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST:
International School of Peace.
Mr. Ginn’s Great Fund for Peace Propagandism.
Members of the various Boston peace organizations took part
last evening [December 15] in the formation of an
International School of Peace. The idea originated with Edwin
Ginn, the publisher, and the ‘house warming’ took place at No.
29 Beacon Street, where a room was appropriately adorned for
the occasion with the flags of many nations and large
portraits of Sumner and Cobden and other great international
leaders.
"Mr. Ginn welcomed the company in a speech wherein the motives
and experience which prompted him to found the school were set
forth. He explained what he hoped of the organization, how he
had for years appealed to various millionaires to unite with
him in some larger provision than any which existed for the
systematic education of the people in peace principles, the
response to which had been disappointing.
"Mr. Ginn felt that some large beginning must be made by
somebody; and so he had appropriated $50,000 a year to the
work from now on, and provided in his will that the bulk of
his estate, after proper provision for family and friends,
should go to this cause, which he felt to be the greatest and
most necessary cause in the world. This action had brought him
multitudes of letters, he said, and clearly awakened much
interest; and if it prompted others to do much more than he
could do, that was what he wanted. The friends of the cause,
especially its wealthy friends, had been strangely asleep to
the pressing need for this work of popular education. It must
be thoroughly organized to reach the schools and colleges, the
churches and newspapers and business men. He gave
illustrations of the awful cost and waste of the present
military system, which he said violated every principle of
good business, political economy, and common sense. …
‘The room is not only a bureau for the office force, but a
reading-room and library, where the latest information
touching the progress of the movement will always be furnished
to teachers, preachers, and all who are interested. Regular
conferences upon the different aspects of the movement will
also be held there."
_The Boston Transcript,
December 16, 1909._
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.
The Second National Peace Congress in the United States,
assembled at Chicago.
The Second National Peace Congress in the United States held
its session in Chicago, May 3-5, 1909. The attendance was
large, the speaking of high quality and the prevailing spirit
earnest in its repudiation of all reasoning or feeling that is
tolerant of the barbarism of war. Respectful attention was
given to an address by the German Ambassador to the United
States, Count Bernstorff, who defended the attitude of his
Government on the question of a limitation of armaments, but
the expressions of the Congress on the subject were not toned
to agreement with his plea. Among its resolutions was the
following:
"Resolved, That no dispute between nations, except such as may
involve the national life and independence, should be reserved
from arbitration, and that a general treaty of obligatory
arbitration should be included at the earliest possible date.
Pending such a general treaty, we urge upon our government,
and the other leading Powers, such broadening of the scope of
their arbitration treaties as shall provide, after the example
of the Danish Netherlands treaty, for the reference to the
Hague Court of all differences whatever not settled otherwise
by peaceful means."
{725}
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.
The Annual Lake Mohonk Peace Conferences in the United States.
The annual Peace Conferences at Lake Mohonk, in the United
States, have been held with regularity. At the Fifteenth,
convened in May, 1909, a strong resolution was adopted, asking
the Government of the United States to consider "whether the
peculiar position it occupies among the nations does not
afford it a special opportunity to lead the way towards …
carrying into effect the strongly expressed desire of the two
Peace Conferences at The Hague, that the governments examine
the possibility of an agreement as to the limitation of armed
forces by land and sea, and of war budgets."
Privately during the Conference there was discussion of the
suggestion that if four or five of the great Powers—England,
Germany, France, Italy, the United States, and Japan, and
perhaps Spain and Russia—could join in establishing a Supreme
Court of the nations, to which they would refer their
difficulties, other nations would be compelled by the course
of events to accept the tribunal and its decisions, and to
come into participation in it on such terms as might later be
agreed upon.
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.
Exchange of Parliamentary Visits between France and Sweden.
Seventy-six members of the French Parliament, representing the
international arbitration group, visited Stockholm in July,
1909, under the leadership of Baron d’Estournelles de
Constant. The visit was paid in return for one made by the
members of the three Scandinavian Parliaments to Paris some
time before.
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.
A World Petition for a General Treaty
of Obligatory Arbitration.
At the annual meeting of the International Peace Bureau at
Brussels, October 9, 1909, the following resolution was
adopted, expressing approval of the world-petition to the
third Hague Conference in favor of a general treaty of
obligatory arbitration:
"_Whereas_, Public opinion, _if recorded_, will
prove an influential factor at the third Hague Conference; and
_Whereas_, The ‘world-petition to the third Hague
Conference’ has begun to successfully establish a statistical
record of the men and women in every country who desire to
support the governments in their efforts to perfect the new
international order based on the principle of the solidarity
of all nations;
_Resolved_, That the Commission and the General Assembly
of the International Peace Bureau, meeting at Brussels October
8 and 9, 1909, urgently recommend the signing of the
‘world-petition to the third Hague Conference.’"
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.
Evasion of Military Service in France.
Spread of Anti-Militarism.
According to returns of the recruiting for the French Army,
published in the summer of 1909, there appears to be a steady
increase in the evasion of service by young men at the times
they are required by law to enter it. "Since 1906, when the
number of refractory recruits amounted to 4,567, the figures
have slowly risen, until they have now reached 11,782. The
_soldat insoumis_ may be punished in France by
imprisonment of from one month to one year. But on about an
average of every two years during the last 20 years Parliament
has regularly voted an Amnesty Bill in favour of deserters and
recalcitrant recruits or reservists." This is one supposed
cause of the increasing evasions; but a more important
influence working with it is the propagandism of anti-military
doctrines, preached passionately by Gustav Hervé, accepted
widely, it is said, among the primary teachers of the country,
as well as in the ranks of the workingmen. The General
Confederation of Labor is reported to be distributing annually
some thousands of "soldiers’ manuals" in which desertion is urged
as a duty to humanity at large.
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909 (October).
American Proposal that the Prize Court now established be
also a Court of Arbitral Justice.
By reference to the proceedings of the Second Peace Conference
at The Hague, as set forth above, it will be seen that the
Conference gave favorable consideration to a draft Convention
for the creation of a "Judicial Arbitration Court" (the text
of which draft is given at the end of said proceedings), and
that the Conference went so far as to declare the
"advisability of adopting … and of bringing it into force as
soon as an agreement has been reached respecting the selection
of the judges and the constitution of the Court." It will be
seen, also, that the Conference adopted measures for the
creation of an International Prize Court, preliminary to which
an International Naval Conference was held in London from
December 4, 1908, until February 26, 1909. At that Conference
a suggestion was made that "the jurisdiction of the
International Prize Court might be extended, by agreement
between two or more of the signatory Powers, to cover cases at
present excluded from its jurisdiction by the express terms of
the Prize Court Convention, and that in the hearing of such
cases that Court should have the functions and follow the
procedure laid down in the draft Convention relative to the
creation of a Judicial Arbitration Court, which was annexed to
the Final Act of the Second Peace Conference, of 1907."
In line with this suggestion, it was made known, in the later
part of the past year, that the Government of the United
States, through its State Department, had proposed in a
circular note to the Powers, that the Prize Court should be
invested with the jurisdiction and functions of the proposed
Judicial Arbitration Court. The difficulties in selecting
judges for that contemplated Court, which caused the creation
of it to be postponed in 1907, would thus be happily
surmounted, and, as remarked by Secretary Knox, there would be
at once given "to the world an international judicial body to
adjudge cases arising in peace, as well as controversies
incident to war."
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.
Attitude of the Workingmen.
At the Twentieth International Congress of Miners, held in
Berlin, in May, 1909, there were strong declarations for
disarmament, and one Belgian delegate, M. Maroille, said
significantly: If it were better organized the International
Federation of Miners could by itself render wars impossible.
They need not do anything violent or illegal; they had only to
remain quiet, so very quiet that war could not be carried on.
{726}
WAR.
See (in this Volume)
Red Cross Society.
WARD, SIR JOSEPH GEORGE:
Prime Minister of New Zealand.
See (in this Volume)
NEW ZEALAND A. D. 1906-1909.
WARD, SIR JOSEPH GEORGE:
At the Imperial Conference of 1907.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.
WARD, SIR JOSEPH GEORGE:
Testimony on the Working of Woman Suffrage in New Zealand.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.
WARSAW, DISTURBANCES IN.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905, and 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).
WASHBURN, Reverend. Dr. George:
President of Robert College.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: TURKEY, &c.
WASHINGTON, BOOKER T.:
His work at Tuskegee Institute.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.
WASHINGTON: A. D. 1908.
Meeting of International Congress on Tuberculosis.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH. TUBERCULOSIS.
WASHINGTON MEMORIAL INSTITUTION, THE.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901.
WATER POWER TRUST:
Threatened in the United States.
Precautionary Measures taken.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.
WATERS AND WATER POWER, CONSERVATION OF.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.
WATERS-PIERCE OIL COMPANY.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.
WATERWAYS COMMISSION AND WATERWAYS TREATY.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).
WATKINS, THOMAS H.:
On the Anthracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commission.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.
WATSON, J. C.:
Premier of Australia.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904.
WATSON, Thomas E.:
Nomination for President of the United States.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER),
and 1908 (MARCH-NOVEMBER).
WAZEER, GRAND.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1903.
WEALTH:
Its Concentration in Great Britain.
In a speech made in Parliament, on a motion to graduate the
Income Tax, March 24, 1909, Mr. Chiozza-Money, who speaks with
considerable authority on such subjects, made the following
statements: "Statistics were available in Somerset House
showing the product of the graduated scale of death duties
imposed by Sir William Harcourt in 1894. Of the 700,000
persons who died annually, only about 80,000 left sufficient
property to need an inquisition by Somerset House. Out of the
80,000 persons nearly the whole of the property was left by
27,000 persons; and £200,000,000 worth of property was left by
about 4,000 persons each year. This was not only a curious
fact, but it was a constant fact in relation to this problem.
He also showed that there had arisen a tendency among rich
persons to devise part of their property before death in order
to escape the death duties, with the result that a good deal
of wealth did not come under the review of Somerset House.
What he described as his own conservative estimate of the
wealth of the United Kingdom was a total of about
£11,500,000,000. Of that sum five millions of persons owned
£10,900,000,000. One-ninth of the population owned 95 per
cent. of the entire capital stock of the United Kingdom. Thus
the whole of the country regarded as a business undertaking
was in the hands of a handful of people. Taking the income of
the country at 1,800 millions a year, there were about five
million persons who took one-half and 39 millions the other
half. Of the five million persons who took 900 millions of
income about 1¼ million persons, or 250,000 families, took 600
millions out of the 900 millions. From this state of facts the
most terrible inequalities resulted, evidences of which could
be seen along the Embankment and other parts of Westminster
almost within a stone’s throw of that House."
WEALTH PROBLEM, THE.
The Question of a Progressive Taxation.
"At this moment we are passing through a period of great
unrest—social, political and industrial unrest. It is of the
utmost importance for our future that this should prove to be
not the unrest of mere rebelliousness against life, of mere
dissatisfaction with the inevitable inequality of conditions,
but the unrest of a resolute and eager ambition to secure the
betterment of the individual and the nation. … It is a prime
necessity that if the present unrest is to result in permanent
good the emotion shall be translated into action, and that the
action shall be marked by honesty, sanity, and self-restraint.
There is mighty little good in a mere spasm of reform. The
reform that counts is that which comes through steady,
continuous growth; violent emotionalism leads to exhaustion.
"It is important to this people to grapple with the problems
connected with the amassing of enormous fortunes, and the use
of those fortunes, both corporate and individual, in business.
We should discriminate in the sharpest way between fortunes
well won and fortunes ill won; between those gained as an
incident to performing great services to the community as a
whole, and those gained in evil fashion by keeping just within
the limits of mere law-honesty. Of course no amount of charity
in spending such fortunes in any way compensates for
misconduct in making them. As a matter of personal conviction,
and without pretending to discuss the details or formulate the
system, I feel that we shall ultimately have to consider the
adoption of some such scheme as that of a progressive tax on
all fortunes, beyond a certain amount, either given in life or
devised or bequeathed upon death to any individual—a tax so
framed as to put it out of the power of the owner of one of
these enormous fortunes to hand on more than a certain amount
to any one individual; the tax, of course, to be imposed by
the National and not the State Government. Such taxation
should, of course, be aimed merely at the inheritance or
transmission in their entirety of those fortunes swollen
beyond all healthy limits."
_President Roosevelt,
Address at the Laying of the Corner Stone of the
Office-Building of the House of Representatives,
April 14, 1906._
WEAVER, JOHN: MAYOR OF PHILADELPHIA.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
{727}
WEEKLY REST DAY.
See (in this Volume)
SUNDAY OBSERVANCE.
"WE FREES."
See (in this Volume)
SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904-1905.
WEI-HAI-WEI:
Strategic Worthlessness of the Port.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (FEBRUARY).
WEKERLE, ALEXANDER: PRIME MINISTER OF HUNGARY.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1908-1909.
WELSH COERCION ACT.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1902.
WERMUTH, Herr:
Secretary of the German Imperial Treasury.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.
WEST AFRICA:
White Colonization impossible in Present Conditions.
See (in this Volume)
AFRICA.
WEST INDIES, DANISH:
Failure of Projected Sale to the United States.
See (in this Volume)
DENMARK: A. D. 1902.
WESTERN FEDERATION OF MINERS.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION. UNITED STATES: A. D. 1899-1907.
WET, C. R. de.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.
WEYLER, GENERAL Y NICOLAU:
Suppression of Strike at Barcelona.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: SPAIN.
WEYLER, GENERAL Y NICOLAU:
Spanish Minister of War.
See (in this Volume)
SPAIN: A. D. 1901-1904.
WHITE, HENRY:
American Delegate to the Algeciras Conference'
on the Morocco Question.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.
WHITE HOUSE, THE:
Its Restoration.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902 (MAY-NOVEMBER).
WHITE MOUNTAIN FOREST, PRESERVATION OF THE.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.
WHITE SLAVE TRADE, MOVEMENT FOR THE SUPPRESSION OF THE.
The movement for the suppression of what is now described as
the White Slave Traffic, and which has grown into an important
international organization, appears to have had its beginning
in the formation of a committee at London, in 1880, "for the
purpose of exposing and suppressing the [then] existing
traffic in English, Scotch and Irish girls for foreign
prostitution." This committee presented a memorial on the
subject to Lord Granville, then Secretary for Foreign Affairs,
setting out a statement of facts which "revealed the existence
of systematic abduction to Brussels, and elsewhere on the
Continent of Europe, of girls who were English subjects, and
who, having been induced to go abroad under promise of
obtaining employment or respectable situations, were on
arrival taken to the office of the ‘Police des Mœurs’ for
registration as prostitutes." The memorialists craved Lord
Granville’s influence "in favour of measures which would
render it impossible that British subjects, however humble,
should in the future be subjected to such infamy and
degradation, including the loss of their personal liberty."
Such measures were taken, Parliament passing an Act which
became law in 1885, with so much effectiveness that "the
traffic was at once checked. The miscreants who were engaged
in it were dismayed by its provisions, and within five years
after the Act had come into operation the Burgomaster of
Brussels, which had been the head-quarters of the traffic,
questioned as to the effect produced by that measure, in April
1890 wrote as follows: 'Comme suite à votre lettre du 15
courant, j’ai l’honneur de vous faire connaître que depuis
1880 aucune fille de nationalité Auglaise n’a été inscrite aux
registres de Bruxelles.’ While, however, the traffic, so far
as the United Kingdom was concerned, was thus almost
extinguished, it seems to have increased and spread in certain
districts of Eastern Europe to an extent which attracted the
serious and alarmed attention of the Governments and public
authorities of the countries immediately concerned. About the
year 1898 the National Vigilance Society, headed by the late
Duke of Westminster, then its President, resolved ‘to open
definite measures for its mitigation—if possible, its
suppression.’ This organization was fortunate in having for
its Secretary and chief administrative officer Mr. William
Alexander Coote, a man of remarkable energy and
determination."
_Parliamentary Papers, 1907 (Cd. 3453)._
Mr. Coote went on a mission to the Continent and aroused the
interest of the Governments most concerned. International
conferences on the subject were held, in London, 1899, at
Paris, 1902, and again at Paris in 1906, producing concerted
action. In 1904 an International Agreement was signed at
Paris, May 18, by the plenipotentiaries of Great Britain,
Germany, Belgium, Denmark, Spain, France, Italy, the
Netherlands, Portugal, Russia, Sweden and Norway, and
Switzerland, the first two articles of which were as follows:
"Article 1.
Each of the Contracting Governments undertakes to establish or
name some authority charged with the co-ordination of all
information relative to the procuring of women or girls for
immoral purposes abroad; this authority shall be empowered to
correspond direct with the similar department established in
each of the other Contracting States.
Article 2.
Each of the Governments undertakes to have a watch kept,
especially in railway stations, ports of embarkation, and
_en route_, for persons in charge of women and girls
destined for an immoral life. With this object instructions
shall be given to the officials and all other qualified
persons to obtain, within legal limits, all information likely
to lead to the detection of criminal traffic. The arrival of
persons who clearly appear to be the principals, accomplices
in, or victims of, such traffic shall be notified, when it
occurs, either to the authorities of the place of destination,
or to the Diplomatic or Consular Agents interested, or to any
other competent authorities."
_Parliamentary Papers, 1905,
Treaty Series No. 24 (Cd. 2689)._
Meantime, in the United States, due attention was not given to
the matter, until it was found that the abominable traffic had
become organized to an appalling extent in the country,
especially in connection with its foreign immigration, and had
a principal seat in New York, with a suspected connivance on
the part of men having political influence, if not official
power. An investigation of the facts became one of the main
objects of the Congressional Immigration Commission which
pursued inquiries in Europe and America in 1909, and was the
leading subject of the preliminary report made public by the
Commission, December 10.
{728}
In this report the Commission says that the white slave
traffic is the most pitiful phase of the immigration question.
The business has assumed large proportions, and has exerted an
evil influence upon the country. The inquiry covered the
cities of New York, Chicago, San Francisco, Seattle, Portland,
Salt Lake, Ogden, Butte, Denver, Buffalo, Boston, and New
Orleans. No attempt was made to investigate conditions in
every important city. But the commission believes that enough
evidence with reference to women of different races and
nationalities, living under different conditions has been
obtained from localities sufficiently scattered to warrant the
reports being used as a basis for official action.
Among other recommendations of the Commission is one that the
transportation of persons from one State, Territory, or
district, to another for the purpose of prostitution be
forbidden under heavy penalties. The commission also expresses
the opinion that the Legislatures of the several States should
consider the advisability of enacting more stringent laws
regarding prostitution. It is suggested that the Illinois
statute regarding pandering be carefully considered. A number
of suggestions of administrative changes and more rigid
enforcement of existing regulations by the Department of
Commerce and Labor, particularly by the Bureau of Immigration,
and amendments of the Immigration act itself are submitted by
the commission.
Legislation on the lines recommended is now pending in
Congress and in New York and other States, while the alleged
organization of the traffic in the city of New York is being
investigated by a special grand jury of one of the State
Courts.
WICKERSHAM, GEORGE W.:
Attorney-General.
See (in this Volume )
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).
WIJU.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).
WILLIAM II., German Emperor:
Statement of his Peace Policy based on Preparation for War.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.
WILLIAM II., German Emperor:
His speech at Tangier.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.
WILLIAM II., German Emperor:
His published Interview with an Englishman and its Effect.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).
WILSON, James:
Secretary of Agriculture.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905; 1905-1909; AND 1909 (MARCH).
WILSON, General John M.:
On the Anthracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commission.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1903.
WILSON, Woodrow:
President of Princeton University.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.
WINE-GROWERS’ REVOLT, IN FRANCE.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1907 (MAY-JULY).
WINNIPEG: A. D. 1909.
Meeting of British Association for the Advancement of Science.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: PHYSICAL.
WIRELESS TELEGRAPHY.
See (in this Volume and in Volume VI.)
SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.
WISCONSIN: A. D. 1900-1909.
Governor and Senator La Follette.
The recognized "new movement" in American politics which has
been putting a distinctive mark on the last decade, directed
towards the emancipation of parties from a selfishly organized
system, or "machine," had nowhere in the West a more vigorous
starting than in Wisconsin; and nobody can doubt that the
initial force given to it there came mostly from the energy of
the leader it found in Robert Marion La Follette. He had
entered politics when he entered the profession of law, in
1880. From 1889 to 1901 he was a representative in Congress.
At the end of that period he had been elected Governor of his
State, and he held the office for three terms, resigning it in
1905 to accept a seat in the Senate of the United States,
where he exercises a degree of independence not common in that
assembly. All this advancement in public service has gone with
a personal leadership in politics, resisted unavailingly by
the old party organization.
WISCONSIN: A. D. 1907.
Enactment of Public Utilities Law.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC UTILITIES.
WISCONSIN STATE UNIVERSITY:
Its Legislative Reference Department and Municipal
Reference Bureau.
See (in this Volume).
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
WITBOIS, THE.
See (in this Volume)
Africa: A. D. 1904-1905,
and
GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.
WITTE, Sergius Yulievitch:
As Russian Finance Minister and practically as Premier.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904, and 1904-1905.
WITTE, Sergius Yulievitch:
Withdrawal from Premiership.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.
WITTE, Sergius Yulievitch:
Memorial to the Tsar on Religious Liberty and the Bondage
of the Church to the State.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (APRIL-AUGUST).
WITTE, Sergius Yulievitch:
Russian Plenipotentiary for negotiating Treaty of Peace
with Japan.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).
WOLF’S HILL, The Capture of.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).
WOMAN SUFFRAGE.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE.
WOMEN, International Council of: A. D. 1909.
Proceedings at Toronto.
The International Council of Women was assembled at Toronto,
Canada, in June, 1909, being then in the twenty-fifth year of
its existence. Its large gatherings are undertaken but once in
five years, executive meetings being held in years between.
The Toronto session was opened on the 17th of June, and was
prolonged interestingly for ten days. The delegates attending
numbered 160, from all parts of Europe, America and
Australasia, Great Britain sending the largest number. Germany
comes next with 19, Sweden sends 7, Denmark 4, Italy 3,
Austria-Hungary 5, Norway 10, Belgium 4, Greece 3, the
Netherlands 11, Australasia 11, the United States 16, and
Canada 11.
Lady Aberdeen, the President of the Council, in her opening
remarks, indicated the breadth of the ideas of service to the
world which this international organization contemplates, when
she said: "Having proved that we are truly representative of
the women workers of the world and that within our various
councils we have gathered organizations of women of all races,
creeds, classes, and parties, what is the outcome?
{729}
What do we stand for? What practical contribution can we offer
to the world’s welfare?" Turning to the Canadian delegates,
she answered these questions by alluding to the sympathy that
the National Council of Canada had created between the women
of the different provinces and the way in which it had made
them recognize their true relationship to their country and
the world. From this Lady Aberdeen went on to say:
"Our International Council must indeed be of necessity the
strongest peace society that can exist, for if the homes of
the different countries of the world are brought in touch with
one another and understand and believe in one another, there
can be no more war. Again, the health movement which our
national councils’ reports show us is going on in all
countries of the world is one that has within itself
potentialities far beyond the immediate objects it aims at.
What are these medical and scientific congresses, these
international conferences on tuberculosis, infant mortality,
school hygiene, temperance, and the like doing? Are they not
bringing the world’s thinkers and workers into line for the
preservation of life, for the furtherance of a high and
vigorous type of life based on knowledge, principle, and
self-control, for international action in the interests of the
world’s health? Here is work which concerns all women in all
countries, and in which every society has an interest. … But …
the keynote of our success and influence must always lie in
the fact that we lay stress in being more than doing, in the
spirit of our work more than the work itself, in the motive
underlying our union, rather than in our actual federation."
Peace and Arbitration, Woman Suffrage (favored by a majority
of the delegates in attendance), the "White Slave Traffic,"
so-called, Public Health, Education, Immigration, cheapened
International Postage, were among the principal subjects of
discussion taken up on successive days.
The next quinquennial council was appointed to be held at
Rome, in 1914, with executive meetings in Sweden in 1911 and
in the Netherlands in 1913. Lady Aberdeen was reelected
President.
WOMEN WORKERS:
Legal Regulation of Hours and Conditions.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.
WOOD, GENERAL LEONARD:
Military Governor of Cuba.
See (in this Volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1901-1902.
WOODWARD, Dr. Robert S.:
President of the Carnegie Institution of Washington.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.
WORKMEN.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION.
WORKMEN’S COMPENSATION ACT, BRITISH.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR PROTECTION.
WORLD MOVEMENTS:
Fichte’s Prophecy of a World Commonwealth.
The Progress of a Century toward its Fulfilment.
"Fichte says: ‘It is the vocation of our race to unite itself
into one single body, all the parts of which shall be
thoroughly known to each other, and all possessed of similar
culture. Nature, and even the passions and vices of men have,
from the beginning, tended towards this end: a great part of
the way towards it is already passed, and we may surely
calculate that this end, which is the condition of all further
progress, will in time be attained. … Until the existing
culture of every age shall have been diffused over the whole
inhabited globe, and our race become capable of the most
unlimited inter-communication with itself, one nation or one
continent must pause on the great common path of progress, and
wait for the advance of the others; and each must bring as an
offering to the universal commonwealth, for the sake of which
alone it exists, its ages of apparent immobility, or
retrogression. When that first point shall have been attained,
when every useful discovery made at one end of the earth shall
be at once made known and communicated to all the rest, then,
without further interruption, without halt or regress, with
united strength and equal step, humanity shall move onward to
a higher culture, of which we can at present form no
conception.’
"This was an end-of-the-eighteenth-century utterance, and
events have followed it as if it were a resistless fiat
compelling its own fulfilment, rather than the dictum of a
philosopher. The nations have striven fiercely to carry
forward the work which the great Seer pointed to as the
essential condition of the higher progress. Inspired by varied
aims, and carried forward by diverse means, the end has been
ever the same. The missionary with his religious mandate, the
devil-may-care adventurer seeking excitement, the restless
military caste craving advancement, the trader thirsting for
gain, all promote the ‘Divine plan.’ …
"The pride of independent nationality must gradually give way
to the pride of being members of the great confederations. The
transition from Nationalism to internationalism will be
brought about by a threefold pressure, and will be rendered
easy by the system we have evolved with our great Colonies.
There will be the pressure of the higher organisation on the
lower, the larger upon the less; there will be racial
pressure, as yellow and black begin to feel their power; and
there will be commercial pressure. This irresistible pressure
will be gradually recognised as a benevolent despotism forcing
the practical recognition of the brotherhood of man.
"With regard to commercial pressure. A glance ahead will show
that the Western nations, in forcing their trade on yellow and
black races, are educating the latter into formidable
competitors. Like the Japs they will better the instruction,
and, with their more favourable economic conditions, will
flood the Western world with commodities at prices it cannot
compete with. To avoid being dragged down to their lower level
of subsistence the great world powers will be compelled to
draw a ring-fence of tariffs round their possessions. In our
case the British Empire contains nearly all climates and
resources that will enable it to be entirely self-contained
and self-supporting. The comparative free trade within the
fence will starve isolated countries to come in.
{730}
"There is no reason why an Empire such as ours should not be
much more truly happy and prosperous than it has yet been, if
we organise it scientifically. The loss of our abnormal
position in foreign trade will be a blessing if we exercise
foresight. In the furtherance of the World-purpose it was
necessary that the progressive nations should for a time
worship foreign trade as a fetich, and as the chief means of
prosperity. Nothing else would have given them the needed
stimulus, and forced them to such Herculean efforts to conquer
and keep foreign markets. But when all foreign markets have
been opened up, and we have unintentionally educated other
races, not only to supply their own wants, but to swamp us
with their manufactures, then we must readjust our ideas, and
adopt less one-sided aims. In our ambition to be the Cheap
John of the world, we have developed some of our resources
abnormally, and neglected others. To foster foreign trade we
converted a large part of our island home into black country,
we have been prodigally wasteful of our mineral resources, and
have neglected our agriculture. In striving for foreign
markets we have neglected the best market in the world—the
Home market—and have left ourselves miserably dependent on the
foreigner. This is really incipient heart disease of the
Empire.
"It was providential that we adopted ‘free trade’ when we did,
as it gives a moral justification for our annexations which no
protective nation can show; but as the other great Powers
extend their sway, and their tariff barriers, we shall cease
to need our free trade justification. Then we can reconsider
the case."
_E. W. Cook,
The Organisation of Mankind
(Contemporary Review, September, 1901)._
WORLD MOVEMENTS:
The Making of a World Constitution and the development
of World Legislation.
"In the relations of nations to one another, as proved by
their treaties and code of international law, certain truths
are recognized which involve the very nature of mankind as a
created whole. That is, there is a world-constitution,
unwritten, not called by that name, but existing as truly as
the animal creation existed before it was named by man, and as
independent of his recognition and his naming as the animal
creation was independent of human recognition. Though that
world-constitution has remained obscure and unrecognized, yet
world progress toward its formal expression has been
wonderfully rapid in recent years.
"In the first place that constitution is bringing about the
formal existence of an organ for the use and for the
expression of the intelligence and the will of the world.
Nations, repeatedly, in separate congresses, upon special
subjects, have expressed their intelligence and their will,
and have entrusted to the nations severally the duty of
carrying out that will, as is most perfectly illustrated in
the case of the Universal Postal Union. That is, the nations
are creating a world legislative department.
"In the next place, the establishment of the Hague Court of
Arbitration is doubtless the beginning of the establishment of
a judicial department which will include other duties than the
settlement of causes dangerous to the peace of nations.
Lastly, the formal establishment of some world-executive will
not long lag behind the creation of the legislative and
judicial departments. The world is moving rapidly toward
political organization as one body, and the situation must
soon reveal itself to present doubters."
_R. L. Bridgman,
World-Organization secures World-Peace
(Atlantic Monthly, September, 1904)._
"At the session of the Massachusetts Legislature of 1902 a
petition was presented in favor of a world-legislature. That
petition was referred to the Legislature of 1903 in order that
the subject might receive further public consideration, and
the chairman of the committee which heard the petitioners
said, in each branch respectively, that the proposal was
meritorious. According to the report, the petition is pending
before the Legislature of 1903, with hundreds of signers,
including some of the best citizens. The American Peace
Society, by vote of its directors, signed the petition, while
it also presented another petition of its own, asking for a
movement for a world-conference or congress, with
recommendatory powers, to meet at stated intervals, say once
in seven years. Thus the proposal of world-organization is
formally before the public.
"Since the first petition was presented repeated instances
have occurred to support the main argument for it,—that
business exigencies of the world were becoming so urgent that
world-organization, as a necessity, would precede the efforts
of pure philanthropy or statesmanship for the same end. Early
in the year came the Pan-American Congress. Among its
proposals, suited for a world-scale, were these: a
Pan-American bank; a custom-house congress, and an
international customs commission; a statistical bureau of
international scope; an international copyright law; an
international commission to codify international law;
international regulations to cover inventions and trademarks;
a common treaty of extradition and protection against anarchy;
international regulations for the world-wide practice of the
liberal professions; an international archaeological
commission; an international office as depositary of the
archives of international conferences; an international
regulation granting equal rights to all foreigners from any of
the signatory countries, and some minor plans.
"Other world-propositions which developed during the year
included (in January) the organization of the International
Banking Corporation, with power, under a Connecticut charter,
of doing business all over the world; (early in the year)
circulation by the Manchester (England) Statistical Society of
a pamphlet advocating an international gold coinage; (in July)
suggestion by Russia of an international conference to protect
the nations against trusts and other private operations of
capital; (in July) another plan for an international bank; (in
August) meeting of the International Congress on Commerce and
Industry; and (in December) the meeting of the International
Sanitary Conference in Washington; to which may be added (in
January, 1903) the meeting in New York of the International
Customs Congress. For one year that is a notable record of
progress toward world-organization in matters of business, not
as matters of theory or of pure philanthropy. These instances
illustrate the truth, which many persons still fail to
realize, that the world is getting together at a rapid rate,
and that, as a matter of self-interest, the nations must soon
have a permanent legislative body as a means of establishing
regulations for the benefit of all.
{731}
"Pertinent to the case is the fact that world-legislation has
occurred repeatedly, though no world-legislature has been
organized. … In the case of the International Postal Union we
have absolute world-legislation. … That is the most
conspicuous and most successful illustration of
world-legislation, because it embraces organized mankind, and
because it is so eminently successful. …
"Mention may be made of the International Conference in
Washington, in 1885, for the establishment of a common prime
meridian, at which twenty-six nations were represented. At the
International Sanitary Conference in Vienna in 1892, fifteen
nations were represented. At the Dresden International
Sanitary Conference in 1893, nineteen nations were
represented."
_R. L. Bridgman,
A World-Legislature
(Atlantic Monthly, March, 1903)._
WORLD MOVEMENTS:
The Passing of the Age of Colonial Dominion.
The Coming of the Epoch of the "Open Door."
The old notions of colonial dominion, which had pricked the
ambition of nations since the sixteenth century, came
practically to the end of their working in the last years of
the nineteenth. The European partitioning of Africa, in the
decade after 1884, the scramble for footings in China between
1897 and the Boxer rising, and the Spanish-American War of
1898, may be looked upon as the expiring operations of
statesmanship on lines of "colonial policy," in the
acquisitive sense. As certainly as anything in politics can be
certain, the epoch of the founding and spreading of colonial
dominions came then to its close.
The colonial policy of that epoch meant colonial dominion
necessarily, for the reason that the commerce-spreading
nations of the West could not think of agreeing to open doors
of trade with the feebler or more backward folk of the East.
Each could make sure of marts in the great orient and oceanic
region only by seizing and walling them in, behind well-locked
doors, to keep the others out. Now, however, they have arrived
at a state of things in the world which compels them to think
of the "open door" for commerce, as a substitute for the
colonial dependency, held under lock and key. Several changes
have worked together in bringing this new situation about.
Principally, of course, it results from the near approach to
an exhaustion of the territory available for easy conquest and
colony-making. Africa and the great archipelagos of the South
Sea have all been divided up. Japan, with China making ready
to stand with her, has undertaken a policing of Eastern Asia,
to stop the staking out of lawless claims there. Moreover,
confidence in the stability as well as belief in the
usefulness of colonial dominion is much shaken of late, by
increasing signs of relaxing bonds in the great British
Empire, without much sign of harm to the prosperity or the
power of the imperial nation itself. Several of the outlying
dependencies of the British crown have grown to so much of
independence that they have taken the doorkeeping of their
commerce into their own hands and the sovereign mother country
makes no objection or complaint.
For many years past the commercial experience of England has
been furnishing proof that trade and dominion, under the
conditions of the present day, have little of necessary
connection with each other; and now the Germans, within later
years, have been adding to that proof. The few colonies they
have laid hands on, in Africa and Oceanica, have been of less
profit than expense to them; but, more rapidly than any other
people, they have pushed their trade in regions where they
have no political influence or control, by sheer energy and
careful learning of the conditions to be met.
The commercial mind, which has always dictated the policies of
government, is being thus compelled to turn its thought to the
"open door," and that, as a commercial aim, will evidently
extinguish colonial undertakings hereafter. It ruled the
settlement of the Chinese troubles of 1900 (thanks to John
Hay); it has gone into the recent treaties of Japan with
England, Russia and France; it gave a practicable solution to
the Morocco problem, at the Algeciras conference; it furnished
the ground in 1907 for an arrangement of long-troubled
relations between England and Russia in Persia, Tibet, and
Afghanistan.
Manifestly, the commercial policy of the future is to be, not
the policy of colonial dependencies, but the policy of open
doors. Even the imperialists and the stand-patters of the
United States will have to accept it; and in due time the
tariff-walled nations, after practicing themselves
sufficiently in the dictatorial opening of other people’s
doors, will be ready to unlock their own.
WORLD MOVEMENTS:
For and against War.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR,
and
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST.
World’s Prohibition Confederation.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM; INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS.
WOS Y GIL, GENERAL:
Revolutionary President of San Domingo.
See (in this Volume)
SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1907
WRIGHT, DR. A. E.,
WRIGHT, DR. DOUGLAS;
The Discoverers of Opsonins.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT. OPSONINS.
WRIGHT, Carroll D.:
On the Anthracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commission.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES; A. D. 1902-1903.
WRIGHT, GENERAL LUKE E.:
Secretary of War.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1909.
WRIGHT, ORVILLE AND WILBUR.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.
WURTEMBERG: A. D. 1906.
Displacement of Privileged Members from the Parliament.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.
WYNDHAM, G.:
Chief Secretary for Ireland.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JULY).
WYNNE, Robert J.:
Postmaster-General.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.
{732}
Y.
YALU, BATTLES AT THE.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).
YAMAGATA, Prince Aritomo.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (JUNE) and 1909 (OCTOBER).
YANGTZULING, BATTLE OF.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).
YASHIMA, SINKING OF THE.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).
YASS-CANBERRA.
Chosen Site of the Capital of Australia.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906.
YELLOW FEVER.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH.
YOUNG EGYPT.
See (in this Volume)
EGYPT. A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER).
YOUNG FINNS:
See (in this Volume)
FINLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.
YOUNG TURKS.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.
YOUNGHUSBAND, COLONEL GEORGE J.:
Mission to Tibet.
See (in this Volume)
TIBET: A. D. 1902-1904.
YOUSSUF IZEDDIN.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).
YUAN SHIH-KAI:
His abrupt Dismissal from Office.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).
YUKON DISTRICT, THE:
Census, 1901.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.
YUSHIN-KAI.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1909.
ZAHLE MINISTRY.
See (in this Volume)
DENMARK: A. D. 1905-1909.
ZAIMIS, M.,
High Commissioner of Crete.
See (in this Volume)
CRETE: A. D. 1905-1906.
ZAMENHOF, DR.:
Inventor of Esperanto.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: ESPERANTO.
ZANARDELLI, Giuseppe:
Premier of Italy.
See (in this Volume)
ITALY: A. D. 1901 and 1903.
ZANZIBAR: A. D. 1903.
Practical Ending of Slavery.
The following remarks are from reports made by British
consular officers in 1903. By decree of the Sultan of Zanzibar
the legal status of slavery was annulled in 1897: "As I have
anticipated in my former Reports, the number of slaves who
have thought fit to present themselves for freedom to the
Zanzibar Government has been very small. … It is as well known
as ever throughout the Island of Zanzibar that a slave has
only to appear and ask for freedom and it is immediately
granted. But the slaves have long since discovered that
freedom is not such ‘a bed of roses’ as was anticipated. They
have learnt that practically they lose far more than they gain
by leaving their owners to get freedom, and then having to
find a new home and support themselves."
"The slavery question may be said to be at an end in Pemba.
Those slaves who still remain in a state of servitude are
slaves only in name, and they continue to be so of their own
free will, for there is not a man or a woman at this time in
the island unaware of the fact that any slave can obtain
manumission for the asking. A small number of slaves do apply
for and obtain their freedom month by month, but the bulk of
the servile population in Pemba appear to be content with
their existing status."
ZASULICH, General.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).
ZAYISTAS.
See (in this Volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1906-1909.
ZEEMAN, Peter.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
ZELAYA, JOSE CANTOS:
President of Nicaragua.
See (in this Volume)
CENTRAL AMERICA: NICARAGUA: A. D. 1909.
ZEMSTVOS, RUSSIAN.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905, and 1905-1907.
ZEPPELIN, Count.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.
ZICHY, Count.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904; 1905-1906.
ZIEGLER ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS.
See (in this Volume)
POLAR EXPLORATION.
ZIL-ES-SULTAN.
See (in this Volume)
PERSIA: A. D. 1907-1908 (SEPTEMBER-JUNE).
ZULUS, The:
Their revolt in 1906.
See (in this Volume)
South Africa.
{733}
COURSES FOR STUDY OR READING
PREPARED by C. W. CHASE
As an aid to those possessors of this work who may wish to
pursue in it regular courses of reading or study, the
following directory, as it may be called, has been prepared by
a gentleman whose acquaintance with the contents of the
Volumes and with their arrangement is very thorough, and whose
equipment of historical knowledge is large. This responds to a
great number of requests and suggestions that have been coming
to the publishers of "History for Ready Reference," ever since
it began to make itself known as the best of compilations for
"Topical Reading" in history, as well as for "Ready
Reference," because drawn from the best historical writers in
their own exact words.
Those who make use of these "Studies" should bear in mind that
the first five Volumes of "History for Ready Reference" cover
all times, from the earliest, down to its publication in 1895,
and are under one comprehensive arrangement, for which reason
the numbering of pages in those Volumes is consecutive from
the first to the last; whereas Volumes VI. and VII. deal with
two succeeding periods, of Recent History, and have separately
numbered pages. Hence reference in the "Studies" to pages in
the first five Volumes is without mention of the number of the
Volume.
On revision of the original five-Volume work in 1901 some
rearrangement of matter occurred which changed the page
numbers. This necessitates the giving of both new and old
numbers in the reference to every matter within those Volumes.
For copies of the work purchased before 1901 the numbers are
in parenthesis, and those for the later edition precede them.
The following is a subject index to the "Studies" appended:
ALEXANDER’S CONQUESTS:
Study X.
AMERICA:
Study XXIII.
(See, also, UNITED STATES, CANADA, and SPANISH AMERICA.)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY:
Studies
XIV.,
XV.,
XXVII.,
XXXIV.,
XXXV.,
XXXVI.
BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA:
Study IV.
CANADA:
Study XLIX.
CHINA:
Studies
VII., LI.
CHRISTIANITY:
Studies
XVIII.,
XIX.,
XX.,
XXIV.
CRUSADES:
Study XXV.
EGYPT, ANCIENT:
Study V.
ENGLAND:
Studies
XXVIII.,
XXIX.,
XXX.,
XXXI.,
XXXII.,
XXXIII.,
XXXV.,
XXXVI.,
XLII.,
XLVIII.
EUROPE AT LARGE:
Studies
XII.,
XIII.,
XIV.,
XVIII.,
XIX.,
XX.,
XXII.,
XXIII.,
XXIV.,
XXV.,
XXVII.,
XXXIV.,
XXXV.,
XXXVI.
FRANCE:
Studies
XIII.,
XIV.,
XVI.,
XXIII.,
XXIV.,
XXV.,
XXXIV.,
XXXV.,
XXXVI.,
XLIII.
FRENCH REVOLUTION AND NAPOLEON:
Studies
XXXV
XXXVI.
GERMANY:
Studies
XIII.,
XIV.,
XV.,
XXIII.,
XXIV.,
XXVII.,
XXXIV.,
XXXV.,
XXXVI.,
XLIV.
GREAT BRITAIN.
See ENGLAND.
GREECE, ANCIENT:
Studies
VIII.,
IX.,
X.
HISTORY AND ITS STUDY:
Study I.
INDIA, ANCIENT:
Study VII.
ITALY, MEDIÆVAL AND MODERN:
Studies
XIV.,
XVII.,
XXIII.,
XXXV.,
XXXVI.,
LV.
JAPAN:
Study L.
JEWS:
Study VI.
MIDDLE AGES:
Studies
XIII.,
XIV.,
XV.,
XVI.,
XVII.
MOHAMMEDANISM:
Studies
XXI.,
XXII.
MONASTICISM:
Study XX.
NETHERLANDS:
Study XXVI.
PAPACY:
Study
XIX.,
XXIV.,
XXV.
PRIMITIVE PEOPLES:
Studies
II.,
III.
REFORMATION, PROTESTANT:
Studies
XXIV.,
XXV.
RENAISSANCE:
Study XXIII.
ROME, ANCIENT:
Studies
XI.,
XII.,
XIII.
RUSSIA:
Study LII.
SPAIN:
Studies
XXVI.,
XXXVI.
SPANISH AMERICA:
Study LIV.
(See, also, AMERICA.)
TURKISH EMPIRE:
Study LIII.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
Studies
XXXVII.,
XXXVIII.,
XXXIX.,
XL.,
XLI.,
XLV.,
XLVI.,
XLVII.
{734}
APPENDIX
COURSES FOR STUDY OR READING
Note.
The text of "History for Ready Reference" is made up of matter
taken from the best writers and special students of all ages
and all nations. Under the various topics in these Studies,
therefore, the historical works referred to are those from
which the matter of the text is taken; the figures following
each citation indicating the pages in "History for Ready
Reference" where the matter may be found,—the figures inclosed
in parentheses showing where the same matter may be found in
the first (1895) edition of the work. These extracts vary from
a quarter of a column to five or six columns in length.
[Transcriber's note—A colon (:) at the end of a line
indicates the following line begins a subheading,
a citation, or the citation title.]
STUDY I.
HISTORY AND ITS STUDY.
"It is seldom appreciated what a very large share of the
world’s literature is history of some sort. The primitive
savage is probably the only kind of a man who takes no
interest in it. But as soon as a spark of civilization
illumines this primitive darkness men begin to take interest
in other men,—not only beyond their immediate surroundings,
but beyond the limits of their own generation. Interest in the
past and provision for the future are perhaps essential
differences between the civilized man and the savage.
Accordingly as this care for the past and future increases,
all literature divides itself into that which concerns the
forces of nature, and that which concerns the history of man."
PROFESSOR J. P. MAHAFFY.
1. VARIOUS VIEWS AS TO WHAT HISTORY IS:
R. Flint:
History of the Philosophy of History,
1686-1687 (1648-1649).
archive.org/details/historyphilosop00flingoog
"With us the word ‘History,’ like its equivalents in all
modern languages, signifies either a form of literary
composition, or the appropriate subject matter of such
composition,—either a narrative of events, or events which may
be narrated."
R. FLINT.
2. THE PROPER SUBJECTS AND OBJECTS OF HISTORY:
E. A. Freeman:
Practical Bearings of European History,
1687-1688 (1648-1649).
T. B. Macaulay:
History (Essays),
1692 (1658).
"The perfect historian is he in whose work the character and
spirit of an age is exhibited in miniature. … By judicious
selection, rejection, and arrangement, he gives to truth those
attractions which have been usurped by fiction. … He shows us
the court, the camp, and the senate. But he also shows us the
nation. He considers no anecdote, no peculiarity of manner, no
familiar saying, as too insignificant for his notice, which is
not too insignificant to illustrate the operation of laws, of
religion, and of education, and to mark the progress of the
human mind."
T. B. MACAULAY.
3. THE PHILOSOPHY OF HISTORY:
R. Flint:
Philosophy of History_,
1688 (1649).
4. HISTORY AS A SCIENCE;
and
HISTORY AS THE ROOT OF ALL SCIENCE:
H. T. Buckle:
History of Civilization in England,
1688 (1649).
www.gutenberg.org
J. G. Droysen:
Outline of the Principles of History,
1689 (1650).
archive.org/details/outlineofprincip01droy
T. Carlyle:
On History (Essays),
1689-1690 (1650-1651).
"There is, I speak humbly, in common with Natural Science, in
the study of living History, a gradual approximation to a
consciousness that we are growing into a perception of the
workings of the Almighty ruler of the world. … The study of
History is in this respect, as Coleridge said of Poetry, its
own great reward, a thing to be loved and cultivated for its
own sake. … For one great, insoluble problem of astronomy or
geology, there are a thousand insoluble problems in the life,
in the character, in the face of every man that meets you in
the street. Thus, whether we look at the dignity of the
subject matter, or at the nature of the mental exercise which
it requires, or at the nature of the field over which the
pursuit ranges, History, the knowledge of the adventures, the
development, the changeful career, the varied growths, the
ambitions, aspirations, and, if you like, the approximating
destinies of mankind, claims a place second to none in the
roll of Sciences."
BISHOP STUBBS.
5. HOW TO STUDY HISTORY:
A. B. Hart:
How to Study History,
1693 (1654).
6. THE EDUCATIONAL AND PRACTICAL VALUE OF HISTORY;
ITS MORAL LESSONS:
J. A. Froude:
Short Studies on Great Subjects,
1690 (1651).
W. E. H. Lecky:
The Political Value of History,
1690 (1651).
C. K. Adams:
Manual of Historical Literature,
1690-1691 (1651-1652).
W. Stubbs:
The Study of Modern History,
1691 (1652).
"The effect of historical reading is analogous, in many
respects, to that produced by foreign travel. The student,
like the tourist, is transported into a new state of society.
He sees new fashions. He hears new modes of expression. His
mind is enlarged by contemplating the wide diversities of
laws, of morals, and of manners."
T. B. MACAULAY.
7. THE PROVINCE AND VALUE OF THE HISTORICAL ROMANCE:
G. H. Lewes:
Historical Romance,
1692-1693 (1653-1654).
A. Thierry:
The Merovingian Era,
1693 (1654).
J. R. Seeley:
History and Politics,
1693 (1654).
"To say that there is more real history in his (Scott’s)
novels on Scotland and England than in the philosophically
false compilations which still possess that great name, is not
advancing anything strange in the eyes of those who have read
and understood ‘Old Mortality,’ ‘Waverley,’ ‘Rob Roy,’ the
‘Fortunes of Nigel,’ and the ‘Heart of Midlothian.’"
A. THIERRY.
"We can hardly read the interesting Life of Lord Macaulay
without perceiving that the most popular historical work of
modern times owes its origin in a great measure to the
Waverley Novels. Macaulay grew up in a world of novels: his
youth and early manhood witnessed the appearance of the
Waverley Novels themselves. He became naturally possessed by
the idea which is expressed over and over again in his Essays,
and which at last he realized with such wonderful success, the
idea that it was quite possible to make history as interesting
as romance."
J. R. SEELEY.
{736}
8. THE IMPORTANCE OF A KNOWLEDGE OF UNIVERSAL HISTORY:
O. Browning:
The Teaching Of History In Schools,
1604 (1655).
"To know History is impossible; not even Mr. Freeman, not
Professor Ranke himself, can be said to know history. … No
one, therefore, should be discouraged from studying History.
Its greatest service is not so much to increase our knowledge
as to stimulate thought and broaden our intellectual horizon,
_and for this purpose no study is its equal_."
W. P. ATKINSON.
STUDY II.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
THE DAWN OF HISTORY; PRIMITIVE PEOPLES.
I. THE THREE MARKED DIVISIONS OF THE HUMAN RACE
WHEN THE EARLIEST HISTORIC RECORD BEGINS:
(a) The Aryan:
144 (137), 145 (138) and
Appendix A., Volume V. (Volume I).
(b) The Semitic:
2963-2966 (2886-2889).
(c) The Turanian:
3245, 1740, 2265 (3129, 1701, 2221).
2. THESE DIVISIONS WERE NOT PROPERLY RACIAL, BUT LINGUISTIC,
THOUGH USAGE HAS GIVEN THEM A RACIAL SIGNIFICANCE:
"Aryan in Scientific language is utterly inapplicable to race.
It means language, and nothing but language … I have declared
again and again that if I say ‘Aryas,’ I mean simply those who
speak the ‘Aryan’ language."
MAX MÜLLER.
"The ‘Semitic race’ owes its name to a confusion of ethnology
and philology. A certain family of speech, composed of
languages closely related to one another, and presupposing a
common mother tongue, received the title of ‘Semitic’ … But
whatever justification there may have been for speaking of a
Semitic family of languages, there was none for speaking of a
Semitic race."
A. H. SAYCE.
3. BIRTHPLACE OF THE ARYANS:
C. F. Keary:
The Dawn of History,
144-145 (137-138).
www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/52030.
J. N. Larned:
A Historical Sketch of Europe,
1018 (990).
J. Rhys:
Race Theories,
145 (138).
4. EARLY ARYAN MIGRATIONS:
(a) To India.
W. W. Hunter:
History of India,
1740-1741 (1701-1702).
M. Duncker:
History of Antiquity,
1741-1742 (1702-1703).
M. Williams:
Religious Thought in India,
1742 (1703).
(b) To Greece.
E. Curtius:
History of Greece,
2603 (2535).
C. W. C. Oman:
History of Greece,
1604-1605 (1566-1567).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1019-1021 (991-993).
D. G. Hogarth:
Authority and Archaeology,
Volume VI., 23-25.
(c) To Italy.
T. Mommsen:
History of Rome,
1016-1017, 1845 (988-989, 1805).
F. Haverfield:
Authority and Archaeology,
Volume VI., 25.
(d) To Western Europe.
J. Rhys:
Celtic Britain,
412 (402).
J. N. Larned:
Europe, 1019 (991).
(e) In General.
Appendix A.
at end of Volume V. (Volume I.).
Ethnological Map,
before Title Page, Volume I.
5. ORIGIN OF THE SEMITIC PEOPLES:
George Adam Smith:
Historical Geography of the Holy Land,
2964-2965 (2887-2888).
6. THE VARIOUS DIVISIONS OF THE SEMITES:
(a) In General.
J. F. McCurdy:
History, Prophecy, and the Monuments,
2963-2964 (2886-2887).
(b) The Babylonian.
J F. McCurdy:
History, Prophecy, and the Monuments,
2965-2966 (2888-2889).
Z. A. Ragozin:
The Story of Chaldea,
246-247 (239-240).
A. H. Sayce:
Recent Discoveries in Babylonia,
Volume VI., 14-15.
(c) The Canaanitic and Phoenician.
F. Lenormant:
Ancient History of East,
2598-2599 (2530-2531).
(d) The Hebraic.
A. Kuenen:
Religion of Israel,
1936 (1895).
H. Ewald:
History of Israel,
1937 (1896).
S. R. Driver:
Authority and Archaeology,
Volume VI., 12.
7. DISTINCTIVE CHARACTERISTICS OF SEMITES, AND THEIR
CONTRIBUTION TO THE WORLD CIVILIZATION:
A. H Sayce:
Babylonian Literature,
246 (239).
E. Renan:
Studies in Religious History,
2965 (2888).
"We owe to the Semitic race neither political life, art,
poetry, philosophy, nor Science. What, then, do we owe to
them? We owe to them Religion. The whole world, if we except
India, China, Japan, and tribes altogether savage, has adopted
the Semitic religion."
E. RENAN.
8. RELATION BETWEEN THE EARLY SEMITES AND THE PRIMITIVE CHINESE:
R. K. Douglas:
China,
430-432 (416-418).
T. de Lacouperie:
History of Chinese Civilization,
246 (239).
9. ORIGIN AND RACIAL CONNECTIONS OF
THE PRIMITIVE EGYPTIAN PEOPLES:
H. Brugsch Bey:
Egypt under the Pharaohs,
777 (750).
G. Rawlinson.
History of Ancient Egypt,
777 (750).
W. M. F. Petrie:
Recent Research in Egypt,
Volume VI., 18-20.
10. THE EARLIEST SEMITES KNOWN TO HISTORY:
J. F. McCurdy:
History, Prophecy, and the Monuments,
2965-2966 (2888-2889).
Max Müller:
The Enormous Antiquity of the East,
2966 (2889).
A. H. Sayce:
Babylonian Literature,
246 (239).
"The Babylonians were … the first of the Semites to enter the
arena of history, and they did so by virtue of the
civilization to which they attained in and through their
settlement on the lower Euphrates and Tigris."
J. F. MCCURDY.
{737}
STUDY III.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
THE LIFE OF PRIMITIVE PEOPLES;
ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH.
1. GENERAL CHARACTER OF WORK OF EXCAVATION OF BURIED CITIES:
W. M. F. Petrie.
The Story of a "Tell,"
782 (755).
G. Smith:
Assyrian Discoveries,
149-150 (143).
H. V. Hilprecht:
Recent Research in Bible Lands,
Volume VI., 12.
Sunday School Times,
Volume VI., 13.
2. PREHISTORIC CULTURE AND CIVILIZATION:
(a) Babylonia.
A. H. Sayce:
Babylonian Literature,
246 (239).
J. F. McCurdy:
History, Prophecy, and The Monuments,
2965-2966 (2888-2889).
S. R. Driver:
Authority and Archaeology,
Volume VI., 12.
Perrot and Chipiez:
Art in Chaldæa and Assyria,
2969 (2892).
"When civilization makes up its mind to reenter upon that
country, nothing more will be needed for the reawakening in it
of life and reproductive energy, than the restoration of the
great works undertaken by the contemporaries of Abraham and
Jacob."
PERROT AND CHIPIEZ.
(b) Egypt.
H. G. Tomkins:
Studies on Times of Abraham,
778-779 (751-752).
W. M. F. Petrie:
Recent Egyptian Exploration,
Volume VI., 20, 21.
(c) Greece.
C. W. C. Oman:
History of Greece,
1605, last column, (1567).
P. Gardner:
New Chapters in Greek History,
1605-1606 (1567-1568).
S. H. Butcher:
Aspects of Greek Genius,
1675 (1636).
A. J. Evans:
London Times,
Volume VI., 23, 24.
A. L. Frothingham:
Archaeological Progress,
Volume VI., 25.
(d) Italy and Rome.
Padre de Cara:
The Academy,
1845 (1805).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1020-1021 (992-993).
F. de Coulanges:
The Ancient City,
2731 (2657).
Goldwin Smith:
The Greatness of the Romans,
2732-2733 (2658-2659).
"It may seem a paradox, but we suspect that in their imperial
ascendency is seen one of the earliest and not least important
steps in that gradual triumph of intellect over force, even in
war, which has been an essential part of the progress of
civilization. The happy day may come when Science in the form
of a benign old gentleman with a bald head and spectacles on
nose, holding some beneficent compound in his hand, will
confront a standing army, and the standing army will cease to
exist. That will be the final victory of intellect. But in the
meantime, our acknowledgments are due to the primitive
inventors of military discipline. They shivered Goliath’s
spear."
GOLDWIN SMITH.
(e) India.
W. W. Hunter:
History of Indian People,
1740-1741 (1701-1702).
(f) China.
R. K. Douglas:
China,
430-432 (416-418).
3. Early Language and Literature:
(a) Babylonia and Assyria.
A. H. Sayce:
Fresh Light from the Monuments,
150, 245-246, 664-665 (143, 238-239, 641-642).
A. H. Sayce:
Social Life of Assyrians and Babylonians,
2044 (2000).
A. H. Sayce:
Races of the Old Testament,
2963 (2886)
A. Lefèvre:
Race and Language,
2971 (2894).
(b) Egypt.
H. Brugsch-Bey:
History of Egypt,
777 (750).
M. Duncker:
History of Antiquity,
777 (750).
E. A. W. Budge:
The Mummy,
1684-1685 (1645-1646).
A. Mariette-Bey:
Monuments of Upper Egypt,
2826 (2752).
(c) Phoenicia.
Perrot and Chipiez:
Art in Phoenicia,
2601 end of last column, (2533).
(d) Greece
E. Curtius:
History of Greece,
1674-1675 (1635-1636).
W. E. Gladstone:
Homer,
1699-1700 (1660-1661).
W. Leaf:
Companion to the Iliad,
1700 (1661).
A. Lang:
Homer and the Epic,
1700 (1661).
D. G. Hogarth:
Authority and Archæology,
Volume VI., 25.
(e) Italy and Rome.
T. Mommsen:
History of Rome,
1845 (1805).
G. A. Simcox:
History of Latin Literature,
2734 (2660).
(f) India.
M. Duncker:
History of Antiquity,
1741-1742 (1702-1703).
M. Williams:
Religious Thought in India,
1742 (1703).
4. EDUCATION:
(a) Babylonia and Assyria.
A. H. Sayce:
Babylonian Literature,
246, 697-698 (239, 674-675).
A. H. Sayce:
Social Life among the Babylonians,
698 (675).
A. H. Sayce:
Fresh Light from the Monuments,
150 (143).
"The primitive Chaldeans were preeminently a literary people,
and it is by their literary relics, by the scattered contents
of their libraries, that we can know and judge them. As
befitted the inventors of a system of writing, like the
Chinese they set the highest value on education, even though
examinations may have been unknown among them. Education,
however, was widely diffused."
A. H. SAYCE.
(b) Egypt.
G. Maspero:
Life in Ancient Egypt,
697 (674).
H. Brugsch-Bey:
History of Egypt,
697 (674).
"In the education of youth the Egyptians were particularly
strict; and ‘they knew,’ says Plato, ‘that children ought to
be early accustomed to such gestures, looks, and motions, as
are decent and proper; and not to be suffered either to hear
or learn any verses and songs other than those which are
calculated to inspire them with virtue.’"
J. G. WILKINSON.
(c) Greece.
(1) Athenian.
Plato:
Protagoras,
701 (678).
Aristotle:
Politics,
701-702 (678-679).
J. P. Mahaffy:
Old Greek Education,
703 (680).
J. A. St. John:
The Hellenes,
703-704 (680-681).
W. W. Capes:
University Life in Ancient Athens,
5 (5).
Guhl and Koner:
Life of Greeks and Romans,
1657 (1619).
(2) Spartan.
C. Thirlwall:
History of Greece,
704-5 (681-2).
(d) Alexandria.
J. H. Newman:
Historical Sketches,
708 (685).
(e) Rome.
J. J. Döllinger:
Gentile and Jew,
708-709 (685-686).
(f) Judæa.
E. Schürer:
History of Jewish People,
700 (677).
H. Graetz:
History of the Jews,
700-1 (677-678).
(g) China.
W. A. P. Martin:
The Chinese,
698-699 (675-676).
(h) Persia.
G. Rawlinson:
The Five Great Monarchies,
699-700 (676-677).
5. RELIGION:
(a) China.
R. K. Douglas:
China,
432-433 (418-419).
(b) Egypt.
A. B. Edwards:
The Academy,
305 (296).
(c) Greece.
C. C. Felton:
Greece, Ancient and Modern,
804-805, 2453 (777-778, 2401).
{738}
E. Curtius:
History of Greece,
2452 (2400).
W. M. Leake:
Topography of Athens,
2451 (2399).
C. Thirlwall:
History of Greece,
2451 (2399).
G. Grote:
History of Greece,
680 (657).
(d) India.
M. Williams:
Religious Thought in India,
1742 (1703).
Hinduism,
1743-1744 (1704-1705).
J. T. Wheeler:
History of India,
406 (396).
(e) Persia.
G. Rawlinson:
Religions of the Ancient World,
3788-3789 (3666-3667).
M. Haug:
Lectures on Zoroaster,
3790 (3668).
(f) Rome.
T. Arnold:
History of Rome,
2981 (2903).
H. Macmillan:
Roman Mosaics,
2981 (2903).
T. Mommsen:
History of Rome,
195 (188).
W. Ramsay:
Roman Antiquities,
196-197 (189-190).
Guhl and Koner:
Greeks and Romans,
3743 (3623).
N. Hawthorne:
The Marble Faun,
2476 (2417).
Note.—In nearly all cases, in the Studies that follow, all
chronological divisions previous to the sixth or seventh
centuries B. C. must be regarded as approximate only. The
dates given are those generally accepted by the best scholars
of the present day.
STUDY IV.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA.
1. GEOGRAPHY:
G. Rawlinson:
Five Great Monarchies,
2198 (2154).
F. Lenormant:
Ancient History of the East,
2964 (2887).
G. Adam Smith:
Historical Geography of the Holy Land,
2964 (2887).
2. CHALDEA-BABYLONIA:
A. H. Sayce:
Fresh Light from the Monuments,
245-246 (239), and following authorities.
3. THE ACCADIANS, SUMERIANS, ELAMITES, AND CUSHITES:
A. H. Sayce:
Babylonian Literature,
246, 698 (239, 675).
A. H. Sayce:
Fresh Light from the Monuments,
150, 246 (143, 239).
A. H. Sayce:
Races of the Old Testament,
2963 (2886).
Z. A. Ragozin:
Story of Chaldea,
795(768).
J. F. McCurdy:
History, Prophecy, and Monuments,
2965-2966 (2888-2889).
Dr. Tiele:
History of Babylonia,
2967 (2890).
F. Lenormant:
Ancient History of the East,
128-129 (121-122).
A. H. Sayce:
Contemporary Review,
Volume VI., 14.
4. THE ERA OF CITY STATES
(5000 to 3800 B. C.):
Z. A. Ragozin:
Story of Chaldea,
246-247 (239-240).
5. CONQUESTS OF SARGON I.
(3750 B. C.):
Dr. Tiele:
History of Babylonia,
2967 (2890).
F. Max Müller:
Enormous Antiquity of the East,
2966 (2889).
Z. A. Ragozin:
Story of Chaldea,
247 (240).
A. H. Sayce:
Contemporary Review,
Volume VI., 13, 14.
6. HAMMURABI ESTABLISHES THE FIRST BABYLONIAN EMPIRE
(2250 B. C.):
E. J. Simcox:
Primitive Civilizations,
2967(2890).
J. F. McCurdy:
History, Prophecy, and the Monuments,
2967 (2890).
A. H. Sayce:
Ancient Empires of the East,
247 (240).
7. THE CITY OF BABYLON:
A. H. Sayce:
Ancient Empires of the East,
247 (240).
G. Rawlinson:
Herodotus,
245 (238).
W. B. Wright:
Ancient Cities,
2969-2970 (2893).
B. T. A. Evetts:
New Light on the Bible and Holy Land,
2970-2971 (2893-2894).
8. THE KASSITE EMPIRE AND EGYPTIAN INVASIONS
(1800-1250 B. C.):
J. F. McCurdy:
History, Prophecy, and the Monuments,
2967 (2890).
A. H. Sayce:
Higher Criticism and Verdict of the Monuments,
2968 (2891).
A. Lefèvre:
Race and Language,
2968 (2891).
G. Rawlinson:
History of Ancient Egypt,
779-780 (752-753).
9. ASSYRIA GAINS AND HOLDS SUPREMACY
(1250-600 B. C.):
Perrot and Chipiez:
History of Art in Chaldea and Assyria,
2968-2969 (2891-2892).
L. von Ranke:
Universal History,
2969 (2892).
10. THE CITY OF NINEVEH:
A. H. Sayce:
Higher Criticism and the Monuments,
2967-2968 (2891).
A. H. Sayce:
Fresh Light from the Monuments,
150 (143).
Z. A. Ragozin:
Story of Chaldea,
2415 (2363).
Perrot and Chipiez:
History of Art in Chaldea and Assyria,
2969 (2892).
11. THE LAST BABYLONIAN EMPIRE
(625-536 B. C.):
E. A. W. Budge:
Babylonian Life and History,
2969 (2892).
A. H. Sayce:
Ancient Empires of East,
247 (240).
Introduction to Books of Ezra, Nehemiah, and Esther,
2577-2578 (2510-2511).
Ancient Empires of the East,
2577 (2510).
12. BABYLONIAN AND ASSYRIAN LIFE:
(a) Literature.
A. H. Sayce:
Fresh Light from the Monuments,
245-246 (238-239).
A. H. Sayce:
Babylonian Literature,
246, 697-698 (239, 674-675).
A. H. Sayce:
Social Life among the Babylonians,
698 (675).
A. V. Hilprecht:
Sunday School Times,
Volume VI., 15-16.
(b) Education.
A. H. Sayce:
Babylonian Literature,
698 (675).
A. H. Sayce:
Social Life Among the Babylonians,
698 (675).
A. H. Sayce:
Contemporary Review,
Volume VI., 14.
(c) Trade and Commerce.
M. Duncker:
History of Antiquity,
3207-3208 (3697).
E. J. Lubbock:
History of Money,
2243 (2199).
Sir J. Simcox:
Primitive Civilizations,
2243-2244 (2200).
(d) Treatment of Diseases.
G. Rawlinson:
Herodotus,
2166 (2122).
F. Lenormant:
Chaldean Magic,
2166-2167 (2122-2123).
{739}
13. THE PRE-EMINENT FIGURES IN BABYLONIAN AND ASSYRIAN HISTORY:
B. C.
Sargon I 3750
Hammurabi 2250
Tiglathpileser I. 1110-1090
Tiglathpileser III. 745-727
Sargon II 722-705
Sennacherib 705-681
Assurbanipal
(Sardanapalus) 668-626
Nebuchadnezzar 605-562
STUDY V.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
EGYPT.
1. ORIGIN OP THE NAME AND PEOPLE:
H. Brugsch-Bey:
History of Egypt,
776 (749).
R. S. Poole:
Cities of Egypt,
776 (749).
G. Rawlinson:
History of Ancient Egypt,
777 (750).
M. Duncker:
History of Antiquity,
777 (750).
A. H. Keane:
The African Races,
17 (19).
2. HISTORICAL ANTIQUITY:
H. Brugsch-Bey:
History of Egypt,
776-777 (750).
W. M. F. Petrie:
History of Egypt,
777 (3743).
W. M. F. Petrie:
Address,
Volume VI., 20-21.
3. PREHISTORIC CIVILIZATION:
W. M. F. Petrie:
Recent Egyptian Exploration,
Volume VI., 20.
4. THE OLD AND MIDDLE EMPIRES
(4700-2750 B. C.);
F. Lenormant:
Ancient History,
777-778, 2127 (750-751, 2083).
W. M. F. Petrie:
Recent Research in Egypt,
Volume VI., 18-19.
W. M. F. Petrie:
History of Egypt,
777-778 (750-751).
R. S. Poole:
Cities of Egypt,
2196, 3189 (2152, 3104).
5. THE PYRAMIDS, AND THE OBELISKS; "CLEOPATRA’S NEEDLES"
F. Lenormant:
Ancient History,
777 (750).
G. Rawlinson:
Ancient Egypt,
780 (753).
6. THE HYKSOS, OR SHEPHERD KINGS (2150-1700 B. C.),
AND SOJOURN OF ABRAHAM:
G. Rawlinson:
History of Ancient Egypt,
778 (751).
E. Wilson:
The Egypt of the Past,
778 (751).
E. A. W. Budge:
The Dwellers on the Nile,
1937 (1896).
G. Rawlinson:
Ancient Egypt,
1937 (1896).
E. Renan:
The People of Israel,
1937-1938 (1896-1897).
A. H. Sayce:
The Hittites,
116, 1695 (109, 1656).
H. Brugsch-Bey:
Egypt under the Pharaohs,
779 (752).
7. THE EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY; THE NEW EMPIRE
(1600-1300 B. C.):
G. Rawlinson:
History of Ancient Egypt,
779-780 (752-753).
C. Bezold:
Oriental Diplomacy,
781 (754).
A. Lefèvre:
Race and Language,
2968 (2891).
8. ISRAEL IN EGYPT
(1750-1300 B. C.):
E. A.W. Budge:
Dwellers on the Nile,
1937 (1896).
G. Rawlinson:
Ancient Egypt,
1937 (1896).
H. Brugsch-Bey:
Egypt under the Pharaohs,
1937 (1896).
F. Lenormant:
Ancient History,
782 (755).
R. S. Poole:
Ancient Egypt,
782 (755).
9. DECLINE OF EMPIRE OF THE PHARAOHS;
ASSYRIAN CONQUEST (1200-525 B. C.):
G. Rawlinson:
History of Ancient Egypt,
782-783 (755-6).
Five Great Monarchies,
783 (756).
10. THE PERSIAN CONQUEST
(525-332 B. C.):
G. Rawlinson:
Five Great Monarchies,
784 (757).
P. Smith:
Ancient History,
784 (757).
A. H. Sayce:
Introduction to Books of Ezra, Nehemiah, and Esther,
2578 (2511).
11. ANCIENT EGYPTIAN LIFE AND CULTURE:
(a) Literature and Art.
A. B. Edwards:
The Academy,
305 (296).
Edinburgh Review:
The Tel El-Amarna Tablets,
780 (753).
C. Bezold:
Oriental Diplomacy,
781 (754).
W. M. F. Petrie:
Recent Egyptian Exploration,
Volume VI., 20-21.
(b) Education.
J. G. Wilkinson, and others,
696-697 (673-674).
(c) Trade and Commerce.
Earliest Records of Trade,
3207 (3696).
Sir J. Lubbock:
History of Money,
2243 (2199).
E. J. Simcox:
Primitive Civilizations,
2244 (2200).
M. Duncker:
History of Antiquity,
2600 (2532).
F. Lenormant:
History of the East,
129 (122).
P. Gardner:
New Chapters in Greek History,
785-786 (758-759).
C. Merivale:
History of the Romans,
3211-3213 (3700-3702).
(d) Treatment of Diseases.
G. Rawlinson and others,
2164-2166 (2120-2122).
12. THE CONQUEST OF ALEXANDER AND THE KINGDOM OF THE PTOLEMIES
(332-330 B. C.):
C. Thirlwall:
History of Greece,
785 (758).
J. P. Mahaffy:
Story of Alexander’s Empire,
2103 (2059).
A. H. L. Heeren:
Ancient History,
2104 (2060).
T. Timayenis:
History of Greece,
2106 (2062).
S. Sharpe:
History of Egypt,
785, also 786 (758, 759).
C. Merivale:
History of the Romans,
786 (759).
13. THE CITY OF ALEXANDRIA:
J. P. Mahaffy:
The Story of Alexander’s Empire,
44-45 (37-38).
A. Hirtius:
The Alexandrian War,
46 (39).
J. J. Döllinger:
History of the Church,
2295-2296 (2247-2248).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall of Roman Empire,
46, also 47 (39, 40).
H. H. Milman:
History of Latin Christianity,
47 (40).
Sir W. Muir:
Annals of the Early Caliphate,
2115 (2070).
E. Kirkpatrick:
Development of Superior Instruction,
707-708 (684-685).
Fraser’s Magazine:
Historical Researches on the Burning of
the Library of Alexandria by Saracens,
2047-2048 (2003-2004).
Fraser’s Magazine:
The American Journal of Archaeology,
Volume VI., 28.
14. THE MOSLEM CONQUEST
(640-646 A. D.):
Sir W. Muir:
Annals of the Early Caliphate,
2114-2115 (2069-2070).
15. EGYPT AND THE CRUSADES
(1216-1254 A. D.):
G. Procter:
The Crusades,
656-657 (633-634).
T. L. Kington:
History of Frederick II.,
657 (634).
F. P. Guizot.
History of France,
657-658 (634-635).
{740}
16. THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST
(1517 A. D.):
S. Lane-Poole:
The Story of Turkey,
3254 (3138).
17. OVERTHROW OF THE OTTOMAN POWER BY NAPOLEON
(A. D. 1798):
W. Massey:
History of England,
1354-1355 (1321-1322).
J. G. Lockhart:
Life of Napoleon,
1357-1359 (1324-1326).
18. OVERTHROW OF FRENCH POWER BY ENGLAND,
AND RESTORATION OF EGYPT TO TURKEY
(1801-1802 A.D.):
J. R. Green:
History of English People,
1368-1369 (1335-1336).
19. BANKRUPTCY OF THE STATE AND ENGLISH OCCUPATION
(1875-1883):
H. Vogt:
The Egyptian War of 1882,
792 (765).
J. E. Bowen:
Conflict of East and West in Egypt,
792-794 (765-767).
E. Dicey.
Egypt,
Volume VI., 198.
20. THE ANGLO-EGYPTIAN CONDOMINIUM (1899):
Great Britain, Papers by Command;
Egypt,
Volume VI., 201-203.
STUDY VI.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
THE JEWS.
1. THE NATIONAL NAMES:
H. Ewald:
History of Israel,
1936 (1895).
A. P. Stanley:
History of Jewish Church,
1936 (1895).
2. THE ORIGIN OF THE PEOPLE AND THEIR RACIAL CONNECTIONS:
George Adam Smith:
Historical Geography of the Holy Land,
2964-2965 (2887-2888).
A. H. Sayce:
Races of the Old Testament,
2963 (2886).
J. F. McCurdy:
History, Prophecy, and the Monuments,
2963-2964 (2886-2887).
A. Lefèvre:
Race and Language,
2971 (2804).
3. THE MIGRATION OF ABRAHAM
(2200 B. C.):
E. A. W. Budge:
Dwellers on the Nile,
1937 (1896).
E. Wilson:
Egypt of the Past,
778 (751).
H. Ewald:
History of Israel,
1937 (1896).
4. THE PRINCIPAL NATIONS WITH WHOM ISRAEL CAME IN CONTACT:
(a) The Canaanites.
A. H. Sayce:
Fresh Light from the Monuments,
365 (355).
A. Kuenen:
The Religion of Israel,
1936 (1895).
F. Lenormant:
Ancient History of East,
2599 (2531).
(b) The Hittites.
A. H. Sayce:
The Hittites,
1695 (1656).
Padre de Cara:
Civilità Cattolica,
1845 (1805).
(c) The Amorites.
A. H. Sayce:
The Hittites,
116 (109).
(d) The Moabites.
A. H. Sayce:
Fresh Light from the Monuments,
2237 (2193).
(e) The Philistines.
F. W. Newman:
History of the Hebrew Monarchy,
2598 (2530).
George Adam Smith:
Historical Geography of the Holy Land,
2598 (2530).
5. THE SOJOURN OF ISRAEL IN EGYPT
(1750-1300 B. C.):
H. Brugsch-Bey:
Egypt under the Pharaohs,
779, 1937 (752, 1896).
E. A. W. Budge:
Dwellers on the Nile,
1937 (1896).
E. Renan:
The People of Israel,
1937-1938 (1896-1897).
G. Rawlinson:
Ancient Egypt,
1937 (1896).
6. THE EXODUS AND THE SETTLEMENT IN CANAAN
(1300-1230 B. C.):
E. Naville:
The Store-City Pithom,
1938 (1897).
F. Lenormant:
History of the East,
782 (755).
R. S. Poole:
Ancient Egypt,
782 (755).
E. Naville:
Route of the Exodus,
1938-1939 (1897-1898).
M. Duncker:
History of Antiquity,
1939-1940 (1898-1899).
7. THE JUDGES
(1250-1075 B. C.):
Dean Stanley:
Lectures on Jewish Church,
1940 (1899).
S. Sharpe:
History of the Hebrew Nation,
1940-1941 (1899-1900).
W. Robertson Smith:
The Prophets of Israel,
1941 (1900).
Dean Stanley:
Lectures on Jewish Church,
701 (678).
8. JERUSALEM THE NATIONAL CAPITAL:
T. Lewin:
Jerusalem,
1921 (1880).
F. W. Newman:
History of the Hebrew Monarchy,
1922 (1881).
Josephus:
Antiquities,
1922 (1881).
L. von Ranke:
Universal History,
1942 (1901).
9. THE SINGLE MONARCHY
(1075-950 B. C.):
L. von Ranke:
Universal History,
1941-1942 (1900-1901).
H. Graetz:
History of the Jews,
1943 (1902).
E. Renan:
The People of Israel,
1943-1944 (1902-1903).
H. Ewald;
History of Israel,
3210 (3699).
10. THE DIVIDED KINGDOM; ISRAEL, JUDAH
(950-730 B. C.):
Dean Stanley:
Lectures on the Jewish Church,
1944 (1903).
W. Robertson Smith:
The Prophets of Israel,
1945 (1904).
J. Wellhausen:
History of Israel and Judah,
1945 (1904).
A. H. Sayce:
LIFE AND TIMES OF ISAIAH,
1945 (1904).
Dean Stanley:
Lectures on the Jewish Church,
1946 (1905).
11. SAMARIA, THE CAPITAL CITY OF ISRAEL:
Dean Stanley:
Lectures on Jewish Church,
1944 (1903).
W. Robertson Smith:
The Prophets of Israel,
1944 (1904).
H. Ewald:
History of Israel,
2871 (2796).
H. Graetz:
History of the Jews,
2871-2872 (2796-2797).
H. H. Milman:
History of the Jews,
2872 (2797).
12. THE KINGDOM OF JUDAH
(724-598 B. C.):
M. Arnold:
Isaiah of Jerusalem,
1946 (1905).
J. Wellhausen:
Israel and Judah,
1946 (1905).
S. R. Driver:
Isaiah,
1946-1947 (1905-1906).
C. G. Montefiore:
Lectures on Religion,
1947-1948 (1906-1907).
A. Kuenen:
Religion of Israel,
1948 (1907).
J. Wellhausen:
Israel and Judah,
1945 (1904).
{741}
13. THE EXILE AND THE RESTORATION
(598-332 B. C.):
H. H. Milman:
History of the Jews,
1948-1949 (1907-1908).
A. Kuenen:
Religion of Israel,
1949 (1908).
P. H. Hunter:
After the Exile,
1949-1950 (1908-1909).
M. Duncker:
History of Antiquity,
1950-1951 (1909-1910).
J. J. Döllinger:
Gentile and Jew,
1952 (1911).
H. H. Milman:
History of the Jews,
1952 (1911).
A. H. Sayce:
Ancient Empires of the East,
2577 (2510).
A. H. Sayce:
Introduction to Books of Ezra, etc.,
2577-2578 (2510-2511).
14. THE GREEK DOMINION AND THE MACCABEAN WAR
(332-340 B. C.):
J. P. Mahaffy:
Story of Alexander’s Empire,
2102-2103 (2058-2059).
G. Rawlinson:
Sixth Great Oriental Monarchy,
2960 (2883).
C. Thirlwall:
History of Greece,
2960 (2883).
H. Ewald:
History of Israel,
1953 (1912).
J. J. Döllinger:
Gentile and Jew,
1954 (1913).
E. H. Palmer:
History of Jewish Nation,
1954 (1913).
W. D. Morrison:
Jews under Roman Rule,
1954-1955 (1913-1914).
J. H. Allen:
Hebrew Men and Times,
1955 (1914).
T. Mommsen:
History of Rome,
1956 (1915).
E. Schürer:
History of Jewish People,
1957 (1916).
T. Keim:
History of Jesus of Nazara,
1958 (1917).
E. Schürer,
History of the Jewish People,
1677-1678 (1638-1639).
15. HEROD AND THE HERODIANS; ROMAN SUPREMACY
(B. C. 40-A. D. 44):
T. Keim:
History of Jesus of Nazara,
1958-1959 (1917-1918).
T. Mommsen:
History of Rome,
1960 (1919).
H. H. Milman:
History of the Jews,
1960 (1919).
16. THE BIRTH OF JESUS AND THE FALL OF JERUSALEM
(B. C. 8-A. D. 70):
T. Keim:
History of Jesus of Nazara,
1960-1961 (1919-1920).
E. de Pressensé:
Jesus Christ,
1961-1962 (1920-1921).
C. Merivale:
History of the Romans,
1962 (1921).
Besant and Palmer:
Jerusalem,
1962-1963 (1921-1922).
H. H. Milman:
History of the Jews,
1963 (1922).
"Nations that are fitted to play a part in universal history
must die first that the world may live through them' A people
must choose between the prolonged life, the tranquil and
obscure destiny of one who lives for himself, and the
troubled, stormy career of one who lives for humanity. The
nation which revolves within its breast social and religious
problems is always weak politically. Thus it was with the
Jews, who in order to make the religious conquest of the world
must needs disappear as a nation. They lost a material city;
they opened the reign of the Spiritual Jerusalem."
RENAN.
STUDY VII.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
EARLY HISTORY OF INDIA AND CHINA.
A. INDIA.
1. THE NAME, AND ORIGINAL INHABITANTS:
J. R. Seeley:
The Expansion of England,
1739-1740 (1701).
H. G. Keene:
History of Hindustan,
1740 (1701).
C. F. Keary:
Dawn of History,
144-145 (137-138).
W. W. Hunter:
History of Indian People,
1740-1741 (1701-1702).
See Maps of India,
1748 (1708).
2. THE ARYAN CONQUEST
(B. C. 1500-1400 (?)):
M. Duncker:
History of Antiquity,
1741-1742 (1702-1703).
M. Williams:
Religious Life in India,
1742 (1703).
3. THE INVASION AND CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT
(B. C. 327-322):
J. T. Wheeler:
History of India,
1742-1743 (1703-1704).
C. A. Fyffe:
History of Greece,
2103 (2059).
G. Rawlinson:
Sixth Great Oriental Monarchy,
2960 (2883).
4. THE SPREAD OF BUDDHISM
(B. C. 312-):
M. Williams:
Hinduism,
1743-1744 (1704-1705).
V. Smith:
London Times,
Volume VI., 57-58.
5. TRADE AND COMMERCE:
Mrs. Manning:
Ancient and Mediaeval India,
3208 (3697).
M. Duncker:
History of Antiquity,
3208 (3697).
B. CHINA.
1. THE NAME AND GEOGRAPHY OF THE COUNTRY:
H. Yule:
Cathay,
428 (416).
E. Reclus:
The Earth and its Inhabitants,
428-430.
2. THE ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY OF THE PEOPLE:
T. de Lacouperie:
Babylonia and China,
246 (239).
T. de Lacouperie:
History of Chinese Civilization,
246 (239).
R. K. Douglas:
China,
431-432 (416-418).
3. LIFE OF THE EARLY PEOPLE:
(a) Religion.
R. K. Douglas:
China,
432-433 (418-419).
T. W. Rhys Davids:
Buddhism,
433 (419).
(b) Education.
W. A. P. Martin:
The Chinese,
699 (675-676).
(c) Trade and Commerce.
Sir J. Lubbock:
History of Money,
2244-2245 (2200-2201).
E. J. Simcox:
Primitive Civilizations,
3215 (3704).
STUDY VIII.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
EARLY GREECE AND THE PERSIAN WARS.
"Our interest in Ancient history, it may be said, lies not in
large masses. It matters little how early the Arcadians
acquired a political unity or what Nabis did to Mycenae; that
which interests us is the Constitution of Athens, the repulse
of Persia, the brief bloom of Thebes."
S. H. BOTCHER.
1. THE LAND, AND ITS INFLUENCE UPON THE PEOPLE:
C. Thirlwall:
History of Greece,
3192 (3107).
E. Reclus:
The Earth and its Inhabitants,
1603 (1565).
E. A. Freeman:
Practical Bearings of European History,
1604 (1566).
F. B. Jevons:
History of Greek Literature,
1676-1677 (1637-1638).
C. A. Fyffe:
History of Greece,
1606 (1568).
E. Abbott:
History of Greece,
1606 (1568).
2. THE EARLIEST INHABITANTS:
(a) In General.
E. Curtius:
History of Greece,
2562-2563 (2496-2497).
E. Abbott:
History of Greece,
2563 (2497).
{741}
C. F. Keary:
The Dawn of History,
145 (138).
E. Curtius:
History of Greece,
1674-1675 (1635-1636).
(b) The Pelopids and Mycenae.
G. Grote:
History of Greece,
2563 (2497).
E. Curtius:
History of Greece,
2563 (2497).
P. Gardner:
New Chapters of Greek History,
1605-1606 (1567-1568).
E. Curtius:
History of Greece,
3241-3242 (3125-3126).
The Nation:
Dr. Schliemann’s Work,
3242 (3126).
(c) The Cretans and Knossos.
G. Schömann:
Antiquities of Greece,
647 (624).
A. J. Evans:
London Times,
Volume VI., 23-24.
D. G. Hogarth:
Authority and Archaeology,
Volume VI., 24-25.
A. L. Frothingham:
Archaeological Progress,
Volume VI., 25.
3. EARLY MIGRATIONS:
(a) In General.
C. W. C. Oman:
History of Greece,
1605 (1567).
E. Abbott:
History of Greece,
146-147 (139-140).
(5) Dorians and Ionians.
C. O. Müller:
History of Dorian Race,
687, 1682 (664, 1643).
E. Curtius:
History of Greece,
687 (664).
G. Schömann:
Antiquities of Greece,
687 (664).
E. Curtius:
History of Greece,
3100 (3018).
194-195 (187-188).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1020-1021 (992-993).
(c) Æolians.
G. Schömann:
Antiquities of Greece,
9-10.
E. Abbott:
History of Greece,
146-147 (139-140).
4. THE EARLY CITY STATES, AND POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS:
C. A. Fyffe:
History of Greece,
1606 (1568).
Thucydides:
History,
151-153 (144-146).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1019 (991).
Z. A. Ragozin:
Story of Chaldea,
246-247 (239-240).
L. von Ranke:
Universal History,
1607 (1569).
Perrot and Chipiez:
Chaldea and Assyria,
2968, top of second column, (2891).
F. B. Jevons:
History of Greek Literature,
1676, second column, (1637).
P. Gardner:
New Chapters in Greek History,
189, second column, (182).
M. Duncker:
History of Greece,
3189-3190 (3105).
5. THE RENOWNED LAWGIVERS:
(a) Lycurgus.
E. Abbott:
History of Greece,
3100-3102 (3018-3020).
C. H. Hanson:
The Land of Greece,
3103 (3021).
(b) Draco.
G. Grote:
History of Greece,
153 (146).
(c) Solon.
C. F. Hermann:
Political Antiquities of Greece,
155 (148).
W. Wachsmuth:
Historical Antiquities of the Greeks,
155-156 (148-149).
G. Grote:
History of Greeks,
673 (649-650).
6. THE RISE OF ATHENS:
E. Curtius:
History of Greece,
194-195 (187-188).
Thucydides:
History,
151-153 (144-146).
W. W. Leake:
Topography of Athens,
151 (144).
See Maps, 152 (145).
E. Bulwer-Lytton:
Athens, 154 (147).
7. THE PISISTRATIDÆ AND CONSTITUTION OF CLEISTHENES
(560-507 B. C.):
E. Abbott:
History of Greece,
156 (149).
C. Thirlwall:
History of Greece,
156-157 (149-50).
8. CONTEST WITH SPARTA FOR SUPREMACY
(509-506 B. C.):
C. H. Hanson:
The Land of Greece,
3102 (3021).
C. Thirlwall:
History of Greece,
156-157 (149-150).
C. W. Cox:
The Greeks and Persians,
157 (150).
9. THE IONIAN REVOLT AND PERSIAN WARS
(B. C. 500-479):
(a) In General.
Herodotus:
Story of the Persian War,
1607-1608 (1569-1570).
P. Smith:
Ancient History of the East,
2579 (2512).
P. Smith:
History of the World, 1609 (1571).
L. von Ranke:
Universal History,
157-159 (150-152).
G. Rawlinson:
Ancient History,
2580 (2513).
(b) Marathon.
G. Grote:
History of Greece,
1609 (1571).
E. Curtius:
History of Greece,
1609-1610 (1571-1572).
(c) Thermopylae.
Herodotus:
History,
1610-1611 (1572-1573).
B. G. Niebuhr:
Ancient History,
160-161 (153-154).
(d) Platæa and Mycale.
Herodotus:
History,
1612, 1613 (1574, 1575).
E. Curtius:
History of Greece,
1613 (1575).
B. G. Niebuhr:
Ancient History,
160-161 (153-154).
10. THE CONFEDERACY OF DELOS AND END OF PERSIAN WARS
(B. C. 477-461):
G. W. Cox:
History of Greece.
1613 (1575).
W. W. Lloyd:
The Age of Pericles,
1614 (1576).
T. Keightley:
History of Greece,
164 (157).
J. Fiske:
Greek Federations,
1137 (1109).
11. POLITICAL RESULTS OF PERSIAN WARS:
G. Grote:
History of Greece,
163 (155-156).
Aristotle:
Constitution of Athens,
163-164 (156-157).
"None of these men were enervated by wealth or hesitated to
resign the pleasures of life. … And when the moment came they
were minded to resist and suffer, rather than to fly and save
their lives; they ran away from the word of dishonor, but on
the battlefield their feet stood fast, and in an instant, at
the height of their fortune, they passed away from the scene,
not of their fear, but of their glory. Such was the end of
these men; they were worthy of Athens; and the living may not
desire to have a more heroic spirit although they may pray for
a less fatal issue. … The sacrifice which they collectively
made was individually repaid to them; for they received again
each one for himself a praise which grows not old, and the
noblest of all sepulchers—I speak not of that in which their
remains are laid, but of that in which their glory survives,
and is proclaimed always and on every fitting occasion both in
word and deed. For the whole earth is the sepulcher of famous
men; not only are they commemorated by columns and
inscriptions in their own country, but in foreign lands there
dwells also an unwritten memorial of them, graven not on
stone, but in the hearts of men."
From the Funeral Oration of Pericles,
pages 175-178 (168-171).
STUDY IX.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
THE GOLDEN AGE OF GREECE.
"To Greece we owe the love of Science, the love of Art, the
love of Freedom; not Science alone, Art alone, or Freedom
alone, but these vitally correlated with one another and
brought into organic union. And in this union we recognize the
distinctive features of the West. The Greek genius is the
European genius in its first and brightest bloom. From a
vivifying contact with the Greek spirit Europe derived that
new and mighty impulse which we call Progress."
S. H. BUTCHER.
I. ATHENS AFTER THE PERSIAN WARS:
(a) The Rebuilding of the City.
E. Curtius:
History of Greece,
161-152 (154-155).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1022-1023 (994-995).
(b) The Enlargement of the Democracy.
G. Grote:
History of Greece,
162-163 (155-156).
{743}
Aristotle:
The Constitution of Athens,
163-164 (156-157).
A. J. Grant:
The Age of Pericles,
1615 (1577).
C. Thirlwall:
History of Greece,
132 (125).
(c) Quarrels with Sparta.
C. W. C. Oman:
History of Greece,
165-166 (158-159).
C. Thirlwall:
History of Greece,
166-167 (159-160).
A. J. Grant:
Age of Pericles,
1614 (1576).
E. Curtius:
History of Greece,
1615-1616 (1577-1578).
2. THE RISE OF PERICLES
(B. C. 466-429):
C. W. C. Oman:
History of Greece,
165-166 (158-159).
A. J. Grant:
The Age of Pericles,
1615 (1577).
3. THE AGE OF PERICLES
(B. C. 445-429):
(a) The Splendor of Athens.
E. Abbott:
Pericles,
167-168 (160-161).
E. Bulwer-Lytton:
Athens,
168 (161).
(b) Art and the Domestic Life.
E. E. Viollet-le-Duc:
Habitations of Man in All Ages,
168-169 (161-162).
R. C. Jebb:
Influence of Classical Greek Poetry,
1676 (1637).
(c) Education and Literature.
Plato:
Protagoras,
701 (678).
Aristotle:
Politics,
702 (679).
J. P. Mahaffy:
Old Greek Education,
702-703 (679-680).
O. Browning:
Educational Theories,
703 (680).
J. A. St. John:
The Hellenes,
703-704 (680-681).
F. B. Jevons:
History of Greek Literature,
1676-1677 (1637-1638).
S. H. Butcher:
Some Aspects of Greek Genius,
1675 (1636).
(d) Law and its Administration.
Sir H. S. Maine:
Ancient Law,
170 (163).
J. P. Mahaffy:
Social Life in Greece,
170-171 (163-164).
(e) The Political Life.
E. A. Freeman:
Athenian Democracy,
172 (165).
E. A. Freeman:
Comparative Politics,
171-172 (164-165).
S. H. Butcher:
Some Aspects of Greek Genius,
172 (165).
J. S. Blackie:
What does History Teach,
173 (166).
Pericles:
Funeral Oration,
175-178 (168-171).
4. THE GREAT PLAGUE AND DEATH OF PERICLES
(B.C. 430-429):
Thucydides:
History,
178 (171).
5. THE RISE OF THE DEMAGOGUES
(429-421 B. C.):
E. Curtius:
History of Greece,
178-179 (171-172).
E. A. Freeman:
Historical Essays,
179 (172).
6. SOCRATES AS SOLDIER AND CITIZEN:
F. J. Church:
Trial and Death of Socrates,
179-180 (172-173).
E. Zeller:
Socrates,
705-706 (682-683).
7. THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR (B. C. 431-404):
(a) First Period (431-421) to Peace of Nicias:
Thucydides:
History,
1620 (1582).
W. Mitford:
History of Greece,
1620-1621 (1582-1583).
C. W. C. Oman:
History of Greece,
1622 (1584).
T. Timayenis:
History of Greece,
1623-1924 (1585-1586).
C. W. C. Oman:
History of Greece,
181 (174).
E. Curtius:
History of Greece,
181 (174).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1023 (995).
(b) Alcibiades; The Sicilian Expedition
(B. C. 415-413):
B. G. Niebuhr:
Ancient History,
1624-1625 (1586-1587).
Y. Duruy:
History of Greek People,
182 (175).
E. A. Freeman:
Story of Sicily,
182-183 (175-176).
E. Curtius:
History of Greece,
1625-1627 (1587-15899).
T. N. Talfourd:
History of Greece,
1629 (1591).
W. Wachsmuth:
Antiquities of the Greeks,
184-185 (177-178).
E. Curtius:
History of Greece,
185 (178).
(c) Battle of Ægospotami; Overthrow of Athens
(405 B. C.).
G. Grote:
History of Greece,
185 (178).
G. W. Cox:
Athenian Empire,
1629-1630 (1591-1592).
8. THE OVERTHROW OF DEMOCRACY:
E. Curtius:
History of Greece,
185-186 (178-179).
9. EXPEDITION OF CYRUS; RETREAT OF THE "TEN THOUSAND"
(B. C. 401-400):
E. Curtius:
History of Greece,
2581 (2514).
10. THE SUPREMACY OF THEBES
(B. C. 379-362):
E. Curtius:
History of Greece,
1631-1632 (1593-1594).
Xenophon:
Hellenica,
1632 (1594).
C. Sankey:
The Spartan and Theban Supremacies,
1632-1634 (1594-1596).
11. CHÆRONEA; END OF GREEK INDEPENDENCE
(B. C. 338):
B. G. Niebuhr:
Ancient History,
1634-1636 (1596-1598).
W. W. Fowler:
The City State,
186-187 (179-180).
P. Gardner:
Greek History,
189, first column, (182).
12. HELLENIC GENIUS, CULTURE, AND INFLUENCE:
The Funeral Oration of Pericles,
175-178 (168-171).
P. Gardner:
New Chapters in Greek History,
189-190 (182-183).
J. P. Mahaffy:
Greek Life and Thought,
188, 189, 706 (181, 182, 683).
T. Davidson:
Aristotle,
704 and 705 (681, 682).
J. P. Mahaffy:
Old Greek Education,
702-703 (679-680).
O. Browning:
Educational Theories,
703 (680).
The Nation:
Free Schools in Greece,
705 (682).
W. W. Capes:
University Life in Ancient Athens,
706-707 (683-684).
S. H. Butcher:
Some Aspects of Greek Genius,
1675 (1636).
R. C. Jebb:
Growth and Influence of Classical Greek Poetry,
1675-1676 (1636-1637).
F. B. Jevons:
History of Greek Literature,
1676-1677 (1637-1638).
J. P. Mahaffy:
The Greek World under Roman Sway,
1680 (1641).
L. E. Upcott:
Introduction to Greek Sculpture,
2956-2957.
J. A. St. John:
The Hellenes,
1657 (1819).
W. M. Leake:
Topography of Athens,
1657 (1619).
W. W. Capes:
University Life in Ancient Athens,
5 (5).
T. Mommsen:
History of Rome,
1679 second column, (1640).
