The Project Gutenberg eBook of Records of Captain Clapperton's last expedition to Africa, Vol. 2 (of 2)
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online
at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States,
you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located
before using this eBook.
Title: Records of Captain Clapperton's last expedition to Africa, Vol. 2 (of 2)
Author: Richard Lander
Release date: March 2, 2026 [eBook #78092]
Language: English
Original publication: London: Henry Colburn and Richard Bentley, 1830
Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/78092
Credits: Galo Flordelis (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/Wellcome Library)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK RECORDS OF CAPTAIN CLAPPERTON'S LAST EXPEDITION TO AFRICA, VOL. 2 (OF 2) ***
RECORDS
OF
CAPTAIN CLAPPERTON’S
LAST EXPEDITION
TO
=AFRICA:=
BY RICHARD LANDER,
HIS FAITHFUL ATTENDANT, AND THE ONLY SURVIVING
MEMBER OF THE EXPEDITION:
WITH THE
SUBSEQUENT ADVENTURES OF THE AUTHOR.
* * * * *
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. II.
* * * * *
LONDON:
HENRY COLBURN AND RICHARD BENTLEY,
NEW BURLINGTON STREET.
1830.
* * * * *
J. B. NICHOLS AND SON,
25, Parliament Street.
CONTENTS
OF THE SECOND VOLUME.
* * * * *
CHAPTER X.
Page
Character of the Africans in general — Their social qualities
considered — Succinct remarks on the Natural History of the
Interior — Yam Yams — Arabs — Falatahs — War of the latter
people with Bornou and Fundah 1
CHAPTER XI.
The Author resumes his Narrative — African huts — Recreations
and evening amusements of his Master and himself — Illness of
Captain Clapperton — His sufferings — Perfect resignation
under them — His death — Burial — Character 57
CHAPTER XII.
The Author’s severe indisposition and distress of mind —
Conduct of Bello — Departure from Soccatoo — The Author almost
perishes of thirst in the “Goober Bush,” where he is deserted
by the faithless Pasko — The King of Jacoba — Horrid death of
that monarch’s slaves — The Author’s arrival at Kano 82
CHAPTER XIII.
Pasko — The Author pays his respects to the Governor, and
leaves Kano — Chooses, near Bebajie, the road to Fundah —
Almena mountain — The Author is seen and recognised by
horsemen from Zeg Zeg — Arrives amongst the people of Bowchee
— Their manners — A girl’s lamentation on being sold by her
mother — The Author enters the immense plain of Cuttup —
Anecdote of an old woman 100
CHAPTER XIV.
The Author overtaken at Dunrora by four armed horsemen from
Zeg Zeg, who force him to accompany them back to Zaria — His
reflections — Arrives in Zaria — Treatment of the King and his
son towards the Author — His entrance into Coulfo in Nyffé —
Revisits Wow Wow — The noted widow Zuma 128
CHAPTER XV.
The Author becoming entangled, whilst crossing a river, in the
stirrups of his horse’s saddle, is thrown from its back, and
narrowly escapes drowning — Arrival at Khiama — Eccentric
conduct of the Prince of that State — Anecdote of his
messenger — Pasko’s thieving propensities turned to account —
The Author enters Katunga, the capital of Yariba — His
reception by Mansolah, its monarch — Song of five hundred of
his Wives — Fetish-hut 176
CHAPTER XVI.
Ebo the celebrated fat Eunuch — The Yaribeans not very
delicate in the choice of what they eat — Dress of the
different people in the interior — Treatment of invalids —
Tattoo marks of different nations — The Author is urged to
become Son-in-law to Mansolah, Generalissimo of his forces,
and Prime Minister of State — Names of Towns — Departure from
Katunga — Anecdote of a gang of robbers — Mungo Park’s son —
Arrival at Badagry 201
CHAPTER XVII.
Novel method adopted by Europeans for conveying slaves on
board their vessels — Conduct of the Portuguese Merchants,
resident at Badagry, towards the Author — The White Negroes —
Manners and ceremonies of the Badagrians — Horrid indifference
with respect to the Shedding of Human Blood — Murder of two of
the King’s wives by moonlight 238
CHAPTER XVIII.