"So long as Greece was free and the spirit of freedom animated
the Greeks, so long their literature was creative and genius
marked it. When liberty perished, literature declined. The
field of Chæronea was fatal alike to the political liberty and
to the literature of Greece."
F. B. JEVONS.
{744}
STUDY X.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT.
1. MACEDONIA AND ITS EARLY HISTORY:
G. Grote:
History of Greece,
2101 (2057).
P. Smith:
Ancient History of East,
2579 (2512).
G. Grote:
History of Greece,
1631 (1593).
2. RISE AND CAREER OF PHILIP OF MACEDON
(B. C. 359-336):
C. Thirlwall:
History of Greece,
1634 (1596).
B. G. Niebuhr:
Ancient History,
1634-1636 (1596-1598).
E. Curtius:
History of Greece,
1636 (1598).
W. W. Fowler:
The City-State,
186-187 (179-180).
A. H. L. Heeren:
Politics of Ancient Greece,
188 (181).
"No alliance could save Greece from the Macedonian power, as
subsequent events plainly showed. What was needed was a real
federal union between the leading states, with a strong
central controlling force; and Demosthenes’ policy was
hopeless just because Athens could never be the center of such
a union, nor could any other city. Demosthenes is thus the
last, and in some respects the most heroic champion of the old
Greek instinct for autonomy. He is the true child of the
City-State, but the child of its old age and decrepitude."
W. W. FOWLER.
3. THE CAREER OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT
(B. C. 336-323):
L. von Ranke:
Universal History,
1637 (1599).
J. P. Mahaffy:
Story of Alexander’s Empire,
2102-2103 (2058-2059).
C. A. Fyffe:
History of Greece,
2103 (2059).
E. A. Freeman:
Alexander,
2103-2104 (2059-2060).
J. T. Wheeler:
History of India,
1742-1743 (1703-1704).
See Maps,
2106-2107 (2062-2063).
4. THE EFFECTS OF THE MACEDONIAN CONQUESTS:
E. Zeller:
Stoics, Epicureans, and Sceptics,
188 (181).
J. P. Mahaffy:
Greek Life and Thought,
188-189 (181-182).
P. Gardner:
New Chapters in Greek History,
189-190 (182-183).
J. P. Mahaffy:
Story of Alexander’s Empire,
1640, first column, (1602).
F. B. Jevons:
History of Greek Literature,
1676-1677 (1637-1638).
R. S. Poole:
Cities of Egypt,
44 (37).
J. P. Mahaffy:
Story of Alexander’s Empire,
44-45 (37-38).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1023-1024 (995-996).
5. The Division of Alexander’s Empire:
(a) Preliminary Struggles to Battle of Ipsus
(B.C. 323-301).
J. P. Mahaffy:
Story of Alexander’s Empire,
1639-1640 (1601-1602).
T. Keightley:
History of Greece,
1637-1639 (1599-1601).
A. H. L. Heeren:
Ancient History,
2104 (2060).
W. C. Taylor:
Ancient History,
2104-2105 (2060-2061).
T. T. Timayenis:
History of Greece,
2105-2016 (2061-2062).
C. Thirlwall:
History of Greece,
2106-2107 (2062-2063).
(b) The Seleucidæ.
G. Rawlinson:
Sixth Great Oriental Monarchy,
2960 (2883).
C. Thirlwall:
History of Greece,
2960 (2883).
B. G. Niebuhr:
Ancient History,
2960-2961 (2883-2884).
P. Smith:
History of the World,
2961-2963 (2884-2886).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall of Roman Empire,
2959-2960 (2882-2883).
(c) The Ptolemies.
S. Sharpe:
History of Egypt,
785 (758).
P. Gardner:
New Chapters in Greek History,
785-786 (758-759).
J. H. Newman:
Historical Sketches,
707-708 (684-685).
J. P. Mahaffy:
Story of Alexander’s Empire,
44-45 (37-38).
6. THE ACHAIAN LEAGUE (E. C. 280-146):
E. A. Freeman:
Federal Government,
1640-1641 (1602-1603).
E. A. Freeman:
Federal Government,
1136 (1108).
John Fiske:
American Political Ideas,
1137 (1109).
7. THE GALLIC INVASION
(B. C. 280-279):
C. Merivale:
History of the Romans,
1448-1449 (1415-1416).
C. Thirlwall:
History of Greece,
1449 (1416).
J. P. Mahaffy:
Story of Alexander’s Empire,
1442 (1409).
8. THE ROMAN CONQUEST (B. C. 214-146):
C. Thirlwall:
History of Greece,
1641 (1603).
T. Mommsen:
History of Rome,
191 (184).
E. S. Shuckburgh:
History of Rome,
2752-2753 (2678-2679).
R. C. Jebb:
Influence of Classical Greek Poetry,
1678 (1639).
T. Mommsen:
History of Rome,
1680 (1641).
"So too it was with Greece. As a people she ceased to be. When
her freedom was overthrown at Chæronea, the page of her
history was to all appearance closed. Yet from that moment
'she was to enter on a larger life and on universal empire. …
As Alexander passed conquering through Asia, he restored to
the East, as garnered grain, that Greek civilization whose
seeds had long ago been received from the East. Each conqueror
in turn, the Macedonian and the Roman, bowed before conquered
Greece and learnt lessons at her feet. To the modern world too
Greece has been the great civilizer, the œcumenical teacher,
the disturber and regenerator of slumbering societies. She is
the source of most of the quickening ideas which remake
nations and renovate literature and art. If we reckon up our
secular possessions, the wealth and heritage of the past, the
large share may be traced back to Greece. One half of life she
has made her domain,—all, or well-nigh all, that belongs to
the present order of things, and to the visible world.
S. H. Butcher:
Some Aspects of Greek Genius,
page 1675 (1636).
STUDY XI.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
RISE OF ROME AND CONQUEST OF THE WORLD.
1. ORIGIN OF THE ROMAN PEOPLE:
C. F. Keary:
Dawn of History,
144-145 (137-138).
T. Mommsen:
History of Rome,
37-38, 1844-1845, 2731 (30-31, 1804-1805, 2657).
A. Tighe:
Roman Constitution,
1455-1456 (1422-1423).
H. G. Liddell:
History of Rome,
1456 (1423).
F. de Coulanges:
The Ancient City,
2731 (2657).
E. A. Freeman:
European History,
2731-2732 (2658).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1024 (996).
H. G. Liddell:
History of Rome,
2861 (2787).
Padre de Cara:
Civilità Cattolica,
1845 (1805).
Appendix A,
3793-3794 (End Volume I.).
2. LATIUM AND THE LATIN NAME:
T. Mommsen:
History of Rome,
37-38, 1998 (30-31, 1954).
T. Arnold:
History of Rome,
1997-1998 (1953-1954).
3. THE FOUNDING OF ROME, AND ITS CIVILIZATION
(B. C. 753-):
Sir H. Nicholas:
Chronology of History,
2734 (2660).
E. A. Freeman:
European History,
2731-2732 (2658).
Goldwin Smith:
Greatness of the Romans,
2733 (2659).
G. A Simcox:
History of Latin Literature,
2734 (2660).
{745}
4. THE PATRICIANS AND PLEBS:
E. A. Freeman:
European History,
2732 (2658).
A. Tighe:
The Roman Constitution,
505 (491).
F. de Coulanges:
The Ancient City,
2738 (2664).
5. ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS:
(a) The King.
Sir G. C. Lewis:
Early Roman History,
2734-2735 (2660-2661).
W. W. Fowler:
The City-State,
2735 (2661).
H. F. Pelham,
Roman History,
2735-2736 (2661-2662).
(b) The Comitia Curiata, Comitia Centuriata,
and Comitia Tributa.
A. Tighe:
The Roman Constitution,
504, 505 (490, 491).
H. G. Liddell:
History of Rome,
2739 (2665).
W. Ihne:
History of Rome,
2739 (2665).
(c) The Senate.
A. Tighe:
The Roman Constitution,
2971 (2894).
H. G. Liddell:
History of Rome,
2971-2972 (2894-2895).
(d) The Consuls and Prætors.
T. Mommsen:
History of Rome,
2737 (2663).
A. Tighe:
Roman Constitution,
633-634 (610-11).
W. Ihne:
History of Rome,
634, 2744 (611, 2670).
(e) The Censors.
T. Arnold:
History of Rome,
412 (402-403).
(f) The Tribunes.
R. F. Horton:
History of Romans,
2737-2738, 2739 (2663-2664, 2665).
W. Ihne:
History of Rome,
634, 2738, 2739 (611, 2664, 2665).
F. de Coulanges:
The Ancient City,
2738 (2664).
6. THE LEGENDARY PERIOD OF THE KINGS
(B. C. 753-510):
Sir G. C. Lewis:
Early Roman History,
2734-2735 (2660-2661).
T. Livy:
History of Rome,
2735 (2661).
H. F. Pelham:
Roman History,
2735-2736 (2661-2662).
A. J. Church:
Stories from Livy,
2736-2737 (2662-2663).
7. RISE OF THE REPUBLIC
(B. C. 509-):
(a) Struggle between Patricians and Plebeians
(B. C. 509-286).
R. F. Horton:
History of Romans,
2738 (2664).
F. de Coulanges:
Ancient City,
2738 (2664).
J. Hadley:
Introduction to Roman Law,
673 (650).
J. L. Strachan-Davidson:
Plebeian Privilege at Rome,
2740 (2666).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1025 (997).
(b) Laws establishing Privileges of the People.
(1) The Valerian Laws (B. C. 509).
T. Mommsen:
History of Rome,
2737 (2663).
W. Ihne:
History of Rome,
2737 (2663).
(2) The Publilian Laws
(B. C. 472).
H. G. Liddell:
History of Rome,
2739 (2665).
W. Ihne:
History of Rome,
2739 (2665).
(3) The Icilian Law
(B. C. 456).
J. L. Strachan-Davidson:
Plebeian Privilege at Rome,
2740 (2666).
(4) The Terentilian Law and The Twelve Tables
(B. C. 451-449)
W. Ihne:
History of Rome,
2740-2741 (2666-2667).
H. S. Maine:
Ancient Law,
2741 (2667).
(5) The Valerio-Horatian Laws
(B. C. 440).
H. G. Liddell:
History of Rome,
2741 (2667).
(6)
The Canuleian Law
(B. C. 445).
V. Duruy:
History of Rome,
2741-2742 (2667-2668).
(7) The Licinian Laws
(B. C. 376-367).
H. G. Liddell:
History of Rome,
2743 (2669).
A. Stephenson:
Agrarian Laws of Roman Republic,
2743-2744 (2669-2670).
(8) The Publilian Laws
(B. C. 340).
H. G. Liddell:
History of Rome,
2745 (2671).
(9) The Hortensian Laws
(B. C. 286).
H. G. Liddell:
History of Rome,
2747 (2673).
H. F. Pelham:
Roman History,
2747-2748 (2673-2674).
T. Arnold:
History of Rome,
673 (650).
T. Mommsen:
History of Rome,
2727-2728 (2653-2654).
8. THE EXPANSION OF ROME:
W. Ihne:
History of Rome,
2739 (2665).
R. F. Horton:
History of Romans,
2739, 2742 (2665, 2668).
H. G. Liddell:
History of Rome,
2743 (2669).
J. Michelet:
The Roman Republic,
2744-2745 (2671).
W. Ihne:
History of Romans,
2745 (2671).
F. de Coulanges:
The Ancient City,
2745 (2671).
W. Ihne:
History of Rome,
2746-2747 (2672-2673).
T. Arnold:
History of Rome,
2748 (2674).
9. GALLIC INVASION AND DESTRUCTION OF THE CITY
(B. C. 390):
J. Rhys:
Celtic Britain,
412 (402).
C. Merivale:
History of the Romans,
1448-1449 (1415-1416).
H. G. Liddell:
History of Rome,
2743 (2669).
10. UNION OF ITALY UNDER THE REPUBLIC
(B. C. 275):
T. Mommsen:
History of Rome,
2748-2749 (2674-2675).
J. N. Larned.
Europe,
1025 (997).
11. THE PUNIC WARS
(B. C. 264-202):
M. Duncker:
History of Antiquity,
402 (392).
G. Grote:
History of Greece,
403 (393).
T. Arnold:
History of Rome,
2749 (2675).
W. B. Boyce:
Introduction to Study of History,
2750 (2676).
E. A. Freeman:
Outlines of History,
2750 (2676).
M. Creighton:
History of Rome,
2750-2751 (2676-2677).
R. F. Horton:
History of Romans,
2751 (2677).
R. F. Leighton:
History of Rome,
2751-2752 (2677-2678).
R. B. Smith:
Carthage and the Carthaginians,
403-404, 2687-2690, 2752 (393-394, 2614-2617, 2678).
H. F. Pelham:
Roman History,
2754 (2680).
12. DECLINE OF THE REPUBLIC
(B. C. 200-45):
E. S. Shuckburgh:
History of Rome,
2752-2753 (2678-2679).
T. Mommsen:
History of Rome,
2753-2754 (2680).
H. F. Pelham:
Roman History,
2754-2755 (2680).
W. T. Arnold:
Roman Administration,
2755 (2681).
H. G. Liddell:
History of Rome,
2971-2972 (2894-2895).
M. Creighton:
History of Rome,
2756-2757 (2682-2683).
13. ATTEMPTS AT REFORM; AGRARIAN LAWS; THE GRACCHI:
G. Long:Decline of Roman Republic,
27 (20).
H. G. Liddell:
History of Rome,
27 (20).
A. Stephenson:
Agrarian Laws, etc.,
2743-2744 (2669-2670).
H. F. Pelham:
Roman History,
2755 (2681).
G. Long:
Decline of Roman Republic,
2755-2756 (2681-2682).
C. Merivale:
Fall of Roman Republic,
2756 (2682).
14. THE SOCIAL AND CIVIL WARS
(B. C. 90-45):
W. Ihne:
History of Rome,
2757-2758 (2683-2684).
G. Long:
Decline of Roman Republic,
2758-2759 (2684-2685).
C. Merivale:
Roman Triumvirates,
2759-2760 (2685-2686).
W. Forsyth:
Life of Cicero,
2762 (2688).
{746}
15. JULIUS CAESAR; QUÆSTOR TO IMPERATOR
(B. C. 69-45):
W. W. Fowler:
Julius Caesar,
2761-2762 (2687-2688).
T. Mommsen:
History of Rome,
2762-2763 (2688-2689).
J. Cæsar:
Gallic Wars,
1444-1445 (1411-1412).
R. F. Horton:
History of Romans,
2763-2764 (2690).
Plutarch: Cæsar,
2764-2765 (2690-2691).
C. Merivale:
History of Romans,
2767-2768 (2693-2694).
V. Duruy:
History of Rome,
2768-2769 (2694-2695).
J. A. Froude:
Cæsar,
2770-2771 (2696-2697).
Goldwin Smith:
Last Republicans of Rome,
2771 (2697).
16. THE TRIUMVIRATES; RISE OF THE EMPIRE
(B. C. 44-31):
C. Merivale:
History of the Romans,
2772-2773 (2698).
W. W. Capes:
The Early Empire,
2773-2775 (2699-2701).
H. F. Pelham:
Roman History,
2775 (2701).
C. Merivale:
History of the Romans,
355 (345).
17. CONQUEST OF THE WORLD:
G. Long:
Decline of Roman Republic,
3053 (2973).
J. Cæsar:
Gallic War,
1444-1445 (1411-1412).
C. Thirlwall:
History of Greece,
1641 (1603).
P. Smith:
History of the World,
2961-2963 (2884-2886).
R. F. Horton:
History of Romans,
2236-2237 (2192-2193).
A. Hirtius:
The Alexandrian War,
46 (39).
J. Cæsar:
Gallic War,
329 (319).
C. Merivale:
History of the Romans,
329-331, 1463-1464 (319-321, 1430-1431).
STUDY XII.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
DECLINE AND FALL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
1. TRANSITION FROM THE REPUBLIC TO THE EMPIRE:
W. W. Capes:
The Early Empire,
2773-2775 (2699-2701).
C. Merivale:
History of Romans,
196, 355 (189, 345).
W. Ramsay:
Roman Antiquities,
196 (189).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1032 (1004).
C. Merivale:
History of Romans,
2773 (2699).
2. THE RISING INFLUENCE OF THE PRÆTORIAN GUARDS:
W. Ihne:
History of Rome,
2040 (1996).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
2040 (1996).
W. Ramsay:
Roman Antiquities,
2655 (2583).
C. Merivale:
History of Romans,
2655 (2583).
B. G. Niebuhr:
History of Rome,
2776 (2702).
3. THE JULIAN AND CHRISTIAN ERA:
Sir H. Nicholas:
Chronology of History,
357-358 (347-348)
W. Hales:
Analysis of Chronology,
358, 1011 (348, 984).
T. Keim:
Jesus of Nazara,
1960-1961 (1919-1920).
4. THE JULIAN LINE
(B. C. 31-A. D. 70):
T. De Quincey:
The Cæsars,
2782 (2708).
J. C. L. Sismondi:
Fall of the Roman Empire,
1975 (1934).
B. G. Niebuhr:
History of Rome,
2775-2776 (2701-2702).
Suetonius:
Lives of the Twelve Cæsars,
2776-2777 (2702-2703).
C. Merivale:
History of Romans,
2777-2779 (2703-2705).
T. Keightley:
Roman Empire,
2779-2780 (2705-2706).
5. NERO; THE BURNING OF ROME AND PERSECUTION OF CHRISTIANS
(A. D. 64-68):
T. De Quincey:
The Cæsars,
2780-2781 (2706-2707).
F. W. Farrar:
Early Days of Christianity,
2781-2782 (2707-2708).
6. THE FLAVIAN LINE
(A. D. 69-192):
J. C. L. Sismondi:
Fall of the Roman Empire,
1159 (1129).
(a) Vespasian-Domitian (69-96):
Y. Duruy:
History of Rome,
2783-2785 (2709-2711).
Besant and Palmer:
Jerusalem,
1962-1963 (1921-1922).
H. H. Milman:
History of the Jews,
1963 (1922).
C. Merivale:
History of Romans,
2632-2633 (2560-2561).
E. Edwards:
Memoirs of Libraries,
2049-2050 (2005-2006).
(b) Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian
(A. D. 96-138).
R. W. Browne:
History of Rome,
2785-2787 (2713).
T. Mommsen:
History of Rome,
1963-1964 (1922-1923).
(c) The Antonines (138-192).
F. W. Farrar:
Seekers after God,
2787-2788 (2714).
E. Renan:
English Conferences,
2788 (2714).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
2788-2789 (2714-2715).
"If a man were called to fix the period in the history of the
world during which the condition of the human race was most
happy and prosperous, he would, without hesitation, name that
which elapsed from the death of Domitian to the accession of
Commodus. The vast extent of the Roman Empire was governed by
absolute power, under the guidance of virtue and wisdom. The
armies were restrained by the firm but gentle hand of four
successive Emperors whose characters and authority commanded
involuntary respect."
E. GIBBON.
7. COMMODUS TO CONSTANTINE
(A. D. 192-305):
T. Keightley:
Outlines of History,
2789-2790 (2716).
J. C. Robertson:
History of Christian Church,
2790 (2716).
W.C. Taylor:
Ancient History,
2790-2791 (2716-2717).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
2472-2473 (2413-2414).
B. F. Westcott:
History of Religious Thought,
454 (440).
G. Uhlhorn:
Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism,
456 (442).
8. THE CONSTANTINES
(A. D. 305-361):
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
2793-2794, 2795-2796 (2719-2720, 2721-2722).
Eusebius:
Ecclesiastical History,
2794 (2720).
E. L. Cutts:
Constantine the Great,
2795 (2721).
9. CHRISTIANITY BECOMES THE STATE RELIGION
(A. D. 323-):
E. L. Cutts:
Constantine the Great,
2794-1795 (2720-2721).
A. Neander:
History of Christian Religion.
2795 (2721).
J. C. L. Sismondi:
Fall of Roman Empire,
2795 (2721).
G. P. Fisher:
The Christian Church,
465 (451).
A. Carr:
Christianity and Roman Empire,
465-466 (451-2).
H. H. Milman:
History of Christianity,
467 (453).
J. N. Lamed:
Europe,
1035-1036 (1007-1008).
"Shortly after the beginning of the fourth century there
occurred an event which, had it been predicted in the days of
Nero or even of Decius, would have been deemed a wild fancy.
It was nothing less than the conversion of the Roman Emperor
to the Christian faith. It was an event of momentous
importance in the history of the Christian religion. The Roman
Empire, from being the enemy and persecutor of the Church,
thenceforward became its protector and patron. The Church
entered into an alliance with the State, which was to prove
fruitful of consequences, both good and evil, in the
subsequent history of Europe. Christianity was now to reap the
advantages and incur the dangers arising from the friendship
of earthly rulers, and from a close connection with the civil
authority."
G. P. FISHER.
{747}
"This important crisis in the history of Christianity almost
forcibly arrests attention to contemplate the change wrought
in Christianity by its advancement into a dominant power in
the State. By ceasing to exist as a separate community, and by
advancing its pretensions to influence the general government
of mankind, Christianity, to a certain extent, forfeited its
independence. It was no longer a republic, governed
exclusively—as far, at least, as its religious concerns—by
its own internal policy. The interference of the civil power
in some of its most, private affairs, the promulgation of its
canons and even, in some cases, the election of its bishops,
by the State, was the price which it must inevitably pay for
its association with the ruling power."
H. H. MILMAN.
10. THE NEW CAPITAL OF THE EMPIRE
(A. D. 330):
E. L. Cutts:
Constantine the Great,
519 (505).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
520-521 (506-507).
G. Finlay:
Greece under Romans,
521 (507).
11. JULIAN, TO THE DIVISION OF THE EMPIRE
(A. D. 361-395):
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
2796 (2722).
P. Godwin:
History of France,
1445 (1412).
G. Rawlinson:
Seventh Oriental Monarchy,
2582 (2515).
J. C. L. Sismondi:
Fall of Roman Empire,
2799 (2724-2725).
T. Hodgkin:
Dynasty of Theodosius,
2799-2800 (2725-2726).
12. REVIVAL AND FINAL OVERTHROW OF PAGANISM
(A. D. 361-395):
G. Uhlhorn:
Conflict of Christianity and Heathenism,
2796-2798 (2722-2724).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
2800-2801 (2726-2727).
J. B. Carwithen:
History of Christian Church,
2801 (2727).
13. THE DIVIDED EMPIRE
(A. D. 395-):
T. Hodgkin:
Italy and Her Invaders,
2801 (2727).
R. H. Wrightson:
Respublica Romana,
2801-2802 (2727-2728).
G. Finlay:
Greece under the Romans,
2803-2804 (2729-2730).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1037 (1009).
14. THE BARBARIAN INVASIONS
(A. D. 400-):
W. Smith:
Note to Decline and Fall,
1591-1592 (1553-1554).
T. Hodgkin:
Italy and Her Invaders,
1592 (1554).
J. G. Sheppard:
Fall of Rome,
3714-3715 (3594-3595).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
1592-1593 (1554-1555).
C. A. Scott:
Ulfilas,
1594 (1556).
J. C. L. de Sismondi:
Fall of Roman Empire,
1595 (1557).
W. C. Perry:
The Franks,
1431 (1397-1398).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
1431 (1398).
J. B. Bury:
Later Roman Empire,
2805 (2731).
E. A. Freeman:
European History,
2805-2806 (2731-2732).
F. Guizot:
History of Civilization,
2806 (2732).
C. J. Stillé:
Mediæval History,
2806-2807 (2732-2733).
J. C. L. Sismondi:
Fall of Roman Empire,
2807-2808, 2808-2809 (2733-2734, 2734-2735).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
2808 (2734).
R. W. Church:
Beginning of Middle Ages,
2809 (2735).
J. Bryce:
Holy Roman Empire,
2809-2810 (2735-2736).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1038-1040 (1010-1012).
15. CAUSES AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE FALL OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE:
G. B. Adams:
Civilization during Middle Ages,
2807 (2733).
R. W. Church:
Beginning of Middle Ages,
2810 (2736).
J. R. Seeley:
Roman Imperialism,
2810-2811 (2736-2737).
C. Merivale:
History of Romans,
2811-2812 (2738).
A. Thierry:
Merovingian Era,
2812 (2738).
W. Stewart:
The Church in Fourth Century,
470-471 (456-457).
C. Merivale:
Epochs of Church History,
471 (457).
E. Hatch:
Organization of Christian Churches,
471 (457).
16. CIVILIZATION OF THE LATER REPUBLIC AND EMPIRE:
(a) Education.
J. J. I. Döllinger:
Gentile and Jew,
708-709 (685-686).
E. Kirkpatrick:
Development of Superior Education,
709-710 (686-687).
F. Guizot:
History of Civilization,
710-711 (688).
E. Edwards:
Memoirs of Libraries,
2048-2049 (2005).
Guhl and Koner:
Life of Greeks and Romans,
2049 (2005).
T. H. Horne:
Study of Bibliography,
2050 (2006).
Historic Researches regarding Library of Alexandria,
2047-2048 (2003-2004).
(b) Religion.
T. Mommsen:
History of Rome,
195 (188).
W. Ramsay:
Roman Antiquities,
196-197 (189-190).
(c) Law.
E. Reich:
Græco-Roman Institutions,
2726-2727, 2728-2729 (2652-2653, 2655).
Sir F. Pollock:
Oxford Lectures,
2728 (2654).
T. W. Dwight:
Introduction to Maine’s Ancient Law,
www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/22910
2727 (2653).
J. Austin:
Lectures on Jurisprudence,
2728-2729 (2654-2655).
T. Mommsen:
History of Rome,
2727-2728 (2653-2654).
J. Hadley:
Introduction to Roman Law,
673 (650).
(d) Trade and Commerce.
C. Merivale:
History of Rome,
3211-3213 (3702).
H. Pigeonneau:
History of French Commerce,
3213-3215 (3702-3704).
H. Fox Bourne:
Romance of Trade,
2245-2246 (2201-2202).
T. Mommsen:
History of Rome,
2248 (2204).
(e) Medical Science.
Pliny:
Natural History,
2171-2172 (2127-2128).
W. Whewell:
Inductive Sciences,
2172-2173 (2129).
Roswell Park:
History of Medicine,
2173(2129).
(f) Slavery.
T. Mommsen:
History of Rome,
2753-2754 (2680).
W. R. Brownlow:
Slavery and Serfdom,
2990 (2912).
STUDY XIII.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
FROM THE BARBARIAN INVASIONS TO CHARLEMAGNE
(A. D. 400-800).
1. ORIGIN AND MIGRATIONS OF THE BARBARIC NATIONS:
C. F. Keary:
Dawn of Civilization,
144-145 (137-138).
T. Mommsen:
History of Rome,
42, 483 (35, 469).
T. Smith:
Arminius,
1464-1465 (1431-1432).
Appendix A.,
3793-3796 (End of Volume I.).
2. GAUL AND THE GAULS:
J. Rhys:
Celtic Britain,
412 (402).
C. Merivale:
History of Romans,
1448-1449 (1416).
H. G. Liddell:
History of Rome,
2743 (2669).
W. Ihne:
History of Rome,
2746-2747 (2672-2673).
C. Thirlwall:
History of Greece,
1449 (1416).
J. P. Mahaffy:
Story of Alexander’s Empire,
1442 (1409).
J. Cæsar:
Gallic Wars,
1444-1445 (1411-1412).
P. Godwin:
History of France,
1445, 1448 (1412, 1415).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
1445-1446 (1412-1413).
H. Pigeonneau:
History of French Commerce,
3213-3215 (3702-3704).
{748}
3. THE GOTHS:
T. Hodgkin:
Italy and her Invaders.
1592 (1554).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
1592-1593 (1554-1555).
T. Hodgkin:
Italy and Her Invaders,
1593 (1555).
C. A. A. Scott:
Ulfilas,
1594 (1556).
J. C. L. Sismondi:
Fall of the Roman Empire,
1595-1596 (1557-1558).
G. Finlay:
Greece under the Romans,
1596-1597 (1558-1559).
(a.) The Ostrogoths and Theodoric.
H. Bradley:
Story of the Goths,
1594 (1556).
J. G. Sheppard:
Fall of Rome.
1728 (1689).
T. Hodgkin:
Italy and Her Invaders,
1598 (1560).
H. Bradley:
Story of the Goths,
1598-1599 (1560-1561).
H. Bradley:
Story of the Goths,
2812-2813 (2738-2739).
V. Duruy:
History of Rome,
2813 (2739).
T. Hodgkin:
Italy and Her Invaders,
2814-2815 (2740-2741).
J. G. Sheppard:
Fall of Rome,
1600 (1562).
(b) The Visigoths and Alaric.
J. C. L. Sismondi:
Fall of Roman Empire,
1594-1595 (1556-1557).
T. Hodgkin:
Italy and Her Invaders,
1594, 1595 (1556, 1557).
H. Bradley:
Story of the Goths,
1597 (1559).
J. C. L. Sismondi:
Fall of Roman Empire,
2807-2808 (2733-2734).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
1597 (1559).
H. Bradley:
Story of the Goths,
1598, 1599 (1560, 1561).
J. C. L. Sismondi:
Fall of Roman Empire,
1598 (1560).
R. W. Church:
Beginning of Middle Ages,
1599-1600 (1561-1562).
4. BREAKING OF THE RHINE BARRIER
(A. D. 406-500):
J. B. Bury:
Later Roman Empire,
2805 (2731).
E. A. Freeman:
European History,
2805-2806 (2731-2732)
F. Guizot:
History of Civilization,
2806 (2732).
C. J. Stillé:
Mediæval History,
2806-2807 (2732-2733).
G. B. Adams:
Civilization during Middle Ages,
2807 (2733).
5. THE HUNS AND ATTILA:
T. Hodgkin:
Italy and Her Invaders,
1726 (1687).
J. C. L. Sismondi:
Fall of Roman Empire,
1594-1595 (1556-1557).
R. W. Church:
Beginning of the Middle Ages,
1726 (1687).
T. Hodgkin:
Italy and Her Invaders,
1727 (1688).
J. G. Sheppard:
Fall of Rome,
1727 (1688).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
1727 (1688).
T. Hodgkin:
Italy and Her Invaders,
1727-1728 (1689)
Sir E. Creasy:
Fifteen Decisive Battles,
1728 (1689).
T. Hodgkin:
Italy and Her Invaders,
1728-1729 (1689-1690).
6. THE VANDALS AND GENSERIC:
J. G. Sheppard:
Fall of Rome,
3714-3715 (3594-3595).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
1445-1446, 3053-3054, 3715 (1412-1413, 2973-2974, 3595).
G. Finlay:
Greece under the Romans,
3716 (3596).
T. Hodgkin:
Italy and Her Invaders,
3716 (3596).
7. THE FRANKS AND CLOVIS:
W. C. Perry:
The Franks,
1430-1431 (1397-1398).
T. Mommsen:
History of Rome,
1431 (1398).
P. Godwin:
History of France,
1445 (1412).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
3207 (3121).
J. C. L. Sismondi:
French under the Merovingians,
1432 (1399).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
42-43 (35-36).
R. W. Church:
Beginning of Middle Ages,
1432 (1399).
P. Godwin:
History of France,
1433 (1400).
S. Baring Gould:
The Church in Germany,
472 (458).
8. THE REIGN OF JUSTINIAN
(A. D. 527-565):
G. Finlay:
Greece Under the Romans,
2814 (2740).
T. Hodgkin:
Italy and Her Invaders,
2814-2415 (2740-2701).
J. Hadley:
Introduction to Roman Law,
637-638 (614-615).
9. THE MEROVINGIAN DYNASTY
(A. D. 448-752):
J. C. L. Sismondi:
The French under the Merovingians,
1432 (1399).
R. W. Church:
Beginning of the Middle Ages,
1432 (1399).
W. C. Perry:
The Franks,
202, 1432-1433 (195, 1399-1400).
P. Godwin:
History of France,
202 (195).
T. Smith:
Arminius,
1465-1466 (1432-1435).
P. Godwin:
History of France,
1466 (1435).
A. Thierry:
The Merovingian Era,
1446 (1413).
10. THE LOMBARDS:
J. G. Sheppard:
Fall of Rome,
2076 (2032).
J. C. L. Sismondi:
Fall of Roman Empire,
2077 (2033).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
2077 (2033).
P. Godwin:
History of France,
2077-2078 (2033-2034).
11. CIVILIZATION AT BEGINNING OF THE MIDDLE AGES:
(a) Political and Social.
H. Hallam:
The Middle Ages,
2224 (2180).
G. B. Adams:
Civilization during the Middle Ages,
2224-2225 (2180-2181).
B. Bosanquet:
Civilization of Christendom,
2225 (2181).
A. Thierry:
Formation of the Tiers État,
1446-1448 (1413-1415).
W. Robertson:
Charles the Fifth,
2990-2991 (2913).
(i) Religion.
W. Stewart:
Church of the Fifth Century,
470-471 (456-457).
C. Merivale:
Early Church History,
471 (457).
E. Hatch:
Organization of Christian Churches,
471 (457).
G. Stokes:
The Celtic Church,
472 (458).
M. Creighton:
The Papacy,
2818 (2744).
I. Gregory Smith:
Christian Monasticism,
2239-2240 (2195-2196).
Count de Montalembert:
Monks of the West,
2240-2241 (2196-2197).
(c) Education.
J. A. Symonds:
Renaissance in Italy,
710 (687).
F. Guizot:
History of Civilization,
710-711 (687-688).
A. T. Drane:
Christian Schools,
711-712 (688-689).
12. THE RISE OF FEUDALISM:
W. Stubbs:
Constitutional History of England,
1145-1146 (1117-1118).
E. Emerton:
The Middle Ages,
1146 (1118).
Schröder:
Deutsehen Rechtsgeschichte,
1146-1147.
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1047-1048 (1019-1020).
A. Thierry:
Formation of the Tiers État,
1446-1448 (1413-1415).
{749}
STUDY XIV.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
THE RISE OF THE MODERN NATIONS.
1. THE FRANKS:
R. W. Church:
Beginning of the Middle Ages,
1432 (1399).
T. Smith:
Arminius,
1465-1466 (1432-1435).
P. Godwin:
History of France,
1466 (1435).
F. Guizot:
History of Civilization.
2163 (2119).
W. C. Perry:
The Franks,
1432-1433 (1399-1400).
S. Baring Gould:
The Church in Germany,
472 (458).
E. L. Cutts:
Charlemagne,
472-473 (458-459).
2. THE BURGUNDIANS:
J. G. Sheppard:
The Fall of Rome,
3714-3715 (3594-3495).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
338 (328).
J. C. L. Sismondi:
The French under the Merovingians,
339 (329).
T. Hodgkin:
Italy and Her Invaders,
339 (329).
3. THE SAXONS:
W. Stubbs:
Constitutional History of England,
2884-2885 (2809-2810).
R. G. Latham:
The Germany of Tacitus,
2885 (2810).
T. Hodgkin:
Italy and Her Invaders,
2885 (2810).
4. THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE
(A. D. 800-814):
C. J. Stillé:
Mediæval History,
1467-1468 (1436-1437).
R. W. Church:
Beginning of the Middle Ages,
1434 (1401).
E. Emerton:
Study of the Middle Ages,
1434-1435 (1401-1402).
J. Bryce:
The Holy Roman Empire,
1435 (1402)
Sir J. Stephen:
History of France,
1436 (1403).
J. Bryce:
The Holy Roman Empire,
1468 (1437).
A. T. Drane:
Christian Schools and Scholars,
712 (689).
F. Guizot:
History of Civilization,
2911 (2836).
Eginhard:
Life of Charlemagne,
474 (460).
J. B. Mullinger:
Schools of Charles the Great,
474 (460).
"Gibbon has remarked, that of all the heroes to whom the title
of ‘The Great’ has been given, Charlemagne alone has retained
it as a permanent addition to his name. The reason may perhaps
be that in no other man were ever united, in so large a
measure, and in such perfect harmony, the qualities, which, in
their combination, constitute the heroic character,—such as
energy, or love of action; ambition, or the love of power;
curiosity, or the love of knowledge; and sensibility, or the
love of pleasure. Not, indeed, the love of forbidden,
unhallowed, or of enervating pleasure, but the keen relish for
those blameless delights by which the burdened mind and jaded
spirits recruit and renovate their powers. … His lofty
stature, his open countenance, his large and brilliant eyes,
and the dome-like structure of his head, imparted, as we learn
from Eginhard, to all his attitudes the dignity which becomes
a King, relieved by the graceful activity of a practised
warrior. … Whether he was engaged in a frolic or a
chase—composed verses or listened to homilies—fought or
negotiated—cast down thrones or built them up—studied,
conversed, or legislated, it seemed as if he, and he alone,
were the one wakeful and really living agent in the midst of
an inert, visionary, and somnolent generation."
SIR JAMES STEPHEN.
5. THE BEGINNINGS OF AUSTRIA-HUNGARY:
F. Lenormant:
Ancient History,
3245 (3129).
T. Hodgkin:
Italy and Her Invaders,
1726 (1687).
J. C. L. Sismondi:
Fall of Roman Empire,
1594-1595 (1556-1557).
T. Hodgkin:
Italy and Her Invaders,
1728-1729 (1689-1690).
J. G. Sheppard:
Fall of Rome,
242-243 (235-236).
G. P. R. James:
History of Charlemagne,
243 (236).
L. Leger:
History of Austro-Hungary,
205 (198).
6. DISSOLUTION OF THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE
(A. D. 814-877):
J. Bryce:
The Holy Roman Empire,
1436-1438 (1403-1405).
H. H. Milman:
History of Latin Christianity,
1468 (1437).
S. Menzies:
History of Europe,
1468-1469 (1437-1438).
7. THE TREATY OF VERDUN
(A. D. 843):
P. Godwin:
History of France,
3735 (3615).
H. Hallam:
Middle Ages,
3736 (3616).
E. A. Freeman:
Historical Geography of Europe,
1469 (1438).
J. Bryce:
The Holy Roman Empire,
1436-1438 (1403-1405).
8. THE BEGINNINGS OF THE MODERN EUROPEAN NATIONS
(A. D. 843-1000):
(a) France.
P. Godwin:
History of France,
1187 (1157).
E. A. Freeman:
The Franks and Gauls,
1187 (1157).
H. Hallam:
The Middle Ages,
1187-1188 (1157-1158).
G. W. Kitchin:
History of France,
1188 (1158).
J. Bryce:
The Holy Roman Empire,
1436-1438 (1403-1405).
E. A. Freeman:
The Franks and Gauls,
1438 (1405).
Sir F. Palgrave:
History of Normandy and England,
1188 (1158).
G. W. Kitchin:
History of France,
1188-1189 (1158-1159).
E. de Bonnechose:
History of France,
1189 (1159).
E. A. Freeman:
The Franks and Gauls,
1189 (1159).
E. Lavisse:
Political History of Europe,
1189 (1159).
G. W. Kitchin:
History of France,
3274 (3158).
(b) Germany.
T. Smith:
Arminius,
1464-1465 (1431-1432).
C. J. Stillé:
Mediæval History,
1467-1468 (1436-1437).
R. W. Church:
Beginnings of Middle Ages,
1434 (1401).
E. Emerton:
Study of Middle Ages,
1434 (1401).
J. Bryce:
The Holy Roman Empire,
1436-1438 (1403-1405).
E. A. Freeman:
Franks and Gauls,
1438 (1405).
E. A. Freeman:
Historical Geography of Europe,
1469 (1438).
H. Hallam:
The Middle Ages,
1470 (1439).
A. W. Grübe:
Heroes of History,
1470 (1439).
C. W. Koch:
The Revolutions of Europe,
1470-1471 (1439-1440).
L. Ranke:
History of Reformation,
1471-1472 (1440-1441).
(c) Italy.
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
2816 (2742).
J. G. Sheppard:
Fall of Rome,
2076 (2032).
J. C. L. Sismondi:
Fall of Roman Empire,
2077 (2033).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
2077 (2033).
P. Godwin:
History of France,
2077-2078 (2033-2034).
S. Menzies:
History of Europe,
1468-1469 (1437-1438).
J. Bryce:
The Holy Roman Empire,
1847-1848 (1807-1808).
A. F. Villemain:
Life of Gregory VII.,
2820 (2746).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
1848 (1808).
J. C. L. Sismondi:
Italian Republics,
1848 (1808).
E. A. Freeman:
Historical Geography of Europe,
1849 (1809).
{750}
STUDY XV.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
GERMANY TO THE END OF THE MIDDLE AGES
(A. D. 1000-1450).
1. GENERAL CONDITIONS AT CLOSE OF THE TENTH CENTURY:
J. I. von Döllinger:
European History,
2820-2821 (2746-2747).
Cardinal J. H. Newman:
Essays,
2485-2486 (2426-2427).
W. B. Boyce:
Introduction to the Study of History,
1472-1473 (1441-1442).
S. A. Dunham:
History of the Germanic Empire,
2730 (2656).
H. Hallam:
The Middle Ages,
2730 (2656).
J. H. Allen:
Christian History,
1473 (1442).
2. BEGINNING OF THE CONTEST BETWEEN THE EMPIRE AND THE PAPACY:
G. B. Adams:
Civilization during the Middle Ages,
1473-1474 (1442-1443).
Count de Montalembert:
Monks of the West,
2486-2487 (2427-2428).
J. Alzog:
Manual of Church History,
2487 (2428).
Hinschius:
Investiturstrcit,
2488-2489 (3794-3796).
W. R. W. Stephens:
Hildebrand,
396-397 (386-387).
C. T. Lewis:
History of Germany,
2887 (2812).
J. H. Allen:
Christian History,
1474 (1443).
J. J. I. Döllinger:
History of the Church,
1474-1475 (1443-1444).
3. RISE OF THE COLLEGE OF ELECTORS
(A. D. 1125-1272):
K. Lamprecht:
History of Germany,
1475-1476 (3759-3760).
T. Carlyle:
Frederick the Great,
1476-1477 (1445).
T. Carlyle:
Frederick the Great,
316-317 (306).
4. THE DISINTEGRATION OF THE EMPIRE:
J. Jastrow:
Deutschen Einheitstraum,
1477-1478 (3761-3672).
C. Beard:
Martin Luther,
487 (473).
W. J. Wyatt:
History of Prussia,
487-488 (473-474).
5. RISE OF THE HOHENSTAUFEN; THE GUELFS AND GHIBELLINES:
U. Balzani:
The Popes and the Hohenstaufen,
1478 (1445).
H. Hallam:
The Middle Ages,
1652 (1614).
P. M. Thornton:
The Brunswick Accession,
1652-1653 (1614-1615).
A. Gallenga:
Italy,
1014-1015 (986-987).
Sir A. Halliday:
Annals of the House of Hanover,
2888 (2813).
T. A. Trollope:
Commonwealth of Florence,
1857-1858 (1817-1818).
6. THE TWO GREAT FREDERICKS:
(a) Frederick I., Barbarossa (A. D. 1152-1190).
O. Browning:
Guelphs and Ghibellines,
1478-1479 (1445-1446).
J. C. L. Sismondi:
The Italian Republics,
1851-1852 (1811-1812).
U. Balzani:
The Popes and the Hohenstaufen,
1852 (1812).
J. C. L. Sismondi:
The Italian Republics,
1852 (1812).
U. Balzani:
The Popes and the Hohenstaufen,
1852-1853 (1812-1813).
W. Menzel:
History of Germany,
1853 (1813).
M. Creighton:
History of the Papacy,
2492-2493 (2432-2433).
The Republic of Venice,
3726 (3606).
(b) Frederick the Second
(A. D. 1220-1250).
E. A. Freeman:
European History,
1480 (1447).
J. Bryce:
The Holy Roman Empire,
1854 (1814).
A. B. Pennington:
Emperor Frederick II.,
1854-1855 (1814-1815).
T. L. Kington:
Frederick the Second,
1855-1856 (1815-1816).
G. Procter:
History of the Crusades,
657, first column, (634).
Besant and Palmer:
Jerusalem,
1926, second column, (1885).
J. Bryce:
The Holy Roman Empire,
1481-1482 (1448-1449).
"We have seen the Roman Empire revived in A. D. 800, by a
prince whose vast dominions gave ground to his claim of
universal monarchy; again erected, in A. D. 962, on the
narrower but firmer basis of the German Kingdom. We have seen
Otto the Great and his successors during the three following
centuries, a line of monarchs of unrivalled vigor and
abilities, strain every nerve to make good the pretensions of
their office against the rebels in Italy and the
ecclesiastical power. The Roman Empire might, and, so far as
practical utility was concerned, ought now to have been
suffered to expire; nor could it have ended more gloriously
than with the last of the Hohenstaufen. That it did not so
expire, but lived on 600 years more, till it became a piece of
antiquarianism hardly more venerable than ridiculous,—till, as
Voltaire said, all that could be said about it was that it was
neither Holy, nor Roman, nor an Empire,—was owing partly
indeed to the belief, still unshaken, that it was a necessary
part of the world’s order, yet chiefly to its connection,
which was by this time indissoluble, with the German Kingdom.
The Germans had confounded the two characters of their
sovereign so long, and had grown so fond of the style and
pretensions of a dignity whose possession appeared to exalt
them above the other peoples of Europe, that it was now too
late for them to separate the local from the universal
monarch."
JAMES BRYCE.
7. THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE
(ABOUT A. D. 1250):
History of the Hanseatic League,
1663 (1626).
R. Schröder:
Der Deutschen Rechtsgeschichte,
1663-1664.
K. Lamprecht:
Deutsche Geschichte,
1664-1665.
8. THE RISE OF THE HAPSBURGS:
Sir R. Comyn:
History of the Western Empire,
1482-1483 (1449-1450).
W. Coxe:
History of the House of Austria,
206 (199).
J. Bryce:
The Holy Roman Empire,
1481-1482 (1448-1449).
Sir R. Comyn:
The Western Empire,
206-207 (199-200).
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
1710 (1671).
The Legend of Tell and Rütli,
3127, first column, (3043).
9. A CENTURY OF CONFUSION:
C. T. Lewis:
History of Germany,
1484 (1451).
S. A. Dunham:
The Germanic Empire,
1484-1485 (1451-1452).
H. Hallam:
The Middle Ages,
1485-1486 (1452-1543).
L. von Ranke:
The Reformation in Germany,
1486 (1453).
10. THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE:
J. Bryce:
The Holy Roman Empire,
1435 and 2725 (1402 and 2652).
L. von Ranke:
History of the World,
2725-2726.
W. von Giesebrecht:
The German Empire,
2726.
F. A. Gregorovius:
History of Rome,
2726.
C. W. Koch:
Revolutions of Europe,
1471, second column, (1440).
L. von Ranke:
History of the Reformation,
1471-1472 (1440-1441).
J. Bryce:
The Holy Roman Empire,
1481-1482 (1448-1449).
L. von Ranke:
History of the Reformation,
1486 (1453).
J. Bryce:
The Holy Roman Empire,
1541 (1507).
{751}
"On August 1, the French Envoy at Regensburg announced to the
Diet that his master, who had consented to become Protector of
the Confederate princes, no longer recognized the existence of
the Empire. Francis II. resolved at once to anticipate this
new Odoacer, and by a declaration, dated August 6, 1800,
resigned the imperial dignity. … Throughout, the term German
Empire (deutsches Reich) is employed. But it was the crown of
Augustus, of Constantine, of Charles, of Maximilian, that
Francis of Hapsburg laid down, and a new era in the world’s
history was marked by the fall of its most venerable
institution. One thousand and six years after Leo, the Pope,
had crowned the Frankish King, eighteen hundred and
fifty-eight years after Cæsar had conquered at Pharsalia, the
Holy Roman Empire came to its end."
JAMES BRYCE.
STUDY XVI.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
FRANCE TO THE CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE AGES
(A. D. 1000-1453).
1. GENERAL CONDITIONS AT THE BEGINNING OF THE PERIOD
(ABOUT A. D. 1000):
E. de Bounechose:
History of France,
1189 (1159).
E. A. Freeman:
The Franks and the Gauls,
1189 (1159).
E. Lavisse:
Political History of Europe,
1189 (1159).
J. C. L. Sismondi:
France under the Feudal System,
1189-1190 (1159-1160).
G. W. Kitchin:
History of France,
1190 (1161).
M. Arnold:
Schools and Universities,
717-718 (694-695).
2. THE RISE OF FREE CITIES AND OF THE COMMUNES:
Achille Luchaire:
The French Communes,
1190-1193 (3748-3750).
W. Stubbs:
Constitutional History of England,
505-506 (491-492).
F. P. Guizot:
History of France,
506 (492).
3. CONSOLIDATION AND EXPANSION OF THE KINGDOM
(A. D. 1100-1225):
C. M. Yonge:
History of France,
1193 (1162).
Mrs. J. R. Green:
Henry the Second,
826 (799).
H. Hallam:
The Middle Ages,
1193-1194 (1162).
E. Smedley:
History of France,
2551 (2485).
W. Stubbs:
Constitutional History of England,
828 (801).
See Maps between pages 1200-1201 (1168-1169).
4. THE NOTABLE REIGN OF SAINT LOUIS, LOUIS IX.
(1226-1270):
G. Masson:
St. Louis,
1194 (1163).
A. L. la Marche:
France under Saint Louis,
1194-1196 (3750-3753).
Saint Louis of France,
1196 (1164).
H. Hallam:
The Middle Ages,
1197 (1165).
H. H. Milman:
Latin Christianity,
1197 (1165).
F. P. Guizot;
History of France,
657-658 and 658-659 (634-635 and 635-636).
Origin of the Houses of Valois and Bourbon,
1197, 3714 (1165, 3594).
Duc d’Aumale:
The House of Condé,
314 (304).
"St. Louis struck at the spirit of the Middle Age, and therein
insured the downfall of its forms and whole embodiment. … He
undermined Feudalism, because he hated injustice; he warred
with the Middle Age, because he could not tolerate its
disregard of human rights; and he paved the way for
Philip-le-Bel’s struggle with the Papacy, because he looked
upon religion and the Church as instruments for man’s
salvation, not as tools for worldly aggrandizement. The first
calm, deliberate, consistent opposition to the centralizing
power of the great See was that offered by its truest friend
and honest ally, Louis of France. … He is perhaps the only
monarch on record who failed in most of what he undertook of
active enterprise, who was under the control of the prejudices
of his age, who was a true conservative, who never dreamed of
effecting great social changes,—and who yet, by his mere
virtues, his sense of duty, his power of conscience, made the
most mighty and vital reforms."
5. PHILIP IV. AND THE STRUGGLE WITH THE PAPACY
(A. D. 1285-1314):
G. M. Bussey:
History of France,
1198 (1166).
G. Trevor:
Fall of the Western Empire,
2494-2495 (2434-2435).
A. R. Pennington:
The Church in Italy,
2495 (2435).
G. W. Kitchin:
History of France,
3177 (3092).
6. THE PARLIAMENT OF PARIS AND THE STATES GENERAL:
Sir James Stephen:
History of France,
2554-2555 (2488-2489).
Lord Brougham:
History of England and France,
2555 (2489).
Sir James Stephen:
History of France,
3108-3109 3026-3027).
F. P. Guizot:
History of France,
3109 (3027).
A. Thierry:
The Tiers État,
1202-1203 (1170-1171).
7. THE ACCESSION OF PHILIP OF VALOIS, PHILIP VI.
(A. D. 1328):
J. Michelet:
History of France.
1200 (1168).
E. de Bonnechose:
History of France,
1200 (1168).
J. Michelet:
History of France,
1200 (1168).
8. THE ONE HUNDRED YEARS WAR
(A. D. 1327-1435):
(a) The First Period (1327-1380).
J. Froissart:
Chronicles,
1200-1201 (1168-1169).
H. Hallam:
Middle Ages,
1201 (1169).
F. Guizot:
History of Civilization,
2868 (2794).
G. W. Kitchin:
History of France,
2868 (2794).
H. Hallam:
The Middle Ages,
2868 (2794).
G. W. Kitchin:
History of France,
1201 (1169).
H. Hallam:
The Middle Ages,
1201 (1169).
J. Michelet:
History of France,
1201-1202 (1169-1170).
A. Thierry:
The Tiers État,
1202-1203 (1170-1171).
Professor de Vericour:
The Jacquerie,
1204 (1172).
F. P. Guizot:
History of France,
1204 (1172).
E. Bonnechose:
History of France,
1205 (1173).
(b) The Second Period
(1415-1435).
A. J. Church:
Henry the Fifth,
1205-1206 (1173-1174).
C. M. Yonge:
English History,
1206 (1174).
F. P. Guizot:
History of France,
1207 (1175).
9. MISSION OF THE MAID OF ORLEANS
(A. D. 1429-1431);
A. de Lamartine:
Joan of Arc,
1207-1208 (1175-1176).
S. Luce:
Jeanne d’Arc,
1208 (3755).
A. de Lamartine:
Joan of Arc,
1208-1209 (1175-1176).
Lord Mahon:
Historical Essays,
1209 (1177).
J. O’Hagan:
Joan of Arc,
1209 (1177).
T. de Quincey:
Joan of Arc,
1209-1210 (1177-1178).
"Her ways and habits during the year she was in arms are
attested by a multitude of witnesses. Dunois and the Duke of
Alençon bear testimony to what they term her extraordinary
talents for war, and to her perfect fearlessness in action;
but in all other things she was the most simple of creatures.
She wept when she first saw men slain in battle, to think that
they should have died without confession. She wept at the
abominable epithets which the English heaped upon her; but she
was without a trace of vindictiveness. … In her diet she was
abstemious in the extreme, rarely eating until evening, and
then for the most part, of bread and water, sometimes mixed
with wine. In the field, she slept in her armor; but when she
came into a city, she always sought out some honorable matron,
under whose protection she placed herself; and there is
wonderful evidence of the atmosphere of purity which she
diffused around her, her very presence banishing from men’s
hearts all evil thoughts and wishes. Her conversation, when
not of war, was entirely of religion. She confessed often, and
received communion twice in the week."
J. O’HAGAN.
{752}
10. THE EFFECTS OF THE ONE HUNDRED YEARS WAR:
E. E. Crowe:
History of France,
1210 (1178).
H. Hallam:
The Middle Ages,
1211 (1179).
C. W. Oman:
Warwick the King-Maker,
846-847 (819-820).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1065-1068 (1037-1040).
11. THE PRAGMATIC SANCTION OF CHARLES VII.
(A. D. 1438):
R. C. Trench:
Church History,
2500 (2440).
M. Creighton:
History of the Papacy,
1210-1211 (1178-1179).
"Such were the chief reforms of its own special grievances
which France wished to establish. It was the first step in the
assertion of the rights of National Churches to arrange for
themselves the details of their own ecclesiastical
organizations."
M. CREIGHTON.
STUDY XVII.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
ITALY TO THE END OF THE MIDDLE AGES
(A. D. 1000-1450).
1. GENERAL CONDITIONS AT THE CLOSE OF THE TENTH CENTURY:
J. Bryce:
The Holy Roman Empire,
1848 (1808).
A. F. Villemain:
Life of Gregory VII.,
2820 (2746).
H. H. Milman:
Latin Christianity,
2820 (2746).
J. C. L. Sismondi:
The Italian Republics,
1848 (1808).
H. Hallam:
The Middle Ages,
1848-1849 (1808-1809).
J. Bryce:
The Holy Roman Empire,
2725 (2652).
L. von Ranke:
History of the World,
2725-2726.
P. Godwin:
History of France,
2078, first column, (2034).
2. THE NORMAN SETTLEMENTS
(A. D. 1000-1100):
A. Thierry:
Conquest of England,
2418 (2366).
Sir F. Palgrave:
History of Normandy, etc.,
2419-2420 (2367-2368).
E. A. Freeman:
The Norman Conquest,
2421-2422 (2369-2370).
Sir F. Palgrave:
History of Normandy,
2422 (2370).
C. Thirlwall:
History of Greece,
2981-2982 (2903-2904).
E. A. Freeman:
Story of Sicily,
2983 (2905).
G. Finlay:
The Byzantine Empire,
2984 (2906).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
2984 (2906).
J. Michelet:
History of France,
1849 (1809).
G. Procter:
History of Italy,
1849-1850 (1809-1810).
H. H. Milman:
Latin Christianity,
2821 (2747).
A. H. Johnson:
The Normans in Europe,
1850-1851 (1810-1811).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1051 (1023).
3. RISE OF THE FREE CITIES:
P. Godwin:
History of France,
2077-2078 (2033-2034).
J. C. L. Sismondi:
The Italian Republics,
1850 (1810).
Hinschius:
Investiturstreit,
2488-2489 (3794-3796).
H. E. Napier:
Florentine History,
3273 (3157).
(a) Milan.
W. Ihne:
History of Rome,
2746-2747 (2672-2673).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
2226 (2182).
G. B. Testa:
War of Frederick I. against Lombardy,
2226 (2182).
T. Hodgkin:
Italy and Her Invaders,
2226-2227 (2182-2183).
(b) Florence.
H. E. Napier:
Florentine History,
1160 (1130).
T. A. Trollope:
Commonwealth of Florence,
1160-1161 (1130-1131).
B. Duffy:
The Tuscan Republics,
1161 (1131).
(c) Pavia.
G. B Niebuhr:
History of Rome,
2070 (2026).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
2077 (2033).
(d) Pisa.
L. Pignotti:
History of Tuscany,
2605-2606 (2537-2538).
J. C. L. Sismondi:
Italian Republics,
2606-2607 (2538-2539).
(e) Venice.
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
3722 (3602).
T. Hodgkin:
Italy and Her Invaders,
3722 (3602).
G. Finlay:
Byzantine Empire,
3722-3723 (3602-3603).
J. C. L. Sismondi:
Italian Republics,
3724-3725 (3604-3605).
4. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE STATES OF THE CHURCH:
J. N. Murphy:
The Chair of Peter,
2492 (2432).
H. E. Napier:
Florentine History,
3273 (3157).
M. Creighton:
History of the Papacy,
2493 (2433).
5. CONDITIONS IN ROME.
J. I. Döllinger:
European History,
2821 (2747).
H. H. Milman:
Latin Christianity,
2821 (2747).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
2822 (2748).
6. STRUGGLE OF THE ITALIAN REPUBLICS WITH THE EMPERORS:
(a) With Frederick I., Barbarossa (A. D. 1154-1183).
O. Browning:
Guelphs and Ghibellines,
1478-1479 (1445-1446).
J. C. L. Sismondi:
The Italian Republics,
1851-1852 (1811-1812).
U. Balzani:
The Popes and the Hohenstaufen,
1852 (1812).
J. C. L. Sismondi:
The Italian Republics,
1852 (1812).
U. Balzani:
The Popes and the Hohenstaufen,
1852-1853 (1812-1813).
W. Menzel:
History of Germany,
1853 (1813).
(b) With Frederick the Second
(A. D. 1220-1250).
J. Bryce:
The Holy Roman Empire,
1854 (1814).
J. C. L. Sismondi:
Italian Republics,
1137-1138 (1109-1110).
E. A. Freeman:
European History,
1479 (1446).
E. A. Freeman:
Frederick the Second,
1480, first column (1447).
J. A. Symonds:
The Revival of Learning,
720 (697).
(c) The Results of the Contest.
J. Burckhardt:
The Renaissance in Italy,
1856-1857 (1816-1817).
O. Browning:
Guelfs and Ghibellines,
1856 (1816).
E. Smedley:
History of France,
1858-1859 (1818-1819).
J. A. Symonds:
Florence and the Medici,
1163 (1133).
7. THE GUELFS AND GHIBELLINES:
U. Balzani:
The Popes and the Hohenstaufen,
1478 (1445).
H. Hallam:
Middle Ages,
1652 (1614).
Sir A. Halliday:
Annals of House of Hanover,
1652 (1614).
T. A. Trollope:
Commonwealth of Florence,
1857-1858 (1817-1818).
R. W. Church:
Dante,
1858 (1818).
N. Machiavelli:
History of Florence,
1161-1162 (1131-1132).
{753}
O. Browning:
Guelphs and Ghibellines,
1162 (1132).
T. A. Trollope:
The Commonwealth of Florence,
1162-1163 (1132-1133).
8. THE AGE OF THE DESPOTS
(A. D. 1250-1500):
J. Burckhardt:
The Renaissance in Italy,
1856-1857 (1816-1817).
T. A. Trollope:
The Commonwealth of Florence,
1857-1858 (1817-1818).
E. A. Freeman:
Historical Geography of Europe,
1859 (1819).
J. A. Symonds:
The Renaissance in Italy,
1859 (1819).
J. Yeats:
Growth of Commerce,
2249, second column, (2205).
A. von Reumont:
Lorenzo de’ Medici,
2250 (2206).
T. A. Trollope:
Commonwealth of Florence,
2250 (2206).
J. A. Symonds:
The Renaissance,
2463-2464.
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1074-1045 (1046-1047).
9. CONTINUED CONTESTS BETWEEN THE GUELFS AND GHIBELLINES:
W. Hunt:
History of Italy,
1860-1861 (1820-1821).
H. E. Napier:
Florentine History,
1861 (1821).
G. Procter:
History of Italy,
1862-1863 (1822-1823).
10. RIENZI; THE LAST OF THE TRIBUNES
(A. D. 1347-1354):
Professor de Vericour:
Rienzi, 2822-2824 (2748-2750).
W. W. Story:
The Castle of St. Angelo,
2824-2825 (2750-2751).
11. THE INFAMOUS "FREE COMPANIES"
(ABOUT A. D. 1340-1390):
T. A. Trollope:
Commonwealth of Florence,
1865-1866 (1825-1826).
W. P. Urquhart:
Life of F. Sforza,
1866 (1826).
Sir John Hawkwood,
1866 (1826).
12. DEVELOPMENT OF THE CITY PRINCIPALITIES:
(a) Florence.
(1) The Passing of the Republic.
J. A. Symonds:
Florence and the Medici,
1163 (1133).
C. Balbo:
Life of Dante,
1164 (1134).
W. P. Urquhart:
Life of F. Sforza,
1165 (1135).
T. B. Macaulay:
Machiavelli,
1166 (1136).
G. Boccaccio:
The Decameron,
1166 (1136).
J. E. T. Rogers:
History of Agriculture,
292-293 (283-284).
T. A. Trollope:
Commonwealth of Florence,
1166-1167 (1136-1137).
H. E. Napier:
Florentine History,
1167 (1137).
(2) The Medici.
J. A. Symonds:
Florence and the Medici,
1167-1168 (1137-1138).
T. A. Trollope:
Commonwealth of Florence,
1168-1169 (1138-1139).
W. B. Scaife:
Florentine Life,
1169 (1139).
W. Hunt:
History of Italy,
1169 (1139).
A. von Reumont:
Lorenzo de’ Medici,
1169-1170 (1139-1140).
J. C. L. Sismondi:
Italian Republics,
1170-1171 (1140-1141).
P. Villari:
Machiavelli,
1171-1172 (1141-1142).
Mrs. Oliphant:
Makers of Florence,
1172 (1142).
H. A. Taine:
Italy, Florence, and Venice,
1172-1173 (1142-1143).
(3) Savonarola.
O. T. Hill:
Savonarola’s Triumph of the Cross,
1173-1175 (1143-1145).
H. E. Napier:
Florentine History,
1176 (1146).
J. A. Symonds:
Studies in Italy,
1176-1177 (1146-1147).
Mrs. Oliphant:
Makers of Florence,
1172 (1142).
"Florence was as near a pagan city as it was possible for its
rulers to make it. … Society had never been more dissolute,
more selfish, or more utterly deprived of any higher aim.
Barren scholarship, busy over grammatical questions, and
elegant philosophy, snipping and piecing its logical systems,
formed the top-dressing to that half-brutal,
hall-superstitious ignorance of the poor. The dilettante world
dreamed hazily of a restoration of the worship of the pagan
gods; Cardinal Bembo bade his friend beware of reading St.
Paul’s Epistles, lest their barbarous style should corrupt his
taste. … Thus limited intellectually, the age of Lorenzo was
still more hopeless morally, full of debauchery, cruelty and
corruption, violating oaths, betraying trusts, believing in
nothing but Greek manuscripts, coins, and statues, caring for
nothing but pleasure. This was the world in which Savonarola
found himself."
MRS. OLIPHANT.
(b) Milan.
J. C. L. Sismondi:
Italian Republics,
1851, second column, (1811).
J. C. L. Sismondi:
1852, second column, (1812).
J. A. Symonds:
Age of Despots,
2227-2228 (2183-2184).
W. Robertson:
Charles the Fifth,
2228 (2184).
A. von Reumont:
Lorenzo de’ Medici,
2228-2229 (2184-2185).
(c) Pisa.
J. T. Bent:
Genoa,
2606-2607 (2538-2539).
J. A. Symonds:
Studies in Italy,
50-51 (43-44).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
522-523 (508-509).
G. Procter:
History of Italy,
1862-1863 (1822-1823).
W. Hunt:
History of Italy,
1868 (1828).
J. N. Murphy:
The Chair of St. Peter,
2498 (2438).
(d) Genoa.
J. T. Bent:
Genoa,
1452-1453, 2606-2607 (1419-1420, 2538-2539).
J. A. Symonds:
Renaissance in Italy,
2227, second column, (2183).
J. T. Bent:
Genoa,
1454, 2251-2252 (1421, 2207-2208).
G. B. Malleson:
Genoese History,
1454 (1421).
J. N. Larned:
Venice and Genoa,
3220 (3709).
J. C. L. Sismondi:
Italian Republics,
1454 (1421).
(e) Venice.
G. Finlay:
Byzantine and Greek Empires,
3726 (3606).
The Republic of Venice,
3726 (3606).
E. Pears:
The Fall of Constantinople,
3726 (3606).
W. C. Hazlitt:
The Venetian Republic,
3727 (3607).
J. Yeats:
The Growth of Commerce,
3727 (3607).
G. Finlay:
Byzantine and Greek Empires,
523-524 (509-510).
F. A. Parker:
Fleets of the World,
3728 (3608).
J. T. Bent:
Genoa,
3729 (3609).
J. C. L. Sismondi:
Italian Republics,
1869 (1829).
STUDY XVIII.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCH: FROM PENTECOST TO GREGORY THE GREAT
(A. D. 30(?)-600).
1. JUDÆA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE CHRISTIAN ERA:
E. de Pressensé:
Jesus Christ,
1961-1962 (1920-1921).
E. Schürer:
The Jewish People,
1678 (1639).
A. Edersheim:
Life of Jesus,
446 (432).
H. W. Hulbert:
Historical Geography,
446 (432).
{754}
2. HEROD AND THE HERODIANS
(B. C. 40-A. D. 44):
T. Keim:
Jesus of Nazara,
1958-1959 (1917-1918).
T. Mommsen:
History of Rome,
1960 (1919).
H. H. Milman:
History of the Jews,
1960 (1919).
3. THE BIRTH OF JESUS:
T. Keim:
Jesus of Nazara,
1960-1961 (1919-1920).
W. Hales:
Analysis of Chronology,
1011 (984).
4. PENTECOST, AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FIRST CHURCHES:
G. Y. Lechler:
The Apostolic Times,
447 (433).
A. Sabatier:
The Apostle Paul,
447 (433).
J. B. Lightfoot:
The Apostolic Age,
448 (434).
W. Moeller:
The Christian Church,
448 (434).
J. E. Wiltsch:
Statistics of the Church,
448 (434).
J. B. Lightfoot:
The Apostolic Age,
449 (435).
W. Moeller:
The Christian Church,
449 (435).
5. THE APOSTOLIC PERIOD (A. D. 30(?)-100):
(a) The Church at Antioch.
C. Thirlwall:
History of Greece,
2107, 2960 (2063, 2883).
W. Moeller:
The Christian Church,
448 (434).
J. J. von Döllinger:
European History,
449 (435).
W. M. Ramsay:
The Church in the Roman Empire,
449 (435).
W. Moeller:
The Christian Church,
449 (435).
B. Weiss:
Introduction to the New Testament,
450 (436).
G. B. Brown:
From Schola to Cathedral,
450 (436).
(b) The Missions of St. Paul.
G. P. Fisher:
The Christian Church,
450 (436).
A. Sabatier;
The Apostle Paul,
450-451 (436-437).
A. Sabatier;
The Apostle Paul,
451, second column, (437).
J. B. Lightfoot:
Biblical Essays,
451 (437).
W. M. Ramsay:
The Church in the Roman Empire,
451 (437).
C. T. Cruttwell:
Literary History of Early Christianity,
191-192 (184-185).
(c) The Church at Rome.
W. Moeller:
The Christian Church,
453 (439).
G. Salmon:
Infallibility of the Church,
2476 (2417).
J. J. I. Döllinger:
History of the Church,
2476-2477 (2417-2418).
F. W. Farrar:
Early Days of Christianity,
2781-2782 (2707-2708).
J. B. Lightfoot:
The Apostolic Age,
453 (439).
(d) The Church at Alexandria.
R. S. Poole:
The Cities of Egypt,
44 (37).
E. Kirkpatrick:
Development of Superior Education,
708 (685).
A. Neander:
History of the Christian Church,
452 (438).
J. P. Mahaffy:
Alexander’s Empire,
2973 (2896).
(e) The Destruction of Jerusalem.
J. B. Lightfoot:
The Apostolic Age,
449 (435).
C. Merivale:
History of the Romans,
1962 (1921).
Besant and Palmer:
Jerusalem,
1963 (1922).
H. H. Milman:
History of the Jews,
1963 (1922).
J. B. Lightfoot:
The Apostolic Age,
461 (447).
(f) St. John, and the Church at Ephesus.
E. Abbott:
History of Greece,
146, second column, (139).
J. T. Wood:
Discoveries at Ephesus,
1008-1009 (981-2)
C. Merivale:
History of the Romans,
1009 (982).
J. B. Lightfoot;
Biblical Essays,
451-452 (437-438).
"For Christians are not distinguished from the rest of mankind
either in locality or in speech, or in customs. … They dwell
in their own countries as the lot of each is cast, but only as
sojourners; they bear their share in all things as citizens,
and they endure all hardships as strangers. Every foreign
country is a fatherland to him and every fatherland is
foreign. … Their existence is on earth, but their citizenship
is in heaven. They obey the established laws, and they surpass
the laws in their own lives. They love all men, and they are
persecuted by all. War is urged against them as aliens by the
Jews, and persecution is carried on against them by the
Greeks, and yet those that hate them cannot tell the reason of
their hostility."
THE EPISTLE TO DIOGNETUS (ABOUT A. D. 150).
6. THE PERIOD OF CHURCH DEVELOPMENT (A. D. 100-312):
G. B. Brown:
From Schola to Cathedral,
455 (441).
B. F. Westcott:
Religious Thought in the West,
453-454, 454 (439-440, 440).
J. F. Hurst:
History of the Christian Church,
454 (440).
G. Uhlhorn:
Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism,
454 (440).
W. M. Ramsay:
The Church in the Roman Empire,
455 (441).
J. H. Kurtz:
Church History,
457 (443).
G. A. Jackson:
The Fathers of the Third Century,
457 (443).
See Map between pages 446-7 (432-3),
and Appendix D, 3806-3810 (End of Volume I.).
7. CHARACTERISTICS OF EARLY CHURCH AND CHRISTIANS:
G. Uhlhorn:
Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism,
454 (440).
J. B. Lightfoot:
Translation Epistle to Diognetus,
454 (440).
R. W. Church:
Gifts of Civilization,
455 (441).
J. B. Lightfoot:
Apostolic Age,
457 (443).
G. P. Fisher:
Christian Church,
459 (445).
W. M. Ramsay:
The Church in the Roman Empire,
456 (442).
H. Hayman:
Diocesan Synods,
456 (442).
W. Moeller:
History of the Christian Church,
457 (443) .
G. A. Jackson:
Fathers of the Third Century,
457 (443).
J. H. Kurtz:
Church History,
459 (445).
8. THE RISE OF ECCLESIASTICISM:
W. D. Killen:
The Old Catholic Church,
458 (444).
J. B. Lightfoot:
The Apostolic Age,
458 (444).
C. Gore:
The Mission of the Church,
458 (444).
A. Neander:
The Christian Religion,
458 (444).
9. GROWTH OF GREAT CHURCH CENTRES:
F. W. Puller:
Primitive Saints,
458 (444).
(a) Alexandria.
C. T. Cruttwell:
Literary History of Early Christianity,
459-460 (445-446).
J. B. Heard:
Alexandrian Theology,
460 (446).
W. Moeller:
Christian Church,
460 (446).
C. Bigg:
The Christian Platonists,
460-461 (446-447).
F. C. Baur:
Church of the First Three Centuries,
1589 (1551).
(b) Rome.
W. Moeller:
The Christian Church,
462 (448).
R. Lanciani:
Pagan and Christian Rome,
462-463 (448-449).
E. de Pressensé:
Early Years of Christianity,
463 (449).
(c) Carthage.
C. T. Cruttwell:
Literary History of Early Christianity,
461-462 (447-448).
J. I. von Döllinger:
European History,
462 (448).
{755}
10. THE PERSECUTIONS:
G. Uhlhorn:
The Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism,
456 (442).
G. B. Brown:
From Schola to Cathedral,
455 (442).
(а) Under Nero
(A. D. 64-68).
F. W. Farrar:
Early Days of Christianity,
2781-2782 (2707-2708).
(b) Under Domitian
(A. D. 93-96).
V. Duruy:
History of Rome,
2784 (2710).
(c) Under Trajan
(A. D. 112-116).
R. W. Browne:
History of Rome,
2786, first column, (2712).
(d) Under Marcus Aurelius
(A. D. 175-178).
F. W. Farrar:
Seekers after God,
2788 (2714).
(e) Under Decius
(about A. D. 250).
J. C. Robertson:
History of Christian Church,
2790 (2716).
(f) Under Diocletian
(A. D. 303-5).
S. Eliot:
History of the Early Christians,
2792-2793 (2718-2719).
The Ante-Nicene Churches,
Appendix D, 3806 (End of Volume I.).
11. THE CHURCH FATHERS:
J. F. Hurst:
History of the Christian Church,
454 (440).
W. Moeller:
The Christian Church,
456-457 (442-443).
J. H. Kurtz:
Church History,
457 (443).
G. A. Jackson:
Fathers of the Third Century,
457 (443).
W. Moeller:
The Christian Church,
460 (446).
A. Plummer:
Church of the Early Fathers,
461 (447).
J. I. von Döllinger:
European History,
462 (448).
E. de Pressensé:
Early Years of Christianity,
463 (449).
W. Stewart:
Church in the Fourth Century,
468 (454).
G. T. Stokes:
The Celtic Church,
472 (458).
W. Stewart:
Church in the Fourth Century,
471 (456-457).
T. W. Allies:
The Holy See,
2482 (2423).
12. THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH BECOMES THE CHURCH OF THE EMPIRE
(A. D. 323):
G. P. Fisher:
History of the Christian Church,
465 (451).
A. Carr:
The Church and the Roman Empire,
465-466 (451-452).
Eusebius:
Ecclesiastical History,
2794 (2720).
E. L. Cutts:
Constantine the Great,
2794-2795 (2721).
A. Neander:
History of the Christian Church,
2795 (2721).
J. C. L. Sismondi:
Fall of the Roman Empire,
2795 (2721).
H. H. Milman:
History of Christianity,
466-467, 467-468 (452-453, 453-454).
13. THE EASTERN, OR GREEK CHURCH:
E. L. Cutts:
Constantine the Great,
519 (505).
G. Finlay:
Greece under the Romans,
520 (506).
T. Hodgkin:
Italy and Her Invaders,
2801 (2727).
H. F. Tozer:
The Church and the Eastern Empire,
468-469 (454-455).
R. W. Church:
The Gifts of Civilization,
469 (455).
J. C. Lees:
The Greek Church,
470 (456).
14. THE ARIAN CONTROVERSY, AND COUNCIL OF NICÆA
(A. D. 325):
The Councils of the Church,
644 (621).
J. C. L. Sismondi:
Fall of the Roman Empire,
138 (131).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
138-139 (131-132).
R. W. Bush:
St. Athanasius,
2411 (2359).
W. Moeller:
Christian Church,
466 (452).
T. Hodgkin:
The Dynasty of Theodosius,
2799, second column, (2725).
E. L. Cutts:
Charlemagne,
1150 (1120).
P. Schaff:
History of Christian Church,
1150 (1120).
15. THE REVIVAL OF PAGANISM, AND FORMAL ESTABLISHMENT OF
CHRISTIANITY (A. D. 361-395):
G. Uhlhorn:
Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism,
2796-2798 (2722-2724).
J. C. L. Sismondi:
Fall of the Roman Empire,
2798, first column, (2724).
J. B. S. Carwithen:
History of the Christian Church,
2801 (2727).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
2800-2801 (2726-2727).
16. THE SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY IN THE PROVINCES:
E. de Pressensé:
Early Years of Christianity,
463 (449).
C. A. A. Scott:
Ulfilas,
464, 1594 (450, 1556).
R. W. Church:
Beginning of the Middle Ages,
1432 (1399).
S. Baring-Gould;
The Church in Germany,
472 (458).
C. Merivale:
Church History,
464 (450).
R. W. Church:
Gifts of Civilization,
465 (451).
A. Plummer:
Church of the Early Fathers,
464 (450).
Appendix D, 3807-3810 (End of Volume I.).
17. THE FALL OF IMPERIAL, RISE OF ECCLESIASTICAL ROME:
J. Watt:
The Latin Church,
471 (457).
C. Merivale:
Early Church History,
471 (457).
E. Hatch:
Organization of the Christian Churches,
471 (457).
G. T. Stokes:
The Celtic Church,
472 (458).
J. J. I. von Döllinger:
History of the Church,
2481 (2421-2482).
C. Gore:
Leo the Great,
2481 (2422).
STUDY XIX.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
THE ESTABLISHMENT AND GROWTH OF THE PAPACY.
1. THE ROMAN CHURCH CLAIM OF DESCENT FROM ST. PETER:
G. Salmon:
Infallibility of the Church,
2476 (2417).
J. J. I. von Döllinger;
History of the Church,
2476-2477 (2417-2418).
Cardinal Gibbons:
The Faith of Our Fathers,
2477-2478 (2418-2419).
Abbé Guettée:
The Papacy,
2478-2479 (2419-2420).
S. Cheetham:
History of the Church,
2480 (2421).
G. F. Seymour:
Christian Unity,
2480 (2421).
E. de Pressensé:
Early Years of Christianity.
463 (449).
2. THE RISE OF THE EPISCOPATE:
W. D. Killen:
The Old Catholic Church,
458 (444).
C. Gore:
Mission of the Church,
458 (444).
J. B. Lightfoot;
The Apostolic Age, 458 (444).
A. Neander:
The Christian Religion,
458 (444).
E. Hatch:
Organization of the Christian Churches,
471 (457).
C. Gore:
Leo the Great,
2481 (2422).
{756}
3. The PATRIARCHATES:
J. H. Egar:
Christendom; Ecclesiastical and Political,
466 (452).
J. E. T. Wiltsch:
Statistics of the Church,
466 (452).
J. C. Lees:
The Greek Church,
470, first column, (456).
C. Merivale:
Early Church History,
471 (457).
4. THE EARLY BISHOPS OF ROME
(A. D. 42-600):
J. J. I. von Döllinger:
History of the Church,
2480-2481 (2421-2422).
C. Gore:
Leo the Great,
2481 (2422).
J. H. Egar:
Ecclesiastical and Political Christendom,
476 (462).
V. Duruy:
Middle Ages,
476 (462).
5. ORIGIN OF THE PAPAL TITLE:
A. P. Stanley:
The Eastern Church,
2480 (2421).
R. W. Bush:
St. Athanasius,
2411 (2359).
6. CAUSES THAT LED TO THE SUPREMACY OF THE ROMAN CHURCH:
J. Watt:
The Latin Church,
471 (457).
C. Merivale:
Church History,
471 (457).
E. Hatch:
The Christian Churches,
471 (457).
C. Gore:
Leo the Great,
2481 (2422).
S. Cheetham:
The Christian Church,
2479, last column, 2480 (2421).
J. N. Larned:
Europe, 1045 (1017).
7. GREGORY THE GREAT
(A. D. 590-604):
V. Duruy:
The Middle Ages,
475-476 (461-462).
J. Barmby:
Gregory the Great,
2481-2482 (2422-2423).
T. W. Allies:
The Holy See,
2482 (2423).
M. Creighton:
History of the Papacy,
2818 (2744).
C. Merivale:
Early Church History,
476 (462).
V. Duruy:
The Middle Ages,
476-477 (462-463).
J. F. Rowbotham:
History of Music,
2280-2281.
8. FROM GREGORY TO CHARLEMAGNE
(A. D. 600-800):
The Succession of Popes,
2482-2483 (2423-2424).
(a) The Rise of Papal Sovereignty at Rome.
G. Finlay:
The Byzantine Empire,
2483 (2424).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
2483 (2424).
J. E. Darras:
History of the Catholic Church,
2483 (2424).
P. Godwin:
History of France,
2483 (2424).
J. Bryce:
The Holy Roman Empire,
2483 (2424).
C. J. Stillé;
Mediæval History,
1467, second column, (1436).
(b) The Iconoclastic Controversy.
J. L. von Mosheim:
Ecclesiastical History,
1732 (1692-1693).
J. C. Lees:
The Greek Church,
470 (456).
(c) The Forged Donation of Constantine, and False Decretals.
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
2484 (2425).
J. Bryce:
The Holy Roman Empire,
2484 (2425).
J. Alzog:
Manual of Church History,
2484 (2425).
J. E. Riddle:
History of the Papacy,
2485 (2426).
9. THE ALLIANCE BETWEEN THE PAPACY AND THE FRANKS:
J. Bryce:
The Holy Roman Empire
(1846-1806). [sic]
R. W. Church:
Beginning of the Middle Ages,
1846-1847 (1806-1807).
C. J. Stillé:
Studies in Mediaeval History,
1467-1468 (1436-1437).
E.Emerton:
The Middle Ages,
1434-1435 (1401-1402).
10. FROM CHARLEMAGNE TO HILDEBRAND; DEGRADATION OF THE HOLY SEE
(A. D. 300-1073):
Cardinal J. H. Newman:
Essays,
2485-2486 (2426-2427).
A. F. Villemain:
Life of Gregory VII.,
2820 (2746).
Abbé J. E. Darras:
The Catholic Church,
2820 (2746).
C. W. Koch:
The Revolutions of Europe,
1471 (1439-1440).
J. I. von Döllinger:
European History,
2820-2821 (2746-2747).
J. H. Allen:
Christian History,
1473 (1442).
G. B. Adams:
Civilization during Middle Ages,
1473-1474 (1442-1443).
E. L. Cutts:
Charlemagne,
1150 (1120).
P. Schaff;
History of the Christian Church,
1150 (1120).
"Such are a few of the most prominent features of the
ecclesiastical history of these dreadful times, when, in the
words of St. Bruno, 'the world lay in wickedness, holiness had
disappeared, justice had perished, and truth had been buried;
Simon Magus lording it over the Church, whose bishops and
priests were given to luxury and fornication.’ Had we lived in
such deplorable times … we should have felt for certain, that
if it was possible to retrieve the Church, it must be by some
external power; she was helpless and resourceless; and the
civil power must interfere, or there was no hope."
CARDINAL J. H. NEWMAN.
11. HILDEBRAND AND REFORM
(A. D. 1073-1086):
Count de Montalembert:
Monks of the West,
2486-2487 (2427-2428).
J. Alzog:
Manual of History,
2487-2488 (2428).
G. B. Adams:
Civilization during Middle Ages,
1473-1474 (1442-1443).
J. N. Murphy:
The Chair of Peter,
2492 (2432).
(а) Papal Elections.
H. Hallam:
The Middle Ages,
2491-2492 (2431-2432).
(b) Celibacy.
Sir James Stephen:
Hildebrand,
2488 (2429).
(c) Investitures.
Hinschius:
Investiturstreit,
2488-2489 (3794-3796).
(d) At Canossa.
W. Moeller:
The Christian Church,
2490 (2430).
W. R. W. Stephens:
Hildebrand and His Times,
396-397 (386-387).
W. S. Lilly:
The Turning-Point of the Middle Ages,
2490-2491 (2430-2431).
J. H. Allen:
Christian History,
1474 (1442).
H. H. Milman:
Latin Christianity,
2821 (2747).
(e) The Concordat of Worms.
J. Sime:
History of Germany,
1474 (1443).
J. J. I. Döllinger:
History of the Church,
1474-1475 (1443-1444).
R. C. Trench:
Mediæval Church History,
2491 (2431).
12. THE POPES AND THE HOHENSTAUFEN
(A. D. 1138-1250):
J. C. L. Sismondi:
The Italian Republics,
1850 (1810).
M. Creighton:
History of the Papacy,
2492-2493 (2432-2433).
H. Hallam:
The Middle Ages,
2493-2494 (2433-2434).
U. Balzani:
The Popes and the Hohenstaufen,
1478 (1445).
O. Browning:
Guelphs and Ghibellines,
1478-1479 (1445-1446).
E. A. Freeman:
European History,
1479 (1446).
E. A. Freeman:
Frederick the Second,
1479-1480 (1446-1447).
J. Bryce:
The Holy Roman Empire,
1854 (1814).
T. L. Kington:
Frederick the Second,
1855-1856 (1815-1816).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1050 and 1054 (1022, 1026).
13. THE "BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY"
(A. D. 1294-1378):
G. Trevor:
Rome,
2494-2495 (2434-2435).
L. Pastor:
History of the Popes,
2495-2496 (2435-2436).
M. Creighton:
History of the Papacy,
2496 (2436).
{757}
14. THE "GREAT SCHISM"
(A. D. 1378-1417):
W. W. Story:
Castle St. Angelo,
2497 (2437).
J. N. Murphy:
The Chair of Peter,
2498 (2438).
L. Pastor:
History of the Popes,
2498 (2438).
J. Alzog:
Manual of Church History,
2498-2499 (2438-2439).
15. THE DARKEST AGE OF THE PAPACY
(A. D. 1417-1517):
R. C. Trench:
Mediæval Church History,
2500 (2440).
R. L. Poole:
Wycliffe and Reform Movements,
2501 (2441).
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
2501 (2441).
H. A. Taine:
English Literature,
2501-2502 (2441-2442).
J. A. Symonds:
Renaissance in Italy,
2502, 2503 (2442, 2443).
16. EVE OF THE GREAT REFORMATION;
T. Kolde:
Martin Luther,
2504.
L. Ranke:
History of the Reformation,
2504-2505 (2443-2444).
G. P. Fisher:
The Reformation,
2505 (2444).
Cardinal N. Wiseman:
Lectures on Catholic Church,
2505-2506 (2444-2445).
J. N. M. D’Aubigné:
Story of the Reformation,
2506 (2445).
17. THE INQUISITION
(A. D. 1203-1525):
J. A. Symonds:
The Catholic Reaction,
1789-1791 (1750-1752).
STUDY XX.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
MONASTICISM AND THE RELIGIOUS ORDERS.
1. MONASTICISM:
I. Gregory Smith:
Christian Monasticism,
468 (454).
E. Schürer:
The Jewish People,
1014 (3745).
Charles Kingsley:
The Hermits,
119-120 (112-113).
I. Gregory Smith:
Christian Monasticism,
2239-2240 (2195-2196).
Count de Montalembert:
Monks of the West,
2240-2241 (2196-2197).
A. Jessop:
The Coming of the Friars,
2241-2242 (2197-2198).
Count de Montalembert:
Monks of the West,
2050-2051 (2006-2007).
F. Madan:
Books in Manuscript,
2051-2052 (2007-2008).
F. Guizot:
History of Civilization,
711 (688).
A. T. Drane:
Christian Schools,
711-712 (688-689).
2. THE BENEDICTINES
(ABOUT A. D. 500):
(a) The Original Order.
C. J. Stillé:
Mediæval History,
288 (279).
(b) The Congregations of Cluny.
R. C. Trench:
Mediæval History,
495 (481).
3. THE CARTHUSIANS
(ABOUT A. D. 1075):
J. E. Darras:
The Catholic Church,
405 (395).
M. A. Schimmelpenninck:
La Grande Chartreuse,
405 (395).
4. THE CISTERCIANS
(ABOUT A. D. 1100):
(a) The Original Order.
K. Norgate:
England under the Angevin Kings,
487 (472-473).
C. J. Stillé:
Mediæval History,
491-492 (477-478).
H. Stebbing:
The Universal Church,
492 (478).
G. W. Cox:
The Crusades,
653 (630).
(b) The Trappists
(about 1150).
C. Lancelot:
La Grande Chartreuse,
3237-3238 (3121-3122).
(c) Port Royal
(A. D. 1204-1710).
J. Tulloch:
Pascal,
2637 (2565).
J. B. Perkins:
France under Mazarin,
2637-2639 (2565-2567).
H. Martin:
History of France,
2639 (2567).
Duke of Saint Simon:
Memoirs,
2640 (2568).
J. J. I. Döllinger:
European History,
2640 (2568).
5. THE AUGUSTINIANS, OR AUSTIN CANONS
(ABOUT A. D. 1150):
K. Norgate:
England under the Angevin Kings,
197 (190).
E. L. Cutts:
Middle Ages,
2656 (2584).
6. THE CARMELITE FRIARS
(ABOUT A. D. 1150):
J. L. von Mosheim:
Ecclesiastical History,
401 (391).
7. THE DOMINICANS
(ABOUT A. D. 1200):
J. Alzog:
Manual of Church History,
2196 (2152).
J. A. Symonds:
Renaissance in Italy,
1789-1791 (1750-1752).
8. THE FRANCISCANS
(ABOUT A. D. 1225):
J. Alzog:
Manual of Church History,
2196 (2152).
E. L. Cutts:
Middle Ages,
2196 (2152).
A. M. F. Robinson:
End of the Middle Ages,
285 (276).
J. L. von Mosheim:
Ecclesiastical History,
286 (277).
M. Creighton:
The Papacy,
2493, first column, (2433).
See
"The Recollects,"
2700 (2627).
9. THE CAPUCHINS
(ABOUT A. D. 1500):
J. Alzog:
Manual of Church History,
399 (389).
10. THE THEATINES
(ABOUT A. D. 1525):
A. W. Ward:
The Counter-Reformation,
3189 (3104).
L. von Ranke:
History of the Popes,
3189 (3104).
11. THE LAZARISTS
(ABOUT A. D. 1625):
J. Alzog:
Universal History,
2039 (1995).
12. HOSPITALLERS OF ST. JOHN OF JERUSALEM
(A. D. 1118-):
T. Keightley:
The Crusaders,
1701-1702 (1662-1663).
F. C. Woodhouse:
Military Religious Orders,
1702 (1663).
G. Finlay:
The Byzantine and Greek Empires,
1702 (1663).
W. H. Prescott:
Reign of Philip II.,
1703-1704 (1664-1665).
F. C. Woodhouse;
Military Religious Orders,
1704-1705 (1665-1666).
13. THE KNIGHTS TEMPLARS
(ABOUT A. D. 1120):
T. Keightley:
The Crusaders,
3176 (3091).
C. G. Addison:
The Knights Templars,
3176 (3091).
G. W. Kitchin:
History of France,
3177 (3092).
A. P. Marras:
Secret Fraternities of the Middle Ages,
1438-1439 (1405-1406).
R. A. Vaughn:
Hours with the Mystics,
2826-2827 (2752-2753).
14. THE TEUTONIC KNIGHTS
(ABOUT A. D. 1190):
F. C. Woodhouse:
Military Religious Orders,
3185-3186 (3100-3101).
G. F. Maclear:
Apostles of Mediæval Europe,
2684-2685 (2612-2613).
{758}
15. THE SOCIETY OF JESUS
(A. D. 1540-):
(a) Loyola, and the Founding of the Order.
L. Häusser:
The Reformation,
1928-1929 (1887-1888).
G. B. Nicolini:
The Jesuits,
1929 (1888).
A. T. Drane:
Christian Schools,
731 (708).
G. Compayré:
History of Pedagogy,
731-732 (708-709).
O. Browning:
Educational Theories,
732 (709).
(b) Early Jesuit Missions.
A Historical Sketch of the Jesuits,
1929-1930 (1888-1889).
W. P. Greswell:
The Dominion of Canada,
1930 (1889).
F. Parkman:
The Jesuits in North America,
1930-1931 (1889-1890).
R. Mackenzie:
America,
371-372 (361-362).
The Hundred Years of Christianity in Japan,
1915-1916 (1875-1876).
D. Murray:
The Story of Japan,
1916 (1876).
(c) Changes in the Statutes of the Order.
L. von Ranke:
History of the Popes,
1931-1932 (1890-1891).
(d) Expulsion of the Order from France
(A. D. 1595).
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
1246, first column, (1214).
(e) Controversy with the Jansenists
(A. D. 1653-1715).
J. B. Perkins:
France and Mazarin,
2637-2639 (2565-2567).
H. Martin:
History of France,
2639 (2567).
(f) General Suppression of the Society throughout Europe
(A. D. 1757-1775).
H. M. Stephens:
The Story of Portugal,
1932-1933 (1891-1892).
W. H. Jervis:
History of the Church of France,
1933-1934 (1892-1893).
(g) Suppression of the Order by the Pope (A. D. 1773),
and Restoration (A. D. 1814).
The Jesuits and Their Expulsion,
1934-1935, and 1935 (1893-1894, and 1894).
Clement XIV. and the Jesuits,
1935 (1894).
"Himself without home or country, and not holding the
doctrines of any political party, the Disciple of Jesus
renounced everything which might alienate him among varying
nationalities, pursuing various political aims. Then he did
not confine his labors to the pulpit and the confessional; he
gained an influence over the rising generation by a systematic
attention to education, which had been shamefully neglected by
the other orders. It is a true saying, that ‘he who gains the
youth possesses the future’; and by devoting themselves to the
education of youth, the Jesuits secured a future to the Church
more surely than by any other scheme that could have been
devised. What the schoolmasters were for the youth, the
confessors were for those of riper years; what the clerical
teachers were for the common people, the spiritual directors
and confidants were for great lords and rulers—for the Jesuits
aspired to a place at the side of the great, and at gaining
the confidence of Kings."
L. HÄUSSER.
STUDY XXL
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
THE RISE AND CONQUESTS OF MOHAMMEDANISM.
1. ARABIA AND THE ARABS; THE SARACENS;
A. H. Sayce;
Races of the Old Testament,
2963 (2886).
G. Rawlinson:
Notes to Herodotus,
128 (121).
F. Lenormant:
Ancient History.
128-129 (121-122).
A. H. Sayce:
Ancient Arabia,
129-130 (122-123).
E. Gibbon;
Decline and Fall,
2878 (2803).
H. H. Milman:
Note to Gibbon,
2878 (2803).
H. Yule:
Cathay,
3215-3216, and 3216-3217 (3704-3705, and 3705-3706).
2. The Birth and Career of Mohammed
(A. D. 570-632):
E. A. Freeman:
Conquests of the Saracens,
2112 (2067).
Sir W. Muir:
Life of Mahomet,
2112-2113 (2067-2068).
J. W. H. Stobart
Islam and Its Founder,
1843 (1803).
Sir H. Nicholas:
Chronology of History,
1011 (984).
S. Lane-Poole:
Studies in a Mosque,
2194 (2150).
3. THE FIRST CALIPHATE; FROM ABU BEER TO ALI
(A. D. 632-661);
See
Caliph,
363 (353).
R. D. Osborn:
Islam under the Khalifs,
1735 (1696).
(а) Conquest of Syria.
George Adam Smith:
Geography of Holy Land,
3141-3142 (3057-3058).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
2113-2114 (2068-2069).
W. Irving:
Mahomet and His Successors,
1923 (1882).
(b) Conquest of Persia.
G. Rawlinson:
Seventh Oriental Monarchy,
2114 (2069).
(c) Conquest of Egypt.
Sir W. Muir:
Annals of Early Caliphate,
2114-2115 (2069-2070).
Researches on Burning of Library of Alexandria,
2047-2048 (2003-2004).
(d) Conquest of Northern Africa.
T. Mommsen:
History of Rome,
2442 (2390)
H. E. M. Stutfield:
El Maghreb,
2133-2134 (2089-2090).
E. A. Freeman:
Conquest of Saracens,
2115 (2070).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
2115 (2070).
4. THE OMEYYAD CALIPHATE
(A. D. 661-750)
E. A. Freeman:
Conquests of the Saracens,
2116 (2071).
Sir W. Muir:
Annals of the Early Caliphate,
2116-2117 (2071-2072).
5. THE SUBJUGATION OF THE TURKS
(A. D. 710):
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall, 3246 (3130).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall, 2117 (2072).
6. THE CONQUEST OF SPAIN (A. D. 711-13),
AND BATTLE OF TOURS (732):
R. W. Church:
Beginning of the Middle Ages,
1599-1600 (1561-1562).
H. Coppée:
The Conquest of Spain,
3054 (2974).
P. Godwin:
History of France,
2117-2118, 2119 (2072-2075, 2076).
7. THE DIVIDED CALIPHATE; THE OMEYYADS AND ABBASSIDES
(A. D. 715):
Sir W. Muir:
Annals of the Early Caliphate,
2118 (2075).
E. A. Freeman:
Conquests of the Saracens,
2119, 2120 (2076, 2077).
E. H. Palmer:
Haroun Alraschid,
2119 (2076).
T. Nöldeke:
Eastern History,
2120 (2077).
8. TURKISH SUPREMACY, AND ESTABLISHMENT OF THE SULTANATE
(A. D. 1000-):
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall.
3247 (3131).
A. Vambéry:
History of Bokhara,
3247, 3249 (3131, 3133).
R. D. Osborn:
Islam under Khalifs of Bagdad,
3247-3248 (3131-3132).
E. Pears:
The Fall of Constantinople,
3248 (3132).
G. Finlay:
The Byzantine and Greek Empires,
3348 (3133).
{759}
9. RISK OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE (A. D. 1250-):
Besant and Palmer:
Jerusalem,
3867 (3793-3763).
J. F. Michaud:
History of the Crusades,
3867 (3793).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
3349-3350 (3133-3131).
10. CIVILIZATION OF THE SARACENS:
(a) Education.
J. W. Draper.
Intellectual Development of Europe,
713 (690).