The Fetish-huts and tree at Badagry — Owing to the
insinuations of the Portuguese the Author is examined by the
Priests of the Fetish, and compelled to swallow bitter water,
being the only European that ever underwent that dreadful
ordeal — His thoughts when informed of the circumstance —
Astonishing preservation from an expected cruel death —
Sacrifices of human beings under the branches of the
Fetish-tree, exceeding in atrocity any thing heard of before —
Song of the inhabitants, with Adólee at their head, on the
occasion — The Author, on his visit to a Portuguese pirate,
discovers the sacred Fetish-tree of the Badagrians growing in
the heart of the forest, and covered with dismembered corpses
of human beings — The Portuguese 252
CHAPTER XIX.
Captain Laing, of the Brig Maria, of London, hearing that an
Englishman was at Badagry, comes from Whydah to fetch the
Author — His reflections on leaving Badagry, and on reaching
the British vessel — The Maria sails for Cape Coast, where the
Author lands, and is taken on board the Esk sloop of war,
which Vessel sails for England — The Turtles — Arrival in
England, &c. 276
WANDERINGS
IN
AFRICA.
* * * * *
CHAPTER X.
Character of the Africans in general — Their social qualities considered
— Succinct remarks on the Natural History of the Interior — Yam Yams —
Arabs — Falatahs — War of the latter people with Bornou and Fundah.
The character Plutarch gives of the Athenians is strictly applicable to
the people of Africa in general, _in times of peace_:—“They are easily
provoked to anger, and as easily induced to resume sentiments of
benevolence and compassion.” This we found to be true in numberless
instances; particularly amongst the gentler sex, whose apprehensions are
quicker and more lively, and whose finer feelings more easily excited
than those of their male companions. We not unfrequently observed
persons quarrelling and fighting in one moment, with all the bitterness
of angry and elevated passions, and in the next as gentle as lambs, and
the most cordial friends in the universe; forgetting their previous
noisy dispute in the performance of reciprocal acts of kindness and good
nature.
The African, ceaselessly engaged in sleeping, warfare, drinking, &c.
takes little, if any, delight in his own family circle. His is no
_domestic_ life: his children never prattle round his knee; his eye
never glistens with tenderness on receiving their innocent caresses; his
numerous wives, who are valued as a distinct and inferior order of
beings, weaken his affections and blunt his feelings; and he regards
them with looks of indifference or contempt. With him,
“All claims that bind and sweeten life,”
are, indeed, unknown; and, provided his wants be supplied, unless
aroused from his stupor by any particular event, he journeys calmly on,
with the most listless indifference imaginable, scarcely deigning to
bestow a solitary thought either on his country, or his wives and
children. He holds the dead, however, in the greatest veneration, hardly
venturing to let the name of a deceased relative escape his lips; and
if, when engaged in contentious bickerings, his opponent alludes to them
in a disrespectful manner, he interrupts him with this energetic
expression: “Curse _me_; slay _me_, if thou wilt; but do not rake up the
ashes of the dead. Let them rest in peace, or thou thyself shalt follow
them to the grave.”
The natives are passionately fond of storytelling, and listen for hours
after the setting of the sun, with a gravity truly comic, to the recital
of tales of the most wonderful and incredible description, in which they
repose implicit belief. The following was told me with an air of great
solemnity, and with a full conviction of its truth, by a native of
Goober:—
“Doncasson, Prince of that province, ordered a number of men to build
houses at the distance of three miles from Coonia, the capital, which
they undertook to finish within a given number of days. The workmen,
contrary to their expectation, could find no water in the neighbourhood
of the spot, nor, indeed, at a shorter distance than Coonia; and having
no vessels large enough to convey a sufficient quantity within the time
specified, they were put to their wits’ end, in what manner to act,
fearing that in the event of the non-fulfilment of their engagement a
dreadful punishment would await them. In this dilemma they applied for
advice to a female fortune-teller, residing in the city, who, having
accompanied them to the scite of the intended hamlet, ordered an immense
heap of earth, sufficient for the walls of the buildings, to be thrown
up; when the old woman immediately supplied them with the water
required, in the same manner as Gulliver extinguished the dreadful fire
that threatened to destroy the capital of the kingdom of Lilliput, on
his visit to that country; and thus the buildings of Doncasson were
finished a week earlier than was expected.”