Westminster Review:
Intellectual Revival,
713-714 (690-691).
(b) Medical Science.
J. H. Baas:
History of Medicine,
3173-3174 (3130).
G. F. Fort:
Medical Economy of Middle Ages,
2174 (2130).
P. V. Renouard:
History of Medicine,
3174 (2130).
(c) Commerce.
H. Yule:
Cathay,
3215-3217 (3704-3706).
G. Finlay:
The Byzantine Empire,
3217-3218 (3706-3707).
STUDY XXII.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
THE CRUSADES.
"‘You,’ continued the eloquent pontiff [Urban II.], ‘you, who
hear me, and who have received the true faith, and been
endowed by God with power, and strength, and greatness of
soul,—whose ancestors have been the prop of Christendom, and
whose Kings have put a barrier against the progress of the
infidel,—I call upon you to wipe off these impurities from the
face of the earth, and lift your oppressed fellow Christians
from the depths into which they have been trampled.’ Palestine
was, he said, a land flowing with milk and honey, and precious
in the sight of God, as the scene of the grand events which
have saved mankind. That land, he promised, should be divided
among them. Moreover, they should have full pardon for all
their offenses against God or man. ‘Go then,’ he added, ‘in
expiation of your sins; and go assured that, after this world
shall have passed away, imperishable glory shall be yours in
the world to come.’ The enthusiasm was no longer to be
restrained, and loud shouts interrupted the speaker; the
people exclaiming as with one voice, ‘Dieu le veult! Dieu le
veult!’"
C. MACKAY.
1. CAUSES OF THE MOVEMENTS:
W. Irving:
Mahomet and His Successors,
1923 (1882).
E. A. Freeman:
Conquests of the Saracens,
2120 (2077).
G. Finlay:
Byzantine and Greek Empires,
649 (626).
2. PREACHING OF POPE URBAN II., AND PETER THE HERMIT:
C. Mackay:
Popular Delusions,
649-50 (626-627).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
650 (627).
3. THE FIRST CRUSADE
(A. D. 1096-1099):
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
650-651 (627-628).
Besant and Palmer:
Jerusalem,
1923-1924 (1882-1883).
T. Keightley:
The Crusaders,
651-652 (628-629).
H. F. Brown:
Venice,
3725-3726 (3605-3606).
4. THE LATIN KINGDOM OF JERUSALEM
(A. D. 1099-1291):
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
1924 (1883).
T. Keightley:
The Crusaders,
1924 (1883).
C. Mills:
The Crusades,
1924-1925 (1883-1884).
G. W. Cox:
The Crusades,
1925 (1884).
5. THE SECOND CRUSADE
(A. D. 1147-1149):
H. von Sybel:
The Crusades,
652-653 (629-630).
G. W. Cox:
The Crusades,
653 (630).
C. M. Yonge:
History of France,
1193 (1161-1162).
K. Norgate:
England under the Angevin Kings,
127-128 (120-121).
6. THE THIRD CRUSADE
(A. D. 1188-1192):
J. F. Michaud:
The Crusades,
653 (630).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
653-654 (630-631).
G. W. Cox:
The Crusades,
654 (631).
7. THE FOURTH AND FIFTH CRUSADES
(A. D. 1196-1203):
G. W. Cox:
The Crusades,
654 (631).
E. Pears:
The Fall of Constantinople,
654-655 (631-632).
8. THE CONQUEST OF CONSTANTINOPLE
(A D. 1204):
G. Finlay:
The Byzantine and Greek Empires,
3726 (3606).
E. Pears:
The Fall of Constantinople,
3726, and 350-351 (3606 and 340-341).
G. Finlay:
History of Greece,
351 (341).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
351-352 (341-342).
G. Finlay:
History of Greece,
6 and 2730 (6 and 2656).
G. Finlay:
Byzantine and Greek Empires,
1649-1650 (1611-1612).
9. MINOR CRUSADING MOVEMENTS:
(a) The Children’s Crusade (A. D. 1212).
Besant and Palmer:
Jerusalem,
655-656 (632-633).
(b) Against the Albigenses (A. D. 1209-1229).
G. Rawlinson:
Seventh Oriental Monarchy,
2127-2128 (2083-2084).
J. L. Mosheim:
Christianity.
2128 (2084).
H. H. Milman:
Latin Christianity,
39 (32).
J. Alzog:
Manual of Church History,
39 (32).
Sir J. Stephen:
History of France,
39 (32).
E. Smedley:
History of France,
39-40 (32-33).
Sir James Stephen:
History of France,
40 and 41 (33 and 34).
E. A. Freeman:
Historical Geography of Europe,
40-41 (33-34).
(c) Against the Livonians
(about A. D. 1200).
G. F. Maclear:
Apostles of Mediaeval Europe,
2075 (2031).
(d) Against the Prussians
(about A. D. 1250-).
G. F. Maclear:
Apostles of Mediæval Europe,
2684-2685 (2612-2613).
T. Carlyle:
Frederick the Great,
2685 (2613).
(e) Against the Almohades
(A. D. 1212).
E. A. Freeman:
Conquest of the Saracens,
49 (42.)
H. Coppée:
Conquest of Spain by the Moors,
3058 (2977).
10. THE SIXTH CRUSADE
(A. D. 1216-1229):
G. Procter:
The Crusades,
656-657 (633-634).
E. A. Freeman:
Emperor Frederick the Second,
1480 (1446-1447).
Besant and Palmer:
Jerusalem,
1926 (1885).
11. THE SEVENTH CRUSADE
(A. D. 1248-1254):
F. P. Guizot:
History of France,
657-658 (634-635).
J. F. Michaud:
The Crusades,
658 (635).
12. FINAL MOVEMENTS
(A. D. (1270-1299):
F. P. Guizot:
HISTORY OF FRANCE,
658-659 (635-636).
G. Procter:
The Crusades,
1927-1928 (1886-1887).
W. Stubbs:
Mediaeval and Modern History,
1928 (1887).
C. G. Addison:
The Knights Templars,
659 (636).
{760}
13. THE EFFECTS OF THE CRUSADES:
E. Gibbon;
Decline and Fall,
659 (636).
H. Hallam;
The Middle Ages,
659 (636).
W. Robertson;
Progress of Society in Europe,
659 (636).
W. Stubbs;
Mediæval and Modern History,
660 (637).
F. Guizot:
History of Civilization,
660-661 (637-638).
"The principle of the Crusades was a savage fanaticism; and
the most important effects were analogous to the cause. Each
pilgrim was ambitious to return with his sacred spoils, the
relics of Greece and Palestine; and each relic was preceded
and followed by a train of miracles and visions. The belief of
the Catholics was corrupted by new legends, their practice by
new superstitions; and the establishment of the inquisition,
the mendicant orders of monks and friars, the last abuse of
indulgences, and the final progress of idolatry, flowed from
the baleful fountain of the holy war."
E. GIBBON.
STUDY XXIII.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
THE RENAISSANCE—THE BIRTH OF THE MODERN AGE
(A. D. 1400-1500).
1. THE GENERAL MEANING OF THE TERM:
J. A. Symonds:
Renaissance in Italy,
2703-2704 (2630-2631).
P. Villari:
Niccolo Machiavelli,
2704 (2631).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1077-1079 (1049-1051).
2. THE LEADING INFLUENCE OF ITALY IN THE AWAKENING:
J. A. Symonds:
Renaissance in Italy,
1872-1873, 1874-1875 (1832-1833, 1834-1835).
Vernon Lee:
Euphorion,
1874 (1834).
H. A. Taine:
Italy, Florence, and Venice,
1173 (1143).
"When Machiavelli called Italy 'the corruption of the world,'
he did not speak rhetorically. An impure and worldly clergy;
an irreligious, though superstitious, laity; a self-indulgent
and materialistic middle class: an idle aristocracy, excluded
from politics and unused to arms; a public given up to
pleasure and money getting; a multitude of scholars, devoted
to trifles, and vitiated by studies which clashed with the
ideals of Christianity—from such elements in the nation
proceeded a widely spread and ever-increasing degeneracy. …
Religion expired in laughter, irony, and license. Domestic
simplicity yielded to vice, whereof the records are precise
and unmistakable. The virile virtues disappeared. What
survived of courage assumed the forms of ruffianism, ferocity,
and treasonable daring. Still, simultaneously with this
decline in all the moral qualities which constitute a powerful
people, the Italians brought their arts and some departments
of their literature to a perfection that can only be
paralleled by Ancient Greece. The anomaly implied in this
statement is striking; but it is revealed to us by evidence
too overwhelming to be rejected.
J. A. SYMONDS.
3. OTHER GREATLY CONTRIBUTING CAUSES:
(a) The Capture of Constantinople by the Turks (A. D. 1453):
C. C. Felton:
Greece, Ancient and Modern,
524 (510).
Demetrios Bikelas:
The Byzantine Empire,
352 (342).
J. N. Larned:
The Greek Revival,
1077-1078 (1050).
(b) The Invention of Printing (A. D. 1456).
J. N. Larned:
The Invention of Printing,
1077 (1049).
H. Bouchot:
The Printed Book,
2660 (2588).
W. Blades:
Books in Chains,
2660-2661 (2588-2589).
(c) The Marvelous Results of Exploration and Discovery.
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1078-1079 (1050-1051).
J. A. Blanqui:
History of Political Economy,
3730-3731 (3610-3611).
(1) The Early Successes of the Portuguese.
C. R. Markham:
The Sea Fathers,
2644 (2572).
J. Yeats:
Growth of Commerce,
2644-2645 (2572-2573).
J. W. Draper:
Intellectual Development of Europe,
2645 (2573).
(2) The Spanish Discoveries.
H. H Bancroft:
History of the Pacific States,
55 (48).
Sir A. Helps:
The Spanish Conquest,
55-56 (48-49).
C. R. Markham:
The Sea Fathers,
56 (49).
W. Irving:
Life of Columbus,
57-58 (50-51).
J. Fiske:
The Discovery of America,
60 (53).
J. Winsor:
Narrative and Critical History of America,
61-62 (54-55).
(3) The English Discoveries.
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
58 (51).
H. Harrisse:
Discovery of North America,
59.
H. Harrisse:
Discovery of North America,
61 (3678).
4. THE EFFECTS OF THE RENAISSANCE:
(a) In Italy.
H. A. Taine:
History of English Literature,
2502 (2442).
W. Hunt:
History of Italy,
1870 (1830).
Mrs. Oliphant:
Makers of Florence,
1172 (1142).
H. A. Taine:
Italy, Florence, and Venice,
1172-1173 (1142-1143).
(b) In France.
J. A Symonds:
Renaissance in Italy,
1872-1873 (1832-1833).
Mrs. Mark Pattison:
The Renaissance of Art,
1216-1217 (1184-1185).
A. Tilley:
Literature of the French Renaissance,
1217 (1185).
(c) In Germany.
M. Arnold:
Schools on the Continent,
727 (704).
(d) In England.
H. A. Taine:
English Literature,
851-852 (824-825).
J. A. Symonds:
Shakespeare's Predecessors,
852-853 (825-826).
5. THE INFLUENCE OF THE RENAISSANCE:
(a) Upon Art.
R. N. Wornum:
Epochs of Painting,
2462-2463.
J. A. Symonds:
Renaissance in Italy,
2463-2454.
R. Westmacott:
Handbook of Sculpture,
2957-2958.
J. A. Symonds:
Renaissance in Italy,
3732 (3612).
W. B. Scaife:
Florentine Life,
1169 (1139).
(b) Upon Education.
G. Compayré:
History of Pedagogy,
725 (702).
M. Arnold:
Schools on the Continent,
727 (704).
D. Campbell:
The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
728-729 (705-706).
A. Lang:
Oxford,
729-730 (706-707).
(c) Upon Music.
W. J. Henderson:
The Story of Music,
2284.
H. G. B. Hunt:
A History of Music,
2284.
(d) Upon the Foundation of Libraries.
J. A. Symonds:
The Renaissance in Italy,
2052-2053 (2008-2009).
G. W. Greene:
Historical Studies,
2053 (2009).
E. Edwards:
Statistics of Libraries,
2054 (2010).
(e) Upon Trade and Commerce.
J. N. Larned:
Modern Trade Routes, etc.,
3224-3228 (3713-3717).
J. A. Blanqui:
History of Political Economy,
3730-3731 (3610-3611).
D. Campbell:
The Puritan in Holland,
2299 (2251).
{761}
STUDY XXIV.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
THE GREAT REFORMATION
(A. D. 1517-).
1. STATE OF RELIGION AT THE CLOSE OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY:
Vernon Lee:
Euphorion,
1874 (1834).
R. L. Poole:
Wyclif and Reform,
2501 (2441).
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
2501 (2441).
H. A. Taine:
English Literature,
2502 (2442).
J. A. Symonds:
Renaissance in Italy,
2502 (2442).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1081-1082 (1053-1054).
2. REFORMERS BEFORE THE REFORMATION:
(a) The Albigenses
(A. D. 1209-1229).
(1) Their Origin and Beliefs.
H. Hallam:
The Middle Ages,
2561 (2495).
H. H. Milman:
Latin Christianity,
39 (32).
A. Neander:
The Christian Church,
39 (32).
Sir J. Stephen:
History of France,
39 (32).
R. C. Trench:
Mediæval Church,
409 (399).
R. C. Trench:
Mediæval Church,
3762-3763 (3641-3642).
(2) Their Extermination.
E. Smedley:
History of France,
39-40 (32-33).
Sir J. Stephen:
History of France.
40 (33).
E. E. Crowe:
History of France,
41 (34).
E. A. Freeman:
Historical Geography of Europe,
41 (34).
Sir J. Stephen:
History of France,
41 (34).
(b) Wyclif and the Lollards
(about A. D. 1375-1400).
A. M. F. Robinson:
End of Middle Ages,
285 (276).
C. Ullmann;
Reformers before the Reformation,
285-286 (276-277).
B. Herford:
Story of Religion in England,
841-842 (814-815).
R. L. Poole:
Wyclif and Reform,
842 (815).
J. A. Froude:
History of England,
842 (815).
J. Gairdner:
English History,
842 (815).
C. H. Pearson:
English History,
843-844 (816-817).
J. R. Green:
History of English People,
844 (817).
(c) Hus and the Bohemian Reformation
(A. D. (1405-1434).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1072-1073 (1044-1045).
R. C. Trench:
Mediæval Church,
296-297 (287-288).
B. Taylor:
History of Germany,
297-298 (288-289).
(d) Savonarola
(A. D. 1490-1498).
Mrs. Oliphant:
Makers of Florence,
1172 (1142).
O. T. Hill:
Introduction to Savonarola’s Triumph of the Cross,
1173-1175 (1143-1145).
3. THE IMMEDIATE CAUSES OF THE REFORM OUTBREAK:
G. P. Fisher:
The Christian Church,
1489-1490 (1456-1457).
L. Ranke:
History of Reformation,
2504-2505 (2443-2444).
G. P. Fisher:
The Reformation,
2505 (2444).
Cardinal Wiseman:
Doctrines of Catholic Church,
2505-2506 (2444-2445).
T. Kolde:
Martin Luther,
2503-2504.
J. N. M. D’Aubigné:
Story of the Reformation,
2506 (2445).
4. LUTHER’S PROTEST AND THE AWAKENING OF GERMANY
(A. D. 1517):
F. Seebohm:
The Protestant Revolution,
2506-2507 (2445-2446).
L. Ranke:
History of the Reformation,
2507 (2446).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1081-1082 (1053-1054).
5. THE NINETY-FIVE THESES:
Full Text of Luther’s Manifesto,
2507-2509 (2446-2448).
6. LUTHER BURNS THE PAPAL BULL (1520);
THE DIET AT WORMS (1521):
S. Baring-Gould;
The Church in Germany,
1490 (1457).
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
2509-2511 (2448-2450).
J. A. Froude:
Luther,
2512-2513 (2451-2452).
"The presence in which he [Luther, at the Diet] found himself
would have tried the nerves of the bravest of men; the
Emperor, sternly hostile, with his retinue of Spanish priests
and nobles; the Archbishops and bishops, all of the opinion
that the stake was the only fitting place for so insolent a
heretic; the dukes and barons, whose stern eyes were little
likely to reveal their sympathy, if sympathy any of them felt.
Only one of them, George of Frundsberg, had touched Luther on
the shoulder as he passed through the ante-room. ‘Little monk,
little monk,’ he said, ‘thou hast work before thee that I, and
many a man whose trade is war, never faced the like of. If thy
heart is right, and thy cause good, go on, in God’s name. He
will not forsake thee.’ … There was a pause, and then Eck said
that he had spoken disrespectfully; his heresies had already
been condemned at the Council at Constance; let him retract on
these special points, and he should have consideration for the
rest. He required a plain Yes or No from him ‘without horns.’
The taunt roused Luther’s blood. His full brave self was in
the reply. ‘I will give you an answer,’ he said, ‘which has
neither horns nor teeth. Popes have erred and Councils have
erred. Prove to me out of Scripture that I am wrong, and I
submit. Till then my conscience binds me. Here I stand. I can
do no more. God help me. Amen.’ All day long the storm raged.
Night had fallen, and torches were lighted before the sitting
closed. Luther was dismissed at last. When he had reached his
lodging again, he flung up his hands. ‘I am through!’ he
cried. ‘I am through! If I had a thousand heads they should be
struck off one by one before I would retract.’"
J. A. FROUDE.
7. ZWINGLI, AND THE REFORMATION IN SWITZERLAND
(A. D. 1519-1531):
G. Waddington:
The Reformation,
2511 (2450).
Hug and Stead:
Switzerland,
2511-2512 (2450-2451).
Hug and Stead:
Switzerland,
3130-3131 (3046-3047).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1087-1088 (1059-1060).
8. THE REFORMATION MOVEMENT IN FRANCE:
M. Creighton:
The Papacy,
1210-1211 (1178-1179).
A. Tilley:
The French Renaissance,
1217 (1185).
G. P. Fisher:
The Reformation,
2513-2514 (2452-2453).
R. Heath:
The Reformation in France,
2514 (2453).
9. THE REVOLT IN THE NETHERLANDS:
J. E. T. Rogers:
The Story of Holland,
2302 (2254).
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
2302-2303 (2254-2255).
C. Ullmann:
Reformers before the Reformation,
326 (316).
W. E. Griffis:
Influence of the Netherlands,
326 (316).
D. Campbell:
The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
728-729 (705-706).
G. P. Fisher:
The Reformation,
2303 (2255).
J. L. Motley:
The Dutch Republic,
2303-2304 (2255-2256).
10. GROWTH OF THE LUTHERAN MOVEMENT IN GERMANY
(A. D. 1522-1529):
W. Coxe:
House of Austria,
2515-2516 (2454-2455).
G. P. Fisher:
The Reformation,
2516 (2455).
11. ORIGIN OF THE NAME "PROTESTANT"
(A. D.1529):
P. Bayne:
Martin Luther,
2516-2517 (2455-2456).
12. THE FINAL BREACH; THE "AUGSBURG CONFESSION"
(A. D. 1530):
J. Michelet:
Life of Luther,
2517 (2456).
J. Alzog:
Manual of Church History,
2517-2518 (2456-2457).
W. Robertson:
Charles V.,
1493-1494 (1460-1461).
J. N. Earned:
Europe,
1086-1087 (1058-1059).
{762}
13. CALVIN, AND HIS ECCLESIASTICAL STATE:
J. Tulloch:
Leaders of the Reformation,
1450 (1417).
R. Heath:
Reformation in France,
2514 (2453).
L. Häusser:
The Reformation,
1451-1452 (1417-1419).
14. THE BEGINNING OF THE COUNTER-REFORMATION
(ABOUT A. D. 1535):
"I intend to use this term Counter-Reformation to denote the
reform of the Catholic Church, which was stimulated by the
German Reformation, and which, when the Council of Trent had
fixed the dogmas and discipline of Latin Christianity, enabled
the Papacy to assume a militant policy in Europe, whereby it
regained a large portion of the provinces that had previously
lapsed to Lutheran and Calvinistic dissent. … The centre of
the world-wide movement which is termed the
Counter-Reformation was naturally Rome. Events had brought the
Holy See once more into a position of prominence. It was more
powerful as an Italian State now, through the support of Spain
and the extinction of national independence, than at any
previous period of history."
J. A. SYMONDS.
J. A. Symonds:
The Italian Renaissance,
1883-1884 (1843-1844).
A. W. Ward:
The Counter-Reformation,
2518 (2457).
J. A. Symonds;
The Catholic Reaction,
2518-2519 (2457-2458).
15. TWO EFFECTIVE AGENTS OF THE ROMAN CHURCH:
(a) The Council of Trent
(A. D. 1545-1563).
L. Häusser:
The Reformation,
2519-2520 (2458-2459).
L. von Ranke:
History of the Popes,
2520-2521 (2459-2460).
A. W. Ward:
The Counter-Reformation,
2521 (2460).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1092 (1064).
(b) The Society of Jesus (A. D. 1540-).
L. Häusser:
The Reformation,
1928-1929 (1887-1888).
G. B. Nicolini:
History of the Jesuits,
1929 (1888).
L. von Ranke:
History of the Popes,
1931-1932 (1890-1891).
16. PROGRESS OF LUTHERANISM IN GERMANY
(A. D. 1530-1620):
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1086-1087 (1058-1059).
W. Robertson:
Charles V.,
1493-1494 (1460-1461).
S. A. Dunham:
The Germanic Empire,
1494-1495 (1461-1462).
S. Baring-Gould:
The Story of Germany,
118-119 (111-112).
17. WAR WITH THE EMPEROR
(A. D. 1546-1561):
C. D. Yonge:
Three Centuries of Modern History,
1495-1496 (1462-1463).
J. Alzog:
Universal Church History,
1496-1497 (1463-1464).
W. Menzel:
History of Germany,
1497-1498 (1464-1465).
18. INTERNAL DISSENSIONS AND THE CATHOLIC REACTION:
W. Zimmerman:
History of Germany,
1498-1499 (1465-1466).
O. Kämmel:
German History,
2521-2522 (3766-3767).
STUDY XXV.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
THE REFORM MOVEMENT AND RELIGIOUS WARS IN FRANCE.
1. THE COMPARATIVE INDEPENDENCE OF THE GALLICAN CHURCH:
H. Hallam;
The Middle Ages,
1197 (1165).
H. H. Milman:
Latin Christianity,
1197 (1165).
M. Creighton:
The Papacy,
1210-1211 (1178-1179).
F. P. Guizot:
History of France,
1219-1220 (1187-1188).
W. H. Jervis:
The Church of France,
1220 (1188).
"The long contest for Gallican rights had lowered the prestige
of the popes in France, but it had not weakened the Catholic
Church, which was older than the monarchy itself, and, in the
feelings of the people, was indissolubly associated with it.
The College of the Sorbonne, or the Theological Faculty at
Paris, and the Parliament, which had together maintained
Gallican liberty, were united in stern hostility to all
doctrinal innovations."
G. P. FISHER.
2. BEGINNING OF THE PROTESTANT REFORM MOVEMENT
(ABOUT A. D. 1520):
A. Tilley:
The French Renaissance,
1217 (1185).
G. P. Fisher:
The Reformation,
2513-2514 (2452-2453).
R. Heath:
The Reformation in France,
2514 (2453).
W. Hanna:
The Wars of the Huguenots,
2292-2293 (2244-2245).
E. de Bonnechose:
History of France,
1225-1226 (1193-1194).
3. THE RISE OF THE HUGUENOTS
(ABOUT A. D. 1560):
L. Häusser:
The Reformation,
1229 (1197).
H. M. Baird:
The Rise of the Huguenots,
1230 (1198).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1089 (1061).
4. BEGINNING OF THE CIVIL WARS; THE GUISES, CONDÉS, ET AL.:
G. Masson:
The Huguenots,
1230 (1198).
W. Besant:
Gaspard de Coligny,
1230-1232 (1198-1200).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1097-1098 (1069-1070).
5. ROCHELLE, AND HENRY OF NAVARRE:
W. Hanna:
The Wars of the Huguenots,
2292-2293 (2244-2245).
W. Hanna:
The Wars of the Huguenots,
1232-1233 (1200-1201).
L. Häusser:
The Reformation,
1233-1234 (1201-2120).
6. THE MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW’S DAY
(A. D. 1572):
J. A. Froude:
History of England,
1236 (1204).
T. Wright:
History of France,
1236 (1204).
7. THE FOURTH AND FIFTH CIVIL WARS
(A. D. 1572-1576):
F. P. Guizot:
History of France,
1236-1237 (1204-1205).
E. E. Crowe:
History of France,
1237-1238 (1205-1206).
S. A. Dunham:
History of Poland,
2615-2616 (2547).
8. THE CATHOLIC LEAGUE AND THE POPE’S BULL
(A. D. 1576):
W. H. Jervis:
The Church of France,
1238-1239 (1206-1207).
G. W. Kitchin:
History of France,
1239 (1207).
9. HENRY OF NAVARRE, AND THE BATTLE OF COUTRAS
(A. D. 1584-1589):
Duc d’Aumale:
Princes of Condé,
1240-1241 (1209).
W. Hanna:
Wars of the Huguenots,
1241 (1209).
V. Duruy:
History of France,
1241-1242 (1209-1210).
"The struggle lasted but an hour, yet within that hour the
Catholic army lost 3000 men, more than 400 of whom were
members of the first families in the Kingdom; 3000 men were
made prisoners. Not more than a third part of their entire
army escaped. The Huguenots lost only about 200 men. … Before
night fell Navarre wrote a few lines to the French King, which
ran thus:
‘Sire, my Lord and Brother,—Thank God, _I have beaten your
enemies and your army._' It was but too true that the poor
King’s worst enemies were to be found in the very armies that
were marshalled in his name."
W. HANNA.
{763}
10. HENRY BECOMES HENRY IV. OF FRANCE; THE BATTLE OF IVRY
(A. D. 1589):
Henry the Fourth of France,
1242-1243 (1210-1211).
"My friends, if you share my fortune this day, I share yours.
I am resolved to conquer or to die with you. Keep your ranks
firmly, I beg; if the heat of the combat compels you to quit
them, think always of the rally; it is the gaining of the
battle. If you lose your ensigns, pennons, and banners, do not
lose sight of my white plume; you will find it always on the
road of honor and victory.’
HENRY OF NAVARRE.
11. HENRY’S ABJURATION OF PROTESTANTISM
(A. D. 1593):
Duc d’Aumale:
The Princes of Condé,
1244-1245 (1212-1213).
H. M. Baird:
The Huguenots,
1245 (1213).
Sir J. Stephen:
History of France,
1245 (1213).
12. THE SIEGE OF PARIS; INTERFERENCE OF PHILIP II.
(A. D. 1590-1598):
J. L. Motley:
The United Netherlands,
1243-1244 (1211-1212).
T. H. Dyer;
Modern Europe,
1245-1247 (1213-1215).
13. FROM THE EDICT OF NANTES (1598)
TO ASSASSINATION OF THE KING (1610):
H. M. Baird:
The Huguenots,
1247-1248 (1215-1216).
W. Hanna:
Wars of the Huguenots,
1248 (1216).
A. de Bonnechose;
History of France,
1248 (1216).
"For the benefit of the Protestants the cardinal concession of
the Edict was liberty to dwell anywhere in the royal
dominions, without being subjected to inquiry, vexed,
molested, or constrained to do anything contrary to their
conscience. As respects public worship, while perfect equality
was not established, the dispositions were such as to bring it
within the power of a Protestant in any part of the Kingdom to
meet his fellow-believers for the holiest acts, at least from
time to time. … Scholars of both religions were to be admitted
without distinction of religion to all universities, colleges,
and schools throughout France. The same impartiality was to
extend to the reception of the sick in the hospitals, and to
the poor in the provision made for this relief. More than
this, the Protestants were permitted to establish schools of
their own in all places where their worship was authorized."
H. M. BAIRD.
14. THE RISE OF RICHELIEU, AND DISTRACTION OF THE KINGDOM:
Voltaire:
Ancient and Modern History,
1248-1249 (1216-1217).
J. B. Perkins:
France under Mazarin,
1251 (1219).
G. W. Kitchin:
History of France,
1251-1252 (1220).
15. THE HUGUENOT REVOLT
(A. D. 1627-1628):
C. D. Yonge:
France under the Bourbons,
1252-1253 (1220-1221).
A. D. White:
The Statesmanship of Richelieu,
1253 (1221).
R. Heath:
The Reformation in France,
1253 (1221).
16. ACCESSION OF LOUIS XIV., AND RENEWED PERSECUTION
OF THE HUGUENOTS (A. D. 1661):
J. C. Morison:
Reign of Louis XIV.,
1265 (1233).
S. Smiles:
The Huguenots,
1265-1266 (1233-1234).
17. REVOCATION OF THE EDICT OF NANTES (1685),
AND EXODUS OF THE HUGUENOTS (1681-1688):
A. de Lamartine:
Memoirs of Celebrated Characters,
1269 (1237).
R. L. Poole:
Huguenots of the Dispersion,
1269-1270 (1237-1238).
STUDY XXVI.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
SPAIN AND THE NETHERLANDS—THE INQUISITION.
1. CONQUEST OF SPAIN BY THE ARAB MOORS
(A. D. 711-713):
H. Coppée:
Conquest of Spain,
3054 (2974).
S. A. Dunham:
History of Spain,
3056-3057 (2976-2977).
2. RISE OF THE CHRISTIAN STATES:
H. Coppée:
Conquest of Spain,
3055 (2975).
E. A. Freeman:
Conquest of the Saracens,
3055 (2975).
S. A. Dunham:
History of Spain,
2291 and 3056 (2243, 2976).
E. A. Freeman:
Historical Geography of Europe,
3058 (2977).
3. UNION OF CASTILE AND ARAGON:
E. E. Hale:
The Story of Spain,
3060 (2979).
C. H. Pearson:
English History,
3061-3062 (2980-2981).
H. Hallam:
Middle Ages,
3062-3063 (2981-2982).
4. RISE AND FALL OF THE MOORISH KINGDOM OF GRANADA:
C. M. Yonge:
The Christians and Moors of Spain,
3059-3060 (2978-2979).
H. Coppée:
Conquest of Spain,
3061 (2980).
H. Coppée:
Conquest of Spain,
3063-3064 (2982-2983).
W. H. Prescott:
Ferdinand and Isabella,
3064 (2983).
5. THE EARLY SPANISH CORTES AND THE SANTA HERMANDAD:
W. H. Prescott:
Ferdinand and Isabella,
639-640 (616-17).
H. Hallam:
Middle Ages,
640-641 (617-618).
W. H. Prescott:
Ferdinand and Isabella,
1698-1699 (1659-1660).
6. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE INQUISITION:
J. A. Symonds:
Renaissance in Italy,
1789-1791 (1750-1752).
J. I. von Döllinger:
The Jews in Europe,
1966 (1925).
H. T. Buckle:
History of Civilization,
2270-2271 (2226-2227).
7. EARLY HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS:
J. L. Motley:
Rise of the Dutch Republic,
2298 (2250).
W. T. McCullagh:
The Free Nations,
2298-2299 (2250-2251).
D. Campbell:
The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
2299 (2251).
C. M. Yonge:
Cameos of History.
2300 (2252).
8. RELATIONS WITH BURGUNDY; THE STATES GENERAL:
C. M. Davies:
History of Holland.
2300 (2252).
J. L. Motley:
The Dutch Republic,
2300-2301 (2252-2253).
9. MARRIAGE OF MARY OF BURGUNDY TO MAXIMILIAN OF AUSTRIA
(A. D. 1477):
Philip de Commines:
Memoirs,
2301 (2253).
C. M. Davies:
History of Holland,
2301-2302 (2254).
10. RISE OF THE AUSTRO-SPANISH DYNASTY:
W. H. Prescott:
Ferdinand and Isabella,
3065-3066 (2984-2985).
J.E.T. Rogers:
The Story of Holland,
2302 (2254).
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
2302-2303 (2254-2255).
J. Bigland:
History of Spain,
3066 (2985).
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
3066-3067 (2985-2986).
W. H. Prescott:
Philip II.,
3067 (2986).
11. BEGINNING OF THE REFORMATION IN THE NETHERLANDS:
G. P. Fisher:
The Reformation,
2303 (2255).
J. L. Motley:
The Dutch Republic,
2303-2304 (2255-2256).
{764}
12. THE ACCESSION AND HORRIBLE CHARACTER OF PHILIP II.
(A. D. 1555):
C. M. Davies:
History of Holland,
2304 (2256).
T. C. Grattan:
History of the Netherlands,
2304-2305 (2256-2257).
C. Gayarré:
Philip II.,
2305, 3068 (2257, 2987).
13. PHILIP II. AND THE CATHOLIC REACTION:
G. Procter:
History of Italy,
2520 (2459).
L. von Ranke:
History of the Popes,
2520-2521 (2459-2460).
O. Kämmel:
History of Germany,
2521-2522.
14. BEGINNING OF ORGANIZED RESISTANCE TO THE TYRANNY OF PHILIP
(A. D. 1562):
W. H. Prescott:
The Reign of Philip II.,
2305-2306 (2257-2258).
J. L. Motley:
The Dutch Republic,
2306 (2258).
T. C. Grattan:
History of the Netherlands,
2306-2307 (2258-2259).
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
2307 (2259).
F. Schiller:
The Revolt of the Netherlands,
2307 (2259).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1094-1095 (1066-1067).
15. THE DUKE OF ALVA AND HIS COUNCIL OF BLOOD
(A. D. 1567):
L. Häusser:
The Reformation,
2307-2308 (2259-2260).
J. L. Motley:
The Dutch Republic,
2309-2310 (2261-2262).
16. THE STUPENDOUS DEATH-SENTENCE
(A. D. 1568):
J. L. Motley:
The Dutch Republic,
2310 (2262).
"Upon the 16th February, 1568, a sentence of the Holy Office
condemned all the inhabitants of the Netherlands to death as
heretics. From this universal doom only a few persons,
especially named, were excepted. A proclamation of the King,
dated ten days later, confirmed this decree of the
Inquisition, and ordered it to be carried into instant
execution, without regard to age, sex, or condition. This is
probably the most concise death-warrant that was ever framed.
Three millions of people, men, women, and children, were
sentenced to the scaffold in three lines; and as it was well
known that these were not harmless thunders, like some bulls
of the Vatican, but serious and practical measures which it
was intended should be enforced, the horror which they
produced may be easily imagined."
J. L. MOTLEY.
17. BEGINNING OF THE FORTY YEARS’ WAR
(A. D. 1568):
C. D. Yonge:
Modern History,
2310-2311 (2262-2263).
J. L. Motley:
The Dutch Republic,
2311-2312
(2263-2264).
A. Young:
History of the Netherlands,
2312-2313 (2264-2265).
18. THE RECALL OF ALVA, AND THE SIEGE OF LEYDEN
(A. D. 1573-1574):
C. M. Davies:
History of Holland,
2313-2314 (2265-2266).
D. Campbell:
The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
729 (706).
19. THE PACIFICATION OF GHENT, AND THE UNION OF BRUSSELS
(A. D. 1575-1577):
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
2314-2316 (2266-2268).
J. E. T. Rogers:
The Story of Holland,
2316-2317 (2268-2269).
J. L. Motley:
The Dutch Republic,
2317-2318 (2269-2270).
20. THE ASSASSINATION OF WILLIAM OF ORANGE,
AND BIRTH OF THE REPUBLIC (A. D. 1584-1585):
T. Grattan:
History of the Netherlands,
2318 (2270).
J. L. Motley:
The United Netherlands,
2318-2320 (2270-2272).
"Thus constituted was the commonwealth upon the death of
William the Silent. The gloom produced by that event was
tragical. Never in human history was a more poignant and
universal sorrow for the death of any individual. The despair
was, for a brief season, absolute; but it was soon succeeded
by more lofty sentiments. … Even on the very day of the
murder, the Estates of Holland, then sitting at Delft, passed
a resolution ‘to maintain the good cause, with God’s help, to
the uttermost, without sparing gold or blood.’ … The next
movement, after the last solemn obsequies had been rendered to
the Prince, was to provide for the immediate wants of his
family. For the man who had gone into the revolt with almost
royal revenues, left his estate so embarrassed that his
carpets, tapestries, household linen—nay, even his silver
spoons, and the very clothes of his wardrobe—were disposed of
at auction for the benefit of his creditors."
J. L. MOTLEY.
21. THE DOWNFALL OF ANTWERP
(A. D. 1585):
J. L. Motley:
The Dutch Republic,
125 (118).
G. L. Craik:
History of British Commerce,
3107 (3025).
J. N. Larned:
The Flemings and Dutch,
3226-3227 (3715-3716).
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
2320 (2272).
22. THE UNITED PROVINCES AND ELIZABETH OF ENGLAND:
Sir T. E. May:
Democracy in Europe,
2320-2321 (2272-2273).
J. A. Froude:
History of England,
2321-2322 (2274).
C. M. Davies:
History of Holland,
2322 (2274).
23. STEADY DECLINE OF SPANISH POWER, AND DEATH OF PHILIP II.
(A. D. 1590-1598):
Sir E. Cust:
The Thirty Years’ War,
2322-2323 (2274-2275).
Sir T. E. May:
Democracy in Europe,
2323-2324 (2275-2276).
24. RISE OF DUTCH COMMERCE; THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
(A. D. 1595-1620):
W. T. McCullagh:
Industrial History,
2324 (2276).
F. H. H. Guillemard:
Malaysia,
2124.
J. N. Larned:
The Flemings and the Dutch,
3226-3228 (3715-3717).
25. JOHN BARNEVELDT, AND THE ARMINIAN CONTROVERSY
(A. D. 1600-1620):
C. M. Yonge:
Cameos from English History,
2324-2326 (2276-2278).
D. Campbell:
The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
729 (706).
26. FINAL ESTABLISHMENT OF PEACE BETWEEN SPAIN AND
THE UNITED PROVINCES
(A. D. 1648):
J. B. Perkins:
France under Mazarin,
2329-2330 (2281-2282).
J. Geddes:
John De Witt,
2330 (2282).
27. PROSPERITY OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC, WHICH BECOMES HOLLAND
(ABOUT A. D. 1660):
D. Campbell:
The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
2332-2333 (2284-2285).
O. Airy:
The English Restoration,
2333 (2285).
{765}
STUDY XXVII.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
THE THIRTY YEARS’ WAR
(A. D. 1618-1648).
"The Thirty Years’ War was the last struggle which marked the
progress of the Reformation. This war, whose direction and
object were equally undetermined, may be divided into four
distinct portions, in which the Elector Palatine, Denmark,
Sweden, and France played in succession the principal part. It
became more and more complicated until it spread over the
whole of Europe. It was prolonged indefinitely by various
causes.
I. The intimate union between the two branches of the house of
Austria and of the Catholic party,—their opponents, on the
other hand, were not homogeneous.
II. The inaction of England, the tardy intervention of France,
the poverty of Denmark and Sweden, etc. The armies which took
part in the Thirty Years’ War were no longer feudal militias,
they were permanent armies, and lived at the expense of the
countries which they laid waste."
J. MICHELET.
1. CONDITIONS WHICH LED UP TO THE WAR:
O. Kämmel:
History of Germany,
2521-2522 (3767).
E. L. Godkin:
History of Hungary,
1717, first column, (1678).
W. Zimmerman:
History of Germany,
1498-1499 (1465-1466).
F. Schiller:
The Thirty Years’ War,
301-302 (293).
J. Sime:
History of Germany,
1499-1500 (1466-1467).
J. Michelet:
Modern History,
1500 (1467).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1099-1100 (1071-1072).
2. THE PROSTRATION OF PROTESTANTISM
(A. D. 1618-1626):
F. Kohlrausch:
History of Germany,
1500-1501 (1467-1468).
B. Chapman:
Gustavus Adolphus,
1501-1502 (1469).
S. R. Gardiner:
Thirty Years’ War,
1502 (1469).
W. Coxe:
House of Austria,
1502-1504 (1469-1471).
3. THE SUPPRESSION OF BOHEMIA
(A. D. 1621-1648):
L. Häusser:
The Great Reformation,
302 (293).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1100 (1072).
"No succor reached the unfortunate people; but neither did the
victors attain their end. Protestantism and Hussite memories
could not be slain, and only outward submission was extorted.
… But a desert was created; the land was crushed for a
generation. Before the war Bohemia had 4,000,000 inhabitants,
and in 1648 there were but 700,000 or 800,000. In some parts
of the country the population has not attained the standard of
1620 to this day."
L. HÄUSSER.
4. THE RISE OF PRUSSIA:
C. F. Johnstone:
Historical Abstracts,
318 (308).
H. von Treitschke:
History of Germany,
2685-2686 (3768-3769).
5. THE GROWING POWER OF SWEDEN:
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
2893-2894 (2818-2819).
C. R. L. Fletcher:
Gustavus Adolphus,
2894-2896 (2819-2821).
J. L. Stevens:
Gustavus Adolphus,
2896-2897 (2822).
6. THE SUPREMACY OF WALLENSTEIN
(A. D. 1625-1630):
G. B. Malleson:
Battlefields of Germany,
1504-1505 (1471-1472).
J. Mitchell:
Life of Wallenstein,
1505-1506 (1472-1473).
G. P. R. James:
Dark Scenes of History,
1506-1507 (1473-1474).
7. THE ADVENT OF GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS
(A. D. 1630-1632):
C. T. Lewis:
History of Germany,
1507-1508 (1475).
F. Schiller:
The Thirty Years’ War,
1508 (1475).
C. R. L. Fletcher:
Gustavas Adolphus,
1508-1509 (1475-1476).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1100-1101 (1072-1073).
8. THE DECISIVE BATTLE AT LEIPSIG (BREITENFELD)
(A. D. 1631):
B. Chapman:
Gustavus Adolphus,
1509-1510 (1477).
C. R. L. Fletcher:
Gustavus Adolphus,
1510 (1477).
"The battle of Breitenfeld was an epoch in war, it was an
epoch in history. It was an epoch in war, because first in it
was displayed on a great scale the superiority of mobility
over weight. It was an epoch in history, because it broke the
force upon which the revived Catholicism had relied for the
extension of its empire over Europe. Germany might tear
herself to pieces for yet another half-generation, but the
actual result of the Thirty Years’ War was as good as
achieved."
C. R. L. FLETCHER.
9. RECALL OF WALLENSTEIN;
THE BATTLE OF LÜTZEN;
DEATH OF GUSTAVUS
(A. D. 1632):
C. M. Yonge:
English History,
1510-1511 (1477-1478).
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
1511-1512 (1478-1479).
C. T. Lewis:
History of Germany,
1512 (1479).
10. RICHELIEU BECOMES AN ACTIVE FACTOR IN THE WAR:
J. Mitchell:
Life of Wallenstein,
1512-1513 (1480).
H. M. Hozier:
Turenne,
1513 (1480).
G. B. Malleson:
Battlefields of Germany,
1513-1514 (1480-1481).
11. SUCCESSES OF THE SWEDISH ARMY UNDER TORSTENSON
(A. D. 1640-1642):
L. Häusser:
The Reformation,
1514-1515 (1481-1482).
12. THE FINAL CAMPAIGNS OF THE WAR
(A. D. 1645-1648):
H. M. Hozier:
Turenne,
1515-1516 (1482-1453).
T. O. Cockayne:
Life of Turenne,
1516 (1483).
F. Schiller:
The Thirty Years’ War,
1516-1517 (1483-1484).
13. THE HORRORS OF THE THIRTY YEARS’ WAR:
R. C. Trench:
Gustavus Adolphus,
1517-1518 (1484-1485).
H. von Z-Südenhorst:
History of Germany,
1518 (3770).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1101 (1073).
"This, which had been a civil war at the first, did not
continue such for long, or rather it united presently all the
dreadfulness of a civil war and a foreign. It was not long
before the hosts which trampled the German soil had in large
part ceased to be German; every region of Europe sending of
its children, and, as it would seem, of those whom it must
have been gladdest to be rid of, to swell the ranks of the
destroyers. … Under conditions like these it is not wonderful
that the fields were left untilled; for who would sow, what he
could never reap? What wonder that famine, thus invited,
should before long have arrived? … Persons were found dead in
the fields with grass in their mouths, while the tanner’s and
knackers’ yards were beset for the putrid carcasses of beasts.
Men climbed up the gibbets and tore down the bodies which were
suspended there, and devoured them. Prisoners were killed that
they might be eaten. Children were enticed from home. …
Putting all together, it is not too much to say that the
crowning horrors of Samaria, of Jerusalem, of Saguntum, found
their parallels, and often worse than their parallels, in
Christian Germany only two centuries ago. … Of the population
it was found that three-fourths, in some parts a far larger
proportion, had perished … or fled to Switzerland, to Holland,
and to other countries never to return from them again."
R. C. TRENCH.
14. THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA (A. D. 1648);
G. W. Kitchin:
History of France,
1518-1519 (1486).
A. Gindely:
The Thirty Years’ War,
1519 (1486).
F. Kohlrausch:
History of Germany,
1519-1520 (1486-1487).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1101 (1073).
15. RESULTS OF THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA:
J. Bryce:
The Holy Roman Empire,
1520 (1487).
S. A. Dunham:
The Germanic Empire,
1520-1521 (1487-1488).
S. E. Turner:
The Germanic Constitution,
683-684 (660-661).
S. A. Dunham:
The Germanic Empire,
684 (661).
See Map of Germany at Peace of Westphalia,
1518-1519 (1486-1487).
{766}
"Both Lutherans and Calvinists were declared free from all
jurisdiction of the Pope or any Catholic prelate. Thus the
last link which bound Germany to Rome was snapped, the last of
the principles by virtue of which the Empire had existed was
abandoned. … The Peace of Westphalia was therefore an
abrogation of the sovereignty of Rome, and of the theory of
Church and State with which the name of Rome was associated. …
The Peace of Westphalia is an era in imperial history not less
clearly marked than the Coronation of Otto the Great, or the
death of Frederick II. … Properly, indeed, it was no longer an
Empire at all, but a Confederation, and that of the loosest
sort. … There were 300 petty principalities between the
Alps and the Baltic, each with its own laws, and its own
courts, its little armies, its separate coinage, its tolls and
custom-houses on the frontier, its crowd of meddlesome and
pedantic officials. This vicious system, which paralyzed the
trade, the literature, and the political thought of Germany,
had been forming itself for sometime, but did not become fully
established until the Peace of Westphalia, by emancipating the
princes from imperial control, had made them despots in their
own territories."
JAMES BRYCE.
16. THE RELATIONS OF AUSTRIA, GERMANY, AND FRANCE
AFTER THE THIRTY YEARS’ WAR:
H. von Treitschke:
History of Germany,
1521-1522 (3770-3771).
L. Häusser:
History of Germany,
1522 (3771).
H. von Sybel:
The French Revolution,
1522-1523 (1488-1489).
STUDY XXVIII.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
THE MAKING OF ENGLAND
(A. D. 449-1200).
1. BRITAIN:
C. F. Keary:
Dawn of History,
144-145 (137-138).
T. Wright:
Celt, Roman, and Saxon,
329 (319).
J. Cæsar:
Gallic War,
329 (319).
C. Merivale:
History of the Romans,
329-331 (319-321).
H. M. Scarth:
Roman Britain,
331 (321).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
332 (322).
J. R. Green:
The Making of England,
332 (322).
2. ENGLAND:
W. Stubbs:
Constitutional History of England,
121 (114).
E. A. Freeman:
The Norman Conquest,
121 (114).
T. Hodgkin:
Italy and Her Invaders,
2885 (2810).
W. Stubbs:
Constitutional History of England,
806 (779).
E. A. Freeman:
The English People,
807 (780).
J. R. Green:
The Making of England,
807-808 (780-781).
3. IRELAND:
M. Haverty:
History of Ireland,
1794-1795 (1754-1755).
E. Lawless:
The Story of Ireland,
1795 (1755).
T. Wright:
Celt, Roman, and Saxon,
1795 (1755).
4. SCOTLAND:
W. F. Skene:
Celtic Scotland,
2913-2914 (2838-2839).
J. Rhys:
Celtic Britain,
2914 (2839).
E. A. Freeman:
The Norman Conquest,
2914 (2839).
W. F. Skene:
Celtic Scotland,
2914-2915 (2839-2840).
5. THE ANGLO-SAXON CONQUEST
(A. D. 470-630):
F. Palgrave:
The Anglo-Saxons,
808 (781).
J. M. Lappenberg:
England under the Anglo-Saxon Kings,
808-809 (781-782).
E. A. Freeman:
Old English History,
809 (782).
Thomas Fuller:
Church History of Britain,
810 (782-783).
G. F. Maclear:
The Conversion of the West,
810 (783).
E. A. Freeman:
The Norman Conquest,
810 (783).
J. R. Green:
The Making of England,
811 (784).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1042 (1014).
6. THE CONVERSION OF IRELAND; ITS SCHOOLS AND MISSIONARIES:
Sir C. G. Duffy:
Irish History,
1795-1796 (1755-1756).
Count de Montalembert:
Monks of the West,
1796 (1756).
G. F. Maclear:
Conversion of the West,
474 (460).
R. C. Trench:
Mediæval Church History,
474-475 (460-461).
J. E. T. Wiltsch:
Statistics of the Church,
475 (461).
A. T. Drane:
Christian Schools,
711-712 (688-689).
"The rapid extension of the monastic institute in Ireland, and
the extraordinary ardour with which the Irish cœnobites
applied themselves to the cultivation of letters, remain
undisputed facts. ‘Within a century after the death of St.
Patrick,’ says Bishop Nicholson, ‘the Irish seminaries had so
increased that most parts of Europe sent their children to be
educated here, and drew thence their bishops and teachers.’
The whole country for miles round Leighlin was denominated the
‘land of Saints and Scholars.’ By the ninth century Armagh
could boast of 7000 students, and the schools of Cashel,
Dindaleathglass, and Lismore vied with it in renown."
A. T. DRANE.
7. THE SAXON HEPTARCHY:
E. A. Freeman:
The Norman Conquest,
811 (784).
F. Gneist:
The English Constitution,
811 (784).
E. A. Freeman:
Old English History,
812 (785).
W. F. Skene:
Celtic Scotland,
2914-2915 (2839-2810).
8. THE DANISH INVASIONS, AND ALFRED THE GREAT:
R. G. Latham:
Nationalities of Europe,
2891 (2816).
A. Thierry:
Conquest of England by the Normans,
2418 (2366).
G. W. Dasent:
The Story of Burnt Njal,
2418 (2366).
E. A. Freeman:
The Norman Conquest,
812-813 (785-786).
M. J. Guest:
History of England,
813 (786).
Thomas Hughes:
Alfred the Great,
813-814 (786-787).
S. R. Gardiner:
English History,
815-816 (788-789).
J. A. Giles:
Alfred the Great,
713 (690).
"Alfred is the most perfect character in history. … No other
man on record has ever so thoroughly united all the virtues
both of ruler and of the private man. In no other man on
record were so many virtues disfigured by so little alloy. A
saint without superstition, a scholar without ostentation, a
warrior all whose wars were fought in the defense of his
country, a conqueror whose laurels were never stained by
cruelty, a prince never cast down by adversity, never lifted
up to insolence in the day of triumph—there is no other name
in history to compare with his. … The virtue of Alfred, like
the virtue of Washington, consisted in no marvelous displays
of superhuman genius, but in the simple, straight-forward
discharge of the duty of the moment."
E. A. FREEMAN.
9. THE DANISH CONQUEST
(A. D. 970-1042):
Sir E. S. Creasy:
History of England,
816 (789).
Gardiner and Mullinger:
History of England,
816 (789).
W. Stubbs:
Constitutional History of England,
817 (790).
M. Haverty:
History of Ireland,
1796 (1756).
S. Bryant:
Celtic Ireland,
1796-1797 (1756-1757).
T. D. McGee:
History of Ireland,
1797 (1757).
10. THE SAXON RESTORATION TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST
(A. D. 1042-1066):
A. H. Johnson:
The Normans in Europe,
817-818 (790-791).
R. Vaughan:
Revolutions of English History,
819 (792).
E. A. Freeman:
The Norman Conquest,
819 (792).
{767}
11. FORMATION OF THE SCOTTISH KINGDOM,
AND ITS RELATION TO ENGLAND:
W. F. Skene:
Celtic Scotland,
2915 (2840).
E. A. Freeman:
The Norman Conquest,
2916 (2840-2841).
W. F. Skene:
Celtic Scotland,
2916 (2841).
12. WILLIAM OF NORMANDY, AND HIS CLAIMS TO THE ENGLISH CROWN:
J. R. Green:
The Conquest of England,
2417 (2365).
E. A. Freeman:
The Norman Conquest,
2417 (2365).
A. H. Johnson:
The Normans in Europe,
818 (791).
Sir F. Palgrave:
Normandy and England,
818 (791).
E. A. Freeman:
William the Conqueror,
818 (791).
13. THE BATTLE OF HASTINGS (A. D. 1066) AND NORMAN CONQUEST:
J. R. Green:
History of the English People,
819 (792).
E. A. Freeman:
The Norman Conquest,
820 (793).
A. Thierry:
The Conquest of England,
820 (793).
H. Hallam:
The Middle Ages.
820-821 (793-794).
C. Kingsley:
Hereward the Wake,
821 (794).
14. THE DOMESDAY BOOK
(A. D. 1086):
E. Fischel:
The English Constitution,
821 (794).
T. Taswell-Langmead:
English Constitutional History,
821-822 (794-795).
Stuart Moore:
A Study of Domesday Book,
822 (795).
I. Taylor:
Domesday Survivals,
822 (795).
15. SCOTLAND AND THE CONQUEST:
J. H. Burton:
History of Scotland,
2916-2917 (2841-2842).
Sir Walter Scott:
Tales of a Grandfather,
2917 (2842).
16. REIGNS OF THE SONS OF THE CONQUEROR
(A. D. 1087-1154):
S. Turner:
History of England,
823-824 (796-797).
C. H. Pearson:
England during the Middle Ages,
824 (797).
J. H. Round:
Geoffrey de Mandeville,
824-825 (797-798).
J. F. Bright:
History of England,
3106-3107 (3024-3025).
E. W. Robertson:
Scotland’s Early Kings,
2918 (2842-2843).
17. THE ANGEVIN KINGS (PLANTAGENETS);
HENRY II. (A. D. 1154-1189):
Sir F. Palgrave:
England and Normandy,
121-122 (114-115).
J. R. Green:
History of the English People,
122 (115).
K. Norgate:
England under the Angevins,
127-128 (120-121).
Mrs. J. R. Green:
Henry II.,
826 (799).
K. Norgate:
England under the Angevins,
826 (799).
C. H. Pearson:
England during the Middle Ages,
1798-1799 (1758-1759).
18. HENRY’S CONFLICT WITH THE CHURCH; BECKET
(A. D. 1162-1170):
J. Campbell:
Lives of the Lord Chancellors,
826-827 (799-800).
F. W. Maitland:
Henry II. and the Criminous Clerks,
827 (800).
A. P. Stanley:
Memorials of Canterbury,
827-828 (800-801).
H. C. Lea:
Studies in Church History,
289 (280).
Pollock and Maitland:
English Law,
1975.
J. B. Thayer:
Older Modes of Trial,
2000-2001 (1956-1957).
W. Forsyth:
Trial by Jury,
2001 and 2002 (1957-1958).
"He [Henry II.] was a foreign King who never spoke the English
tongue, who lived and moved for the most part in a foreign
camp, surrounded with a motley host of Brabançons and
hirelings. … It was under the rule of a foreigner such as
this, however, that the races of conquerors and conquered in
England first learnt to feel that they were one. It was by his
power that England, Scotland, and Ireland were brought to some
vague acknowledgment of a common suzerain lord, and the
foundations laid of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Ireland. It was he who abolished feudalism as a system of
government, and left it little more than a system of land
tenure. It was he who defined the relations established
between Church and State, and decreed that in England
churchman as well as baron was to be held under the common
law. … His reforms established the judicial system whose main
outlines have been preserved to our own day. It was through
his ‘Constitutions’ and his ‘Assizes’ that it came to pass
that over all the world the English-speaking races are
governed by English and not by Roman law. It was by his genius
for government that the servants of the royal household became
transformed into Ministers of State. It was he who gave
England a foreign policy which decided our continental
relations for seven hundred years. The impress which the
personality of Henry II. left upon his time meets us wherever
we turn."
MRS. J. R. GREEN.
19. RICHARD CŒUR DE LION
(A. D. 1189-1199):
M. Burrows:
History of England,
828 (801).
W. Stubbs: Constitutional History of England,
828 (801).
J. F. Michaud:
The Crusades,
653 (630).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
653-654 (630-631).
G. W. Cox:
The Crusades,
654 (631).
STUDY XXIX.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
ENGLAND FROM MAGNA CARTA TO ACCESSION OF THE TUDORS
(A. D. 1215-1485).
1. KING JOHN AND MAGNA CARTA
(A. D. 1215):
H. Hallam:
The Middle Ages,
1193-1194 (1162).
W. Stubbs:
Constitutional History of England,
828 (801).
M. A. Hookham:
Margaret of Anjou,
122-123 (116).
J. F. Bright:
History of England,
828-829 (801-802).
2. THE BATTLE OF BOUVINES
(A. D. 1214):
G. W. Kitchin:
History of France,
315 (305).
F. P. Guizot:
History of France,
315 (305).
3. MAGNA CARTA
(A. D. 1215, JUNE 15):
S. Turner:
England during the Middle Ages,
824 (797).
J. R. Green:
The English People,
829 (802).
W. Stubbs:
Constitutional History of England,
829-830 (802-803).
R. Gneist:
The English Constitution,
834, first column, (807).
T. P. Taswell-Langmead:
English Constitution,
888
Full Text of the Great Charter,
830-834 (803-807).
"The Great Charter although drawn up in the form of a royal
grant, was really a treaty between the King and his subjects.
… It is the collective people who really form the other high
contracting party in the great capitulation. … The Great
Charter is the first great public act of the nation, after it
has realized its identity. … The whole of the constitutional
history of England is little more than a commentary on Magna
Carta."
W. STUBBS.
{768}
4. THE EVOLUTION OP THE ENGLISH PARLIAMENT
(A. D. 1216-):
E. A. Freeman:
Growth of the English Constitution,
2552-2553 (2486-2487).
(a) Under Henry III. (A. D. 1216-1272).
R. Gneist:
The English Constitution,
834 (807).
Simon de Montfort,
834-836 (807-809).
W. Stubbs:
Constitutional History of England,
836 (809).
(b) Under Edward I. (A. D. 1272-1307).
S. R. Gardiner:
English History,
836 (809).
W. Stubbs:
The Early Plantagenets,
836-837 (809-810).
T. F. Tout:
Edward the First,
837 (810).
É. Boutmy:
The English Constitution,
837-838 (810-811)
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1061-1062 (1033-1034).
5. GROWTH OF THE COMMON LAW UNDER HENRY III. AND EDWARD I.:
T. P. Taswell-Langmead:
English Constitution,
838 (811).
See Law, Common,
2005-2007 (1960-1963).
6. CONQUEST OF SCOTLAND AND WALES BY EDWARD I.:
J. R. Green:
History of the English People,
2919-2920 (2844-2845).
W. Stubbs:
The Early Plantagenets,
3764-3765 (3643-3644).
7. RESISTANCE TO PAPAL AGGRESSIONS
(A. D. 1200-1400):
C. H. Pearson:
England during Middle Ages,
838 (811).
T. P. Taswell-Langmead:
English Constitution,
838 (811).
W. Stubbs:
Constitutional History of England,
838-839 (811-812).
8. Renewal of the Wars with Scotland; Bannockburn
(A. D. 1314):
M. MacArthur:
History of Scotland,
2920 (2845).
J. H. Burton:
History of Scotland,
2920-2921 (2845-2846).
W. Denton:
England in the 15th Century,
2921-2922 (2846-2847).
P. F. Tytler:
History of Scotland,
2922 (2847).
9. THE NOTABLE REIGN OF EDWARD III.
(A. D. 1327-1377):
(a) His Wars with the Scots.
W. Robertson:
History of Scotland,
2922 (2847).
Sir Walter Scott:
History of Scotland,
2922-2923 (2847-2848).
W. Warburton:
Edward III.,
2923-2924 (2848-2849).
Sir Walter Scott:
Tales of a Grandfather,
2924 (2849).
J. R. Green:
The English People,
291 (282).
(b) The One Hundred Years War
(A. D. 1337-1453).
J. Froissart:
Chronicles,
1200-1201 (1168-1169).
H. Hallam:
The Middle Ages,
1201 and 2868 (1169, 2794).
G. W. Kitchin;
History of France,
1201 (1169).
H. Hallam:
Middle Ages,
1201 (1169).
F. P. Guizot:
History of France,
1204 (1172).
C. H. Pearson:
English History,
839 (812).
(c) The Black Death
(A. D. 1348-1349).
J. E. T. Rogers:
History of Agriculture,
292-293 and 1970 (283-284 and 1929).
G. Boccaccio:
The Decameron,
1166 (1136).
J. Michelet:
History of France,
1201-1202 (1169-1170).
J. E. T. Rogers:
History of Agriculture,
840 (813).
10. CHAUCER, AND THE NEW ENGLISH LANGUAGE
(A. D. 1340-1400):
B. Ten Brink:
English Literature,
840-841 (813-814).
G. P. Marsh:
History of the English Language,
841 (814).
11. WYCLIF, AND THE TRANSLATION OF THE BIBLE
(A. D. 1384):
J. A. Froude:
History of England,
842 (815).
J. Gairdner:
English History,
842 (815).
12. THE LOLLARDS, AND WAT TYLER REBELLION
(A. D. 1375-):
C. Ullmann:
Reformers before the Reformation,
285-286 (276-277).
B. Herford:
Story of Religion in England,
841-842 (814-815).
S. R. Gardiner:
English History,
842-843 (815-816).
J. Gairdner:
Houses of Lancaster and York,
843 (816).
C. H. Pearson:
English History,
843-844 (816-817).
J. R. Green:
History of the English People,
844 (817).
Professor de Vericour:
Wat Tyler,
844 (817).
J. N. Larned:
England under Richard II.,
1068-1069 (1040-1041).
13. THE HOUSE OF LANCASTER
(A. D. 1399-1471):
J. Gairdner:
The Houses of Lancaster and York,
844-845 (817-818).
J. H. Burton:
History of Scotland,
2925 (2850).
J. Gairdner:
Houses of Lancaster and York,
3765 (3644).
W. Stubbs:
Constitutional History of England,
845 (818).
14. HENRY V. (1413-1422) AND AGINCOURT:
A. J. Church:
Henry the Fifth,
1205-1206 (1173-1174).
C. M. Yonge:
English History,
1206-1207 (1174-1175).
F. P. Guizot:
History of France,
1207 (1175).
A. J. Church:
Henry the Fifth,
1207 (1175).
15. HENRY VI. (1422-1471) AND END OF HUNDRED YEARS’ WAR:
A. de Lamartine:
Joan of Arc,
1207-1208 and 1208-1209 (1175-1176).
Lord Mahon:
Historical Essays,
1209 (1177).
J. O’Hagan:
Joan of Arc,
1209 (1177).
E. E. Crowe:
History of France,
1210 (1178).
C. W. Oman:
Warwick, the Kingmaker,
846-847 (819-820).
16. THE WARS OF THE ROSES
(A. D. 1455-1485):
Mrs. Hookham:
Life of Margaret of Anjou,
847 (820).
J. S. Brewer:
Reign of Henry VIII.,
848 (821).
W. Denton:
England in the 15th Century,
848 (821).
É. Boutmy:
The English Constitution,
848 (821).
J. Gairdner:
Henry VII.,
1801 (1761).
17. THE HOUSE OF YORK (A. D. 1461-1485);
THE "NEW MONARCHY":
Sir J. Mackintosh:
History of England,
848-849 (821-822).
J. R. Green:
History of the English People,
849 (822).
C. M. Yonge:
English History.
849 (822).
J. Gairdner:
Life of Richard III.,
849-850 (822-823).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1069-1071 (1041-1043).
18. ADVANCE IN CIVILIZATION, 14TH TO 16TH CENTURIES:
(a) The Renaissance in England.
H. A. Taine:
English Literature,
851-852 (824-825).
J. A. Symonds:
Shakespere’s Predecessors,
852-823 (825-826).
A. Lang:
Oxford,
729-730 (706-707).
{769}
(b) The State of Learning.
B. Ten Brink:
English Literature,
840-841 (813-814).
H. C. M. Lyte:
The University of Oxford,
722 (699).
A. Lang:
Oxford,
722-723 (699-700).
V. A. Huber:
English Universities,
723-724 (700-701).
J. Mullinger:
The University of Cambridge,
724 (701).
W. Everett:
On the Cam,
724 (701).
F. Seebohm:
The Oxford Reformers,
730-731 (707-708).
C. Knight:
History of England,
2009 (1965).
(c) Caxton, and the Introduction of Printing.
J. R. Green:
History of the English People,
2662-2663 (2590-2591).
J. H. Slater:
Book Collecting,
2663 (2591).
T. A. Romer:
Copyright Law,
2009-2010 (1965-1966).
(d) Trade and Commerce.
L. Levi:
British Commerce,
3222 (3711).
W. Cunningham:
Growth of English Industry,
3222 (3711).
J. Michelet:
History of France,
1156 (1126).
STUDY XXX.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
ENGLAND: THE TUDORS (A. D. 1485-1603).
1. THE ACCESSION OF THE TUDORS; HENRY VII. (A. D. 1485-1509):
J. Forster:
Historical Essays,
850 (823).
J. Gairdner:
Henry the Seventh,
853 (826).
J. H. Burton:
History of Scotland,
2926-2927 (2851-2852).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1089 (1061).
2. THE FIRST ENGLISH VOYAGES OF DISCOVERY
(A. D. 1497-1498):
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
58 (51).
H. Harrisse:
The Discovery of America,
61 (3678).
"The discovery of the continent of North America and the first
landing on its east coast were accomplished, not by Sebastian
Cabot, but by his father John, in 1197, under the auspices of
King Henry VII. … The voyage of 1498, also accomplished under
the British flag, was likewise carried out by John Cabot
personally … and the exploration embraced the northeast coast
of the present United States, as far as Florida."
HENRY HARRISSE.
"Under this patent John Cabot, taking with him his son
Sebastian, embarked in quest of new islands and a passage to
Asia by the northwest. On the 24th day of June [1497], almost
fourteen months before Columbus came in sight of the main, and
more than two years before Amerigo Vespucci sailed west of the
Canaries, he discovered the western Continent, probably in the
latitude of about 56°, among the dismal cliffs of Labrador. He
ran along the coast for many leagues, it is said for even 300,
and landed on what he considered to be the territory of the
Grand Cham."
GEORGE BANCROFT.
3. HENRY VIII. (1509-1547) AND CARDINAL WOLSEY:
Sir R. Comyn:
The Western Empire,
1218 (1186).
M. Creighton:
Cardinal Wolsey,
854 (827).
4. THE FIELD OF THE CLOTH OF GOLD (A. D. 1520):
J. Michelet:
Modern History,
1222 (1190).
J. S. Brewer:
Henry VIII.,
1148 (1119).
5. HENRY VIII., AND THE DIVORCE QUESTION:
G. P. Fisher:
The Christian Church,
854-855 (827-828).
Sir J. Mackintosh:
Sir Thomas More,
855-856 (828-829).
Sir J. Mackintosh:
History of England,
858-859 (831-832).
6. THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND
(A. D. 1530-):
(a) Origin of the Term "Protestant."
P. Bayne:
Martin Luther,
2516-2517 (2455-2456).
(b) Henry’s Rupture with Rome.
G. P. Fisher:
The Christian Church,
855 (828).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1089-1090 (1061-1062).
(c) The Establishment of the Church of England.
T. B. Macaulay:
History of England,
856 (829).
J. Tulloch:
Christian Philosophy,
856-857 (829-830).
G. G. Perry:
The Reformation in England,
857 (830).
"The Reformation in England was singular amongst the great
religious movements of the sixteenth century. It was the least
heroic of them all—the least swayed by religious passion, or
moulded and governed by spiritual and theological necessities.
From a general point of view, it looks at first little more
than a great political change. The exigencies of royal
passion, and the dubious impulses of statecraft, seem its
moving and really powerful springs. … The lust and avarice of
Henry, the policy of Cromwell, and the vacillations of the
leading clergy, attract prominent notice; but there may be
traced beneath the surface a widespread evangelical fervour
amongst the people, and, above all, a genuine spiritual
earnestness and excitement of thought at the universities.
These higher influences preside at the first birth of the
movement. They are seen in active operation long before the
reforming task was taken up by the Court and the bishops."
J. TULLOCH.
(d) The Suppression of the Monasteries.
H. Hallam:
History of England,
857-858 (830-831).
G. G. Perry:
Reformation in England,
858 (831).
F. A. Gasquet:
Henry VIII. and the Monasteries,
858 (831).
(e) The Reaction; The "Six Articles."
J. F. Bright:
History of England,
859 (832).
(f) The Establishment of Protestantism under Edward VI.
(A. D. 1547-1553).
D. Hume:
History of England,
859-860 (832-833).
J. R. Green:
History of the English People,
860 (833).
7. THE FOREIGN RELATIONS OF HENRY VIII.:
(a) Scotland.
J. H. Burton:
History of Scotland,
2926-2927 (2851-2852).
J. F. Bright:
History of England,
2927 (2852).
Sir W. Scott:
History of Scotland,
2927 (2852).
D. Hume:
History of England,
2927-2928 (2852-2853).
D. Wilson:
Memories of Edinburgh,
2928 (2853).
(b) Ireland.
M. Haverty:
History of Ireland,
2471 (2412).
J. A. Froude:
History of England,
1801-1802 (1761-1762).
J. R. Green:
History of the English People,
1802-1803 (1762-1763).
(c) France.
W. Robertson:
Reign of Charles V.,
1880-1882 (1840-1842).
F. P. Guizot:
History of France,
1225 (1193).
E. de Bonnechose:
History of France,
1225-1226 (1193-1194).
8. THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND:
W. Robertson:
History of Scotland,
2928-2929 (2853-2854).
L. von Ranke:
History of England,
2929-2930 (2854-2855).
J. Cunningham:
Church History of Scotland,
2930 (2855).
M. Creighton:
The Age of Elizabeth,
2930-2931 (2855-2856).
{770}
9. "BLOODY" MARY, AND CATHOLIC ASCENDENCY
(A. D. 1553-1558):
Sir J. Mackintosh:
History of England,
860-861 (833-834).
T. Fuller:
Church History of Britain,
861 (834).
R. Southey:
Book of the Church,
861-862 (834-835).
Sir J. Mackintosh:
History of England,
862 (835).
J. A. Froude:
History of England,
862 (835).
H. Hallam:
Constitutional History of England,
862 (835).
W. H. Jervis:
History of France,
1228 (1196).
10. THE ACCESSION OF ELIZABETH; THE ELIZABETHAN AGE
(A. D. 1558-1603):
(a) The Final Establishment of Protestantism.
D. Hume:
History of England,
862-863 (835-836).
C. Beard:
The Reformation,
863 (836).
(b) The Civil Government.
M. Burrows:
History of England,
863 (836).
H. Hallam:
Constitutional History of England,
863-864 (836-837).
E. Fischel:
The English Constitution,
2993 (2915).
D. Campbell:
The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
2027 (1983).
Austin Abbott:
Capital Punishment,
2027 (1983).
(c) The State of Literature.
W. Hazlitt:
Literature of the Age of Elizabeth,
864 (837).
J. A. Symonds:
Elizabethan and Victorian Poetry,
864-865 (837-838).
(d) The Rise of the Great Schools of England.
H. Coleridge:
Biographia Borealis,
731 (708).
F. Seebohm:
The Oxford Reformers,
730-731 (707-708).
T. Hughes:
The Public Schools of England,
733-735 (710-712).
Our Public Schools—Their Discipline,
735 (712).
(e) Trade and Commerce.
C. Gross:
The Gild Merchant,
2197 (2153).
J. N. Larned:
Commercial Progress,
3228-3229 (3718).
Lord Mahon:
History of England,
1748-1749 (1710).
11. THE ACT OF SUPREMACY, AND ACT OF UNIFORMITY:
M. Burrows:
History of England,
865 (838).
D. Neal:
History of the Puritans,
865-866 (838-839).
12. THE RISE OF PURITANISM
(About A. D. 1560):
J. A. Froude:
History of England,
866 (839).
T. B. Macaulay:
History of England,
866-867 (840).
H. O. Wakeman:
The Church and the Puritans,
867 (840).
13. FIRST USE OF THE TERM "PROTESTANT"
(A. D. 1564):
T. Fuller:
Church History of Britain,
867 (840).
P. Heylyn:
Ecclesia Restaurata,
867 (840).
14. ELIZABETH AND THE CATHOLICS:
H. Hallam:
Constitutional History of England,
867 (840).
J. F. Bright:
History of England,
867-868 (840-841).
J. L. Motley:
The United Netherlands,
868 (841).
15. MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS:
D. Wilson:
Memorials of Edinburgh,
2928 (2853).
M. Mac Arthur:
History of Scotland,
2931-2932 (2856-2857).
E. S. Beesly:
Queen Elizabeth,
2932 (2857).
J. Skelton:
Historical Essays,
2932-2933 (2857-2858).
T. F. Henderson:
The Casket Letters,
2933 (2858).
S. H. Burke:
Historical Portraits,
2933-2934 (2858-2859).
A. C. Swinburne:
Mary Queen of Scots,
2934 (2859).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1095-1096 (1067-1068).
16. MARY AND THE CATHOLIC CONSPIRACIES; HER EXECUTION
(A. D. 1587):
J. R. Green:
History of the English People,
868-869 (841-842).
J. A. Froude:
History of England,
869 (842).
17. THE EFFECT OF MARY’S EXECUTION; THE SPANISH ARMADA
(A. D. 1588):
R. Southey:
Lives of British Admirals,
869 (842).
S. A. Dunham:
Spain and Portugal,
869 (842).
J. L. Motley:
The United Netherlands,
869-870 (842-843).
H. R. Clinton:
From Crécy to Assye,
870-871 (843-844).
W. Camden:
History of Queen Elizabeth,
871-872 (844-845).
"The flame of patriotism never burnt purer; all Englishmen
alike, Romanists, Protestant Episcopalians, and Puritans, were
banded together to resist the invader. Every hamlet was on the
alert for the beacon-signal. … Philip’s preparations had been
commensurate with the grandeur of his scheme. … A vast
armament, named, as if to provoke Nemesis, the ‘Invincible
Armada,’ on which for three years the treasures of the
American mines had been lavished, at length rode the seas,
blessed with Papal benediction and under the patronage of the
Saints. … The 129 vessels were armed with 2430 brass and iron
guns of the best manufacture, and carried 5000 seamen. Parma’s
army amounted to 30,000 men—Spaniards, Portuguese, Italians,
and Walloons; and 19,000 Castilians and Portuguese, with 1000
gentlemen volunteers, were coming to meet him. … The overthrow
of this armament was effected by the navy and the elements. …
More than two-thirds of the expedition perished; and of the
remnant that again viewed the hills of Spain all but a few
hundred returned only to die."
H. R. CLINTON.
18. PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND:
M. C. Taylor:
John Knox,
2934 (2859).
T. Carlyle:
Heroes and Hero Worship,
2934-2935 (2859-2860).
J. Tulloch:
John Knox,
2935 (2860).
W. Robertson:
History of Scotland,
2935 (2860).
J. Cunningham:
Church History of Scotland,
2935-2936 (2860-2861).
T. M’Crie:
Scottish Church History,
2936 (2861).
J. Cunningham:
Church History of Scotland,
2936-2937 (2861-2862).
Sir W. Scott:
History of Scotland,
2937 (2862).
19. THE ACCESSION OF THE STUARTS; JAMES I.
(A. D. 1603):
J. Forster:
Historical Essays,
872 (845).
"His [James’] mother was Marie Stuart, or Mary, Queen of
Scots, born of her marriage with Lord Darnley. He came to the
English throne at a time when the autocratic spirit of the
Tudors, making use of the peculiar circumstances of their
time, had raised the royal power and prerogative to their most
exalted pitch; and he united the two Kingdoms of Scotland and
England under one sovereignty. The noble inheritance fell to a
race who, comprehending not one of the conditions by which
alone it was possible to be retained, profligately misused
until they lost it utterly. … What is called the Great
Rebellion can have no comment so pregnant as that which is
suggested by the character and previous career of the first of
the Stuart Kings."
J. FORSTER.
{771}
STUDY XXXI.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
ENGLAND: JAMES I. AND CHARLES I.; THE GREAT REBELLION
(A. D. 1603-1649).
I. THE ACCESSION OF THE STUARTS
(A. D. 1603):
*
J. H. Burton:
History of Scotland,
2925 (2850).
M. Noble:
Genealogy of the House of Stuart,
2925 (2850).
J. Forster:
Historical Essays,
872 (845).
T. P. Taswell-Langmead:
English Constitutional History,
3107 (3025).
A. V. Dicey:
The Privy Council,
3107-3108 (3025-3026).
2. THE REIGN OF JAMES I.
(A. D. 1603-1625):
T. McCrie:
Scottish Church History,
872-873 (845-846).
D. Hume:
History of England,
873 (846).
H. Hallam:
Constitutional History of England,
874 (847).
J. Cunningham:
Church History of Scotland,
2937 (2862).
3. THE SETTLEMENTS IN AMERICA:
(a) In Virginia (A. D. 1606-).
John Fiske:
Beginnings of New England,
3748 (3627).
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
3748-3749 (3627-3628).
H. C. Lodge:
English Colonies in America,
3749 (3628).
(b) The Independents or Separatists.
J. A. Goodwin:
The Pilgrim Republic,
2690-2691 (2617-2618).
G. Punchard:
History of Congregationalism,
2691 (2618).
J. Hunter:
The Founders of New Plymouth,
1737 (1698).
D. Masson:
Life of John Milton,
1737 (1698).
(c) The Plymouth, Massachusetts, Colony
(A. D. 1620).
J. Fiske:
The Beginnings of New England,
1738 (1699).
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
1738-1739 (1699-1700).
F. B. Dexter:
The Pilgrim Church,
2141-2142 (2097-2098).
(d) The Massachusetts Bay Company
(A. D. 1630).
J. B. Moore:
Governors of Massachusetts Bay,
2145-2146 (2101-2102).
S. A. Drake:
Around the Hub,
2146-2147 (2102-2103).
R. C. Winthrop:
Boston Founded,
2147 (2103).
4. CHARLES I. (A. D. 1625-1649);
THE GREAT REBELLION:
T. B. Macaulay:
History of England,
874 (847).
C. D. Yonge:
History of France,
1252-1253 (1220-1221).
W. E. H. Lecky:
History of England,
1805 (1765).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1103-1104 (1075-1076).
"He [Charles I.] seems to have learned from the theologians
whom he most esteemed that between him and his subjects there
could be nothing of the nature of mutual contract; that he
could not, even if he would, divest himself of his despotic
authority; and that, in every promise which he made, there was
an implied reservation that such promise might be broken in
case of necessity, and that of the necessity he was the sole
judge."
T. B. MACAULAY.
5. THE PETITION OF RIGHT
(A. D. 1628):
H. Hallam:
Constitutional History of England,
874 and 875 (847, 848).
Full Text of the Petition of Right,
875-876 (848-849).
"Our English Constitution was never made, in the sense in
which the Constitutions of many other countries have been
made. There never was any moment when Englishmen drew out
their political system in the shape of a formal document,
whether as the carrying out of any abstract political theories
or as the imitation of the past or present system of any other
nation. There are indeed certain great political documents,
each of which forms a land mark in our political history.
There is the Great Charter [1215], the Petition of Right
[1628], and the Bill of Rights [1689]. But not one of these
gave itself out as the enactment of anything new. All claimed
to set forth, with new strength, it might be, and with new
clearness, those rights of Englishmen which were already old.
… The life and soul of English law has ever been precedent; we
have always held that whatever our fathers once did their sons
have a right to do again."
E. A. FREEMAN.
"Lord Chatham called these three [Magna Carta, the Petition of
Right, and the Bill of Rights] ‘The Bible of the English
Constitution,’ to which appeal is to be made on every grave
political question."
SIR E. S. CREASY.
6. THE BURNING QUESTION OF TAXATION:
T. Carlyle:
Cromwell’s Letters and Speeches,
877 (850).
T. B. Macaulay:
Essays.—Hampden,
878-879 (851-852).
7. BUCKINGHAM AND LAUD:
C. M. Yonge:
English History,
876-877 (849-850).
F. P. Guizot:
The English Revolution,
877-878 (850-851).
8. PRESBYTERIANS AND INDEPENDENTS:
J. Rushworth:
Historical Collections,
879 (852).
W. Godwin:
History of the Commonwealth,
879 (852).
D. Masson:
Life of John Milton,
1737 (1698).
9. THE SCOTTISH NATIONAL COVENANT
(A. D. 1638):
T. Fuller:
Church History of Britain,
2937-2938 (2862-2863).
J. H. Burton:
History of Scotland,
2938 (2863).
J. Taylor:
The Scottish Covenanters,
2938 (2863).
A. P. Stanley:
The Church of Scotland,
2938-2939 (2863-2864).
Full text of the National Covenant,
2939-2942 (2864-2867).
10. THE BISHOPS’ WARS:
M. MacArthur:
History of Scotland,
2942-2943 (2867-2868).
T. Carlyle:
Cromwell’s Letters and Speeches,
879-880 (852-853).
11. WENTWORTH’S SYSTEM OF "THOROUGH":
R. Hassencamp:
History of Ireland,
1805-1806 (1765-1766).
R. Browning:
Thomas Wentworth,
1806 (1766).
12. THE LONG PARLIAMENT (1640-1641);
EXECUTION OF STRAFFORD:
T. B. Macaulay:
Essays.—Hampden,
880 (853).
G. B. Smith:
History of the English Parliament,
2553 (2487).
J. R. Green:
The English People,
880-881 (853-854).
H. D. Traill:
Lord Strafford,
881 (854).
R. Browning:
Thomas Wentworth,
881-882 (855).
Text of the Articles of Impeachment of Strafford,
882 (855).
13. RISE OF PERMANENT PARTIES; CAVALIERS AND ROUNDHEADS:
T. B. Macaulay:
History of England,
882-883 (855-856).
D. Masson:
Life of John Milton,
2828 (2754).
14. THE GRAND REMONSTRANCE
(A. D. 1641):
D. Masson:
Life of John Milton,
883 (856).
J. Forster:
Historical Essays,
883 (856).
Full Text of the Grand Remonstrance,
883-893 (856-866).
15. THE BEGINNING OF CIVIL WAR
(A. D. 1642):
D. Hume:
History of England,
893-894 (866-867).
T. Carlyle:
Letters and Speeches of Cromwell,
894 (867).
D. Masson:
Life of John Milton,
894-895 (867-868).
F. Harrison:
Oliver Cromwell,
895 (868).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1104-1105 (1076-1077).
{772}
16. EARLY ENGAGEMENTS AND CROMWELL’S IRONSIDES;
J. F. Bright:
History of England,
895-896 (868-869).
T. Carlyle:
Letters and Speeches of Cromwell,
896 (869).
F. Harrison:
Oliver Cromwell,
896 (869).
"These were the men who ultimately decided the war, and
established the Commonwealth. On the field of Marston, Rupert
gave Cromwell the name of Ironside, and from thence this
famous name passed to his troopers. There are two features in
their history which we need to note. They were indeed ‘such
men as had some conscience in their work’; but they were also
much more. They were disciplined and trained soldiers. They
were the only body of ‘regulars ’ on either side. The
instinctive genius of Cromwell from the very first created the
strong nucleus of a regular army, which at last in discipline,
in skill, in valor, reached the highest perfection ever
attained by soldiers either in ancient or modern times."
FREDERIC HARRISON.
17. THE WESTMINSTER ASSEMBLY, AND SOLEMN LEAGUE AND COVENANT
(A. D. 1643):
D. Masson:
Life of Milton,
896-897 (869-870).
J. Forster:
Statesmen of the Commonwealth,
897-898 (870-871).
Text of the Solemn League and Covenant,
898-899 (871-872).
18. THE CATHOLIC RISING AND MASSACRES IN IRELAND
(A. D. 1641):
L. von Ranke:
History of England,
1806-1807 (1766-1767).
W. A. O’Connor:
The Irish People,
1807 (1767).
M. Hickson:
Ireland in 17th Century,
1807 (1767).
N. L. Walford:
Parliamentary Generals,
896 (869).
J. R. Green:
English People,
896 (869).
19. PROGRESS OF THE WAR; MARSTON MOOR
(A. D. 1644):
T. B. Macaulay:
History of England,
899 (872).
Earl of Clarendon:
History of the Rebellion,
899-900 (872-873).
N. L. Walford:
Parliamentary Generals,
900 (873).
C. R. Markham:
Life of Lord Fairfax,
900 (873).
C. Knight:
The History of England,
900 (873).
20. FROM MARSTON MOOR TO NASEBY:
F. Harrison:
Oliver Cromwell,
901 (874).
H. Hallam:
Constitutional History of England,
901 (874).
N. L. Walford:
Parliamentary Generals,
901 (874).
J. F. Bright:
History of England,
902 (875).
T. Carlyle:
Cromwell’s Letters and Speeches,
902 (875)
21. CLOSING EVENTS OF THE WAR
(A. D. 1645-1648):
H. Hallam:
Constitutional History of England,
902 (875).
C. R. Markham:
Life of Lord Fairfax,
903 (876).
W. Chambers:
Stories of Old Families,
2943 (2868).
B. M. Cordery:
King and Commonwealth,
903 (876).
J. A. Picton:
Oliver Cromwell,
903-904 (876-877).
J. K. Hosmer:
Life of Sir Henry Vane,
904-905 (877-878).
J. R. Green:
History of the English People,
905 (878).
22. THE SECOND CIVIL WAR, AND BATTLE OF PRESTON
(A. D. 1648):
F. Harrison:
Oliver Cromwell,
906 (879).
H. Hallam:
Constitutional History of England,
906 (879).
F. P. Guizot:
The English Revolution,
906 (879).
23. PRIDE’S PURGE, AND THE RUMP PARLIAMENT:
W. Godwin:
History of the Commonwealth,
906-907 (879-880).
J. K. Hosmer:
Life of Sir Henry Vane,
907 (880).
D. Neal:
History of the Puritans,
907 (880).
24. TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF CHARLES I.
(A. D. 1649):
C. Knight:
History of England,
907-908 (880-881).
F. Harrison:
Oliver Cromwell,
908 (881).
W. Godwin:
History of the Commonwealth,
908-909 (881-882).
S. R. Gardiner:
History of the Great Civil War,
909 (882).
Text of the Act arraigning the King,
909-910 (882-883).
"As the head of the King rolled on the scaffold the old Feudal
Monarchy expired forever. In January, 1649, a great mark was
set in the course of the national life—the Old Rule behind it,
the New Rule before it. Parliamentary government, the consent
of the Nation, equality of rights, and equity in the law—all
date from this great New Departure. The Stuarts indeed
returned for one generation, but with the sting of the old
monarchy gone, and only to disappear almost without a blow.
The Church of England returned; but not the Church of Laud or
of Charles. The peers returned, but as a meek House of Lords
with their castles razed, their feudal rights and their
political power extinct. It is said that the regicides killed
Charles I. only to make Charles II. King. It is not so. They
killed the old Monarchy; and the restored monarch was by no
means its heir, but a royal Stadtholder or Hereditary
President."
FREDERIC HARRISON.
25. THE EIKON BASILIKE (FEBRUARY, 1649):
D. Masson:
Life of John Milton,
910 (883).
T. Carlyle:
Life, by Froude,
910-911 (883-884).
STUDY XXXII.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
ENGLAND: FROM THE COMMONWEALTH TO CLOSE OF STUART DYNASTY
(A. D. 1649-1714).
1. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE COMMONWEALTH
(A. D. 1649):
D. Masson:
Life of John Milton,
910 (883).
D. Masson:
Life of John Milton,
2043 (1999).
J. A. Picton:
Oliver Cromwell,
2043 (1999).
2. CROMWELL IN IRELAND
(A. D. 1649-1650):
N. L. Walford:
Parliamentary Generals,
1807-1808 (1767-1768).
B. M. Cordery:
King and Commonwealth,
1808 (1768).
T. Carlyle:
Cromwell’s Letters and Speeches,
1808-1809 (1768-1769).
J. P. Prendergast:
The Cromwellian Settlement,
1809-1810 (1769-1770).
3. THE SCOTTISH REVOLT; DUNBAR AND WORCESTER
(A. D. 1650-1651):
J. H. M. d’Aubigné:
The Protector,
2943-2944 (2868-2869).
J. F. Bright:
History of England,
2944 (2869).
C. Knight:
History of England,
2945 (2870).
D. Hume:
History of England,
2945 (2870).
F. P. Guizot:
Oliver Cromwell,
2945-2946 (2870-2871).
4. PASSAGE OF THE NAVIGATION ACTS
(A. D. 1651):
D. Campbell:
The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
2332-2333 (2284-2285).
G. L. Craik:
British Commerce,
2293 (2245).
E. G. Scott:
Constitutional Liberty in English Colonies,
3286-3287 (3170-3171).
{773}
5. WAR WITH THE DUTCH REPUBLIC
(A.D. 1652-1624):
D. Hume:
History of England,
911-912 (884-885).
J. F. Blight:
History of England,
912 (885).
6. CROMWELL AND THE PARLIAMENTS
(A. D. 1651-1653):
J. R. Green:
Short History of England,
911 (884).
F. Harrison:
Oliver Cromwell,
912-913 (885-886).
T. Carlyle:
Cromwell’s Letters and Speeches,
913 (886).
F. P. Guizot:
Oliver Cromwell,
913 (886).
7. THE PROTECTORATE
(A. D. 1653-1660):
Full Text of the Instrument of Government,
914-918 (887-891).
D. Masson:
Life of John Milton,
913-914 (886-887).
F. Harrison:
Oliver Cromwell,
918 (891).
H. Hallam:
Constitutional History of England,
918 (891).
B. M. Cordery:
King and Commonwealth,
919 (892).
"His [Cromwell’s] wish seems to have been to govern
constitutionally, and to substitute the empire of the laws for
that of the sword. But he soon found that, hated as he was,
both by Royalists and Presbyterians, he could be safe only by
being absolute. … Those soldiers who would not suffer him to
assume the kingly title, stood by him when he ventured on acts
of power as high as any English King has ever attempted. The
government, therefore, though in form a republic, was in truth
a despotism, moderated only by the wisdom, the sobriety, and
the magnanimity of the despot."
T. B. MACAULAY.
8. THE RESTORATION; CHARLES II.
(A. D. 1660-1685):
T. B. Macaulay:
History of England,
919-920 (892-893).
F. P. Guizot:
The Restoration,
920 (893).
C. Dickens:
History of England,
920-921 (893-894).
H. Martin:
History of France,
921 (894).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1105-1106 (1077-1078).
J. Lingard:
History of England,
1810 (1770).
9. THE STATE OF THE CHURCH FOLLOWING THE RESTORATION:
O. Airy:
The English Restoration,
921 (894).
J. Stoughton:
History of Religion,
921 (894).
J. Lingard:
History of England,
921-922 (894-895).
E. Calamy:
The Nonconformist’s Memorial,
922 (895).
T. B. Macaulay:
History of England,
2946(2871).
J. F. Bright:
History of England,
2946 (2871).
10. THE WARS WITH HOLLAND
(A.D. 1665-1678):
O. Airy:
The English Restoration,
2333 (2285).
G. P. R. James.
Life of Louis XIV.,
2333-2334 (2285-2286).
J. R. Green:
History of the English People,
2334 (2286).
J. Lingard:
History of England,
2335 (2287).
C. M. Yonge:
Landmarks of History,
2335-2336 (2287-2288).
O. Airy:
The English Restoration,
2336 (2288).
J. R. Brodhead:
History of New York,
2336-2337 (2288-2289).
H. Martin:
History of France,
2414 (2362).
J. A. Stevens:
The English in New York,
2383 (2330-2331).
J. R. Brodhead:
History of New York,
2384-2385 (2332-2333).
11. CATHOLICISM AND THE TEST ACT
(A. D. 1673):
J. Lingard:
History of England,
922-923 (895-896).
J. R. Green:
History of the English People,
923-924 (896-897).
J. Stoughton:
History of Religion,
924 (897).
12. TITUS OATES, AND THE ALLEGED POPISH PLOT
(A. D. 1678-1679):
A. B. Buckley:
History of England,
924 (897).
T. B. Macaulay:
History of England,
924 (897).
A. Carrel:
The Counter-Reformation,
925 (898).
C. Butler:
Memoirs of English Catholics,
925 (898).
H. Hallam:
Constitutional History of England,
930 (903).
13. THE HABEAS CORPUS ACT
(A. D. 1679):
D. Hume:
History of England,
925 (898).
E. Fischel:
The English Constitution,
925-926 (898-899).
W. Blackstone:
Commentaries,
2014 (1970).
Full Text of the Act,
926-929 (899-902).
14. WHIGS AND TORIES
(ABOUT A. D. 1680):
D. Hume:
History of England.
930 (903).
W. E. H. Lecky:
History of England,
2698 (2625).
G. Burnet:
History of My Own Time,
3772 (3651).
15. JAMES II. (A. D. 1685-1689);
THE REVOLUTION:
J. R. Green:
History of the English People,
930 (903).
T. B. Macaulay:
History of England,
931 (904).
J. F. Bright:
History of England,
931 (904).
T. B. Macaulay:
History of England,
931-932 (904-905).
Sir J. Mackintosh:
History of the Revolution,
932 (905).
16. THE REVOLUTION:
W. H. Torriano:
William the Third,
933 (906).
Sir J. Mackintosh:
History of the Revolution,
933-934 (906-907).
R. Vaughan:
England under the Stuarts,
934-935 (907-908).
17. WILLIAM AND MARY
(A. D. 1689-1702):
J. R. Green:
History of the English People,
934 (907).
Sir J. Mackintosh:
History of the Revolution,
934 (907).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1106-1107 (1078-1079).
H. D. Traill:
William the Third,
934 (907).
H. Hallam:
Constitutional History of England,
935-936 (908-909).
Full Text of the Bill of Rights,
987-989 (910-912).
18. THE WAR IN IRELAND;
THE BATTLE OF THE BOYNE AND PEACE OF LIMERICK:
E. Hale:
The Fall of the Stuarts,
1810-1811 (1770-1771).
T. B. Macaulay:
History of England,
1811 (1771).
W. H. Torriano:
William the Third,
1811-1812 (1771-1772).
W. E. H. Lecky:
History of England,
1812-1813 (1772-1773).
W. K. Sullivan:
Two Centuries of Irish History,
1813-1814 (1773-1774).
J. R. Green:
History of the English People,
1814 (1774).
19. THE CHURCH AND THE REVOLUTION:
J. Rowley:
The Settlement of the Constitution,
936 (909).
E. Hale:
The Fall of the Stuarts,
2948-2949 (2873-2874).
J. Cunningham:
Church History of Scotland,
2949 (2874).
20. WAR WITH FRANCE;
BEACHY HEAD, AND LA HOGUE
(A. D. 1690-1692):
W. H. Torriano:
William the Third,
939 (912).
T. B. Macaulay:
History of England,
939 (912).
H. Martin:
History of France,
939-940 (912-13).
G. P. R. James:
Life of Louis XIV.,
1275 (1243).
J. W. Gerard:
The Peace of Utrecht,
1275-1276 (1243-1244).
{774}
21. FOUNDING OF THE BANK OF ENGLAND
(A. D. 1694):
T. B. Macaulay:
History of England,
2253-2254 (2209-2210).
W. Bagehot:
Lombard Street,
2254-2255 (2210-2211).
"It was indeed not easy to guess that a bill, which purported
only to impose a new duty on tonnage for the benefit of such
persons as should advance money towards carrying on the war
was really a bill creating the greatest commercial institution
that the world had ever seen."
T. B. MACAULAY.
22. THE ACT OF SETTLEMENT
(A. D. 1701):
J. Rowley:
Settlement of the Constitution,
940-941 (913-914).
H. Hallam:
Constitutional History of England,
941 (914).
"According to the tenor and intention of the Act of Settlement
all prior claims of inheritance, save that of the issue of
King William and the Princess Anne, being set aside and
annulled, the Princess Sophia became the source of a new royal
line. The throne of England and Ireland, by virtue of the
paramount will of Parliament, stands entailed upon the heirs
of her body, being protestants. In them the right is as truly
hereditary as it ever was in the Plantagenets or the Tudors.
But they derive it not from those ancient families. The blood
indeed of Cerdic and of the Conqueror flows in the veins of
his present majesty [George IV.]. Our Edwards and Henries
illustrate the almost unrivalled splendor and antiquity of the
house of Brunswick. But they have transmitted no more right to
the allegiance of England than Boniface of Este or Henry the
Lion. That rests wholly on the Act of Settlement, and resolves
itself into the sovereignty of the legislature."
H. HALLAM.
23. THE REIGN OF QUEEN ANNE
(A. D. 1702-1714):
H. D. Traill:
William the Third,
941 (914).
L. Stephen:
English Thought in 18th Century,
941-942 (914-915).
E. Gosse:
Eighteenth Century Literature,
942 (915).
24. THE WARS OF THE SPANISH SUCCESSION
(1702-1714):
Earl Stanhope:
Reign of Queen Anne,
3074 (2993).
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
3074-3075 (2993-2994).
J. W. Gerard:
The Peace of Utrecht,
1526 (1492).
G. B. Malleson:
Prince Eugene of Savoy,
1526 (1492).
A. Alison:
Life of Marlborough,
1526-1527 (1492-1493).
G. Saintsbury:
Marlborough,
2341 (2293).
G. B. Malleson:
Eugene of Savoy,
2341-2342 (2293-2294).
L. Creighton:
Life of Marlborough,
2342 (2294).
G. Saintsbury:
Marlborough,
2342-2343 (2294-2295).
R. Johnson:
History of the French War,
2362 (2314).
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
379-380 (369-370).
W. Russell:
History of Modern Europe,
3712-3713 (3592-3593).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1110-1111 (1082-1083).