The persons of the Africans, of both sexes, are perfectly well-formed. I
never saw an individual in the whole country with a hump on his back, or
any other species of deformity whatever; and this will appear the more
strange when it is considered that no people in the world pay less
attention to their offspring in their tender years. We frequently saw
individuals with only one hand, the other having been amputated as a
punishment; but never met with a person that had lost a leg. The people
used to deride us when we affirmed that some of our countrymen were
furnished with _wooden_ legs in lieu of natural ones, believing that a
person could never survive the loss of so important a member.
NATURAL HISTORY.
Of the natural history of the regions we traversed I can say but little,
my very limited and imperfect acquaintance with that interesting study,
in either of its branches, incapacitating me from giving any thing like
a description of the various productions of the soil, or of the numerous
animals that inhabit the woods or the rivers.
Magnificent forests of tall trees are scattered over the face of the
country from Badagry to Soccatoo, and afford, in their gloomy solitudes,
shelter to numerous species of reptiles and wild beasts. The palm, the
cocoa, the tamarind, the banana, the fig, the date (a species of palm),
the butter, and other trees, are indigenous; and several varieties of
plum grow in woods of Yariba, as well as a tree bearing a fruit similar
in size and appearance to our “love apple,” and in flavour, to the
_cashew_ apple of the West Indies. Stunted orange, lemon, and lime
trees, bearing fruit of inferior quality, may also be found growing wild
in that region, but are made little use of by the natives, who know not
how to improve them; the people have likewise water-melons, guayavas,
papaws, &c. &c. The cotton plant, indigo, rice, wheat, yams, maize,
Guinea corn, dourra, six or seven other varieties of corn, the plantain,
sweet potatoes, onions, and cassada, are cultivated to a great extent in
the interior countries.
Reptiles are exceedingly numerous, but the bites of few of them, as far
as I was able to learn, are attended with fatal effects. We frequently
saw in the woods of Borghoo and Houssa a large species of snake swinging
in the sun-beams, with its tail encircling the branch of a tree; but on
the approach of a human creature, it would attain the summit in an
instant, and look from its elevation on the head of the person beneath.
The boa constrictor we rarely met with alive; on my journey from Kano,
however, I espied one of them, of about the bigness of a man’s thigh,
coiled up like a rope, and partially concealed by fallen branches and
leaves of trees. I watched the monster attentively for a moment or two,
being within a few yards of the spot: but at length observing me, it
attempted to hide itself, when I immediately discharged my piece at its
head, and in all probability wounded the animal, although it eluded a
rigorous search that I caused to be made after it. The beautiful reptile
called at the Cape of Good Hope the puff-adder, is unknown in the
central parts of the continent; but a slender green snake, elegantly
variegated with black, which is sometimes met with in the former
country, is seen in almost every inhabited place of the latter. I have
frequently observed, on awaking in the morning, one or more of these
reptiles, gliding from underneath the mat on which I had been sleeping,
towards the door of the hut, and so making their escape. The bite is
speedily mortal. Another snake, about two feet long, of a greyish
colour, whose bite is also fatal, is found in many parts of the country.
Pasko snatched up an adder of this description one day, thinking it to
be a bit of decayed wood, covered with lichen, which it greatly
resembles; but feeling the reptile twisting itself round his fingers, he
cast it from him before it had power to bite, and immediately fainted
from excess of fear. The natives hold all poisonous snakes in the
greatest dread, and can never be induced to touch them, even after they
are destroyed, believing that, although there be no cut on the hand by
which it could so enter, their venom yet attaches itself to the skin,
and insinuates itself into the blood of the person that seizes it.
Of insects the most formidable are the ant, the locust, the mosquito,
the centipede (a peculiarly hideous animal), and the scorpion. The bites
of the two latter are attended with danger; but although they frequently
visited us in our tents and huts, we never had the ill-fortune to suffer
from their attacks.
Wild animals, in incredible numbers, abound in the woods; amongst which
are the lion, elephant, tiger, tiger-cat, panther, leopard, hyena, wolf,
and hog. The camel is found in a wild state in Houssa; and that
beautiful animal the giraffe, or cameleopard, also inhabits the forests
of the same country. I saw three of them in my travels between Zaria,
Kano, and Soccatoo; they are excessively timid, and are rarely, if ever,
caught by the natives. Although the tremendous roar of the lion, which
made the woods tremble, could be heard by us when travelling at all
hours of the night; yet I never saw but two of those ferocious animals,
a male and female; which incident has already been mentioned in a
preceding part of my narrative.