25. THE UNION OF ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND
(A. D. 1707):
Earl Stanhope:
History of England,
2952-2953 (2877-2878).
Sir W. Scott:
Tales of a Grandfather,
2953 (2878).
J. Rowley:
Settlement of the Constitution,
2953-2954 (2878-2879).
26. FALL OF THE WHIGS AND MARLBOROUGH
(A. D. 1710-1712):
J. R. Green:
History of the English People,
943-944 (916-917).
R. B. Brett:
Footprints of Statesmen,
944 (917).
W. E. H. Lecky:
England in the 18th Century,
944-945 (917-918).
27. END OF THE STUART LINE
(A. D. 1714):
W. E. H. Lecky:
History of England,
945 (918).
E. E. Morris:
The Early Hanoverians,
945-946 (918-919).
28. BEGINNINGS OF ENGLISH COMMERCIAL SUPREMACY:
D. Campbell:
The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
2332-2333 (2284-2285).
R. L. Poole:
The Huguenots,
1270 (1238).
Earl Stanhope:
History of England,
1748-1749 (1709-1710).
J. E. T. Rogers:
Economic Interpretation of History,
3228-3230 (3717-3719).
E. Eggleston:
Commerce in the Colonies,
3230 (3719).
Lord Campbell:
Lives of the Chief Justices,
2017 (1973).
STUDY XXXIII.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
ENGLAND: FROM GEORGE I. TO THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
1. ACCESSION OF GEORGE I.
(A. D. 1714):
L. Mariotti:
Italy,
1014-1015 (986-987).
H. Hallam:
The Middle Ages,
1652 (1614).
P. M. Thornton:
The Brunswick Accession,
1652-1653 (1614-1615).
W. E. H. Lecky:
History of England,
945 (918).
E. E. Morris:
The Early Hanoverians,
946 (919).
2. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT:
J. Morley:
Walpole,
946-947 (919-920).
J. F. Bright:
History of England,
947 (920).
3. THE EVOLUTION OF THE CABINET:
A. C. Ewald:
The Crown and Its Advisers,
2681 (2609).
T. B. Macaulay:
History of England,
354 (344).
John Morley:
Walpole,
354 (344).
A. Y. Dicey:
The Privy Council,
354-355 (344-345).
"George I. cared very little for his new Kingdom, and knew
very little about its people or its institutions. … His
expeditions to Hanover threw the management of all domestic
affairs almost without control into the hands of his English
ministers. If the two first Hanoverian Kings had been
Englishmen instead of Germans, if they had been men of talent
and ambition, or even men of strong and commanding will
without much talent, Walpole would never have been able to lay
the foundations of government by the House of Commons and by
Cabinet so firmly that even the obdurate will of George III.
was unable to overthrow it. Happily for the system now
established, circumstances compelled the first two sovereigns
of the Hanoverian line to strike a bargain with the English
Whigs, and it was faithfully kept until the accession of the
third George. The King was to manage the affairs of Hanover,
and the Whigs were to govern England. It was an excellent
bargain for England."
JOHN MORLEY.
4. THE SOUTH SEA BUBBLE, AND THE MISSISSIPPI SCHEME:
Lord Mahon:
History of England,
3051-3052 (2971-2972).
J. W. Monette:
The Valley of the Mississippi,
2089 (2045).
S. A. Drake:
Making of the Great West,
2089-2090 (2045-2046).
Viscount Bury:
Exodus of the Western Nations,
1279-1280 (1247-1248).
L. Stephen:
Swift,
1816 (1776).
{775}
5. TROUBLES WITH SPAIN
(A. D. 1726-1731):
C. W. Koch:
Revolutions of Europe,
3079 (2998).
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
3079-3080 (2998-2999).
6. ACCESSION OF GEORGE II. (1727);
WALPOLE’S ADMINISTRATION:
J. E. T. Rogers:
Historical Gleanings,
947-948 (920-921).
W. E. H. Lecky:
History of England,
948 (921).
7. THE WAR OP JENKINS’ EAR
(A. D. 1739-1741):
E. E. Morris:
Early Hanoverians,
949 (922).
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
949 (922).
8. THE RISE OF PITT,—LORD CHATHAM:
Sir E. Creasy:
Eminent Etonians,
950 (923).
R. B. Brett:
Footprints of Statesman,
950 (923).
9. WAR OF THE AUSTRIAN SUCCESSION
(A. D. 1740-1748):
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
225 (218).
J. Graham:
History of the United States,
2362-2363 (2314-2315).
R. Hildreth:
History of the United States,
2363-2364 (2315-2316).
J. G. Palfrey:
History of New England,
2364 (2316).
T. C. Haliburton:
English in America,
2364-2365 (2316-2317).
W. E. H. Lecky:
History of Europe,
951 (924).
W. E. H. Lecky:
History of Europe,
28-29 (21-22).
H. Tuttle:
History of Prussia,
29 (22).
10. THE LAST RISING OF THE JACOBITES
(A. D. 1745-1746):
J. R. Green:
History of the English People,
2954 (2879).
11. ADOPTION OF THE GREGORIAN CALENDAR
(A. D. 1751):
W. Hales:
Analysis of Chronology,
357 (347).
Sir H. Nicholas:
Chronology of History,
357 (347).
12. THE SEVEN YEARS’ WAR
(A. D. 1754-1763):
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
951-952 (924-925).
A. R. Ropes:
Causes of the Seven Years’ War,
952 (925).
B. A. Hinsdale:
The Old Northwest,
2445-2446 (2393-2394).
R. Hildreth:
History of the United States,
3755 (3634).
T. J. Chapman:
The French in the Allegheny Valley,
2446-2447 (2394-2395).
C. B. Brackenbury:
Frederick the Great,
1529 (1495).
T. Carlyle:
Friedrich II. of Prussia,
1529 (1495).
Lord Mahon:
History of England,
1529-1530 (1495-1496).
Justin McCarthy:
The Four Georges,
952 (925).
T. B. Macaulay:
William Pitt,
952-953 (925-926).
F. W. Longman:
The Seven Years’ War,
954 (927).
C. B. Brackenbury:
Frederick the Great,
1535-1536 (1501-1502).
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
2975 (2898).
T. Carlyle:
Friedrich II. of Prussia,
2975-2976 (2898-2899).
Frederick II.:
The Seven Years’ War,
2976 (2899).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1114-1115 (1086-1087).
13. ACCESSION OF GEORGE III.
(A. D. 1760):
J. Fiske:
The American Revolution,
954-955 (927-928).
Sir T. E. May:
Constitutional History of England,
955-956 (928-929).
14. THE GREAT STRUGGLE OF THE PEOPLE WITH ABSOLUTISM:
(a) The Fight for the Freedom of the Press.
C. H. Timperley:
Encyclopedia of Typography,
2667-2668 (2595-2596).
J. Grant:
The Newspaper Press,
2668 (2596).
T. B. Macaulay:
History of England,
2669 (2597).
C. H. Timperley:
Encyclopaedia of Typography,
2671-2672 (2599-2600).
(1) The Case of John Wilkes.
W. Massey:
History of England,
956-957 (930).
W. F. Rae:
John Wilkes,
958-959 (931-932).
(2) The Junius Letters.
Lord Mahon:
History of England,
959-960 (933).
Cushing:
Initials and Pseudonyms,
960 (933).
J. W. Ross Brown:
Criminal Law of Libel,
2028-2029 (1984-1985).
"It may be doubted whether Junius had any confidant or trusted
friend. When dedicating his collected letters to the English
people, he declares: ‘I am the sole depository of my own
secret, and it shall perish with me.’"
LORD MAHON.
(3) The Surrender of Parliament.
W. Massey:
History of England,
961-962 (934-935).
T. P. Taswell-Langmead:
English Constitutional History,
962 (935).
(b) Remarkable Increase of Capital Offenses.
Sir T. E. May:
Constitutional History of England,
2028 (1984).
J. F. Dillon:
Jurisprudence of England,
2029 (1985).
(c) Arbitrary Taxation.
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
3295 (3178-3179).
B. A. Hinsdale:
The American Government,
3295 (3179).
J. Fiske:
War of Independence,
3297-3298 (3182).
J. Morley:
Edmund Burke,
3298 (3182).
(d) The Stamp Act.
J. G. Palfrey:
History of New England,
3299 (3183).
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
3303 (3186-3187).
W. Wirt:
Life of Patrick Henry,
3303-3305 (3189).
J. Fiske:
The American Revolution,
3305-3306 (3189-3190).
(e) Declaration of Rights of Stamp Act Congress.
R. Frothingham:
Rise of the Republic,
3306-3307 (3190-3191).
Full Text of the Stamp Act,
3299-3302 (3183-3186).
15. THE MINISTRY OP LORD NORTH; THE AMERICAN WAR:
J. F. Bright:
History of England,
960-961 (933-934).
W. E. H. Lecky:
History of England,
962-963 (935-936).
J. Morley:
Edmund Burke,
963 (936).
E. A. Freeman:
The English People,
963 (936).
16. EARLY WAR MEASURES:
H. S. Randall:
Life of Jefferson,
3346-3347 (3230-3231).
Lord Mahon:
History of England,
3347 (3231).
E. J. Lowell:
Hessians in the Revolution,
3347-3348 (3231-3232).
For Details of the American War,
see Study XXXVIII.
17. CATHOLIC RELIEF AND THE GORDON RIOTS
(A. D. 1778-1780):
J. G. Bourinot:
Constitutional History of Canada,
388-389 (378-379).
W. E. H. Lecky:
History of England,
963-964 (936-937).
Sketches of Popular Tumults,
964-965 (937-938).
W. E. H. Lecky:
History of England,
1818-1819 (1778-1779).
{776}
18. LEGISLATIVE INDEPENDENCE FOR IRELAND
(A. D. 1782):
J. H. McCarthy:
Ireland since the Union,
1817 (1777).
W. F. Collier:
History of Ireland,
1817-1818 (1777-1778).
J. E. T. Rogers:
Ireland,
1818 (1778).
19. THE FALL OF LORD NORTH’S MINISTRY:
J. Fiske:
American Revolution,
965 (938).
W. Massey:
History of England,
965-966 (938-939).
H. O. Wakeman:
Life of Fox,
966-967 (939-940).
20. CLOSE OF AMERICAN WAR; THE TREATY OF PARIS
(A. D. 1783):
The Diplomacy of the United States,
3398-3399 (3282-3283).
E. Fitzmaurice:
The Earl of Shelburne,
3399-3400 (3283-3284).
John Fiske:
Critical Period,
3400-3401 (3284-3285).
J. Q. Adams:
Life of John Adams,
3401-3402 (3285-3286).
F. Wharton:
Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence,
3402 (3286).
J. Bigelow:
Life of Franklin,
3402-3403 (3286-3287).
Text of the Treaty of Peace,
3403-3404 (3287-3288).
21. BRITISH RULE IN INDIA:
(a) Establishment of the Empire.
J. M. Ludlow:
British India,
1752 (1713).
H. Martineau:
British Rule in India,
1752-1753 (1713-1714).
J. Mill:
British India,
1753-1754 (1714-1715).
J. R. Seeley:
Expansion of England,
1754 (1715).
"The words ‘wonderful,’ ‘strange,’ are often applied to great
historical events, and there is no event to which they have
been applied more freely than to our [the English] conquest of
India. But the event was not wonderful in a sense that it is
difficult to discover adequate causes by which it could have
been produced. If we begin by remarking that authority in
India had fallen on the ground through the decay of the Mogul
Empire, that it lay there waiting to be picked up by somebody,
and that all over India in that period adventurers of one kind
or another were founding Empires, it is really not surprising
that a mercantile corporation which had money to pay a
mercenary force should be able to compete with other
adventurers, nor yet that it should outstrip all its
competitors by bringing into the field English military
science and generalship, especially when it was backed over
and over again by the whole power and credit of England and
directed by English statesmen. … England did not, in a strict
sense, conquer India; but certain Englishmen, who happened to
reside in India at the time when the Mogul Empire fell, had a
fortune like that of Hyder Ali or Runjeet Singh and rose to
supreme power there."
J. R. SEELEY.
(b) The Administration of Clive.
T. B. Macaulay:
Lord Clive,
1754-1756 (1715-1717).
C. Knight:
History of England,
1756 (1717).
Sir W. Hunter:
India,
1756-1758 (1717-1719).
(c) Passing of the East India Company; Warren Hastings.
W. E. H. Lecky:
History of England,
1759-1760 (1720-1721).
H. Martineau:
British Rule in India,
1760-1761 (1721-1722).
Sir A. Lyall:
Warren Hastings,
1761 (1722).
Sir J. Strachey:
Hastings and the Rohillas,
1762 (1723).
L. J. Trotter:
Warren Hastings,
1762-1763 (1723-1724).
W. E. H. Lecky:
History of England,
1763-1764 (1724-1725).
Sir A. Lyall:
British Dominion in India,
1764-1765 (1725-1726).
(d) The Permanent Settlement.
J. M. Ludlow:
British India,
1765 (1726).
Sir J. Strachey:
India,
1765-1766 (1726-1727).
(e) The Impeachment of Warren Hastings.
T. B. Macaulay:
Warren Hastings,
1766-1768 (1727-1729).
Sir A. Lyall:
Warren Hastings,
1768 (1729).
22. RISE OF THE YOUNGER PITT:
Lord Rosebery:
Pitt,
968 (941).
W. Bagehot:
William Pitt,
968-969 (941-942).
Sir T. E. May:
Constitutional History of England
969 (942).
23. POPULAR FEELING TOWARD THE FRENCH REVOLUTION:
J. R. Green:
History of the English People,
969-970 (942-943).
Goldwin Smith:
Three English Statesman,
970 (943).
G. W. Cooke:
History of Party,
970 (943).
24. A PERIOD OF REVOLUTIONARY INVENTION:
S. Walpole:
History of England,
643-644 (620-621).
S. Smiles:
Lives of Boulton and Watt,
3109-3110 (3027-3028).
Life of James Watt,
3110-3111 (3028-3029).
25. THE RISE OF THE PRESS:
I. Thomas:
Printing in America,
2669-2670 (2598).
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
2670 (2598).
T. B. Macaulay:
Life of Addison,
2670 (2598).
E. Gosse:
Eighteenth Century Literature,
2670-2671 (2598-2599).
A. Dobson:
Eighteenth Century Essays,
2671 (2599).
F. Hudson:
Journalism in the United States,
2672 (2600).
C. Pebody:
English Journalism,
2672-2873 (2601)
STUDY XXXIV.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
EUROPE: FROM THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA (1648)
TO THE FRENCH REVOLUTION (1789).
1. THE GENERAL SITUATION AT CLOSE OF THIRTY YEARS’ WAR:
A. Gindely:
The Thirty Years’ War,
1519 (1486).
J. Bryce:
The Holy Roman Empire,
1520 (1487).
S. A. Dunham:
The Germanic Empire,
1520-1521 (1487-1488).
H. von Treitschke:
History of Germany,
1521-1522 (3770-3771).
J. B. Perkins:
France under Mazarin,
2329-2330 (2281-2282).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1101 (1073).
See Map between pages
1518-1519 (1486-1487).
2. THE RISE OF PRUSSIA:
T. Carlyle:
Frederick the Great,
316-317 (306-307).
H. Tuttle:
History of Prussia,
317-318 (307-308).
T. Carlyle:
Frederick the Great,
2684-2685 (2613).
C. F. Johnstone:
Historical Abstracts,
318 (308).
G. B. Malleson:
The Battlefields of Germany,
318-320 (308-310).
H. von Treitschke:
History of Germany,
2685-2686 (3768-3769).
H. Martin:
History of France,
2686 (2613).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1107-1108 (1079-1080).
{777}
3. THE WARS OF THE FRONDE IN FRANCE:
J.B. Perkins:
France under Mazarin,
1258 (1226).
H. M. Hozier:
Turenne,
1258-1259 (1226-1227).
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
1260 (1228).
C. M. Yonge:
English History,
1260-1262 (1228-1230).
J. B. Perkins:
France under Mazarin,
306 (297).
J. N. Larned:
Europe, 1102
(1074).
4. THE TREATY OF THE PYRENEES
(A. D. 1659):
T. Wright:
History of France,
1262 (1230).
T. O. Cockayne:
Life of Turenne,
1262-1263 (1231).
O. Airy:
The English Restoration,
1263 (1231).
G. W. Kitchin:
History of France,
1263-1264 (1231-1232).
J. Dunlop:
Memoirs of Spain,
1264(1232).
5. LOUIS XIV. ASSUMES THE GOVERNMENT OF FRANCE
(A. D. 1661):
F. P. Guizot:
History of France,
1255, second column, (1223).
Sir J. Stephen:
History of France,
1257-1258 (1225-1226).
J. C. Morison:
Reign of Louis XIV.,
1264-1265 (1232-1233).
"What the age of Pericles was in the history of the Athenian
Democracy, what the age of the Scipios was in the history of
the Roman Republic, that was the reign of Louis XIV. in the
history of the old monarchy of France. … It is not only the
most conspicuous reign in the history of France—it is the most
conspicuous reign in the History of Monarchy in general. … His
court was an extraordinary creation. He made it the microcosm
of all that was most brilliant and prominent in France. Every
order of merit was invited there and received courteous
welcome. … But Louis XIV.’s reign has better titles than the
adulations of courtiers and the eulogies of wits and poets to
the attention of posterity. It marks one of the most memorable
epochs in the annals of mankind. It stretches across history
like a great mountain range, separating ancient France from
the France of modern times. On the farther slope are
Catholicism and Feudalism in their various stages of splendor
and decay—the France of crusade and chivalry, of St. Louis
and Bayard. On the hither side are free-thought, industry, and
centralization—the France of Voltaire, Turgot, and Condorcet.
When Louis came to the throne, the Thirty Years’ War still
wanted six years of its end, and the heat of theological
strife was at its intensest glow. When he died, the religious
temperature had cooled nearly to the freezing point, and a new
vegetation of science and positive inquiry was overspreading
the world."
J. C. MORISON.
6. THE ADMINISTRATION OF COLBERT
(A. D. 1661-1683):
(a) Some other Tariff Measures.
J. A. Blanqui:
History of Political Economy,
3730-3731 (3610-3611).
W. T. McCullagh:
Industrial History,
3147-3148 (3063-3064).
D. Campbell:
The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
2332-2333 (2284-2285).
M. Chamberlain:
The Revolution Impending,
3286-3287 (3170-3171).
(h) The System of Colbert.
Lady Dilke:
France under Colbert,
1266-1267 (1234-1235).
J. A. Blanqui:
History of Political Economy,
3148-3149 (3064-3065).
H. Martin:
History of France,
1267-1268 (1235-1236).
7. THE DUTCH REPUBLIC:
A. L. Pontalis:
John de Witt,
2330-2332 (2282-2284).
D. Campbell:
The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
2332-2333 (2284-2285).
O. Airy:
The English Restoration,
2333 (2285).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1106-1107 (1078-1079).
8. WARS WITH FRANCE AND ENGLAND:
T. B Macaulay:
Sir William Temple,
2335 (2287).
J. Lingard:
History of England,
922-923 (895-896).
C. M. Yonge:
Landmarks of History,
2335-2336 (2287-2288).
O. Airy:
The English Restoration,
2336 (2288).
J. R. Brodhead:
History of New York,
2336-2337 (2288-2289).
H. Martin:
History of France,
2337-2338 (2289-2290).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1109-1110 (1081-1082).
9. THE PEACE OF NIMEGUEN
(A. D. 1678-1679):
H. Martin:
History of France,
2414 (2362).
O. Airy:
The English Restoration,
2414-2415 (2362-2363).
J. C. Morison:
Reign of Louis XIV.,
2338 (2290).
10. FRENCH ABSORPTION OF ALSACE AND LORRAINE
(A. D. 1679-1681):
G. B. Malleson:
Battlefields of Germany,
1513-1514 (1480-1481).
G. W. Kitchin:
History of France,
1518-1519 (1485-1486).
W. Coxe:
House of Austria,
1519 (1486).
J. B. Perkins:
France under Mazarin,
2086-2087 (2042-2043).
H. Martin:
History of France,
1268-1269 (1236-1237).
11. LOUIS XIV.’S PERSECUTION OF THE HUGUENOTS:
S. Smiles:
History of the Huguenots,
1265-1266 (1233-1234).
A. de Lamartine:
Bossuet,
1269 (1237).
R. L. Poole:
Huguenots of the Dispersion,
1270 (1237-1238).
12. WAR OF THE LEAGUE OF AUGSBURG
(A. D. 1689-1697):
E. Hale:
Fall of the Stuarts,
1271 (1239).
T. B. Macaulay:
History of England,
1271 (1239).
W. K. Sullivan:
Irish History,
1813 (1773).
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
1271-1272 (1239-1240).
H. D. Traill:
William the Third,
1272-1273 (1240-1241).
T. B. Macaulay:
History of England,
1273-1274 (1241-1242).
G. P. R. James:
Life of Louis XIV.,
1275 (1243).
13. THE PEACE OF RYSWICK
(A. D. 1697):
J. W. Gerard:
The Peace of Utrecht,
1275-1276 (1243-1244).
H. Martin:
History of France,
1276 (1244).
14. THE WAR OF THE SPANISH SUCCESSION
(A. D. 1702-1714):
See Study XXXII.
15. FURTHER RELIGIOUS PERSECUTIONS:
(a) The Camisards.
H. M. Baird:
The Camisard Uprising,
1276 (1244-1245).
(b) The Port Royalists.
J. Tulloch:
Pascal,
2637 (2565).
J. B. Perkins:
France under Mazarin,
2637-2639 (2565-2567).
H. Martin:
History of France,
2639 (2567).
Duke of Saint Simon:
Memoirs,
2639-2640 (2568).
J. I. von Döllinger:
European History,
2640 (2568).
16. THE PAPACY:
L. von Ranke:
History of the Popes,
2524-2525 (2462-2463).
A. R. Pennington:
Epochs of the Papacy,
2525-2526 (2463-2464).
17. DEATH OF LOUIS XIV., AND STATE OF THE KINGDOM
(A. D. 1715):
A. Thierry:
The Tiers État,
1278 (1246).
{778}
Y. Duruy:
History of France,
1278-1279 (1246-1247).
"When the reign, which was to crown … the ascendant march of
the French monarchy, had falsified the unbounded hopes which
its commencement had excited; when in the midst of fruitless
victories and continually increasing reverses, the people
beheld progress in all the branches of public economy changed
into distress,—the ruin of the finances, industry, and
agriculture—the exhaustion of all the resources of the
country,—the impoverishment of all classes of the nation, the
dreadful misery of the population, they were seized with a
bitter disappointment of spirit, which took the place of the
enthusiasm of their confidence and love."
A. THIERRY.
"Succeeding generations have remembered only the numerous
victories, Europe defied, France for twenty years
preponderant, and the incomparable splendor of the Court of
Versailles, with its marvels of letters and arts, which have
given to the 17th century the name of the age of Louis XIV. It
is for history to show the price which France has paid for her
King’s vain attempts abroad to rule over Europe, and at home
to enslave the wills and consciences of men. … The weight of
the authority of Louis XIV. had been crushing during his last
years. When the nation felt it lifted, it breathed more
freely; the court and the city burst into disrespectful
demonstrations of joy; the very coffin of the great King was
insulted."
V. DURUY.
18. ACCESSION AND CHARACTER OF LOUIS XV.
(A. D. 1715-1774);
V. Duruy:
History of France,
1278-1279 (1246-1247).
W. Smyth;
The French Revolution,
1280 (1248).
J. B. Perkins:
France under the Regency,
1280-1281 (1248-1249).
19. POLAND;
S. A. Dunham:
History of Poland,
2613 (2545).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
2100 (2056).
W. Koch:
Revolutions in Europe,
2613-2614 (2545-2546).
Westminster Review:
Poland: Her History and Prospects,
2614-2615 (2546-2547).
Westminster Review:
Poland: Her History and Prospects,
2616-2617 (2548-2549).
S. A. Dunham:
History of Poland,
2619-2620 (2551-2552).
20. RUSSIA:
V. Thomsen:
Russia and Scandinavia,
2829 (2755).
E. A. Freeman:
Historical Geography of Europe,
2830 (2756).
C. F. Johnstone:
Historical Abstracts,
2830-2832 (2756-2758).
A. Leroy-Beaulieu:
Empire of the Tsars,
2832 (2758).
H. S. Edwards:
The Romanoffs,
2832-2833 (2758-2759).
A. Rambaud:
History of Russia,
2833 (2759).
Voltaire:
History of Charles XII.,
2835 (2761).
21. SWEDEN:
(a) Early History.
H. H. Howorth:
History of Sweden,
2890 (2815).
R. G. Latham:
Nationalities of Europe,
2890-2891 (2825-2816).
E. A. Freeman:
Historical Geography of Europe,
2891-2892 (2816-2817).
T. Carlyle:
Early Kings of Norway,
2892 (2817).
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
2893-2894 (2818-2819).
C. R. Fletcher:
Gustavus Adolphus,
2894-2896 (2819-2821).
J. L. Stevens:
Gustavus Adolphus,
2897 (2822).
(b) From the Thirty Years’ War.
J. Mitchell:
Life of Wallenstein,
1505-1506 (1473).
G. P. R. James:
Wallenstein,
1506-1507 (1473-1474).
F. Schiller:
The Thirty Years’ War,
1507-1508 (1475).
B. Chapman:
Gustavus Adolphus,
1509-1510 (1477).
C. M. Yonge:
English History,
1510-1511 (1478).
L. Häusser:
The Reformation,
1514-1515 (1481-1482).
E. C. Otté:
Scandinavian History,
2897-2899 (2824).
22. WARS OF CHARLES XII. OF SWEDEN:
Voltaire:
History of Charles XII.,
2899-2900 (2824-2825).
A. Crichton:
Scandinavia,
2900-2901 (2825-2826).
W. C. Taylor:
Modern History,
2901-2903 (2826-2828).
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
2903 (2828).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1111-1112 (1083-1084).
23. RAPID ADVANCE OF PRUSSIA:
T. B. Macaulay:
Frederic the Great,
1524 (1490).
H. von Sybel:
Founding of the German Empire,
1524-1525 (1490-1491).
L. P. Ségur:
Frederic William II.,
1528 (1494).
24. WAR OF THE AUSTRIAN SUCCESSION
(A. D. 1740-1748):
See Study XXXIII.
25. THE SEVEN YEARS’ WAR
(A. D. 1754-1763):
See Study XXXIII.
26. THE PARTITION OF POLAND:
G. W. Kitchin:
History of France,
2621 (2553).
H. von Sybel:
First Partition of Poland,
2621-2623 (2553-2555).
T. Carlyle:
Frederick the Great,
2623 (2555).
Sir J. Mackintosh:
The Partition of Poland,
2623-2624 (2555-2556).
A. Rambaud:
History of Russia,
2624-2625 (2556-2557).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1115-1116 (1087-1088).
See Maps between pages
1114-1115 and 2622-2623 (1086-1087 and 2554-2555).
27. THE GENERAL ATTACK UPON THE JESUIT ORDER:
H. M. Stephens:
The Story of Portugal,
1932-1933 (1891-1892).
W. H. Jervis:
The Church of France,
1933-1934 (1892-1893).
Clement XIV. and the Jesuits,
1934-1935 (1893-1894).
28. EUROPE ON THE EVE OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION:
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1116-1117 (1088-1089).
A. Sorel:
Europe and the French Revolution,
1283-1284 (3755-3756).
E. J. Lowell:
Eve of the French Revolution,
1286-1287 (1253-1254).
Sarah Tytler:
Marie Antoinette,
1287-1288 (1254-1255).
F. A. Mignet:
The French Revolution,
1288-1289 (1255-1256).
W. Bagehot:
William Pitt,
968-969 (941-942).
T. E. May:
Constitutional History of England,
969 (942).
C. T. Lewis:
History of Germany,
1536-1537 (1503).
I. Butt:
History of Italy,
1892-1893 (1852-1853).
A. Sorel:
Europe and the French Revolution,
3081-3082 (3804-3805).
C. E. Mallet:
The French Revolution,
228-229 (221-222).
STUDY XXXV.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
THE FRENCH REVOLUTION
(A. D. 1789-1796).
1. THE GOVERNMENT OF LOUIS XVI.:
A. Thiers:
The French Revolution,
1285-1286 (1252-1253).
E. J. Lowell:
Eve of the French Revolution,
1286-1287 (1253-1254).
Sarah Tytler:
Marie Antoinette,
1287-1288 (1254-1255).
{779}
2. THE FRENCH PEOPLE AT THE OUTBREAK OF THE REVOLUTION:
H. A. Taine:
Ancien Régime,
1289-1291 (1256-1258).
T. H. Huxley:
The Revolutionary Spirit,
1291 (1258).
Chancellor Pasquier:
Memoirs,
1291-1292 (1258-1259).
H. von Holst:
The French Revolution,
1292 (3757).
M. de la Rocheterie:
Marie Antoinette,
1292 (1259).
"'I am miserable because too much is taken from me. Too much
is taken from me because not enough is taken from the
privileged. Not only do the privileged force me to pay in
their place, but, again, they previously deduct from my
earnings their ecclesiastical and feudal dues. When, out of my
income of 100 francs, I have parted with 58 francs, or more,
to the collector, I am obliged again to give 14 francs to the
seignior, also more than 14 for tithes, and, out of the
remaining 18 or 19 francs I have additionally to satisfy the
exciseman.' … These, in precise terms, are the vague ideas
beginning to ferment in the popular brain and encountered on
every page of the records of the States-General. … The
privileged wrought their own destruction."
H. A. TAINE.
"In 1791, long before the inauguration of the Reign of Terror,
there were in a population of 650,000 [in Paris], 118,000
paupers. Under the 'ancien regime' the immigrant proletariat
from the country was by the law barred out from all ways of
earning a livelihood except as common day laborers, and the
wages of these were in 1788, on an average, 26 cents for men
and 15 for women, while the price of bread was higher than in
our times. What a gigantic heap of ferment!"
H. VON HOLST.
3. THE STATES-GENERAL:
Sir J. Stephen:
History of France,
3108-3109 (3027).
F. P. Guizot:
History of France,
3109 (3027).
Lord Brougham:
History of England and France,
2555 (2489).
Bussey and Gaspey:
History of France,
1197, second column, (1165).
A. Thierry:
Formation of the Tiers État,
1202-1203 (1170-1171).
Voltaire:
Modern History,
1249, first column, (1216).
F. A. Mignet:
The French Revolution,
1288-1289 (1255-1256).
H. von Sybel:
The French Revolution,
1292-1293 (1259-1260).
4. THE THIRD ESTATE; THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
(JUNE, 1789):
W. Stubbs:
Constitutional History of England,
1014 (986).
A. Thierry:
Formation of the Third Estate,
1014 (986).
W. E. H. Lecky:
History of England,
1293-1294 (1260-1261).
5. THE MOB IN ARMS;
FALL OF THE BASTILLE
(JULY 14, 1789):
Chambers’ Miscellany:
History of the Bastille,
280 (271).
H. A. Taine:
The French Revolution,
1294-1295 (1261-1262).
Chancellor Pasquier:
Memoirs,
1295-1296 (1262-1263).
6. THE WORK OF THE ASSEMBLY;
THE DECLARATION OF RIGHTS:
B. Tuckerman:
Life of Lafayette,
1296-1297 (1264).
H. M. Stephens:
The French Revolution,
1297-1298 (1264-1265).
G. H. Lewes:
Life of Robespierre,
1298-1299 (1265-1266).
G. H. Lewes:
Life of Robespierre,
1656 (1618).
7. THE ATTACK OF THE WOMEN ON VERSAILLES:
T. Carlyle:
The French Revolution,
1299-1300 (1266-1267).
F. A. Mignet:
The French Revolution,
1300-1301 (1267-1268).
8. THE NEW CONSTITUTION (A. D. 1789-1791):
Sir T. E. May:
Democracy in Europe,
1301 (1268).
W. O’C. Morris:
The French Revolution,
1301-1302 (1268-1269).
9. THE EMIGRATION OF THE NOBILITY:
Chancellor Pasquier:
Memoirs,
1297 (1264).
W. O’C. Morris:
The French Revolution,
1302, first column, (1269).
10. THE RISE OF THE CLUBS:
F. A. Mignet:
The French Revolution,
1302 (1269).
H. von Sybel:
The French Revolution,
1302 (1269).
G. H. Lewes:
Life of Robespierre,
1302-1303 (1270).
J. Michelet:
The French Revolution,
1303 (1270).
11. THE ATTITUDE OF FOREIGN POWERS;
FLIGHT OF THE KING
(A. D. 1791):
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
1303-1304 (1270-1271).
H. von Sybel:
The French Revolution,
1304-1305 (1271-1272).
12. The GIRONDISTS:
H. Van Laun:
The Revolutionary Epoch,
1306 (1273).
A. de Lamartine:
The Girondists,
1306 (1273).
H. von Sybel:
The French Revolution,
1306-1307 (1273-1274).
W. E. H. Lecky:
History of England,
1307 (1274).
R. Lodge:
Modern Europe,
1307-1308 (1274-1275).
13. WAR WITH AUSTRIA AND PRUSSIA;
MOB RULE IN PARIS
(A. D. 1792):
A. Griffiths:
Revolutionary Generals,
1308-1309 (1275-1276).
B. M. Gardiner:
The French Revolution,
1309-1310 (1276-1277).
H. M. Stephens:
The French Revolution,
1310-1312 (1277-1279).
14. THE SEPTEMBER MASSACRES
(A. D. 1792):
A. de Lamartine:
The Girondists,
1312-1313 (1280).
H. A. Taine:
The French Revolution,
1313-1314 (1280-1281).
15. THE PROCLAMATION OF THE REPUBLIC
(SEPTEMBER 21, 1792):
Sir A. Alison:
History of Europe,
1314-1316 (1283).
C. MacFarlane:
The French Revolution,
1332 (1299).
H. M. Stephens:
The French Revolution,
1332 (1299).
16. FIRST SUCCESSES OF THE REPUBLICAN ARMY:
C. F. Johnstone:
Historical Abstracts,
2345-2346 (2297-2298).
C. E. Mallet:
The French Revolution,
228-229 (221-222).
H. von Sybel:
The French Revolution,
1537-1539 (1503-1505).
C. A. Fyffe:
Modern Europe,
1316-1317 (1283-1284).
17. THE TRIAL, SENTENCE, AND EXECUTION OF LOUIS XVI.
(JANUARY, 1793):
F. A. Mignet:
The French Revolution,
1317-1318 (1284-1285).
W. O’C. Morris:
The First Empire,
1318 (1285).
T. Carlyle:
The French Revolution,
1319-1320 (1286-1287).
18. INCREASING ANARCHY;
THE REVOLUTIONARY TRIBUNAL:
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
1320-1321 (1287-1288).
H. M. Stephens:
The French Revolution,
1322-1324 (1289-1291).
{780}
19. THE INSURRECTION IN LA VENDÉE
(A. D. 1793):
A. Thiers:
The French Revolution,
1321-1322 (1288-1289).
A. de Lamartine:
The Girondists,
1324-1325 (1292).
F. A. Mignet:
The French Revolution,
1325 (1292).
F. A. Mignet:
The French Revolution,
1327-1328 (1294-1295).
20. FORMATION OF EUROPEAN COALITION AGAINST FRANCE:
J. R. Green:
History of the English People,
969-970 (942-943).
Goldwin Smith:
Three English Statesmen,
970 (943).
G. W. Cooke:
History of Party,
970 (943).
H. von Sybel:
The French Revolution,
1318 (1285).
J. R. Green:
History of the English People,
1318 (1285).
Sir A. Alison:
History of Europe,
1324 (1291).
21. THE COMMITTEE OF PUBLIC SAFETY
(AUGUST, 1793):
R. Lodge:
Modern Europe,
1325-1326 (1292-1293).
L. Gronlund:
Ça Ira,
1326 (1293).
22. CHARLOTTE CORDAY;
THE ASSASSINATION OF MARAT:
B. M. Gardiner:
The French Revolution,
1326-1327 (1293-1294).
23. THE "REIGN OF TERROR";
EXECUTION OF MARIE ANTOINETTE, AND MME. ROLAND
(A. D. 1793):
H. Martin:
History of France,
1329-1331 (1296-1298).
H. M. Stephens:
The French Revolution,
1331-1332 (1298-1299).
Sir T. E. May:
Democracy in Europe,
1333 (1300).
T. Carlyle:
The French Revolution,
1333-1334 (1300-1301).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1119-1120 (1091-1092).
24. ABANDONMENT OF CHRISTIANITY; THE WORSHIP OF REASON:
C. MacFarlane:
The French Revolution,
1332 (1299).
W. H. Jervis:
The Gallican Church,
1332-1333 (1299-1300).
John Morley;
Robespierre,
1334-1335 (1301-1302).
"Before the year ended [1793] the legislators of Paris voted
that there was no God, and destroyed or altered nearly
everything that had any reference to Christianity. … They
decreed that on the 10th of November the ‘Worship of Reason’
should be inaugurated at Notre Dame. A temple dedicated to
‘Philosophy’ was erected on a platform in the middle of the
choir. A motley procession of citizens of both sexes, headed
by the constituted authorities, advanced towards it; on their
approach, the Goddess of Reason, impersonated by a well known
figurante of the opera, took her seat upon a grassy throne in
front of the temple; a hymn, composed in her honor by the poet
Chenier, was sung by a body of young girls dressed in white
and bedecked with flowers; and the multitude bowed the knee
before her in profound adoration. It was the ‘abomination of
desolation sitting in the holy place.’ … The example set by
Paris, was faithfully repeated, if not surpassed in atrocity,
throughout the provinces. Religion was proscribed, churches
closed, Christian ordinances interdicted; the dreary gloom of
atheistical despotism overspread the land."
W. H. JERVIS.
25. PROGRESS OF THE WAR AGAINST THE COALITION
(A. D. 1793-1794):
W. O’C. Morris:
The French Revolution,
1328 (1295).
Sir A. Alison:
History of Europe,
1328-1329 (1296).
W. Massey:
History of England,
1336-1337 (1303-1304).
26. THE CLIMAX OF THE "REIGN OF TERROR" (A. D. 1794);
THE 22D PRAIRIAL;
John Morley:
Robespierre,
1337-1338 (1304-1305).
H. von Sybel:
The French Revolution,
1338 (1305).
A. Thiers:
The French Revolution,
1338 (1305).
H. A. Taine:
The French Revolution,
1338 (1305).
"It is estimated that, in the eleven western departments, the
dead of both sexes and of all ages exceeded 400,000.
Considering the programme and principles of the Jacobin sect,
this is no great number; they might have killed a good many
more. But time was wanting; during their short reign they did
what they could with the instrument in their hands."
H. A. TAINE.
27. FALL OF ROBESPIERRE; END OF THE "REIGN OF TERROR"
(JULY, 1794):
J. E. Symes:
The French Revolution,
1338-1339 (1305-1306).
T. B. Macaulay:
Barère’s Memoirs,
1340 (1307).
H. Martin:
History of France,
1340 (1307).
Sergent Marceau:
Reminiscences of a Regicide,
1340 (1307).
B. M. Gardiner:
The French Revolution,
1340-1341 (1307-1308).
28. PROGRESS OF THE FOREIGN WARS:
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
1341-1342 (1308-1309).
H. Van Laun:
The Revolutionary Epoch,
1342-1343 (1309-1310).
H. Martin:
History of France,
1345-1346 (1312-1313).
Sir A. Alison:
History of Europe,
1346 (1313).
29. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE YEAR III.
(A. D. 1795):
F. A. Mignet:
The French Revolution,
1343-1344 (1310-1311).
A. Thiers:
The French Revolution,
1344-1345 (1311-1312).
30. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE; THE DIRECTORY
(A. D. 1795):
J. G. Lockhart:
Life of Napoleon,
1346-1347 (1314).
E. de Bonnechose:
History of France,
1347 (1314).
"Within five days from the ‘Day of the Sections’ Buonaparte
was named second in command of the army of the interior; and
shortly afterwards, Barras finding his duties as Director
sufficient to occupy his time, gave up the command-in-chief of
the same army to his ‘little Corsican officer.’"
J. G. LOCKHART.
STUDY XXXVI.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
FRANCE UNDER NAPOLEON
(A. D. 1795-1815).
1. NAPOLEON IN COMMAND
(A. D. 1795):
J. G. Lockhart:
Life of Napoleon,
1346-1347 (1313-1314).
E. de Bonnechose:
History of France,
1347 (1314).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1120 (1092).
2. THE ITALIAN CAMPAIGN
(A. D. 1796-1797):
C. A. Fyffe:
Modern Europe,
1347-1349 (1314-1316).
Count de Melito:
Memoirs,
1349 (1316).
R. Lodge:
Modern Europe,
1349-1350 (1316-1317).
3. THE STATE OF ENGLAND:
A. Alison:
History of Europe,
970-971 (943-944).
T. Wright:
History of France,
1349 (1316).
W. Bagehot:
Lombard Street,
2255 (2211).
4. THE OVERTHROW OF VENICE;
PEACE OF CAMPO FORMIO:
T. Mitchell:
Rise of Napoleon,
1350-1351 (1317-1318).
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
1351-1352 (1318-1319).
See Map between pages 2622-2623 (2554-2555).
{781}
5. THE COUP D’ÉTAT OF THE 18TH FRUCTIDOR
(A. D. 1797):
E. de Bonnechose:
History of France,
1352-1353 (1319-1320).
A. Thiers:
The French Revolution,
1353 (1320).
Chevalier O’Clery:
The Italian Revolution,
1353-1354 (1320-1321).
6. THE UNITED STATES AND THE REVOLUTION;
THE X. Y. Z. LETTERS:
E. Everett:
Life of Washington,
3422 (3306).
H. C. Lodge:
George Washington,
3422 (3306).
T. W. Higginson:
The United States,
3431 (3315).
"The plan of this covert intercourse came through the private
Secretary of M. de Talleyrand, then French Minister for
Foreign Affairs; and the impudence of these three letters of
the alphabet went so far as to propose" a bribe of 1,200,000
francs. ‘You must pay money, a great deal of money,’ remarked
Monsieur Y. The secret of these names was kept, but the
diplomatic correspondence was made public, and created much
wrath in Europe, as well as in America. … At last the insults
passed beyond bearing, and it was at this time that ‘millions
for defense, not one cent for tribute,’ first became a
proverbial phrase, having been originally used by Charles C.
Pinckney."
T. W. HIGGINSON.
7. THE HELVETIC REPUBLIC:
H. Zschokke:
History of Switzerland,
3133-3134 (3049-3050).
C. A. Fyffe:
Modern Europe,
3134-3135 (3050-3051).
Sir A. Alison:
History of Europe,
3135 (3051).
8. Napoleon in Egypt (A. D. 1798-1799);
Battle of the Nile:
W. Massey:
History of England,
1354-1355 (1321-1322).
J. G. Lockhart:
Life of Napoleon,
1357-1359 (1326).
9. THE SECOND EUROPEAN COALITION
(A. D. 1798-1799):
H. Van Laun:
The Revolutionary Epoch,
1355-1357 (1322-1324).
T. Wright:
History of France,
1359-1360 (1326-1327).
Sir A. Alison:
History of Europe,
1360-1361 (1327-1328).
Sir W. Scott:
Life of Napoleon,
1361 (1328).
F. C. Schlosser:
The Eighteenth Century,
1361-1362 (1328-1329).
J. Adolphus:
History of England,
1362 (1329).
10. END OF THE FIRST REPUBLIC;
NAPOLEON FIRST CONSUL
(A. D. 1799):
C. K. Adams:
Democracy in France,
1362-1364 (1329-1331).
F. A. Mignet:
The French Revolution,
1364 (1331).
F. C. Schlosser:
The Eighteenth Century,
1364-1365 (1331-1332).
11. THE SECOND CONQUEST OF ITALY;
PEACE OF LUNEVILLE
(A. D. 1800-1801):
R. H. Horne:
Napoleon Bonaparte,
1365-1366 (1332-1333).
W. O’C. Morris:
The French Revolution,
1366-1367 (1333-1334).
Sir W. Scott:
Life of Napoleon,
1367 (1334).
Sir A. Alison:
History of Europe,
1539-1540 (1505-1506).
C. T. Lewis:
History of Germany,
1540 (1506).
12. LOUISIANA WRESTED FROM SPAIN AND SOLD TO THE UNITED STATES
(A. D. 1802-1803):
M. Thompson:
The Story of Louisiana,
2093-2094 (2049-2050).
C. F. Robertson:
The Louisiana Purchase,
2094 (2050).
H. von Holst:
Constitutional History of the United States,
3443 (3327).
T. M. Cooley:
The Acquisition of Louisiana,
3443-3444 (3327-3328).
Henry Adams:
History of the United States,
3444 (3328).
13. THE "CONTINENTAL SYSTEM"; NAPOLEON’S DOMESTIC POLICIES:
J. R. Green:
The English People,
1368-1369 (1335-1336).
L. Levi:
British Commerce,
1379-1380 (1346-1347).
Captain A. T. Mahan:
Influence of Sea Power,
1380-1381 (1347-1348).
H. Martin:
History of Europe,
1369-1370 (1336-1337).
C. A. Fyffe:
Modern Europe,
1370-1371 (1337-1338).
P. Lanfrey:
History of Napoleon,
1371 (1338).
M. Arnold:
Schools on the Continent,
738-739 (715-16).
"The significance of the Peace of Luneville lay in this, not
only that it was the close of the earlier revolutionary
struggle in Europe; … but that it marked the concentration of
all her energies in a struggle with Britain for the supremacy
of the world. … The country [Britain] stood utterly alone
while the Peace of Luneville secured France from all hostility
on the Continent. … To strike at England’s wealth had been
among the projects of the Directory; it was now the dream of
the First Consul. … Her carrying trade must be annihilated if
he closed every port against her ships. It was this gigantic
project of a 'Continental System' that revealed itself as soon
as Buonaparte became master of France."
J. R. GREEN.
14. WAR DECLARED BY GREAT BRITAIN;
NAPOLEON BECOMES EMPEROR:
H. Martineau:
History of England,
1371-1373 (1338-1340).
J. R. Seeley:
History of Napoleon I.,
1373-1374 (1340-1341).
Chancellor Pasquier:
Memoirs,
1374 (1341).
Sir W. Scott:
Life of Napoleon,
1374-1375 (1341-1342).
15. THIRD EUROPEAN COALITION;
TRAFALGAR AND AUSTERLITZ
(A. D. 1805):
R. Lodge:
Modern Europe,
1375 (1342).
J. F. Bright:
History of England,
1375-1376 (1342-1343).
W. O’C. Morris:
Napoleon,
1376-1377 (1343-1344).
16. THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST PRUSSIA AND RUSSIA
(A. D. 1806-1807):
W. Menzel:
History of Germany,
1540-1541 (1506-1507).
J. Bryce:
Holy Roman Empire,
1541 (1507).
J. G. Lockhart:
Life of Napoleon,
1542-1544 (1510).
Sir A. Alison:
History of Europe,
1544-1545 (1511).
H. Martin:
History of France,
1545-1546 (1511-1512).
A. Rambaud:
History of Russia,
1546-1547 (1513).
R. Lodge:
Modern Europe,
1547 (1513).
C. Joyneville:
Life of Alexander I.,
1547-1548 (1514).
17. THE CHARACTER OF NAPOLEON’S EMPIRE AND RULE:
W. O ’C. Morris:
The French Revolution,
1381-1382 (1348-1349).
P. Lanfrey:
History of Napoleon,
1382 (1349).
Sir H. L. Bulwer:
Historical Characters,
1382-1383 (1349-1350).
Sir A. Alison:
History of Europe,
1383-1384 (1350-1351).
H. Martin:
History of France,
2526 (2464).
Sir A. Alison:
History of Europe,
2526-2527 (2464-2465).
M. Talleyrand:
Memoirs,
2527-2528 (2465-2466)
18. THE PENINSULAR WAR
(A. D. 1808-1814):
M. M. Busk:
History of Portugal,
2647-2648 (2576).
J. R. Seeley:
Napoleon I.,
3082-3083 (3000-3001).
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
3083-3084 (3001-3002).
P. Lanfrey:
History of Napoleon I.,
1384 (1351).
H. R. Clinton:
The War in the Peninsula,
3084 (3002).
C. Knight:
History of England,
3084-3085 (3002-3003).
H. R. Clinton:
War in the Peninsula,
3087 (3005).
The Times:
Memoir of Wellington,
3087-3089 (3007).
T. Hamilton:
The Peninsular Campaigns,
3089-3090 (3907-3908).
P. Lanfrey:
History of Napoleon I.,
3091 (3009).
{782}
General Vane:
The Peninsular War,
3092 (3010).
J. F. Bright:
History of England,
3092-3093 (3010-3011).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1123 (1095).
19. THE RUSSIAN CAMPAIGN
(A. D. 1812):
J. R. Seeley:
History of Napoleon,
1385-1386 (1353).
P. Lanfrey:
History of Napoleon I.,
1386 (1353).
E. Labaume:
The Campaign in Russia,
1386 (1353).
A. Rambaud:
History of Russia,
2842-2843 (2768-2769).
L. Tolstoi:
The Russian Campaign,
2843-2844 (2769-2770).
A. Thiers:
History of the Empire,
2844-2845 (2771).
V. Duruy:
History of France,
2845-2846 (2771-2772).
Sir R. Wilson:
The Invasion of Russia,
2846-2847 (2772-2773).
E. Labaume:
The Campaign in Russia,
2847 (2773).
A. Thiers:
History of the Empire,
1387 (1354).
20. THE GERMANIC UPRISING;
BATTLE OF LEIPSIC
(A. D. 1812-1813):
H. Martin:
History of France,
1555-1556 (1521-1522).
W. Menzel:
History of Germany,
1556 (1522).
J. Mitchell:
The Fall of Napoleon,
1557-1558 (1523-1524).
J. G. Lockhart:
Life of Napoleon,
1558-1559 (1525).
R. H. Horne:
History of Napoleon,
1560 (1526).
C. T. Lewis:
History of Germany,
1561-1562 (1528).
W. Hazlitt:
Life of Napoleon,
1562-1563 (1528-1529).
A. Thiers:
History of the Empire,
1563 (1529).
Sir A. Alison:
History of Europe,
1563-1564 (1530).
21. INVASION OF THE ALLIES;
ABDICATION OF NAPOLEON
(A. D. 1814):
A. Rambaud:
History of Russia,
1387-1389 (1354-1356).
J. Mitchell:
The Fall of Napoleon,
1389-1391 (1356-1358).
Sir A. Alison:
History of Europe,
1895 (1855).
W. R. Thayer:
Dawn of Italian Independence,
1895-1896 (1855-1856).
I. Butt:
History of Italy,
1896-1897 (1856-1857).
"The act of abdication was worded in the following terms: 'The
Allied Powers having proclaimed that the Emperor Napoleon is
the sole obstacle to the re-establishment of peace in Europe,
the Emperor Napoleon, faithful to his oath, declares that he
is ready to descend from the throne, to quit France, and even
to relinquish life, for the good of the country, which is
inseparable from the rights of his son, from those of the
regency in the person of the Empress, and from the maintenance
of the laws of the Empire. Done at our palace of Fontainbleau,
4th April, 1814. Napoleon.'"
J. MITCHELL.
22. THE POPE AND THE JESUITS:
M. Talleyrand:
Memoirs,
2527-2528 (2465-2466).
Fraser’s Magazine:
The Jesuits,
1935 (1894).
23. THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA
(SEPTEMBER, 1814):
C. A. Fyffe:
Modern Europe,
3745-3747 (3624-3626).
R. Lodge:
Modern Europe,
3747 (3626).
24. THE NEW GOVERNMENT;
LOUIS XVIII.:
H. Martin:
History of France,
1391-1392 (1358-1359).
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
1392 (1359).
25. THE "ONE HUNDRED DAYS";
WATERLOO
(A. D. JUNE 18, 1815):
G. Hooper:
Waterloo,
1392-1394 (1359-1361).
H. R. Clinton:
Wellington’s Campaigns,
1394-1396 (1361-1363).
G. Hooper:
Waterloo,
1396-1397 (1363-1364).
Baron de Jomini:
The Campaign of Waterloo,
1397-1398 (1364-1365).
J. R. Seeley:
Napoleon I.,
1398-1399 (1365-1366).
Sir A. Alison:
History of Europe,
1399-1400 (1366-1367).
STUDY XXXVII.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
THE AMERICAN COLONIES.
1. THE DISCOVERY OF NORTH AMERICA
(A. D. 1498):
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
58 (51).
H. Harrisse:
Discovery of North America,
59 (3678).
H. Harrisse:
Discovery of North America,
61 (3678).
2. THE ABORIGINES:
D. G. Brinton:
The Lenape,
84 (77).
J. G. Palfrey:
History of New England,
84-85 (77-78).
J. W. Powell:
Ethnological Report,
85 (78).
J. R. Brodhead:
History of New York,
85 (78).
3. EARLIEST ENGLISH VENTURES:
E. J. Payne:
Elizabethan Seamen,
74-75, 76 (67-69).
E. Hayes:
Sir Humphrey Gilbert,
76 (69).
I. N. Tarbox:
Sir Walter Raleigh,
77 (70).
J. A. Doyle:
English in America,
76-77 (69-70).
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
77-78 (70-71).
J. G. Palfrey:
History of New England,
78-79 (71-72).
4. THE VIRGINIA COMPANY AND COLONY:
J. Fiske:
Beginnings of New England,
3748 (3627).
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
3748-3749 (3627-3628).
H. C. Lodge:
The English Colonies,
3749 (3628).
R. A. Brooke:
Virginia,
3749-3750 (3628-3629).
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
3751 (3630).
C. Campbell:
The Colony of Virginia,
3751-3752 (3630-3631).
H. B. Adams:
College of William and Mary,
749-750 (726-727).
5. VIRGINIA UNDER THE STUARTS:
R. Hildreth:
History of the United States,
3752 (3631).
R. Beverley:
History of Virginia,
3752-3753 (3632).
J. E. Cooke:
Virginia,
3753 (3632).
W. Ware:
Nathaniel Bacon,
3753-3755 (3632-3634).
6. THE MAYFLOWER AND THE PLYMOUTH COLONY
(A. D. 1620):
C. Deane:
New England,
2141 (2097).
F. B. Dexter:
The Pilgrim Church,
2141-2142 (2097-2098).
Goldwin Smith:
The American Colonies,
2142 (2098).
J. G. Palfrey:
History of New England,
2143 (2099).
W. T. Davis:
Ancient Plymouth,
2144-2145 (2100-2101).
7. THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COMPANY:
H.C. Lodge:
English Colonies,
2145 (2101).
J. G. Palfrey:
History of New England,
2145 (2101).
J. B. Moore:
Governors of New Plymouth,
2146 (2101-2142).
J. Fiske:
Beginnings of New England,
2148 (2104).
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
2148-2149 (2104-2105).
8. FOUNDING OF BOSTON
(A. D. 1630):
S. A. Drake:
Around the Hub,
2146-2147 (2102-2103).
R. C. Winthrop:
Boston Founded,
2147 (2103).
G. G. Bush:
Harvard,
751 (728).
The Oldest School in America,
750-751 (727-728).
9. EARLY RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS;
J. G. Palfrey:
New England,
2147 (2103).
J. Fiske:
Beginnings of New England,
2147 (2103).
G. E. Ellis:
Early Massachusetts,
2147-2148 (2103-2104).
J. A. Doyle:
The American Colonies,
2149 (2105).
J. S. Barry:
Massachusetts,
2149 (2105).
G. E. Ellis:
Early Massachusetts,
2149-2150 (2105-2106).
C. F. Adams:
Massachusetts,
2150-2151 (2106-2107).
{783}
10. THE DUTCH SETTLEMENTS:
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
79-80 (72-73).
E. B. O’Callaghan:
New Netherlands,
2377 (2325).
J. R. Brodhead:
History of New York,
2377-2378 (2325-2326).
G. W. Schuyler:
Colonial New York,
2378-2379 (2326-2327).
G. Bancroft:
History of United States,
677 (654).
H. C. Lodge:
English Colonies,
2379-2380 (2327-2328).
J. W. Gerard:
William Kieft,
2380 (2328).
S. S. Randall:
History of New York,
2380 (2328).
H. R. Stiles:
History of Brooklyn,
2381 (2329).
Mrs. M. J. Lamb:
The City of New York,
2379, 2382 (2327, 2330).
11. THE BEGINNINGS OF CONNECTICUT
(A. D. 1634):
(a) The First Settlements.
B. Trumbull:
History of Connecticut,
510 (496).
C. W. Bowen:
Boundary Disputes,
510 (496).
A. Johnston:
Connecticut,
510 (496).
J. Fiske:
The Beginnings of New England,
510-511 (496-497).
R. Hildreth:
History of the United States,
513 (499).
J. G. Palfrey:
History of New England,
513 (499).
A. Johnston:
A New England State,
514-515 (500-501).
(b) Constitution Making.
A. Johnston:
A New England State,
511 (497).
Public Records of Colony of Connecticut,
511-513 (497-499).
Full Text of the Fundamental Orders,
511-513 (497-499).
(c) The Fundamental Agreement, and the "Blue Laws."
J. A. Doyle:
The Puritan Colonies,
513-514 (499-500).
C. H. Levermore:
New Haven,
514 (500).
J. H. Trumbull:
The True Blue Laws,
514 (3691-3692).
12. ROGER WILLIAMS, AND THE PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS:
(a) The Persecution of Williams.
S. G. Arnold:
History of Rhode Island,
2707 (2634).
T. Durfee:
Historical Discourse,
2707-2708 (2634-2635).
J. L. Diman:
Orations and Essays,
2708-2709 (2636).
J. R. Bartlett:
Letters of Roger Williams,
2709 (2636).
W. Gammell:
Life of Roger Williams,
2709-2710 (2636-2637).
J. D. Knowles:
Memoir of Roger Williams,
2710-2711 (2637-2638).
(b) Constitution of Providence Plantation.
G. W. Greene:
Rhode Island,
2712 (2639).
Stephen Hopkins:
The Planting of Providence,
2712-2714 (2639-2641).
(c) First Baptist Church.
W. R. Staples:
The Town of Providence,
2714 (2641).
13. THE FOUNDING OF RHODE ISLAND:
R. Hildreth:
History of the United States,
2711-2712 (2638-2639).
O. S. Straus:
Roger Williams,
2712 (2639).
14. LORD BALTIMORE, AND MARYLAND:
(a) The Planting of the Colony.
J. McSherry:
History of Maryland,
2135 (2091).
J. L. Bozman:
Maryland,
2135-2136 (2091-2092).
J. G. Shea:
Catholic Church in Colonial Days,
2136-2137 (2092-2093).
G. B. Keen:
New Albion,
2353 (2305).
(b) Religious Troubles, and Toleration.
J. A. Doyle:
English in America,
2137-2138 (2093-2094).
G. L. Davis:
American Freedom,
2138 (2094).
W. H. Browne:
Maryland,
2138 (2094).
H. C. Lodge:
The English Colonies,
2138-2139 (2094-2095).
15. THE SWEDISH SETTLEMENT IN DELAWARE:
J. R. Brodhead:
History of New York,
677 (654).
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
677 (654).
B. Ferris:
Settlements on the Delaware,
677-678 (654-655).
G. W. Schuyler:
Colonial New York,
678 (655).
E. H. Roberts:
New York,
678-679 (655-656).
16. EARLY HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA:
(a) Rival Claims to Territory.
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
2354 (2306).
W. H. Browne:
Maryland,
2135-2136 (2091-2092).
C. H. Levermore:
Republic of New Haven,
2368 (2319).
J. R. Brodhead:
History of New York,
2384-2385 (2332-2333).
(b) The Territory and Government of Penn.
Susan Coolidge:
History of Philadelphia,
2564-2565 (2498-2499).
Scharf and Westcott:
Philadelphia,
2565 (2499).
T. Clarkson:
Memoirs of Penn,
2565 (2499).
W. H. Dixon:
History of Penn,
2566-2567 (2500-2501).
B. A. Hinsdale:
Old Northwest,
2567 (2501).
J. Dunlop:
Controversy between Penn and Baltimore,
2567-2568 (2501-2502).
B. Fernow:
The Middle Colonies,
2568-2569 (2502-2503).
17. GENERAL REVIEW OP THE SETTLEMENT OF THE COLONIES, AND THEIR
RELATION TO THE MOTHER COUNTRY, 3281-3286 (3165-3170).
18. FIRST CONFEDERATION OF COLONIES
(A. D. 1643):
R. Hildreth:
History of the United States,
2357-2358 (2309-2310).
19. NEW AMSTERDAM BECOMES NEW YORK
(A. D. 1664):
J. A. Stevens:
The English in New York,
2382-2383 (2330-2331).
R. L. Fowler:
History of New York,
2383 (2331).
B. Tuckerman:
Peter Stuyvesant,
2384 (2332).
J. R. Brodhead:
History of New York,
2384-2385 (2332-2333).
J. R. Brodhead:
History of New York,
2336-2337 (2288-2289).
20. ATTEMPTED OVERTHROW OF CHARTERS;
ANDROS;
THE CHARTER OAK:
J. G. Palfrey:
History of New England,
2385 (2333).
G. L. Austin:
History of Massachusetts,
2153-2154 (2109-2110).
Brooks Adams:
Emancipation of Massachusetts,
2154-2155 (2110-2111).
H. C. Lodge:
The English Colonies,
2155-2156 (2111-2112).
J. S. Barry:
History of Massachusetts,
2156-2157 (2112-2113).
G. H. Hollister:
History of Connecticut,
515 (501).
E. B. Sanford:
History of Connecticut,
515-516 (501-502).
A. Johnston:
Connecticut,
516 (502).
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
516-517 (502-503).
{784}
21. KING PHILIP’S WAR
(A. D. 1674-1678):
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
2358-2359 (2310-2311).
C. W. Elliott:
New England History,
2359 (2311).
R. Hildreth:
History of the United States,
2359-2360 (2311-2312).
J. G. Palfrey:
History of New England,
2360 (2312).
J. Fiske:
Beginnings of New England,
2360 (2312).
22. FIRST COLONIAL CONGRESS (A. D. 1690),
AND KING WILLIAM’S WAR:
R. Frothingham:
Rise of the Republic,
3287-3288 (3171-3172).
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
376-377 (366-367).
J. G. Palfrey:
History of New England,
377 (367).
J. S. Barry:
History of Massachusetts,
377-378 (367-368).
23. THE SALEM WITCHCRAFT MADNESS
(A. D. 1692-1693):
J. G. Palfrey:
History of New England,
2157-2158 (2113-2114).
C. W. Elliott:
New England History,
2158-2159 (2114-2115).
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
2159 (2115).
C. W. Upham:
Salem Witchcraft,
2159 (2115).
J. R. Lowell:
Witchcraft,
2159 (2115).
24. THE CAROLINAS AND GEORGIA:
J. A. Doyle:
English in America,
76-77 (69-70).
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
77-78 (70-71).
F. X. Martin:
History of North Carolina,
81 (74).
J. H. Wheeler:
North Carolina,
2424 (2372).
F. L. Hawks:
History of North Carolina,
2424-2425 (2372-2373).
W. G. Simms:
History of South Carolina,
2425 (2373).
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
2425-2426 (2373-2374).
J. A. Doyle:
English in America,
2426 (2374).
W. G. Simms:
History of South Carolina,
3047 (2967).
R. Mackenzie:
America,
1457 (1424).
25. THE INTERCOLONIAL WARS;
LOUISBURG:
R. Johnson:
The French War,
2362 (2314).
J. Grahame:
History of the United States,
2362-2363 (2314-2315).
R. Hildreth:
History of the United States,
2363-2364 (2315-2316).
T. C. Haliburton:
The English in America,
2364-2365 (2316-2317).
26. THE STRUGGLE FOR THE OHIO VALLEY:
R. G. Thwaites:
The Colonies,
3290 (3174).
Viscount Bury:
Exodus of Western Nations,
3290 (3174).
F. Parkman:
Montcalm and Wolfe,
3290-3291 (3174-3175).
H. Hale:
Iroquois Book of Rites,
2444-2445 (2392-2393).
B. A. Hinsdale:
The Old Northwest,
378-379 (368-369).
B. A. Hinsdale:
The Old Northwest,
2445-2446 (2393-2394).
J. Winsor
Narrative and Critical History of America,
2446 (2394).
R. Mackenzie:
America,
2446-2447 (2394-2395).
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
2975 (2898).
27. THE CONGRESS AT ALBANY
(A. D. 1754):
B. Franklin:
Autobiography,
3291 (3175).
W. E. Foster:
Stephen Hopkins,
3291 (3175).
Full Text Representation of the
Present State of the Colonies,
3291-3293 (3175-3177).
Text of the Plan of Union,
3293-3294 (3177-3178).
28. Mason and Dixon’s Line:
W. H. Dixon:
William Penn,
2566-2567 (2500-2501).
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
2571 (2505).
B. A. Hinsdale:
The Old Northwest,
2571 (2505).
29. The Scotch-Irish:
W. W. Henry:
The Scotch-Irish,
2912-2913 (2837-2838).
T. Roosevelt:
Winning of the West,
2913 (2838).
"Full credit has been awarded the Roundhead and the Cavalier
for their leadership in our history; nor have we been
altogether blind to the deeds of the Hollander and the
Huguenot; but it is doubtful if we have wholly realized the
importance of the part played by that stern and virile people,
the Irish whose preachers taught the creed of Knox and Calvin.
These Irish representatives of the Covenanters were in the
West almost what the Puritans were in the Northeast, and more
than the Cavaliers were in the South. … That these Irish
Presbyterians were a bold and hardy race is proved by their at
once pushing past the settled regions, and plunging into the
wilderness as the leaders of the white advance. … They were
fitted to be Americans from the very start; they were kinsfolk
of the Covenanters; they deemed it a religious duty to
interpret their own Bible, and held for a divine right the
election of their clergy. For generations, their whole
ecclesiastic and scholastic systems had been fundamentally
democratic."
T. ROOSEVELT.
30. EARLY WESTERN SETTLEMENTS:
(a) The Northwest Territory.
T. Roosevelt:
Winning of the West,
2429 (2377).
W. F. Poole:
The West from 1763 to 1783,
2429-2430 (2377-2378).
(5) The Wyoming Valley.
A. Johnston:
Connecticut,
2569-2570 (2503-2504).
(c) Transylvania and Daniel Boone.
N. S. Shaler:
Kentucky,
1981-1982 (1939-1940).
(d) The Watauga Commonwealth.
T. Roosevelt:
Winning of the West,
3179-3180 (3094-3095).
(e) The State of Franklin, and Sevier.
J. B. McMaster:
History of the United States,
3181-3182 (3096-3097).
W. H. Carpenter:
History of Tennessee,
3182 (3097).
31. COLONIAL LIFE:
(a) Religion.
J. G. Palfrey:
History of New England,
2147 (2103).
G. E. Ellis:
Early Massachusetts,
2147-2148 (2104).
J. A. Doyle:
American Colonies,
2149 (2105).
G. E. Ellis:
Early Massachusetts,
2149-2150 (2105-2106).
C. F. Adams:
Massachusetts,
2150-2151 (2106-2107).
J. Fiske:
Beginnings of New England,
2151 and 2153 (2107, 2109).
J. Fiske:
Beginnings of New England,
309 (299).
W. R. Staples:
The Town of Providence,
2714 (2641).
D. Weston:
Early Baptists,
266-267 (3690).
R. Hildreth:
History of the United States,
2568 (2502).
G. L. Davis:
American Freedom,
2138 (2094).
R. Hildreth:
History of the United States,
3755-3756 (3635).
J. A. Russell:
Catholic Church in the United States,
2526 (2464).
(b) Education.
H. B. Adams:
College of William and Mary,
749-750 (726-727).
The Oldest School in America,
750-751 (727-728).
G. G. Bush:
Harvard,
751 (728).
R. G. Boone:
Education in the United States,
751-752 (728-729).
J. L. Stewart:
The University of Pennsylvania,
752 (729).
J. G. Palfrey:
History of New England (Yale),
752-753 (729-730).
{785}
The College of New Jersey,
753 (3799).
Columbia College Handbook,
753-754 (730-731).
G. T. Curtis:
Daniel Webster (Dartmouth),
754-755 (3741-3742).
R. A. Guild:
Rhode Island College (Brown),
755 (3693).
(c) Printing and the Press.
C. R. Hildeburn:
Printing in New York,
2668-2669 (2596-2597).
I. Thomas:
History of Printing,
2669-2670 (2598).
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
2670 (2598).
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
2387 (2335).
F. Hudson:
Journalism in the United States,
2672 (2600).
J. Parton:
Life of Franklin,
2061-2062 (2017-2018).
B. Samuel:
The Father of American Libraries,
2062-2063 (2018-2019).
(d) Money and Banking.
W. B. Weeden:
Indian Money,
2252-2253 (2208-2209).
J. R. Snowden:
Description of Coins,
2253 (2209).
J. J. Knox:
United States Notes,
2255-2256 (2212).
W. G. Sumner:
History of American Currency,
2256 (2212).
John Fiske:
American Revolution,
2256 (2212).
(e) Trade and Commerce.
J. E. T. Rogers:
Economic Interpretation of History,
3229-3230 (3718-3719).
E. Eggleston:
Commerce in the Colonies,
3230 (3719).
M. Chamberlain:
Revolution Impending,
3286-3287 (3170-3171).
J. L. Bishop:
American Manufactures,
3289 (3173).
G. L. Beer:
Commercial Policy of England,
3296-3297 (3180-3181).
John Morley:
Edmund Burke,
3298 (3182).
(f) Slavery.
E. J. Payne:
Elizabethan Seamen,
74-75 (67-68).
G. W. Williams:
Negro Race in America,
2998 (2920).
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
3751 (3630).
E. Washburn:
Slavery in Massachusetts,
2998-2999 (2920-2921).
G. W. Greene:
Rhode Island,
2715 (2642).
W. E. Foster:
Stephen Hopkins,
3002 (2924).
J. A. Doyle:
English in America.
3047-3048 (2968).
G. Bancroft:
History of United States,
3048 (2968).
T. Clarkson:
Abolition of the Slave Trade,
3000 (2922).
J. Fiske:
Critical Period,
3001 (2923).
T. Jefferson:
The State of Virginia,
3001 (2923).
J. E. Cooke:
Virginia,
3001 (2923).
E. B. Sanford:
Connecticut,
3001-3002 (2923-2924).
W. F. Poole:
Anti-Slavery Opinions,
3002 (2924).
STUDY XXXVIII.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
1. RELATIONS BETWEEN THE COLONIES AND THE CROWN
ON THE EVE OF THE REVOLUTION:
M. Chamberlain:
Revolution Impending,
3286-3287 (3170-3171).
G. L. Craik:
British Commerce,
2293 (2245).
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
3288 (3172).
H. W. Preston:
American History,
3288-3289 (3172-3173).
J. L. Bishop:
History of American Manufactures,
3289 (3173).
B. A. Hinsdale:
The American Government,
3295 (3179).
G. L. Beer:
Commercial Policy of England,
3296-3297 (3180-3181).
John Morley:
Edmund Burke,
3298 (3182).
"Historians, in treating of the American rebellion, have
confined their arguments too exclusively to the question of
internal taxation, and the right or policy of exercising this
prerogative. The true source of the rebellion lay deeper, in
our traditional colonial policy. Just as the Spaniards had
been excited to the discovery of America by the hope of
obtaining gold and silver, the English merchants utilized the
discovery by the same fallacious method, and with the same
fallacious aspirations. … They only saw that a colonial trade
had sprung up, and their jealousy blinded them to the benefits
that accrued to themselves as a consequence of it. Their folly
found them out. … The result of the whole transaction was the
birth of a very strong sense in the minds of the colonists
that the mother country looked upon them as a sponge to be
squeezed. This conviction took more than a passing hold upon
them. It was speedily inflamed into inextinguishable heat,
first by the news that they were to be taxed without their own
consent, and next by the tyrannical and atrocious measures by
which it was proposed to crush their resistance."
JOHN MORLEY.
2. THE QUESTION OF TAXATION:
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
3294-3295 (3178-3179).
W. Tudor:
Life of James Otis,
3295-3296 (3179-3180).
J. Fiske:
The War of Independence,
3297-3298 (3181-3182).
T. Hutchinson:
Province of Massachusetts Bay,
3298-3299 (3182-3183).
3. THE STAMP ACT, AND THE STAMP ACT CONGRESS
(A. D. 1765):
J. G. Palfrey:
History of New England,
3299 (3183).
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
3303 (3187).
W. Wirt:
Life of Patrick Henry,
3303-3305 (3187-3189).
W. W. Henry:
Patrick Henry,
3305 (3189).
J. A. Stevens:
The Stamp Act,
3305 (3189).
John Fiske:
The American Revolution,
3305-3306 (3189-3190).
E. B. Sanford:
History of Connecticut,
517 (503).
R. Frothingham:
Rise of the Republic,
3306-3307 (3190-3191).
W. E. H. Lecky:
History of England,
3317-3319 (3201-3203).
Full Text of the Stamp Act,
3299-3302 (3183-3186).
"It was in the midst of this magnificent debate, while he
[Patrick Henry] was descanting on the tyranny of the obnoxious
act, that he exclaimed in a voice of thunder, and with the
look of a god: ‘Caesar had his Brutus—Charles the First his
Cromwell—and George the Third—("Treason!" cried the speaker.
"Treason, treason!" echoed from every part of the house. It
was one of those trying moments that is decisive of character.
Henry faltered not for an instant; but rising to a loftier
attitude, and fixing on the speaker an eye of the most
determined fire, he finished his sentence with the firmest
emphasis)—may profit by their example. If this be treason,
make the most of it.’"
W. WIRT.
4. EXAMINATION OF FRANKLIN BY THE HOUSE OF COMMONS
(A. D. 1766):
J. Bigelow:
Life of Benjamin Franklin,
3317 (3201).
Full Text of the Questions and Answers from the
"Parliamentary History of England,"
3308-3317 (3192-3201).
"What used to be the pride of the Americans?"
"To indulge in the fashions and manufactures of
Great Britain."
"What is now their pride?"
"To wear their old clothes over again, until they can
make new ones."
{786}
5. THE "BOSTON MASSACRE," AND ITS RESULTS
(A. D. 1770):
J. K. Hosmer:
Samuel Adams,
311 (301).
W. E. H. Lecky:
History of England,
311-312 (301-302).
R. Frothingham:
Rise of the Republic,
3321 (3205).
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
3321 (3205).
6. THE TOWNSHEND ACTS, AND THE "BOSTON TEA PARTY":
J. K. Hosmer:
Samuel Adams,
3319 (3203).
C. J. Stillé:
Life of John Dickinson,
3319-3320 (3203-3204).
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
3321-3322 (3206).
J. Fiske:
War of Independence,
3322 (3206).
J. K. Hosmer:
Samuel Adams,
3322-3323 (3206-3207).
J. K. Hosmer:
Samuel Adams,
3324-3325 (3208-3209).
A. Gilman:
The Story of Boston,
312 (302).
7. THE BOSTON PORT BILL AND ITS EFFECTS
(A. D. 1774):
W. M. Sloane:
The French War and the Revolution,
3325 (3209).
R. Frothingham:
The Siege of Boston,
313-314 (303-304).
E. G. Scott:
Development of Constitutional Liberty,
3325-3326 (3209-3210).
8. EXAMINATION OF GOVERNOR HUTCHINSON BY KING GEORGE
(A. D. 1774):
Diary of Thomas Hutchinson,
Full Text of the Conversation.
3326-3330 (3210-3214).
9. THE FIRST CONTINENTAL CONGRESS
(A. D. 1774):
R. Frothingham:
Rise of the Republic,
3330 (3214).
J. C. Hamilton:
History of the United States,
3330-3331 (3214-3215).
P. L. Ford:
The First Congress,
3331-3332 (3215-3216).
M. Chamberlain:
John Adams,
3332 (3216).
H. von Holst:
Constitutional History of the United States,
3332-3333 (3216-3217).
10. THE GENERAL SITUATION IN THE COLONIES, AND IN PARLIAMENT:
R. Frothingham:
The Siege of Boston,
3333 (3217).
H. B. Carrington:
The American Revolution,
3333 (3217).
W. E. H. Lecky:
History of England,
3334 (3218).
Edmund Burke:
His Great Speech in the House of Commons,
3334-3337 (3218-3221).
G. Pellew:
John Jay,
2388-2389 (2336-2337).
B. J. Lossing:
Life of Philip Schuyler,
2389-2390 (2337-2338).
M. L. Booth:
History of New York,
2390-2391 (2338-2339).
H. S. Randall:
Life of Jefferson,
3756 (3635).
R. Hildreth:
History of the United States,
3049 (2969).
11. THE BEGINNING OF THE WAR
(APRIL, 1775):
R. Frothingham:
The Siege of Boston,
2160-2161 (2116-2117).
T. W. Higginson:
History of the United States,
3338 (3222).
G. E. Ellis:
Battle of Bunker’s Hill,
3338-3340 (3222-3224).
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
3340-3341 (3225).
J. Sparks:
Life of Ethan Allen,
3341 (3225).
C. W. Elliott:
New England History,
3341-3342 (3225-3226).
A. Johnston:
History of the United States,
3343 (3227).
J. Winsor:
Narrative and Critical History of America,
3343 (3227).
G. E. Ellis:
The Battle of Bunker’s Hill,
3343-3344 (3227-3228).
"Allen sought and found the Commander’s bed-room, and when
Captain Delaplace waked he … opened the door, with trousers in
hand, and there the great gaunt Ethan stood, with a drawn
sword in his hand. ‘Surrender!’ said Ethan. ‘To you?’ asked
Delaplace. ‘Yes, to me, Ethan Allen.’ ‘By whose authority?’
asked Delaplace. Ethan was growing impatient, and raising his
voice, and waving his sword, he said: ‘In the name of the
Great Jehovah, and of the Continental Congress.’ Delaplace
little comprehended the words, but surrendered at once. Thus,
on the morning of 10th of May, the strong fortress of
Ticonderoga was taken by the border-men, and with it 44
prisoners, 120 iron cannon, with swivels, muskets, balls, and
some powder, without the loss of a single man. The surprise
was planned and paid for by Connecticut, and was led by Allen,
a Connecticut-born man, but was carried out by the ‘Green
Mountain Boys.’"
C. W. ELLIOTT.
12. WASHINGTON, COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF THE CONTINENTAL ARMY:
W. Irving:
Life of Washington,
3342 (3226).
E. Everett:
Life of Washington,
3345 (3229).
E. E. Hale:
Naval History of the Revolution,
3345-3346 (3229-3230).
13. WAR MEASURES OF PARLIAMENT;
THE HESSIANS:
H. S. Randall:
Life of Jefferson,
3346 (3230).
Earl Stanhope:
History of England,
3347 (3231).
E. J. Lowell:
Hessians in the Revolution,
3347-3348 (3231-3232).
14. INDEPENDENCE DECLARED
(JULY 4, 1776):
L. Sabine:
Biographical Sketches,
3337-3338 (3222).
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
3340-3341 (3225).
H. S. Randall:
Life of Jefferson,
3347 (3231).
J. Q. Adams:
Life of John Adams,
3348-3349 (3232-3233).
J. T. Morse, Jr.:
Thomas Jefferson,
3349-3350 (3233-3234).
J. Fiske:
American Revolution,
3350 (3234).
H. von Holst:
Constitutional History of the United States,
3352 (3236).
Text of the Declaration, and Signers,
3351-3352 (3235-3236).
15. THE WAR IN NEW YORK AND NEW JERSEY
(A. D. 1776-1777):
B. J. Lossing:
History of the United States,
3352-3353 (3237).
H. C. Lodge:
George Washington,
3353-3354 (3238).
J. Fiske:
War of Independence,
3354-3356 (3238-3240).
H. P. Johnston:
Campaign of 1776,
3356 (3240).
E. Lawrence:
New York in the Revolution,
3356-3357 (3240-3241).
16. THE CAMPAIGN ON THE DELAWARE
(A. D. 1777):
F. D. Stone:
The Struggle for the Delaware,
3361-3362 (3245-3246).
G. Washington:
Writings,
3362-3363 (3246-3247).
F. Kapp:
Life of von Steuben,
3363-3364 (3247-3248).
17. THE STRUGGLE FOR THE HUDSON;
SURRENDER OF BURGOYNE
(OCTOBER 15, 1777):
R. Hildreth:
History of the United States,
3365-3366 (3249-3250).
Sir E. Creasy:
Fifteen Decisive Battles,
3366-3368 (3250-3252).
E. Everett:
Life of Washington,
3368 (3252).
G. Washington:
Writings,
3368 (3252).
18. FORMATION OF STATE GOVERNMENTS,
AND ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION:
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
3360-3361 (3244-3245).
J. Story:
Commentaries on the Constitution,
3368-3369 (3252-3253).
H. von Holst:
Constitutional History of the United States,
3372 (3256).
Full Text of the Articles of Confederation,
3369-3372 (3253-3256).
{787}
19. THE FRENCH ALLIANCE:
F. Wharton:
Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States,
3357 (3241).
J. T. Morse, Jr.:
Benjamin Franklin,
3357-3358 (3241-3242).
J. Marshall:
Life of Washington,
3358 (3242).
W. G. Sumner:
Finances of American Revolution,
3359-3360 (3243-3244).
B. Tuckerman:
Life of Lafayette,
3364-3365 (3249).
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
3372-3373 (3257).
S. Eliot:
History of the United States,
3376-3377 (3260-3261).
F. Wharton:
Diplomatic Correspondence of United States,
3380-3381 (3264-3265).
20. INDIAN TROUBLES;
CLARK’S CONQUEST OF THE NORTHWEST
(A. D. 1778-1779)
E. H. Roberts:
New York,
3374 (3258).
E. Cruikshank:
Story of Butler’s Rangers,
3374-3375 (3258-3259).
A. F. McDavis:
Border Warfare of the Revolution,
3375-3376 (3259-3260).
W. L. Stone:
Life of Joseph Brant,
3376 (3260).
T. Roosevelt:
Winning of the West,
2429 (2377).
O. Turner:
History of Pioneer Settlement,
3382-3383 (3266-3267).
A. T. Norton:
Sullivan’s Campaign against the Iroquois,
3383-3384 (3267-3268).
21. THE WAR IN THE SOUTH
(A. D. 1778-1780):
W. Irving:
Life of Washington,
3381 (3265).
C. B. Hartley:
Life of General Marion,
3384-3385 (3268-3269).
G. Tucker:
History of the United States,
3286-3287 (3270-3271).
G. W. Greene:
Life of Nathanael Greene,
3389-3390 (3273-3274).
W. G. Simms:
History of South Carolina,
3390 (3274).
J. Fiske:
War of Independence,
3390-3391 (3274-3275).
22. WASHINGTON'S ANXIETIES AND MOVEMENTS
(A. D. 1778-1780):
W. Irving:
Life of Washington,
3377 (3261).
G. Washington:
Writings,
3377-3378 (3261-3262).
G. W. Greene:
Life of Nathanael Greene,
3378-3379 (3262-3263).
H. C. Lodge:
George Washington,
3381-3382 (3265-3266).
W. Irving:
Life of Washington,
3385-3386 (3269-3270).
W. G. Sumner:
History of American Currency,
3386 (3270).
"At the end of 1779 Congress was at its wit’s end for money.
Its issues had put specie entirely out of reach, and the cause
of the Revolution was in danger of being drowned under the
paper sea. … In the spring or 1780 the bills were worth two
cents on the dollar, and then ceased to circulate. The paper
was now worth more for an advertisement or a joke than for any
prospect of any kind of redemption. A barber’s shop in
Philadelphia was papered with it; and a dog, coated with tar,
and with the bills stuck all over him, was paraded in the
streets."
W. G. SUMNER.
23. The Arrival of Rochambeau
(A. D. 1780):
J. C. Hamilton:
History of the United States,
3387 (3271).
T. Balch:
The French in America,
3387-3388 (3271-3272).
24. THE TREASON OF ARNOLD;
AND MUTINY OF PENNSYLVANIA TROOPS:
R. Hildreth:
History of the United States,
8388-8389 (3272-3273).
H. B. Carrington:
Battles of the Revolution,
3391-3392 (3275-3276).
25. THE VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN
(A. D. 1781):
B. Tuckerman:
Life of Lafayette,
3392-3393 (3276-3277).
H. P. Johnston:
The Yorktown Campaign,
3393 (3277).
H. B. Carrington:
The American Revolution,
3393-3394 (3277-3278).
R. C. Winthrop:
Address at Yorktown,
3394-3395 (3278-3279).
W. E. H. Lecky:
History of England,
3395-3396 (3279-3280).
26. THE CESSION OF WESTERN TERRITORY TO THE UNION:
A. Johnston:
The United States,
3396 (3280).
H. B. Adams:
Land Cessions to the United States,
3396-3397 (3280-3281).
B. A. Hinsdale:
The Northwest,
3397 (3281).
27. PEACE NEGOTIATIONS:
J. Marshall:
Life of Washington,
3397-3398 (3281-3282).
Diplomacy of the United States,
3398-3399 (3282-3283).
E. Fitzmaurice:
Life of the Earl of Shelburne,
3399-3400 (3283-3284).
E. B. Andrews:
History of the United States,
3400 (3284).
J. Fiske:
The Critical Period,
3400-3401 (3284-3286).
J. Q. Adams:
Life of John Adams,
3401-3402 (3285-3286).
F. Wharton:
Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence,
3402 (3286).
J. Bigelow:
Life of Franklin,
3402-3403 (3286-3287).
28. THE DEFINITIVE TREATY OF PEACE
(SEPTEMBER, 1783):
H. W. Preston:
Documents of American History,
3403-3404 (3287-3288).
T. Pitkin:
Political History of the United States,
3409-3411 (3293-3295).
T. Roosevelt:
Winning of the West,
3411-3412 (3295-3296).
29. THE DISSOLUTION OF THE CONTINENTAL ARMY:
G. T. Curtis:
The Constitution of the United States,
3403 (3287).
J. B. McMaster:
History of the United States,
3404-3405 (3288-3289).
30. GENERAL CONDITIONS FOLLOWING THE WAR:
G. E. Ellis:
Loyalists and their Fortunes,
3202-3203 (3116-3117).
J. B. McMaster:
History of the United States,
3405-3406 (3289-3290).
A. Hamilton:
The Federalist,
3406-3407 (3290-3291).
A. Johnston:
History of American Politics,
3407 (3291).
J. R. Soley:
Maritime Industries of America,
3408 (3292).
W. B. Weeden:
Economic History of New England,
3408 (3292).
W. G. Sumner:
Finances of the Revolution,
3409 (3293).
J. Schouler:
History of the United States,
2161 (2117).
"Four years only elapsed, between the return of peace and the
downfall of a government which had been framed with the hope
and promise of perpetual duration. … But this brief period was
full of suffering and peril. There are scarcely any evils or
dangers, of a political nature, and springing from political
and social causes, to which a free people can be exposed,
which the people of the United States did not experience
during that period."
G. T. CURTIS.
"It is not too much to say that the period of five years
following the peace of 1783 was the most critical moment in
all the history of the American people."
JOHN FISKE.
31. PLANS FOR SETTLEMENT OF THE NORTHWEST TERRITORY:
J. B. McMaster:
History of the United States,
2430-2431 (2378-2379).
T. Donaldson:
The Public Domain,
2431 (2379)
{788}
R. King:
Ohio,
2431 (2379).
J. Winsor:
Narrative and Critical History of America,
2431-2432 (2380).
T. Donaldson:
The Public Domain,
2434-2435 (2382-2383).
Full Text of the Ordinance of 1787,
2432-2434 (2382).
STUDY XXXIX.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
THE UNITED STATES:
UNION UNDER THE CONSTITUTION;
ADMINISTRATIONS OF WASHINGTON AND ADAMS.
1. FEDERAL GOVERNMENT:
E. A. Freeman:
History of Federal Government,
1136 (1108).
A. B. Hart:
The Study of Federal Government,
1136 (1108).
J. N. Dalton:
Federal States of the World,
1138-1139 (1110-1111).
2. THE WEAKNESS OF THE CONFEDERATION:
J. B. McMaster:
History of the United States,
3405-3406 (3289-3290).
Alexander Hamilton:
The Federalist,
3405-3406 (3290-3291).
A. Johnston:
History of American Politics,
3407 (3291).
Text of the Articles of Confederation,
3369-3372 (3253-3256).
3. THE MAKING OF THE CONSTITUTION
(A. D. 1787):
J. S. Landon:
Constitutional History of United States,
3412-3413 (3296-3297).
K. M. Rowland:
Life of George Mason,
3413 (3297).
W. C. Rives:
Life of James Madison,
3413-3414 (3297-3298).
James Madison:
Letters and Writings,
3414-3415 (3298-3299).
S. H. Gay:
James Madison,
3415-3416 (3299-3300).
John Fiske:
The Critical Period,
3416 (3300).
A. B. Hart:
Formation of the Union,
3416-3417 (3300-3301).
4. RATIFICATION OF THE CONSTITUTION, AND ELECTION OF PRESIDENT
(A. D. 1789):
J. S. Landon:
Constitutional History of United States,
3417-3418 (3301-3302).
W. Irving:
Life of Washington,
3418 (3302).
Text of the Constitution, with all Amendments,
619-625 (596-602).
5. ORGANIZATION OF THE GOVERNMENT;
FORMATION OF PARTIES:
A. Johnston:
History of American Politics,
3418-3419 (3302-3303).
Thomas Jefferson:
Writings,
3419-3420 (3303-3304).
H. C. Lodge:
Life of George Cabot,
3420-3421 (3304-3305).
6. THE FIRST CENSUS (A. D. 1790):
3421 (3305).
7. ORGANIZATION OF THE SUPREME COURT
(A. D. 1789):
J. S. Landon:
Constitutional History of United States,
3122-3123 (3039-3040).
J. Bryce:
The American Commonwealth,
3123 (3040).
E. A. Freeman:
The English People,
3123 (3040).
"It [the Supreme Court] is, I believe, the only national
tribunal in the world which can sit in judgment on a national
law, and can declare an act of all the three powers of the
Union to be null and void. No such power does or can exist in
England. Any one of the three powers of the State,—King,
Lords, or Commons,—acting alone, may act illegally, the three
acting together cannot act illegally. An act of Parliament is
final; it may be repealed by the power which enacted it; it
cannot be questioned by any other power. For in England there
is no written constitution; the powers of Parliament,—of King,
Lords, and Commons, acting together,—are literally boundless.
But in your Union, it is not only possible that President,
Senate, or House of Representatives, acting alone, may act
illegally; the three acting together may act illegally. …
Congress may pass, the President may assent to a measure which
contradicts the terms of the Constitution. If they so act,
they act illegally, and the Supreme Court can declare such an
act to be null and void. This difference flows directly from
the difference between a written and unwritten constitution."
E. A. FREEMAN.
8. The First Tariff Measure, and First Bank of the United States:
J. T. Morse, Jr.:
Life of Alexander Hamilton,
3150 (3066).
A. Hamilton:
Report on Manufactures,
3150-3152 (3066-3068).
H. W. Domett:
The Bank of New York,
2256 (2212).
J. A. Stevens:
Albert Gallatin,
2257-2258 (2213-2214).
9. FOUNDING OF THE FEDERAL CAPITAL
(A. D. 1791):
A. Johnston:
History of American Politics,
3419 (3303).
J. Schouler:
History of the United States,
3767-3768 (3646-3647).
10. ADMISSION OF NEW STATES TO THE UNION:
(a) Vermont (A. D. 1791).
B. J. Lossing:
Life of Philip Schuyler,
3736-3737 (3616-3617).
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
3737 (3617).
Z. Thompson:
History of Vermont,
3737-3738 (3617-3618).
R. Hildreth:
History of the United States,
3738-3739 (3618-3619).
(b) Kentucky (A. D. 1792).
N. S. Shaler:
Kentucky,
1981-1982 (1939-1940).
W. B. Allen:
History of Kentucky,
1982-1983 (1940-1941).
R. Hildreth:
History of the United States,
1983 (1941).
(c) Tennessee (A. D. 1796).
T. Roosevelt:
Winning of the West,
3179-3180 (3094-3095).
J. Phelan:
History of Tennessee,
3180-3181 (3095-3096).
J. B. McMaster:
History of the United States,
3181-3182 (3096-3097).
W. H. Carpenter:
History of Tennessee,
3182 (3097).
11. SLAVERY; THE FIRST FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW
(A. D. 1793):
H. G. McDougall:
Fugitive Slaves,
3421-3422 (3305-3306).
William Jay:
Letter to Josiah Quincy,
3422 (3306).
J. W. Draper:
History of the Civil War,
3422-3423 (3306-3307).
H. Von Holst:
Constitutional History of the United States,
3431-3432 (3315-3316).
12. RELATIONS WITH FRANCE;
"CITIZEN" GENET;
THE X. Y. Z. LETTERS:
E. Everett:
Life of Washington,
3422 (3306).
H. C. Lodge:
George Washington,
3422 (3306).
T. W. Higginson:
History of the United States,
3431 (3315).
{789}
13. THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION
(A. D. 1794):
George Tucker:
History Of The United States,
2572-2573 (2506-2507).
14. STRAINED RELATIONS WITH GREAT BRITAIN;
THE JAY TREATY
(A. D. 1794-1795):
G. Pellew:
John Jay,
3423-3424 (3307-3308).
H. von Holst:
Constitutional History of the United States,
3424 (3308).
15. THIRD PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;
WASHINGTON’S FAREWELL ADDRESS
(A. D. 1796):
H. von Holst:
Constitutional History of the United States,
3430-3431 (3314-3315).
W. Irving:
Life of Washington,
3424-3425 (3308-3309).
Full Text of the Farewell Address,
3425-3430 (3309-3314).
"In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old
and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the
strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will
control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our
nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the
destiny of nations. But if I may even flatter myself that they
may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional
good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of
party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign
intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended
patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the
solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.
… Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I
am unconscious of intentional error, I am, nevertheless, too
sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may
have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently
beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which
they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my
Country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and
that after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its
service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent
abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon
be to the mansions of rest."
GEORGE WASHINGTON, FAREWELL ADDRESS.
16. THE DEATH OF WASHINGTON
(DECEMBER 14, 1799):
H. C. Lodge:
George Washington,
3439.
17. THE ALIEN AND SEDITION LAWS
(A. D. 1798):
J. S. Landon:
Constitutional History of the United States
3432 (3316).
H. C. Lodge:
Alexander Hamilton,
3434-3435 (3319).
Text of the Naturalization Act,
3432 (3316).
Texts of the Alien Acts,
3432-3434 (3316-3318).
Text of the Sedition Act,
3434 (3318).
18. THE KENTUCKY AND VIRGINIA RESOLUTIONS:
E. D. Warfield:
The Kentucky Resolutions,
3435 (3319).
S. H. Gay:
James Madison,
3438-3439 (3322-3323).
J. B. McMaster:
History of the United States,
3439 (3323).
Text of the Kentucky Resolutions,
3435-3437 (3321).
Text of the Virginia Resolutions,
3437-3438 (3321-3322).
STUDY XL.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
THE UNITED STATES:
THE THREE DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATIONS
(A. D. 1801-1825).
1. THE FOURTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;
THOMAS JEFFERSON PRESIDENT:
W. Whitelock:
Life of John Jay,
3440 (3324).
Goldwin Smith:
The United States,
3440-3441 (3324-3325).
R. Hildreth:
History of the United States,
3441 (3325).
A. Bradford:
Federal Government,
3441-3442 (3325-3326).
2. JOHN MARSHALL CHIEF JUSTICE:
A. B. Magruder:
John Marshall,
3442-3443 (3326-3327).
3. WAR WITH THE BARBARY STATES:
E. Schuyler:
American Diplomacy,
272 (263).
J. Schouler:
History of the United States,
272-273 (263-264).
Henry Adams:
History of the United States,
273 (264).
S. Lane Poole:
The Barbary Corsairs,
273-274 (264-265).
R. Hildreth:
History of the United States,
274 (265).
4. OHIO ADMITTED TO THE UNION
(A. D. 1802):
T. Roosevelt:
Winning of the West,
2429 (2377).
H. Hale:
The Iroquois Book of Rites,
2444-2445 (2392-2393).
B. A. Hinsdale:
The Old Northwest,
2445-2446 (2393-2394).
B. King:
Ohio,
2431 (2379).
J. Winsor:
Narrative and Critical History of America,
2431-2432 (2380).
T. Donaldson:
The Public Domain,
2434-2435 (2383).
Full Text of the Ordinance of 1787,
2432-2434 (2380-2382).
5. THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE
(A. D. 1803):
C. Gayarré:
Louisiana,
2090 (2046).
Waring and Cable:
New Orleans,
647 (624).
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
2091 (2047).
G. W. Cable:
The Creoles of Louisiana,
2091-2092 (2047-2048).
T. M. Cooley:
The Acquisition of Louisiana,
2092-2093 (2048-2049).
M. Thompson:
The Story of Louisiana,
2093-2094 (2049-2050).
C. F. Robertson:
The Louisiana Purchase,
2094 (2050).
H. von Holst:
Constitutional History of the United States
3443 (3327).
Henry Adams:
History of the United States,
3444 (3328).
See maps between pages
3342-3343 (3326-3327).
6. FEDERALIST SECESSION MOVEMENT
(A. D. 1804):
T. M. Cooley:
The Acquisition of Louisiana,
3444 (3328).
C. F. Robertson:
The Louisiana Purchase,
3445 (3329).
"The purchase, according to the Federal view of the
Constitution, was perfectly legitimate. … But the Federalists
in general took narrow and partisan views, and in order to
embarrass the administration resorted to quibbles which were
altogether unworthy the party which had boasted of Washington
as its chief and Hamilton as the exponent of its doctrines. …
The Federal leaders did not stop at cavils; they insisted that
the unconstitutional extension of territory was in effect a
dissolution of the Union, so that they were at liberty to
contemplate and plan for a final disruption."
JUDGE T. M. COOLEY.
7. THE BRITISH IMPRESSMENT OF SEAMEN:
G. Tucker:
History of the United States
3444 (3328).
Henry Adams:
History of the United States,
3444 (3328).
Goldwin Smith:
The United States,
3444-3445 (3328-3329).