The elephant is annually becoming more shy and scarce in the interior.
The country people say that they have been taught the value of their
tusks, and therefore studiously avoid, as often as possible, the haunts
of man, by penetrating more deeply into the bosom of their ancient
forests. Be this as it may, they are not so frequently seen in Houssa as
formerly, and less often slain; and although numerous traces of them
were perceptible in the woods, we never met with a considerable number
at one time in all our journeyings. Elephants are more numerous in the
deep woods on the borders of the Quorra, near the island of Boussa, than
in any other place whatever. This may be accounted for by the king of
that country having interdicted his subjects, under dreadful penalties,
from slaying them. The fetish of the same monarch is a white elephant;
and it is believed that he can assume the form of that animal whenever
inclination or necessity may prompt him to disguise himself. Hence
elephants are held in considerable veneration by all ranks in Boussa;
and the figure of a _white_ one is worshipped as a god in that kingdom.
I have often heard it remarked, that the elephant is as sluggish in his
motions as he is unwieldly in appearance; but this is by no means the
case. In proportion to his size, he is as fleet as other animals, which
I learnt to my cost in South Africa; for on going out shooting one day I
disturbed a huge elephant, which, unobserved by me, was standing at a
very short distance. The animal immediately pursued me; but it being a
few seconds before he could disentangle his legs from the thick
underwood that grew on the spot, I was considerably in advance before he
got into open ground. The beast ran much faster than I, and would have
overtaken me in a few minutes, if a dog that was with me had not made an
alarm which drew our party out of their encampment, fixed at no great
distance, who came to my assistance, and drove the animal back. As it
was, I was almost frightened to death, and resolved never again to come
to such close quarters with an elephant, bulky as he might be; since
that quality does not prevent him from using his gigantic legs with
elegance and dispatch.
Of all untamed animals in Central Africa, hyenas are most to be dreaded;
they are astonishingly bold and ferocious, and commit great depredations
on the domestic animals of the natives. The howl of these creatures is
truly terrific, and their demoniacal laugh is enough to appal the
stoutest heart; hundreds of them used to pass and repass our tent in the
woods by night, our fires alone preventing them from commencing an
attack on our persons. The wild hog also does a great deal of mischief;
they visit the plantations in immense droves, and destroy the corn, or
whatever else may be growing on them. They inhabit the woods of Houssa,
but more particularly those in the vicinity of Soccatoo, where they are
found in considerable numbers; but no pains are taken by the inhabitants
of that city to exterminate them; in fact the Mohammedan portion of the
community would rather embrace a leper than touch the skin of one of
these abhorred animals; and there cannot be a greater affront than to
give a Falatah the epithet of “pork-eater.”
The domestic animals are the camel, horse, ass, ox, pig, goat, sheep,
&c.; turkeys, ducks (the Muscovy kind), geese, the Guinea and common
fowl, are also tamed. The turkey is no where to be met with after
leaving Yariba; nor is the camel seen in that or any other country
between it and the coast. Although the pig is detested by the Falatahs,
the Mohammedan negro feasts on its flesh without the slightest
reluctance, as do likewise the Pagan natives indiscriminately. The large
species of ox with the hump, was first brought into Houssa, Nyffé,
Borghoo, Yariba, Cuttum Cora, Cubbé, &c. by the Falatahs, the native
breed being diminutive, and without the hump. The beef of both kinds is
always dry, and tough as leather; and as by reason of the heat it never
gets perfectly cool, or solid, it is very indifferent eating. The
sweetest and most palatable animal food, is the flesh of kids, which is
publicly sold in the markets at a reasonable rate.
The native horse of the countries above enumerated, is particularly
small and shaggy; it is generally of a mouse colour, with hair as soft
and fine as silk; and, like the ass, has a black streak placed
transversely on the back and shoulders. The finest horses are imported
from Bornou, which country supplies every other in the interior with
that useful animal; and these are handsome, powerful beasts. The ass is
common in the interior, and for size, speed, strength, and beauty,
surpasses any animal of its kind I have ever seen, not even excepting
the most approved of the famous Spanish breed. They are highly valued by
the natives, and in some instances are preferred to the horse. Sheep and
goats are plentiful, but are of very inferior description; none of the
former are to be found with the enormous tail of fat which so peculiarly
distinguishes that animal at the Cape; but, as in all tropical
countries, they have hair instead of wool. Dogs and asses are eaten in
Yariba, and their flesh is much sought after.