8. THE IMPEACHMENT OF JUDGE CHASE
(A. D. 1804-1805):
Henry Adams:
John Randolph,
3445-3446 (3330).
J. Q. Adams:
Memoirs,
3446 (3330).
J. Schouler:
History of the United States,
3446-3447 (3331).
9. THE LEWIS AND CLARK EXPEDITION
(A. D. 1804-1805):
The Nation:
Review of Dr. Coues’ History,
3447-3448 (3331-3332).
10. AARON BURR’S FILIBUSTERING SCHEME
(A. D. 1806-1807):
J. D. Hammond:
History of Political Parties,
3450-3451 (3334-3335).
{790}
11. THE QUESTION OF THE SLAVE TRADE:
W. F. Poole:
Anti-Slavery Opinions,
3002 (2924).
John Fiske:
The Critical Period,
3002-3003 (2924-2925).
C. P. Lucas:
The British Colonies,
3003 (2925).
E. Quincy:
Life of Josiah Quincy,
3451-3452 (3336).
12. TROUBLES WITH GREAT BRITAIN
(A. D. 1804-1810):
J. B. McMaster:
History of the United States,
3448-3449 (3332-3333).
S. H. Gay:
James Madison,
3449-3450 (3333-3334).
Henry Adams:
History of the United States,
3450 (3334).
Henry Adams:
History of the United States,
3452-3453 (3336-3337).
Goldwin Smith:
The United States,
3453 (3337).
G. L. Rives:
Thomas Barclay,
3454 (3338).
13. SIXTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;
JAMES MADISON PRESIDENT (A. D. 1808):
J. Schouler:
History of the United States,
3453 (3337).
14. THE THIRD CENSUS (A. D. 1810),
3454 (3338).
15. LOUISIANA ADMITTED TO THE UNION
(A. D. 1812):
Waring and Cable:
New Orleans,
2095 (2051).
L. Carr:
Missouri,
2095 (2051).
J. W. Monette:
The Valley of the Mississippi,
2095 (2051).
R. Hildreth:
History of the United States,
1182-1183 (1153).
16. BEGINNING OF THE WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN
(A. D. 1812):
C. Schurz:
Life of Henry Clay,
3455 (3339).
R. Johnson:
The War of 1812,
3456-3457 (3340-3341).
T. W. Higginson:
History of the United States,
3457-3458 (3341-3342).
R. Hildreth:
History of the United States,
3458 (3342).
J. Schouler:
History of the United States,
3458-3459 (3342-3343).
17. CONDITION, AND EARLY SUCCESSES, OF THE NAVY:
J. A. Stevens:
Second War with Great Britain,
3459 (3343).
J. R. Soley:
Wars of the United States,
3459-3460 (3343-3344).
18. PERRY’S VICTORY ON LAKE ERIE
(A. D. 1813):
J. Schouler:
History of the United States,
3460-3462 (3344-3346).
T. Roosevelt:
The Naval War,
3462 (3346).
19. THE BURNING OF TORONTO, AND BUFFALO
(A. D. 1813):
G. Bryce:
History of Canada,
3462-3463 (3346-3347).
J. T. Headley:
Second War with England,
3463-3464 (3347-3348).
R. Johnson:
The War of 1812,
3464-3465 (3348-3349).
20. THE CREEK WAR; JACKSON’S FIRST CAMPAIGN:
A. S. Gatschet:
The Creek Indians,
102 (95).
A. Gallatin:
Synopsis of Indian Tribes,
102 (95).
W. G. Sumner:
Andrew Jackson,
3465 (3349).
21. LUNDY’S LANE, AND LAKE CHAMPLAIN
(A. D. 1814):
S. Perkins:
History of the Late War,
3466-3467 (3350-3351).
W. Dorsheimer:
Buffalo in the War of 1812,
3467-3468 (3351-3352).
T. Roosevelt:
The Naval War of 1812,
3469-3470 (3353-3354).
22. THE CAPTURE OF WASHINGTON;
BURNING OF PUBLIC BUILDINGS
(A. D. 1814):
A. Johnston:
The United States,
3465 (3349).
C. B. Todd:
The Story of Washington,
3468 (3352).
G. R. Gleig:
Campaigns of the British Army,
3468 (3352).
R. Hildreth:
History of the United States,
3468-3469 (3352-3353).
23. THE LAST BATTLES OF THE WAR:
J. R. Soley:
The Boys of 1812,
3474 (3358).
J. Schouler:
History of the United States,
3474-3475 (3358-3359).
24. THE TREATY OF PEACE
(A. D. 1814):
J. T. Morse, Jr.:
John Quincy Adams,
3470-3471 (3354-3355).
T. Wilson:
The Treaty of Ghent,
3471 (3355).
Full Text of the Treaty,
3471-3474 (3355-3358).
25. INCORPORATION OF THE SECOND BANK OF THE UNITED STATES
(A. D. 1817):
D. Kinley:
The Treasury of the United States,
2258-2259 (2214-2215).
W. G. Sumner:
Andrew Jackson,
2259 (2215).
A. Johnston:
History of American Politics,
2259 (2215).
26. THE EIGHTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;
JAMES MONROE ELECTED
(A. D. 1816):
N. Sargent:
Public Men and Events,
3475-3476 (3359-3360).
E. Stanwood:
Presidential Elections,
3476 (3360).
27. THE FIRST MOVE TOWARD "INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS"
(A. D. 1816-1817):
A. B. Hart:
Formation of the Union,
3476 (3360).
C. Colton:
Life of Henry Clay,
3476 (3360).
28. ADMISSION OF NEW STATES TO THE UNION:
(a) Indiana (A. D. 1816).
T. Donaldson:
The Public Domain,
2434-2435 (2382-2383).
J. W. Monette:
The Mississippi Valley,
1787-1788 (1748-1749).
(b) Mississippi (A. D. 1817).
J. W. Monette:
The Mississippi Valley,
2233 (2189).
T. Donaldson:
The Public Domain,
2094 (2050).
J. Schouler:
History of the United States,
2233 (2189).
(c) Illinois (A. D. 1818).
J. Wallace:
History of Illinois,
1734 (1695).
B. A. Hinsdale:
The Old Northwest,
3379-3380 (3263-3264).
J. B. McMaster:
History of the United States,
2430-2431 (2378-2379).
J. W. Monette:
The Mississippi Valley,
1787-1788 (1748-1749).
R. G. Thwaites:
The Boundaries of Wisconsin,
3776 (3655).
(d) Alabama (A. D. 1819).
W. Brewer:
Alabama,
30 (32).
(e) Maine (A. D. 1820).
C. W. Tuttle:
Captain John Mason,
2354-2355 (2306-2307).
C. W. Elliott:
New England History,
2122-2123 (2079-2080).
G. L. Austin:
History of Massachusetts,
2123 (2080).
W. D. Williamson:
History of Maine,
2123 (2080).
29. THE SEMINOLE WARS:
A. S. Gatschet:
The Creek Indians,
108 (101).
D. G. Brinton:
The Floridian Peninsula,
108-109 (101-102).
Bryant and Gay:
History of the United States,
1183 (1153).
W. G. Sumner:
Andrew Jackson,
1183-1184 (1154).
T. Roosevelt:
Life of Benton,
1184 (1154).
30. THE DARTMOUTH COLLEGE CASE
(A. D. 1819):
G. T. Curtis:
Life of Daniel Webster,
754-755 (3741-3742).
{791}
31. THE BEGINNING OF OCEAN NAVIGATION:
F. E. Chadwick:
Development of the Steamship,
3115-3116 (3033-3034).
32. NINTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;
THE "ERA OF GOOD FEELING"
(A. D. 1820):
J. Schouler:
History of the United States,
3478 (3362).
T. W. Higginson:
History of the United States,
3478 (3362).
"Monroe like Washington was re-chosen President by a vote
practically unanimous. One, however, of the 232 electoral
votes cast was wanting to consummate this exceptional honor;
for a New Hampshire elector, with a boldness of discretion
which, in our days and especially upon a close canvass, would
have condemned him to infamy, threw away upon John Quincy
Adams the vote which belonged like those of his colleagues to
Monroe, determined, so it is said, that no later mortal should
stand in Washington’s shoes. Of America’s Presidents elected
by virtual acclamation history furnishes but these two
examples; and as between the men honored by so unapproachable
a tribute of confidence, Monroe entered upon his second term
of office with less of real political opposition than
Washington."
J. SCHOULER.
33. THE FOURTH CENSUS (A. D. 1820),
3478 (3362).
34. THE FIRST GREAT CONFLICT OVER SLAVERY;
THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE
(A. D. 1818-1821):
Waring and Cable:
New Orleans,
2095 (2051).
L. Carr:
Missouri,
2095 (2051).
Carl Schurz:
Life of Henry Clay,
3476-3477 (3360-3361).
J. A. Woodburn:
The Missouri Compromise,
3477-3478 (3361-3362).
35. THE MONROE DOCTRINE
(A. D. 1823):
T. W. Higginson:
History of the United States,
3478-3479 (3362-3363).
D. C. Gilman:
James Monroe,
3479 (3363).
36. TARIFF LEGISLATION;
"THE AMERICAN SYSTEM"
(A. D. 1816-1824):
O. L. Elliott:
The Tariff Controversy,
3153-3154 (3069-3070).
T. H. Benton:
Thirty Years’ View,
3154 (3070).
STUDY XLI.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
THE UNITED STATES FROM THE ELECTION OF ADAMS (1825) TO
THE COMPROMISE OF 1850.
1. TENTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
(A. D. 1824):
J. Quincy:
Life of J. Q. Adams,
3479-3480 (3364).
J. P. Kennedy:
Life of William Wirt,
3480 (3364).
Goldwin Smith:
The United States,
3480-3481 (3364-3365).
2. RECONSTRUCTION OF PARTIES:
T. H. Benton:
Thirty Years’ View,
3481 (3365).
A. Johnston:
History of American Politics,
3481-3482 (3365-3366).
3. TARIFF CHANGES;
"THE BILL OF ABOMINATIONS":
T. H. Benton:
Thirty Years' View,
3154 (3070).
H. C. Lodge:
Daniel Webster,
3154 (3070).
W. G. Sumner:
Andrew Jackson,
3154-3155 (3071).
C. Schurz:
Life of Henry Clay,
3155 (3071).
4. ELEVENTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;
ANDREW JACKSON
(A. D. 1828):
W. G. Sumner:
Andrew Jackson,
3482 (3366).
T. H. Benton:
Thirty Years’ View,
3482 (3366).
5. NULLIFICATION AND DISUNION SENTIMENT:
S. H. Gay:
James Madison,
3438-3439 (3322-3323).
T. M. Cooley:
The Acquisition of Louisiana,
3443-3444 (3327-3328).
A. Johnston:
American Politics,
3470 (3354).
H. von Holst:
Constitutional History,
3470 (3354).
Texts of Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions,
3435-3438 (3319-3322).
6. NULLIFICATION ORDINANCE OF SOUTH CAROLINA;
WEBSTER-HAYNE DEBATE:
G. T. Curtis:
Life of Daniel Webster,
3482-3483 (3366-3367).
C. Schurz:
Life of Henry Clay,
3483 (3367).
G. Hunt:
The Nullification Struggle,
3483-3484 (3367-3368).
Text of Ordinance of Nullification,
3485 (3369).
7. THE BEGINNING OF THE "SPOILS SYSTEM":
John Fiske:
Civil Government in the United States,
490.
8. RISE OF THE ABOLITIONISTS:
H. von Holst:
Constitutional History,
3005-3006 (2927-2928).
B. Tuckerman:
William Jay,
3485-3486 (3369-3370).
Goldwin Smith:
William Lloyd Garrison,
3486 (3370).
J. F. Clarke:
Anti-Slavery Days,
3487 (3370-3371).
"The ‘Liberator’ was a weekly journal, bearing the names of
William Lloyd Garrison and Isaac Knapp as publishers. Its
motto was, ‘Our Country is the world, Our Countrymen are
Mankind,’ a direct challenge to those whose motto was the
Jingo cry of those days, ‘Our Country, right or wrong!’ … The
salutatory of the ‘Liberator’ avowed that its editor meant to
speak out without restraint. ‘I will be as harsh as truth and
as uncompromising as justice. On this subject [Slavery] I do
not wish to think, or speak, or write with moderation. No! No!
Tell a man whose house is on fire to give a moderate alarm;
tell him to moderately rescue his wife from the hands of the
ravisher; tell the mother to gradually extricate her babe from
the fire into which it as fallen—but urge me not to use
moderation in a cause like the present. I am in earnest—I will
not equivocate—I will not excuse—I will not retreat a single
inch—I will be heard.’ This promise was amply kept."
GOLDWIN SMITH.
9. THE FIFTH CENSUS
(A. D. 1830).
3487 (3371).
10. THE FIRST RAILROADS:
W. J. M. Rankine:
The Steam Engine,
3111-3112 (3029-3030).
S. Smiles:
Life of George Stephenson,
3112 (3030).
C. F. Adams, Jr.:
Railroads,
3112-3113 (3030-3031).
11. JACKSON AND THE UNITED STATES BANK:
D. Kinley:
The Independent Treasury,
2258-2259 (2214-2215).
W. G. Sumner:
Andrew Jackson,
2259 (2215).
A. Johnston:
American Politics,
2259 (2215).
J. Parton:
Life of Jackson,
3487-3488 (3371-3372).
C. Schurz:
Life of Clay,
3488 (3372).
12. BIRTH OF THE WHIG PARTY
(A. D. 1834):
E. Stanwood:
Presidential Elections,
3488 (3372).
G. T. Curtis:
Life of Webster,
3488-3489 (3372-3373).
13. SLAVERY IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA;
THE RIGHT OF PETITION:
N. Sargent:
Public Men and Events,
3489 (3373).
J. F. Clarke:
Anti-Slavery Days,
3490 (3374), 3494 (3378).
Bryant and Gay:
History of the United States,
3490 (3374).
T. H. Benton:
Thirty Years’ View,
3492 (3376).
14. THIRTEENTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
(A. D. 1836):
A. D. Morse:
Political Influence of Jackson,
3490-3491 (3374-3375).
G. Bancroft:
Martin Van Buren,
3491 (3375).
{792}
15. THE FINANCIAL PANIC OF 1837:
A. Johnston:
American Politics,
2259 (2215).
E. M. Shepard:
Martin Van Buren,
3489 (3373).
A. Johnston:
History of the United States,
3774 (3653).
Century Magazine:
Cheap Money Experiments,
2259-2260 (2215-2216).
T. M. Cooley:
Michigan,
2260 (2216).
E. G. Spaulding:
100 Years of Banking,
2260 (2216).
A. S. Bolles:
Financial History,
3491 (3375).
16. ADMISSION OF NEW STATES;
ARKANSAS, MICHIGAN:
T. Donaldson:
The Public Domain,
2094 (2050).
J. W. Monette:
The Mississippi Valley,
140 (133), 1787-1788 (1748-1749).
R. G. Thwaites:
The Boundaries of Wisconsin,
2223-2224 (2179-2180).
17. THE SIXTH CENSUS
(A. D. 1840).
3493 (3377).
18. THE HARRISON-TYLER ADMINISTRATION
(A. D. 1841-1845):
N. Sargent:
Public Men and Events,
3493 (3377).
A. Johnston:
American Politics,
3493-3494 (3377-3378).
J. F. Clarke:
Anti-Slavery Days,
3494 (3378).
A. S. Bolles:
Financial History,
3158 (3074).
J. Schouler:
History of the United States,
3494-3495 (3378-3379).
19. THE POLK ADMINISTRATION
(A. D. 1845-1849):
W. Wilson:
Division and Reunion,
3495 (3379).
E. M. Shepard:
Martin Van Buren,
3496 (3380).
20. THE "WALKER TARIFF"
(A. D. 1846):
A. L. Perry
Political Economy,
3159 (3075).
J. G. Blaine:
Twenty Years in Congress,
3159-3160 (3075-3076).
21. ADMISSION OF NEW STATES TO THE UNION;
FLORIDA, TEXAS, IOWA, WISCONSIN:
R. Hildreth:
History of the United States,
1184 (1154).
T. Roosevelt:
Life of Benton,
1184 (1154).
H. Wilson:
The Slave Power,
3495-3496 (3379-3380).
J. W. Monette:
The Mississippi Valley,
3186 (3101).
C. Schurz:
Life of Clay,
3187 (3102).
J. W. Draper:
American Civil War,
3187-3188 (3102-3103).
R. G. Thwaites:
Boundaries of Wisconsin,
3776 (3655).
See Maps between
3442-3443 (3326-3327).
22. THE WAR WITH MEXICO
(A. D. 1846-1848):
H. Wilson:
The Slave Power,
2217 (2173).
J. W. Draper:
American Civil War,
2217-2218 (2173-2174).
A. H. Noll:
History of Mexico,
2218 (2174).
Bryant and Gay:
History of the United States,
2218 (2174).
J. R. Soley:
Wars of the United States,
2218-2219 (2174-2175).
H. O. Ladd:
War with Mexico,
2219-2220 (2175-2176).
23. THE FREE SOIL PARTY;
SIXTEENTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
(A. D. 1848):
E. M. Shepard:
Martin Van Buren,
3498 (3382).
C. F. Adams:
Richard Henry Dana,
3498 (3382).
C. Colton:
Life of Clay,
3498 (3382).
24. THE SEVENTH CENSUS (A. D. 1850),
3499 (3383).
25. CONQUEST OF CALIFORNIA;
DISCOVERY OF GOLD:
J. Royce:
California,
358 (348).
E. E. Dunbar:
Romance of the Age,
359-360 (349-350).
J. S. Hittell:
Discovery of Gold,
360 (350).
J. E. Cairnes:
Political Economy,
2261 (2217).
26. AGGRESSION OF THE SLAVE POWER;
WEBSTER’S "SEVENTH OF MARCH" SPEECH
(A. D. 1850):
J. S. Landon:
Constitutional History,
3499 (3883).
F. W. Seward:
Seward at Washington,
3499-3500 (3883-3884).
Daniel Webster:
Works,
3500-3503 (3384-3387).
H. C. Lodge:
Daniel Webster,
3503 (3387).
J. F. Rhodes:
History of the United States,
3503 (3387).
H. Wilson:
The Slave Power,
1685 (1646).
"When Seward came to the territorial question, his words
created a sensation. ‘We hold,’ he said, ‘no arbitrary
authority over anything, whether acquired lawfully or seized
by usurpation. The Constitution regulates our stewardship; the
Constitution devotes the domain (i. e. the territories not
formed into States) to union, to justice, to defense, to
welfare, and to liberty. _But there is a higher law than the
Constitution_, which regulates our authority over the
domain, and devotes it to the same noble purposes. The
territory is a part, no inconsiderable part, of the common
heritage of mankind, bestowed upon them by the Creator of the
Universe. We are His stewards, and must so discharge our trust
as to secure in the highest attainable degree their
happiness.’ This remark about ‘a higher law’ … was destined to
have a transcendent moral influence. A speech which can be
condensed into an aphorism is sure to shape convictions."
J. F. RHODES.
27. The Fugitive Slave Law;
"Compromise of 1850":
M. G. McDougall:
Fugitive Slaves,
3421-3422 (3305-3306)
W. R. Houghton:
American Politics,
3503-3504 (3387-3388).
J. F. Rhodes:
History of the United States,
3504 (3388)
C. Schurz:
Life of Clay,
3504 (3388).
Text of Fugitive Slave Law,
3504-3507 (3388-3391).
STUDY XLII
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
ENGLAND (GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND)
FROM THE FALL OF NAPOLEON TO THE DEATH OF QUEEN VICTORIA.
1. ENGLAND AT THE CLOSE OF THE NAPOLEONIC WARS:
J. F. Bright:
History of England,
975-976 (948-9).
J. McCarthy:
Sir Robert Peel,
977-978 (950-951).
H. Ashworth:
Richard Cobden,
3152-3153 (3068-3069).
2. AGITATION FOR PARLIAMENTARY REFORM
(A. D. 1816-):
C. Knight:
History of England,
976-977 (949-950).
J. McCarthy:
Sir Robert Peel,
977-978 (950-951).
3. REMOVAL OF DISABILITIES FROM DISSENTERS
(A. D. 1827):
J. R. Green:
History of the English People,
923-924 (896-897):
J. Stoughton:
Religion in England.
924 (897).
W. E. H. Lecky:
History of England,
944-945 (917-918).
S. Walpole:
England from 1815,
979 (952).
4. UNION OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND;
CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION:
J. H. McCarthy:
Ireland since the Union,
1817 (1777).
W. F. Collier:
History of Ireland,
1817-1818 (1778).
W. A. O’Connor:
The Irish People,
1818 (1778).
W. E. H. Lecky:
History of England,
1818-1819 (1778-1779); 1822-1823 (1782-1784).
{793}
W. Massey:
Reign of George III.,
1821-1822 (1782).
W. E. H. Lecky:
Leaders of Public Opinion,
1824-1825 (1784-1785).
J. A. Hamilton:
Daniel O'Connell,
1825 (1785).
5. PARTY DIVISIONS:
R. Burnet: History of My Own Time,
3772 (3651).
R. Chambers:
Annals of Scotland,
3772-3773 (3652).
D. Hume:
History of England,
930 (903).
I. Jennings:
The Croker Papers,
518 (504).
6. THE GREAT REFORM OF REPRESENTATION
(A. D. 1830-1832):
W. Heaton:
Three Reforms of Parliament,
980-982 (953-955).
Sir T. E. May:
Constitutional History,
982-983 (955-956).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1126 (1098).
7. SUPPRESSION OF SLAVE TRADE;
ABOLITION OF COLONIAL SLAVERY
(A. D. 1792-1833).
C. P. Lucas:
British Colonies,
3003 (2925), 3006 (2928).
L. Herstlet:
Treaties and Conventions,
3003 (2925).
J. McCarthy:
Epoch of Reform,
983 (956).
8. The Oxford, or Tractarian Movement
(1833-):
H. O. Wakeman:
Religion in England,
2459-2460 (2407-2408).
S. Walpole:
History of England,
2460 (2408).
9. COMMERCIAL SUPREMACY;
FREE TRADE AGITATION:
H. deB. Gibbins:
British Commerce,
3230-3231 (3719-3720).
A. J. Wilson:
British Trade,
3231-3232 (3720-3721).
A. L. Bowley:
Foreign Trade,
3232 (3721).
H. Ashworth:
Recollections of Cobden,
3152-3153 (3068-3069).
John Morley:
Life of Cobden,
3156-3157 (3072-3073).
10. FACTORY LEGISLATION:
G. Howell:
Conflicts of Capital and Labor,
1133-1134 (1105-1106).
C. D. Wright:
Factory Legislation,
1134 (1106).
11. ACCESSION AND MARRIAGE OF QUEEN VICTORIA
(A. D. 1837, 1840):
A. H. McCalman:
History of England,
984 (957).
J. McCarthy:
Sir Robert Peel,
985 (958).
J. McCarthy:
History of Our Own Times,
988-989 (959-960).
12. THE CHARTIST AGITATION
(A. D. 1838-1848):
C. Knight:
History of England,
987 (960).
J. McCarthy:
History of Our Own Times,
987-988 (960-961).
J. F. Bright:
History of England,
990 (963).
13. THE OPIUM WAR
(A. D. 1839-1842):
S. Walpole:
England from 1815,
435-437 (421-423).
C. Knight:
History of England,
437 (423).
S. W. Williams:
The Middle Kingdom,
437 (423).
14. ADOPTION OF PENNY POSTAGE
(A. D. 1840):
C. Knight:
History of England,
988 (961).
W. N. Molesworth:
History of England,
988 (961).
15. AFFAIRS IN IRELAND
(A. D. 1840-1850):
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1130-1131 (1102-1103).
(а) Agitation for Repeal of the Union.
Sir C. G. Duffy:
Irish History,
1825-1827 (1785-1787).
E. Lawless:
The Story of Ireland,
1827-1829 (1787-1789).
(b) The Maynooth Grant.
S. Walpole:
History of England,
1829-1830 (1790).
(c) The Great Famine
(A. D. 1845-1847).
A. M. Sullivan:
New Ireland,
1830-1831 (1790-1791).
L. Levi:
British Commerce,
1831 (1791).
Sir R. Blennerhassett:
Ireland,
1832 (1792).
T. P. O’Connor:
The Parnell Movement,
1832 (1792).
16. BANK OF ENGLAND;
CHARTER ACT OF 1844:
T. B. Macaulay:
History of England,
2253-2254 (2209-2210).
W. Bagehot:
Lombard Street,
2254-2255 (2210-2211).
W. C. Taylor:
Sir Robert Peel,
2260 (2216).
F. C. Montague:
Life of Peel,
2260-2261 (2216-2217).
17. REPEAL OF THE CORN LAWS (A. D. 1846);
PERFECTED FREE TRADE:
F. G. Montague:
Sir Robert Peel,
3157-3158 (3073-3074).
L. Levi:
History of British Commerce,
3158-3159 (3074-3075).
H. Martineau:
History of Thirty Years' Peace,
3159 (3075).
W. N. Molesworth:
History of England,
2293-2294 (2245-2246).
J. McCarthy:
Epoch of Reform,
3160 (3076).
A. Mongredien:
Free Trade Movement,
3160-3161 (3076-3077).
18. OVERTHROW OF PEEL;
ADVENT OF DISRAELI
(A. D. 1846):
J. McCarthy:
Epoch of Reform,
989 (962).
J. A. Froude:
Lord Beaconsfield,
989-990 (982-983).
19. CIVIL SERVICE REFORM
(A. D. 1853-1855):
D. B. Eaton:
Civil Service in Great Britain,
489-490 (475-476).
20. THE CRIMEAN WAR
(A. D. 1853-1856):
S. Walpole:
Foreign Relations,
2848-2849 (2774-2775).
J. McCarthy:
History of Our Own Times,
2849-2850 (2775-2776).
J. F. Bright:
History of England,
2850-2851 (2776-2777).
W. N. Molesworth:
England,
2851-2852 (2777-2778).
21. ANGLO-FRENCH WAR WITH CHINA
(A. D. 1856-1860):
J. McCarthy:
History of Our Own Times,
439-441 (425-427).
22. SEPOY MUTINY IN INDIA
(A. D. 1857-1858):
W. W. Hunter:
Brief History of Indian People,
1779 (1740)
Lord Lawrence:
Speech,
1779-1780 (1740-1741).
H. S. Cunningham:
Earl Canning,
1780 (1741).
Sir O. T. Burne:
Clyde and Strathnairn,
1780-1782 (1741-1743).
J. T. Wheeler:
Short History,
1782-1783 (1743-1744).
R. B. Smith:
Lord Lawrence,
1783-1784 (1744-1745).
W. N. Molesworth:
History of England,
1784-1785 (1745-1746).
S Walpole:
History of England,
1785-1786 (1746-1747).
J. McCarthy:
History of Our Own Times,
1786 (1747).
23. ATTITUDE TOWARD THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR
(A. D. 1861-1865):
The Queen’s Proclamation of Neutrality,
3544 (3428).
Proclamation of President Lincoln,
3544 (3428).
The Case of the United States at Geneva,
3544-3545 (3428-3429).
J. Jay:
The Great Conspiracy,
3545 (3429).
J. Watts:
Facts of the Cotton Famine,
993-994 (966-967).
{794}
24. FURTHER PARLIAMENTARY REFORM
(A. D. 1865-1868):
A. H. McCalman:
History of England,
994-995 (967-968).
B. C. Skottowe;
History of Parliament,
995-996 (968-969).
D. W. Rannie:
The English Constitution,
996 (969).
R. Wilson,
Queen Victoria,
997 (970).
25. MR. GLADSTONE’S FIRST IRISH MEASURES
(A. D. 1868-1870):
J. McCarthy:
History of Our Own Times,
996-997 (969-970).
26. TREATY OF WASHINGTON; GENEVA ARBITRATION
(A. D. 1869-1872):
B. J. Lossing:
The Civil War,
30-31 (23-24).
Case of the United States Before Tribunal of Arbitration,
31 (24).
C. Cushing:
The Treaty of Washington,
34(27); 35-36 (28-29).
Treaties and Conventions between United States
and Other Powers,
34-35 (27-28).
27. IRISH POLITICS;
THE HOME RULE PARTY;
PARNELL;
COERCION.—PHOENIX PARK MURDERS
(A. D. 1873-1882).
J. H. McCarthy:
Irish History,
1835-1836 (1795-1796).
J. H. McCarthy:
England Under Gladstone,
1836-1837 (1797).
Summaries from The Times,
1837 (1797).
W. M. Pimblett:
Political History,
1837-1838 (1798).
Cassell’s History of England,
1838 (1798).
28. ENGLAND IN SOUTH AFRICA
(A. D. 1877-1881):
A. Trollope:
South Africa,
3039-3040 (2961-2962).
J. H. McCarthy:
England Under Gladstone,
3040-3002 (2962-2964).
J. F. Bright:
History of England,
3042-3043 (2964-2965).
J. S. Keltie:
Partition of Africa,
3043-3045 (2967).
29. THE WAR IN EGYPT (A. D. 1882-):
J. C. McCoan:
Egypt,
788-789 (761-762).
H. Vogt:
The Egyptian War,
790-792 (763-765).
J. E. Bowen:
Conflict in Egypt,
792-794 (765-767).
A. E. Hake:
Story of "Chinese" Gordon,
794-795, (767-768).
30. THE PARTITION OF AFRICA (A. D. 1884-1891):
A. S. White:
Development of Africa,
21-23 (17-19).
31. THE THIRD REFORM BILL (A. D. 1884-1885):
W. Heaton:
Three Reforms of Parliament,
999-1000 (972-973).
R. Gneist:
Parliament in Transformation,
1000 (973).
W. A. Holdsworth:
New Reform Act,
1005 (978).
Text of Third Reform Act, 1884,
1000-1004 (973-977).
32. GLADSTONE’S HOME RULE BILL FOR IRELAND
(A. D. 1885-1886):
G. B. Smith:
Prime Ministers of Queen Victoria,
1005 (978).
P. W. Clayden:
England Under the Coalition,
1005-1007 (978-980); 1839-1840 (1799-1800).
J. Bryce:
The Irish Question,
1838-1839 (1798-1799).
R. Johnston:
The Queen’s Reign,
1840 (1800).
33. RETIREMENT OF GLADSTONE
(A. D. 1892-1894):
Irish Home Rule Bill,
1007-1008 (980-981).
Earl of Rosebery Prime Minister,
Volume VI., 203-204.
34. VENEZUELA BOUNDARY DISPUTE
(A. D. 1895):
See Study XLVI.
35. DIAMOND JUBILEE OF THE QUEEN
(A. D. 1897):
The Message of the Queen to her Subjects,
Volume VI., 207-208.
36. Death of Gladstone (May 19, 1898):
Tributes of Lords Salisbury and Rosebery, and Mr. Balfour,
Volume VI., 209-210.
"The most distinguished political name of the century has been
withdrawn from the roll of Englishmen."
LORD SALISBURY.
"This country, this nation, loves brave men. Mr. Gladstone was
the bravest of the brave. There was no cause so hopeless that
he was afraid to undertake it; there was no amount of
opposition that would cowe him when once he had undertaken
it."
LORD ROSEBERY.
37. THE GREAT BOER WAR
(A. D. 1899-1902):
[The treatment of this subject in Volumes VI. and VII. of
History for Ready Reference covers sixty-five of its large
double-column pages (456-517 in Volume 6 and 620-624 in Volume
7), and is the most complete statement of all the causes that
led up to that conflict that can be found in any work. The
scope of these Studies does not admit of a detailed analysis
of this material, nor is such an analysis necessary; as all
the despatches, State papers, and descriptive matter are
arranged in such an orderly manner, under the general head of
"South Africa," that one needs no aid in studying the
subject.]
38. DEATH OF QUEEN VICTORIA
(JANUARY 28, 1901):
Detailed Account of her last illness,
Volume VI., 212-213.
Tributes of leading Statesmen,
Volume VI., 213-216.
"The simple dignity, befitting a Monarch of this realm, in
that she could never fail, because it arose from her inherent
sense of the fitness of things. It was no trapping put on for
office, and therefore it was that this dignity, this Queenly
dignity, only served to throw into a brighter light those
admirable virtues of the wife, the mother, and the woman, with
which she was so richly endowed."
A. J. BALFOUR, Leader of the House of Commons.
"But have you realized what the personal weight of the late
Queen was in the councils of the world? She was by far the
senior of all the European Sovereigns. The German Emperor was
her grandson by birth. The Emperor of Russia was her grandson
by marriage. She had reigned eleven years when the Emperor of
Austria came to his throne. She had seen two dynasties pass
from the throne of France. She had seen, as Queen, three
Monarchs of Spain, and four Sovereigns of the House of Savoy
in Italy. … Can we not realize, then, what a force the
personal influence of such a Sovereign was in the troubled
councils of Europe? And when, as we know, that influence was
always given for peace, for freedom, and for good government,
we feel that not merely ourselves but all the world has lost
one of its best friends."
LORD ROSEBERY.
39. VICTORIAN AGE IN LITERATURE:
J. McCarthy:
Literature of the Victorian Reign,
985 (958).
R. Garnett:
Reign of Queen Victoria,
986 (959).
G. L. Craik:
History of English Literature,
986 (959).
J. A. Symonds:
Elizabethan and Victorian Poetry,
986-987 (959-960).
T. D. Robb:
Elizabethan Drama and Victorian Novel,
987 (960).
STUDY XLIII.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
FRANCE FROM THE FALL OF NAPOLEON TO A. D. 1910.
1. TREATY OF PARIS;
NEW BOUNDARIES
(A. D. 1814):
H. Martin:
History of France,
1391-1392 (1358-1359).
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
1392 (1359).
2. CONGRESS OF VIENNA
(A. D. 1814):
C. A. Fyffe:
Modern Europe,
3745-3747 (3625-3626).
R. Lodge:
Modern Europe,
3747 (3626).
3. THE HOLY ALLIANCE
(A. D. 1815-):
M. E. G. Duff:
European Politics,
1697 (1658).
E. Hertslet:
Europe by Treaty,
1697 (1658).
{795}
W. R. Thayer:
Dawn of Italian Independence,
1607-1608 (1658-1659).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1124 (1096).
4. RESTORED MONARCHY; LOUIS XVIII
(A. D. 1815-1824):
J. H. Rose:
Century of Continental History,
1401 (1368).
5. CONGRESS OF VERONA
(A. D. 1822):
R. Lodge:
Modern Europe,
3741 (3621).
F. H. Hill:
George Canning,
3741 (3621).
R. Bell:
Life of Canning,
3741-3742 (3621-3622).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1124-1125 (1096-1097).
6. FRENCH INVASION OF SPAIN:
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
3094-3096 (3012-3014).
7. CHARLES X;
REVOLUTION OF 1830;
LOUIS PHILIPPE
(A. D. 1824-1830):
J. H. Rose:
Century of Continental History,
1401-1402 (1368-1369); 1402 (1369).
T. W. Knox:
Decisive Battles,
1645-1646 (1607-1608).
W. Müller:
Political History,
1402-1403 (1369-1370).
8. REVOLT OF BELGIUM
(A. D. 1830-1832).
S. Walpole:
England from 1815,
2348-2350 (2302).
C. A. Fyffe:
Modern Europe,
2350 (2302).
9. CONQUEST OF ALGIERS
(A. D. 1830-).
T. W. Knox:
Decisive Battles,
275 (266).
T. Wright:
History of France,
275-276 (266-267).
J. R. Morell:
Algeria,
276-277 (267-268).
10. REVOLUTION OF 1848:
J. Macdonnell:
France since the First Empire,
1404 (1371).
R. Mackenzie:
The Nineteenth Century,
1404-1405 (1371-1372).
11. SECOND REPUBLIC;
LOUIS NAPOLEON:
N. W. Senior:
Journals,
1405-1406 (1372-1373).
E. S. Cayley:
Revolution of 1848,
1406-1408 (1373-1375).
12. FRENCH INTERVENTION AT ROME
(A. D. 1849):
W. Muller:
Political History,
1901-1903 (1861-1863).
W. R. Thayer:
Dawn of Italian Independence,
1903 (1863).
13. THE COUP D’ÉTAT OF 1851:
A. W. Kinglake:
Invasion of the Crimea,
1408-1410 (1375-1377).
H. Murdock:
Reconstruction of Europe,
1410-1411 (1377-1378).
14. THE SECOND EMPIRE ORDAINED
(A. D. 1851-1852):
H. Martin:
History of France,
1411-1412 (1378-1379).
15. CRIMEAN WAR;
PEACE CONGRESS OF PARIS;
"DECLARATION OF PARIS"
(A. D. 1853-1856):
S. Walpole:
Foreign Relations,
2848-2849 (2774-2775);
2853-2855 (2779-2781).
J. McCarthy:
Our Own Times,
2849-2850 (2775-2776).
J. F. Bright:
History of England,
2850-2851 (2776-2777).
W. N. Molesworth:
England,
2851-2852 (2777-2778).
E. Schuyler:
American Diplomacy,
675-676 (652-653).
16. ALLIANCE WITH SARDINIA;
WAR WITH AUSTRIA
(A. D. 1859):
J. W. Probyn:
Italy,
1815-1890, 1903-1905 (1863-1855).
H. Murdock:
The Reconstruction of Europe,
1905-1906 (1865-1866).
17. WITH THE ENGLISH IN CHINA
(A. D. 1856-1860):
J. McCarthy:
Our Own Times,
439-441 (425-427).
18. THE COBDEN-CHEVALIER COMMERCIAL TREATY
(A. D. 1860):
C. F. Bastable:
The Commerce of Nations,
3161 (3077).
L. Levi:
Treaties of Commerce,
3161-3162 (3077-3078).
19. THE FRENCH IN MEXICO
(A. D. 1861-1867):
A. H. Noll:
History of Mexico,
2221, first column (2177).
J. McCarthy:
History of Our Own Times,
2221-2222 (2177-2178).
20. FRENCH WITHDRAWAL FROM ROME:
G. S. Godkin:
Victor Emmanuel II.,
1906-1908 (1866-1868).
J. Marriott:
Modern Italy,
1908-1909 (1868-1869).
21. DECLARATION OF WAR AGAINST PRUSSIA
(A. D. 1870):
E. B. Washburne:
Recollections,
1413 (1380-1381).
W. Maurenbrecher:
The German Empire,
1413-1414.
22. DISASTERS OF THE WAR;
SEDAN:
W. Müller:
Political History,
1414-1415 (1381-1382).
G. Hooper:
Campaign of Sedan,
1415 (1382).
W. O’C. Morris:
Sedan,
1415-1416 (1382-1383).
H. M. Hozier:
Franco Prussian War,
1416-1417 (1383-1384).
E. W. Latimer:
France in the 19th Century,
1418 (1384-1385).
German Official Account,
1418 (1385).
23. COLLAPSE OF THE EMPIRE
(A. D. 1870):
H. Vizetelly:
Paris in Peril,
1418-1419 (1385-1386).
E. Simon:
Emperor William,
1419-1420 (1386-1387).
24. CAPITULATION OF PARIS;
TREATY OF FRANKFORT
(A. D. 1871):
C. A. Fyffe:
Modern Europe,
1420-1422 (1387-1389).
H. Murdock:
Reconstruction of Europe,
1422 (1389).
C. Lowe:
Prince Bismarck,
1422-1423 (1389-1390).
25. THE COMMUNE;
SECOND SIEGE OF PARIS
(A. D. 1871):
H. Martin:
History of France,
1423-1424 (1390-1391).
G. L. Dickinson:
Revolution and Reaction,
1424-1425 (1391-1392).
26. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE THIRD REPUBLIC
(A. D. 1871-1876):
P. de Rémusat:
Thiers,
1425 (1392).
G. M. Towle:
Modern France,
1425-1427 (1392-1394).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1129 (1101).
Text of the Constitution of the Third Republic,
558-567 (538-547).
27. STRENGTHENING OF CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT
(A. D. 1875-1889):
V. Duruy:
History of France,
1427-1429 (1394-1396).
The Assassination of President Carnot,
1429 (1396).
Census of the Republic (1896),
Volume VI., 225.
28. CONQUESTS IN COCHIN-CHINA:
V. Duruy:
History of France,
1428 (1395).
A. H. Keane:
Eastern Geography,
3201 (3115).
É. Reclus:
Asia,
3201-3202 (3115-3116).
29. THE PANAMA CANAL SCANDAL:
L. F. Vernon-Harcourt:
Achievements in Engineering,
2474 (2415).
Quarterly Register of Current History,
2475 (2416).
P. de Coubertin:
The Evolution of France,
2475 (2416).
30. THE DREYFUS AFFAIR:
Sir G. Lushington:
Full detailed Review,
Volume VI., 225-233.
31. THE REGULATION OF RELIGIOUS ORDERS
(A. D. 1901):
M. Waldeck-Rousseau:
A Bill on Associations,
Volume VI., 236-238.
{796}
Text of the Principal Sections of the Bill,
Volume VI., 238.
Closing of unauthorized Schools,
Volume VII., 275.
32. SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE
(A. D. 1905-1907):
J. Legrand:
Church and State in France,
Volume VII., 275-276.
J. A. Bain:
The New Reformation,
Volume VII., 276-277.
R. Wallier:
Le Vingtième Siècle Politique,
Volume VII., 277-278.
F. W. Parsons:
Separation of Church and State,
Volume VII., 278-279.
O. Guerlac:
Separation of Church and State,
Volume VII., 281-282.
J. F. Boyd:
French Ecclesiastical Revolution,
Volume VII., 282-283.
S. Dewey:
The Year [1906] in France,
Volume VII., 283.
F. Klein:
Present Difficulties of the Church,
Volume VII., 284.
Papal Encyclical Vehementer Nos,
Volume VII., 472-474.
33. THE MOROCCO QUESTION;
CONFERENCE AT ALGECIRAS
(A. D. 1904-1906):
Text of the Anglo-French Agreements of 1904,
Volume VII., 249-250.
A. Tardieu:
France and the Alliances,
Volume VII., 249, 252-253.
British Parliamentary Paper
(Cd. 1952, April, 1904), 251-252.
W. C. Dreher:
The Year [1906] in Germany,
Volume VII., 253.
B. Meakin:
The Algeciras Conference,
Volume VII., 254.
34. POLITICAL PARTIES IN FRANCE
(A. D. 1906-1909):
R. Dell:
France, England and Mr. Bodley,
Volume VII., 280.
S. Dewey:
The Year [1906] in France,
Volume VII., 281.
35. LABOR ORGANIZATION IN FRANCE:
The London Times:
The Syndicalist Movement,
Volume VII., 376-378.
The London Times:
Strike of Government Employés (1909),
378-380.
STUDY XLIV.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
GERMANY.
1. IN ROMAN TIMES (B. C. 12-A. D. 752):
Tacitus:
Germany,
1462-1463 (1429-1430).
C. Merivale:
History of the Romans,
1463-1464 (1430-1431).
T. Smith:
Arminius,
1464-1465 (1431-1432).
T. Mommsen:
History of Rome,
42 (35).
W. C. Perry:
The Franks,
1430-1431 (1397-1398), 1432-1433 (1399-1400).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1043-1044 (1015-1016).
J. B. Bury:
The Later Roman Empire,
2805 (2731).
E. A. Freeman:
Chief Periods, European History,
2805-2806 (2731-2732).
F. P. Guizot:
History of Civilization,
2806 (2732).
G. B. Adams:
Civilization, Middle Ages,
2807 (2733).
2. MEDIÆVAL GERMANY; CHARLEMAGNE’S EMPIRE, AND AFTER
(A. D. 768-).
R. W. Church:
Beginnings of the Middle Ages,
1434 (1401).
E. Emerton:
Introduction to the Middle Ages,
1434-1435 (1401-1402).
J. Bryce:
The Holy Roman Empire,
1435 (1402), 1436-1438 (1403-1405).
H. H. Milman:
History of Latin Christianity,
1468 (1437).
E. A. Freeman:
Historical Geography of Europe,
1469 (1438).
H. Hallam:
The Middle Ages,
1470 (1439), 1481 (1448).
L. von Ranke:
Reformation in Germany,
1471-1472 (1440-1441).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1050 (1022), 1053-1055 (1025-1027).
M. Creighton:
History of the Papacy,
2492-2493 (2432-2433).
I. Jastrow:
Geschichte des deutschen Einheitstraumes,
1477-1478 (1445).
U. Balzani:
The Popes and the Hohenstaufen,
1478 (1445).
O. Browning:
Guelphs and Ghibellines,
1478-1479 (1445-1446).
E. A. Freeman:
Sketch of European History,
1479 (1446).
E. A. Freeman:
Emperor Frederick II.,
1479-1480 (1446-1447).
3. UNDER THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA
(A. D. 1272-1519):
J. Bryce:
The Holy Roman Empire,
1481-1482 (1448-1449).
W. Coxe:
The House of Austria,
206 (199).
Sir R. Comyn:
History of Western Empire,
206-207 (199-200),
1482-1483 (1449-1450).
V. Duruy:
History of the Middle Ages,
208 (201).
H. Hallam:
The Middle Ages,
1485-1486 (1452-1453).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1083-1084 (1055-1056).
L. von Ranke:
Latin and Teutonic Nations,
210-212 (203-205).
T. H. Dyer:
History of Modern Europe,
1490-1491 (1457-1458).
4. RISE OF BRANDENBURG AND PRUSSIA;
THE HOHENZOLLERNS
(A. D. 1142-1688):
T. Carlyle:
Friedrich II., called the Great,
316-317 (306-307), 1696 (1657).
H. Tuttle:
History of Prussia,
317-318 (307-308).
L. von Ranke:
House of Brandenburg,
1486-1487 (1453-1454).
C. F. Johnstone:
Historical Abstracts,
318 (308).
G. B. Malleson:
Battle-fields of Germany,
319-320 (309-310).
5. LUTHER AND THE REFORMATION
(A. D. 1517-1600):
See Study XXIV.
6. THE THIRTY YEARS WAR
(A. D. 1618-1648):
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1099-1101 (1071-1073).
G. B. Malleson:
Battle-fields of Germany,
1504-1505 (1471-1472).
J. Mitchell:
Life of Wallenstein,
1505-1506 (1472-1473).
C. T. Lewis:
History of Germany,
1507-1508 (1474-1475).
F. Schiller:
The Thirty Years War,
1508 (1475).
R. C. Trench:
Gustavus Adolphus,
1517-1518 (1484-1485).
A. Gindely:
The Thirty Years War,
1518-1519 (1485-1486)
H. von Treitschke:
Deutsche Geschichte,
1521-1522.
{797}
7. WARS OF THE 18TH CENTURY;
FREDERICK THE GREAT
(A. D. 1701-1763):
Lord Macaulay:
Essays,
1524 (1490).
H. von Sybel:
Founding of the German Empire,
1525 (1491).
(a) War of the Spanish Succession.
Lord Macaulay:
Essays,
3073 (2992).
C. W. Koch:
Revolutions of Europe,
3073-3074 (2992-2993).
W. Russell:
History of Modern Europe,
3712-3713 (3592-3593).
(b) War of the Austrian Succession.
W. Coxe:
The House of Austria,
218-219 (211-212).
Lord Mahon:
History of England,
219 (212).
Frederick the Great:
My Own Times,
220 (213).
Lord Macaulay:
Essays,
220-221 (213-214).
T. Carlyle:
Friedrich II.,
221 (214).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1113 (1085).
(c) The Seven Years War.
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
951-952 (924-925), 2975 (2898).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1114-1115 (1086-1087).
T. Carlyle:
Friedrich II.,
2975-2976 (2898-2899).
Friedrich II.:
Posthumous Works,
2976 (2899).
8. STRUGGLES WITH REVOLUTIONARY FRANCE AND NAPOLEON
(A. D. 1792-1814):
C. E. Mallet:
The French Revolution,
228-229 (221-222).
R. Lodge:
History of Modern Europe,
1308 (1275).
A. Griffiths:
French Revolutionary Generals,
1308-1309 (1275-1276).
C. A. Fyffe:
Modern Europe,
1316-1317 (1283-1284).
A. Alison:
Europe,
1324 (1291).
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
1341-1342 (1308-1309).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1120-1121 (1092-1093).
A. Weir:
Historical Basis of Modern Europe,
229-231 (222-224).
C. A. Fyffe:
Modern Europe,
1541-1542 (1507-1508).
J. G. Lockhart:
Life of Napoleon,
1542-1544 (1510).
J. R. Seeley:
Life and Times of Stein,
1548 (1514).
J. R. Seeley:
Prussian History,
1548-1549 (1514-1515).
9. THE TEUTONIC AWAKENING:
J. R. Seeley:
Life of Stein,
1549-1551 (1515-1517).
H. Martin:
History of France,
1555-1556 (1521-1522).
W. Menzel:
History of Germany,
1556 (1522).
10. THE GERMANIC CONFEDERATION
(A. D. 1814-1820):
C. A. Fyffe:
Modern Europe,
3745-3747 (3624-3626).
R. Lodge:
Modern Europe,
3747 (3626).
M. E. G. Duff:
European Politics,
1565-1566 (1531-1532).
11. TENDENCIES TOWARD UNION;
THE ZOLLVEREIN:
G. Krause:
Growth of German Unity,
1566 (1532).
Bruno-Gebhart:
German History,
1566 (3775).
W. Maurenbrecher:
The German Empire,
1567 (3775).
The Edinburgh Review:
The Zollverein,
3155-3156 (3071-3072).
12. REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENTS
(A. D. 1848):
B. Taylor:
History of Germany,
1567-1568 (1532-1533).
E. S. Cayley:
Revolutions of 1848,
1568-1569 (1534).
J. Sime:
History of Germany,
235 (228).
J. H. Rose:
Century of Continental History,
235-237 (228-230).
E. L. Godkin:
History of Hungary,
1722 (1683-1685).
C. M. Yonge:
Landmarks of History,
1724 (1685).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1126-1127 (1098-1099).
13. REACTION;
FAILURE OF MOVEMENT FOR UNITY
(A. D. 1848-1850):
W. Müller:
Political History,
1569-1571 (1534-1536).
T. S. Fay:
The Three Germanys,
1571-1572 (1537).
F. H. Geffcken:
Unity of Germany,
237 (230).
M. E. G. Duff:
European Politics,
237-238 (231).
14. SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN QUESTION
(A. D. 1848-1862):
S. Walpole:
Life of Lord John Russell,
2908-2909 (2833-2834).
Sir A. Alison:
History of Europe,
2909 (2834).
15. WILLIAM I. AND BISMARCK;
"BLOOD AND IRON"
(A. D. 1861):
W. Maurenbrecher:
Founding of the German State,
1572-1573 (3777-3779).
A. Forbes:
William of Germany,
1574-1575 (1539).
"It is a fact, the great self-assertion of individuality among
us makes constitutional government very hard in Prussia. … We
are perhaps too ‘cultured’ to tolerate a constitution; we are
too critical; the ability to pass judgment on measures of the
government or acts of the legislature is too universal; there
is a large number of ‘Catilinarian Characters’ in the land
whose chief interest is in revolutions. People are too
sensitive about the faults of government. … Our blood is too
hot, we are fond of wearing an armor too large for our small
body; now let us utilize it. … Prussia must consolidate its
might and hold it together for the favorable moment, which has
been allowed to pass unheeded several times. Prussia’s
boundaries, as determined by the Congress of Vienna, are not
conducive to its wholesome existence as a sovereign state. Not
by speeches and resolutions of majorities the mighty problems
of the age are solved—that was the mistake of 1848 and
1849—but by Blood and Iron."
BISMARCK.
16. FORMATION OF THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY
(A. D. 1862-1864):
L. J. Huff;
Ferdinand Lasalle,
3027-3028 (2950).
R. T. Ely:
French and German Socialism,
3028 (2950).
17. THE SEVEN WEEKS WAR
(A. D. 1866):
S. Baring-Gould:
Story of Germany,
239 (232).
W. Zimmermann:
History of Germany,
1577 (1541).
H. von Sybel:
Founding of the German Empire
1577 (1541).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1128-1129 (1100-1001).
18. COMPLETION OF GERMANIC CONFEDERATION
(A. D. 1866-1870):
G. Krause:
Growth of German Unity,
1577-1579 (1541-1543).
E. Simon:
The Emperor William,
1579 (1543).
19. "THE HOHENZOLLERN INCIDENT";
WAR WITH FRANCE
(A. D. 1870)
E. B. Washburne:
Recollections,
1413 (1380-1381).
W. Maurenbrecher:
Founding of the German State,
1413-1414.
W. Müller:
Political History,
1414-1415 (1381-1382).
W. O’C. Morris:
Campaign of Sedan,
1415-1416 (1382-1383).
H. M. Hozier:
Franco-Prussian War,
1416-1417 (1383-1384).
E. W. Latimer:
France in the 19th Century,
1417-1418 (1384-1385).
C. A. Fyffe:
Modern History,
1420-1422 (1387-1389).
H. Murdock:
Reconstruction of Europe,
1422 (1389).
C. Lowe:
Prince Bismarck,
1422-1423 (1389-1390).
20. KING WILLIAM BECOMES EMPEROR
(A. D. 1871):
A. Forbes:
William of Germany,
1579-1580 (1544).
R. Rodd:
Frederick, Crown Prince,
1580 (1544).
21. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE NEW EMPIRE:
Proclamation by the Emperor,
April 16, 1871,
1580 (1544).
Text of the Constitution,
567-575 (547-554).
{798}
22. ESTABLISHMENT OF UNIFORM GOLD COINAGE
(A. D. 1871-1873):
J. L. Laughlin:
History of Bimetallism,
2264-2265 (2220-2221).
23. GOVERNMENT OF ALSACE-LORRAINE:
C. Lowe:
Prince Bismarck,
1580-1581 (1544-1545).
24. THE CULTURKAMPF:
J.N. Murphy:
The Chair of Peter,
1581-1582 (1546).
S. Baring-Gould:
Germany,
1582 (1546).
C. Bulle:
History of Our Time,
2542-2543 (3779-3791).
The Political Speeches of Prince Bismarck,
2543-2546 (3781-3784).
"There is therefore great importance for the German Empire in
the character that is given to our diplomatic relations with
the head of the Roman Church, wielding, as he does, an
influence in this country unusually extensive for a foreign
potentate. I scarcely believe, considering the spirit dominant
at present in the leading circles of the Catholic Church, that
any Ambassador of the German Empire could succeed … by
persuasion in exerting an influence to bring about a
modification of the position assumed by His Holiness the Pope
toward things secular. The dogmas of the Catholic Church
recently announced and publicly promulgated make it impossible
for any secular power to come to an understanding with the
Church without its own effacement, which the German Empire, at
least, cannot accept. Have no fear; we shall not go to
Canossa, either in body or in spirit."
BISMARCK.
25. ADOPTION OF THE PROTECTIVE POLICY:
H. Villard:
German Tariff Policy,
3162-3163 (3079).
C. F. Bastable:
Commerce of Nations,
3166 (3082).
26. INCREASING STRENGTH OF SOCIALISTIC PARTIES:
É. de Laveleye:
Socialism of To-day,
3031-3032 (2953-2954).
R. T. Ely:
French and German Socialism,
3032 (2954).
J. Rae:
Contemporary Socialism,
3032 (2954).
W. H. Dawson:
German Socialism,
3032-3033 (2955).
W. H. Dawson:
Bismarck and State Socialism,
3033-3034 (2955-2956).
27. ACCESSION OF WILLIAM II. (A. D. 1888);
RUPTURE WITH BISMARCK:
The Times:
Eminent Persons,
1582 (1546).
Fortnightly Review:
Change of Government in Germany,
1583 (1547).
Hans Blum:
The German Empire,
1583-1584 (1548).
28. GERMAN COLONIZATION IN AFRICA:
A. S. White:
Development of Africa,
21-23 (19).
29. ORGANIZATION OF THE GERMAN EMPIRE:
I. Jastrow:
Geschichte des deutschen Einheitstraumes,
1584-1586 (3785-3787).
Diplomatic Reports:
Tariff Changes,
Volume VI., 239-240;
Volume VII., 639-640.
30. THE EMPEROR AND THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATS
(A. D. 1894-1895).
Speeches of the Emperor,
Volume VI., 240-241.
"You have, my children, sworn allegiance to me. That means
that you have given yourselves to me body and soul. You have
only one enemy, and that is my enemy. With the present
socialist agitation, I may order you—which God forbid!—to
shoot down your brothers, and even your parents, and then you
must obey me without a murmur."
THE EMPEROR, TO THE FOOT GUARDS.
"Even the word 'opposition' has reached my ears. Gentlemen, an
Opposition of Prussian noblemen, directed against their King,
is a monstrosity. … I, in my turn, like my imperial
grandfather, hold my Kingship as by the grace of God. … To
you, gentlemen, I address my summons to the fight for
religion, morality, and order against the parties of
revolution. Even as the ivy winds round the gnarled oak, and,
while adorning it with its leaves, protects it when storms are
raging through its topmost branches, so does the nobility of
Prussia close round my house. May it, and with it, the whole
nobility of the German nation, become a brilliant example to
those sections of the people who still hesitate. Let us enter
into this struggle together. Forward with God, and dishonor to
him who deserts his King."
EMPEROR WILLIAM II.
31. THE KAISER WILHELM SHIP CANAL:
United States Consular Reports,
Volume VI., 241.
32. THE AGRARIAN PROTECTIONISTS:
Annual Register,
Volume VI., 242.
T. Barth:
Political Germany,
Volume VI., 242-243.
United States Consular Reports Sugar Bounties,
Volume VI., 243,
Volume VII., 635.
33. GERMAN ACTION IN CHINA (A. D. 1897-):
Naval Expeditions to China,
Volume VI., 244.
United States Bureau of Statistics.
Seizure of Kiao-Chau,
Volume VI., 80.
Great Britain,
Papers by Command,
Vol VI., 80-81, 85.
34. STATE SYSTEM OF WORKINGMEN’S INSURANCE
(A. D. 1897-):
United States Consular Reports, etc.:
Volume VI. 244-245;
Volume VII., 396, 509-11.
35. FOREIGN INTERESTS OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE:
United States Consular Reports, 1899:
Volume VI., 247.
36. GERMAN COLONIES AND COLONIAL POLICY:
Great Britain, Papers by Command,
Volume VI., 248.
W. C. Dreher:
The Year [1907] in Germany,
Volume VII., 290-291.
37. INTRODUCTION OF THE CIVIL CODE
(A. D. 1900):
R. Sohm:
The Civil Code of Germany,
Volume VI., 248-249.
38. CENSUS AND STATISTICS OF THE EMPIRE
(A. D. 1900-1907):
W. C. Dreher:
Atlantic Monthly,
Volume VI., 251-252
World’s Work,
Volume VI., 252.
London Times,
Volume VII., 292.
39. GERMANIZING THE POLISH PROVINCES:
E. Givskov:
Germany and her Subjected Races,
Volume VII., 288-289.
R. Blennerhassett.
The Polish Question,
Volume VII., 293-294.
40. PRESENT POLITICAL PARTIES; THE SOCIALISTS:
E. Sellers:
August Bebel,
Volume VII., 289.
Election Reports, 1907, 1909,
Volume VII., 291, 297.
41. CHANCELLOR BÜLOW’S "BLOC":
The occasion of the "Bloc,"
Volume VII., 290-292.
The Breaking of the "Bloc,"
Volume VII., 295-297.
42. THE MOROCCO QUESTION:
The Kaiser’s Speech at Tangier, and after,
Volume VII., 252-255.
43. THE TRIALS OF EDITOR HARDEN:
The Outlook:
Summary of Facts.
Volume VII., 292-293.
44. EMPEROR’S INTERVIEW WITH AN ENGLISHMAN:
Digest of Press reports,
Volume VII., 294-5.
45. BUILDING OF DREADNOUGHTS;
THE NAVAL PROGRAMME:
British Parliament:
Debate;
Volume VII., 701-703.
German Reichstag:
Speeches,
Volume VII., 705.
{799}
STUDY XLV.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
THE UNITED STATES FROM COMPROMISE OF 1850
TO CLOSE OF THE CIVIL WAR.
1. SEVENTEENTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
(A. D. 1852):
A. Johnston:
American Politics,
3507 (3391).
G. E. Baker:
W. H. Seward,
3507-3508 (3391-3392).
E. Stanwood:
Presidential Elections,
3508 (3392).
2. APPEARANCE OF UNCLE TOM’S CABIN
(A. D. 1852):
J. F. Rhodes:
History of the United States,
3508 (3392).
C. F. Briggs:
Uncle Tomitudes,
3508-3509 (3392-3393).
Mrs. F. T. McCray:
Uncle Tom's Cabin,
3509 (3393).
"It is but nine months since this Iliad of the blacks, as an
English reviewer calls 'Uncle Tom,' made its appearance among
books, and already its sale has exceeded a million of copies;
author and publisher have made fortunes out of it, and Mrs.
Stowe, who was before unknown, is as familiar a name in all
parts of the civilized world as that of Homer or Shakespeare.
… The book was published on the 20th of last March … and the
publishers have paid to the author $20,300 as her share of the
profits on the actual cash sales for the first nine months.
But it is in England where Uncle Tom has made his deepest
mark. … We know of twenty rival editions in England and
Scotland, and that millions of copies have been produced. …
Uncle Tom was not long in making his way across the British
Channel, and four rival editions are claiming the attention of
the Parisians, one under the title of ‘le Père Tom,’ and
another ‘la Case de l’Oncle Tom.’"
C. F. BRIGGS, IN PUTNAM'S MAGAZINE, JANUARY, 1853.
"Of translations into different languages there are nineteen,
viz: Armenian, one; Bohemian, one; Flemish, one; French, eight
distinct versions, and two dramas; German, five distinct
versions, and four abridgments; Hungarian, one complete
version, one for children, and one versified abridgment;
Illyrian, two distinct versions; Italian, one; Polish, two
distinct versions; Portuguese, one; Roman, or modern Greek,
one; Russian, two distinct versions; Spanish, six distinct
versions; Swedish, one; Wallachian, two distinct versions;
Welsh, three distinct versions."
MRS. F. T. MCCRAY.
3. KANSAS-NEBRASKA BILL;
"SQUATTER SOVEREIGNTY"
(A. D. 1854):
G. E. Baker:
W. H. Seward,
3509-3510 (3393-3394).
S. A. Douglas:
Treatise Upon the Constitution,
3510-3511 (3394-3395).
B. Tuckerman:
William Jay,
3511 (3395).
4. BIRTH OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY
(A. D. 1854):
H. Wilson:
The Slave Power,
3511-3512 (3395-3396).
Nicolay and Hay:
Abraham Lincoln,
3512 (3396).
5. STRUGGLE FOR KANSAS:
A. Johnston:
American Politics,
1977-1978 (1936-1937).
J. F. Rhodes:
History of the United States,
3515 (3398-3399).
6. THE DRED SCOTT CASE:
W. A. Larned:
Negro Citizenship,
3516 (3400).
Goldwin Smith:
The United States,
3517 (3401).
Text of the Decision of Chief Justice Taney,
3516-3517 (3400-3401).
7. THE MORMON REBELLION IN UTAH
(A. D. 1857-1859)
T. Ford:
History of Illinois,
2277 (2233).
J. Remy:
Journey to Great Salt Lake,
2277-2278 (2233-2234).
H. H. Bancroft:
The Pacific States,
2278 (2234), 3709-3710 (3589-3590).
J. Schouler:
History of the United States,
3710-3711 (3591).
8. THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE
(A. D. 1858):
W. H. Herndon:
Lincoln,
3517-3519 (3401-3403).
9. OREGON ADMITTED TO THE UNION
(A.D. 1859):
T. Roosevelt:
Life of Benton,
2454-2455 (2402-2403).
H. Wilson:
The Slave Power,
2455 (2403).
10. THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD
(A. D. 1840-1860):
H. Wilson:
The Slave Power,
3007 (2929).
11. JOHN BROWN AT HARPER’S FERRY
(A. D. 1859):
H. Greeley:
The American Conflict,
3519-3520 (3404).
H. von Holst:
John Brown,
3520 (3404).
H. D. Thoreau;
Last Days of John Brown,
3520 (3404).
"At the last, when John Brown, wounded and a prisoner, lay
waiting his death … he writes, 'My health improves slowly, and
I am quite cheerful concerning my approaching end, since I am
convinced that I am worth infinitely more on the gallows than
I could be anywhere else.' … One year after the execution of
Brown, on the 20th of December, 1860, South Carolina declared
its secession from the Union, and on May 11, 1861, the Second
Massachusetts Regiment of Infantry was raised, which was first
to sing on its march South,—'John Brown’s body lies
mouldering in the grave. His Soul goes marching on.'"
H. VON HOLST.
12. THE EIGHTH CENSUS (A. D. 1860),
3521 (3405).
13. NINETEENTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION; ABRAHAM LINCOLN
(A. D. 1860):
J. T. Morse, Jr.:
Abraham Lincoln,
3522 (3406).
E. Stanwood:
Presidential Elections,
3522 (3406).
14. ATTITUDE OF THE SOUTH; SOUTH CAROLINA SECEDES:
J. F. Claiborne:
Life of Quitman,
3522 (3406).
H. S. Foote:
War of the Rebellion,
3523 (3407).
Text of the Ordinance of Secession, and Declaration of Causes,
3523-3525 (3407-3409).
15. PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S DISUNION MESSAGE;
THE CRITTENDEN COMPROMISE:
J. G. Blaine:
Twenty Years in Congress,
3526 (3410).
J. W. Draper:
The American Civil War,
3526-3527 (3410-3411).
16. TREACHERY IN THE CABINET;
SEIZURE OF FORTS, ARSENALS, ETC.:
S. L. Woodford:
Story of Fort Sumter,
3527-3528 (3411-3412).
E. McPherson:
Political History,
3528 (3412).
H. Greeley:
The American Conflict,
3529 (3413)
17. "THE CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA":
E. A. Pollard:
First Year of the War,
3529 (3413).
A. H. Stephens:
Speech Against Secession,
3529 (3413).
J. W. Draper:
American Civil War,
3531 (3415).
J. L. M. Curry:
The Southern States,
3531-3532 (3415-3416).
A. H. Stephens:
Constitutional View of the War,
3532 (3416).
J. E. Cooke:
Virginia,
3759 (3638).
V. A. Lewis:
West Virginia,
3759 (3638).
18. INAUGURATION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
I. N. Arnold:
Life of Lincoln,
3533 (3417).
Carl Schurz:
Abraham Lincoln,
3536-3537 (3420-3421).
Full Text of the Inaugural Address,
3533-3536 (3417-3420).
(NOTE: The Story of the Civil War in "History for Ready
Reference" covers more than 140 of its large, double-column
pages. This matter would make an octavo Volume, similar to the
standard historical works, of nearly 600 pages. The plan of
these Studies will not admit of a detailed analysis of all
this material, so that only the most significant, or pivotal
topics will be treated. The development of the history is so
clearly presented in Volume V. that a guide is hardly needed
if one wishes to study the subject as a whole; while each
individual topic may readily be found in the usual manner.)
{800}
19. ATTACK ON FORT SUMTER (APRIL 12, 1861):
Governor Pickens:
Official Records,
3532 (3416).
Abraham Lincoln:
Complete Works,
3537-3538 (3421-3422).
J. G. Holland;
Life of Lincoln,
3538-3539 (3422-3423).
"The fall of Sumter was the resurrection of patriotism. The
North needed just this. Such a universal burst of patriotic
indignation as ran over the North under the influence of this
insult to the national flag has never been witnessed. It swept
away all party lines as if it had been flame and they had been
flax."
J. G. HOLLAND.
20. PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S CALL TO ARMS
(APRIL 15, 1861);
Nicolay and Hay:
Abraham Lincoln,
3539-3540 (3423-3424).
Goldwin Smith:
United States,
3540 (3424).
B. J. Lossing:
The Civil War,
3540-3541 (3424-3425).
Text of the Call to Arms,
3539 (3423).
21. THE MORRILL, AND THE WAR TARIFFS:
F. W. Taussig:
Tariff History,
3164-3165 (3080-3081).
J. G. Blaine:
Twenty Years in Congress,
3165 (3081).
22. MONARCHICAL CRAVINGS IN SOUTH CAROLINA:
W. H. Russell:
Letter to London Times,
3542 (3426).
23. ATTITUDE OF GREAT BRITAIN:
Case of the United States before
Tribunal of Arbitration at Geneva,
3544-3545 (3428-3429).
John Jay:
The Great Conspiracy,
3545 (3429).
Text of the Queen’s Neutrality Message,
3544 (3428).
J. Watts:
The Cotton Famine,
993-994 (966-967).
24. FIRST BATTLE OF BULL RUN:
JULY 21, 1861:
W. J. Tenney:
History of the Rebellion,
3549 (3433).
R. M. Hughes:
General Johnston,
3549-3550 (3433-3434).
J. H. Stine:
Army of the Potomac,
3550 (3434).
General McDowell:
Report,
3550-3551 (3434-3435).
R. Johnson:
War of the Rebellion,
3551 (3435).
General Beauregard:
Report,
3551 (3435).
Comte de Paris:
History of the Civil War,
3552 (3436).
General Slocum:
Military Lessons of the War,
3552 (3436).
25. THE TRENT AFFAIR:
G. E. Baker:
W. H. Seward,
3560 (3444).
W. H. Seward:
Despatch to Lord Lyons,
3560-3561 (3444-3445).
26. THE MONITOR AND THE MERRIMAC:
S. Eardley-Wilmot:
Development of Navies,
3570 (3454).
C. B. Boynton:
History of the Navy,
3570 (3454).
F. B. Butts:
The _Monitor_ and the _Merrimac_,
3570-3571 (3454-3455).
J. T. Wood:
First Fight of Iron Clads,
3571-3572 (3455-3456).
"No battle was ever more widely discussed or produced a
greater sensation. It revolutionized the navies of the world.
… In this battle old things passed away, and the experience Of
a thousand years was forgotten. The effect of the news was
best described by the London ‘Times,’ which said: ‘ Whereas we
had available for immediate purposes 149 first class war
ships, we have now two, these two being the _Warrior_ and
her sister _Ironside_. There is not now a ship in the
English navy apart from these two that it would not be madness
to trust to an engagement with that little Monitor.’ The
Admiralty at once proceeded to reconstruct the navy."
J. T. WOOD.
27. FARRAGUT’S CAPTURE OF NEW ORLEANS
(APRIL, 1862):
E. Shippen:
Naval Battles,
3574-3575 (3458-3459).
L. Farragut:
Life of Farragut,
3575-3576 (3459-3460).
D. D. Porter:
Naval History of the Civil War,
3576 (3460).
M. Thompson:
Story of Louisiana,
3576-3577 (3460-3561).
C. C. Chesney:
Military Biography,
3577 (3461).
28. THE HOMESTEAD ACT (A. D. 1862):
T. Donaldson:
The Public Domain,
3579-3580 (3463-3464).
29. PRELIMINARY PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATION
(SEPTEMBER, 1862):
J. A. Garfield:
Works, 3596-3597 (3480-3481).
G. S. Boutwell:
Abraham Lincoln,
3597 (3481).
G. Welles:
Lincoln and Seward,
3597-3598 (3481-3482).
Text of Preliminary Proclamation,
3598 (3482).
30. THE FINAL PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATION
(JANUARY 1, 1863):
H. Wilson:
The Slave Power,
3604 (3488).
Nicolay and Hay:
Abraham Lincoln,
3604 (3488).
Text of the Final Proclamation,
3603-3604 (3487-3488).
31. PRESIDENT LINCOLN AND THE COPPERHEADS:
J. T. Morse:
Abraham Lincoln,
3612-3613 (3497).
Abraham Lincoln,
Complete Works,
3613-3615 (3497-3499).
32. TURNING POINT OF THE WAR;
VICKSBURG, GETTYSBURG:
U. S. Grant:
The Siege of Vicksburg,
3612 (3496).
W. J. Tenney:
Military and Naval History,
3615 (3499).
J. E. Cooke:
Life General R. E. Lee,
3616 (3500).
General Doubleday:
Gettysburg,
3617-3619 (3503).
33. President Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address;
The Amnesty Proclamation:
Nicolay and Hay:
Abraham Lincoln,
3630-3631 (3514-3515).
Abraham Lincoln:
Complete Works,
3632-3633 (3516-3517).
Text of the Amnesty Proclamation,
3632 (3516).
34. GENERAL GRANT IN GENERAL COMMAND:
Nicolay and Hay:
Abraham Lincoln,
3636-3637 (3520-3521).
35. TWENTIETH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
(A. D. 1864):
H. J. Raymond:
Life of Lincoln,
3648-3649 (3533).
E. Stanwood:
Presidential Elections,
3649 (3533).
36. DESTRUCTION OF THE ALABAMA:
Senate Executive Document No. 31, 42d Congress, 31 (24).
E. A. Pollard:
The Lost Cause,
31-32 (24-25).
The Rebellion Record,
32 (25).
37. SHERMAN’S MARCH TO THE SEA:
U. S. Grant:
Personal Memoirs,
3659 (3543).
Nicolay and Hay:
Abraham Lincoln,
3659-3660 (3543-3544).
A. G. Bennett:
Report,
3663 (3547).
A. Badeau:
U. S. Grant,
3663-3664 (3547-3548).
{801}
38. LINCOLN’S SECOND INAUGURAL;
HIS LAST PUBLIC ADDRESS:
Carl Schurz:
Abraham Lincoln,
3665-3666 (3549-3550).
Text of the Inaugural Address,
3666 (3550).
Text of His Last Address, on Reconstruction,
3668-3669 (3552-3553).
39. RICHMOND ABANDONED;
SURRENDER AT APPOMATTOX:
A. L. Long:
Memoirs of R. E. Lee,
3669-3670 (3553-3554).
F. Lee:
General Lee,
3670 (3554).
B. J. Lossing:
The Civil War,
3670-3671 (3554-3555).
40. ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN
(APRIL 14, 1865):
Nicolay and Hay:
Abraham Lincoln,
3671-3673 (3555-3557).
H. Wilson:
The Slave Power,
3673 (3557).
G. W. Julian:
Political Recollections,
3673 (3557).
41. END OF THE REBELLION;
STATISTICS OF THE WAR:
Nicolay and Hay:
Abraham Lincoln,
3673-3674 (3557-3558); 3676 (3560).
U. S. Grant:
Personal Memoirs,
3674 (3558).
H. Greeley:
The American Conflict,
3674 (3558).
J. D. Cox:
Surrender of Johnston,
3675 (3559).
Battles and Leaders of the Civil War,
3675 (3559).
J. G. Blaine:
Twenty Years of Congress,
3675-3676 (3559-3560).
J. T. Scharf:
The Confederate Navy,
3676 (3560).
V. Mott:
Report of United States Sanitary Commission,
2679 (2607).
A. Spencer:
Narrative of Andersonville,
2679-2680 (2607-2608).
Southern Historical Society Papers,
2680 (2608).
A. H. Stephens:
War between the States,
2680 (2608).
STUDY XLVI
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
UNITED STATES FROM THE CIVIL WAR TO THE WAR WITH SPAIN.
1. PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S VIEWS OF RECONSTRUCTION:
A. Lincoln:
Complete Works,
3631-3633 (3515-3517); 3667-3669 (3552-3553).
G. W. Julian:
Political Recollections,
3673 (3557).
"I spent most of the afternoon [on the day of Johnson’s
inauguration] in a political caucus, held for the purpose of
considering the necessity for a new Cabinet, and a line of
policy less conciliatory than that of Mr. Lincoln; and while
everybody was shocked at his murder, the feeling was nearly
universal that the accession of Johnson to the Presidency
would prove a godsend to the country. Aside from Mr. Lincoln’s
known policy of tenderness to the Rebels, which now so jarred
upon the feelings of the hour, his well-known views on the
subject of reconstruction were as distasteful as possible to
radical Republicans."
G. W. JULIAN.
2. ACCESSION OF VICE-PRESIDENT JOHNSON:
H. Wilson:
The Slave Power in America,
3673 (3557).
3. CONDITIONS AT THE SOUTH;
FIRST RECONSTRUCTION MEASURES:
Reports of General Grant and Carl Schurz on Rebellious States,
3678-3679 (3562-3563).
J. G. Blaine:
Twenty Years of Congress,
3676-3678 (3560-3562).
4. END OF SLAVERY;
THE FREEDMEN’S BUREAU:
G. W. Julian:
Political Recollections,
3662 (3546).
O. J. Hollister:
Schuyler Colfax,
3662 (3546).
H. Wilson:
The Slave Power,
3665 (3549).
G. W. Williams:
The Negro Race,
3679 (3563).
O. Skinner:
American Politics,
3679-3680 (3564).
5. RECONSTRUCTION QUESTION IN CONGRESS;
THE CIVIL RIGHTS BILL:
S. S. Cox:
Federal Legislation,
3680 (3564).
W. H. Barnes:
The 39th Congress,
3680-3681 (3564-3565); 3681 (3565).
6. RECONSTRUCTION BEFORE THE PEOPLE;
THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT:
W. H. Barnes:
The 39th Congress,
3682 (3566).
J. G. Blaine:
Twenty Years of Congress,
3682 (3566).
H. A. Herbert:
Why the Solid South?
3682-3683 (3566-3567).
A. Badeau:
Grant in Peace,
3683 (3567).
7. RESTORATION OF TENNESSEE
(A. D. 1866):
J. G. Blaine:
Twenty Years of Congress,
3184 (3099).
W. H. Barnes:
The 39th Congress,
3184 (3099).
8. THE TENURE OF OFFICE BILL:
J. G. Blaine:
Twenty Years of Congress,
3683 (3567).
W. H. Barnes:
The 39th Congress,
3683 (3567).
9. THE FENIAN MOVEMENT
(A. D. 1866):
J. McCarthy:
History of Our Own Times,
1833-1834 (1793-1794).
G. Bryce:
The Canadian People,
393-394 (383-384).
10. THE KU-KLUX KLAN
(A. D. 1866-1871):
S. S. Cox:
Federal Legislation,
3683-3684 (3567-3568)
H. Wilson:
The Slave Power,
3684 (3568).
11. PURCHASE OF ALASKA
(A. D. 1867):
W. H. Dali:
Tribes of the Northwest,
88 (81).
H. Rink:
The Eskimo,
93 (86).
H. H. Bancroft:
The Pacific States,
37 (30).
12. MILITARY RECONSTRUCTION ACTS:
O. J. Hollister:
Schuyler Colfax,
3685 (3569).
W. H. Barnes:
The 39th Congress,
3685 (3569).
P. H. Sheridan:
Personal Memoirs,
2095-2096 (2052).
13. IMPEACHMENT OF PRESIDENT JOHNSON
(A. D. 1868):
T. P. Taswell-Langmead:
English Constitutional History,
1735-1736 (1696-1697).
J. Forster:
Historical Essays,
845 (818).
H. McCulloch:
Men and Measures,
3685-3686 (3570).
J. G. Blaine:
Twenty Years of Congress,
3686 (3570).
14. TWENTY-FIRST PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;
CHOICE OF GENERAL GRANT
(A. D. 1868):
E. Stanwood:
Presidential Elections,
3686 (3570).
15. COMPLETED RECONSTRUCTION
(A. D. 1868-1870):
W. Allen:
Governor Chamberlain in S. Carolina,
3050-3051 (2970-2971).
H. Wilson:
The Slave Power,
3687 (3571).
16. NATIONAL BANK SYSTEM;
GOLD SPECULATION;
BLACK FRIDAY
(A. D. 1869):
H. W. Richardson:
The National Banks,
2263-2264 (2219-2220).
W. G. Sumner:
History of American Currency,
2264 (2220).
A. S. Bolles:
Financial History of the United States,
2264 (2220).
W. R. Hooper:
Black Friday,
2399-2401 (2349).
17. THE FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT;
SUPPRESSION OF COLORED VOTE:
H. Wilson:
The Slave Power,
3687 (3571).
J. Bryce:
The American Commonwealth,
3688 (3572).
{802}
18. THE NINTH CENSUS
(A. D. 1870), 3689 (3573).
19. TREATY OF WASHINGTON, AND GENEVA ARBITRATION
(A. D. 1869-1872):
B. J. Lossing:
The Civil War,
30-31 (23-24).
Case of the U. S.,
31 (24).
R. Johnson:
The War of Secession,
32-33 (25-26).
Argument of the United States,
33-34 (26-27).
Summary of the Treaty of Washington,
34-35 (27-28).
C. Cushing:
The Treaty of Washington,
34 (27); 35-36 (28-29).
20. CIVIL SERVICE REFORM:
J. Fiske:
Civil Government in the United States,
490 (476).
H. Lambert:
Progress of Civil Service Reform,
490-491 (476-477).
G. W. Curtis:
Address,
491 (477).
21. TWENTY-SECOND PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
(A. D. 1872):
A. Johnston:
American Politics,
3689-3690 (3574).
E. Stanwood:
Presidential Elections,
3690 (3574).
22. THE "DEMONETIZATION OF SILVER;"
PANIC OF 1873:
J. L. Laughlin:
Bimetallism in the United States,
3690 (3574).
L. R. Ehrich:
The Question of Silver,
2261 (2217).
Banker’s Magazine:
The Panic of 1873,
3690-3602 (3574-3676).
23. The Sioux War;
Death of General Custer (A. D. 1876):
A. Gallatin:
Synopsis of Indian Tribes,
110-111 (103-104).
F. Whittaker:
Life of Custer,
3692 (3576).
24. THE CENTENNIAL EXHIBITION
(A. D. 1876):
C. B. Norton:
World’s Fairs,
3692-3693 (3576-3577).
25. TWENTY-THIRD PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;
THE ELECTORAL COMMISSION
(A. D. 1876):
E. Stanwood:
Presidential Elections,
3693-3694 (3577-3578).
J. Fiske:
Civil Government,
3697.
The Electoral Count Act (A. D. 1887),
3699.
26. THE BLAND SILVER BILL
(A. D. 1878):
F. W. Taussig:
The Silver Situation,
3694-3695 (3578-3579).
L. R. Ehrich:
The Question of Silver,
2262 (2218).
27. TWENTY-FOURTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;
ASSASSINATION OF GARFIELD:
E. McPherson:
Handbook of Politics,
3695 (3579).
J. C. Ridpath:
Life of Garfield,
3696 (3580).
28. THE TENTH CENSUS
(A. D. 1880),
3695 (3579).
29. TWENTY-FIFTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;
THE "MUGWUMPS"
(A. D. 1884):
E. McPherson:
Handbook of Politics,
3697 (3581).
J. Bryce:
The American Commonwealth,
3697 (3581).
30. THE BERING SEA CONTROVERSY:
American History Leaflets,
3698 (3581-3582).
The Bering Sea Arbitration,
3698-3699 (3582).
Messages of the President,
Volume VI., 51.
Treaty of Arbitration,
Volume VI., 51-52.
The Joint High Commission,
Volume VI., 63-64.
31. THE INTER-STATE COMMERCE ACT
(A. D. 1887), 3699.
32. ATTEMPTED TARIFF REVISION;
THE "MILLS BILL"
(A. D. 1887-1888):
O. H. Perry:
Proposed Tariff Legislation,
3167-3168 (3083-3084).
President Cleveland’s Tariff Message,
3168-3169 (3084-3085).
33. TWENTY-SIXTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
(A. D. 1888):
Appleton’s Annual Encyclopedia,
3699 (3582).
34. OPENING OF OKLAHOMA;
ADMISSION OF SEVEN NEW STATES
(A. D. 1889-1890):
D. H. Montgomery:
Leading Facts of American History,
3699-3700 (3582-3583).
F. N. Thorpe:
Recent Constitution-making,
3700 (3583).
35. THE MCKINLEY TARIFF ACT
(A. D. 1890):
F. W. Taussig:
Tariff History,
3169-3170 (3086).
Report of Committee on Ways and Means,
3170 (3086).
Political Science Quarterly,
3170-3171 (3086-3087).
36. THE ELEVENTH CENSUS (A. D. 1890),
3700 (3583).
37. FINANCIAL PANIC;
REPEAL OF THE SHERMAN ACT
(A. D. 1893):
F. W. Taussig:
The Silver Situation,
3701 (3584).
Political Science Quarterly,
3701 (3584).
H. A. Pierce:
Review of Finance,
3702 (3585).
Message of the President,
2262 (2218).
38. THE CHINESE EXCLUSION ACT;
THE "GEARY ACT"
(A. D. 1892):
E. McPherson:
Handbook of Politics,
3702 (3585).
39. TWENTY-SEVENTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
(A. D. 1892):
Appleton’s Annual Encyclopedia,
3702 (3585).
Political Science Quarterly,
3702-3703 (3585-3586).
40. THE WILSON TARIFF BILL
(A. D. 1894):
Political Science Quarterly,
3171-3172 (3087-3088).
H. A. Pierce:
Review of Finance,
3173 (3088).
41. THE INCOME TAX
(A. D. 1895):
Political Science Quarterly,
3172, first column (3088).
Decision of the Supreme Court,
Volume VI., 554-557.
42. THE VENEZUELA BOUNDARY DISPUTE
(A. D. 1895):
Despatch of Secretary Olney to Ambassador Bayard,
Volume VI., 684-687.
Reply of Lord Salisbury,
Volume VI., 687-688.
The Message of President Cleveland,
Volume VI., 689-690.
Commission to determine the Boundary,
Volume VI., 690.
Text of Arbitration Treaty,
Volume VI., 691-692.
Text of the Decision of the Tribunal,
Volume VI., 692-693.
J. Bryce:
British Feeling,
Volume VI., 559-560.
A. Carnegie:
The Venezuelan Question,
Volume VI., 560.
43. Serious Financial Difficulties of 1895-1896:
Messages and Documents,
Volume VI., 560-562.
Political Science Quarterly,
Volume VI., 562.
44. TWENTY-EIGHTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
(A. D. 1896):
Conditions preceding,
Volume VI., 563-564.
Full Texts of Party Platforms,
Volume VI., 564-573.
The Campaign, and Results,
Volume VI., 573-574.
{803}
45. PRESIDENT CLEVELAND’S VETO OF THE IMMIGRATION BILL
(A. D. 1897):
Text of the President’s Message,
Volume VI., 574-576.
46. INDIANAPOLIS MONETARY COMMISSION
(A. D. 1896-1898):
Proceedings, January 12, 1897,
Volume VI., 576.
Hostile Attitude of the United States Senate,
Volume VI., 576.
47. INAUGURATION OF PRESIDENT MCKINLEY
(A. D. 1897):
The Inaugural Address,
Volume VI., 580-581.
His Cabinet,
Volume VI., 581.
48. THE DINGLEY TARIFF ACT
(A. D. 1897):
Extra Session of Congress,
Volume VI., 581.
Analysis of the Bill,
Volume VI., 581-2.
F. W. Taussig:
Tariff History,
Volume VI., 582.
49. FIRST ARBITRATION TREATY WITH GREAT BRITAIN
(A. D. 1897).
Text of the Treaty,
Volume VI., 577-579.
Action of the Senate; Popular Indignation,
Volume VI., 579-580.
STUDY XLVII.
(_Entirely in Volumes VI. and VII._)
THE UNITED STATES FROM THE OUTBREAK OF WAR WITH SPAIN
(1898) TO 1910.
1. CAUSES OF THE WAR:
United States Senate Document, 54th Congress:
Cuban Insurrection, A. D. 1895,
Volume VI., 171-173.
Captain-General Weyler:
Concentration Orders,
Volume VI., 173.
President Cleveland:
Message, A. D. 1896,
Volume VI., 173-174.
Text of Constitution granted by Spain to Cuba and Porto Rico,
Volume VI., 175-180.
General F. Lee:
Cuba and her Struggle,
Volume VI., 180, 181.
Senator Proctor:
Speech in Congress,
Volume VI., 181-182.
President McKinley:
Message on the Destruction of the Maine,
Volume VI., 583-584.
President McKinley:
Message on the Cuban Situation,
Volume VI., 585-590.
Resolutions of Congress and Declaration of War,
Volume VI., 590-591.
2. OPERATIONS AND EVENTS OF THE SPANISH AMERICAN WAR
(A. D. 1898):
[The naval and military operations, engagements and other
events, of the war, are narrated very fully and consecutively
in about forty pages (591-638) of Volume VI., mostly in
quotations from the reports of the officers who conducted
them. This account covers the circumstances which brought the
Filipino insurgents under Aguinaldo into connection with the
American forces sent to lay siege to Manila, and the
subsequent breach with them, when Aguinaldo was declared
President of a Philippine Republic. It covers, also, the
negotiation at Paris of the treaty of peace, the text of the
treaty, and, in part, the debate and action of the United
States Senate on the ratification of the treaty.]
3. ESTABLISHMENT OF AMERICAN AUTHORITY IN THE PHILIPPINES:
Report of General Otis,
August, A. D. 1899,
Volume VI., 371-372.
F. H. Sawyer:
Inhabitants of the Philippines,
Volume VII., 372-373.
J. Foreman:
Will the United States withdraw?
Volume VI., 373.
Official and other Reports and Statements,
Volume VII., 373-375.
Instructions by the President of the United States
to the Military Governor,
Volume VI., 375-376.
Proclamation and Report of Military-Governor Otis,
Volume VI., 376-377.
Counter Proclamation of Aguinaldo,
Volume VI., 377-378.
President McKinley:
Instructions to First Commission to the Philippines,
Volume VI., 378-379.
Philippine Information Society:
Publication Number 7,
Volume VI., 379-380.
Reports of Philippine Commission, United States Secretary
of War, Military-Governor Otis, and others, A. D. 1899-1900,
Volume VI., 380-389.
Instructions to the Second Commission,
Volume VI., 389-392
Appeal of Citizens of Manila,
Volume VI., 392-393.
Reports of the United States Secretary of War and of the
Second Commission on the Civil Government of the Islands,
Volume VI., 393-396.
The Problem of the Friars,
Volume VI., 396-399.
Congressional grant of powers for Philippine Government,
Volume VI., 399-401.
Senator Hoar:
Speech against the Subjection of the Philippines,
Volume VI., 641-645.
Organization of Provincial Governments,
Volume VI., 401-402.
Capture of Aguinaldo,
Volume VI., 402-403.
4. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE GOLD STANDARD OF VALUE
(MARCH 14, A. D. 1900):
Report of the Secretary of the Treasury,
Volume VI., 639-640.
5. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1900:
Party Platforms and Nominations:
Re-election of President McKinley,
Volume VI., 646-666.
Inaugural Address of President McKinley,
Volume VI., 680-682.
6. CONSTITUTIONAL STATUS OF THE NEW POSSESSIONS:
Supreme Court Decisions,
Volume VI., 668-674, 683.
7. INCREASE OF THE STANDING ARMY
(A. D. 1901):
Act of Congress,
Volume VI., 678-680, 682.
8. TWELFTH CENSUS (A. D. 1900):
Statement of Population,
Volume VI., 645-646.
Apportionment of Representatives,
Volume VI., 674-678.
9. ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT MCKINLEY;
ACCESSION OF VICE-PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT
(A. D. 1901):
Message of President Roosevelt to Congress,
Volume VII., 665-666.
President Roosevelt’s Cabinet,
Volume VII., 666.
W. Wellman:
Narrative of the Tragedy,
Volume VII., 59-61.
10. ATTITUDE IN THE CASE OF VENEZUELA VS. GERMANY, ET AL
(A. D. 1901-1904):
U. S. Report on Foreign Relations,
Volume VII., 684.
Message of President Roosevelt,
Volume VII., 684-685.
H. W. Bowen:
Queer Diplomacy with Castro,
Volume VII., 685.
11. CONFERENCES OF AMERICAN REPUBLICS
(A. D. 1901-1902 AND 1906):
Reports of American Delegates,
Volume VII., 20-25.
Secretary Root:
Address at Rio Janeiro,
Volume VII., 24-25.
Bureau of American Republics,
Volume VII., 25.
{804}
12. THE UNDERTAKING OF THE PANAMA CANAL:
First Hay-Pauncefote Treaty,
Volume VI., 69-70.
Second Hay-Pauncefote Treaty,
Volume VII., 466-437.
Messages of the President and Official Reports,
Volume VII., 467-471.
13. MEASURES FOR THE REGULATION OF GREAT CORPORATIONS:
[The first Federal legislation regulative of the railway
service of commerce between the States, creating the
Interstate Commerce Commission, in 1887, is briefly noted in
Volume V., p. 3699 (3582). In six and one half pages of Volume
VI., under the heading "Trusts" (pages 529-536), the rise of
the great industrial and commercial combinations, which began
at about the beginning of the present century to cause serious
anxiety in the country, is related quite fully, from the
report of the United States Industrial Commission created by
Congress in 1898, and from other sources. In Volume VII.,
under the two headings of "Combinations, Industrial and
Commercial" (pages 116-135), and "Railways" (pages 547-558),
an extended history of the vigorous proceedings of Government,
between 1900 and 1910, to restrain wrong uses of the power
which great corporate combinations of capital can acquire, is
compiled. The particulars, of legislation, executive
prosecution and judicial decision, are too numerous to be
detailed here.]
14. NATIONAL MOVEMENT FOR THE CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES
(A. D. 1901-1910).
President Roosevelt’s Messages, etc.,
Volume VII., 145-148.
Conference of Governors:
Declaration,
Volume VII., 148-149.
National Conservation Commission:
Report,
Volume VII., 149-151.
President Taft’s Recommendations,
Volume VII., 152.
15. CIVIL SERVICE REFORM UNDER PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT:
A notable record,
Volume VII., 104-108.
16. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF CUBA
(A. D. 1902):
Senate Document 312, 58th Congress, 2d Session, etc.,
Volume VII., 174-177.
17. RESTORATION OF THE WHITE HOUSE
(A. D. 1902):
Charles Moore:
Restoration of the White House,
Volume VII., 667-668.
18. SETTLEMENT OF ALASKA BOUNDARY QUESTION
(A. D. 1903):
President Roosevelt:
Message,
Volume VII., 9.
F. B. Tracy:
Tercentenary History of Canada,
Volume VII., 9.
19. FINANCIAL CRISIS
(A. D. 1903-1904):
New York Evening Post,
Volume VII., 263.
20. FRAUDS IN LAND OFFICE
(A. D. 1903-1906):
Indictments and Prosecutions,
Volume VII., 669.
21. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
(A. D. 1904):
Parties, Candidates and Platforms; Result,
Volume VII., 669-671.
22. ARBITRATION OF NEWFOUNDLAND FISHERIES QUESTIONS
(A. D. 1905-1909):
Correspondence and Agreement,
Volume VII., 446-448.
23. FINANCIAL ASSISTANCE TO SAN DOMINGO:
President Roosevelt:
Message,
Volume VII., 583-584.
Bureau of Insular Affairs:
Report,
Volume VII., 584-585.
24. MEDIATION BETWEEN JAPAN AND RUSSIA
(A. D. 1905):
President Roosevelt’s Proffer, and the Replies,
Volume VII., 356-357.
F. De Martens:
The Portsmouth Peace Conference,
Volume VII., 357.
E. J. Dillon:
Story of the Peace Negotiations,
Volume VII., 357-358.
Text of the Treaty of Portsmouth,
Volume VII., 358-360.
25. VENEZUELAN COMPLICATIONS:
An extended Account,
Volume VII., 684-688.
26. CENTRAL AMERICAN MEDIATION, WITH MEXICO
(A. D. 1906):
Text of the resulting Treaty,
Volume VII., 77-79.
27. NATIONAL PURE FOOD LAW
(A. D. 1906):
United States Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry:
Bulletin 104,
Volume VII., 520-522.
28. AT THE ALGECIRAS CONFERENCE
(A. D. 1906):
United States Secretary of State:
Instructions to Delegates,
Volume VII., 254.
29. RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CUBAN REPUBLIC
(A. D. 1906-1909):
U. S. Papers Relating to Foreign Relations,
Volume VII., 178-180.
30. THE SAN FRANCISCO JAPANESE QUESTION
(A. D. 1906):
F. H. Clark:
Anti-Japanese Agitation in California,
Volume VII., 538-541.
31. MONETARY PANIC OF A. D. 1907:
New York Evening Post,
Volume VII., 264.
32. NEW LAW OF CITIZENSHIP
(A. D. 1907):
G. Hunt:
The New Citizenship Law,
Volume VII., 443-444.
33. PART TAKEN IN SECOND PEACE CONFERENCE AT THE HAGUE
(A. D. 1907):
United States Senate Documents, and other Sources,
Volume VII., 716-722.
34. CRUISE OF THE BATTLE-SHIP FLEET
(A. D. 1907-1909).
Various Sources,
Volume VII., 707-708.
35. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION,
(A. D. 1908):
Parties, Platforms, Candidates, Results,
Volume VII., 674-678.
36. THE EMERGENCY CURRENCY ACT
(A. D. 1908):
Summary of the Act,
Volume VII., 266.
37. PARTIAL REMISSION TO CHINA OF BOXER INDEMNITY
(A. D. 1908):
Correspondence on the Subject,
Volume VII., 92-93.
38. UNDERSTANDING WITH JAPAN:
Exchange of Notes on Policy to the East,
Volume VII., 362.
39. COMMISSION TO LIBERIA:
United States Secretary of State:
Memorandum to the President,
Volume VII., 414-417.
40. THE COUNTRY-LIFE COMMISSION:
President Roosevelt:
Letter,
Volume VII., 679.
Report of the Commission,
Volume VII., 679-680.
41. New Copyright Act:
New York Evening Post:
Summary of the Act,
Volume VII., 166-167.
{805}
42. THE PAYNE-ALDRICH TARIFF ACT
(A. D. 1909):
Party Promises of 1908,
Volume VII., 641.
C. F. Adams:
On the Hearings at Washington,
Volume VII., 641-642.
President Taft:
Statement on signing the Bill,
Volume VII., 642.
Woodrow Wilson:
The Tariff Make-Believe,
Volume VII., 644-645.
S. W. McCall:
Reasons for Satisfaction,
Volume VII., 645-646.
American Review of Reviews:
On the Changes Made,
Volume VII., 646.
Outside Effects.
Volume VII., 646-647.
43. PROPOSED INCOME TAX AMENDMENT TO THE CONSTITUTION:
Governor Hughes, of New York:
Objections stated,
Volume VII., 681-682.
44. HANKAU-SZECHUAN RAILWAY LOAN QUESTION:
President Taft:
Message,
Volume VII., 94-95.
STUDY XLVIII.
(_Entirely in Volume VII._)
ENGLAND (GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND)
FROM THE DEATH OF QUEEN VICTORIA
TO THE DEATH OF EDWARD VII (1901-1910).
1. THE UNITED KINGDOM AND ITS EMPIRE IN 1901:
Census of the United Kingdom,
Volume VII., 229.
Census of the British Empire,
Volume VII., 51.
2. LAST YEAR OF THE BRITISH-BOER WAR
(A. D. 1901-1902):
The Times History of the War;
Text of Treaty of Peace,
Volume VII., 620-623.
3. IMPERIAL CONFERENCES WITH COLONIAL PREMIERS:
Conferences of 1902 and 1907,
Volume VII., 51-53, 53-57.
4. EDUCATION ACT OF 1902:
Text of its Main Provisions,
Volume VII., 196-197.
J. G. Rogers:
The Nonconformist Uprising,
Volume VII., 197.
J. Bryce:
The New Education Bill,
Volume VII., 197-198.
J. Clifford:
Passive Resistance,
Volume VII., 198-199.
5. DEFENSIVE AGREEMENTS WITH JAPAN
(A. D. 1902, 1905):
Texts and explanatory Despatches,
Volume VII., 342-343, 360-361.
6. LAND PURCHASE ACT FOR IRELAND
(A. D. 1903):
L. Paul Dubois:
Contemporary Ireland,
Volume VII., 330, 331-332.
Text of main Provisions of the Act,
Volume VII., 330-331.
7. PROPOSED RETURN TO A PROTECTIVE TARIFF,
WITH "PREFERENTIAL TRADE"
(A. D. 1903):
J. Chamberlain:
Speeches and Letter,
Volume VII., 230-231.
A. J. Balfour:
Letter to Mr. Chamberlain,
Volume VII., 232.
8. AGREEMENTS ("ENTENTE CORDIALE") WITH FRANCE
(A. D. 1904):
Text of the Agreements,
Volume VII., 249-251.
Lord Lansdowne:
Explanatory Despatch,
Volume VII., 252.
A. Tardieu:
France and the Alliances,
Volume VII., 249.
9. THE "DOGGER BANK INCIDENT" OF RUSSO-JAPANESE WAR
(A. D. 1904):
Naval Annual:
Abridged account,
Volume VII., 352-353.
10. RETURN OF THE LIBERAL PARTY TO POWER
(A. D. 1905):
Campbell-Bannermann Ministry,
Volume VII., 233-235.
11. RESTORATION OF SELF-GOVERNMENT TO THE BOER COLONIES
(A. D. 1904-1905):
Letters Patent from the Crown, etc.,
Volume VII., 626-627.
12. EDUCATION BILL OF 1906:
C. W. Barnes:
Summary of its Provisions,
Volume VII., 199-200.
Sir H. Campbell-Bannermann:
Resolutions on the Action of the Lords,
Volume VII., 235.
13. FRIENDLY CONVENTION WITH RUSSIA
(A. D. 1907):
Text of the Convention,
Volume VII., 255-257.
14. INSTITUTION OF "THE TERRITORIAL FORCE"
(A. D. 1907-1908):
Main Provisions of the Act,
Volume VII., 693-694.
Lord Roberts:
Proposal of Compulsory Service,
Volume VII., 694.
15. ACTION ON DISTURBANCES IN MACEDONIA
(A. D. 1907-1908):
Parliamentary Papers:
Official Correspondence.
16. ACTION IN PERSIA DURING THE REVOLUTION
(A. D. 1907-1908):
Parliamentary Papers;
Official Correspondence,
Volume VII., 483-487.
The London Times:
Correspondence,
Volume VII., 488-491.
17. DISAFFECTION IN INDIA;
GOVERNMENTAL REFORMS
(A. D. 1907-1909):
The London Times:
Correspondence,
Volume VII., 312-14, 314-15.
Sir H. Cotton:
The New Spirit in India,
Volume VII., 316.
Dr. R. B. Ghose:
Address to India Congress,
Volume VII., 316.
A. Iman:
Address to All-India Moslem League,
Volume VII., 316-317.
Goldwin Smith:
British Empire in India,
Volume VII., 317.
Report on Moral and Material Condition,
Volume VII., 318-319.
J. Morley (Viscount):
Speech in Parliament on the Indian Councils Bill,
Volume VII., 321-322.
Text of main Provisions of the Act,
Volume VII., 322-324.
18. CAMPAIGN OF ENGLISH "SUFFRAGETTES"
(A. D. 1907-1909):
Mrs. Pankhurst:
Address in New York,
Volume VII., 224.
English Press Reports,
Volume VII., 224-227.
19. OLD AGE PENSIONS ACT
(A. D. 1908-1909):
Summary of Provisions;
Speech of D. Lloyd-George,
Volume VII., 508-509.
20. HOUSING AND TOWN-PLANNING ACT (1909):
Summary of its Provisions,
Volume VII., 613.
21. BUILDING OF "DREADNOUGHTS" IN ENGLAND AND GERMANY
(A. D. 1909):
Lord Charles Beresford:
Speech in London,
Volume VII., 700.
Cassell’s Magazine:
The Dreadnought,
Volume VII., 700-701.
Speeches in British Parliament,
Volume VII., 700-703.
22. CHANCELLOR LLOYD-GEORGE’S BUDGET;
ITS REJECTION BY THE LORDS
(A. D. 1909):
D. Lloyd-George:
Explanatory Speech in Parliament,
Volume VII., 240-242.
H. H. Asquith:
Speech in Parliament,
Volume VII., 242-243.
Sir E. Grey:
Speech at Leeds,
Volume VII., 243.
Lords Lansdowne, Rosebery, Balfour, James, et al:
Speeches,
Volume VII., 243-245.
Proceedings, Votes, Parliamentary Dissolution, Election,
Volume VII., 244-5, 246.
{806}
STUDY XLIX.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
CANADA.
1. DISCOVERY AND EARLY EXPLORATION:
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
58 (51).
Sir A. Helps:
Spanish Conquest,
63 (56).
J. G. Kohl:
Discovery of Maine,
2404-2405 (2352-2353).
Father Charlevoix:
New France,
72-73 (65-66).
E. Warburton:
Conquest of Canada,
74 (67).
E. Hayes:
Sir Humphrey Gilbert,
76 (69).
2. THE ABORIGINES;
THE NAME CANADA:
D. G. Brinton:
The Lenape,
84 (77).
J. W. Powell:
Ethnological Report,
85 (78).
E. Warburton:
Conquest of Canada,
365 (355).
F. Parkman:
Pioneers of France,
366 (356)
3. THE ARRIVAL OF CHAMPLAIN;
ACADIA;
PORT ROYAL
(A. D. 1603):
E. Warburton:
Conquest of Canada,
366 (356).
F. Parkman:
Pioneers of France,
2437 (2385).
G. Bryce:
The Canadian People,
367 (357).
J. Hannay:
History of Acadia,
368-369 (358-359).
4. FOUNDING OF QUEBEC AND MONTREAL;
DISCOVERY OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN:
W. Kingsford:
History of Canada,
367-368 (357-358).
J. MacMullen:
History of Canada,
369 (359).
J. R. Brodhead:
History of New York,
369 (359).
5. JESUIT MISSIONS:
E. F. Slafter:
Memoir of Champlain,
371 (361).
R. Mackenzie:
America,
371-372 (361-362).
F. Parkman:
Jesuits in North America,
372 (362).
E. Warburton:
Conquest of Canada,
373 (363).
A. Bell:
History of Canada,
373 (363).
6. THE GREAT PIONEER EXPLORERS:
G. Bryce:
The Canadian People,
372-373 (362-363).
J. Fiske:
Spanish and French Explorers,
375-376 (365-366)
B. A. Hinsdale:
The Old Northwest,
378-379 (368-369).
7. FIRST INTER-COLONIAL OR "KING WILLIAM’S" WAR
(A. D. 1689-1697):
G. Bancroft.
History of the United States,
376-377 (366-367).
J. G. Palfrey:
History of New England,
377 (367).
J. S. Barry:
History of Massachusetts,
378 (368).
8. SECOND INTER-COLONIAL OR "QUEEN ANNE’S" WAR
(A. D. 1711-1713):
R. Johnson:
History of the French War,
2362 (2314).
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
379-380 (369-370).
S. S. Hebberd:
History of Wisconsin,
380 (370).
9. THIRD INTER-COLONIAL OR "KING GEORGE’S" WAR
(A. D. 1744-1748):
J. Graham:
History of the United States,
2362-2363 (2314-2315).
R. Brown:
Island of Cape Breton,
397-398 (387-388).
J. G. Palfrey:
History of New England,
398 (388).
R. Hildreth:
History of the United States,
2363-2364 (2315-2316).
R. Johnson:
History of French War,
2364 (2316).
T. C. Haliburton:
The English in America,
2364-2365 (2316-2317).
"As far as England was concerned the taking of Louisburg was
the great event of the war of the Austrian succession. England
had no other success in that war to compare with it. As things
turned out, it is not too much to say that this exploit of New
England gave peace to Europe."
J. G. PALFREY.
10. THE FATE OF THE ACADIANS:
J. Hannay: History of Acadia,
2438-2439 (2386-2387).
R. Johnson:
History of the French War,
2439-2440 (2387-2388).
T. C. Haliburton:
Nova Scotia,
2440 (2388).
F. Parkman:
Montcalm and Wolfe,
2440-2441 (2388-2389).
C. C. Smith:
Wars on the Seaboard,
2441 (2389).
11. A BORDER WARFARE:
F. Parkman:
Montcalm and Wolfe,
381 (371).
G. E. Hart:
The Fall of New France,
381 (371).
E. H. Roberts:
New York,
381 (371).
J. H. Patton:
The American People,
381-2 (372).
12. THE "SEVEN YEARS," OR "FRENCH AND INDIAN," WAR
(A. D. 1755-1763):
F. Parkman:
Montcalm and Wolfe,
382-383 (372-373).
G. E. Hart:
The Fall of New France,
383-384 (374).
C. C. Smith:
Wars on the Seaboard,
398 (388).
J. Marshall:
Life of Washington,
384-385 (374-375).
13. THE FALL OF QUEBEC;
MONTCALM AND WOLFE
(A. D. 1759):
E. Warburton:
Conquest of Canada,
385 (375).
W. Irving:
Life of Washington,
385-386 (375-376).
14. CLOSING EVENTS OF THE WAR:
R. Johnson:
History of the French War,
386-387 (376-377).
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
387-388 (377-378).
T. H. Dyer:
History of Modern Europe,
2975 (2898).
15. THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION AND CANADA:
J. G. Bourinot:
Constitutional History of Canada,
388-389 (378-9).
G. Bryce:
The Canadian People,
389-390 (379-380).
J. Fiske:
War of Independence,
3355, first column (3239).
R. Hildreth:
History of the United States,
3365-3366 (3249-3250).
Sir E. Creasy:
Fifteen Decisive Battles,
3366-3368 (3250-3252).
H. W. Preston:
Historical Documents,
3403-3404 (3287-3288).
16. CONSTITUTIONAL ACT OF 1791;
UPPER AND LOWER CANADA:
J. E. C. Munro:
Constitution of Canada,
390 (380).
17. IN THE WAR OF 1812:
See Study XL.
18. CONVENTION RELATING TO FISHERIES
(A. D. 1818):
H. W. Preston:
Historical Documents, Article III.,
3404 (3288).
E. Schuyler:
American Diplomacy,
1151-1152 (1121-1122).
19. THE "FAMILY COMPACT";
REBELLION OF 1837:
G. Bryce:
The Canadian People,
390 (380).
Earl of Durham:
British North America,
390 (380).
J. McCarthy:
History of Our Own Times,
391 (381).
W. P. Greswell:
The Dominion of Canada,
391 (381).
Viscount Bury:
Exodus of Western Nations,
392 (382).
W. P. Greswell:
The Dominion of Canada,
392 (382).
20. THE "CAROLINE AFFAIR";
THE ASHBURTON TREATY
(A. D. 1842):
Viscount Bury:
Exodus of Western Nations,
392 (382).
H. C. Lodge:
Daniel Webster,
392-393 (382-383).
J. Schouler:
History of the United States,
3494-3495 (3378-3379).
21. OPPOSITION OF RACES;
RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED STATES
(A. D. 1840-1865):
Goldwin Smith:
The Canadian Question,
393 (383).
Treaties and Conventions between the United States and
Other Powers,
3163-3164 (3079-3080).
F. E. Haynes:
Reciprocity Treaty,
3164 (3080).
H. J. Raymond:
Life of Abraham Lincoln,
3658 (3542).
{807}
22. FENIAN INVASIONS
(A. D. 1866-1871):
J. McCarthy:
History of Our Own Times,
1833-1834 (1793-1794).
G. Bryce:
The Canadian People,
393-394 (383-384).
23. FEDERATION;
THE DOMINION OF CANADA
(A. D. 1867).
J. G. Bourinot:
Federal Government in Canada,
1139-1140 (1111-1112).
J. G. Bourinot:
Constitutional History of Canada,
394 (384).
J. Bryce:
The American Commonwealth,
394-395 (384-385).
Full Text of the Constitution,
546-557 (526-537).
"The Federal Constitution of the Dominion of Canada is
contained in the British North America Act, 1867, a statute of
the British Parliament (30 Vict., c. 3). … The Federal, or
Dominion Government, is conducted on the so-called ‘Cabinet
system’ of England, i. e., the Ministry sit in Parliament, and
hold office at the pleasure of the House of Commons. … The
distribution of matters within the competence of the Dominion
Parliament and of the Provincial legislatures respectively,
bears a general resemblance to that existing in the United
States; but there is this remarkable distinction, that whereas
in the United States, Congress has only the powers actually
granted to it, the State legislatures retaining all such
powers as have not been taken from them, the Dominion
Parliament has a general power of legislation, restricted only
by the grant of certain specific and exclusive powers to the
Provincial legislatures. … The Constitution of the Dominion
was never submitted to popular vote, and can be altered only
by the British Parliament, except as regards certain points
left to its own legislature. There exists no power of amending
the provincial Constitutions by popular vote similar to that
which the peoples of the several States exercise in the United
States."
JAMES BRYCE.
24. LATER ADMISSIONS;
INCREASE OF TERRITORY:
J. E. C. Munro:
Constitution of Canada,
2429 (2377).
J. McCarthy:
History of Our Own Times,
395 (385).
J. McCoun:
The Great North West,
395-396 (385-386).
J. E. C. Munro:
Constitution of Canada,
333-334, 2658 (323-324, 2586).
C. Cushing:
The Treaty of Washington,
2874 (2799).
Viscount Milton:
The San Juan Boundary,
2874 (2799).
Creation of New Provinces in 1905,
Volume VII., 67.
25. THE FISHERIES QUESTION
(A. D. 1818-1910):
Treaties and Conventions Between
the United States and Other Powers,
35 (28).
C. B. Elliott:
The Northeastern Fisheries,
1152 (1122).
FINAL AGREEMENT FOR ARBITRATION (A. D. 1909),
Volume VII., 446-448.
26. THE MANITOBA SCHOOL QUESTION
(A. D. 1890-1896 and 1905):
J. G. S. Cox:
Mr. Laurier and Manitoba,
Volume VI., 59-61.
Text of the Encyclical Letter of the Pope,
Volume VI., 62-63.
The Outlook (A. D. 1905),
Volume VII., 68.
27. IMMIGRATION;
MOVEMENT FROM THE UNITED STATES.
E. Farrer:
Canada and the New Imperialism,
Volume VII., 63.
J. W. Dafoe:
Western Canada,
Volume VII., 63.
London Times:
Correspondence,
Volume VII., 64.
28. RECENT IMPORTANT TREATIES AND AGREEMENTS:
(a) Alaska Boundary.
President Roosevelt:
Message (1903),
Volume VII., 9.
F. B. Tracy:
Tercentenary History of Canada,
Volume VII., 9.
Convention for fixing the Line,
Volume VII., 9-10.
(b) Waterways Treaty.
Text of Treaty (1909) United States and Great Britain,
Volume VII., 71-72.
(c) General Boundary.
Summary of Boundary Treaty (1908),
Volume VII., 69-70.
29. IMPERIAL RELATIONS:
Parliamentary Papers:
Proceeding of Imperial Conferences of Colonial Premiers,
1897, 1902 and 1907,
Volume VI., 208-209; Volume VII., 51-57.
STUDY L.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
JAPAN.
1. EARLY HISTORY:
B. H. Chamberlain:
Things Japanese,
1913-1915 (1873-1875).
É. Reclus:
The Earth and Its Inhabitants,
1990 (3737).
2. JESUIT MISSIONS;
A CENTURY OF CHRISTIANITY
(A. D. 1550-1680):
Quarterly Review, 1871:
Christianity in Japan,
1915-1916 (1875-1876).
D. Murray:
Story of Japan,
1916 (1876).
Sir E. J. Reed:
Japan,
1916-1917 (1876-1877).
3. OPENING OF PORTS TO FOREIGNERS
(A. D. 1852):
Inazo Nitobe:
The United States and Japan,
1917-1918 (1877-1878).
Monument to Commodore Perry,
Volume VI., 282-283;
Volume VII., 341.
4. CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT
(A. D. 1869--):
T. Iyenaga:
Development of Japan,
1918-1919 (1878-1879).
H. N. G. Bushby:
Parliamentary Government in Japan,
Volume VI., 277-278.
Tokiwo Yokoi:
New Japan,
Volume VI., 278-279.
Text of the Constitution of 1889,
578-580 (554-557).
5. WAR WITH CHINA
(A. D. 1894-1895):
G. N. Curzon:
Problems of the Far East,
1990-1991 (3737-3738).
Political Science Quarterly,
1991 (3738).
Great Britain,
Papers by Command,
Volume VI., 76-78.
6. ACQUISITION OF FORMOSA:
J.H. Wilson:
China,
1185-1186 (3747).
S. W. Williams:
Middle Kingdom,
1186 (3747).
Treaty with China (1895),
Article II. (b),
Volume VI., 76.
The Annual Register (1896),
Volume VI., 279.
7. JAPAN AND RUSSIA IN KOREA
(A. D. 895-898):
United States Consular Reports,
Volume VI., 288-289.
Correspondence of London Times,
Volume VI., 289.
{808}
8. PARTY ORGANIZATIONS;
THE MARQUIS ITO:
H. N. G. Bushby:
Parliamentary Government in Japan,
Volume VI., 279-280.
Correspondence of the London Times,
Volume VI., 282;
Volume VII., 362-363.
W. E. Griffis:
Prince Ito’s Party,
Volume VII., 343.
9. DISTRUST OF THE RUSSIANS IN MANCHURIA
(A. D. 1901-1904):
G. T. Ladd:
In Korea with Marquis Ito,
Volume VII., 341-342.
Text of Russo-Chinese Treaty of 1902,
Volume VII., 91-92.
10. DEFENSIVE AGREEMENTS WITH GREAT BRITAIN:
Text of Agreements of 1902 and 1905,
Volume VII., 342-343, 360-361.
11. WAR WITH RUSSIA
(A. D. 1904-1905):
United States War Department:
Epitome,
Volume VII., 343-345, 346, 348.
E. J. Nojine:
The Truth about Port Arthur,
Volume VII., 345, 347-348, 350.
Admiral Sir C. Bridge:
In the Naval Annual,
Volume VII., 346.
Lord Brooke:
An Eye-witness in Manchuria,
Volume VII., 347.
L. Hearn:
Letter from Japan,
Volume VII., 347.
T. Sakurai:
Human Bullets,
Volume VII., 348-350.
American Review of Reviews,
Volume VII., 351-352.
G. Kennan:
The Naval Battle of Tsushima,
Volume VII., 352-354.
L. L. Seaman, M. D.:
The Japanese Medical Service,
Volume VII., 354-355.
Official Japanese Statement of Casualties,
Volume VII., 355-356.
12. THE PEACE TREATY OF PORTSMOUTH
(A. D. 1905):
American Mediation;
President Roosevelt’s Proffer,
Volume VII., 356.
Official Correspondence and Preliminaries,
Volume VII., 356-357.
F. de Martens:
The Portsmouth Peace Conference,
Volume VII., 357.
E. J. Dillon:
Story of the Peace Negotiations,
Volume VII., 357-358.
Text of the Treaty,
Volume VII., 358-360.
13. THE WAR DEBT; MATERIAL CONDITIONS:
The London Times:
Correspondence,
Volume VII., 363, 362.
14. KOREA UNDER JAPANESE CONTROL
(A. D. 1904-1909):
Text of three Agreements of 1904 and 1905,
Volume VII., 365-367.
K. Asakawa:
Korea and Manchuria under the New Treaty,
Volume VII., 367.
London and New York Press Correspondence,
Volume VII., 367-370.
Assassination of Prince Ito,
Volume VII., 363-364.
15. DISPUTES WITH CHINA
(A. D. 1905-1909):
The London Times:
Correspondence,
Volume VII., 95, 97-98.
16. EXCHANGE OF NOTES WITH THE UNITED STATES
ON POLICY IN THE EAST
(A. D. 1908):
Text of the Declaration,
Volume VII., 362.
17. THE SAN FRANCISCO SCHOOL QUESTION:
F. H. Clark:
Anti-Japanese Agitation in California,
Volume VII., 538-540.
STUDY LI.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
CHINA.
1. THE NAMES AND CHARACTER OF THE COUNTRY:
H. Yule:
Cathay,
428 (416).
E. Reclus:
The Earth and its Inhabitants,
428-430.
2. ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY OF THE PEOPLE:
T. de Lacouperie:
Chinese Civilization,
246 (239).
R. K. Douglas:
China,
430-432 (416-418).
3. RELIGIONS OF THE PEOPLE:
R. K. Douglas:
China,
432-433 (418-419).
T. Rhys Davids:
Buddhism,
433 (419).
Abbé Hue:
Christianity in China,
1995 (1951).
4. THE MONGOL CONQUEST;
EMPIRE OF KUBLAI-KHAN
(A. D. 1150-1368).
H. H. Howorth:
The Mongols,
2265 (2221).
C. R. Markham:
History of Persia,
2265 (2221).
H. Yule:
Cathay,
433 (419); 2266-2268.
H. H. Howorth:
The Mongols,
433 (419).
D. C. Boulger.
China,
2266 (2222).
5. THE MING AND MANCHU DYNASTIES:
L. Ritchie:
Oriental Nations,
434 (420).
H. A. Giles:
Historic China,
434-435 (420-421).
T. T. Meadows:
North China,
2126-2127 (3791-3792).
6. THE OPIUM WAR;
OPENING OF THE TREATY PORTS
(A. D. 1839-1842):
S. Walpole:
History of England,
435-437 (421-423).
S. W. Williams:
The Middle Kingdom,
437 (423).
C. P. Lucas:
The British Colonies,
1701.
7. THE TAIPING REBELLION (A. D. 1850-1864)
"CHINESE" GORDON:
S. W. Williams:
The Middle Kingdom,
438 (424).
L. N. Wheeler:
The Foreigner in China,
438 (424).
A. Forbes:
Chinese Gordon,
438-439 (424-425).
R. H. Veitch:
Charles George Gordon,
439 (425).
8. THE WAR WITH ENGLAND AND FRANCE
(A. D. 1856-1860):
J. McCarthy:
History of Our Own Times,
439-441 (425-427).
9. FRENCH ACQUISITIONS IN INDO-CHINA
(A. D. 1875-1879):
A. H. Keane:
Eastern Geography,
3200-3201 (3114-3115).
V. Duruy:
History of France,
1428 (1395).
10. THE BURLINGAME TREATY AND THE EXCLUSION ACT:
W. Speer:
The Oldest Empire,
441-442 (427-428).
E. McPherson:
Handbook of Politics,
3702 (3585).
11. THE CHINESE IN KOREA:
É. Reclus:
The Earth and Its Inhabitants,
1990 (3736-3737).
R. S. Gundry:
China and Her Neighbors,
1990 (3737).
G. N. Curzon:
Problems of the Far East,
1990-1991 (3737-3738).
12. THE WAR WITH JAPAN
(A. D. 1894-1895):
Political Science Quarterly,
1991 (3738).
Korean Independence,
Volume VI., 76.
Text of the Treaty of Shimonoseki,
Volume VI., 76-78.
{809}
13. TREATY WITH RUSSIA GIVING RIGHTS IN MANCHURIA .
H. Norman:
Russia and England,
Volume VI., 78-79.
Statistical Description of Manchuria in 1897,
Volume VI., 301-302.
14. FOREIGN RESIDENTS OF CHINA
(A. D. 1897)
United States Consular Reports,
Volume VI., 80.
15. EUROPEAN WRECKING OF THE EMPIRE BEGUN
(A. D. 1897-1898):
United States Bureau of Statistics,
Volume VI., 80.
Great Britain,
Papers by Command,
Volume VI., 80-83.
The "Battle of Concessions,"
Volume VI., 83-86.
16. RUSSIAN ACQUISITION OF PORT ARTHUR
(A. D. 1898):
Great Britain,
Papers by Command,
Volume VI., 86-88.
17. INCREASED DEMANDS OF FRANCE AND GREAT BRITAIN
(A. D. 1898):
Great Britain,
Papers by Command,
Volume VI., 88-89.
18. "OPEN-DOOR" COMMERCIAL AGREEMENTS
SECURED BY THE UNITED STATES:
U. S. Congressional Documents,
Volume VI., 104.
19. EFFORTS TOWARD REFORM
(A. D. 1898):
Kang Yeu Wei:
Revolution of 1898,
Volume VI., 89-91.
Great Britain,
Papers by Command,
Volume VI., 91-94.
Blackwood’s Magazine:
The Empress Dowager,
Volume VI., 94-95.
20. OUTBREAK OF HOSTILITY TO FOREIGNERS
(A. D. 1898-1900):
United States Consular Reports,
Volume VI., 95-101.
Great Britain,
Papers by Command,
Volume VI., 95-101
G. F. Wright:
Letter to the Nation,
Volume VI., 299
21. The Tsung-li Yamen:
The Spectator (London, 1899),
Volume VI., 101.
22. EARLY ACCOUNTS OF "THE BOXERS"
(A. D. 1900):
Great Britain:
Papers by Command,
Volume VI., 104-107.
Robert Hart:
The Peking Legations,
Volume VI., 107-108.
23. NAVAL DEMONSTRATION OF THE POWERS
(A. D. 1900):
Great Britain,
Papers by Command,
Volume VI., 108-109.
Telegrams from British Minister at Peking,
Volume VI., 109-112.
Official Reports,
Volume VI., 112-113.
24. CHINESE IMPERIAL EDICTS
(A. D. 1900):
Correspondence of London Times,
Volume VI., 114.
Report by Minister Wu Ting-fang,
Volume VI., 115.
25. SIEGE OF THE FOREIGN LEGATIONS AT PEKING
(JUNE-AUGUST, 1900):
Detailed Account by one of the Besieged,
Volume VI., 115-128.
London Times Correspondence,
Volume VI., 115-128.
United States Secretary of War, Report,
Volume VI., 128-129.
26. CAPTURE OF PEKING BY ALLIED FORCES
(AUGUST, 1900):
Report of United States General Chaffee,
Volume VI., 130-132.
27. HORRORS OF THE ALLIED INVASION:
T. F. Millard:
The Armies in China,
Volume VI., 132.
E. J. Dillon:
Chinese Wolf and European Lamb,
Volume VI., 132-134.
Correspondence of London Times,
Volume VI., 134-136.
28. FINAL NEGOTIATIONS OF POWERS WITH CHINA:
Texts of Notes, Agreements, etc.,
Volume VI., 137-143.
29. MURDERED MISSIONARIES AND CHRISTIANS:
Several Detailed Statements,
Volume VI., 143-144.
30. THE RUSSIAN GRIP ON MANCHURIA
(A. D. 1901-1902):
Text of Secret Treaty Secured,
Volume VI., 300-301.
Remonstrance of the United States Secretary of State,
Volume VI., 144.
United States:
Papers on Foreign Relations,
Volume VII., 91-92.
G. T. Ladd:
In Korea with Prince Ito,
Volume VII., 341-342.
31. CHINESE INDEMNITY FOR THE BOXER RISING:
Settlement of the Indemnity,
Volume VII., 92.
Remission of part by the United States;
Correspondence,
Volume VII., 92-93.
32. COMMERCIAL TREATY WITH THE UNITED STATES
(A. D. 1903):
J. H. Latané:
America as a World Power,
Volume VII., 94.
33. RAILWAYS AND RECENT RAILWAY QUESTIONS:
D. C. Boulger:
The Shanghai-Nanking Railway,
Volume VII., 94.
The Hankau Sze chuen Railway Loan Question,
Volume VII., 94-95.
Railway Agreements and Disputes with Japan,
Volume VII., 95, 97-98.
Russo-Chinese Agreement and the Kharbin Question,
Volume VII., 100-102.
Opening of the Peking-Kalgan Railway,
VII., 545.
Proposed neutralization of Manchurian railways,
Volume VII., 102-103.
34. PROMISED CONSTITUTION OF REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT
(A. D. 1908-1909):
New York Tribune:
Summarized translation of Decree,
Volume VII., 95-96.
Reaffirmation of the Decree,
Volume VII., 99-100.
London Times;
Election and Opening of Provincial Assemblies,
A. D. 1909, Volume VII., 102.
35. DEATH OF THE EMPEROR AND EMPRESS DOWAGER
(A. D. 1908):
Newspaper Reports,
Volume VII., 99.
36. DISMISSAL OF VICEROY YUAN SHIH-KAI
(A. D. 1909):
Correspondence of New York Evening Post,
Volume VII., 100.
37. OPIUM REFORM:
United States Legation Report,
Volume VII., 462-463.
Tang Shao Yi:
Address in London,
Volume VII., 463-464.
British Consular Report,
Volume VII., 464.
38. AMERICAN TREATIES, VS. EXCLUSION LAWS:
An Exhibit from the Documents,
Volume VII., 538.
{810}
STUDY LII.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
RUSSIA.
1. ORIGIN OF THE PEOPLE AND THEIR NATIONAL NAME:
V. Thomsen:
Russia and Scandinavia,
3009 (2931); 2829 (2755).
A. Lefèvre:
Race and Language,
3009 (2931).
G. Finlay:
Byzantine Empire,
521 (507).
2. EARLY RELATIONS WITH BYZANTINE EMPIRE:
G. Finlay:
Byzantine Empire,
2829-2830 (2755-2756); 521-522 (507-508).
G. F. Maclear:
Conversion of the West,
480-481 (466-467).
3. THE MONGOL CONQUEST
(A. D. 1237-1239);
H. Yule:
Cathay,
2267-2268 (2222-2224).
C. I. Black:
Proselytes of Ishmael,
2268 (2224).
H. H. Howorth:
History of the Mongols,
2268 (2224).
4. TWO CENTURIES OF TARTAR DOMINATION
(A. D. 1237-1480):
J. C. Prichard:
Races of Mankind,
3173 (3089).
P. A. Kropotkine:
Tartars,
3173 (3089).
C. F. Johnstone:
Historical Abstracts,
2830-2832 (2756-2758).
A. Leroy-Beaulieu:
Empire of the Tsars,
2832 (2758).
5. INVASION OF THE POLES;
ORIGIN OF THE ROMANOFFS:
H. S. Edwards:
The Romanoffs,
2832-2833 (2758).
H. Krasinski:
Cossacks of the Ukraine,
641-642 (618-619).
W. R. Morfil:
The Story of Russia,
2619 (2551).
6. ASSUMPTION OF THE TITLE "TSAR"
(A. D. 1547):
A. Rambaud:
History of Russia,
2833 (2759).
W. K. Kelly:
Russia,
2833 (2759).
7. CONQUEST OF SIBERIA
(A. D. 1580):
W. Coxe:
Russian Discoveries,
2979 (2902).
United States Bureau of Statistics,
2980.
8. WARS WITH TURKS AND SWEDEN:
Sir E. S. Creasy:
The Ottoman Turks,
2833-2834 (2759-2760).
J. L. Stevens:
Gustavus Adolphus,
2897 (2822).
9. GREAT RELIGIOUS SCHISM,—"THE RASCOL"
(A. D. 1655-1660):
W. R. Morfil:
Story of Russia,
2834 (2760).
Stepniak:
The Russian Peasantry,
2834 (2760).
10. PETER THE GREAT;
THE CONQUEST OF AZOV:
Voltaire:
Charles XII.,
2834-2835 (2760-2761).
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
3259-3260 (3143-3144)
J. N. Earned:
Europe,
1108 (1080).
11. WAR WITH CHARLES XII. OF SWEDEN
(A. D. 1697-1718):
Voltaire:
Charles XII.,
2899-2900 (2824-2825).
A. Crichton:
Scandinavia,
2900-2901 (2825-2826).
W. C. Taylor:
Modern History,
2903 (2826-2828).
12. FOUNDING OF ST. PETERSBURG
(A. D. 1703):
E. Schuyler:
Peter the Great,
2835-2836 (2761-2762).
13. FROM PETER THE GREAT TO CATHERINE II.
(A. D. 1725-1762):
W. R. Morfil:
Story of Russia,
2836-2837 (2762-2763).
W. K. Kelly:
History of Russia,
2837 (2763).
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
2837-2838 (2763-2764).
A. Rambaud:
History of Russia,
2838 (2764).
14. REIGN OF CATHERINE II.
(A. D. 1762-1796):
Lardner:
History of Russia,
2839 (2765).
C. F. Johnstone:
Historical Abstracts,
2839-2840 (2765-2766).
Edinburgh Review:
Empress Catherine II.,
2840 (2766).
R. Waliszewski:
Romance of an Empress,
2840-2841 (2766-2767).
H. Frederic:
The New Exodus,
1971 (1930).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1115-1116 (1087-1088).
15. ASSASSINATION OF PAUL
(A. D. 1801):
A. Czartoryski:
Memoirs,
2841-2842 (2867-2868).
16. ALEXANDER I.;
ALLIANCES AGAINST NAPOLEON
(A. D. 1801-1807):
R. Lodge:
Modern Europe,
1375 (1342).
H. Martin:
History of France,
1545-1546 (1511-1512).
A. Rambaud:
History of Russia,
1546-1547 (1513).
R. Lodge:
Modern Europe,
1547 (1513).
C. Joyneville:
Life of Alexander I.,
1547-1548 (1513-1514).
E. A. Freeman:
Finland,
2905-2906 (2830-2831).
17. NAPOLEON’S INVASION
(A. D. 1812):
R. Lodge:
Modern Europe,
1385-1386 (1351-1352).
P. Lanfrey:
History of Napoleon,
1384 (1351).
A. Rambaud:
History of Russia,
2842-2843 (2768-2769).
L. Tolstoi:
Napoleon and the Russian Campaign,
2843-2844 (2769-2770).
A. Thiers:
History of the Empire,
2844-2845 (2771).
V. Duruy:
History of France,
2845-2846 (2771-2772).
General R. Wilson:
The Invasion of Russia,
2846-2847 (2772-2773).
E. Labaume:
The Campaign in Russia,
2847 (2773).
18. ALLIANCE OF RUSSIA AND PRUSSIA: LEIPSIC
(A. D. 1812-1813):
H. Martin:
History of France,
1555-1556 (1521-1522).
J. Mitchell:
The Fall of Napoleon,
1557-1558 (1423-1424).
J. G. Lockhart:
Life of Napoleon,
1558-1559 (1525).
R. H. Horne:
History of Napoleon,
1559-1560 (1526).
C. T. Lewis:
History of Germany,
1561-1562 (1527-1528).
W. Hazlitt:
Life of Napoleon,
1562-1563 (1528-1529).
G. R. Gleig.
The Leipsic Campaign,
1563 (1529).
19. THE ALLIES IN PARIS;
FALL OF NAPOLEON
(A. D. 1814):
A. Rambaud:
History of Russia,
1387-1389 (1354-1356).
J. Mitchell:
Fall of Napoleon,
1389-1391 (1356-1358).
H. Martin:
History of France,
1391-1392 (1358-1359).
20. THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA:
C. A. Fyffe:
Modern Europe,
3745-3747 (3624-3626).
R. Lodge:
Modern Europe,
3747 (3626).
21. ALEXANDER I. AND THE HOLY ALLIANCE:
M. E. G. Duff:
European Politics,
1696-1697 (1658).
E. Hertslet:
Europe by Treaty,
1697 (1658).
W. R. Thayer:
Dawn of Italian Independence,
1697-1698 (1658-1659).
R. Lodge:
Modern Europe,
3741 (3621).
F. H. Hill:
George Canning,
3741 (3621).
R. Bell:
Life of Canning,
3741-3742 (3621-3622).
22. REVOLT OF RUSSIAN POLAND
(A. D. 1830-1832):
S. Walpole:
History of England,
2625-2626 (2557-2558).
23. THE CRIMEAN WAR
(A. D. 1853-1856):
R. Walpole:
Foreign Relations,
2848-2849 (2774-2775).
J. McCarthy:
History of Our Own Times,
2849-2850 (2775-2776).
W. N. Molesworth:
History of England,
2851-2852 (2777-2778).
L. C. Sanders:
Life of Palmerston,
992 (965).
S. Walpole:
History of England,
2853-2855 (2779-2781).
{811}
24. EMANCIPATION OF THE SERFS
(A. D. 1861):
D. M. Wallace:
Russia,
2995 (2917).
The Times:
Alexander II.,
2995 (2917).
W. H. Dixon:
Free Russia,
2995-2996 (2917-2918).
Stepniak:
The Russian Peasantry,
2996 (2918).
25. RUSSIAN ADVANCE IN CENTRAL ASIA
(A. D. 1869-1881):
T. W. Knox:
Decisive Battles,
2856-2857 (2782-2783).
C. H. Pearson:
National Life,
2857 (2783).
É. Reclus:
The Earth and its Inhabitants,
3246 (3130).
J. F. Bright:
History of England,
15-17 (15-17).
The Anglo-Russian Agreement as to Frontiers,
Volume VI., 1.
26. WAR WITH TURKEY
(A. D. 1877-1878):
Cassell’s History of England,
259-261 (252-254).
S. Walpole:
Foreign Relations,
3268-3269 (3152-3153).
T. W. Knox:
Decisive Battles,
3269-3270 (3153-3154).
E. Ollier:
The Russo-Turkish War,
3270 (3154).
J. McCarthy:
History of Our Own Times,
3270-3271 (3154-3155).
E. Ollier:
The Russo-Turkish War,
3271-3272 (3156).
W. Müller:
Political History,
3272-3273 (3156-3157).
27. THE RISE AND SPREAD OF NIHILISM
(A. D. 1861-):
J. Rae:
Contemporary Socialism,
3026-3027 (2948-2949).
E. P. Bazan:
Russia,
2413-2414 (2361-2362).
Georg Brandes:
Impressions of Russia,
2414 (2362).
Stepniak:
Underground Russia,
2414 (2362).
C. Joyneville:
Life of Alexander II.,
2857-2859 (2783-2785).
28. ALEXANDER III. (A. D. 1881-1894);
JEWISH PERSECUTION:
F. H. Geffcken:
Russia Under Alexander III.,
2859-2860 (2785-2786).
W. E. H. Lecky:
Israel Among the Nations,
1972 (1931).
C. N. Barham:
The Jews in Russia,
1972-1973 (1931-1932).
29. ACCESSION OF NICHOLAS II.
(A. D. 1894):
Proclamation of the Accession,
2860 (2786).
Frightful Calamity at the Coronation,
Volume VI., 423.
Liberal Policy of Nicholas,
Volume VI., 423.
30. THE FIRST CENSUS OF THE EMPIRE
(A. D. 1897):
E. J. Dillon:
The First Russian Census,
Volume VI., 423-424.
31. RUSSIA IN CHINA
(A. D. 1895-):
H. Norman:
Russia and England,
Volume VI., 78-79.
Great Britain,
Papers by Command,
Volume VI., 86-88, 101.
32. RUSSIA IN FINLAND
(A. D. 1898-1901):
R. Eucken:
The Finnish Question,
Volume VI., 234.
Correspondence of the London Times,
Volume VI., 224.
33. THE STUDENT OUTBREAKS
(A. D. 1899-1902):
Detailed Accounts from Various Sources,
Volume VI., 424, 425-427;
Volume VII., 563.
34. AGGRESSIVE MOVEMENTS IN MANCHURIA
(A. D. 1900-1902):
G. F. Wright:
in the Nation,
Volume VI., 299-301.
Text of the Convention with China of 1901,
Volume VI., 300-301.
Text of Treaty of April, 1902,
Volume VII., 91-92.
G. T. Ladd:
In Korea with Marquis Ito,
Volume VII., 341-342.
New Agreement of May, 1909,
Volume VII., 100.
35. TRANSPORTATION TO SIBERIA:
G. F. Kennan:
The Settlement of Siberia,
2980.
Order of Tsar to abolish the System,
Volume VI., 425.
36. THE TRANS-SIBERIAN RAILWAY
(A. D. 1891):
Great Britain,
Papers by Command,
Volume VI., 428-429.
A. H. Ford:
Railways in Asia,
Volume VI., 429.
United States Consular Reports,
Volume VI., 429.
37. REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENTS
(A. D. 1902-1905):
K. Zilliacus:
Russian Revolutionary Movement,
Volume VII., 563-564.
F. Volkhovsky:
The Russian Awakening,
Volume VII., 564-565.
H. W. Nevinson:
The Dawn in Russia,
567.
Imperial Manifestos:
The so-called Constitution of October 30, 1905,
Volume VII., 568-569.
United States Consul:
Diary of Rising at Moscow,
Volume VII., 570-571.
Annual Register:
Naval Mutiny, Army Revolt, etc.,
Volume VII., 571.
Imperial Decree of Religious Liberty,
Volume VII., 571-572.
38. WAR WITH JAPAN
(A. D. 1904-1905):
(See in Study L.).
39. THE FIRST, SECOND AND THIRD DUMAS
(A. D. 1906-1909):
U. S. Ambassador Meyer:
Despatches relating to First Duma,
Volume VII., 572-573.
Imperial Manifesto dissolving the Duma,
Volume VII., 574.
Viborg Address of Duma Members to the People.
Volume VII., 574.
Imperial Edict of Reforms,
Volume VII., 574-575.
The Short-lived Second Duma,
Volume VII., 575.
E. J. Dillon:
On the Election and Character of the Third Duma,
Volume VII., 576-577.
40. THE POLICY OF MASSACRE ("POGROMS");
THE POLICE "AGENT PROVOCATEUR":
Prince Urussoff:
Speech in the First Duma,
Volume VII., 573.
Prince Kropotkin:
Letter to The Times,
573-574.
British Parliamentary Paper:
Massacre of Jews at Kishineff,
Volume VII., 565-566.
Russian Police System:
The Azeff Case,
Volume VII., 579.
41. THE RUSSIANIZING OF FINLAND:
Particulars from various sources,
Volume VII., 270-273.
42. AGREEMENTS WITH GREAT BRITAIN:
Text of Convention (A. D. 1907),
with Explanatory Despatches,
Volume VII., 255-7.
43. Submission to a German Menace
(A. D. 1909):
The London Times:
Editorial Statement,
Volume VII., 260-261.
44. PRESENT CONDITIONS IN THE EMPIRE
(A. D. 1909):
Differing Accounts,
Volume VII., 580-581.
{812}
STUDY LIII.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
THE TURKISH EMPIRE.
1. RACE AND ORIGIN OF THE TURKS:
H. H. Howorth:
History of the Mongols,
2265 (2221).
F. Lenormant:
Ancient History,
3245 (3129).
J. C. Prichard:
Races of Mankind,
3173 (3089).
E. A. Freeman:
The Ottoman Power in Europe,
252 (245).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
3246-3247 (3130-3131).
W. Smith:
Note to above,
3246 (3130).
2. RISE OF THE OTTOMAN TURKS FROM WRECK OF MONGOL CONQUESTS
(A. D. 1218-1240):
C. R. Markham,
History of Persia,
2265.
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
3249-3250 (3133-3134).
Sir E. S. Creasy:
The Ottoman Turks,
3250 (3134).
E. A. Freeman.
The Ottoman Power,
3250 (3134).
3. THEIR ENTRY INTO EUROPE
(A. D. 1360):
J. E. Tennent:
Modern Greece,
3250-3251 (3134-3135).
Sir E. S. Creasy:
The Ottoman Turks,
3251 (3135).
E. Gibbon:
Decline and Fall,
3251-3252 (3135-3136).
4. THE CAREER OF TIMOUR, THE TARTAR:
E. S. Creasy:
The Ottoman Turks,
3197 (3112).
E. A. Freeman:
Conquests of the Saracens,
3197 (3112).
A. Vambery:
History of Bokhara,
3197-3198 (3112-3113).
5. THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE
(A. D. 1453):
Sir E. S. Creasy:
The Ottoman Turks,
3252-3253 (3136-3137).
E. A. Freeman:
The Ottoman Power,
3253 (3137).
C. C. Felton:
Greece, Ancient and Modern,
524 (510).
G. Finlay:
The Byzantine Empire,
524-525 (511).
6. THE "SUBLIME PORTE":
Sir E. S. Creasy:
The Ottoman Turks,
3119-3120 (3036-3037).
A. H. Sayce:
Fresh Light from the Monuments,
2595 (2528).
7. WARS OF SOLYMAN "THE MAGNIFICENT"
(A. D. 1520-1566):
W. Robertson:
Reign of Charles V.,
1702-1703 (1663-1664).
Sir E. S. Creasy:
The Ottoman Turks,
1713-1714 (1674-1675).
E. Szabad:
Hungary,
1714 (1675).
N. W. Wraxhall:
History of France,
1882-1883 (1843).
S. Lane-Poole:
The Barbary Corsairs,
269-270 (260-261).
W. H. Prescott:
Philip II.,
1703-1704 (1664-1665).
8. WAR WITH THE HOLY LEAGUE;
THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO
(A. D. 1571):
W. H. Prescott:
Philip II.,
3255-3257 (3139-3141).
R. Watson:
History of Philip II.,
3257 (3141).
C. F. Johnstone:
Historical Abstracts,
3257-3258 (3141-3142).
"It [Lepanto] was indeed a sanguinary battle, surpassing in
this particular any sea-fight of modern times. The loss fell
much the most heavily on the Turks. There is the usual
discrepancy about numbers; but it may be safe to estimate
their loss at nearly 25,000 slain and 5000 prisoners. What
brought most pleasure to the hearts of the conquerors was the
liberation of 12,000 Christian captives, who had been chained
to the oar on board the Moslem galleys, and who now came
forth, with tears of joy streaming down their haggard cheeks,
to bless their deliverers. … The news of the victory of
Lepanto caused a profound sensation throughout Christendom. …
It is a great error to speak of the victory of Lepanto as a
barren victory. True, it did not strip the Turks of an inch of
territory. But the loss of reputation—that tower of strength
to the conqueror—was not to be estimated."
W. H. PRESCOTT.
9. THE WAR WITH PERSIA, AND THE CONQUEST OF CRETE
(A. D. 1623-1670):
R. W. Fraser:
Turkey,
3258 (3142).
Sir E. S. Creasy:
The Ottoman Turks,
3258 (3142).
G. Finlay:
History of Greece,
3258-3259 (3142-3143).
10. GREAT INVASIONS OF POLAND AND HUNGARY
(A. D. 1670-1690):
Chambers’ History of Poland,
2619-2620 (2551-2552).
Sir E. S. Creasy:
The Ottoman Turks,
1719-1720 (1680-1681).
H. E. Malden:
Vienna,
1720 (1681).
G. B. Malleson:
Eugene of Savoy,
1720-1721 (1682).
11. A CENTURY OF AGGRESSION ON THE EUROPEAN FRONTIER
(A. D. 1680-1780):
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
3259-3260 (3143-3144).
R. Lodge:
Modern Europe,
3260 (3144).
W. K. Kelly:
History of Russia,
2837 (2763).
R. Lodge:
Modern Europe,
3260-3261 (3144-3145).
R. Bell:
History of Russia,
3261-3262 (3145-3146).
12. TURKEY IN THE NAPOLEONIC WARS:
Sir J. Porter:
Turkey,
3262-3263 (3146-3147).
H. Van Laun:
The Revolutionary Epoch,
1355 (1322).
H. Martineau:
History of England,
3263-3264 (3147-3148).
R. Lodge:
Modern Europe,
1547 (1513).
C. Joyneville:
Life of Alexander I.,
1547-1548 (1513-1514).
13. GRADUAL RESTRICTION OF TURKISH TERRITORY:
T. W. Knox:
Decisive Battles,
1644-1646 (1606-1608).
R. W. Fraser:
Turkey,
3264-3267 (3148-3151).
A. A. Paton:
Researches on the Danube,
257-258 (250-251).
J. G. C. Minchin:
Servia and Montenegro,
258 (251).
H. Morse Stephens:
Modern Historians,
258-259 (251-252).
W. Müller:
Political History,
3267-3268 (3151-3152).
14. The Crimean War
(A. D. 1853-1856):
See Study XLII.
15. THE WAR WITH RUSSIA
(A. D. 1877-1878):
S. Walpole:
Foreign Relations,
3268-3269 (3152-3153.)
Cassell’s History of England,
259-261 (252-254).
E. Ollier.
The Russo-Turkish War,
3269-3270 (3153-3154).
J. McCarthy:
History of Our Own Times,
3270-3271 (3155).
16. THE TREATY OF BERLIN
(A. D. 1878):
E. Ollier:
Russo-Turkish War,
3271-3272 (3155-3156).
W. Müller:
Political History,
3272-3273 (3156-3157).
J. H. Rose:
Century of Continental History,
261 (254).
17. THE REVOLT AND MASSACRES IN ARMENIA
(A. D. 1895, 1903-1904):
The Annual Register (1895),
Volume VI., 537-538.
United States, 54th Congress, Senate Document,
Volume VI., 538-539.
Duke of Argyle:
Our Responsibility for Turkey,
Volume VI., 539-540.
{813}
Contemporary Review:
The Constantinople Massacre,
Volume VI., 542-543.
Great Britain,
Papers by Command,
Volume VI., 544-547;
Volume VII., 653.
18. CRETAN REVOLTS;
PROTECTION BY THE POWERS (1866-1909):
D. Bikelas:
Christian Greece,
1648-1649 (1610-1611).
Ypsiloritis:
Situation in Crete,
Volume VI., 540.
E. J. Dillon:
Crete and the Cretans,
Volume VI., 540-541.
Great Britain:
Parliamentary Papers,
Volume VI., 543-547.
Government under "The Concert of Europe,"
Volume VI., 549, 551-552.
Government under "The Concert of Europe,"
Volume VII., 167-169.
19. WAR WITH GREECE
(A. D. 1897):
B. Burleigh:
The Greek War,
Volume VI., 547-548.
F. Palmer:
How the Greeks were Defeated,
Volume VI., 548.
20. REIGN OF TERROR IN MACEDONIA
(1900-1909):
The London Times (August, 1900),
Volume VI., 47-48.
G. F. Abbott:
The Macedonian Question,
Volume VII., 649-650.
E. J Dillon:
The Reign of Terror,
Volume VII., 650-651.
H. N. Brailsford:
The Macedonian Revolt,
Volume VII., 651.
H. Vivian:
The Macedonian Conspiracy,
Volume VII., 651-652.
Great Britain:
Parliamentary Papers,
Volume VII., 652, 653-655, 657.
21. THE "YOUNG TURKS" AND THE REVOLUTION OF 1908:
K. Blind:
Macedonia,
Volume VII., 655-656.
Narrative of the Revolution, from Official
and Press Despatches,
Volume VII., 656-662, 664.
22. MASSACRE IN SOUTHEASTERN ASIA MINOR
(A. D. 1909):
Narrative from Various Sources,
Volume VII., 664.
23. BULGARIAN INDEPENDENCE AND AUSTRIAN ANNEXATIONS
(A. D. 1908-1909):
Narrative of Events from Official and Newspaper Sources,
Volume VII., 258-261.
STUDY LIV.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
SPANISH AMERICA.
1. ORIGIN OF SPANISH CLAIMS IN AMERICA:
(a) By Discovery.
H. H. Bancroft:
The Pacific States,
55 (48).
Sir A. Helps:
The Spanish Conquest,
55-56 (48-49).
C. R. Markham:
The Sea Fathers,
56 (49).
J. Fiske:
Discovery of America,
59-60 (52-53).
J. Winsor:
Narrative and Critical History,
61-62 (54-55).
(b) By Papal Grant.
M. Creighton:
History of the Papacy,
57 (50).
L. L. Dominguez:
Conquest of the River Plate,
58 (51).
2. THE AMERICAN ABORIGINES:
W. Irving:
Life of Columbus,
89 (82).
D. G. Brinton:
Races and Peoples,
89 (82), 100 (93), 105 (98).
W. H. Brett:
Tribes of Guiana,
89-90 (82-83).
H. H. Bancroft:
Native Races,
100 (93), 106-107 (99-100).
T. J. Hutchinson:
The Parana,
104 (97).
J. S. Kingsley:
Natural History,
113 (106).
L. H. Morgan:
American Aborigines,
54 (47).
"The Spanish adventurers who thronged to the New World after
its discovery found the same race of Red Indians in the West
India Islands, in Central and South America, in Florida, and
in Mexico. In their mode of life, and means of subsistence, in
their weapons, arts, usages, and customs, in their
institutions, and in their mental and physical
characteristics, they were the same people in different stages
of advancement. … There was neither a political society, nor a
state, nor any civilization in America when it was discovered;
and, excluding the Eskimos, but one race of Indians, the Red
Race.’
L. H. MORGAN.
3. CONQUEST OF CUBA
(A. D. 1511):
W. H. Prescott:
Conquest of Mexico,
661 (638).
S. Hazard,
Cuba,
661-662 (638-639).
4. EARLY EXPLORING EXPEDITIONS:
W. Irving:
Life of Columbus,
65-67 (58-60).
W. B. Rye:
Discovery of Terra Florida,
67 (60).
Sir A. Helps:
Spanish Conquest,
67-68 (60-61).
W. H. Prescott:
Conquest of Mexico,
68-69 (62).
G. Bancroft:
History of the United States,
70 (63).
F. de Xeres:
Province of Cuzco,
71-72 (64-65).
5. ANCIENT CENTRAL AMERICA:
H. H. Bancroft:
Native Races,
2200-2202 (2156-2158).
D. G. Brinton:
Hero-Myths,
2202 (2158).
6. THE EMPIRE OF MONTEZUMA:
H. H. Bancroft:
Native Races,
2202 (2158).
John Fiske:
Discovery of America,
2203 (2159).
H. Cortes:
Despatches,
2205-2206 (2161-2162).
Bernal Diaz:
Memoirs,
2206 (2162).
L. H. Morgan:
Houses of American Aborigines,
2206-2207 (2162-2163).
7. THE SPANISH CONQUEST
(A. D. 1519-1521):
S. Hale:
Story of Mexico,
2203-2204 (2159-2160).
J. Winsor:
Narrative and Critical History,
2204-2205 (2161).
M. Chevalier:
Mexico,
2205 (2161).
W. Robertson:
History of America.
2207-2208 (2164).
Sir A. Helps:
The Spanish Conquest,
2209 (2165).
B. Mayer:
Mexico,
2209 (2165).
W. H. Prescott:
Conquest of Mexico,
2209-2210 (2165-2166), 2212 (2168).
M. Chevalier:
Mexico,
2211-2212 (2167-2168).
8. THE EMPIRE OF THE INCAS:
C. R. Markham:
History of America,
2585 (2518).
W. H. Prescott:
Conquest of Peru,
2585-2586 (2518-2519).
E. G. Squier:
Peru,
2586 (2519).
F. Hassaurek:
Four years among Spanish Americans,
693-694 (670-671).
9. PIZARRO’S CONQUEST OF PERU (A. D. 1531-1533):
R. G. Watson:
South America,
2587 (2520).
C. R. Markham:
Conquest of Peru and Chili,
2587-2588 (2520-2521).
Sir A. Helps:
The Spanish Conquest,
2588-2589 (2521-2522).
10. THE CONQUEST OF CHILE:
J. S. Kingsley:
Natural History,
422 (411).
R. G. Watson:
South America,
422 (411).
E. R. Smith:
The Araucanians,
422-423 (411-412).
11. EARLY HISTORY OF PARAGUAY AND BUENOS AYRES:
T. J. Hutchinson:
The Parana,
104 (97).
R. G. Watson:
South America,
2547-2548 (2481-2482), 132-133 (125-126).
A. Gallenga:
South America,
2548-2549 (2482-2483).
{814}
12. THE SPANISH VICE-ROYALTIES:
C. R. Markham:
South America,
195 (188).
C. R. Markham:
Cuzco and Lima,
2589 (2522).
S. Hale:
The Story of Mexico,
2212-2213 (2168-2169).
R. G. Watson:
South America,
497-498 (483-484).
E. J. Payne:
European Colonies,
413, first column (403).
13. REVOLT AND INDEPENDENCE
(A. D. 1810-1826):
(a) The Colombian States; Simon Bolivar.
E. J. Payne:
European Colonies,
498-499 (484-485), 499-500 (485-486).
C. R. Markham:
South America,
499 (485).
F. Hassaurek:
The Spanish-Americans,
500 (486).
(b) Mexico.
J. Winsor:
Narrative and Critical History,
2213-2214 (2169-2170).
J. W. Monette:
The Mississippi Valley,
3186 (3101).
M. Willson:
American History,
2214-2216 (2170-2172).
R. A. Wilson:
Mexico,
2216 (2172).
(c) Congress of Panama (A. D. 1826).
C. Cushing:
Bolivar,
500-501 (486-487).
T. H. Benton:
Thirty Years’ View,
501 (487).
(d) Chile.
B. Hall:
Extracts from Journal,
423-424 (412-413).
The Atlantic Monthly:
Republic of Chile,
424-425 (413-414).
H. Brownell:
Peru,
2590-2591 (2523-2524).
A. B. Hart:
Essays on American Government,
426-427 (3694-3695).
"Treaty of Truce" with Bolivia,
Volume VI., 75-76.
Spanish-American Congress,
Volume VI., 520.
(e) Peru.
C. R. Markham:
Peru,
2590 (2523), 2592-2593 (2526).
H. Brownell:
South America,
2590-2591 (2523-2524).
C. Cushing:
Bolivar,
2591-2592 (2524-2525).
E. J. Payne:
European Colonies,
2592 (2525).
Overthrow of an Unconstitutional Government,
Volume VI., 366.
(f) The Argentine Republic, and Paraguay.
E. J. Payne:
European Colonies,
133-134 (126-127).
R. Napp:
The Argentine Republic,
134-135 (128).
I. N. Ford:
Tropical America,
135-136 (128-129).
A. Gallenga:
South America,
2548-2549 (2482-2483).
United States Consular Reports,
Volume VI., 26.
Text of the Constitution of the Argentine Republic,
525-532 (511-518).
(g) Central America.
E. J. Payne:
European Colonies,
413 (403).
H. H. Bancroft.
The Pacific States,
414.
Continued Revolutionary Conflicts,
414-415.
H. Jalhay:
Bulletin of American Republics,
Volume VI., 72-73.
Recent History:
Messages of Presidents, Consular Reports, etc.,
Volume VI., 73-74;
Volume VII., 74-80.
14. MEXICO; LATER HISTORY:
(a) War with the United States
(A. D. 1846-1848).
E. J. Payne:
European Colonies,
2216-2217 (2173).
H. Wilson:
The Slave Power,
2217 (2173).
J. W. Draper:
American Civil War,
2217-2218 (2173-2174).
A. H. Noll:
History of Mexico,
2218 (2174).
Bryant and Gay:
History of the United States,
2218 (2174).
J. R. Soley:
Wars of the United States,
2218-2219 (2175).
H. O. Ladd.
War with Mexico,
2219-2220 (2176).
(b) Maximilian’ s Empire, and The Restored Republic.
A. H. Noll:
History of Mexico,
2220-2221 (2176-2177).
J. McCarthy:
History of Our Own Times,
2221-2222 (2177-2178).
Text of Constitution of Mexico,
581-590 (558-567).
(c) The Republic under Diaz.
S. Hale:
The Story of Mexico,
2222-2223 (2178-2179).
M. Romero:
Mexico and the United States,
Volume VI, 305, 306-307.
W. S. Logan:
Yaqui,
Volume VI., 305-306.
C. F. Lummis:
The Awakening of a Nation
Volume VI., 307.
Bureau of American Republics:
Mexico,
Volume VI., 307-308.
Census of 1900,
Volume VI., 308-309.
Arbitration of the Pious Fund Question,
Volume VII., 419.
F. R. Guernsey:
The Year in Mexico (1905 and 1906),
Volume VII., 420.
15. VENEZUELA:
W. Barry:
Venezuela,
3720-3721 (3600-3601).
I. N. Ford:
Tropical America,
3721 (3601).
Messages, State Papers, Arbitration, etc.,
regarding the Boundary Dispute,
Volume VI., 684-693.
The Career and Fall of Cipriano Castro,
Volume VII., 684-688.
16. CUBA, FREED FROM SPAIN:
J. H. Latané:
Diplomatic Relations of the United States and Spanish America,
Volume VI., 171.
Senate Document Number 166, 54th Congress 1st Session,
Volume VI., 171-173.
Message of President Cleveland, December 7, 1896,
Volume VI., 173-174.
Text of Constitution granted by Spanish Crown (A. D. 1897);
Volume VI., 175-180.
United States Senator Proctor, Speech, March 1898,
Volume VI., 181-182.
Narrative of Spanish-American War, from Documents,
Volume VI., 583-612, 620-638.
Reports of Military-Governor, General Brooke, and
Generals Fitzhugh Lee and Leonard Wood (A. D. 1899),
Volume VI., 182-185.
Reports of United States Secretary of War (A. D. 1900),
Volume VI., 186-188.
Text of "the Platt Amendment,"
Volume VI., 190.
Report on Establishment of Free Government in Cuba
(Senate Document Number 312, 58th Congress 2d Session),
Volume VII., 174-177.
Papers relating to Foreign Relations of the United States, 1906,
Volume VII., 178-180.
17. HAYTI;
TOUISSANT L’OUVERTURE;
SAN DOMINGO:
C. H. Eden:
The West Indies,
1670-1671 (1631-1632).
E. J. Payne:
European Colonies,
1671-1673 (1634).
Later Changes and Developments,
Volume VI., 192, 258, 639;
Volume VII., 302-304.
18. INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN REPUBLICS;
THE BUREAU.
Bulletin of the Bureau, June, 1898,
Volume VI., 10.
President of the United States:
Message, December 5, 1899,
Volume VI., 10-11.
The Pan-American Exposition,
Volume VI., 58.
Proceedings of International Conferences of
American Republics, 1901 and 1906,
Volume VII., 20-25.
{815}
STUDY LV.
Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.
MODERN ITALY.
1. THE PENINSULA AS A FRENCH-SPANISH BATTLEFIELD
(A. D. 1494-1525):
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1080-1081 (1052-1053), 1083-1084 (1055-1056), 1085 (1057).
H. Grimm:
Life of Michael Angelo,
1871 (1831).
P. Villari:
Machiavelli and his Times,
1871-1872 (1831-1832).
F. P. Guizot:
History of France,
1873 (1833).
T. H. Dyer:
History of Modern Europe,
1875-1876 (1835-1836).
V. Duruy:
History of France,
1876-1877 (1836-1837).
G. W. Kitchin:
History of France,
1877-1878 (1838).
T. Wright:
History of France,
1218-1219 (1186-1187).
J. S. Brewer:
Reign of Henry VIII.,
1219 (1187).
J. Michelet:
Summary of Modern History,
1222 (1190).
C. Coignet:
Francis I. and his Times,
1222 (1190).
T. A. Trollope:
History of Florence,
1879, (1839).
2. UNDER SPANISH AND PAPAL DOMINATION
(A. D. 1525-1600):
H. Grimm:
Michael Angelo,
1879-1880 (1839-1840).
W. Robertson:
Reign of Charles V.,
1882 (1842).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1086 (1058), 1109 (1081).
J. A. Symonds:
Renaissance in Italy,
1883-1884 (1843-1844).
E. de Bonnechose:
History of France,
1226 (1194).
G. Procter:
History of Italy,
1884 (1844).
W. Chambers:
France,
1227 (1195).
W. H. Jervis:
Student’s History of France,
1227-1228 (1195-1196).
3. RISE OF THE HOUSE OF SAVOY AND KINGDOM OF SARDINIA
(A. D. 1559-1792):
A Gallenga:
History of Piedmont,
2882-2883 (2808).
R. Lodge:
History of Modern Europe,
2884 (2809).
C. W. Koch:
Revolutions of Europe,
3078-3079 (2997-2998).
I. Butt:
History of Italy,
1889 (1849).
W. E. H. Lecky:
History of England,
1890 (1850).
W. Coxe:
House of Austria,
1890-1891 (1850-1851), 1892 (1852).
Sir E. Cust:
Wars of the 18th Century,
1891 (1851).
I. Butt:
History of Italy,
1892-1893 (1852-1853).
4. UNDER NAPOLEON
(A. D. 1796-1814):
C. A. Fyffe:
Modern Europe,
1347-1349 (1314-1316).
R. Lodge:
Modern Europe,
1349-1350 (1316-1317).
T. Mitchell:
Principal Campaigns,
1350-1351 (1317-1318).
T. H. Dyer:
Modern Europe,
1351-1352 (1318-1319).
H. Van Laun:
French Revolutionary Epoch,
1355-1357 (1322-1324).
Sir W. Scott:
Life of Napoleon,
1361 (1328).
R. H. Horne:
History of Napoleon,
1365-1366 (1332-1333).
W. O’C. Morris:
The French Revolution,
1366-1367 (1333-1334).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1122 (1094).
Sir A. Alison:
History of Europe,
1383-1384 (1350-1351).
H. Martin:
History of France,
2526 (2464).
Talleyrand:
Memoirs,
2527-2528 (2465-2466).
5. RISE OF THE CARBONARI
(A. D. 1803):
C. Botta:
Italy,
1893-1894 (1853-1854).
W. R. Thayer:
Dawn of Italian Independence,
1894-1895 (1854-1855).
6. DOWNFALL OF NAPOLEON AND RETURN OF THE DESPOTS
(A. D. 1814-1815):
A. Rambaud:
History of Russia,
1387-1389 (1354-1356).
J. Mitchell:
The Fall of Napoleon,
1389-1391 (1356-1358).
Sir A. Alison:
History of Europe,
1895 (1855).
W R. Thayer:
Dawn of Italian Independence,
1895-1896 (1855-1856).
I. Butt:
History of Italy,
1896-1897 (1856-1857).
J. W. V. Mario:
Garibaldi,
234-235 (227-228).
7. THE HOLY ALLIANCE
(A. D. 1815):
M. E. G. Duff:
European Politics,
1696-1697 (1658).
E. Hertslet:
Europe by Treaty,
1697 (1658).
W. R. Thayer:
Dawn of Italian Independence,
1697-1698 (1658-1659).
8. REVOLUTIONS IN NAPLES, SICILY AND PIEDMONT
(A. D. 1820-1821):
E. Dicey:
Victor Emmanuel,
1897-1898 (1857-1858).
W. R. Thayer:
Dawn of Italian Independence,
1898-1899 (1858-1859).
9. THE CONGRESS OF VERONA:
R. Lodge:
Modern Europe,
3741 (3621).
F. H. Hill:
George Canning,
3741 (3621).
R. Bell:
Life of Canning,
3741-3742 (3621-3622).
"From Laybach, the allied sovereigns issued a circular to
their representatives at the various foreign courts, in which
portentous document they declared that 'useful and necessary
changes in legislation and in the administration of states
could only emanate from the free-will, and from the
intelligent and well-weighed convictions of those whom God has
made responsible for power.'"
F. H. HILL.
10. REVOLTS OF 1830 AND 1848-1849;
MAZZINI:
R. Lodge:
Modern Europe,
1899 (1859).
W. R. Thayer:
Dawn of Italian Independence,
1900-1901 (1860-1861), 1903 (1863).
Text of Constitution granted to Sardinia (1848),
574-578 (3732-3736).
W. Müller:
Political History,
1901-1903 (1861-1863).
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1125 (1097), 1126-1127 (1099).
11. WAR WITH AUSTRIA;
GARIBALDI;
THE NEW KINGDOM OF ITALY
(A. D. 1856-1861):
J. N. Larned:
Europe,
1128 (1100).
J. W. Probyn:
Italy from 1850 to 1890,
1903-1905 (1863-1865).
H. Murdock:
The Reconstruction of Europe,
1905-1906 (1865-1866).
12. THE ACQUISITION OF ROME AND VENICE:
G. S. Godkin:
Victor Emmanuel II.,
1906-1908 (1866-1868).
J. A. Marriott:
Makers of Modern Italy,
1908-1909 (1868-1869).
13. ROME THE CAPITAL OF ITALY
(A. D. 1870):
J. W. Probyn:
Italy from 1815 to 1890,
2539-2541 (2477-2479).
Chevalier O’Clery:
The Making of Italy,
2541-2542 (2479-2480).
Text of the Law of the Papal Guarantees,
2540-2541 (2478-2479).
14. THE UNITED NATION:
W. R. Thayer:
The Italian Crisis,
1909 (1869).
J. S. Jeans:
Italy,
1843 (1803).
15. ITALY FROM 1895 TO 1910:
W. J. Stillman:
The Union of Italy.
Volume VI., 273.
G. D. Vecchia:
The Revolt in Italy,
Volume VI., 274-275.
G. D. Vecchia:
The Situation in Italy,
Volume VI., 275-276.
The Census of 1900,
Volume VI., 276.
B. King:
The New Reign (Victor Emmanuel III.),
Volume VII., 338.
16. THE APPALLING EARTHQUAKE OF 1908:
F. M. Crawford (and others)
Descriptive Accounts,
Volume VII., 187-189.
{816}
FURTHER DIRECTION.
On the following important subjects of general history,
readers may be directed sufficiently to all that this work
contains by a simple mention of captions and page-numbers in
one or two or three of its Volumes.
Civil Service Reform:
Volume I., pages 489-489 (1475-1477);
Volume VI., 145-150;
Volume VII., 103-108.
Conservation of Natural Resources:
Volume VII., 143-153.
Constitutions of Government:
Volume I., 525-633 (511-610 and Volume V., 3727-3736);
Volume VI., 154-169.
Education:
Volume I., 696-775 (673-748);
Volume VI., 193-195;
Volume VII., 191-217.
Elective Franchise:
Volume V.
(under the caption "Woman’s Rights"), 3777-3781 (3656-3660);
Volume VI. (same caption), 700;
Volume VII. (under the caption "Elective Franchise"), 219-228.
Europe:
Volume II., 1017-1131 (989-1103);
Volume VII., 247-262
Insurance:
Volume III., 1791-1792 (1752-1753);
Volume VII., 326-329
Jesuits:
Volume III., 1928-1935 (1887-1895).
Law:
Volume III., 1999-2038 (1955-1994);
Volume VII., 411-414,
and (under the caption "Crime and Criminology "), 169-174.
Libraries:
Volume III., 2044-2069 (2000-2025);
Volume VI., 290-293.
Medical Science:
Volume III. 2164-2194 (2120-2150);
Volume VII. (under the caption "Public Health"), 516-527.
Money and Banking:
Volume III., 2242-2265 (2198-2221);
Volume VI. (under the caption "Monetary Questions"), 314-17;
Volume VII. (under the caption "Finance and Trade"), 263-270.
Municipal Government:
Volume VII., 431-442.
Panama Canal:
Volume IV., 2474-2475 (2415-2416);
Volume VI. (under the caption "Canal, Interoceanic"), 65-71;
Volume VII., 466-471.
Papacy:
Volume IV., 2476-2546 (2417-2480).
Volume V., 3794-3797);
Volume VI., 344-351;
Volume VII., 472-477.
Peace Conferences, International:
Volume VI., 352-365;
Volume VII.
(under the caption "War, The Revolt against"), 714-725.
Printing and the Press.
Newspapers: Volume IV., 2659-2678 (2587-2606).
Race Problems:
Volume VII., 528-543.
Railways:
Volume IV.
(under the caption "Steam Locomotion"), 3111-3113 (3029-3031);
Volume VI., 420-422;
Volume VII., 543-558.
Science and Invention, Recent:
Volume II.
(under the caption "Electrical Discovery"), 797-804 (769-777);
Volume III.
(under the caption "Medical Science"), 2164-2194 (2120-2150);
Volume IV.
(under the caption "Steam Engine," 3109-3116 (3027-3034);
Volume VI., 435-449;
Volume VII., 590-608.
Slavery:
Volume IV., 2989-3008 (2911-2930);
Volume VI., 455;
Volume VII., 612.
Social Movements.
Social Service.
Industrial Reform:
Volume IV., 3010-3036 (2932-2958),
(under the caption "Poor Laws"), 2634-2636 (2562-2564);
Volume VI. (under the captions "Social Democracy"
and "Socialist Parties", 455;
and "Industrial Disturbances"), 267-268;
Volume VII. (under several captions, as follows:)
"Children under the Law," 82-89,
"Labor Organization," 370-395,
"Labor Protection," 395-401,
"Labor Remuneration," 402-410,
"Poverty and Unemployment," 507-515,
"Social Betterment," 613-617,
"Socialism," 617-620.
Suffrage.
See Elective Franchise.
Tariff Legislation:
Volume V., 3147-3173 (Volume IV., 3063-3089),
Volume VI., 526-527;
Volume VII., 638-647.
Temperance Movements:
Volume V., 3176 (Volume IV., 3091);
Volume VII. (under the caption "Alcohol Problem"), 10-19.
Trade:
Volume V., 3207-3237
(in the original edition, Volume V. under the caption
"Commerce," 3696-3726).
Trusts:
Volume VI., 529-536;
Volume VII. (under the caption "Combinations"), 112-135.
--------Volume 7: End-------------
----------Word List: Start--------
A
AARON
ABANDONED
ABANDONMENT
ABBASSIDES
ABBOTT
ABBÉ
ABD
ABDICATION
ABDUL
ABDULLA
ABDURAHMAN
ABEBA
ABERDEEN
ABIR
ABJURATION
ABOLITION
ABOLITIONISTS
ABOMINATIONS
ABORIGINES
ABOUT
ABRAHAM
ABROAD
ABSOLUTISM
ABSORPTION
ABU
ABYSSINIA
ACADIA
ACADIANS
ACCADIANS
ACCESSION
ACCIDENT
ACCIDENTS
ACCOUNTS
ACHAIAN
ACHINESE
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
ACQUISITION
ACQUISITIONS
ACRE
ACT
ACTION
ACTIVE
ACTS
ADAMS
ADANA
ADDIS
ADDRESS
ADMINISTRATION
ADMINISTRATIONS
ADMINISTRATORS
ADMIRAL
ADMISSION
ADMISSIONS
ADMITTED
ADOLPHUS
ADOPTION
ADULTERATIONS
ADVANCE
ADVANCEMENT
ADVENT
AEHRENTHAL
AERONAUTICS
AFFAIR
AFFAIRS
AFGHANISTAN
AFRICA
AFRICAN
AFTER
AGAINST
AGE
AGENT
AGENTS
AGES
AGGRESSION
AGGRESSIONS
AGGRESSIVE
AGINCOURT
AGITATION
AGLIPAY
AGRAM
AGRARIAN
AGREEMENT
AGREEMENTS
AGRICULTURAL
AGRICULTURE
AGUINALDO
AHMED
AIGUN
AKSA
AL
ALABAMA
ALAN
ALASKA
ALBANIA
ALBANY
ALBERT
ALBERTA
ALCOHOL
ALCOHOLISM
ALCORTA
ALDERMAN
ALDRICH
ALEXANDER
ALEXANDRIA
ALEXEI
ALEXEIEFF
ALEXIS
ALFARO
ALFONSO
ALFRED
ALGECIRAS
ALGIERS
ALI
ALIEN
ALIENS
ALL
ALLEGED
ALLIANCE
ALLIANCES
ALLIED
ALLIES
ALMENARA
ALSACE
ALSOP
ALVA
ALVERSTONE
ALVES
AMADE
AMADOR
AMALGAMATED
AMARAL
AMBAN
AMENDMENT
AMERICA
AMERICAN
AMIN
AMINA
AMSTERDAM
AMUNDSEN
AN
ANAM
ANARCHISM
ANARCHY
ANATOLIAN
ANCIENT
AND
ANDERSON
ANDRASSY
ANDREW
ANDROS
ANGELES
ANGELL
ANGEVIN
ANGLE
ANGLICAN
ANGLO
ANJUMAN
ANNE
ANNEXATIONS
ANNEXED
ANNIVERSARY
ANNUITIES
ANTARCTIC
ANTHRACITE
ANTI
ANTIQUITY
ANTOINE
ANTOINETTE
ANTON
ANTUNG
ANTWERP
ANXIETIES
APOSTOLIC
APPALACHIAN
APPALLING
APPEAL
APPEALS
APPEARANCE
APPENDIX
APPOMATTOX
APPONYI
APRIL
AQUEDUCT
ARAB
ARABIA
ARABS
ARAGON
ARBITRATION
ARBY
ARC
ARCHAEOLOGICAL
ARCHIBALD
ARCTIC
ARGENTINA
ARGENTINE
ARIAN
ARICA
ARID
ARIZONA
ARKANSAS
ARMADA
ARMAMENTS
ARMAND
ARMENIA
ARMENIANS
ARMINIAN
ARMOUR
ARMS
ARMSTRONG
ARMY
ARNOLD
ARNOLDSEN
ARRHENIUS
ARRIVAL
ARSENALS
ARTHUR
ARTICLE
ARTICLES
ARTS
ARYA
ARYAN
ARYANS
AS
ASCENDENCY
ASHBURTON
ASHOKAN
ASIA
ASIATIC
ASQUITH
ASSAM
ASSASSINATION
ASSASSINATIONS
ASSEMBLY
ASSINIBOIA
ASSIS
ASSISTANCE
ASSOCIATION
ASSOCIATIONS
ASSUAN
ASSUMES
ASSUMPTION
ASSURANCE
ASSYRIA
ASSYRIAN
ASTRONOMY
AT
ATABEG
ATABEGS
ATABEKS
ATCHINESE
ATHABASCA
ATHENS
ATKINSON
ATLANTA
ATTACK
ATTEMPTED
ATTEMPTS
ATTILA
ATTITUDE
ATWATER
AUGSBURG
AUGUST
AUGUSTINIANS
AUGUSTUS
AUSGLEICH
AUSTERLITZ
AUSTIN
AUSTRALIA
AUSTRIA
AUSTRIAN
AUSTRO
AUTHORITY
AUTOCRAT
AWAKENING
AYRES
AZAD
AZAM
AZEFF
AZIZ
AZOV
AZUL
Aarif
Aaron
Ababa
Abandoned
Abbas
Abbey
Abbot
Abbott
Abbé
Abd
Abdiel
Abduction
Abdul
Abdullah
Abdur
Abdurahman
Abeba
Abercorn
Aberdeen
Abgeordncten
Abir
Abnormally
Abolished
Abolition
Aborigines
Abortive
About
Above
Abraham
Abridged
Abridgment
Abroad
Abrogation
Abrupt
Abruzzi
Absolute
Absorbed
Abstention
Abstracts
Abu
Abundant
Abused
Abyssinia
Abyssinian
Academy
Acadia
Accelerated
Accent
Acceptance
Access
Accession
Accident
Accidents
Accompanied
Accord
According
Accordingly
Account
Accounts
Accumulation
Aceituno
Aceval
Achievements
Achille
Acquiescence
Acquisition
Acquittal
Acre
Acres
Act
Acting
Action
Active
Actively
Activity
Acts
Actual
Adam
Adams
Adana
Add
Added
Adding
Addis
Addison
Addition
Additional
Additions
Address
Adee
Adelaide
Adequate
Adirondack
Adirondacks
Adis
Adjustment
Adjutant
Administration
Administrations
Administrative
Administrator
Admiral
Admirals
Admiralty
Admission
Admitted
Adna
Adolf
Adolph
Adolphus
Adopted
Adoption
Adriatic
Adult
Advance
Advancement
Advances
Advent
Advertiser
Adviser
Advisers
Advisory
Advocate
Advocates
Aehrenthal
Aerenthal
Aerial
Aeronautics
Aeroplane
Aeterni
Affair
Affaires
Affairs
Affirming
Afforestation
Afghan
Afghanistan
Africa
African
Africans
After
Again
Against
Agchylostoma
Age
Agencies
Agency
Agent
Agents
Ages
Aghaia
Aghassi
Agitation
Aglipay
Agra
Agram
Agrarian
Agrarians
Agreeing
Agreement
Agreements
Agricultural
Agriculture
Aguinaldo
Ahmed
Aid
Aide
Aigun
Aim
Air
Airdrie
Aires
Airy
Aix
Akademische
Akbar
Akers
Akhdar
Aki
Akin
Aksa
Aksakayama
Al
Ala
Alabama
Alack
Alais
Alameda
Alaric
Alarm
Alarming
Alas
Alaska
Alaskan
Albanese
Albania
Albanian
Albanians
Albany
Albay
Albert
Alberta
Alberti
Albi
Albigenses
Albion
Alcibiades
Alcohol
Alcoholic
Alcoholism
Alcorta
Alderman
Aldermanic
Aldermen
Aldershot
Aldrich
Alegeciras
Alençon
Aleutian
Alexander
Alexandra
Alexandria
Alexandrian
Alexei
Alexeieff
Alexis
Alfaro
Alfonso
Alfred
Alfredo
Algeciras
Algeria
Algerian
Algero
Algiers
Ali
Alice
Alien
Aliens
Alighieri
Alipur
Alison
Alkoholverbot
All
Allah
Allahabad
Allan
Alleged
Allegheny
Allen
Alliance
Alliances
Allied
Allies
Allison
Alloc
Allotments
Allowing
Alluding
Almenard
Almighty
Almohades
Almost
Along
Alpoim
Alps
Alraschid
Already
Alsace
Alsatian
Alsatians
Also
Alsop
Alterations
Alternative
Althing
Althoff
Although
Altogether
Alton
Alverstone
Alves
Alvin
Alzog
Amacuro
Amador
Amalgamated
Amaliada
Amapala
Amaral
Amarna
Amasa
Amazon
Amazonas
Amban
Ambans
Ambassador
Ambassadors
Ameer
Amel
Amen
Amend
Amended
Amending
Amendment
Amendments
Amenities
Ameren
America
American
Americans
Americas
Americus
Amerigo
Amherst
Amid
Amin
Amina
Amir
Amity
Amnesty
Among
Amongst
Amorites
Amount
Ample
Amritsar
Amsterdam
Amundsen
Amur
An
Analysis
Anam
Anarchism
Anarchist
Anatolian
Ancestral
Ancien
Ancient
Anciently
Ancón
And
Anderoon
Anderson
Andersonville
Andes
Andrade
Andrassy
Andre
Andrew
Andrews
André
Angan
Angel
Angeles
Angelic
Angell
Angelo
Anger
Angevin
Angevins
Angle
Anglican
Anglicans
Anglo
Anglophobia
Angoche
Anhui
Animal
Animated
Anischab
Anjou
Anjuman
Anjumans
Ankole
Anna
Annals
Annam
Annapolis
Annatok
Anne
Annee
Annex
Annexation
Annexed
Annie
Anniversary
Anno
Announced
Announcement
Annual
Annunziato
Anonymous
Anophele
Anopheles
Another
Anping
Anselmo
Anshantien
Ansley
Answers
Antagonism
Antarctic
Ante
Anthony
Anthracite
Anthropology
Anti
Anticipating
Anticipation
Antillean
Antilles
Antioch
Antiquities
Antiquity
Antoine
Antoinette
Anton
Antonines
Antonio
Antrim
Antung
Antwerp
Antzushan
Anvers
Any
Anybody
Anything
Anzer
Aoki
Aosta
Apart
Apathy
Apostle
Apostles
Apostolic
Appalachian
Appalachians
Appalling
Apparatus
Apparent
Apparently
Appeal
Appeals
Appearance
Appellate
Appended
Appendix
Appleton
Appletons
Application
Applied
Apply
Applying
Appointed
Appointment
Appointments
Apponyi
Apportionment
Appraisers
Appropriate
Appropriation
Appropriations
April
Aptekarsky
Aqueduct
Aquiry
Arab
Arabi
Arabia
Arabian
Arabic
Arabindo
Arabs
Aragua
Araucanians
Arbeu
Arbitral
Arbitrary
Arbitration
Arbitrations
Arbroath
Arbuckle
Arc
Arcadians
Archaeological
Archaeology
Archbishop
Archbishops
Archbold
Archduke
Archibald
Archipelago
Architects
Archæology
Arctic
Arcticward
Are
Area
Areas
Arecibo
Arena
Arequipa
Argentina
Argentine
Argument
Argus
Argyle
Argyll
Arias
Arica
Arid
Aristide
Aristotle
Aritomo
Arizona
Arkansas
Arlington
Armada
Armageddon
Armagh
Armament
Armaments
Armand
Armed
Armenian
Armenians
Armies
Armijo
Arminius
Armored
Armour
Armoured
Arms
Armstrong
Army
Arnold
Arnoldsen
Arosemena
Around
Arrangement
Arrangements
Arras
Arresting
Arrests
Arrhenius
Arrival
Arriving
Arrogant
Art
Arthur
Article
Articles
Artificial
Artillery
Arts
Arundel
Aruwimi
Arya
Aryan
Aryas
Arzila
As
Asakawa
Ascendancy
Ashbourne
Ashburn
Ashley
Ashokan
Ashutosh
Ashworth
Asia
Asiastics
Asiatic
Asiatics
Aside
Asked
Askold
Aspect
Aspects
Asphalt
Asquith
Assad
Assam
Assassin
Assassination
Assassins
Assemblies
Assembly
Assemblymen
Assent
Assertion
Assessors
Assimilation
Assiniboia
Assiout
Assis
Assistance
Assistant
Assiut
Assize
Assizes
Associated
Association
Associations
Assouan
Assuan
Assumes
Assurance
Assurbanipal
Assye
Assyr
Assyria
Assyrian
Assyrians
Astor
Astrabad
Astronomical
Astronomy
Asuncion
Asyl
At
Atabeg
Atabegs
Atabek
Atabeks
Atchin
Atchinese
Atchison
Athabasca
Athanasius
Athenian
Athens
Atlanta
Atlantic
Atlas
Atoms
Atrocities
Attache
Attempted
Attempting
Attempts
Attend
Attendance
Attitude
Attorney
Attorneys
Atwater
Au
Auburn
Auckland
Aude
Audience
Audiences
Auditor
Auglaise
August
Augusta
Augustine
Augusto
Augustus
Aurelius
Ausgleich
Austen
Austin
Australasia
Australasian
Australia
Australian
Australians
Austria
Austrian
Austrians
Austrias
Austro
Authorities
Authority
Authorized
Authors
Autobiography
Autocracy
Autocrat
Autocratic
Autonomous
Autonomy
Avenida
Avenue
Average
Avila
Awaiting
Awakening
Award
Awarding
Awards
Awful
Aylesworth
Ayr
Ayres
Ayub
Azad
Azam
Azcarraga
Azeff
Azerbaijan
Azim
Aziz
Azul
B
BA
BAB
BABISM
BABYLON
BABYLONIA
BABYLONIAN
BABYLONISH
BACON
BADEN
BAEYER
BAGDAD
BAHIA
BAHIMA
BAILEY
BAIRD
BAKHMETIEFF
BAKHTIARI
BAKU
BAL
BALDWIN
BALFOUR
BALKAN
BALLINGER
BALLOONS
BALLOT
BALTASER
BALTIC
BALTIMORE
BAMBAATA
BANCROFT
BANK
BANKRUPTCY
BANNARD
BANNERMAN
BARBARIAN
BARBARIC
BARBARISM
BARBARY
BARCELONA
BARGE
BARNATO
BARNEVELDT
BARON
BARONESS
BARRAGE
BARRETT
BARRIER
BARTHOLDT
BARTHOLOMEW
BARTON
BASILIKE
BASIN
BAST
BASTILLE
BASUTOLAND
BATTLE
BATTLEFIELD
BATTLES
BAVARIA
BAY
BEACH
BEACHY
BEATIFICATION
BECHUANALAND
BECK
BECKET
BECOMES
BECQUEREL
BEEF
BEER
BEERNAERT
BEFORE
BEGINNING
BEGINNINGS
BEGINS
BEGUN
BEHRING
BEIRUT
BELGIAN
BELGIUM
BELIEVERS
BELL
BELLS
BEN
BENEDICTINES
BENGAL
BENITO
BEQUESTS
BERESFORD
BERING
BERKELEY
BERLIN
BERTHA
BEST
BETHMANN
BETTER
BETTERMENT
BETWEEN
BEY
BIBLE
BIG
BILL
BINGER
BIOGRAPHERS
BIOLOGICAL
BIRRELL
BIRTH
BIRTHPLACE
BISHOP
BISHOPS
BISMARCK
BISWAS
BITUMINOUS
BJORNSON
BLACK
BLAND
BLERIOT
BLIND
BLOC
BLOOD
BLOODY
BOARD
BOARDS
BOBRIKOFF
BOER
BOERS
BOGOLIEPOFF
BOHEMIA
BOIS
BOLIVIA
BOMBAY
BONAPARTE
BOND
BONHAM
BONILLA
BONUS
BOODLERS
BOOK
BOOKER
BORDER
BORSTAL
BOSHIN
BOSNIA
BOSTON
BOTCHER
BOTH
BOTHA
BOUNDARIES
BOUNDARY
BOUNTY
BOURGEOIS
BOURSE
BOURSES
BOUVINES
BOXER
BOXERS
BOYCOTTING
BOYNE
BRADDON
BRANCO
BRANDENBURG
BRAUN
BRAXTON
BRAZIL
BREACH
BREAKING
BREITENFELD
BRENNAN
BRENT
BRIAND
BRIGGS
BRITAIN
BRITISH
BROTHERHOODS
BROUGHT
BROWN
BROWNSVILLE
BRUNSWICK
BRUSSELS
BRYAN
BRYCE
BU
BUBBLE
BUBONIC
BUCHANAN
BUCHNER
BUCKINGHAM
BUCKS
BUDDHISM
BUDGET
BUENOS
BUFFALO
BUILDING
BUILDINGS
BULGARIA
BULGARIAN
BULL
BUREAU
BURGER
BURGHARDT
BURGOYNE
BURGUNDIANS
BURGUNDY
BURIED
BURLEY
BURLINGAME
BURNING
BURNS
BURR
BURTON
BUT
BUTCHER
BUTLER
BUXTON
BY
BYZANTINE
Ba
Baas
Babis
Babism
Babylonia
Babylonian
Babylonians
Baccalhos
Bachelder
Back
Backergunge
Backward
Backwardness
Bacon
Bactrians
Bad
Badeau
Baden
Baer
Baeyer
Baffin
Baffled
Bagdad
Bagehot
Baghche
Baghdad
Baghdadi
Baghirmi
Bah
Bahadur
Bahia
Bahima
Baidyas
Bailey
Bailly
Bailundo
Bain
Baird
Bajer
Baker
Bakhcheh
Bakhmetieff
Bakhtiari
Bakhtiaris
Baku
Bal
Balaklava
Balbo
Balch
Baldwin
Balfour
Balkan
Balkans
Ballinger
Balloon
Ballot
Balmain
Baltasar
Balthazer
Baltic
Baltimore
Baluchistan
Balzani
Bambaata
Bampfylde
Ban
Banco
Bancroft
Bands
Banerjee
Banff
Banffy
Bangala
Banger
Bangkok
Bank
Banker
Bankers
Banking
Bankrupt
Banks
Bannard
Bannerman
Bannermann
Banners
Bannockburn
Banque
Banquet
Bansko
Baptist
Baptists
Bar
Barbados
Barbarians
Barbaric
Barbarism
Barbarities
Barbarossa
Barbary
Barbosa
Barcelona
Barclay
Bare
Barge
Barham
Bari
Baring
Baris
Barker
Barley
Barmby
Barnato
Barnes
Barney
Baro
Baroda
Baron
Baroness
Barrage
Barranquilla
Barras
Barrel
Barren
Barret
Barrett
Barricades
Barrier
Barrow
Barrows
Barry
Barrymore
Barth
Bartholdt
Barthou
Bartlett
Barton
Barère
Bas
Basa
Basankusu
Based
Basilica
Basilicata
Basin
Basing
Basis
Baskerville
Bassermann
Bassett
Bast
Bastable
Bastille
Basutoland
Bataan
Batangas
Bateson
Battenberg
Battery
Battle
Battlefields
Battles
Battleship
Battleships
Baur
Bavaria
Baxter
Bay
Bayard
Bayne
Bayonets
Bazan
Be
Beach
Beacon
Beaconsfield
Beale
Bear
Beard
Beareana
Bearing
Bearings
Beatification
Beatitude
Beaufront
Beaulieu
Beaupré
Beauregard
Beautiful
Bebel
Because
Bechuanaland
Beck
Becker
Beckman
Beckwith
Becomes
Becquerel
Bedford
Bedlam
Beef
Beer
Beernaert
Beers
Beesly
Before
Begi
Beginning
Beginnings
Behalf
Behavior
Behind
Behring
Being
Beira
Beirao
Beirut
Beit
Bel
Belarmino
Beled
Belfast
Belgian
Belgians
Belgica
Belgium
Belgrade
Beliefs
Believe
Believers
Believing
Bell
Belleisle
Bellerophon
Bellevue
Bellingham
Bells
Belmatcheff
Belmont
Beloved
Below
Belt
Bembo
Bemis
Ben
Benavente
Bench
Benches
Bender
Bendernagel
Benedictines
Benediction
Benefactor
Beneficent
Benefit
Benevolent
Bengal
Bengalese
Bengali
Bengalis
Bengals
Benghazi
Benguela
Beni
Benito
Benjamin
Bennett
Bensusan
Bent
Benton
Bequest
Bequests
Berber
Berbera
Berbers
Bereket
Beresford
Bering
Berkeley
Berlin
Bermuda
Bermudas
Bermudez
Bern
Bernal
Bernard
Bernardino
Berne
Bernhard
Bernstorff
Bertha
Berthelot
Berton
Berwick
Besant
Besançon
Besides
Besieged
Bessel
Bessemer
Best
Bethlehem
Bethmann
Betriebe
Better
Betterment
Between
Beverley
Bey
Beyond
Bezold
Bhowan
Bibi
Bible
Biblical
Bibliography
Bickerdike
Bieberstein
Bienerth
Big
Bigelow
Bigg
Biggs
Bigland
Bihari
Bikelas
Bilbao
Bildung
Bill
Billings
Bills
Bimetallism
Binger
Binghamton
Binnenhof
Binns
Biographia
Biographical
Biography
Biological
Biology
Birjand
Birmingham
Birrell
Birth
Birthday
Bishop
Bishops
Bismarck
Bison
Biswas
Bitter
Bitterfield
Bituminous
Bjornson
Bjornstjerne
Black
Blackie
Blackmail
Blackrock
Blacks
Blackstone
Blackwood
Blades
Blaine
Blanca
Blanchard
Blanco
Bland
Blanqui
Blennerhassett
Bleriot
Blight
Blind
Bliss
Bloc
Block
Blockade
Bloemfontein
Blood
Bloody
Blue
Blues
Blum
Blunder
Boadicea
Board
Boards
Boats
Bobrikoff
Boccaccio
Bodies
Bodley
Body
Boer
Boers
Bogdanovitch
Bogoliepoff
Bogoras
Bogota
Bogotá
Bohemia
Bohemian
Bohemians
Bohol
Bohotle
Boies
Bois
Boise
Boisrond
Bojesen
Bokhara
Bolder
Bolivar
Bolivia
Bolivian
Bolivians
Bolles
Bologna
Bolton
Boma
Bomb
Bombardment
Bombay
Bonaparte
Bonapartists
Bond
Bondage
Bonds
Bondsman
Bonebrake
Boniface
Bonilla
Bonnechose
Bonus
Boodler
Book
Booker
Books
Boom
Boone
Booth
Bordeaux
Borden
Border
Borealis
Born
Bornon
Bornou
Borodino
Borough
Boroughs
Borstal
Bosanquet
Boshin
Bosnia
Bosniaks
Bosnians
Bosphorus
Bosporus
Boss
Bossuet
Boston
Both
Botha
Botta
Bottom
Bouches
Bouchot
Boulangerists
Boule
Boulger
Boulton
Boundaries
Boundary
Bounechose
Bounties
Bounty
Bourbon
Bourbons
Bourchier
Bourgeois
Bourinot
Bourne
Bourse
Boutmy
Boutwell
Boué
Bow
Bowen
Bowley
Boxer
Boyce
Boycott
Boycotting
Boyd
Boyle
Boynton
Boys
Boyville
Bozman
Brabançons
Brackenbury
Braddon
Bradford
Bradley
Bragg
Brahmin
Brahmins
Brailsford
Braithwaite
Brampton
Branches
Branco
Brand
Brandeis
Brandenburg
Brandes
Branly
Brant
Brasil
Braun
Braunschweig
Braxton
Brayton
Brazil
Brazilero
Brazilian
Brazilians
Breaches
Breadth
Breaking
Breakneck
Brebner
Breck
Breeders
Breitenfeld
Bremen
Brennan
Brent
Breslau
Brethren
Breton
Brett
Brewer
Brewers
Brewster
Briand
Bribed
Bribers
Bribery
Bridge
Bridges
Bridgman
Brief
Briefly
Brig
Brigade
Brigadier
Brigand
Brigands
Briggs
Bright
Brigue
Brink
Brinton
Brisk
Brisson
Bristol
Bristols
Brit
Britain
Britanniarum
Britannic
Britannick
Britannicâ
British
Britishers
Britons
Brittany
Broad
Broadened
Broadening
Broadly
Broadway
Broadwood
Brock
Brocklehurst
Broden
Brodeur
Brodhead
Broken
Brompton
Bronx
Brooke
Brooker
Brooklyn
Brooks
Bros
Brother
Brotherhood
Brothers
Brougham
Broussa
Brown
Browne
Brownell
Browning
Brownlow
Brownsville
Bruce
Bruges
Brugsch
Brun
Bruno
Brunswick
Brussels
Brutality
Brutus
Bruxelles
Bryan
Bryant
Bryce
Brünn
Bu
Bubonic
Buchanan
Bucharest
Bucherer
Buchner
Buckingham
Buckle
Buckley
Bucks
Budapest
Buddhism
Buddhist
Buddhists
Budge
Budget
Budgets
Budgett
Buenos
Buffalo
Buffer
Buffington
Building
Buildings
Built
Bulgar
Bulgaria
Bulgarian
Bulgarians
Bulgars
Buliguine
Bulle
Bulletin
Bullets
Bullock
Bulls
Bulwer
Bunder
Bunker
Bunyan
Buonaparte
Burao
Burckhardt
Bureau
Bureaucratic
Buren
Burger
Burgess
Burghardt
Burgher
Burghers
Burghs
Burgomaster
Burhaneddin
Burke
Burleigh
Burley
Burlington
Burma
Burne
Burned
Burnet
Burnham
Burning
Burns
Burnt
Burr
Burrill
Burrows
Burton
Burtzeff
Burujurd
Bury
Bush
Bushby
Bushire
Business
Busk
Busoga
Bussey
But
Butcher
Butcheries
Butler
Butt
Butte
Butter
Butterfield
Buttrick
Butts
Buxton
Buyamaro
Buying
By
Byzantine
BÜLOW
Bé
Bülow
C
CABIN
CABINET
CACERES
CADETS
CAESAR
CAJAL
CALABRIA
CALAMITIES
CALBRAITH
CALENDAR
CALIFORNIA
CALIPHATE
CALL
CALVIN
CAME
CAMILLO
CAMPAIGN
CAMPAIGNS
CAMPANILE
CAMPBELL
CAMPO
CAMPOS
CAMPS
CANAAN
CANADA
CANADIAN
CANAL
CANALS
CANBERRA
CANCER
CANDAMO
CANONS
CANTOS
CAPE
CAPITAL
CAPITALISTIC
CAPITULATION
CAPTIVITY
CAPTURE
CAPUCHINS
CARBONARI
CARDINAL
CARDUCCI
CAREER
CARLOS
CARMELITE
CARMEN
CARNEGIE
CAROLINA
CAROLINAS
CAROLINE
CAROLINGIAN
CARTA
CARTAGO
CARTELS
CARTHUSIANS
CASABLANCA
CASE
CASEMENT
CASTILE
CASTRO
CASUAL
CATALONIA
CATHEDRAL
CATHERINE
CATHOLIC
CATHOLICISM
CATHOLICS
CATOLICO
CATSKILL
CATTLE
CAUCASUS
CAUSES
CAVALIERS
CECIL
CELEBRATION
CELEBRATIONS
CENSORSHIP
CENSUS
CENTENNIAL
CENTER
CENTRAL
CENTRES
CENTRO
CENTRUM
CENTURIES
CENTURY
CESSION
CHAFFEE
CHAFIN
CHALDEA
CHAMBERLAIN
CHAMPLAIN
CHANCELLOR
CHANG
CHANGES
CHANTABUN
CHANUTE
CHARACTER
CHARACTERISTICS
CHARITIES
CHARLEMAGNE
CHARLES
CHARLESTON
CHARLOTTE
CHARTER
CHARTERS
CHARTIST
CHARTREUX
CHASE
CHATHAM
CHAUCER
CHEMISTRY
CHEMULPHO
CHEVALIER
CHI
CHICAGO
CHIEF
CHIH
CHILDREN
CHILDS
CHILE
CHILEAN
CHINA
CHINCHOW
CHINESE
CHIPIEZ
CHOATE
CHOICE
CHRISTENSEN
CHRISTIAN
CHRISTIANITY
CHRISTIANS
CHRISTOPHER
CHUAN
CHUN
CHURCH
CHURCHES
CHURCHILL
CHÆRONEA
CIPRIANO
CISTERCIANS
CITIES
CITIZEN
CITIZENSHIP
CITY
CIVIC
CIVIL
CIVILISTAS
CIVILIZATION
CIVILIZED
CLAIM
CLAIMS
CLANRICARDE
CLARION
CLARK
CLAUSE
CLAY
CLEISTHENES
CLEMENCEAU
CLEOPATRA
CLERICAL
CLEVELAND
CLIFFORD
CLIMAX
CLINTON
CLOSE
CLOSING
CLOTH
CLOVIS
CLUB
CLUBS
CO
COAL
COALITION
COBALT
COBDEN
COCHIN
CODE
COERCION
COINAGE
COKE
COLBERT
COLLAPSE
COLLECTIVISM
COLLEGE
COLLEGES
COLOGNE
COLOMBIA
COLONEL
COLONIAL
COLONIES
COLONIZABILITY
COLONIZATION
COLONY
COLORADOS
COLORED
COLUMBIA
COMBES
COMBINATION
COMBINATIONS
COMING
COMMAND
COMMANDER
COMMEMORATION
COMMERCE
COMMERCIAL
COMMISSION
COMMITTEE
COMMITTEES
COMMODITIES
COMMODORE
COMMODUS
COMMON
COMMONS
COMMONWEALTH
COMMUNAL
COMMUNE
COMMUNES
COMPACT
COMPANIES
COMPANY
COMPARATIVE
COMPENSATION
COMPETITION
COMPLETE
COMPLETED
COMPLETION
COMPLICATIONS
COMPROMISE
CONCENTRATION
CONCEPTION
CONCERNING
CONCESSION
CONCILIATION
CONCORDAT
CONDITION
CONDITIONS
CONDOMINIUM
CONDUCTORS
CONDÉS
CONFEDERACY
CONFEDERATE
CONFEDERATION
CONFERENCE
CONFERENCES
CONFESSION
CONFLICT
CONFUSION
CONFÉDÉRATION
CONGER
CONGESTED
CONGO
CONGREGATION
CONGRESS
CONGRESSES
CONNECTICUT
CONNECTIONS
CONQUEROR
CONQUEST
CONQUESTS
CONSERVATION
CONSERVATIVE
CONSOLIDATION
CONSPIRACIES
CONSPIRACY
CONSTABULARY
CONSTANT
CONSTANTINE
CONSTANTINES
CONSTANTINOPLE
CONSTITUTION
CONSTITUTIONAL
CONSUL
CONSULAR
CONSUMPTION
CONTACT
CONTEMPLATED
CONTEST
CONTESTS
CONTINENTAL
CONTINUED
CONTRIBUTING
CONTRIBUTION
CONTROL
CONTROVERSIES
CONTROVERSY
CONVENTION
CONVERSION
CONVICT
COOK
COOLEY
COOPERATIVE
COPENHAGEN
COPPERHEADS
COPYRIGHT
CORDAY
CORDIALE
CORINTO
CORN
CORPORATE
CORPORATION
CORPORATIONS
CORPUS
CORRAL
CORREGAN
CORRUPTION
CORTELYOU
CORTES
COST
COSTA
COUNCIL
COUNCILLOR
COUNCILS
COUNT
COUNTER
COUNTRIES
COUNTRY
COUP
COURSES
COURT
COURTS
COUTRAS
COVENANT
COWPER
COÖPERATION
COÖPERATIVE
CRAVINGS
CREASY
CREATION
CREEK
CREIGHTON
CREMER
CRETAN
CRETE
CRIME
CRIMEAN
CRIMES
CRIMINOLOGY
CRISES
CRISIS
CRITTENDEN
CROCKER
CROMER
CROMWELL
CROSS
CROWN
CRUISE
CRUSADE
CRUSADES
CRUSADING
CRY
CUBA
CUBAN
CULTURE
CULTURKAMPF
CUNARD
CURB
CURIA
CURIE
CURRENCY
CURRY
CURTIS
CURZON
CUSHITES
CUSTOMS
CYRUS
CZECHS
CZOLGOSZ
Cabin
Cabinet
Cabinets
Cable
Cabot
Cabul
Caceres
Cadets
Cadiz
Caesar
Cailles
Cairnes
Cairo
Caisse
Caithness
Cajal
Cajon
Calabria
Calabrian
Calais
Calamity
Calamy
Calcutta
Calderon
Caldwell
Calgary
Calhoun
California
Caliph
Caliphate
Caliphs
Call
Callao
Callaway
Calling
Callous
Calsecchi
Calvin
Calvinist
Calvinistic
Calvinists
Cam
Camacho
Camaguey
Camarilla
Cambridge
Camden
Cameos
Cameron
Camillo
Camisard
Camisards
Camp
Campaign
Campaigns
Campania
Campanile
Campbell
Camperdown
Campos
Camps
Can
Canaanites
Canaanitic
Canada
Canadian
Canadians
Canal
Canaries
Canberra
Cancer
Candamo
Candidacy
Candidates
Canea
Canned
Canning
Cannon
Canonization
Canossa
Canterbury
Canton
Cantonal
Cantor
Canuleian
Capachio
Capacity
Cape
Capes
Capital
Capitalist
Capitalists
Capitan
Capitol
Caprivi
Captain
Capture
Capuchins
Cara
Carabao
Carabobo
Caracas
Caracoles
Cardiff
Cardinal
Cardinals
Cards
Carducci
Care
Career
Careful
Carefully
Caribbean
Carinthia
Carl
Carlisle
Carlos
Carlyle
Carmania
Carmen
Carnegie
Carniola
Carnot
Carolina
Caroline
Caronia
Carpenter
Carpenters
Carr
Carrel
Carriers
Carrington
Carroll
Carrying
Carshalton
Carta
Cartago
Cartel
Cartels
Carter
Carteron
Carthage
Carthaginians
Carwithen
Casablanca
Casacion
Case
Casement
Cases
Cashel
Cashier
Casimir
Casket
Caspian
Cass
Cassation
Cassel
Cassell
Cassia
Castilians
Castle
Castro
Casual
Casually
Casualties
Catacumbo
Catalonia
Catechumens
Catharina
Cathay
Cathedral
Catherine
Catholic
Catholicism
Catholics
Catilinarian
Catolico
Catskill
Cattolica
Caucasian
Caucasus
Caught
Cause
Causes
Cavalier
Cavaliers
Cawas
Caxton
Cayey
Cayley
Cd
Cebu
Cecil
Cedar
Ceding
Celebrated
Celebration
Celebrations
Celestial
Celibacy
Celli
Celsius
Celt
Celtic
Cement
Censor
Censors
Censorship
Census
Centenary
Centennial
Center
Central
Centre
Centres
Centrists
Centro
Centrum
Centuriata
Centuries
Century
Cerdic
Cerro
Cerruti
Certain
Certainly
Cesare
Cesarevitch
Cessation
Cession
Cessions
Cettinje
Ceylon
Ch
Chadwick
Chaffee
Chafin
Chagres
Chains
Chair
Chairman
Chalais
Chaldea
Chaldean
Chaldeans
Chaldæa
Challenge
Cham
Chamber
Chamberlain
Chamberlains
Chamberlin
Chambers
Champ
Champlain
Champs
Chan
Chance
Chancellery
Chancellor
Chancellors
Chancellorship
Chandler
Chang
Changchin
Change
Changed
Changes
Channel
Chantabun
Chanute
Chaouïa
Chapels
Chapman
Chappell
Chapter
Chapters
Character
Characters
Charcas
Charge
Chargé
Charities
Charity
Charlemagne
Charles
Charleston
Charlevoix
Charlottetown
Charta
Charter
Chartering
Charters
Chartist
Chartres
Chartreuse
Chartreux
Chatham
Chau
Chauncey
Chautauqua
Chauvinism
Che
Cheap
Check
Cheers
Cheese
Cheetham
Chefneux
Chefoo
Chefu
Chekiang
Chemin
Chemistry
Chemulpho
Chen
Cheney
Cheneys
Cheng
Chengju
Chenier
Chentu
Cher
Cherbourg
Cherokee
Chesapeake
Chesney
Chesterfield
Chevalier
Chi
Chiao
Chicago
Chicory
Chidley
Chief
Chiefs
Chientao
Chih
Chihli
Chihtung
Chikwangue
Child
Children
Childs
Chile
Chilean
Chili
Chilian
Chilkoot
Chimienti
China
Chinamen
Chinampho
Chinchow
Chinese
Ching
Chino
Chiozza
Chipiez
Chirurgical
Choate
Cholera
Chosen
Chown
Christ
Christendom
Christensen
Christian
Christiania
Christianity
Christianized
Christians
Christlijk
Christmas
Christobel
Christopher
Chronicle
Chronicles
Chronology
Chu
Chuan
Chumbi
Chun
Chung
Church
Churches
Churchill
Churchmen
Château
Chæronea
Cicero
Cieguo
Cienfuegos
Cigar
Cigarette
Cilicia
Cincinnati
Cinderella
Cipriano
Circassian
Circle
Circles
Circuit
Circuits
Circular
Circumstances
Cisleithan
Cities
Citizens
Citizenship
Citrus
City
Ciudad
Civic
Civil
Civilistas
Civilità
Civilization
Civilizations
Civilized
Clads
Claflin
Claiborne
Claim
Claimant
Claims
Clair
Clanricarde
Clara
Clare
Clarence
Clarendon
Clarion
Clark
Clarke
Clarkson
Class
Classes
Classical
Classification
Classified
Clause
Clauses
Clay
Clayden
Clayton
Cleaning
Clearing
Clearly
Clemenceau
Clement
Clemente
Clementine
Clements
Clergy
Clergymen
Clerical
Clericalism
Clericals
Clerics
Clerk
Clerks
Clermont
Cleveland
Clifden
Clifford
Climaco
Clinic
Clinton
Clive
Cloman
Close
Closely
Closing
Clothing
Cloud
Clover
Club
Clubs
Cluny
Clyatt
Clyde
Co
Coal
Coaling
Coalition
Coast
Coatbridge
Cobalt
Cobden
Coburg
Cochin
Cochrane
Cockayne
Cockrell
Cocoa
Code
Coercion
Coercive
Coffee
Coffey
Coffin
Cogswell
Cohen
Coignet
Coimbra
Coinage
Coins
Coke
Colbert
Coleman
Coleridge
Colfax
Coligny
Collapse
Collect
Collecting
Collections
Collectivism
Collectivist
Collectivists
Collector
College
Colleges
Collier
Collieries
Colliery
Cologne
Colombia
Colombian
Colombians
Colon
Colonel
Colonial
Colonials
Colonies
Colonisation
Colonists
Colonizability
Colonization
Colony
Colorado
Colorados
Colored
Colquhoun
Coltano
Colton
Columbia
Columbian
Columbus
Column
Com
Combes
Combination
Combinations
Combine
Combs
Come
Comedy
Coming
Comitia
Comité
Command
Commandant
Commander
Commanding
Commandos
Commands
Comme
Commemoration
Commemorations
Commentaries
Commerce
Commercial
Commines
Commission
Commissioner
Commissioners
Commissionership
Commissions
Committed
Committee
Committees
Commodities
Commodity
Commodore
Commodus
Common
Commonly
Commons
Commonwealth
Communal
Communes
Communicate
Communication
Communications
Communists
Communities
Comoufort
Compact
Companies
Companion
Company
Comparative
Compare
Compared
Comparing
Compayré
Compensation
Competition
Competitive
Compilation
Complaint
Complaints
Complete
Completely
Completion
Compromise
Comptroller
Compulsorily
Compulsory
Comte
Comyn
Concentration
Conception
Conceptions
Concerning
Concert
Concerted
Concession
Concessionary
Concessions
Conciliation
Conclave
Conclusion
Concordat
Concourse
Concrete
Concurrent
Condillac
Condition
Conditional
Conditions
Condominium
Condorcet
Conduct
Conductors
Condé
Confederacy
Confederate
Confederates
Confederation
Conference
Conferences
Confessions
Confessors
Confident
Conflagration
Conflict
Conflicts
Conformity
Confucians
Confédération
Cong
Conger
Congo
Congolese
Congregation
Congregational
Congregationalism
Congregationalists
Congregations
Congress
Congresses
Congressional
Congressman
Congressmen
Connaught
Connecticut
Connell
Conqueror
Conquest
Conquests
Conrad
Conscription
Conscripts
Consecutive
Conseil
Consequences
Consequent
Consequently
Conservation
Conservatism
Conservative
Conservatives
Considerable
Considering
Consistency
Consistory
Consolidated
Consolidation
Consort
Conspiracy
Constabulary
Constance
Constant
Constantine
Constantinople
Constantza
Constanza
Constituent
Constitution
Constitutional
Constitutionalism
Constitutionalist
Constitutionalists
Constitutionality
Constitutionally
Constitutions
Construction
Constructive
Consul
Consular
Consulate
Consuls
Consumers
Consumption
Contact
Contemplated
Contemporaire
Contemporary
Contempt
Contending
Contention
Contentions
Contentment
Contest
Continent
Continental
Continuance
Continued
Continuing
Contraband
Contract
Contracting
Contracts
Contradictory
Contrary
Contributing
Contributions
Control
Controller
Controlling
Controversies
Controversy
Convention
Conventions
Conversation
Conversion
Convict
Convicted
Conviction
Convictions
Convicts
Convocation
Cook
Cooke
Cooley
Coolidge
Coolies
Cooperative
Coorg
Coos
Coote
Copenhagen
Copies
Copper
Coppée
Copyright
Cordery
Cordiale
Cordillera
Cordoba
Corea
Corean
Coreans
Corinto
Cork
Corn
Cornelius
Corner
Cornhill
Cornwall
Coronation
Corporal
Corporate
Corporation
Corporations
Corps
Corral
Correctional
Correctionnelle
Corrections
Corregan
Correspondence
Correspondent
Corrupt
Corruption
Corruptions
Corsairs
Corsican
Corte
Cortelyou
Cortes
Cortez
Cortlaudt
Coruña
Coryndon
Cossack
Cossacks
Cost
Costa
Cotierungssteuer
Cottage
Cotton
Coubertin
Coues
Couipaguie
Coulanges
Could
Council
Councillor
Councillors
Councilman
Councilmen
Councilor
Councils
Counsel
Count
Counter
Countess
Counties
Counting
Countries
Country
Countrymen
Counts
County
Coup
Courage
Courses
Court
Courtesies
Courts
Cousin
Covenant
Covenanters
Cowan
Cowes
Cowper
Cows
Cox
Coxe
Coyle
Coöperation
Coöperative
Craik
Crandall
Crane
Crawford
Creasy
Created
Creation
Creator
Credit
Creditors
Creek
Creel
Creeping
Creighton
Cremer
Creoles
Crescent
Cresson
Cressy
Creswell
Cretan
Cretans
Crete
Crewe
Crichton
Crime
Crimea
Crimean
Crimes
Criminal
Criminals
Criminology
Criminous
Crisis
Crispi
Cristina
Cristobal
Critical
Criticism
Croatia
Croatian
Crocker
Croix
Croker
Cromer
Cromwell
Cromwellian
Crops
Cross
Crossing
Croton
Crowe
Crown
Crowned
Crowns
Cruelty
Cruikshank
Cruise
Cruisers
Crumpacker
Crusade
Crusaders
Crusades
Cruttwell
Cruz
Cry
Crystal
Crécy
Cu
Cuajar
Cuba
Cuban
Cubans
Cudahy
Cuevas
Culebra
Culloden
Culture
Cumberland
Cunard
Cunarders
Cunenc
Cunningham
Curator
Curaçao
Curb
Cures
Curia
Curiata
Curie
Curiously
Currency
Current
Curry
Curse
Curtailment
Curtis
Curtiss
Curtius
Curzon
Cusey
Cushing
Cust
Custer
Custom
Customs
Cutlers
Cutters
Cutts
Cuzco
Cyclopaedia
Cyclopedia
Cyprian
Cyprus
Cyrus
Czar
Czartoryski
Czech
Czechs
Czolgosz
Cæsar
Cæsarism
Cæsars
Córdoba
Cúcuta
CŒUR
Cœur
D
DAIDO
DALGETY
DALNY
DAM
DAMASCUS
DANIEL
DANISH
DANUBIAN
DARKEST
DARTMOUTH
DARWIN
DARWINISM
DAVENPORT
DAVID
DAVIS
DAWN
DAY
DAYANAND
DAYLIGHT
DAYS
DE
DEAKIN
DEALING
DEATH
DEBATE
DEBS
DEBT
DEBTS
DECEASED
DECEMBER
DECISION
DECISIONS
DECISIVE
DECLARATION
DECLARED
DECLINE
DEEP
DEFENSIVE
DEFINITIVE
DEGRADATION
DEL
DELAGRANGE
DELAWARE
DELBRUCK
DELCASSÉ
DELHI
DELOS
DELYANNIS
DEMAGOGUES
DEMANDS
DEMOCRACY
DEMOCRATAS
DEMOCRATIC
DEMOCRATS
DEMOCRISTIANA
DEMONETIZATION
DEMONSTRATION
DEMONSTRATIONS
DENMARK
DENVER
DEPENDENCE
DEPENDENTS
DEPEW
DES
DESCENT
DESPOTS
DESTRUCTION
DESTRUCTIVE
DETENTION
DEUNTZER
DEVELOPMENT
DIAMOND
DIAZ
DICKINSON
DIET
DIN
DINGLEY
DIOGNETUS
DIRECT
DIRECTION
DIRECTORY
DISABILITIES
DISAFFECTION
DISASTERS
DISCOVERY
DISEASE
DISINTEGRATION
DISMISSAL
DISPUTE
DISPUTES
DISRAELI
DISSENSIONS
DISSENTERS
DISSOLUTION
DISTINCTIVE
DISTRACTION
DISTRICT
DISTRUST
DISTURBANCES
DISUNION
DIVIDED
DIVISION
DIVISIONS
DIVORCE
DOCTRINE
DOGGER
DOMESDAY
DOMESTIC
DOMINATION
DOMINGO
DOMINICAN
DOMINICANS
DOMINION
DON
DOOR
DORE
DOUGLAS
DOWAGER
DOWLEH
DOWNFALL
DR
DRAGA
DRAGO
DRANE
DRAWINGS
DREADNOUGHT
DREADNOUGHTS
DRED
DREIBUND
DREYFUS
DRIVING
DRUDE
DRUNKARDS
DRY
DRYGALSKI
DU
DUARTE
DUCOMMUM
DUFF
DUKE
DUMA
DUMAS
DUMONT
DUNANT
DUNBAR
DURATION
DURBAR
DURHAM
DURING
DURUY
DUTCH
DUTIES
DUTY
DWIGHT
DYNASTIES
DYNASTY
Dacca
Dafoe
Dahomé
Daido
Daily
Dakar
Dakota
Dakotas
Dalai
Dalgety
Dali
Dallas
Dalmatia
Dalny
Dalton
Dalzell
Dam
Damages
Damascus
Dame
Dams
Dana
Danes
Danger
Dangerous
Daniel
Danish
Dante
Danton
Danube
Darby
Dark
Darling
Darnley
Darras
Dartmouth
Darwin
Darwinian
Darwinism
Dasent
Dastre
Data
Dates
Davenport
David
Davids
Davidson
Davies
Davis
Dawn
Dawson
Day
Dayanand
Daylight
Days
Dayton
De
Deadlock
Deakin
Dealing
Dealings
Dean
Deane
Death
Debasien
Debate
Debates
Debs
Debt
Debts
Decade
Decameron
Deccan
Deceased
December
Decentralization
Deciduous
Decision
Decisions
Decisive
Decius
Decker
Declaration
Declarations
Declare
Decline
Declines
Declining
Decrease
Decreased
Decree
Decrees
Decretals
Deen
Deep
Deeper
Defeat
Defeated
Defective
Defence
Defences
Defender
Defense
Defensive
Defensor
Defiance
Defiant
Definite
Definition
Degiorgis
Degrees
Dei
Delagoa
Delagrange
Delaplace
Delaware
Delbruck
Delcassé
Delegacy
Delegate
Delegates
Delegations
Delft
Delgada
Delhi
Deliberate
Delivered
Delivery
Dell
Dellenbaugh
Delta
Delusions
Delyannis
Demand
Demands
Demarcation
Demetrios
Deming
Democracia
Democracy
Democrat
Democratas
Democraten
Democratic
Democratique
Democratizing
Democrats
Democristiana
Demonstration
Demoralized
Demos
Demosthenes
Denial
Denis
Denmark
Denominational
Denton
Denunciatory
Denver
Department
Departmental
Departments
Departure
Dependencies
Dependency
Dependents
Depew
Deportation
Deposed
Deposition
Depression
Deputation
Deputies
Deputy
Der
Derby
Derbyshire
Dernburg
Derya
Des
Descamps
Descartes
Description
Descriptive
Desert
Deserts
Designs
Desirable
Desire
Desiring
Desjardin
Despatch
Despatches
Desperate
Despite
Despoiling
Despotic
Despots
Destroyers
Destruction
Destructive
Destructiveness
Detailed
Details
Detective
Detention
Determining
Dethronement
Deuntzer
Deutsche
Deutschen
Deutschthum
Deutsehen
Devanter
Developing
Development
Developments
Devine
Dewa
Dewey
Dexter
Dhinagri
Dia
Diamond
Diana
Diary
Diaz
Dicey
Dickens
Dickinson
Dictator
Dictatorial
Dictatorship
Did
Diderot
Died
Diego
Diesel
Diet
Diets
Dieu
Difference
Differences
Differentiation
Differing
Difficulties
Difficulty
Diffusion
Digby
Digest
Dijon
Dilke
Dillon
Diman
Diminished
Dimmick
Din
Dindaleathglass
Dingley
Dinka
Dinkas
Dinners
Diocesan
Diocese
Dioceses
Diocletian
Diognetus
Dios
Diplomacy
Diplomatic
Diplomatist
Direct
Direction
Directly
Director
Directors
Directory
Dirigible
Disabilities
Disaffection
Disappointing
Disarmament
Discharge
Disciple
Disciplinary
Discipline
Disclaims
Disclosures
Disconnecting
Discontent
Discount
Discouragement
Discourse
Discoverers
Discoveries
Discovery
Discriminating
Discussed
Discussing
Discussion
Disease
Diseases
Disestablishment
Disfranchisement
Disfranchising
Disguised
Dismissal
Disorder
Disorders
Dispensary
Dispersion
Displacement
Disposition
Dispute
Disputed
Disputes
Disqualification
Disruption
Disruptionists
Dissatisfaction
Dissenters
Dissenting
Dissipation
Dissolution
Distillers
Distilling
Distortion
Distress
Distribution
District
Districts
Distrust
Disturbance
Disturbances
Divided
Dividends
Divine
Divinity
Division
Divisional
Divorce
Divorces
Dixon
Djarboub
Djebel
Djibouti
Djumabala
Djumaisk
Do
Dobrudja
Dobson
Doc
Dochantapeh
Dock
Docks
Doctor
Doctors
Doctrine
Doctrines
Document
Documents
Does
Dogger
Doings
Dolbahanta
Dollars
Dolma
Dolphin
Dolton
Dom
Domain
Domaine
Domains
Domergue
Domesday
Domestic
Domett
Domingo
Dominguez
Domini
Dominican
Dominicans
Dominion
Dominions
Domitian
Don
Donald
Donaldson
Donation
Done
Door
Dorian
Dorians
Dormund
Dorothy
Dorsheimer
Doré
Doshi
Doshishukai
Dostoyevski
Doubleday
Doubt
Doubtless
Douglas
Douma
Dover
Dowager
Dowleh
Down
Downing
Doyle
Dr
Draco
Draft
Draga
Drago
Dragoumis
Drainage
Drake
Drama
Drane
Draper
Drastic
Drawing
Drawn
Dreadnought
Dreadnoughts
Dreher
Dreibund
Dresden
Dresdener
Dressed
Dreyfus
Dreyfusards
Dried
Drink
Drinking
Drinks
Driven
Driver
Drogheda
Droysen
Drs
Drude
Drug
Drugs
Dry
Drygalski
Du
Dual
Duarte
Dublin
Dubois
Duc
Duchess
Duchies
Duchy
Ducommum
Dudley
Duff
Duffy
Duke
Dull
Duluth
Duma
Dumas
Dumbarton
Dumont
Dunant
Dunbar
Duncan
Duncans
Duncker
Dundalk
Dundee
Dunedin
Dunfermline
Dunham
Dunlop
Dunne
Dunois
Dunraven
Durand
Durban
Durbar
Durfee
Durham
During
Duruy
Dusseldorf
Dutch
Dutchman
Dutchmen
Duties
Dutt
Dutton
Duty
Dwellers
Dwight
Dyer
Dynamite
Dynasties
Dynasty
Démocratique
Döllinger
D’Aubigné
D’ÉTAT
E
EAGLE
EAR
EARL
EARLIEST
EARLY
EARTHQUAKE
EARTHQUAKES
EAST
EASTERN
ECCLESIASTICAL
ECCLESIASTICISM
ECHEGARAY
ECONOMIC
ECUADOR
ED
EDDIN
EDICT
EDICTS
EDITION
EDITOR
EDMONTON
EDUARDO
EDUCATION
EDUCATIONAL
EDWARD
EDWIN
EFFECT
EFFECTIVE
EFFECTS
EFFENDI
EFFORTS
EGYPT
EGYPTIAN
EHR
EHRLICH
EIGHT
EIGHTEENTH
EIGHTH
EIKON
EL
ELAMITES
ELECTED
ELECTION
ELECTIONS
ELECTIVE
ELECTORAL
ELECTORS
ELECTRICAL
ELECTRICITY
ELECTRO
ELECTRONS
ELEVATOR
ELEVENTH
ELGIN
ELIDORO
ELIE
ELIHU
ELIOT
ELIZABETH
ELIZABETHAN
ELKINS
ELLEN
ELLIOTT
EMANCIPATION
EMELINE
EMERGENCY
EMERY
EMIGRATION
EMINENT
EMMANUEL
EMPEROR
EMPERORS
EMPIRE
EMPIRES
EMPLOYERS
EMPRESS
ENCYCLICAL
ENCYCLICALS
END
ENDJUMEN
ENGAGEMENTS
ENGINE
ENGLAND
ENGLISH
ENGLISHMAN
ENJUMEN
ENLARGED
ENTENTE
ENTITLING
ENTRY
ENVER
EPISCOPATE
EPISTLE
EPOCH
EQUADOR
EQUITABLE
EQUITY
ERA
ERDMAN
ERICHSEN
ERICSSON
ERIE
ERITREA
ERNEST
ERNESTO
ERUPTION
ERUPTIONS
ES
ESHER
ESNEH
ESPERANTO
ESTABLISHES
ESTABLISHMENT
ESTATE
ESTATES
ESTOURNELLES
ESTRADA
ESTUPINIAN
ET
ETC
ETHER
ETHIOPIA
EUCKEN
EUDISTES
EUGENE
EUGENICS
EULENBURG
EUPHRATES
EUROPE
EUROPEAN
EVACUATION
EVANS
EVE
EVENING
EVENTS
EVICTED
EVOLUTION
EX
EXAMINATION
EXCAVATION
EXCHANGE
EXCHANGES
EXCLUSION
EXECUTION
EXECUTIVE
EXHIBITION
EXILE
EXODUS
EXPANSION
EXPATRIATION
EXPEDITION
EXPEDITIONS
EXPLORATION
EXPLORERS
EXPLORING
EXPOSITION
EXPOSITIONS
EXTENDING
EZCURRA
Each
Eagle
Eardley
Earl
Earlier
Earliest
Early
Earned
Earnestly
Earth
Earthquake
Easley
East
Easter
Eastern
Eastward
Eaton
Ecclesia
Ecclesiastical
Echegaray
Echterdingen
Eck
Eckels
Economic
Economically
Economics
Economists
Economy
Ecuador
Ed
Eddin
Eden
Edersheim
Edgar
Edict
Edicts
Edinburgh
Edison
Edith
Editor
Editorial
Edmonton
Edmund
Eduard
Eduardo
Education
Educational
Edward
Edwards
Edwardus
Edwin
Effect
Effective
Effects
Effendi
Efficiency
Efficient
Efforts
Egar
Egede
Eggleston
Eggs
Eginhard
Egypt
Egyptian
Egyptians
Ehr
Ehrich
Ehrlich
Ehrlungshan
Ehrman
Eiffel
Eight
Eighteen
Eighteenth
Eighth
Eighthly
Eightieth
Einheitstraum
Einheitstraumes
Either
Ekaterinoslav
El
Elasticity
Elbert
Elder
Eleanor
Elected
Election
Elections
Elective
Elector
Electoral
Electors
Electric
Electrical
Electricity
Electro
Elementary
Elevation
Eleven
Elgin
Elgon
Elias
Elidoro
Elie
Eligibility
Elihu
Eliot
Elizabeth
Elizabethan
Elizabethport
Elkind
Elkins
Ella
Ellen
Elliott
Ellis
Ellsworth
Elmer
Eloy
Elroy
Eltzbacher
Ely
Elysee
Elysées
Emancipation
Embankment
Embassy
Emergency
Emerson
Emerton
Emery
Emigration
Emigres
Emil
Emile
Emilio
Emin
Eminence
Eminent
Emir
Emmanuel
Emmett
Emmott
Emory
Emperor
Emperors
Empire
Empires
Employees
Employers
Employment
Employé
Employés
Emporium
Empress
Emptiness
Ena
Enactment
Enactments
Enc
Encourage
Encouragement
Encroachment
Encroachments
Encyclical
Encyclopaedia
Encyclopedia
End
Endicott
Ending
Endorsement
Endowed
Endowment
Enemies
Enemy
Enforced
Enforcement
Enfranchisement
Engagements
Engine
Engineer
Engineering
Engineers
England
Englanders
English
Englishman
Englishmen
Enjumen
Enjumens
Enlarged
Enlargement
Enlargements
Enlightened
Enlistment
Enock
Enormous
Enough
Enrique
Enriquez
Enseignement
Entente
Entering
Entire
Entirely
Entomological
Entrance
Entre
Entry
Enumerators
Envoy
Enzeli
Ephesus
Epic
Epicureans
Episcopacy
Episcopal
Episcopalians
Episcopate
Epistle
Epistles
Epitome
Epoch
Epochs
Equador
Equal
Equally
Equator
Equipments
Equitable
Equity
Era
Eradication
Erastus
Erdman
Erebus
Erection
Eregli
Eric
Erichsen
Ericsson
Erie
Erik
Eritrea
Ernest
Ernesto
Ernst
Eruption
Escurra
Esher
Eskimo
Eskimos
Esneh
Esopus
Esparta
Especial
Especially
Esperantists
Esperanto
Espirito
Esquimault
Esquimaux
Essays
Essentially
Establish
Established
Establishing
Establishment
Estate
Estates
Este
Estevan
Esther
Estimate
Estimates
Estrada
Estupinian
Etah
Ethan
Ether
Ethics
Ethiopia
Ethiopian
Ethnological
Etonians
Eucken
Eudistes
Eugene
Eugenics
Eujumens
Eulenburg
Euphorion
Euphrates
Eureka
Europa
Europe
European
Europeans
Eusebius
Eustis
Evacuation
Evans
Evansville
Evasion
Eve
Evelyn
Even
Evening
Events
Eventually
Ever
Everard
Everett
Everit
Eversley
Every
Everybody
Everyone
Everything
Everywhere
Evetts
Evicted
Evidence
Evidently
Evil
Evolution
Ewald
Ex
Exacted
Exactly
Exaggerated
Examinations
Examine
Exarchate
Exceeding
Excellencies
Excellency
Excellent
Except
Excepting
Exception
Exceptional
Exceptions
Exchange
Exchanges
Exchequer
Excise
Excited
Excitement
Exclamations
Excluded
Excluding
Exclusion
Exclusive
Execution
Executions
Executive
Executives
Exemplary
Exemptions
Exercise
Exert
Exeter
Exhibit
Exhibiting
Exhibition
Exile
Existing
Exodus
Expansion
Expatriated
Expatriation
Expectation
Expediting
Expedition
Expeditions
Expenditure
Expenditures
Expenses
Experience
Experiences
Experiment
Experimental
Experiments
Experts
Expiration
Explanation
Explanatory
Exploitation
Exploits
Exploration
Explorations
Explorers
Explosion
Export
Exposition
Exposure
Expounder
Express
Expression
Expulsion
Extended
Extension
Extensions
Extensive
Extent
Extermination
External
Extinction
Extirpation
Extortion
Extra
Extracts
Extradition
Extraordinary
Extreme
Eye
Eyed
Ezcurra
Ezra
F
FABIAN
FACTOR
FACTORY
FAILURE
FAIRBANKS
FAKUMENN
FALL
FALLIÈRES
FALLS
FAMILY
FAMINES
FAMY
FANG
FARADAY
FAREWELL
FARM
FARMAN
FARMERS
FARMING
FARRAGUT
FATE
FATHER
FATHERS
FAZIL
FEBRUARY
FEDAKIARANS
FEDERAL
FEDERALIST
FEDERATION
FEELING
FEHIM
FEHMI
FEIN
FEJERVARY
FELIPE
FELLOWSHIP
FENGHUANGCHENG
FENIAN
FENSHUILING
FERRER
FERRY
FERTILIZER
FETVA
FEUDALISM
FEVER
FIALA
FICHTE
FIELD
FIELDS
FIFTEENTH
FIFTH
FIGURES
FILIBUSTERING
FILIPINO
FINAL
FINANCE
FINANCIAL
FINLAND
FINNS
FINSEN
FIRE
FIREMEN
FIRST
FISCAL
FISCHER
FISHER
FISHERIES
FISHERY
FISHES
FISKE
FIVE
FLAVIAN
FLEET
FLETCHER
FLIGHT
FLINT
FLOODS
FLORIDA
FLUCTUATIONS
FOLK
FOLLETTE
FOLLOWING
FOOD
FOOT
FOR
FORCE
FORCES
FOREIGN
FOREIGNERS
FOREST
FORESTRY
FORESTS
FORMAL
FORMATION
FORMIO
FORMOSA
FORSTER
FORT
FORTIS
FORTS
FORTY
FOSTER
FOUNDATION
FOUNDING
FOURTEENTH
FOURTH
FOWLER
FOX
FRANCE
FRANCHISE
FRANCIS
FRANCISCANS
FRANCISCO
FRANCO
FRANK
FRANKFORT
FRANKLIN
FRANKS
FRANÇOIS
FRAUDS
FREDERIC
FREDERICK
FREDERICKS
FREE
FREED
FREEDMEN
FREEDOM
FREEMAN
FREES
FREIGHT
FRENCH
FRIARS
FRIDAY
FRIEDJUNG
FRIENDLY
FROM
FRONDE
FRONTIER
FROUDE
FRUCTIDOR
FRY
FUGITIVE
FULLER
FULTON
FUND
FUNDS
FURNESS
FURTHER
FUTURE
FUTUVAT
Fa
Fabian
Fabians
Fabriken
Face
Factories
Factors
Factory
Facts
Facultative
Faculty
Fadel
allah
Fahrenheit
Failing
Failure
Failures
Fair
Fairbairn
Fairbanks
Fairfax
Fairhaired
Fairs
Faith
Falcon
Falkirk
Falkland
Fall
Falling
Fallières
Fallow
Falls
False
Families
Family
Famine
Famous
Faneuil
Fang
Fannie
Far
Faraday
Farewell
Farm
Farman
Farmer
Farmers
Farming
Faroun
Farragut
Farrar
Farrer
Farsistan
Farwell
Fas
Fast
Fatal
Fate
Father
Fatherland
Fathers
Fatigue
Faulkner
Faun
Favor
Favored
Fawcett
Fay
Fazil
Fe
Fear
Fearlessly
Feast
Feather
Features
February
Fedai
Fedakiarans
Federal
Federalist
Federalists
Federals
Federated
Federation
Federations
Feeble
Feeding
Feeling
Fehim
Fehmi
Fein
Fejervary
Felipe
Felix
Fell
Fellow
Fellowship
Felton
Feludia
Female
Females
Fen
Fence
Feng
Fenghuangcheng
Fenianism
Fenshuiling
Fer
Ferdinand
Ferencz
Ferguson
Ferid
Ferie
Fern
Fernando
Fernow
Ferrand
Ferreira
Ferrer
Ferris
Ferroul
Fertilizer
Festina
Festival
Feudal
Feudalism
Fever
Few
Fez
Fezzis
Fiala
Fiber
Fichte
Fidei
Fidelity
Field
Fielding
Fields
Fierce
Fife
Fifteen
Fifteenth
Fifth
Fifthly
Fifty
Fighig
Fight
Fighting
Figuero
Figueroa
Figure
Filali
Filipinas
Filipino
Filipinos
Final
Finally
Finance
Finances
Financial
Finch
Fine
Fined
Fines
Finland
Finlay
Finn
Finnish
Finns
Finsen
Fire
Firemen
Firman
Firmans
Firmin
First
Firstly
Firth
Fiscal
Fischel
Fischer
Fish
Fisher
Fisheries
Fishery
Fishes
Fishing
Fiske
Fissuring
Fit
Fitzgerald
Fitzhugh
Fitzmaurice
Fitzpatrick
Five
Flag
Flagg
Flagler
Flanders
Flat
Flax
Fleet
Fleets
Flemings
Flemish
Fletcher
Flight
Flinn
Flint
Floggings
Flood
Floods
Florence
Florentine
Florida
Floridian
Flottwell
Flour
Flower
Folk
Folkersahm
Folkething
Follette
Following
Fonseca
Fontainbleau
Fontaine
Foochow
Food
Fookien
Foote
Footnote
Footprints
For
Foraker
Forbes
Forbidden
Force
Forced
Forces
Ford
Foreign
Foreigner
Foreman
Foremost
Forest
Forester
Forestry
Forests
Forged
Formal
Formation
Former
Formerly
Formidables
Formosa
Formosan
Forms
Formula
Formulary
Formulation
Forrest
Forster
Forsyth
Fort
Fortieth
Fortification
Fortis
Fortnightly
Fortress
Forts
Fortunately
Fortunes
Forty
Forward
Foster
Foulke
Foulois
Foumis
Foundation
Foundations
Founded
Founder
Founders
Founding
Foundling
Four
Fourteen
Fourteenth
Fourth
Fourthly
Fowler
Fox
Foxton
Frame
Framing
France
Franchise
Franchises
Francis
Francisco
Francke
Franco
Francois
Frank
Frankfort
Frankfurt
Frankfurter
Frankincense
Frankish
Franklin
Frankly
Franks
Franz
Française
Fraser
Fraternal
Fraternities
Fraternity
Fraud
Frauds
Fred
Frederic
Frederick
Free
Freedom
Freeman
Frees
Freethinkers
Freeville
Freight
French
Frenchman
Frenchmen
Frenchwomen
Frequent
Fresh
Fresno
Friar
Friars
Frick
Friday
Fried
Friedjung
Friedrich
Friedrichshafen
Friend
Friendly
Friends
Frightened
Frightful
Frissell
Frist
Frivilliga
Frohlich
Froissart
From
Frontier
Frontiers
Frothingham
Froude
Frozen
Fruit
Fruits
Frundsberg
Fry
Fuca
Fugitive
Fukien
Fulani
Fulbert
Fulfillment
Fulfilment
Fulgencio
Full
Fuller
Fully
Fulton
Function
Fund
Fundamental
Funds
Fundy
Funeral
Funston
Furious
Furness
Further
Furthermore
Fushun
Fusion
Fusionists
Future
Fyffe
Fé
Fête
G
GABRIEL
GAELIC
GAGE
GAINS
GALLIC
GALLICAN
GALSTER
GALVESTON
GAMBLING
GANGADHAR
GAPON
GARCIA
GARDEN
GARFIELD
GARIBALDI
GAS
GASOLINE
GATUN
GAUL
GAULS
GAUNA
GAUTSCH
GAYNOR
GEARY
GEAY
GENERAL
GENET
GENEVA
GENIUS
GENSERIC
GEOGRAPHIC
GEOGRAPHY
GEORGE
GEORGEI
GEORGIA
GEORGIAN
GERMAN
GERMANIC
GERMANIZING
GERMANY
GETTYSBURG
GHENT
GHIBELLINES
GHOSE
GIBBON
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GIFTS
GIL
GINN
GIOLITTI
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GIRONDISTS
GIVEN
GIVING
GLADSTONE
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GOETHALS
GOLD
GOLDEN
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GOODS
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GOTHS
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GOVERNMENTAL
GOVERNMENTS
GOVERNOR
GOVERNORS
GRACCHI
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GRAFT
GRANADA
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GRANT
GRAY
GREAT
GREATLY
GREECE
GREEK
GREEN
GREGOR
GREGORIAN
GREGORY
GREY
GRIP
GROCERS
GROSSCUP
GROWERS
GROWING
GROWTH
GRUITCH
GU
GUANTANAMO
GUARDS
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GUELFS
GUERRA
GUIANA
GUISES
GULF
GULLY
GUMMERÉ
GUSTAVUS
GUTHRIE
Gabriel
Gaelic
Gage
Gaillard
Gain
Gains
Gairdner
Galicia
Gall
Gallagher
Gallatin
Gallenga
Galli
Gallic
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Galster
Galton
Galveston
Galway
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Gambia
Gambling
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Game
Gammell
Gandhi
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Ganges
Gannett
Gantt
Gaol
Gapon
Garbage
Garbiras
Garcia
Gard
Gardens
Gardiner
Gardner
Garees
Garfield
Garibaldi
Garment
Garnett
Garrison
Gary
Gas
Gascoyne
Gasoline
Gaspard
Gaspey
Gasquet
Gaston
Gate
Gates
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Gatschet
Gatun
Gauche
Gauge
Gaulois
Gauls
Gauna
Gauss
Gautsch
Gay
Gayarré
Gaynor
Gayraud
Gazette
Gazik
Geary
Geay
Gebhart
Geddes
Geffcken
Gen
Genaro
Gendarmerie
Genealogy
General
Generally
Generals
Generalship
Generate
Genesee
Geneva
Genius
Genoa
Genoese
Gentile
Gentlemen
Genérale
Geodetic
Geoffrey
Geographic
Geographical
Geographically
Geography
Geological
Georg
George
Georgei
Georges
Georgia
Georgian
Ger
Geraes
Gerard
Gerlache
Germain
German
Germanic
Germanizing
Germans
Germany
Germanys
Gervais
Geschichte
Gettysburg
Gharb
Ghent
Ghibellines
Ghose
Gibbins
Gibbon
Gibboney
Gibbons
Gibbs
Gibraltar
Gids
Giesebrecht
Giffard
Gifford
Gift
Gifts
Gil
Gilbert
Gild
Giles
Gilford
Gill
Gillhaus
Gilman
Gindely
Ginn
Giolitti
Giorgio
Giorgis
Giosue
Giovanni
Girls
Girondists
Giuseppe
Give
Given
Giving
Givskov
Gjoa
Glacier
Gladden
Gladstone
Gladstonian
Glasgow
Glasier
Glass
Gleanings
Gleig
Glenn
Glombinski
Gloria
Glorious
Glory
Glossina
Glossop
Gneist
Go
Goajira
Goat
Gobat
God
Goddess
Godfrey
Godkin
Godwin
Goeppingen
Goethals
Gold
Golden
Goldfields
Goldmark
Goldstein
Goldwin
Golgi
Goliath
Goluchowski
Gomez
Gompers
Gondokoro
Gonzales
Good
Goodnow
Goodrich
Goods
Goodwin
Goold
Gordon
Gore
Goremykin
Gorgas
Goschen
Gosse
Gothard
Goths
Gough
Gould
Govan
Governed
Governing
Government
Governmental
Governments
Governor
Governors
Governorship
Grace
Gracias
Gracious
Gradually
Graduated
Graetz
Graft
Graham
Grahame
Grahamstown
Grain
Grampians
Grampound
Granada
Granaries
Grand
Grande
Grandeur
Grandfather
Granger
Granite
Grant
Granville
Grass
Gratia
Gratifying
Grattan
Graves
Gravissimo
Gray
Grazing
Great
Greater
Greatest
Greatly
Greatness
Greco
Greece
Greek
Greeks
Greeley
Green
Greene
Greenland
Greenock
Greenwich
Gregor
Gregorian
Gregorio
Gregorovius
Gregory
Gresham
Greswell
Grey
Grievances
Griffin
Griffis
Griffith
Griffiths
Grimm
Gripenberg
Griscom
Grocers
Gronlund
Gross
Grosscup
Grosse
Grossindustrielle
Grosskaufleute
Grosso
Grote
Groundless
Grounds
Group
Groups
Groussau
Grover
Growers
Growing
Growth
Gruiteh
Græco
Grübe
Guadeloupe
Guaicaipuro
Guantanamo
Guaranteed
Guarantees
Guaranty
Guardian
Guards
Guarico
Guatemala
Guayaquil
Guayra
Guelfs
Guelphs
Guerlac
Guernsey
Guerra
Guerville
Guesdist
Guest
Guests
Guettée
Guevara
Guggenheim
Guglielmo
Guhl
Guiana
Guild
Guildhall
Guillemard
Guilty
Guineas
Guinness
Guiteras
Guizot
Gujarat
Gujerati
Gulf
Gulhaneh
Gulick
Gully
Gummeré
Gunby
Gundry
Guns
Guntzuling
Guru
Gusef
Gustav
Gustavas
Gustave
Gustavus
Guthrie
Gyangtse
Gympie
Gyroscopic
GÉNÉRALE
Générale
Générate
H
HAAKON
HABANA
HABEAS
HABIBULLAH
HAECKEL
HAFID
HAFIZ
HAGEN
HAGOPIAN
HAGUE
HAI
HAICHENG
HAITI
HAKKI
HALDANE
HALE
HALL
HALLAM
HAMARA
HAMED
HAMID
HAMLIN
HAMMURABI
HAND
HANKAU
HANNA
HANSEATIC
HANSEN
HAPSBURGS
HARBIN
HARCOURT
HARDEN
HARDIE
HARPER
HARRIMAN
HARRISON
HARRISSE
HARRY
HARTFORD
HARVARD
HARVESTER
HAS
HASSAN
HASTINGS
HATSUSE
HATTI
HAUSA
HAVANA
HAVEN
HAY
HAYNE
HAYTI
HEAD
HEALTH
HEARST
HEBRIDES
HEDERVARY
HELLENIC
HELP
HELVETIC
HENEY
HENKEL
HENRICUS
HENRIK
HENRIQUES
HENRY
HEPBURN
HEPTARCHY
HER
HERBERT
HEREDITARY
HERMANDAD
HERMANN
HERMIT
HERO
HEROD
HERODIANS
HERR
HERREROS
HERRING
HERVÉ
HERZEGOVINA
HESSIANS
HETCH
HETCHY
HICKS
HIGGINSON
HIGHBINDER
HIGHLANDS
HILDEBRAND
HILL
HILLS
HILMI
HINDU
HINTZE
HIS
HISGEN
HISTORIANS
HISTORIC
HISTORICAL
HISTORY
HITCHCOCK
HO
HOFF
HOGUE
HOHENLOHE
HOHENSTAUFEN
HOHENZOLLERN
HOHENZOLLERNS
HOLDING
HOLDINGS
HOLDS
HOLLAND
HOLLWEG
HOLST
HOLSTEIN
HOLY
HOME
HOMEL
HOMES
HOMESTEAD
HONDA
HONDURAS
HOOKWORM
HORACE
HORRIBLE
HORRORS
HORUP
HOSPITALLERS
HOSTILITY
HOTTENTOTS
HOUR
HOURS
HOUSE
HOUSES
HOUSING
HOW
HSI
HSIHOYEN
HSU
HSUAN
HUDSON
HUGHES
HUGUENOT
HUGUENOTS
HUMAN
HUMAYUN
HUMPHREY
HUNDRED
HUNG
HUNGARY
HUNS
HUTCHINSON
HYDE
HYGINO
HYKSOS
Haakon
Habana
Habbania
Habibullah
Habit
Habitations
Hacha
Hachimakiyama
Had
Hadjin
Hadley
Hadramaut
Hadrian
Hafid
Hafiz
Hagcrup
Hagen
Hagopian
Hague
Hai
Haicheng
Haileybury
Hains
Haiti
Haitian
Haitians
Hake
Hakki
Hakuaisha
Haldane
Haldeman
Hale
Hales
Half
Haliburton
Halifax
Halima
Hall
Hallam
Halliday
Halligan
Halsbury
Halve
Hamara
Hamburg
Hamed
Hamerton
Hamid
Hamidian
Hamidianism
Hamilton
Hamlin
Hammond
Hammurabi
Hampden
Hampshire
Hampton
Hand
Handbook
Handelshochschulen
Hanford
Hang
Hankau
Hankow
Hanna
Hannay
Hanover
Hanoverian
Hanoverians
Hans
Hanseatic
Hansen
Hanson
Haouz
Happily
Happy
Hapsburg
Hapsburgh
Harben
Harbin
Harbor
Harbour
Harcourt
Hard
Harden
Hardie
Hardly
Hardwick
Hardy
Hare
Harem
Harlan
Harmony
Harnack
Haro
Harold
Haroun
Harper
Harput
Harriman
Harrington
Harris
Harrisburg
Harrison
Harrisse
Harrod
Harry
Hart
Hartford
Harting
Hartley
Hartwig
Harup
Harvard
Harvester
Harvests
Has
Haskell
Hassan
Hassaurek
Hassencamp
Hastings
Hatch
Hatfield
Hatsuse
Hatters
Hatti
Hatzfeld
Haug
Hausa
Haute
Havana
Havari
Have
Havelock
Havemeyer
Haven
Haverfield
Haverty
Having
Havre
Hawaii
Hawaiian
Hawk
Hawkins
Hawks
Hawksley
Hawkwood
Hawthorne
Hay
Hayashi
Hayes
Hayman
Haynes
Hays
Hayti
Haytian
Haywood
Hazard
Hazel
Hazen
Hazlitt
He
Head
Headlam
Headley
Headquarters
Headship
Health
Heard
Hearing
Hearings
Hearn
Hearst
Heart
Heath
Heathenism
Heaton
Heaven
Heavy
Hebberd
Hebraic
Hebrew
Hebrews
Hebrides
Hecla
Hedervary
Heeren
Hei
Heibergsland
Heike
Heinrich
Heir
Helen
Helena
Hell
Hellenes
Hellenic
Hellenica
Help
Helps
Helsingfors
Hemisphere
Hence
Henderson
Hendrick
Hendrik
Henebry
Heney
Henkel
Hennepin
Hennessy
Henri
Henries
Henrik
Henriques
Henry
Henryk
Hepburn
Her
Herald
Herbert
Herculaneum
Herculean
Here
Hereafter
Hereditary
Heredity
Hereros
Heretofore
Hereward
Herford
Herman
Hermann
Hermes
Hermits
Herndon
Hero
Herodotus
Heroes
Herr
Herran
Herrera
Herrick
Herring
Hersegovina
Herstlet
Hertslet
Hertzian
Hertzog
Hervé
Herzegovina
Hessians
Het
Hetch
Hetchy
Heureaux
Heylyn
Hiawatha
Hicks
Hickson
Hidalgo
Hides
Higginson
High
Higham
Highbinder
Higher
Highlands
Highness
Highnesses
Hilary
Hildebrand
Hildeburn
Hildreth
Hill
Hillhouse
Hills
Hilmi
Hilprecht
Him
Himself
Himstedt
Hindich
Hindoo
Hindu
Hinduism
Hindus
Hindustan
Hinschius
Hinsdale
Hinterland
Hintze
Hiram
Hirobumi
Hirtius
His
Hisgen
Historians
Historic
Historical
Historically
Historisch
Historischs
History
Hit
Hitchcock
Hitherto
Hittell
Hittites
Hoag
Hoar
Hodges
Hodgkin
Hodgson
Hoff
Hoffman
Hogarth
Hogs
Hohenau
Hohenlohe
Hohenstaufen
Hohenzollern
Hohenzollerns
Hoke
Holcomb
Hold
Holders
Holding
Holdings
Holdsworth
Holes
Holguin
Holiness
Holland
Hollander
Holliday
Hollister
Hollweg
Holm
Holmes
Holst
Holstein
Holt
Holy
Home
Homer
Homes
Homestead
Homs
Hon
Honan
Honda
Honduran
Honduranean
Honduras
Honest
Hong
Hongkong
Honolulu
Honor
Honorable
Honorables
Honorary
Honors
Honour
Honourable
Hood
Hook
Hookham
Hookworm
Hooper
Hope
Hopeful
Hopetoun
Hoping
Hopkins
Hops
Horace
Horatian
Horne
Horrible
Horses
Horseshoe
Hortensian
Horton
Hoshi
Hosmer
Hospital
Hospitals
Hostile
Hostilities
Hostility
Hot
Hotel
Hottentots
Hough
Houghton
Hours
House
Household
Houses
Housing
Houston
How
Howard
Howe
Howell
However
Howorth
Hozier
Hsi
Hsien
Hsienchang
Hsihoyen
Hsin
Hsu
Hsuan
Huaijen
Hub
Huber
Hubert
Hudson
Hue
Huff
Hug
Hugh
Hughes
Hughitt
Hughli
Hughs
Hugo
Huguenot
Huguenots
Hugues
Hukuang
Hulbert
Hull
Hulsin
Human
Humanité
Humayun
Humbert
Humboldt
Hume
Humphrey
Humphry
Hun
Hunan
Hundred
Hundreds
Hung
Hungarian
Hungarians
Hungary
Hunt
Hunte
Hunter
Hupei
Hupuh
Hurd
Hurlbert
Hurlburt
Hurley
Huron
Hurried
Hurst
Hus
Hussite
Husted
Hutchins
Hutchinson
Huxley
Hyde
Hyder
Hygiene
Hygienic
Hygino
Hypolite
Hypothekenbank
Hysteria
HÄUSSER
Häusser
Hérault
I
ICELAND
IDAHO
IDE
IDEA
IDEAS
IGNATIEFF
II
III
ILLINOIS
IMAM
IMMEDIATE
IMMIGRATION
IMPEACHMENT
IMPERATOR
IMPERIAL
IMPORTANCE
IMPORTANT
IMPRESSMENT
IMPROVEMENT
IMPROVEMENTS
IN
INAUGURAL
INAUGURATION
INCAS
INCIDENT
INCOME
INCORPORATION
INCREASE
INCREASED
INCREASING
INDEMNITY
INDEPENDENCE
INDEPENDENT
INDEPENDENTS
INDEPENDISTAS
INDETERMINATE
INDIA
INDIAN
INDIANAPOLIS
INDIANS
INDIES
INDIVISIBILITY
INDO
INDUSTRIAL
INFAMOUS
INFIRMITY
INFLUENCE
INHABITANTS
INHERITANCE
INITIATIVE
INJUNCTIONS
INLAND
INMEDIATISTAS
INQUISITION
INSTITUTE
INSTITUTION
INSTITUTIONS
INSURANCE
INSURRECTION
INTELLECTUALS
INTELLIGENZIA
INTEMPERANCE
INTER
INTERCHANGES
INTERCOLONIAL
INTEREST
INTERESTS
INTERFERENCE
INTERFEROMETER
INTERIOR
INTERNAL
INTERNATIONAL
INTERNATIONALISM
INTEROCEANIC
INTERPARLIAMENTARY
INTERSTATE
INTERVENTION
INTERVIEW
INTO
INTOXICANTS
INTRANSIGENTES
INTRODUCTION
INVASION
INVASIONS
INVENTION
INVENTORY
INVESTIGATION
INVISIBLE
ION
IONIAN
IOWA
IRELAND
IRISH
IRON
IRONSIDES
IROQUOIS
IRRIGATION
IS
ISAIAH
ISLAM
ISLAMISM
ISLAND
ISLANDS
ISLE
ISRAEL
ISTHMIAN
ISVOLSKY
IT
ITAGAKI
ITALIAN
ITALY
ITO
ITS
IUTARO
IV
IVRY
IX
IZEDDIN
Ian
Ibuki
Ice
Iceland
Icelanders
Icelandic
Ichang
Ichaug
Icilian
Iconoclastic
Ida
Idaho
Ide
Ideal
Ideas
Idleness
If
Igarashi
Iglesias
Igli
Ignacio
Ignatief
Ignatieff
Ignorance
Ihne
Iki
Ikoma
Iles
Ilg
Iliad
Ilkhani
Ill
Illegal
Illegality
Illicit
Illinois
Illness
Illustrated
Illyria
Illyrian
Ilocano
Ilocos
Imam
Imams
Iman
Imitating
Immediate
Immediately
Immense
Immigrants
Immigration
Immunity
Impartial
Impeachment
Impending
Imperator
Imperial
Imperialism
Imperialist
Imperialists
Imperially
Implementing
Impliedly
Import
Important
Importantly
Importation
Imports
Imposture
Impressions
Imprisonment
Improved
Improvement
Improvements
In
Inability
Inaction
Inadequacy
Inadequate
Inasmuch
Inaugural
Inauguration
Inazo
Inception
Incessant
Incident
Incidentally
Inclosure
Income
Incongruous
Incorporation
Incorporators
Increase
Increased
Increases
Increasing
Incursions
Indeed
Indefatigable
Indemnity
Independence
Independent
Independently
Independents
Independientes
Independistas
Indeterminate
Index
India
Indian
Indiana
Indianapolis
Indians
Indicate
Indications
Indictment
Indictments
Indies
Indignation
Indirectly
Individual
Indiæ
Indo
Indomitable
Inducements
Inductive
Industrial
Industries
Industry
Infallibility
Infant
Infantry
Infection
Infinitely
Infinitesimal
Inflammation
Inflated
Influence
Influx
Informal
Information
Infuriated
Ingalls
Inhabitants
Inheritance
Initial
Initials
Initiation
Initiative
Injunction
Injunctions
Injuries
Inland
Inlet
Inman
Inmediatistas
Inner
Innocent
Innsprück
Inquiry
Inquisition
Inshallah
Inside
Inspector
Inspired
Installation
Instantly
Instead
Instigated
Instigations
Institut
Institute
Institution
Institutions
Instruction
Instructions
Instrument
Insular
Insurance
Insurgency
Insurgent
Insurgents
Insurrection
Integrity
Intellectual
Intellectuals
Intellektuellen
Intelligence
Intelligentia
Intelligenzia
Intense
Inter
Interborough
Interchange
Interchanges
Interest
Interests
Interference
Interferometer
Interior
Intermediate
Intermediation
Internal
International
Internationale
Internationaler
Interoceanic
Interparliamentary
Interpellations
Interpretation
Interpreted
Interstate
Intervention
Interview
Intimations
Into
Intoxicants
Intransigentes
Intrigues
Introduction
Invaders
Invalid
Invalidating
Invalidity
Invaluable
Invasion
Invention
Inventor
Inventors
Inventory
Inverness
Investigate
Investigation
Investigations
Investing
Investitures
Investiturstrcit
Investiturstreit
Investment
Investments
Inveteracy
Invincible
Invincibles
Invisible
Invitation
Involution
Involved
Ion
Ionians
Iowa
Ipsus
Ipswich
Ira
Iradeh
Iran
Ireland
Ireton
Irish
Irishman
Iron
Ironside
Iroquois
Irreconcilables
Irrigation
Irving
Is
Isaac
Isabella
Isabelo
Isaiah
Isaias
Iselle
Isfahan
Isham
Ishii
Ishmael
Iskanderun
Islam
Islamic
Islamism
Island
Islanders
Islands
Isle
Isles
Ismail
Ispahan
Israel
Israelite
Israelites
Issue
Issues
Issus
Isthmian
Isthmus
Istria
Isvolsky
Iswolsky
It
Itagaki
Italian
Italians
Italy
Itang
Ithaca
Itidal
Ito
Its
Itzushan
Iusammi
Iutaro
Ivan
Ivanovich
Iveagh
Ives
Ivins
Iyenaga
Izeddin
Izzet
J
JACKSON
JACOBITES
JACOBUS
JAMAICA
JAMES
JAMESON
JAMESTOWN
JAN
JANEIRO
JANNARIS
JANUARY
JAPAN
JAPANESE
JAY
JEANES
JEFFERSON
JENKINS
JEROME
JERSEY
JERUSALEM
JERVIS
JESUIT
JESUITS
JESUS
JEVONS
JEWISH
JEWS
JIMENEZ
JOAN
JOAQUIN
JOHN
JOHNSON
JOINT
JOLO
JONES
JOSE
JOSEPH
JOSÉ
JOUBERT
JOÃO
JR
JUAN
JUAREZ
JUBILEE
JUDAH
JUDGE
JUDGES
JUDICIAL
JUDSON
JUDÆA
JULIAN
JULIUS
JULY
JUNE
JUNIOR
JUSTH
JUSTICE
JUSTINIAN
JUVENILE
Jack
Jackson
Jacob
Jacobin
Jacobites
Jacquerie
Jahrbueh
Jains
Jakob
Jalhay
Jamaica
Jamal
James
Jameson
Jamestown
Jan
Janeiro
Jang
Jannaris
Jansenists
January
Janvion
Japan
Japanese
Japs
Jas
Jastrow
Jaures
Jaurès
Java
Jay
Jayne
Je
Jeanes
Jeanne
Jeans
Jebb
Jebba
Jebel
Jefferson
Jeffreys
Jehovah
Jeme
Jena
Jenks
Jennings
Jens
Jerome
Jersey
Jerusalem
Jervis
Jessop
Jessup
Jesuit
Jesuits
Jesus
Jette
Jevons
Jew
Jewish
Jews
Jimenez
Jingo
Joachimsthal
Joan
Joaquim
Joel
Johannesburg
John
Johns
Johnson
Johnston
Johnstone
Joined
Joint
Joliet
Jolo
Joly
Jomini
Jones
Jong
Jonkheer
Jonnart
Jordan
Jordmans
Jorge
Jose
Joseph
Josephine
Josephus
Josiah
José
Joubert
Jourde
Journal
Journalism
Journals
Journey
Joy
Joyneville
João
Jr
Juan
Juarez
Jubilee
Judah
Judge
Judged
Judges
Judging
Judgment
Judgments
Judicial
Judiciary
Judson
Judæa
Jui
Jules
Julian
Julius
July
Junction
June
Junior
Junius
Jurisdiction
Jurisprudence
Jurists
Jury
Just
Justh
Justice
Justices
Justification
Justin
Justo
Jutland
Juvenile
K
KAFFIR
KAI
KAIPING
KAISER
KAJAR
KALGAN
KAMIMURA
KANO
KANSAS
KARAGEORGEVICH
KASSITE
KATANGA
KATSURA
KAULBARS
KAWAMURA
KEIR
KELANTAN
KELLY
KENNEDY
KENTUCKY
KHAN
KHARBIN
KHARKOFF
KHARTUM
KIAMIL
KIEFF
KINCHOU
KING
KINGDOM
KINGS
KINGSTON
KINSHU
KIPLING
KIRDORF
KISHINEFF
KITCHENER
KLAN
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KLUX
KNIAZ
KNIGHTS
KNOWLEDGE
KNOWN
KNOX
KOCH
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KRATZ
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KU
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Kam
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Kan
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Karl
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Kelly
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Kidnapping
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Kill
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Kitchener
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Klux
Knapp
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Knickerbocker
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Knots
Knowing
Knowledge
Knowles
Knox
Kobi
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Kohl
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Kreuz
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Ksar
Ku
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Kuei
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Kum
Kun
Kuno
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Kurds
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Kurtz
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Kwan
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Kwei
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Kämmel
Körber
K’AI
L
LA
LABOR
LADRONES
LAFAYETTE
LAGERLOF
LAKE
LAKES
LALLA
LAMA
LAMSDORFF
LANCASTER
LAND
LANDIS
LANDLORDISM
LANDS
LANE
LANGLEY
LANGUAGE
LANSDOWNE
LARGE
LARNED
LARRINAGA
LAST
LATER
LATHAM
LATIN
LATIUM
LAUD
LAURIER
LAVAL
LAVERAN
LAW
LAWGIVERS
LAWRENCE
LAWS
LAZARISTS
LE
LEADING
LEAGUE
LEASE
LECOT
LED
LEDREBORG
LEGARDA
LEGATIONS
LEGENDARY
LEGISLATION
LEGISLATIVE
LEGUIA
LEIPSIC
LEIPSIG
LENARD
LEO
LEONARD
LEONIDAS
LEOPOLD
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LERROUX
LESLIE
LESSONS
LETCHWORTH
LETTERS
LEWIS
LEYDEN
LHASA
LI
LIABILITY
LIANG
LIAO
LIAUTEY
LIBERAL
LIBERATION
LIBERIA
LICENSE
LIEN
LIEUTENANT
LIFE
LII
LIII
LILIENTHAL
LIMA
LIMERICK
LIMITATION
LIMITATIONS
LINCOLN
LINDSEY
LINE
LINEVITCH
LINGUISTIC
LION
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LIQUOR
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LIV
LIVING
LLOYD
LOAN
LOCAL
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LOCOMOTIVE
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LOEB
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LONG
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LORD
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LOS
LOUBET
LOUIS
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LOW
LOWELL
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LOWTHER
LUBIN
LUIZ
LUKE
LUN
LUNDY
LUNEVILLE
LUNG
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LUTHER
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LUTHERANISM
LUZURIAGA
LV
LYOFF
La
Labaume
Labor
Laboratories
Laboratory
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Land
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Landing
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Landmarks
Landon
Lands
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Lang
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Las
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Last
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Late
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Later
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Latimer
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Latinized
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Latter
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Law
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Le
Lea
Lead
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Leadership
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League
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Lee
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Leer
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Left
Lefèvre
Legacy
Legal
Legality
Legarda
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Let
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Letter
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Levi
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Lewis
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Lex
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Liability
Liakhoff
Liang
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Libau
Libel
Liberal
Liberalism
Liberals
Liberation
Liberator
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Libertador
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Library
Libre
Lic
License
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Licensing
Licinian
Lick
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Lieutenant
Life
Light
Lightfoot
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Like
Likewise
Lilienthal
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Limantour
Limerick
Limit
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Limitations
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Limon
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Line
Lines
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Liquors
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Lisburn
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List
Lists
Literary
Literature
Lithuanian
Litigation
Little
Littleborough
Liu
Liverpool
Lives
Living
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Lloyd
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Lock
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London
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Look
Looked
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Loss
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Low
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LÈSE
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L’OUVERTURE
M
MACAULAY
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MACDONALD
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MACKAY
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MM
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MOB
MODERATE
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MODUS
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MOINES
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MONASTIR
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MOTHER
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MOUNT
MOUNTAIN
MOVE
MOVEMENT
MOVEMENTS
MOVING
MR
MRS
MSS
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MULAI
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MYLIUS
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Mac
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Macedonia
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Machine
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Madame
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Made
Madeira
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Magic
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Magyarizing
Magyars
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Mahommedan
Mahon
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Mail
Main
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Mainland
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Maison
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Majesté
Major
Majorities
Majority
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Make
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Making
Malaga
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Male
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Malta
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Man
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Mann
Mannesmann
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Manuscript
Many
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Map
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Maria
Marie
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Mark
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Marriage
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Marrying
Mars
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Marshal
Marshall
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Maru
Marvelous
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Mary
Maryland
Masampho
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Mass
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Massey
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Matanzas
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Material
Mathews
Mathias
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Matos
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Matters
Matthew
Matto
Matumba
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Max
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Maxwell
May
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McADOO
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McAneny
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McCALL
McCLELLAN
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Meacham
Mead
Meadow
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Meakin
Meals
Mean
Meaning
Means
Meantime
Meanwhile
Measure
Measurement
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Meats
Mecca
Mechanical
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Mediaeval
Mediation
Mediations
Medical
Medici
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Medjliss
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Memoir
Memoire
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Memorial
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Memory
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Memphremagog
Men
Menace
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Menacing
Menam
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Menelik
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Menzies
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Merchandise
Merchant
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Merciful
Merciless
Mercy
Merely
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Merida
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Merite
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Merlou
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Merovingian
Merovingians
Merriam
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Message
Messages
Messiah
Messina
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Method
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Mex
Mexican
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Mobile
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Modem
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Monarch
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Monday
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Money
Moneypenny
Mongol
Mongolfiers
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Mongols
Mongredien
Monica
Monitor
Monks
Monmouthshire
Mono
Monopolistic
Monopolization
Monopoly
Monroe
Monrovia
Mons
Monseigneur
Monsieur
Monsignor
Monson
Mont
Montague
Montalembert
Montana
Montcalm
Monte
Montefiore
Montenegrin
Montenegrins
Montenegro
Monterey
Montero
Montes
Montevideo
Montfort
Montgomery
Monthly
Months
Montpellier
Montreal
Montt
Monument
Monuments
Moodie
Moody
Moon
Moor
Moore
Moorish
Moors
Moral
Morales
Moravia
Mordecai
More
Morecambe
Moreira
Morel
Morell
Morenga
Moreno
Moreover
Moret
Morfil
Morgan
Morison
Moritzen
Moro
Moroccan
Morocco
Moros
Morris
Morrison
Morse
Mort
Mortality
Mortgage
Morton
Mosaics
Moscow
Mosely
Moses
Mosheim
Moslem
Moslems
Mosque
Mosquito
Mossamedes
Most
Mostaganem
Mother
Motherland
Motherwell
Motienling
Motley
Motor
Mott
Moudir
Moudirieh
Mouillard
Moukden
Mouktar
Mount
Mountain
Mountains
Mounted
Mouravieff
Mourmelon
Move
Moved
Movement
Movements
Moving
Moyer
Mozambique
Mr
Mrs
Mt
Much
Muette
Mufti
Muhammad
Muhammed
Muir
Mujtehed
Mujteheds
Mukden
Mukhber
Mukhbir
Mulai
Mulk
Mullah
Mullahs
Muller
Mullinger
Mummy
Munich
Municipal
Municipalities
Municipality
Municipalization
Munificent
Munro
Munsey
Munster
Muravieff
Murder
Murderer
Murders
Murdock
Murphy
Murray
Murrell
Muscovite
Museum
Mushir
Music
Muslim
Mussulman
Mussulmans
Must
Mustafa
Musulmans
Mutesarrif
Mutiny
Mutual
Mutuel
Muzaffarpur
Muzaffer
My
Mycale
Mycenae
Myer
Mylius
Mynter
Myron
Mystics
Myths
Mytilene
MÜLLER
MÜRZSTEG
Mühlberg
Müller
Münsterberg
Mürzsteg
Mœurs
M’Crie
N
NA
NABUCO
NACIONALISTAS
NAGEL
NAKAMURA
NAME
NAMES
NANSHAN
NANTES
NAPLES
NAPOLEON
NAPOLEONIC
NASEBY
NASR
NATAL
NATHAN
NATION
NATIONAL
NATIONALISM
NATIONS
NATURAL
NATURALIZATION
NAVAL
NAVARRE
NAVIES
NAVIGATION
NAVY
NEAR
NEBRASKA
NEEDLES
NEERGAARD
NEGOTIATIONS
NEGRO
NELIDOW
NERO
NEST
NETHERLANDS
NEW
NEWCOMB
NEWER
NEWFOUNDLAND
NEWMAN
NIAGARA
NICARAGUA
NICHOLAS
NICHOLS
NICOLAS
NICOLAU
NICOLSON
NICÆA
NIEL
NIGERIA
NIGHT
NIHILISM
NILE
NIMEGUEN
NINETEENTH
NINETY
NINEVEH
NINTH
NOBEL
NOBILITY
NODZU
NOGI
NOMINATED
NOMINATION
NOMINATIONS
NOMINAVIT
NONCONFORMISTS
NORD
NORDENSKJÖLD
NORDEZ
NORMAN
NORMANDY
NORTH
NORTHCOTE
NORTHERN
NORTHWEST
NORWAY
NOS
NOT
NOTABLE
NOTE
NOTES
NOVA
NOVEMBER
NOVIS
NULLIFICATION
NUMBERS
NUMEROUS
Naauwpoort
Nabis
Nabuco
Nacaome
Nacional
Nacionalista
Nacionalistas
Nagel
Nahum
Naib
Nakamura
Name
Nan
Nankau
Nanking
Nansen
Nanshan
Nantes
Nantucket
Napier
Naples
Napoleon
Napoleonic
Napp
Narbonne
Narrative
Nashville
Nasi
Nasr
Natal
Natchalnik
Nathan
Nathanael
Nathaniel
Nation
National
Nationalism
Nationalist
Nationalists
Nationalities
Nationality
Nationalization
Nationalizing
Nations
Native
Natives
Natural
Naturalists
Naturalization
Naturally
Nature
Naturelle
Naturforscher
Naval
Navarre
Navies
Navigation
Naville
Navy
Nawab
Nawabs
Nay
Nazara
Nazarenes
Neal
Neander
Near
Nearly
Nebogatoff
Nebraska
Nebuchadnezzar
Need
Needed
Neergaard
Neglect
Negotiation
Negotiations
Negra
Negro
Negroes
Negroid
Negros
Negus
Nehemiah
Neighbors
Neill
Neither
Nekl
Nelidoff
Nelidow
Nelson
Nelsons
Nemesis
Neptune
Nero
Nerva
Ness
Nest
Net
Netherland
Netherlands
Neutral
Neutrality
Neutrals
Neva
Nevada
Never
Nevertheless
Nevinson
New
Newcastle
Newchwang
Newcomb
Newest
Newfound
Newfoundland
Newfoundlanders
Newlands
Newman
Newport
Newry
News
Newspaper
Newspapers
Newt
Newton
Next
Niagara
Niausta
Nicaragua
Nicaraguan
Niccolo
Nicene
Nicholas
Nichols
Nicholson
Nicias
Nicodemus
Nicolas
Nicolay
Nicolini
Nicolson
Niebuhr
Niel
Niels
Nieman
Nigel
Niger
Nigeria
Nigerian
Night
Nights
Nikoloff
Nile
Niles
Nilo
Nimrod
Nine
Nineteen
Nineteenth
Ninomiya
Ninth
Ninthly
Nipher
Nipissing
Nippon
Nitobe
Niuchwang
Nixon
Njal
No
Nobel
Noble
Nobody
Nodzu
Noel
Nogi
Nojine
Noll
Nominated
Nomination
Nominations
Non
Nonconformist
Nonconformists
None
Nor
Nord
Nordenskjöld
Nordez
Norfolk
Norgate
Normal
Norman
Normandy
Normans
Norse
Norte
North
Northcote
Northeast
Northeastern
Northern
Northrup
Northumberland
Northwest
Northwestern
Norton
Norway
Norwegian
Nos
Nossi
Not
Notable
Note
Notes
Nothing
Notice
Notification
Notorious
Notre
Nottingham
Notwithstanding
Nouvelle
Nova
Novel
Novels
November
Novik
Novoe
Now
Nowadays
Nowhere
Noyes
Nubia
Nullification
Number
Numbers
Numerous
Nuncio
Nuncios
Nuremberg
Nursery
Nuts
Nyanza
Nyasa
Nâsr
Nègre
Nöldeke
N’gongo
O
OAK
OATES
OBELISKS
OBJECTS
OBOLENSKI
OBSERVANCE
OCCUPATION
OCCURRENCES
OCEAN
OCTAVE
OCTOBER
OCTOBRISTS
ODESSA
OF
OFFENDERS
OFFICE
OGDEN
OHIO
OIL
OKLAHOMA
OKU
OLD
OLDENBURG
OLIPHANT
OLIVER
OMAR
OMEYYAD
OMEYYADS
ON
ONE
ONTARIO
OP
OPEN
OPENED
OPENING
OPERATIONS
OPIUM
OPPOSITION
OPSONINS
OPTION
OR
ORANGE
ORDAINED
ORDER
ORDERS
ORDINANCE
OREGON
ORGANIC
ORGANIZATION
ORGANIZATIONS
ORGANIZED
ORIENT
ORIENTAL
ORIGIN
ORIGINAL
ORLEANS
ORMANIAN
ORVILLE
OSAKA
OSCAR
OSMEÑA
OSTWALD
OTHER
OTTO
OTTOMAN
OUTBREAK
OUTBREAKS
OUTLOOK
OVER
OVERTHROW
OWN
OWNERS
OXFORD
Oakland
Oats
Obaldia
Obeid
Obispo
Object
Objection
Objections
Objects
Obligatory
Obninsky
Obok
Obolenski
Obrenovitch
Obscurantism
Observations
Observatory
Observers
Obviously
Occasionally
Occidental
Occupation
Occupying
Ocean
Oceanic
Oceanica
Oceans
Ocotepeque
Octave
October
Octobrist
Octobrists
Odessa
Odoacer
Of
Offenders
Offenses
Offensive
Offer
Office
Officer
Officers
Offices
Official
Officials
Officiorum
Ogden
Oh
Ohio
Oil
Okabé
Okhotsk
Oki
Okinoshima
Oklahoma
Oku
Okuma
Okuno
Okura
Old
Oldenburg
Older
Oldest
Oldham
Ole
Olean
Oliphant
Oliva
Oliver
Olives
Olivia
Olivier
Ollier
Olmsted
Olney
Olympic
Omaha
Oman
Omar
Omdurman
Omitting
On
Once
One
Oneida
Onesti
Ongole
Only
Onondaga
Ontarians
Ontario
Oodnadatta
Open
Opened
Opening
Opera
Operation
Operations
Operators
Opinion
Opinions
Opium
Oppenheim
Opponents
Opposed
Opposing
Opposite
Opposition
Oppositionists
Oppression
Oppressions
Opsonins
Optimistic
Option
Or
Orange
Orangemen
Oranoff
Oration
Orations
Orchard
Orchards
Order
Orders
Ordinance
Ordinances
Ordinarily
Ordinary
Ordnance
Ore
Oregon
Orel
Organic
Organisation
Organization
Organizations
Organize
Organized
Orient
Oriental
Orientales
Orientals
Origin
Original
Originally
Originator
Orinoco
Orkney
Orleanism
Orleanists
Orleans
Ormanian
Orthodox
Orthodoxy
Orton
Orville
Osaka
Osborn
Osborne
Oscar
Oshima
Osier
Oslabya
Osman
Osmeña
Ostensibly
Ostrogoths
Ostwald
Oswald
Oswego
Other
Others
Otherwise
Othon
Otis
Ottajano
Ottawa
Otto
Ottoman
Ottomans
Otté
Oudh
Ounif
Our
Ourselves
Out
Outbreak
Outburst
Outclassing
Outline
Outlines
Outlook
Output
Outrages
Outside
Over
Overcome
Overcrowding
Overflow
Overstrained
Overstraining
Overthrow
Overthrown
Overturnings
Owe
Owens
Owing
Own
Owners
Ownership
Ownerships
Oxford
Oyama
Oyster
O’Brien
O’C
O’CONOR
O’Callaghan
O’Clery
O’Connell
O’Connor
O’Conor
O’HAGAN
O’Hagan
P
PACIFIC
PACIFICATION
PACKING
PAGANISM
PALACE
PALFREY
PALMA
PAN
PANAMA
PANIC
PANICS
PANKHURST
PANLUNG
PAPACY
PAPAL
PAPER
PARAGUAY
PARDO
PARIS
PARK
PARKER
PARLIAMENT
PARLIAMENTARY
PARLIAMENTS
PARNELL
PAROLE
PARSONS
PART
PARTIAL
PARTIES
PARTITION
PARTY
PASHA
PASSAGE
PASSAY
PASSIONISTS
PASSIVE
PASTEUR
PATENTS
PATRIARCHATES
PATRICIANS
PAUL
PAULHAN
PAUNCEFOTE
PAUPERISM
PAWLOW
PAYNE
PAZ
PEACE
PEARY
PEASANT
PEASANTRY
PEASANTS
PECANHA
PEEL
PEER
PEKING
PELLAGRA
PELOPONNESIAN
PELÉE
PENINSULA
PENINSULAR
PENNA
PENNSYLVANIA
PENNY
PENOLOGY
PENSIONS
PENTECOST
PEONAGE
PEOPLE
PEOPLES
PEPPER
PERDICARIS
PEREIRA
PERFECTED
PERICLES
PERIOD
PERMANENT
PERROT
PERRY
PERSECUTION
PERSECUTIONS
PERSIA
PERSIAN
PERU
PETER
PETERSBURG
PETIT
PETITION
PETROLEUM
PETROPALOVSK
PETROVIE
PHAGOCYTES
PHARAOHS
PHILADELPHIA
PHILANDER
PHILIP
PHILIPPE
PHILIPPINE
PHILIPPINES
PHILOSOPHY
PHIPPS
PHOENIX
PHYSICAL
PHYSICS
PICKETING
PICQUART
PICTURE
PIEDMONT
PIENAAR
PIERCE
PIEROLA
PIERRE
PINCHOT
PINES
PINO
PIONEER
PIOUS
PISISTRATIDÆ
PITT
PITTSBURG
PIUS
PIZARRO
PLAGUE
PLAN
PLANNING
PLANS
PLANTAGENETS
PLANTATIONS
PLATT
PLAYGROUND
PLAZA
PLEBS
PLEHVE
PLOT
PLURAL
PLYMOUTH
POBIEDONOSETS
POBIEDONOSTZEFF
POGROMS
POINT
POLAND
POLAR
POLES
POLICE
POLICIES
POLICY
POLISH
POLITICAL
POLITICS
POLK
POLLARD
POLTAVA
POOLING
POOR
POPE
POPES
POPISH
POPULAR
PORT
PORTE
PORTER
PORTLAND
PORTO
PORTS
PORTSMOUTH
PORTUGAL
PORTUGUESE
POSSESSIONS
POST
POSTAGE
POSTAL
POTEMKIN
POVERTY
POWER
POWERS
PRACTICAL
PRAGMATIC
PRAIRIAL
PRAIRIE
PRE
PREACHING
PREAMBLE
PREFACE
PREFERENTIAL
PREHISTORIC
PRELIMINARY
PREMIER
PREMIERS
PRENDERGAST
PREPARATION
PREPARATIONS
PREPARED
PRESBYTERIAN
PRESBYTERIANS
PRESCOTT
PRESENT
PRESERVATION
PRESIDENCY
PRESIDENT
PRESIDENTIAL
PRESS
PRESTON
PRETORIA
PREVENTION
PREVENTIVE
PRIDE
PRIMARY
PRIME
PRIMITIVE
PRIMROSE
PRINCE
PRINCIPAL
PRINCIPALITIES
PRITCHETT
PRIZE
PRIZES
PROBATION
PROBLEM
PROBLEMS
PROCLAMATION
PROFESSOR
PROFIT
PROGRAMME
PROGRESISTAS
PROGRESS
PROGRESSIVES
PROHIBITION
PROJECT
PROMISED
PROMOTION
PROPER
PROPERLY
PROPERTY
PROPHECY
PROPORTIONAL
PROPOSED
PROSPERITY
PROSTRATION
PROTECTION
PROTECTIONISTS
PROTECTIVE
PROTECTORATE
PROTECTORATES
PROTEST
PROTESTANT
PROTESTANTISM
PROVIDENCE
PROVINCE
PROVINCES
PROVINCIAL
PROVISIONARY
PROVISIONS
PROVOCATEUR
PRUDHOMME
PRUSSIA
PRÆTORIAN
PTOLEMIES
PU
PUBLIC
PUBLISHERS
PUNIC
PUNJAB
PURCHASE
PURE
PURGE
PURITANISM
PUTNAM
PYRAMIDS
PYRENEES
Paasche
Pablo
Pabna
Pach
Pachuca
Pacific
Pacification
Pack
Packing
Padang
Padesh
Padre
Pagan
Page
Painters
Painting
Paisley
Paiyushan
Palace
Palais
Palampour
Palatine
Palazzata
Palestine
Palfrey
Palgrave
Palisades
Palma
Palmas
Palmer
Palmerston
Palmi
Palmyra
Palo
Pamphlet
Pan
Panama
Panamanian
Panglungshan
Panic
Paniput
Panislamism
Pankhurst
Panlung
Pantheon
Pao
Papacy
Papal
Paper
Papers
Papillault
Paraguay
Parallel
Paralysis
Parana
Parasol
Pardee
Pardo
Parents
Pari
Paris
Parish
Parishes
Parisian
Parisians
Park
Parker
Parkman
Parks
Parley
Parliament
Parliamentary
Parliaments
Parma
Parmalee
Parnell
Parole
Paroled
Parsee
Parsees
Parsis
Parsons
Part
Partial
Partially
Participation
Partick
Particularly
Particulars
Partido
Parties
Partington
Partition
Partly
Parton
Partridge
Parts
Party
Pas
Pasadena
Pascal
Pasco
Pasha
Pashas
Paso
Pasquier
Pass
Passage
Passamaquoddy
Passamonti
Passay
Passed
Passengers
Passing
Passion
Passionists
Passive
Past
Pasteur
Pastor
Pastors
Pasture
Pataud
Patch
Patent
Patents
Pathology
Patients
Paton
Patras
Patriarch
Patrich
Patricians
Patrick
Patriot
Patriotic
Patriotism
Patris
Pattison
Patton
Paul
Paulhan
Paulo
Pauncefote
Pauperism
Pavia
Pawlow
Pay
Paymaster
Payment
Payne
Paz
Peabody
Peace
Peaceful
Pears
Pearse
Pearson
Peary
Peasant
Peasantry
Peasants
Pebody
Pecanha
Peckham
Pedagogical
Pedagogy
Pedro
Pee
Peel
Peerage
Peers
Pei
Peiyang
Pekin
Peking
Pelee
Pelham
Pelletan
Pellew
Pelopids
Pelée
Pemba
Pembroke
Penal
Penalty
Pencil
Pending
Pendleton
Peninsula
Peninsular
Penitentiary
Penn
Penna
Pennington
Pennsylvania
Pennsylvanians
Pennypacker
Penrose
Pension
Pensioning
Pensions
Penza
People
Peoples
Peopling
Peoria
Pepin
Pepper
Per
Pera
Percentage
Percy
Perdicaris
Pereira
Perfect
Perfunctory
Perhaps
Pericles
Perier
Peril
Period
Periodicals
Periods
Perkins
Perks
Perm
Permanent
Perouse
Perpignan
Perrot
Perry
Perse
Persecution
Persia
Persian
Persians
Persifor
Persistent
Personal
Persons
Perth
Pertinent
Peru
Perugia
Peruvian
Peshtshersky
Peter
Peterhof
Peterhoff
Peterloo
Petersburg
Peterson
Petit
Petite
Petition
Petrarch
Petrie
Petroffsky
Petroleum
Petropalovsk
Petrovic
Petsiwo
Pettibone
Petty
Peuple
Peyang
Peña
Pfahler
Ph
Phalerum
Phanariot
Phantom
Pharaohs
Pharmacopoeia
Pharsalia
Phases
Phelan
Phenomena
Phenomenon
Philadelphia
Philander
Philanthrophy
Philip
Philippe
Philippine
Philippines
Philistines
Philosopher
Philosophical
Philosophy
Phipps
Phlegræan
Phoenicia
Phoenician
Phosphate
Photographs
Phyangyang
Physical
Physically
Physics
Piazza
Picard
Pichon
Pickens
Picquart
Picton
Picture
Piecework
Piedmont
Piek
Pienaar
Pierce
Pierpont
Pierre
Pietermaritzburg
Pigeon
Pigeonneau
Pignotti
Pilgrim
Pilgrimages
Pilgrims
Pimblett
Pinar
Pinchot
Pinciana
Pinckney
Pines
Pino
Pioneer
Pioneers
Pious
Pisa
Pithom
Pitiful
Pitkin
Pitsewo
Pitt
Pittock
Pittsburg
Pittsburgh
Pius
Piérola
Place
Placed
Places
Placing
Plague
Plainly
Plains
Plan
Planning
Plans
Plantagenets
Plantation
Plantations
Planted
Planters
Planting
Plate
Plateau
Platform
Platforms
Plato
Platonists
Platt
Platæa
Play
Played
Playground
Playgrounds
Playing
Playthings
Plaza
Plea
Please
Plebeian
Plebeians
Plehve
Plenipotentiaries
Plenipotentiary
Pliny
Plotzk
Plummer
Plunkett
Plural
Plutarch
Plymouth
Po
Pobiedonosets
Pobiedonostseff
Pobiedonostzeff
Podolia
Poetry
Pogroms
Point
Pointing
Points
Poitevin
Poland
Polar
Poldhu
Pole
Poles
Police
Policemen
Policy
Polish
Political
Politically
Politics
Politique
Polk
Pollard
Pollock
Pollution
Poltava
Polytechnic
Polytechnical
Polytechnique
Pomerania
Pomeranian
Pommersche
Pompeii
Pompey
Ponce
Ponhioti
Pontalis
Pontiff
Pontificate
Pool
Poole
Pooling
Poolings
Pools
Poona
Poor
Pop
Pope
Popes
Popular
Population
Populist
Porcupine
Porfirio
Port
Porta
Porte
Porter
Portici
Portions
Portland
Porto
Portraits
Ports
Portsmouth
Portugal
Portuguese
Posen
Position
Positive
Possession
Possibilities
Possibly
Post
Postage
Postal
Posthumous
Postmaster
Postmasters
Posts
Posture
Potatoes
Potemkin
Potomac
Pottawatomie
Potter
Pour
Pourtalès
Poverty
Powderly
Powell
Power
Powerful
Powers
Pozzuoli
Practical
Practically
Practice
Practices
Prague
Prairie
Prasanna
Pratt
Pravo
Praxedes
Preachers
Precarious
Precautionary
Preceding
Precise
Predecessors
Predominance
Prefect
Prefects
Prefectural
Preferential
Prelates
Preliminaries
Preliminary
Premier
Premiers
Premiership
Premiums
Prendergast
Prentice
Preparation
Preparations
Preparatory
Presba
Presbyterian
Presbyterians
Presbytery
Prescott
Presence
Present
Presently
Preservation
Presidency
President
Presidential
Presidents
Presiding
Press
Pressed
Pressensé
Prestige
Preston
Presuming
Pretender
Pretenders
Pretoria
Pretorians
Preussischen
Prevalence
Prevented
Preventing
Prevention
Preventive
Previous
Previously
Price
Prices
Prichard
Pride
Priest
Priests
Primarily
Primary
Prime
Primitive
Prince
Princes
Princess
Princeton
Principal
Principality
Principally
Principals
Principe
Principle
Principles
Prinetti
Printed
Printer
Printing
Prior
Prison
Prisoners
Prisons
Pritchett
Private
Privately
Privilege
Privileged
Privileges
Privy
Privé
Prize
Prizes
Pro
Probably
Probation
Problem
Problems
Probyn
Procedure
Proceeding
Proceedings
Process
Prochoroff
Proclamation
Procter
Proctor
Procurator
Production
Productions
Products
Professor
Professorial
Professors
Professorship
Proffer
Profit
Program
Programme
Programmes
Progresista
Progresistas
Progress
Progressist
Progressistas
Progressists
Progressive
Progressives
Prohibit
Prohibition
Prohibitionist
Prohibitioniste
Prohibitionists
Project
Projected
Projects
Proletariat
Prolonged
Prominent
Promise
Promised
Promises
Promising
Promote
Promoter
Promotion
Promulgation
Pronounced
Proofs
Propaganda
Propagandism
Propagation
Properly
Properties
Property
Prophecy
Prophet
Prophetic
Prophets
Proportional
Proposal
Proposals
Proposed
Prorogued
Prosecution
Prosecutions
Prosecutor
Proselytes
Prospect
Prospecting
Prospective
Prospects
Prosperity
Prosperous
Protagoras
Protected
Protecting
Protection
Protectionist
Protectionists
Protective
Protector
Protectorate
Protectorates
Protest
Protestant
Protestantism
Protestants
Protests
Protocol
Prouty
Prove
Provide
Provided
Providence
Provident
Providing
Province
Provinces
Provincial
Provision
Provisional
Provisions
Provocations
Proxy
Prudential
Prudhomme
Prunes
Prussia
Prussian
Prussians
Pryor
Prætors
Prêts
Pseudonyms
Ptolemies
Pu
Public
Publication
Publications
Publicity
Publilian
Publishing
Puerto
Puget
Puller
Pulling
Punchard
Punctilio
Punishment
Punjab
Punjabi
Pupils
Purchase
Purchasing
Pure
Puritan
Puritans
Purity
Purposes
Pursuant
Pursue
Pursuit
Purus
Pushing
Put
Putiloff
Putnam
Putting
Pyramiding
Pyrenees
Pyrgos
Pyrrhic
Pyrrhonist
Père
Q
QUALIFICATIONS
QUEBEC
QUEEN
QUESTION
QUESTIONS
QUÆSTOR
Quail
Qualification
Qualifications
Quality
Quarrel
Quarrelled
Quarrels
Quarrying
Quarterly
Quebec
Queen
Queenly
Queens
Queensland
Queenstown
Queer
Quelpart
Question
Questions
Quick
Quiet
Quincey
Quincy
Quintana
Quirinal
Quirpon
Quite
Quitman
Quixotic
Quo
Quoting
R
RACE
RACES
RACIAL
RADIO
RADIUM
RADOLIN
RAFAEL
RAIGOSA
RAIL
RAILROAD
RAILROADS
RAILWAY
RAILWAYS
RAISULI
RALLIÉS
RAMSAY
RAPID
RASCOL
RATE
RATES
RATIFICATION
RAYLEIGH
RE
REACTION
READERS
READING
READY
REALM
REASON
REBATE
REBELLION
RECALL
RECENT
RECIPROCITY
RECLAMATION
RECONSTRUCTION
RECORD
RED
REDEMPTORISTS
REDOUBT
REFERENCE
REFERENDUM
REFINING
REFORM
REFORMATION
REFORMERS
REFORMS
REFRIGERATOR
REGENERADORES
REGGIO
REGIE
REGINA
REGINALD
REGION
REGULATION
REID
REIGN
REIGNS
REILEY
REINHOLD
REINSCH
REJECTION
RELATING
RELATION
RELATIONS
RELIEF
RELIGION
RELIGIONS
RELIGIOUS
REMISSION
REMONSTRANCE
REMOVAL
REMUNERATION
RENAISSANCE
RENAN
RENAULT
RENEWED
RENNENKAMPF
RENOWNED
RENÉ
REPATRIATION
REPEAL
REPRESENTATION
REPRESENTATIVE
REPRESENTING
REPUBLIC
REPUBLICAN
REPUBLICANS
REPUBLICS
RESCHAD
RESEARCH
RESERVOIR
RESIDENTS
RESISTANCE
RESOLUTIONS
RESOURCES
REST
RESTORATION
RESTORED
RESTRICTION
RESULTS
RETIREMENT
RETREAT
RETURN
REVAL
REVEREND
REVIEW
REVISED
REVISION
REVIVAL
REVOCATION
REVOLT
REVOLTS
REVOLUTION
REVOLUTIONARY
REVOLUTIONISTS
REVOLUTIONS
REYES
RHINE
RHODE
RHODES
RHODESIA
RIBEIRO
RICA
RICE
RICHARD
RICHELIEU
RICHMOND
RICO
RIDERS
RIENZI
RIFF
RIGA
RIGHT
RIGHTS
RIKKEN
RIO
RIOTS
RISE
RISING
RISK
RITCHIE
RIVER
RIZA
ROAD
ROBERT
ROBERTS
ROBESPIERRE
ROCHAMBEAU
ROCHELLE
ROCKEFELLER
ROCKHILL
ROENTGEN
ROGER
ROGHI
ROJESVENSKY
ROLAND
ROMAN
ROMANCE
ROMANOFFS
ROMAÑA
ROME
RONTGEN
ROOSEVELT
ROOT
ROSE
ROSEBERY
ROSEN
ROSES
ROSS
ROTA
ROTATIVOS
ROUMANIA
ROUNDHEADS
ROUSSEAU
ROUVIER
ROWE
ROYAL
ROYALTIES
ROZHDESTVENSKY
RUDOLPH
RUDYARD
RUEF
RULE
RUMP
RUN
RUNCIMAN
RUPTURE
RUSSIA
RUSSIAN
RUSSIANIZING
RUSSIANS
RUSSO
RUTHERFORD
RYAN
RYSWICK
Rabah
Rabe
Race
Races
Radiant
Radical
Radicalism
Radicals
Radio
Radioactivity
Radium
Radolin
Rae
Rafael
Ragozin
Rahman
Raid
Raigosa
Rail
Railroad
Railroads
Railway
Railways
Rainey
Rainy
Raised
Raising
Raisins
Raisuli
Raj
Rajah
Raleigh
Ralli
Rallis
Ralliés
Ralph
Ramazan
Rambaud
Rameau
Ramon
Ramsay
Ramsey
Rand
Randal
Randall
Randolph
Range
Rangers
Ranges
Rangoon
Ranjel
Ranke
Rankine
Rannie
Ransom
Ransomed
Ransoming
Rapid
Rapidity
Rapidly
Rapids
Raschid
Rash
Raslog
Rate
Rates
Rath
Rathcar
Rather
Rathmines
Ratification
Ratifications
Rauch
Ravages
Rawlinson
Ray
Raye
Rayleigh
Raymond
Razlog
Re
Reached
Reaction
Reactionists
Reading
Ready
Reaffirmation
Real
Rear
Reason
Reasons
Rebate
Rebates
Rebating
Rebellion
Rebellious
Rebels
Rebuilding
Recall
Receivership
Receiving
Recent
Recently
Receptions
Rechtsgeschichte
Recipient
Reciprocity
Reclamation
Reclus
Recognition
Recognized
Recognizing
Recollections
Recollects
Recommendations
Recommended
Recommends
Reconstruction
Record
Recorder
Records
Recourse
Recovered
Recovery
Recreation
Recruits
Recurrence
Recurring
Red
Rededication
Redeemer
Redemptorists
Redistribution
Redmond
Redondo
Reduced
Reduction
Reed
Reef
Reelection
Reeves
Reference
Referendum
Referring
Refining
Reforestation
Reform
Reformation
Reformative
Reformatory
Reformed
Reformers
Reforming
Reforms
Refrigerator
Refugees
Refund
Refusal
Regalado
Regarded
Regarding
Regency
Regenerador
Regeneradores
Regeneradors
Regensburg
Regent
Regents
Reggio
Regicide
Regie
Regime
Regiment
Regiments
Regina
Reginald
Region
Regions
Regis
Register
Registrar
Registry
Regular
Regulars
Regulate
Regulating
Regulation
Regulations
Regulative
Rehoboth
Reich
Reichsrath
Reichstag
Reid
Reign
Reina
Reinhold
Reinsch
Reinstatement
Reis
Reitch
Reitz
Rejected
Rejecting
Rejection
Relating
Relations
Relationship
Relative
Relaxation
Release
Relief
Religieuse
Religion
Religions
Religious
Remains
Remarkable
Remarkably
Remarks
Remedial
Remedies
Reminiscences
Remission
Remittance
Remnant
Remonstrance
Remonstrances
Removal
Remuneration
Remy
Renacimiento
Renaissance
Renan
Renard
Renault
Rendering
Rene
Renew
Renewal
Renewed
Renfrew
Renkin
Rennenkampf
Renouard
Rentoul
Renunciation
René
Reopened
Reorganization
Repair
Repatriation
Repeal
Repeated
Replies
Reply
Replying
Report
Reported
Reporting
Reports
Representation
Representative
Representatives
Represented
Reprinted
Republic
Republicaine
Republican
Republicanism
Republicans
Republics
Repudiation
Requirement
Res
Reschad
Rescript
Rescripts
Rescue
Research
Researches
Resentful
Resentment
Reserve
Reserves
Reservoir
Resettlement
Resht
Residency
Resident
Residents
Resignation
Resistance
Resna
Resolution
Resolutions
Resolved
Resources
Respectability
Respectful
Respecting
Responses
Responsibility
Respublica
Rest
Restaurata
Restoration
Restored
Restriction
Restrictions
Result
Resulting
Results
Retail
Retaliatory
Retirement
Retiring
Return
Returning
Returns
Reuben
Reumont
Reunion
Reuter
Rev
Reval
Revelation
Revell
Revenue
Revenues
Reverend
Review
Reviewing
Reviews
Revised
Revision
Revival
Revived
Revocation
Revolt
Revolution
Revolutionaries
Revolutionary
Revolutionists
Revolutionnaire
Revolutions
Rewarding
Rewards
Rex
Rey
Reyes
Reynolds
Rheims
Rhenish
Rhine
Rhineland
Rhode
Rhodes
Rhodesia
Rhodesian
Rhone
Rhys
Rialto
Ribeiro
Rica
Rican
Ricans
Rice
Richard
Richards
Richardson
Richelieu
Richmond
Richtpreis
Rico
Ridder
Riddle
Riders
Ridgewood
Ridgway
Ridpath
Rienzi
Riff
Rifle
Rifles
Riga
Right
Rights
Rigid
Rigsdag
Rikken
Riksdag
Riner
Ring
Rink
Rio
Riordan
Rios
Riot
Rioting
Riotous
Riots
Ripley
Ripon
Rise
Rising
Risings
Ritchie
Rites
Ritter
Rival
Rivalry
Rivals
River
Rivers
Riverside
Rives
Riza
Road
Roads
Roald
Rob
Robb
Robert
Roberts
Robertson
Robespierre
Robin
Robinson
Robley
Robson
Rochambeau
Rochdale
Rochester
Rocheterie
Rock
Rockefeller
Rockhill
Rockland
Rocky
Rodd
Roderick
Rodgers
Rodrigues
Rodriguez
Rodriquez
Roentgen
Roger
Rogers
Roghi
Rohillas
Rojesvensky
Roll
Rollit
Rolnos
Roman
Romana
Romance
Romanists
Romanizing
Romanoffs
Romans
Romaña
Rome
Romer
Romero
Romeyn
Ronald
Rondebosch
Rondout
Roosevelt
Root
Ropes
Roque
Rosa
Rosales
Rosario
Roscommon
Rose
Rosebery
Rosen
Rosenthal
Rosetta
Rosewater
Ross
Roswell
Rota
Rotativos
Rothschild
Rotterdam
Rouen
Roughly
Roumania
Roumanian
Roume
Roumelia
Round
Roundhead
Rousseau
Route
Routes
Rouvier
Roux
Rowbotham
Rowe
Rowland
Rowley
Roxburgh
Roy
Royal
Royalists
Royce
Rozhdestvensky
Rubicon
Ruchevsky
Rudd
Rudimentary
Rudolf
Rudolph
Rudyard
Ruef
Ruhr
Rule
Ruler
Rulers
Rules
Ruling
Rumania
Rumelia
Rumors
Runciman
Runjeet
Rupert
Rupture
Rural
Rushworth
Russell
Russia
Russian
Russianizing
Russians
Russias
Russification
Russky
Russo
Ruthenians
Rutherford
Rutland
Ruwenzori
Ruy
Ryan
Ryberg
Rye
Régime
Rémusat
Républicaine
République
Réville
Révolutionnaire
Révolutionnaires
Röntgen
Rütli
R’KIA
R’kia
S
SADR
SAFETY
SAGASTA
SAGE
SAINT
SAKHAROFF
SAKURAI
SALE
SALEM
SALISBURY
SALONIKA
SALOON
SALT
SALTON
SALVADOR
SAM
SAMAJ
SAMARIA
SAN
SANBORN
SANCTION
SANITARY
SANTA
SANTIAGO
SANTOS
SARACENS
SARASWATI
SARDINIA
SARGON
SARRIEN
SARTO
SASKATCHEWAN
SAVING
SAVOY
SAXON
SAXONS
SAXONY
SAYCE
SCANDAL
SCANDINAVIAN
SCHALK
SCHEDULE
SCHEME
SCHISM
SCHLESWIG
SCHMITZ
SCHOLARSHIPS
SCHOOL
SCHOOLS
SCHOULER
SCHOUVALOFF
SCHREINER
SCIENCE
SCIENCES
SCIENTIFIC
SCOTIA
SCOTLAND
SCOTS
SCOTT
SCOTTISH
SEA
SEAL
SEAMEN
SEATTLE
SEBAHEDDIN
SECEDES
SECESSION
SECOND
SECRETARY
SECTARIAN
SECTION
SECURED
SECURITIES
SEDAN
SEDDON
SEDITION
SEE
SEELEY
SEGNATURA
SEIYU
SEIZURE
SELF
SELFRIDGE
SEMINOLE
SEMITES
SEMITIC
SENATE
SENATORS
SENEGAMBIA
SENHOR
SENOUSSI
SENTENCE
SENTENCES
SENTIMENT
SENUSSIA
SEPARATION
SEPARATIST
SEPOY
SEPTEMBER
SERFS
SERGIO
SERGIUS
SERVANTS
SERVIA
SERVICE
SETTLEMENT
SETTLEMENTS
SEVASTOPOL
SEVEN
SEVENTEENTH
SEVENTH
SHA
SHACKLETON
SHAN
SHANGHAI
SHAO
SHARING
SHAW
SHEIKH
SHEMSI
SHEPHERD
SHERIAT
SHERMAN
SHEVKET
SHIH
SHIP
SHIPBUILDING
SHIPPING
SHIRTWAIST
SHIRÉ
SHONTS
SHOOA
SHORT
SHOWS
SIA
SIAM
SIBERIA
SIBERIAN
SICILY
SICKNESS
SIEGE
SIENKIEWICZ
SIFTON
SIGANANDA
SIGNAL
SIGNIFICANCE
SIGNOR
SILAS
SILVER
SIMON
SIMPLON
SINGLE
SINHA
SINKING
SINN
SIOUX
SIPAHDAR
SIPIAGIN
SIR
SISTER
SITUATION
SIX
SIXTEENTH
SIXTH
SLAVE
SLAVERY
SLEEPING
SLEIGH
SLOCUM
SMALL
SMIRNOFF
SMITH
SOCIAL
SOCIALISM
SOCIALISTIC
SOCIALISTS
SOCIETY
SOCRATES
SOIL
SOJOURN
SOKOTO
SOLD
SOLDIER
SOLEMN
SOLIDARITY
SOLYMAN
SOMALILAND
SONE
SONNINO
SONS
SOUDAN
SOUFFRIÈRE
SOUTH
SOUTHEASTERN
SOUTHWEST
SOVEREIGNTY
SPACE
SPAIN
SPALDING
SPANISH
SPARTA
SPECIAL
SPECIALISTS
SPECULATION
SPEECH
SPERRY
SPHAKIANAKIS
SPIERS
SPITZBERGEN
SPOILS
SPREAD
SPRECKELS
SPRIGGS
SPRING
SPRINGFIELD
SQUATTER
ST
STACKELBERG
STAMP
STANDARD
STANDING
STATE
STATEHOOD
STATES
STATISTICS
STATUS
STATUTES
STEADY
STEEL
STEPHEN
STEUNENBERG
STEVENS
STEYN
STOCK
STOCKHOLM
STOLYPIN
STONE
STOVE
STRAFFORD
STRAINED
STRAUS
STREET
STRENGTH
STRENGTHENING
STRIKE
STRIKES
STRUGGLE
STRUGGLES
STUART
STUARTS
STUBBS
STUDENT
STUDENTS
STUDIES
STUDY
STUNDISTS
STUPENDOUS
STÖSSEL
SUBJECTS
SUBJUGATION
SUBLIME
SUBMARINE
SUBWAYS
SUCCESSES
SUCCESSION
SUCCESSIVE
SUDAN
SUEZ
SUFFRAGE
SUFFRAGETTES
SUGAR
SULLY
SULTAN
SULTANATE
SULTANEH
SUMATRA
SUMERIANS
SUMMONS
SUMNER
SUMTER
SUNDAY
SUPERSEDING
SUPPRESS
SUPPRESSION
SUPREMACY
SUPREME
SURRENDER
SUTTNER
SVANTE
SWADESHI
SWALLOW
SWARAJ
SWAZILAND
SWEATING
SWEDEN
SWEDISH
SWIFT
SWITZERLAND
SYDOW
SYLVA
SYMONDS
SYNDER
SYNDICALISM
SYNDICATES
SYNDICATS
SYSTEM
SZE
SZECHUAN
SZELL
Sa
Saad
Sabakheddin
Sabatier
Sabine
Sablin
Sac
Sacramento
Sacred
Sadr
Saenz
Safety
Sagasta
Sage
Saghalin
Sague
Saguntum
Sahara
Saharan
Sahib
Sahune
Said
Saigon
Sailors
Saimachi
Saint
Sainte
Saints
Saintsbury
Saionji
Sakhalin
Sakharoff
Sakhlawia
Sakurai
Salamis
Salaried
Salaries
Sale
Salem
Salina
Salinas
Salisbury
Salle
Salles
Salmon
Salonica
Salonika
Saloons
Salt
Salted
Salton
Salvador
Salzburg
Sam
Samaj
Samar
Samaria
Same
Samora
Samson
Samuel
San
Sanatoria
Sanborn
Sand
Sanders
Sanderson
Sanford
Sanied
Sanitarium
Sanitary
Sanitation
Sanjak
Sankey
Sano
Sanscrit
Santa
Santander
Santiago
Santo
Santos
Saoire
Saracens
Sarah
Saranac
Saraswati
Sardanapalus
Sardinia
Sargent
Sargon
Sarrien
Sarto
Sasebo
Saskatchewan
Sasonov
Sassi
Sasun
Satar
Satisfaction
Satsuma
Saturday
Satyendra
Sault
Saunderson
Sausages
Save
Saving
Savings
Savinien
Savonarola
Savornin
Savoy
Sawyer
Saxe
Saxon
Saxons
Saxony
Sayce
Says
Scaife
Scale
Scandals
Scandinavia
Scandinavian
Scandinavians
Scant
Scarcely
Scarth
Scatcherd
Scattering
Scenes
Scenic
Sceptics
Schaff
Schalk
Scharf
Schedule
Schefket
Scheme
Scheurer
Schiller
Schimmelpenninck
Schinz
Schleswig
Schliemann
Schloss
Schlosser
Schmitz
Schmoller
Schoharie
Schola
Scholars
Scholarship
Scholarships
School
Schoolboys
Schoolcraft
Schoolhouses
Schooling
Schools
Schouler
Schouvaloff
Schreiner
Schröder
Schuldeputation
Schurz
Schuster
Schuyler
Schwab
Schwarzschild
Schömann
Schön
Schürer
Science
Sciences
Scientific
Scientists
Scipios
Scores
Scotch
Scotchmen
Scotia
Scotland
Scots
Scott
Scottish
Scouts
Scranton
Scribner
Scribners
Scripture
Scriptures
Sculpture
Scutari
Sea
Seaboard
Seal
Sealed
Seaman
Seamen
Search
Seas
Seating
Seats
Seattle
Sebaheddin
Sebastian
Sebastião
Sebastiäo
Sebastopol
Sebou
Sebu
Secession
Second
Secondly
Secret
Secretariat
Secretaries
Secretary
Secretaryship
Secrets
Sect
Sectarian
Section
Sections
Secular
Secularizing
Secured
Securities
Security
Sedan
Seddon
Sedition
See
Seebohm
Seeing
Seekers
Seeking
Seeland
Seeley
Seely
Seemingly
Seer
Segal
Segnatura
Segregation
Seilge
Seine
Seismographs
Seiyu
Seize
Seizure
Selamlik
Selborne
Selden
Select
Selection
Seleucidæ
Self
Selfridge
Seligman
Selina
Selkirk
Sellers
Selma
Selves
Seminary
Semites
Semitic
Semsam
Senate
Senator
Senatorial
Senators
Sending
Seneca
Senegal
Senegambia
Senhor
Senior
Senlac
Sennacherib
Senor
Senoussi
Sense
Sentence
Sentences
Sentiment
Senussi
Senussia
Seoul
Separate
Separation
Separationist
Separationists
Separatist
Separatists
September
Sequence
Sequestration
Seraskierat
Serb
Serbesti
Serbinoff
Serbo
Serbs
Serdar
Seres
Serfdom
Sergent
Sergio
Sergius
Serguei
Series
Serious
Seriousness
Servant
Servants
Servia
Servian
Servians
Service
Services
Session
Seth
Settlement
Settlements
Settsu
Seumas
Sevastopol
Seven
Seventh
Seventhly
Seventy
Several
Severe
Sevier
Sevres
Seward
Sewer
Sewing
Seyed
Seyid
Seymour
Seyyid
Señor
Sforza
Sgoil
Sha
Shackleton
Shadow
Shaffer
Shah
Shakespeare
Shakespere
Shaler
Shall
Shalt
Shan
Shanghai
Shansi
Shantung
Shao
Share
Shareefian
Shareholders
Sharpe
Shattered
Shavval
Shaw
Shawia
Shclla
Shcreefian
She
Shea
Sheet
Sheffield
Sheik
Sheikh
Shelburne
Shelesnitza
Shelley
Shemsi
Shensi
Shepard
Sheppard
Shereef
Shereefian
Sheri
Sheriat
Sheridan
Sherman
Shetland
Shevket
Shia
Shias
Shibusawa
Shih
Shiite
Shiites
Shillook
Shilluks
Shimonoseki
Shinano
Shinto
Ship
Shipbuilding
Shipka
Shipley
Shipments
Shippen
Shippers
Shipping
Ships
Shipyard
Shiras
Shiraz
Shire
Shirin
Shirtwaist
Shiwaji
Shock
Shocks
Shoes
Shogun
Shonts
Shooa
Shops
Shore
Short
Shortly
Shoshone
Shots
Should
Shouts
Show
Shuckburgh
Shuffling
Shuishihyung
Shumaker
Shuster
Shylock
Sia
Siam
Siamese
Siberia
Siberian
Sicilian
Sicily
Sick
Sickness
Sickocki
Sid
Side
Sidi
Sidney
Siebert
Siege
Siemens
Sienkiewicz
Sierra
Sierras
Sifton
Sigananda
Sigimund
Sign
Signal
Signatory
Signature
Signed
Signers
Significance
Signor
Signors
Signs
Sigsbee
Sikes
Sikhs
Sikkim
Silas
Silent
Silesia
Silliman
Silvanus
Silvela
Silver
Simcox
Sime
Similar
Similarly
Simla
Simminting
Simms
Simon
Simonnet
Simons
Simplon
Simpson
Simultaneously
Simyan
Sin
Sinai
Since
Sinclair
Sind
Singapore
Singh
Singular
Sinha
Sink
Sinking
Sinn
Sino
Sioux
Sipahdar
Sipiagin
Sir
Sirdar
Sirdars
Sire
Sismondi
Sissoi
Sister
Sisters
Site
Sites
Situation
Six
Sixteen
Sixth
Sixthly
Sixty
Size
Siècle
Skagen
Skelton
Skene
Sketch
Sketches
Skinner
Skipworth
Sklodovska
Skottowe
Skouptchina
Skupschina
Skupshtina
Skupstchina
Slafter
Slater
Slates
Slav
Slave
Slavery
Slaves
Slavic
Slavonia
Slavonic
Slavs
Sleeping
Slender
Slight
Sligo
Sloan
Sloane
Slocum
Slovene
Slow
Slowly
Slowness
Small
Smaller
Smedley
Smelting
Smiles
Smirnoff
Smith
Smithsonian
Smoking
Smuggling
Smuts
Smyth
Snarsky
Snowden
Snowdon
Snuff
Snyder
So
Sobat
Social
Socialism
Socialisme
Socialist
Socialistic
Socialists
Societies
Society
Sociological
Société
Socrates
Sofia
Soft
Sohm
Soil
Sokoto
Soldier
Soldiers
Sole
Solemn
Soley
Solicitor
Solid
Solidarity
Solomon
Solon
Solved
Somali
Somaliland
Sombart
Some
Somehow
Somers
Somerset
Something
Somewhat
Somewhere
Somma
Son
Sone
Sonnino
Sonoma
Sonora
Sons
Soochow
Soon
Sophia
Sorbonne
Sore
Sorel
Sorrow
Soudan
Soudanese
Souffrière
Soul
Sound
Sounds
Source
Sources
South
Southeastern
Southern
Southey
Southwest
Southwestern
Sovereign
Sovereigns
Sovereignty
Sowars
Space
Spain
Spalding
Span
Spaniard
Spaniards
Spanish
Sparks
Sparsely
Sparta
Spartan
Spasm
Spasmodic
Spaulding
Speaker
Speakership
Speaking
Spears
Special
Specially
Species
Specific
Speck
Spectator
Speculation
Speculative
Speech
Speeches
Speed
Speer
Spelling
Spencer
Spender
Sperry
Speyer
Sphakianakis
Sphere
Spiers
Spirit
Spirits
Spiritual
Spithead
Spitzbergen
Spitzer
Splendor
Split
Spoils
Spokane
Spread
Spreckels
Sprigg
Spring
Springfield
Springs
Spy
Squadron
Square
Squier
Srbski
St
Staat
Stackelberg
Stadil
Stadtholder
Staff
Stage
Stahl
Stambouloff
Stambuloff
Stamp
Stamping
Stand
Standard
Standing
Standpoint
Stanford
Stanhope
Stanley
Stanleyville
Stanwood
Staples
Star
Starr
Stars
Start
Starting
Startling
Starvation
Starving
Stat
State
Stated
Statehood
Statement
Statements
States
Statesman
Statesmanship
Statesmen
Station
Stations
Statisches
Statistical
Statistician
Statistics
Status
Statute
Statutes
Statutory
Ste
Stead
Steam
Steamer
Steamers
Steaming
Steamship
Stearns
Stebbing
Steeg
Steel
Stefano
Stegomya
Stein
Steinheil
Steinway
Stellenbosch
Stephen
Stephens
Stephenson
Stepniak
Steps
Sternburg
Steuben
Steunenberg
Stevens
Stewart
Steyn
Stichting
Stiffened
Stikine
Stiles
Still
Stillman
Stillé
Stimson
Stine
Stirling
Stobart
Stock
Stockholm
Stocks
Stockton
Stockwell
Stoddard
Stoics
Stokers
Stokes
Stolypin
Stone
Stones
Stonyhurst
Stopping
Store
Stores
Stories
Storm
Storrington
Storrow
Storthing
Story
Stotesbury
Stoughton
Stove
Stowe
Strachan
Strachey
Strafford
Strait
Straits
Strand
Strassburg
Strategic
Strathcona
Strathnairn
Straus
Street
Streets
Streights
Strength
Strict
Stricter
Strictly
Strike
Strikers
Strikes
Stringent
Stringfellow
Stripes
Strips
Strong
Stroomwater
Structural
Struggle
Struggles
Struma
Stuart
Stuarts
Stubbs
Student
Students
Studies
Study
Stundists
Stupendous
Stupidity
Sturdza
Sturge
Stutfield
Stuttgart
Stuyvesant
Style
Styria
Städtisrhe
Stössel
Stübel
Suavi
Sub
Subject
Subjected
Subjection
Subjects
Subjugation
Sublime
Submarine
Submarines
Submission
Submit
Submittal
Subscribers
Subscription
Subsequent
Subsequently
Substantial
Substantially
Substitution
Suburban
Subway
Subways
Succeeding
Success
Successes
Successful
Succession
Successor
Successors
Such
Sucre
Sudan
Sudanese
Sudd
Sudden
Suddenly
Suetonius
Suez
Suffering
Suffrage
Suffragettes
Suffragist
Suffragists
Sugar
Suggestion
Suggestions
Suicide
Suit
Suitability
Suitable
Suits
Sul
Sullivan
Sully
Sultan
Sultanatabad
Sultanate
Sultaneh
Sultans
Sulzberger
Sumatra
Summaries
Summarized
Summary
Summer
Summing
Sumner
Sumter
Sun
Sunday
Sundays
Sunderland
Sundry
Sungshushan
Sunnis
Superintendence
Superintendency
Superintendent
Superior
Superiority
Supervisors
Supplanting
Supplement
Supplies
Supply
Support
Supported
Supporters
Supporting
Suppose
Supposing
Suppress
Suppression
Supremacies
Supremacy
Supreme
Surely
Surendranath
Surgeon
Surgeons
Surinam
Surprise
Surrender
Surrey
Survey
Survival
Survivals
Survivors
Sus
Susan
Suspended
Suspension
Sussex
Suttner
Suvaroff
Suwalki
Suzerainty
Svante
Svartevaag
Sveaborg
Svyatopolk
Swadeshi
Swain
Swallow
Sway
Swayne
Swaziland
Sweating
Sweden
Swedes
Swedish
Sweeping
Swettenham
Swift
Swifts
Swinburne
Swindon
Swiss
Switzerland
Sybel
Sydney
Sydow
Sylva
Sylvester
Symes
Symonds
Symons
Syndicalism
Syndicalisme
Syndicalist
Syndicate
Syndicates
Syndication
Syndicats
Synod
Synods
Synopsis
Syntonic
Syracuse
Syria
Syrian
Syrians
System
Systematic
Systematizing
Systems
Szabad
Szcchuen
Sze
Szechuan
Szechuen
Szeehuan
Szeehuen
Szell
São
Ségur
Südenhorst
T
TABAH
TABRIZ
TACNA
TAFF
TAFT
TAI
TAINE
TAIPING
TAIREN
TAKAHIRA
TAKEN
TAKUSHAN
TALIENWAN
TAMMANY
TANG
TANGIER
TARIFF
TARIFFS
TARSUS
TARTAR
TARTARS
TASHINCHIAO
TAVERA
TAX
TAXATION
TAYLOR
TEA
TEACHERS
TEACHING
TEAMSTERS
TECHNICAL
TEHERAN
TEHRAN
TELEGRAPH
TELEGRAPHERS
TELEGRAPHIC
TELEGRAPHY
TELEPHONE
TELISSU
TELLES
TEMPERANCE
TEMPLARS
TEMPLEISM
TEN
TENANTS
TENDENCIES
TENEMENT
TENNESSEE
TENTH
TENURE
TERCENTENARY
TERCENTENIAL
TERM
TERRITORIAL
TERRITORIES
TERRITORY
TERROR
TEST
TEUTONIC
TEWFIK
TEXAS
TH
THAN
THAT
THE
THEATER
THEATINES
THEBES
THEIR
THEM
THEODOR
THEODORE
THEOTOKIS
THESE
THESES
THIBET
THIERRY
THIRD
THIRTEENTH
THIRTY
THOMAS
THOMSON
THOROUGH
THOUGH
THOUSAND
THREE
THÉOPHILE
TIBET
TIEN
TIGER
TILAK
TIME
TIMES
TIMOUR
TIRPITZ
TISZA
TITLE
TITTONI
TITUS
TO
TOBACCO
TOGO
TOLSTOI
TOM
TOMAS
TOMUCHENG
TORIES
TORONTO
TORRES
TORSTENSON
TOUISSANT
TOURS
TOWARD
TOWN
TOWNSHEND
TRACK
TRADE
TRAFALGAR
TRAINING
TRAINMEN
TRANS
TRANSANDINE
TRANSCONTINENTAL
TRANSIT
TRANSITION
TRANSLATION
TRANSPORTATION
TRANSVAAL
TRAVAIL
TREACHERY
TREASON
TREATIES
TREATY
TRENCH
TRENT
TREPOFF
TRIAL
TRIALS
TRIBE
TRIBES
TRIBUNAL
TRIBUNALS
TRIBUNES
TRIPLE
TRIUMVIRATES
TROOPS
TROUBETZKOI
TROUBLES
TRUNK
TRUST
TRUSTS
TSAI
TSAR
TSE
TSIN
TSONTSHEFF
TSUSHIMA
TUBERCULOSIS
TUDORS
TULLOCH
TUN
TUNG
TUNNEL
TUNNELS
TURBINE
TURKEY
TURKISH
TURKS
TURNEY
TURNING
TUSKEGEE
TWEEDMOUTH
TWELFTH
TWENTIETH
TWENTY
TWO
TYLER
TYRANNY
TYRREL
TZE
Ta
Tabah
Table
Tables
Tablets
Tabreez
Tabriz
Tachira
Tacitus
Tacna
Tacoma
Tacuta
Tadayoshi
Tadjoura
Taels
Taff
Tafilalt
Tafilet
Taft
Tagalla
Tagalog
Tahuamano
Tai
Taine
Tairen
Taitzu
Takahashi
Takahira
Takata
Take
Taken
Taking
Takushan
Talcott
Tales
Talfourd
Talien
Talienwan
Talleyrand
Talon
Talori
Tammany
Tan
Taney
Tang
Tanganyika
Tangier
Tangiers
Tangshan
Tanin
Tarbox
Tarbutt
Tardieu
Tardy
Tariff
Tariffs
Tarsus
Tartars
Tartary
Tashihchiao
Tashinchiao
Taslikishla
Tasmania
Taswell
Taurus
Taussig
Tavera
Tax
Taxable
Taxation
Taxes
Tayabas
Taylor
Tchad
Tea
Teach
Teachers
Teaching
Teaming
Teamsters
Technical
Technology
Tegucigalpa
Tehachapi
Teheran
Tehran
Tehuamanu
Tehuantepec
Tejada
Tejon
Tekla
Tel
Telegram
Telegrams
Telegraph
Telegraphers
Telegraphic
Telegraphs
Telegraphy
Telephone
Telissu
Tell
Telles
Temiskaming
Temperance
Templars
Temple
Templeism
Temporary
Temps
Ten
Tenant
Tenants
Tenders
Tenement
Teniet
Tennent
Tennessee
Tennessee*
Tenney
Tenny
Tennyson
Tentative
Tenthly
Tents
Teques
Terauchi
Tercentenary
Tercentennial
Terence
Terencio
Terentilian
Term
Terminal
Termination
Terms
Terra
Terre
Terrific
Territorial
Territorials
Territories
Territory
Terror
Terrorism
Test
Testa
Testament
Testaments
Testimony
Tetuan
Teutonic
Tewfik
Texarkana
Texas
Text
Texts
Thank
Thanks
That
Thayer
The
Theater
Theatre
Theban
Thebes
Their
Theirs
Then
Thence
Theodor
Theodore
Theodoric
Theodoros
Theodosius
Theological
Theology
Theoretically
Theories
Theory
Theotoki
Theotokis
There
Thereafter
Therefore
Theresias
Thereupon
Therisso
Thermopylae
These
They
Thibet
Thibetan
Thierry
Thiers
Thievery
Things
Thinking
Third
Thirdly
Thirlwall
Thirteen
Thirteenth
Thirty
This
Thomas
Thompson
Thomsen
Thomson
Thoreau
Thorne
Thornton
Thorpe
Those
Thou
Though
Thought
Thoughtful
Thousands
Threatened
Threatening
Threats
Three
Thrice
Thrift
Throne
Through
Throughout
Throw
Throwing
Thucydides
Thursday
Thus
Thwaites
Tiam
Tibbles
Tibet
Tibetan
Tibetans
Ticonderoga
Tidmor
Tie
Tieh
Tiele
Tien
Tientsin
Tienyow
Tiers
Tiflis
Tiger
Tighe
Tiglathpileser
Tigris
Tilak
Tilden
Till
Tilley
Tim
Timayenis
Timber
Timbermen
Time
Times
Timothy
Timperley
Tin
Ting
Tirey
Tirpitz
Tisza
Tit
Titan
Title
Titles
Tittoni
Titus
To
Tobacco
Tobolsk
Today
Todd
Togo
Tokens
Tokio
Tokiwo
Tokyo
Toleration
Tolstoi
Tolstoy
Tom
Tomas
Tombelo
Tomitudes
Tomkins
Tomsk
Tomucheng
Tone
Tongass
Tonight
Tons
Too
Tool
Topeka
Topical
Topography
Toromonas
Toronto
Torpedo
Torpid
Torre
Torrey
Torriano
Tortelier
Torture
Toru
Tory
Toshakhana
Total
Toulon
Toulouse
Tour
Tout
Toward
Tower
Towle
Town
Towns
Townsend
Tozer
Tractarian
Tracy
Trade
Traders
Trades
Traditions
Traffic
Tragedy
Tragically
Traill
Train
Training
Trainmen
Trains
Trajan
Tranquility
Trans
Transandine
Transatlantic
Transcontinental
Transcriber
Transcribers
Transcript
Transfer
Transform
Transformation
Transit
Translation
Transmitting
Transport
Transportation
Transvaal
Transvaalers
Transylvania
Trappists
Travail
Travassos
Travel
Travellers
Travelling
Travers
Treacherous
Treason
Treasure
Treasurer
Treasuries
Treasury
Treaties
Treatise
Treatment
Treaty
Tree
Treitschke
Tremor
Trench
Trengganu
Trent
Trepoff
Trevor
Trial
Trials
Tribal
Tribe
Tribes
Tribesmen
Tribuna
Tribunal
Tribunals
Tribune
Tribunes
Tributa
Tributes
Tried
Triennial
Trieste
Trimborn
Trinidad
Tripartite
Triple
Tripoli
Triumph
Triumphant
Triumvirates
Trocadero
Trollope
Trondhjem
Troops
Tropical
Tropics
Troskoff
Trotha
Trotter
Trouble
Troubles
Troublesome
Trout
Trowbridge
Truancy
Trubetskoi
Truce
Trudeau
True
Trujillo
Truman
Trumbull
Trunk
Trust
Trustee
Trustees
Trusting
Trusts
Truth
Tsai
Tsana
Tsar
Tsars
Tse
Tsi
Tsingtau
Tsitshar
Tsontsheff
Tsuguru
Tsukuba
Tsung
Tsushima
Tuan
Tube
Tuberculosis
Tucker
Tuckerman
Tudor
Tudors
Tuesday
Tulio
Tulloch
Tullock
Tully
Tumults
Tumulus
Tun
Tuna
Tung
Tungchikuanshan
Tunis
Tunnel
Tunnels
Tuolumne
Turanian
Turbine
Turbinia
Turcophile
Turenne
Turgot
Turk
Turkestan
Turkey
Turkish
Turks
Turner
Turney
Turning
Turtle
Tuscan
Tuscany
Tuskegee
Tuthill
Tutorial
Tuttle
Tuxpam
Tver
Twain
Tweed
Tweedmouth
Twelfth
Twelve
Twentieth
Twenty
Twice
Two
Tyler
Tyne
Typaldos
Type
Typhoid
Typical
Typographical
Typography
Tyrol
Tyrrel
Tyrrell
Tytler
Tzar
Tzars
Tze
T’ung
U
UGANDA
UL
ULEMA
UNCLE
UNDER
UNDERFED
UNDERGROUND
UNDERSTANDING
UNDERTAKING
UNDERTAKINGS
UNEMPLOYMENT
UNIFORM
UNIFORMITY
UNION
UNIONIST
UNIONS
UNITED
UNITY
UNIVERSAL
UNIVERSITIES
UNIVERSITY
UP
UPON
UPPER
UPRISING
URBAN
URIAH
URIBE
URUGUAY
URUSSOFF
URYU
USAGE
USE
USES
UTAH
UTILITIES
Uban
Ubanghi
Ubangi
Ucinaria
Uganda
Ugly
Uhlhorn
Uitlanders
Ujda
Ukase
Ukhtomsk
Ukraine
Ular
Ulema
Ulfa
Ulfilas
Ullmann
Ulster
Ultimately
Ultimatum
Ultramontane
Ultramontanes
Umberto
Umbria
Umbrian
Umpire
Unanimous
Uncertainties
Uncinaria
Unclassified
Uncle
Unclean
Unconstitutional
Under
Underfed
Underground
Undersigned
Undertaking
Undertakings
Undoubtedly
Unearthing
Unemployed
Unemployment
Unexpectedly
Unexplained
Unfit
Unfortunate
Unfortunately
Unfulfilled
Unhappily
Unification
Unified
Uniform
Uniformity
Union
Unionism
Unionist
Unionists
Unions
Unit
United
Units
Unity
Universal
Universe
Universelle
Universities
University
Unless
Unlike
Unmaking
Unparalleled
Unpopularity
Unprotected
Unreadiness
Unreasonable
Unreserved
Unsatisfactory
Unskilled
Unsuitable
Until
Unused
Unvarying
Unveiling
Unwin
Up
Upcott
Upernivik
Upham
Upon
Upper
Uprising
Upwards
Urban
Urgency
Uriah
Uribe
Uriu
Urquhart
Uruguay
Urumia
Urussoff
Uryu
Use
Useful
Usefulness
Uskup
Usually
Utah
Utica
Utilities
Utopias
Utrecht
V
VACUUM
VAL
VALE
VALIAHD
VALLEY
VALOIS
VALPARAISO
VALUE
VANDALS
VANNOVSKY
VAN’T
VARIOUS
VASILI
VEHEMENTER
VENDÉE
VENEZUELA
VENEZUELAN
VENICE
VENTURES
VERDUN
VEREENIGING
VERESTCHAGIN
VERNON
VERONA
VERSAILLES
VESUVIUS
VETO
VI
VIBORG
VICE
VICEROY
VICKSBURG
VICTOR
VICTORIA
VICTORIAN
VICTORY
VIENNA
VIEWS
VII
VIII
VILHENA
VILLAZON
VINCENT
VIRCHOW
VIRGINIA
VITHÖFT
VIVENDI
VIZIER
VLADIMIR
VLADIVOSTOCK
VOLCANIC
VOLUME
VOLUMES
VON
VOTE
VOTING
VOYAGES
VRIES
VS
VULGATE
Vacancies
Vacation
Vacuum
Vadis
Vain
Val
Valdivostok
Vale
Valencia
Valentine
Valerian
Valerio
Vali
Valiahd
Valid
Valis
Valladolid
Vallejo
Valley
Valleys
Valois
Valparaiso
Value
Vambery
Vambéry
Van
Vancouver
Vanderbilt
Vane
Vang
Vannovsky
Var
Varagas
Variation
Various
Varley
Vasques
Vast
Vatican
Vaughan
Vaughn
Vecchia
Vedas
Vega
Vehementer
Veitch
Veldt
Veliki
Velutini
Venerable
Venetian
Venezelo
Venezuela
Venezuelan
Venezuelans
Venice
Venizelos
Vera
Verbaud
Verde
Verdict
Vereeniging
Verestchagin
Vericour
Verkaufspreis
Vermilion
Vermont
Verney
Vernon
Verrechnungspreis
Versailles
Version
Versorgungshaus
Versorgungshäuser
Vert
Very
Vespasian
Vespucci
Vessels
Vesuvius
Veterans
Veto
Viborg
Vibration
Vicar
Vice
Vicente
Viceroy
Viceroyalties
Viceroyalty
Viceroys
Vicious
Vicksburg
Vict
Victor
Victoria
Victorian
Victuallers
Vida
Viejo
Vienna
Viennese
View
Viewed
Views
Vigilance
Vigorous
Vilhena
Villa
Village
Villard
Villari
Villaverde
Villazon
Villegas
Villemain
Villiers
Vincent
Vincente
Vindication
Vineyard
Vingtième
Vinton
Violation
Violations
Violence
Violent
Viollet
Virchow
Virginia
Virginian
Virtual
Visayan
Viscount
Visigoths
Visit
Visitation
Visited
Visits
Vital
Vitashefski
Vithöft
Vivendi
Vivian
Viviani
Vizetelly
Vizier
Viziers
Vlach
Vlachs
Vladimir
Vladivostock
Vladivostok
Vocabulary
Voelker
Vogt
Voilochenkoff
Voisin
Vol
Volcanic
Volga
Volk
Volkhovsky
Volksrust
Volney
Volosts
Voltaire
Volume
Volumes
Voluntary
Volunteer
Volunteers
Von
Vorarlberg
Voronezh
Voskresensky
Vote
Voters
Votes
Voting
Voyage
Vreeland
Vremya
Vries
Vrijzinnige
Vulcanian
Vulgate
W
WAGES
WAI
WALDECK
WALES
WALKER
WALL
WALLENSTEIN
WALLER
WALPOLE
WAR
WARD
WARFARE
WARS
WARSAW
WASHBURN
WASHINGTON
WAT
WATER
WATERLOO
WATERS
WATERWAY
WATERWAYS
WATKINS
WATSON
WAZEER
WE
WEAKNESS
WEALTH
WEAVER
WEBSTER
WEEKLY
WEEKS
WEI
WEKERLE
WELSH
WENCESLAO
WENTWORTH
WERE
WERMUTH
WEST
WESTERN
WESTMINSTER
WESTPHALIA
WET
WEYLER
WHAT
WHEN
WHICH
WHIG
WHIGS
WHISKEY
WHITE
WHOM
WICKERSHAM
WIFE
WIJU
WILBUR
WILHELM
WILKINSON
WILLIAM
WILLIAMS
WILSON
WINE
WINNIPEG
WIRELESS
WIRT
WISCONSIN
WITBOIS
WITCHCRAFT
WITH
WITHDRAWAL
WITTE
WOLF
WOLFE
WOLSEY
WOMAN
WOMEN
WOOD
WOODWARD
WORCESTER
WORDS
WORK
WORKERS
WORKING
WORKINGMEN
WORKMEN
WORLD
WORMS
WORSHIP
WOS
WRECK
WRECKING
WRESTED
WRIGHT
WRIT
WRONGDOING
WU
WURTEMBERG
WYCLIF
WYLLIE
WYNDHAM
WYNNE
Wachsmuth
Wadaï
Waddington
Wade
Wadhams
Wages
Wai
Waihi
Waistmakers
Wait
Waiwupu
Wake
Wakefield
Wakeman
Waldeck
Wales
Walford
Waliszewski
Walker
Wall
Wallace
Wallachia
Wallachian
Wallenstein
Waller
Wallier
Wallis
Walloons
Walpole
Walter
Walton
Wang
Wangonis
Wangtai
Waning
Wantai
Wanted
War
Warburton
Ward
Wardell
Wardle
Wardner
Wards
Ware
Warfare
Warfield
Waring
Warner
Warning
Warnings
Warren
Warrior
Wars
Warsaw
Warships
Warwick
Was
Wasdin
Washburn
Washburne
Washington
Wasson
Waste
Wasteful
Wat
Watanabe
Watauga
Watchorn
Water
Waterford
Waterloo
Waters
Waterway
Waterways
Watkins
Watrous
Watson
Watt
Watts
Waverley
Way
Ways
Wazeer
We
Weakening
Wealth
Weather
Weaver
Webb
Weber
Webster
Weddell
Wednesday
Wee
Weeden
Weekly
Weeks
Wei
Weil
Weimar
Weir
Weiss
Wekerle
Welch
Welfare
Well
Welle
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basin
basing
basins
basis
baskets
bast
baths
battalion
battalions
battered
batteries
battery
battle
battled
battlefield
battlefields
battleground
battlements
battles
battleship
battleships
battling
baud
bay
bayonet
bayoneted
bayonets
bays
bazaars
be
beach
beached
beacon
beam
beamed
beams
beans
bear
bearable
beard
beards
bearer
bearers
bearing
bearings
bears
beast
beasts
beat
beaten
beatification
beating
beautification
beautiful
beautifully
beauty
became
because
beck
become
becomes
becoming
bed
bedecked
bedroom
beds
bee
beef
been
beer
beers
beet
beets
beeves
befall
befell
befitted
befitting
before
beforehand
beg
began
beggars
begged
begging
begin
beginners
beginning
beginnings
begins
begrudge
begs
begun
behalf
behaved
behavior
behaviour
beheld
behests
behind
behold
behooves
being
beings
belated
belch
belched
beleaguered
belfry
belief
beliefs
belies
believe
believed
believer
believers
believes
believing
bell
belligerency
belligerent
belligerents
bells
bellum
belong
belonged
belonging
belongs
beloved
below
belt
ben
bench
benches
beneath
benediction
benefactors
beneficence
beneficent
beneficial
beneficially
beneficiaries
beneficiary
benefit
benefited
benefits
benevolence
benevolent
benign
bent
bequeathed
bequeathing
bequest
bequests
bereavement
bereft
beschleunigen
beseech
beset
besets
beside
besides
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besiegers
besought
best
bestow
bestowed
bestowing
bestows
bet
beta
betake
betoken
betokened
betray
betrayed
betrayers
betraying
better
bettered
bettering
betterment
betterments
betting
between
bevelled
beverage
beverages
beware
bewilderment
bewitched
beyond
bi
bias
bicameral
bicycle
bicycles
bid
bidder
bidding
bids
biennial
bierhaus
big
bigger
biggest
bigoted
bigotry
bill
billed
billiards
billion
bills
bin
binaries
binary
bind
binding
binds
biographer
biological
biology
biplane
birch
bird
birds
birth
birthday
birthrate
births
bis
biscuit
biscuits
bishop
bishopric
bishops
bit
bite
bites
bitter
bitterest
bitterly
bitterness
bituminous
black
blackberries
blackboards
blackest
blacking
blacklist
blacklisted
blacklisting
blackmail
blacks
blade
blades
blame
blamed
blameless
blank
blankets
blanks
blast
blazing
bled
bleeding
blend
blended
blends
bless
blessed
blessing
blessings
blew
blighted
blind
blinded
blizzard
bloc
block
blockade
blockaded
blockading
blocked
blockhouse
blockhouses
blocks
blood
blooded
bloodhounds
bloodiest
bloodless
bloodshed
bloody
bloom
blooming
blossoms
blot
blow
blowing
blown
blows
blue
blues
bluffed
bluish
blunder
blunders
blush
board
boarded
boarders
boarding
boards
boast
boasted
boastfully
boasts
boat
boats
boded
bodied
bodies
bodily
body
bodyguard
bog
bogus
boiler
boilers
boiling
bold
bolder
boldest
boldly
boldness
bomb
bombard
bombarded
bombardment
bombardments
bombs
bona
bond
bondage
bonded
bondholders
bonds
bones
bonus
bonuses
boodle
boodler
boodlers
boodling
book
bookbinding
books
bookworms
boom
boon
booth
booths
boots
booty
border
bordering
borders
bore
boring
born
borne
borough
boroughs
borrow
borrowed
borrowing
borrowings
borrows
bosom
boss
bosses
both
bothering
bottle
bottled
bottom
bought
boulders
boulevard
boulevards
bound
boundaries
boundary
bounded
boundless
bounds
bounties
bounty
bouquet
bourgeois
bourgeoisie
bourse
bourses
bovine
bow
bowed
bowels
bowing
bowled
bowling
box
boxed
boxes
boxing
boy
boycott
boycotted
boycotting
boycotts
boyhood
boyish
boys
bracketed
brain
brained
brains
brakesmen
branch
branches
brand
branded
brandishing
brandy
brass
brave
bravely
bravery
braves
bravest
breach
breaches
bread
breadth
breadwinner
break
breakdown
breakers
breakfasts
breaking
breaks
breakwaters
breast
breasts
breathe
breathed
breathing
bred
breed
breeders
breeding
breeze
breezy
brethren
brevity
brewer
brewers
brewery
bribe
bribed
bribers
bribery
bribes
brick
bricklayers
bricks
bride
bridge
bridged
bridges
brief
briefer
briefly
briefs
brigade
brigand
brigandage
brigands
brigantine
bright
brightens
brighter
brightest
brightly
brilliancy
brilliant
brilliantly
brilliants
bring
bringing
brings
broached
broad
broaden
broadened
broadening
broadens
broader
broadest
broadly
broadside
brochure
broils
broke
broken
broker
brokers
bromide
bronchial
bronze
brood
brooding
brook
broom
brother
brotherhood
brotherhoods
brotherly
brothers
brought
browbeating
brown
brush
brushed
brutal
brutality
brutalizing
brute
brutes
bubbles
bubonic
buckled
budget
budgets
buffalo
buffet
bugbear
buggy
build
builder
builders
building
buildings
builds
built
bulk
bull
bulldozing
bullet
bulletin
bullets
bullied
bullion
bulls
buncombe
bundle
bundles
buoyed
buoys
burden
burdened
burdening
burdens
burdensome
bureau
bureaucracy
bureaucratic
bureaucratism
bureaus
bureaux
burgesses
burgher
burghers
burial
buried
burn
burned
burning
burnings
burnt
burst
bursting
burthens
bury
burying
bush
bushels
busied
busier
busily
business
businesses
bustled
bustling
busy
but
butchery
butter
butterflies
button
buy
buyer
buyers
buying
buys
by
bye
byelaw
byelaws
bystander
cabal
cabin
cabinet
cable
cabled
cables
cabling
cabs
cadet
cadets
cafe
cafes
café
cage
cages
cake
calamities
calamitous
calamity
calculable
calculate
calculated
calculating
calculation
calculations
caldron
calendar
calico
call
called
calling
callings
calls
calm
calmed
calmly
calms
caloric
calumnious
calumny
camarilla
came
camera
cameras
camp
campaign
campaigning
campaigns
camped
campgrounds
camps
can
canal
canalization
canals
cancel
cancellation
cancelled
cancer
candid
candidacies
candidacy
candidate
candidates
candidature
candles
candour
cane
cannabis
canned
canneries
cannibal
cannibalism
canning
cannon
cannonaded
cannonading
cannot
canny
canoes
canon
canonical
canons
cans
canteen
canteens
cantines
canton
cantonment
cantonments
cantons
canvas
canvass
canvassing
canyon
cap
capabilities
capability
capable
capably
capacities
capacity
capillary
capita
capital
capitalism
capitalist
capitalistic
capitalists
capitalization
capitalized
capitals
capitania
capitulation
caponieres
capped
caprices
capricious
captain
captained
captains
caption
captions
captious
captivated
captive
captives
captivity
captor
captors
capture
captured
captures
capturing
car
carabao
carabaos
carat
carats
caravan
caravans
carbon
carbons
carcass
carcasses
cardinal
cardinals
care
cared
career
careers
careful
carefully
careless
carelessly
carelessness
cares
caretaking
cargo
cargoes
caricature
caring
carload
carloads
carnage
carnival
carpenter
carpenters
carpentry
carpets
carriage
carriages
carried
carrier
carriers
carries
carry
carrying
cars
cartage
cartel
cartels
cartographer
cartoonists
cartridges
carved
case
casemates
cases
cash
cashier
cashiers
cask
cassia
cassock
cast
caste
castellated
casting
castles
casual
casually
casualties
casualty
cataclysm
catalogue
cataracts
catastrophe
catastrophes
catch
catchers
catching
catchment
catechism
categorically
categories
category
catena
catering
cathedral
cathedrals
cathode
cattle
cattlemen
caucus
caucuses
caught
cause
caused
causes
causing
caution
cautioned
cautious
cautiously
cavalry
cavern
cavils
cañon
cease
ceased
ceaseless
ceases
ceasing
cedars
cede
ceded
cedes
ceding
ceilidhe
ceiling
ceilings
celebrate
celebrated
celebrates
celebrating
celebration
celebrations
celebrity
celerity
celestial
cell
cellar
cells
cellular
cement
cemeteries
cemetery
censor
censors
censorship
censure
censured
censures
census
censuses
cent
centenary
centennial
center
centered
centering
centers
centigrade
centigrams
centimes
centner
central
centralization
centralize
centralized
centralizing
centre
centred
centres
centrifugal
cents
centum
centuries
century
cereals
cerebral
cerebrospinal
ceremonies
ceremonious
ceremoniously
ceremony
certain
certainly
certainty
certificate
certificated
certificates
certification
certified
certifies
certify
certifying
certiorari
cessation
cession
cf
ch
chaff
chagrin
chain
chained
chaining
chains
chair
chairman
chairmanship
chairmen
chairs
challenge
challenged
challenges
challenging
chamber
chambers
champagnes
champion
championed
champions
chance
chanced
chancellery
chancellor
chancery
chances
chandeliers
change
changed
changeful
changes
changing
channel
channels
chaos
chaotic
chapel
chapels
chaplain
chaplains
chapter
chapters
character
characterised
characterises
characteristic
characteristics
characterization
characterize
characterized
characterizes
characterizing
characters
charcoal
charge
chargeable
charged
charges
charging
chargé
charitable
charities
charity
charlatans
charm
charming
charms
chart
charted
charter
chartered
chartering
charters
charts
chary
chase
chased
chastise
chats
chattels
chau
cheap
cheapened
cheapening
cheaper
cheapest
cheaply
cheat
cheating
check
checked
checker
checkers
checking
checks
cheek
cheeking
cheeks
cheer
cheered
cheerful
cheerfully
cheering
cheerless
cheers
cheery
cheese
chef
chemical
chemicals
chemist
chemistry
chemists
cheng
cheque
chequer
cherish
cherished
cherishes
cherishing
chest
chests
chewing
chi
chiang
chief
chiefly
chiefs
chieftain
chikwangue
chikwangues
child
childhood
childish
childlike
children
chill
chilled
chills
chimneys
china
chinook
chivalry
chloral
chloroform
chocolates
choice
choir
choirs
choked
cholera
choose
choosing
chorus
chose
chosen
chou
christened
chrome
chromos
chronic
chronological
chuan
chuen
chun
church
churches
churchman
cigar
cigarette
cigarettes
cigarmakers
cigars
circle
circles
circuit
circuits
circular
circularized
circulars
circulate
circulated
circulates
circulating
circulation
circulations
circumnavigated
circumscribed
circumspection
circumspectly
circumstance
circumstances
circumvent
cit
citation
cited
cites
cities
citizen
citizenhood
citizens
citizenship
citrus
city
civic
civics
civil
civilian
civilians
civilisation
civilised
civilities
civility
civilization
civilized
civilizer
civilizing
clad
claim
claimant
claimants
claimed
claiming
claims
clambered
clamor
clamorers
clamoring
clamorous
clan
clandestine
clansmen
clap
clarion
clash
clashed
clashes
class
classed
classes
classic
classics
classification
classifications
classified
classify
classifying
classrooms
clause
clauses
clay
clean
cleaners
cleaning
cleanliness
cleansed
cleansing
cleansings
clear
clearance
cleared
clearer
clearest
clearing
clearly
clearness
clearsightedness
cleavage
clemency
clement
clergy
clergyman
clergymen
clerical
clericalism
clericals
clerics
clerk
clerks
clerkships
clever
cleverly
clientele
clients
cliffs
climate
climates
climatically
climax
climb
climbed
clinched
clip
clique
cliques
clock
clocks
cloister
close
closed
closely
closer
closes
closest
closet
closets
closing
closure
cloth
clothe
clothed
clothes
clothing
cloud
clouded
clouds
clover
club
clubs
clubwomen
clue
clumsiest
clumsily
clumsy
clutch
clutches
co
coach
coaches
coal
coalesced
coalfields
coaling
coalition
coalmasters
coarse
coarsest
coast
coastal
coasting
coastline
coasts
coastwise
coat
coated
coatedness
cobalt
cocaine
cockfighting
cocoa
code
codes
codfishery
codification
codifies
codify
codifying
coerce
coerced
coercing
coercion
coercive
coffee
cofferdam
coffers
coffin
cogent
cogently
cognisance
cognizable
cognizance
cogon
coherent
coherer
coherers
coinage
coincide
coincided
coincidence
coincident
coincidentally
coincides
coinciding
coined
coins
coke
cold
coldly
coldness
collaborated
collaboration
collaborators
collapse
collapsed
collar
collate
collated
collateral
collating
collation
collations
collators
colleague
colleagues
collect
collected
collecting
collection
collections
collective
collectively
collectivism
collector
collectors
college
colleges
collegians
collier
collieries
colliers
colliery
collision
collisions
collusion
colon
colonel
colonels
colonial
colonies
colonisation
colonised
colonising
colonists
colonizable
colonization
colonize
colonized
colony
color
colorados
colored
coloring
colorless
colors
colossal
colour
coloured
colours
column
columns
com
com/DO
combat
combatant
combatants
combated
combating
combative
combination
combinations
combine
combined
combining
combustion
come
comedy
comers
comes
comet
comets
comfort
comfortable
comfortably
comforting
comforts
comical
coming
command
commandant
commanded
commander
commanders
commanding
commandments
commandos
commands
commemorate
commemorated
commemorates
commemoration
commemorative
commence
commenced
commencement
commences
commencing
commend
commendable
commendation
commended
commending
commends
commensurate
comment
commentary
commenting
comments
commerce
commercial
commercialism
commercially
commingled
commission
commissioned
commissioner
commissioners
commissions
commit
commitment
commitments
committed
committee
committees
committing
commodities
commodity
common
commoners
commonly
commonplace
commonwealth
commonwealths
commotion
communal
commune
communes
communicable
communicate
communicated
communicating
communication
communications
communion
communiqué
communities
community
commutation
commuted
compact
compacted
companies
companion
companions
companionship
company
comparable
comparative
comparatively
compare
compared
compares
comparing
comparison
comparisons
compassed
compatible
compatriots
compel
compelled
compelling
compels
compensate
compensates
compensation
compensations
compensatory
compete
competed
competence
competency
competent
competing
competition
competitions
competitive
competitively
competitor
competitors
compilation
compilations
compile
compiled
complacency
complacent
complain
complainant
complainants
complained
complaining
complaint
complaints
complement
complete
completed
completely
completeness
completing
completion
complex
complexion
complexity
compliance
compliant
complicate
complicated
complication
complications
complicity
complied
complies
compliment
comply
component
components
compose
composed
composer
composing
composite
composition
compositions
compositor
compositors
compound
compounds
comprehend
comprehended
comprehending
comprehension
comprehensive
comprehensively
comprehensiveness
compress
compressed
compressible
compressing
comprise
comprised
comprises
comprising
compromis
compromise
compromised
compromises
compromising
comptroller
comptrollers
compulsion
compulsorily
compulsory
compunction
computation
computations
compute
computed
computes
comrades
comradeship
con
concavity
conceal
concealed
concealment
conceals
concede
conceded
concedes
conceding
conceit
conceivable
conceivably
conceive
conceived
conceives
concentrate
concentrated
concentrating
concentration
concentrations
concentric
concept
conception
conceptions
concern
concerned
concerning
concerns
concert
concerted
concerting
concerts
concession
concessionaire
concessionaires
concessionaries
concessionary
concessionnaires
concessions
conciliate
conciliation
conciliatory
concise
concisely
conclave
conclude
concluded
concludes
concluding
conclusion
conclusions
conclusive
conclusively
concord
concourse
concrete
concur
concurred
concurrence
concurrent
concurrently
concurring
concurs
concussions
condemn
condemnation
condemnations
condemned
condemning
condemns
condensation
condensed
condiment
condition
conditional
conditionally
conditioning
conditions
condolences
condoned
condoning
conduce
conducive
conduct
conducted
conducting
conductor
conductors
conducts
conduit
cone
confectionery
confederates
confederations
confer
conferees
conference
conferences
conferred
conferring
confers
confess
confessed
confession
confessional
confessionals
confessions
confessors
confidant
confidants
confided
confidence
confident
confidential
confidentially
confidently
confides
confine
confined
confinement
confines
confining
confirm
confirmation
confirmed
confirming
confirms
confiscate
confiscated
confiscating
confiscation
confiscations
confiscatory
conflagration
conflict
conflicting
conflicts
confluence
conform
conformably
conformed
conforming
conformist
conformity
conforms
confounded
confront
confronted
confronts
confuse
confused
confusion
congenial
congested
congestion
congratulate
congratulated
congratulating
congratulation
congratulations
congregate
congregated
congregating
congregation
congregations
congress
congresses
congressional
congressmen
conjecture
conjectured
conjointly
conjunction
conjure
conjured
conjuring
connaître
connect
connected
connectedly
connecting
connection
connections
connects
connexion
conning
connivance
connives
connoisseurs
conquer
conquered
conquering
conqueror
conquerors
conquest
conquests
conscience
consciences
conscientious
conscientiously
conscious
consciousness
conscripted
conscription
conscripts
consecrated
consecutive
consecutively
consensus
consent
consented
consenting
consents
consequence
consequences
consequent
consequently
conservation
conservatism
conservative
conservatives
conserve
conserved
conserves
conserving
consider
considerable
considerably
considerate
consideration
considerations
considered
considering
considers
consigned
consignee
consignments
consist
consisted
consistency
consistent
consistently
consisting
consistorial
consists
consolation
consolidate
consolidated
consolidating
consolidation
consolidations
consonance
conspicuous
conspicuously
conspiracies
conspiracy
conspiratorial
conspirators
conspire
conspired
conspiring
constable
constabulary
constant
constantly
constellation
consternation
constituencies
constituency
constituent
constituents
constitute
constituted
constitutes
constituting
constitution
constitutional
constitutionalist
constitutionality
constitutionalized
constitutionally
constitutions
constrained
constraint
constrict
construct
constructed
constructing
construction
constructions
constructive
construe
construed
construing
consul
consular
consulate
consulates
consuls
consult
consultation
consultations
consultative
consultatory
consulted
consulting
consults
consume
consumed
consumer
consumers
consumes
consuming
consummate
consummated
consummation
consumption
consumptives
contact
contagion
contagious
contain
contained
container
containing
contains
contemplate
contemplated
contemplates
contemplating
contemplation
contemplative
contemporaries
contemporary
contempt
contemptible
contempts
contemptuous
contemptuously
contend
contended
contendere
contending
contends
content
contented
contentedness
contenting
contention
contentions
contentious
contentment
contents
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lakes
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lamentably
lamented
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lances
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landed
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landowners
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lands
landscape
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language
languages
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last
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later
latest
latitude
latitudes
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laundries
laundry
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lava
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lavished
lavishly
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lawful
lawfully
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lawlessness
lawmakers
laws
lawsuits
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lawyers
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laxity
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layer
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laïque
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le
lead
leaden
leader
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leadership
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leads
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leaflet
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leans
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leasehold
leaseholders
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leaves
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lecturer
lecturers
lectures
lectureships
lecturing
led
ledge
ledges
left
leg
legacy
legal
legality
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legalizing
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legation
legations
legend
legends
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legibly
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legislated
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legislation
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legislators
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legislatures
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legitimately
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leisurely
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lenders
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lends
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lengthy
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leniently
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lessons
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letter
letters
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levelling
levels
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levers
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liabilities
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libels
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liberalism
liberality
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liberate
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liberation
liberties
liberty
libraries
library
licence
licences
license
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licenses
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lie
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lies
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lieutenant
lieutenants
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lifelong
lifetime
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lifted
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lighted
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lighting
lightly
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lights
lightship
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likelihood
likely
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limbs
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limestone
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limitations
limited
limiting
limitless
limits
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lineages
lineal
lined
linemen
linen
liner
liners
lines
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linguistically
link
linked
links
lion
lions
lips
liquid
liquidating
liquidation
liquids
liquor
liquors
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list
listed
listen
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listeners
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lists
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literally
literary
literature
lithographic
lithographs
litigant
litigants
litigated
litigation
litigious
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live
lived
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livelihood
livelihoods
liveliness
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lives
livestock
living
load
loaded
loading
loads
loan
loanable
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loans
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loathes
loathsome
lobbies
lobby
lobbyist
local
localities
locality
localized
locally
locals
locate
located
locating
location
locations
lock
locked
locker
locking
lockout
lockouts
locks
loco
locomotion
locomotive
locomotives
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lodged
lodgers
lodges
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lodgings
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lofty
logging
logical
logically
logs
lonely
long
longer
longest
longevity
longitude
longlimbed
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looked
lookers
looking
lookout
looks
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looms
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loosely
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looseness
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looted
lord
lording
lords
lordship
lordships
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lose
loser
losers
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loss
losses
lost
lot
lots
lottery
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louder
loudly
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loves
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lower
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loyally
loyalty
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lubrication
lucid
luck
lucky
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ludicrously
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lull
lumber
lumbered
lumbermen
luminescence
luminosity
luminous
lump
lun
lunatic
lunch
luncheon
lunettes
lung
lungs
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lured
lust
lustre
luxuriance
luxuries
luxury
lycée
lyddite
lying
lynching
lynchings
lèse
l’Arbitrage
l’Enregistrement
l’Enseignement
l’Oncle
l’entreprise
l’honneur
l’intérieur
m
macadamized
maceration
machination
machinations
machine
machinery
machines
mad
maddened
maddening
made
madness
magazine
magazines
magic
magisterial
magistracy
magistrate
magistrates
magma
magnanimity
magnanimous
magnates
magnesium
magnetic
magnetized
magnificent
magnified
magnitude
magnum
mahogany
maids
mail
mails
maimed
maiming
main
mainland
mainly
mainsprings
maintain
maintainable
maintained
maintaining
maintains
maintenance
maize
majesties
majesty
majesté
major
majorities
majority
make
maker
makers
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makeshift
making
makings
maladies
maladministration
malady
malaria
malarial
malcontent
malcontents
male
malefactor
males
malfeasance
mali
malignant
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maltreat
maltreatment
mammals
mammoth
mammoths
man
manacle
manage
manageable
managed
management
manager
managers
manages
managing
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mandate
mandates
mandatory
maneuvering
manfully
mangled
manhood
maniacal
maniacs
manias
manics
manifest
manifestation
manifestations
manifested
manifesting
manifestly
manifesto
manifestoes
manifold
manioc
manipulate
manipulated
manipulating
manipulation
manipulative
manipulator
manipulators
mankind
manly
manned
manner
manners
manning
manoeuvre
manoeuvres
manoeuvring
mans
manses
mansion
mansions
manslaughter
mantle
manual
manuals
manufactories
manufacture
manufactured
manufacturer
manufacturers
manufactures
manufacturing
manumission
manuscript
manuscripts
many
manzanas
map
mapping
maps
mar
marble
march
marched
marches
marching
margin
margins
marine
marines
maritime
mark
marked
market
marketable
marketing
markets
marking
marks
marksmanship
marque
marriage
marriageable
marriages
married
marry
marrying
marsh
marshalled
marshals
marshes
mart
martial
martialing
marts
martyr
martyrdom
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marvelled
marvellous
marvelous
marvels
masking
masonry
masquerade
masquerading
mass
massacre
massacred
massacres
massed
masses
massive
mast
master
mastered
masterful
masterfulness
masterly
masterpiece
masters
mastery
match
matched
matches
mate
mated
mater
material
materialism
materialistic
materially
materials
mates
mathematical
mathematicians
mathematics
matriculation
matron
matter
mattered
matters
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matured
maturely
matures
maturity
maw
maxim
maximum
may
maybe
mayor
mayoralty
mayors
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me
meadow
meadows
meagre
meal
mealie
meals
mean
meanest
meaning
meanings
means
meant
meantime
meanwhile
measurable
measurably
measure
measured
measureless
measurement
measurements
measures
measuring
meat
meats
mechanic
mechanical
mechanically
mechanics
mechanism
mechanisms
medals
meddle
meddlesome
meddling
mediaeval
mediate
mediation
mediations
mediator
mediators
medical
medicinal
medicine
medicines
medieval
medium
mediums
meek
meet
meeting
meetings
meets
melancholy
mell
melodious
melodramatic
melody
melt
melted
melting
melée
member
members
membership
mementoes
memoirs
memorable
memoranda
memorandum
memorial
memorialists
memories
memory
men
menace
menaced
menaces
menacing
menagerie
mend
mendacious
mendicant
menn
mental
mentality
mentally
mention
mentioned
mentions
mentor
mercantile
mercenary
merchandise
merchant
merchantable
merchants
mercies
merciless
mercilessly
mercury
mercy
mere
merely
merest
merged
merger
mergers
merging
meridian
merit
merited
meriting
meritorious
merits
merry
mesh
message
messages
messenger
messengers
messes
met
metal
metallic
metallurgy
metals
metamorphosis
metaphor
metaphorically
metaphysical
meted
meteorologic
meter
meters
metes
method
methods
metres
metric
metropolis
metropolitan
mica
microbe
microbes
microcosm
microphones
microscope
mid
midday
middle
middleman
middlemen
midnight
midst
midsummer
midway
might
mighty
migrant
migrated
migration
migratory
mil
mild
mildly
mile
mileage
miles
milestone
militaire
militant
militarism
military
militia
militiamen
militias
milk
mill
mille
milligramme
millinery
milling
million
millionaire
millionaires
millioned
millions
millionth
mills
mimic
min
mind
minded
mindful
minds
mine
mined
miner
mineral
minerals
miners
mines
mingled
mingling
miniature
minimize
minimized
minimizing
minimum
mining
minister
ministered
ministerial
ministerials
ministers
ministration
ministries
ministry
minor
minorities
minority
minors
mints
minute
minutely
minuteness
minutes
minutest
mir
miracle
miracles
miraculous
mirror
misadventure
misapprehension
misappropriated
misbehaviour
misbranded
misbranding
miscalculated
miscarriage
miscarried
miscellaneous
mischief
mischiefs
mischievous
mischievously
misconception
misconceptions
misconduct
misconducts
misconstruction
miscreants
misdeeds
misdemeanor
misdemeanors
misdemeanour
misdoings
miserable
miserably
miseries
misery
misfortune
misfortunes
misgivings
misinformation
mislead
misleading
misled
mismanagement
misquoting
misrepresent
misrepresentations
misrepresented
misrule
missed
missing
mission
missionaries
missionary
missions
missive
mist
mistake
mistaken
mistakes
mistaking
mistook
mistresses
mistrust
misunderstand
misunderstanding
misunderstandings
misuse
misused
mitigate
mitigated
mitigation
mix
mixed
mixture
mixtures
mm
moaning
mob
mobility
mobilization
mobilize
mobilized
mobs
mockery
mode
model
modeled
modelled
models
moderate
moderated
moderately
moderates
moderating
moderation
modern
modernism
modernists
modernize
modernizing
modes
modest
modesty
modification
modifications
modified
modify
modifying
modus
moieties
moisture
molded
molders
molding
molecular
molecule
molecules
molestation
molested
moment
momentarily
momentary
momentous
moments
momentum
monarch
monarchical
monarchs
monarchy
monasteries
monastery
monastic
monetary
money
moneys
monies
monitors
monk
monks
mono
monoplane
monopolies
monopolistic
monopolists
monopolize
monopolized
monopolizing
monopoly
monotonous
monotony
monster
monsters
monstrosities
monstrosity
monstrous
month
monthly
months
monument
monuments
mood
moon
moored
moorings
mooted
moral
morale
morality
moralized
morally
morals
morbid
morbidity
more
moreover
morganatic
morning
mornings
morphia
morphine
morrow
morsel
morsitans
mortal
mortality
mortally
mortem
mortgage
mortgages
mortgaging
mortifications
mortuary
mosque
mosques
mosquito
mosquitoes
most
mostly
mother
motherhood
motherland
motherly
mothers
motion
motions
motive
motives
motley
motor
motors
motto
motu
mould
moulded
mouldering
moulding
moulds
mound
mount
mountain
mountainous
mountains
mounted
mounting
mountings
mounts
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mourns
mouth
mouthpiece
mouths
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move
moveable
moved
movement
movements
mover
moving
mown
much
mud
muddle
muddy
muftis
mulatto
mulch
mule
muleteers
mulk
mullahs
multi
multifarious
multipartite
multiple
multiplication
multiplicities
multiplicity
multiplied
multiplies
multiply
multiplying
multitude
multitudes
mundane
municipal
municipalities
municipality
municipalization
munificence
munificent
munitions
murder
murdered
murderer
murderers
murdering
murderous
murders
murmur
murmurings
murmurs
muscle
muscles
museum
mushrooms
music
musical
musicians
musketry
muskets
must
muster
mustering
mutandis
mutation
mutatis
mute
mutilated
mutilation
mutineers
mutinied
mutinies
mutinous
mutiny
mutterings
mutual
mutuality
mutualization
mutually
my
myriads
myself
mysteries
mysterious
mysteriously
mystery
mystic
mystically
mythology
mélinite
mémoire
nail
nailed
naked
namby
name
named
namely
names
namesake
naming
naphtha
napping
narcotic
narrated
narrates
narrative
narrator
narrow
narrowed
narrower
narrowest
narrowing
narrowly
narrowness
nasals
nascent
nation
national
nationalisation
nationalism
nationalist
nationalities
nationality
nationalité
nationalization
nationalized
nationalizing
nationals
nations
native
natives
natural
naturalised
naturalization
naturalize
naturalized
naturally
nature
natured
naught
nautical
naval
nave
navies
navigability
navigable
navigated
navigating
navigation
navigator
navy
nay
nd
near
nearer
nearest
nearing
nearly
nebula
nebulous
necessaries
necessarily
necessary
necessitate
necessitated
necessitates
necessitating
necessities
necessitous
necessity
neck
necklace
necks
need
needed
needful
needing
needless
needlessly
needs
needy
negation
negative
negatives
neglect
neglected
neglecting
negligence
negligent
negligible
negotiable
negotiate
negotiated
negotiating
negotiation
negotiations
negotiators
negro
negroes
neighbor
neighborhood
neighborhoods
neighboring
neighbors
neighbour
neighbourhood
neighbouring
neighbourly
neighbours
neither
nephew
nerve
nerves
nervous
nervously
nervousness
nest
net
nets
netting
network
neutral
neutralise
neutrality
neutralization
neutralize
neutralized
neutrals
never
nevertheless
new
newer
newest
newly
news
newspaper
newspapers
next
nice
nicely
nickel
nickname
nicknamed
niggardly
niggers
nigh
night
nightfall
nightly
nights
nil
nine
nineteen
nineteenth
nineties
ninety
ninth
no
nobility
nobis
noble
noblemen
nobles
noblest
nobly
nobody
nocturnal
noise
noises
noisome
noisy
nolo
nomadic
nomenclature
nominal
nominally
nominate
nominated
nominates
nominating
nomination
nominations
nominavit
nominee
nominees
non
none
nonsense
nonsignatory
nonunion
nonuse
nook
noon
nor
normal
normally
north
northeast
northeastern
northeastward
northerly
northern
northernmost
northward
northwardly
northwards
northwest
northwestern
northwestward
nose
nostrum
not
notable
notables
notably
notation
note
noted
notes
noteworthy
nothing
notice
noticeable
noticed
notices
notifiable
notification
notifications
notified
notifies
notify
notifying
notion
notions
notorious
notoriously
notwithstanding
nourish
nourished
nourishment
novel
novelist
novels
novelties
novelty
novo
now
nowadays
nowhere
nowhither
nowise
noxious
nozzle
nub
nucleus
nugatory
nuisance
nuisances
null
nullification
nullified
nullify
nullifying
number
numbered
numbering
numberless
numbers
numerical
numerically
numerous
numerously
nuncio
nuns
nurse
nursed
nursemaids
nurses
nursing
nuts
n’a
n’t
o
oak
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oasis
oath
oaths
oats
obdurate
obedience
obedient
obey
obeyed
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obeys
object
objected
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objection
objectionable
objections
objective
objects
obligate
obligates
obligating
obligation
obligations
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obliges
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obliterate
obliterated
obliterating
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obol
obscure
obscured
obscuring
obscurity
obsequies
observable
observance
observances
observant
observation
observations
observatories
observatory
observe
observed
observer
observers
observes
observing
obsolescence
obsolete
obstacle
obstacles
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obstinate
obstinately
obstruct
obstructed
obstructing
obstruction
obstructionist
obstructions
obstructive
obstructs
obtain
obtainable
obtained
obtaining
obtains
obtuse
obviate
obviated
obviates
obviating
obvious
obviously
occasion
occasional
occasionally
occasioned
occasions
occidental
occult
occupancy
occupant
occupants
occupation
occupational
occupations
occupied
occupier
occupiers
occupies
occupy
occupying
occur
occurred
occurrence
occurrences
occurring
occurs
ocean
oceanic
oceanographic
octahedrons
octavo
odd
oddest
odds
odious
odiously
odium
of
off
offence
offences
offended
offender
offenders
offending
offense
offenses
offensive
offensively
offensiveness
offer
offered
offering
offerings
offers
office
officer
officered
officers
offices
official
officialdom
officializing
officially
officials
officiate
officiating
officio
offset
offsets
offsetting
offshoot
offspring
oft
often
oftener
oil
oils
old
olden
older
oldest
omen
ominous
omission
omitted
omni
omnibus
omnibuses
omnipotent
omnipresent
on
once
oncoming
one
onerous
ones
onlookers
only
onset
onslaught
onward
onwards
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open
opened
opening
openings
openly
openmindedness
openness
opens
opera
operate
operated
operates
operating
operation
operations
operative
operatively
operatives
operator
operators
opine
opinion
opinions
opium
opponent
opponents
opportune
opportunely
opportuneness
opportunism
opportunist
opportunities
opportunity
oppose
opposed
opposes
opposing
opposite
oppositely
opposition
oppositions
oppressed
oppresses
oppression
oppressive
oppressiveness
oppressor
oppressors
opsonic
optimism
optimistic
option
optional
options
opulence
opus
or
oral
orange
oration
orator
orators
orb
orbits
orchards
orchestra
ordain
ordained
ordaining
ordeal
order
ordered
ordering
orderly
orders
ordinance
ordinances
ordinarily
ordinary
ordination
ordnance
ore
ores
org
organ
organic
organisation
organisations
organise
organised
organisers
organising
organism
organisms
organization
organizations
organize
organized
organizer
organizers
organizes
organizing
organs
orient
oriental
origin
original
originality
originally
originate
originated
originating
origination
originator
ornate
orphan
orphanages
orphaned
orphans
orthodox
orthodoxy
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oscillations
ostensible
ostensibly
ostentation
ostracise
ostracized
other
others
otherwise
ought
ounce
our
ours
ourself
ourselves
oust
ousted
out
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outbreaking
outbreaks
outburst
outbursts
outcasts
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outcome
outcry
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outdoor
outdoors
outer
outfight
outfit
outfits
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outflow
outflowing
outfought
outgeneraled
outgoing
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outgrowth
outings
outlawed
outlay
outlays
outlet
outlets
outline
outlined
outlines
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outnumbered
outports
outpost
outposts
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outpourings
output
outrage
outraged
outrageous
outrages
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outright
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outs
outset
outside
outsider
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outspoken
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sizes
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sketches
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slates
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slaughtered
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slaves
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smarts
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soaps
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sobers
sobriety
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socialism
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socialistic
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solemnly
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sorrowful
sorrows
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sorties
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soup
source
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southernmost
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southwards
southwest
southwesterly
southwestern
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sovereigns
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space
spaces
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spanning
spare
spared
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spark
sparkle
sparks
sparsely
spasm
spasmodic
speak
speaker
speakers
speaking
speaks
spear
special
specialist
specialists
specialization
specialized
specially
specialties
specialty
specie
species
specific
specifically
specifications
specifics
specified
specifies
specify
specifying
specimen
specimens
speck
spectacle
spectacles
spectacular
spectator
spectators
spectra
spectrograph
spectroscopic
spectroscopically
speculating
speculation
speculations
speculative
speculators
speech
speeches
speechlessness
speed
speediest
speedily
speeds
speedy
spell
spelled
spellings
spells
spend
spending
spends
spent
sphere
spheres
spicules
spider
spies
spin
spindle
spindles
spinners
spinning
spires
spirit
spirited
spirits
spiritual
spirituous
spite
splendid
splendidly
splendor
splinter
splintered
split
splitter
splitting
spoil
spoiled
spoiler
spoiling
spoils
spoke
spoken
spokesman
spoliation
sponge
sponsors
spontaneous
spontaneously
spoons
sporadic
sport
sports
sportsmen
spot
spots
sprang
sprawling
spread
spreading
spreads
spring
springing
springs
springtime
spruce
sprung
spur
spurn
spurned
spurs
spurted
sputtered
sputum
spy
squad
squadron
squadrons
squalid
squalor
squandered
square
squarely
squares
squatters
squatting
squealing
squeezed
squelch
squire
squires
st
stabbed
stability
stable
stacking
staff
staffed
staffs
stage
staged
stages
stagger
staggers
staging
stagnant
stagnation
stain
stained
stairs
stairways
stake
staking
stamp
stamped
stamping
stamps
stanchion
stanchions
stand
standard
standardized
standards
standing
standpoint
standpoints
stands
standstill
staple
staples
star
starboard
starlight
starred
stars
start
started
starting
startings
startled
startling
startlingly
starts
starvation
starve
starved
starving
state
statecraft
stated
statehood
stately
statement
statements
states
statesman
statesmanlike
statesmanship
statesmen
stating
station
stationary
stationed
stationnaires
stations
statistical
statistician
statisticians
statistics
statuary
statue
statues
stature
status
statute
statutes
statutory
staunch
staunchest
staves
stay
stayed
stays
stead
steadfast
steadfastly
steadies
steadily
steadiness
steady
steadying
steal
stealing
stealthily
steam
steamboat
steamboating
steamboats
steamed
steamer
steamers
steaming
steamship
steamships
steel
steels
steep
steepened
steerage
steered
steering
stellar
stemmed
stench
stencil
stenographers
stenographic
step
stepmother
stepped
stepping
steps
stepson
stereopticon
sterilisation
sterling
stern
sterner
sternest
sternly
sternness
sternum
stewards
stewardship
stick
stiffened
stiffness
stifle
stifled
stigmatized
stiletto
still
stimulant
stimulants
stimulate
stimulated
stimulates
stimulating
stimulation
stimulations
stimulus
sting
stinging
stint
stipend
stipulate
stipulated
stipulates
stipulating
stipulation
stipulations
stir
stirred
stirring
stirrings
stock
stockade
stocked
stockholder
stockholders
stocks
stockyards
stokers
stole
stolen
stolidity
stomach
stone
stones
stood
stooped
stop
stoppage
stopped
stopping
stops
storage
store
stored
storekeepers
stores
stories
storing
storm
stormed
storming
storms
stormy
story
stoutly
stove
stoves
stowed
straight
straighten
straightening
straighter
straightforward
straightforwardly
straightforwardness
straightway
strain
strained
strait
straits
strand
stranded
strange
strangely
strangeness
stranger
strangers
strangled
strap
straps
strata
stratagem
strategic
strategical
strategically
strategy
straw
straws
streaks
stream
streaming
streams
street
streets
strength
strengthen
strengthened
strengthening
strenuous
strenuously
strenuousness
stress
stretch
stretched
stretches
stretching
strewn
stricken
strict
stricter
strictest
strictly
strictness
stride
strident
stridently
strides
strife
strifes
strike
strikers
strikes
striking
strikingly
string
stringency
stringent
strings
strip
stripes
stripped
stripping
strive
striven
striving
stroke
strong
stronger
strongest
stronghold
strongly
strove
struck
structural
structurally
structure
structures
struggle
struggled
struggles
struggling
strychnine
stubborn
stubbornly
stuck
student
students
studied
studies
studiously
study
studying
stuff
stuffed
stuffs
stung
stupefied
stupendous
stupid
stupidity
stupidly
stupor
sturdy
style
styled
styles
stylobate
sub
subaltern
subcommittee
subcommittees
subdivide
subdivided
subdivision
subdue
subdued
subediting
subheading
subject
subjected
subjecting
subjection
subjects
subjoin
subjoined
subjugated
subjugation
sublet
sublimates
sublime
sublimity
submarine
submarines
submerge
submerged
submersibles
submission
submissive
submissiveness
submit
submits
submitted
submitting
subordinate
subordinates
subordination
subpoena
subpœna
subscribe
subscribed
subscriber
subscribers
subscribing
subscription
subscriptions
subsection
subsections
subsequent
subsequently
subserve
subsided
subsidence
subsidiary
subsidies
subsidising
subsidized
subsidy
subsist
subsisted
subsistence
subsisting
substance
substances
substantial
substantially
substantiate
substantiating
substantive
substations
substitute
substituted
substitutes
substituting
substitution
subsurface
subterranean
subtle
subtlety
suburb
suburban
suburbs
subvention
subventions
subversive
subvert
subway
subways
succeed
succeeded
succeeding
succeeds
success
successes
successful
successfully
succession
successive
successively
successor
successors
succinct
succinctly
succor
succour
succumbed
such
suck
sucked
sucking
sudden
suddenly
suddenness
sue
sued
suffer
suffered
sufferers
suffering
sufferings
suffers
suffice
sufficed
suffices
sufficiency
sufficient
sufficiently
suffocated
suffocation
suffrage
suffrages
suffragettes
suffragist
suffragists
sugar
sugared
sugars
suggest
suggested
suggesting
suggestion
suggestions
suggestive
suggests
suicidal
suicide
suicides
suing
suis
suit
suitable
suitably
suite
suited
suites
suits
sullen
sullenly
sulphate
sulphur
sum
summarily
summarised
summarized
summarizes
summarizing
summary
summed
summer
summers
summing
summings
summit
summits
summon
summoned
summoning
summons
summonses
sums
sun
sundered
sundering
sundries
sundry
sung
sunk
sunless
sunlight
sunrise
sunset
sunshine
sunt
sup
super
superannuation
superb
superficial
superficially
superfluous
superheated
superhuman
superintendence
superintendent
superintendents
superior
superiority
superiors
superlatively
supernatural
supersede
superseded
superseding
superstition
superstitions
superstitious
supervise
supervised
supervises
supervising
supervision
supervisor
supervisors
supervisory
supine
supplant
supplanted
supple
supplement
supplemental
supplementary
supplementation
supplemented
supplementing
supplied
supplies
supply
supplying
support
supported
supporter
supporters
supporting
supports
suppose
supposed
supposedly
supposing
supposition
suppress
suppressed
suppresses
suppressing
suppression
suppuration
supremacy
supreme
supremely
sure
surely
sureness
surest
sureties
surface
surfaces
surged
surgeon
surgeons
surgeries
surgery
surgical
surmise
surmount
surmounted
surpass
surpassed
surpassing
surplus
surplusages
surpluses
surprise
surprised
surprising
surrender
surrendered
surrendering
surrenders
surround
surrounded
surrounding
surroundings
surrounds
surtax
surveillance
survey
surveyed
surveyor
surveyors
surveys
survivals
survive
survived
survives
surviving
survivor
survivors
susceptibilities
susceptible
suspect
suspected
suspend
suspended
suspending
suspends
suspense
suspension
suspensions
suspensive
suspicion
suspicions
suspicious
sustain
sustained
sustaining
sustains
sustenance
suzerain
suzerainty
swadeshi
swallow
swallowed
swamp
swamped
swamps
swarmed
swarming
sway
swayed
swear
swears
sweat
sweated
sweater
sweating
sweep
sweeping
sweepingly
sweeps
sweet
sweetmeats
sweetness
swell
swelled
swelling
swept
swerve
swerved
swift
swiftest
swiftly
swill
swim
swimming
swindle
swindlers
swindling
swine
swing
swinging
switching
swivels
swollen
sword
swords
sworn
swung
syllable
syllabus
symbol
symmetrically
sympathetic
sympathetically
sympathies
sympathize
sympathized
sympathizer
sympathizers
sympathizing
sympathy
symptom
symptomatology
symptoms
syndical
syndicale
syndicat
syndicate
syndicates
syndication
syndicats
synonymous
synopsis
syntony
system
systematic
systematically
systematize
systematized
systematizing
systems
sérieusement
tabernacle
tabernacles
table
tableland
tables
tablet
tablets
tabular
tabulated
tabulating
tabulation
tacens
tacit
tacitly
tacked
tact
tactful
tactical
tactics
tael
taels
tagged
tai
tail
tailoring
taint
take
taken
takes
taking
talc
tale
talent
talents
tales
talk
talkative
talked
talkers
talking
talks
tall
tamper
tampered
tampering
tangible
tangle
tanks
tanner
tantamount
tap
taper
tapering
tapestries
tapism
tapped
tapping
taps
tar
tardily
tardy
target
tariff
tariffs
task
tasks
taste
tastes
tatters
taught
taunt
taunted
tax
taxable
taxation
taxed
taxes
taxing
taxpayer
taxpayers
tea
teach
teacher
teachers
teaches
teaching
teachings
teamsters
teapot
tear
tearing
tearlessness
tears
technical
technicalities
technicality
technicalized
technically
technique
technology
tecum
tedious
tediousness
teeming
teeth
teetotal
telegram
telegrams
telegraph
telegraphed
telegrapher
telegraphic
telegraphically
telegraphing
telegraphist
telegraphs
telegraphy
telephone
telephones
telescope
telescopes
telescopic
tell
telling
tells
temerity
temper
temperament
temperance
temperate
temperateness
temperature
temperatures
tempered
tempest
tempestuous
temple
temples
temporal
temporarily
temporary
temptation
temptations
tempted
tempting
ten
tenable
tenacious
tenaciously
tenacity
tenancies
tenancy
tenant
tenants
tend
tended
tendencies
tendency
tender
tendering
tenderly
tenderness
tenders
tending
tends
tenement
tenements
tenets
tenfold
tenor
tenour
tens
tensile
tension
tent
tentative
tenth
tenths
tents
tenure
tercentenary
term
termed
terminal
terminals
terminate
terminated
terminating
termination
terminology
terminus
termite
terms
terra
terraces
terrarum
terres
terrible
terribly
terrific
terrified
terrifying
territorial
territories
territory
terror
terrorism
terrorist
terroristic
terrorists
terrorize
terrorized
terrorizing
terrors
tersely
test
testators
tested
testified
testifies
testify
testifying
testimonials
testimony
testing
tests
text
textbook
textbooks
textile
textiles
texts
th
thalweg
than
thank
thanked
thankful
thanking
thankless
thanks
thanksgiving
that
thatch
thatched
the
theater
theaters
theatre
theatres
theatrically
theatricals
thee
theft
thefts
their
theirs
them
theme
themselves
then
thence
thenceforth
thenceforward
theocratic
theologians
theological
theology
theoretical
theoretically
theories
theorist
theorists
theory
there
thereabouts
thereafter
thereat
thereby
therefor
therefore
therefrom
therein
thereof
thereon
thereto
theretofore
thereunder
thereunto
thereupon
therewith
thermometer
thermometry
these
thesis
thews
they
thick
thickenings
thickest
thickly
thief
thieves
thievish
thimble
thin
thing
things
think
thinkable
thinkers
thinking
thinks
thinly
third
thirdly
thirds
thirst
thirsting
thirteen
thirteenth
thirtieth
thirty
this
thither
tho
thorium
thorny
thorogoing
thorough
thoroughfares
thoroughly
thoroughness
those
thou
though
thought
thoughtful
thoughtfulness
thoughtless
thoughts
thousand
thousands
thousandth
thraldom
thrall
thread
threat
threaten
threatened
threatening
threateningly
threatenings
threatens
threats
three
threefold
threes
threshed
threshing
threshold
threw
thrice
thrift
thriftiness
thriftless
thriftlessness
thrifty
thrill
thrilled
thrilling
thrills
thrive
throat
throbbed
throes
throne
throned
thrones
throng
thronged
through
throughout
throw
throwing
thrown
throws
thru
thrust
thumb
thunder
thundered
thunders
thus
thwart
thwarted
thwarts
thy
tick
ticker
ticket
tickets
tide
tides
tiding
tidings
tie
tieals
tied
tier
ties
tiger
tight
tightened
tightly
tiles
till
tilled
tilling
timber
timbered
timbers
time
timed
timely
timepieces
times
timid
timidity
timidly
tin
tinkling
tins
tinsmithing
tiny
tiptoe
tirades
tired
tireless
tissue
tissues
tithe
tithes
title
titled
titles
titular
to
tobacco
today
toddling
together
toil
toilers
toils
toilsome
token
tokens
told
tolerable
tolerance
tolerant
tolerate
tolerated
toleration
toll
tolls
tomb
tomorrow
ton
tone
toned
tones
tongue
tongues
tonic
tonnage
tons
too
took
tool
tools
tooth
top
topic
topics
topmost
topographical
tops
torch
torches
tore
tormented
tormenting
torn
torpedo
torpedoes
torpid
torrent
torrents
tortious
tortuous
torture
tortured
tortures
torturing
tossed
total
totaled
totalled
totally
totals
toto
touch
touched
touches
touching
tour
toured
tourist
tourists
tours
touting
tow
toward
towards
towed
towels
tower
towering
towers
town
towns
townsfolk
township
townships
townsman
toxins
toy
toys
trace
traceable
traced
traces
tracing
track
tracked
tracks
tract
traction
tracts
trade
trademarks
trademen
trader
traders
trades
tradesmen
trading
tradition
traditional
traditionally
traditionary
traditions
traffic
tragedies
tragedy
tragic
tragical
tragically
trail
trailing
train
trained
training
trainmen
trains
traitor
traitors
traits
tramlines
trample
trampled
tramples
trampling
trams
tramways
tranquil
tranquility
tranquilizing
tranquillity
trans
transact
transacted
transaction
transactions
transcend
transcended
transcendent
transcontinental
transfer
transferable
transference
transferred
transferring
transfers
transform
transformation
transformations
transformed
transforming
transgress
transgressed
transgressions
transit
transition
translated
translating
translation
translations
translators
transmarinarum
transmigrant
transmission
transmit
transmitted
transmitting
transmutation
transparent
transpired
transplanted
transport
transportation
transported
transporting
transports
trap
trapping
trappings
traps
travail
travailed
travailing
travel
traveled
traveler
travelers
traveling
travelled
traveller
travellers
travelling
travels
traverse
traversed
traverses
traversing
travesty
trawls
treacherous
treachery
treason
treasonable
treasure
treasurer
treasurers
treasures
treasury
treat
treated
treaties
treating
treatise
treatment
treats
treaty
trebled
tree
trees
trembling
tremendous
tremendously
tremor
tremulousness
trench
trenches
trenching
trend
trepidation
trespasser
trespassers
tri
triad
trial
trials
triangular
tribal
tribe
tribelands
tribes
tribesmen
tribunal
tribunals
tribune
tributaries
tributary
tribute
trickery
trickle
tried
triennial
triennium
tries
trifle
trifles
trifling
trigger
trip
tripartite
triple
triplet
trips
triumph
triumphal
triumphant
triumphantly
triumphed
triumphs
trivial
trodden
trolley
tron
troopers
troops
tropic
tropical
trouble
troubled
troublers
troubles
troublesome
troubling
trough
trousers
truancy
truant
truce
truck
truckling
trucks
true
truer
truest
truism
truly
trumpery
trumpets
truncated
trunk
trunnions
trust
trusted
trustee
trustees
trustful
trusting
trusts
trustworthiness
trustworthy
trusty
truth
truthful
truthfully
truthfulness
truths
try
trying
trypanosome
trypanosomes
trypanosomiasis
tsetse
tsin
tube
tuberculosis
tubes
tucked
tug
tugs
tuition
tum
tumble
tumbled
tumbling
tumor
tumult
tumultuous
tun
tune
tung
tuning
tunnel
tunnels
turbine
turbines
turbulence
turbulent
turmoil
turn
turned
turning
turnover
turns
turpentine
turpitude
turret
turrets
tusks
tutelage
tutorial
tutors
tween
twelfth
twelve
twenties
twentieth
twenty
twice
twigs
twin
twinkling
twist
twisted
two
twofold
twos
tying
type
types
typewriter
typhoid
typhus
typical
typify
tyrannical
tyrannically
tyrannies
tyranny
tze
ugly
ukase
ukases
ul
ulema
ulterior
ultimate
ultimately
ultimatum
ultimo
ultra
ultramontane
umbrellas
umpire
umpires
un
unabated
unable
unacceptable
unaccompanied
unaccountable
unaccountably
unacknowledged
unaffected
unaided
unalterable
unaltered
unambiguous
unanimity
unanimous
unanimously
unannealed
unanswerable
unanswered
unappealable
unapproachable
unapproached
unappropriated
unarmed
unarmored
unassailable
unattainable
unauthorised
unauthorized
unavailable
unavailing
unavailingly
unavoidable
unaware
unawares
unbarred
unbearable
unbiased
unbounded
unbroken
unbrokenly
uncalled
uncandid
unceasing
unceasingly
uncertain
uncertainties
uncertainty
uncertificated
unchallenged
unchangeable
unchanged
uncharged
uncharitableness
unchecked
uncinariasis
uncivilized
unclassified
uncle
uncolored
uncomfortable
uncommon
uncompensated
uncomplaining
uncompromisable
uncompromising
uncompromisingly
unconcern
unconditional
unconditionally
unconditioned
uncongenial
unconnected
unconquerable
unconscious
unconstitutional
uncontested
uncontrolled
uncounted
uncovered
uncultivated
uncured
undamaged
undealt
undecided
undefended
undefined
undemocratic
undeniable
undenominational
under
underdevelopment
underestimate
underfed
underflow
undergo
undergoing
undergone
undergraduate
undergraduates
underground
underlie
underlying
undermined
undermines
underneath
undersigned
understand
understandable
understanding
understandings
understands
understated
understood
undertake
undertaken
undertakes
undertaking
undertakings
undertook
underwent
underwriting
underwrote
undeserved
undesirability
undesirable
undetermined
undeveloped
undiluted
undisclosed
undiscoverable
undisguised
undismayed
undisputed
undisturbed
undivided
undo
undoing
undone
undoubted
undoubtedly
undreamt
undressed
undue
unduly
undying
unearned
unearthed
unearthing
uneasily
uneasiness
uneasy
uneconomic
uneducated
unemployable
unemployables
unemployed
unemployment
unequal
unequaled
unequally
unequivocal
unequivocally
uneven
uneventfully
unexampled
unexceptionable
unexercised
unexpected
unexpectedly
unexpended
unexpired
unexplained
unexplored
unfair
unfairly
unfairness
unfaithful
unfaithfulness
unfaltering
unfathomed
unfavorable
unfavorably
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----------Word List: End--------
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