Of the feathered tribe, there are various species, of rich and brilliant
plumage. Parrots, Guinea fowls in a wild state, and a variety of doves,
are seen in the branches of the beautiful trees, and by their chattering
and cooing, impart a grateful animation to the spot near which they may
happen to take up their abode. The golden pigeon is sometimes to be
seen; its ground colour is a rich and vivid blue, and the feathers on
the breast and under the wings are tinged with a glittering yellow,
whence it takes its name. The grey pelican abounds on the margins of
rivers and streams in Houssa; it is much less than the white pelican,
and the beak in particular is considerably smaller than that of the
latter species. The former are found in immense numbers, more especially
at a place called Zulamee, and build their nests close to the water’s
edge, near to which they always stand to feed their young. The eggs are
esteemed as a delicacy by the natives; but the flesh of the bird is of
so offensive a flavour that it cannot be eaten. It is somewhat singular
that the opinion of the pelican feeding its young with its blood is as
general in Houssa as it is amongst the lower class of people in Europe;
and to this belief I must acknowledge myself a proselyte! I have stood
for a long while together by the side of this stupid animal, watching
its motions, and seeing it bending its head for its offspring to extract
their nourishment. The young ones thrust their beaks into a small round
aperture at the lower part of the back of the neck of their parent, and
they swallow the substance that flows freely through. If it be not blood
that issues from the old bird, it is a red liquid so closely resembling
it, that the difference cannot be perceived. I took a sketch of a
pelican feeding its young in this manner, in Houssa, which is now in my
possession; and I should not have said so much on the subject, if my
assertions had not been questioned by several of my countrymen.
[Illustration]
I met with few of the species of birds to be found in Southern Africa,
in the more central parts. A rook having a white ring round its throat,
is the same in both regions, as is also a small bird called in the
former country _finy fink_, and in the latter the “harvest-bird.” Its
feathers are fine, soft, and silky; but retain their splendid colour
only whilst the corn is in the ground, changing its plumage to a russet
brown as soon as the grain is fairly housed, which is just about the
period that its young are able to take wing. There are two varieties of
this beautiful bird, the colours of the one being yellow and black, and
those of the other a bright scarlet, or red and black.
The rivers swarm with fish, which, generally speaking, are not very
delicious eating; and the consumption of them is confined chiefly to the
lower orders of the community. Crocodiles in incredible numbers infest
the rivers and streams from Badagry to Soccatoo, and are held in
considerable dread. I never saw any of these amphibious monsters of such
exceeding length and enormous dimensions as I have heard spoken of; the
largest I saw measuring no more than from fourteen to eighteen feet in
length, and of proportionate bulk. They sometimes attack the human
species; but such instances of their ferocity are not so often displayed
as the natives would wish strangers to believe, for, being fond of the
terrible, they magnify the most trifling incident in the world to one of
excessive horror. The eggs of the crocodiles are eaten by the people,
and greatly esteemed; they are certainly preferable to their hen’s eggs,
which are rarely more than half hatched, and when dressed look and taste
like water and curdled milk. They are also superior in flavour to the
eggs of the penguin, and although larger, closely resemble them in
appearance when boiled, the yolk in both being of a pale yellow, and the
more liquid part of a delicate blue. The former are used as charms by
the natives of Yariba and Borghoo, not only to deter crocodiles from
visiting their villages, but likewise to avert the “Evil Eye.”
THE YAM YAM.
The Yam Yam, in his most conspicuous traits, is alike different from the
Falatah, the Arab, and him that claims a Bornou descent, resembling, as
nearly as possible, the Caffre of the southern interior. The same open,
manly countenance—the same jetty blackness of skin—the same noble but
restless eye—the same advantageous stature, and athletic, powerful form,
are observable in both savages; and they have a like fondness for
pastoral pursuits; but the Yam Yam differs from the Caffre in being a
cannibal. He is accused by every nation of the revolting crime of eating
his own species; yet the united testimony of every nation might be
questioned as arising from prejudice or dislike, if he did not confess
it himself. A Yam Yam told me at Kano, deliberately and seriously, that
his countrymen not only devour the bodies of their enemies taken in
battle, but feed on the flesh of their friends and companions, purchased
from human shambles!
THE ARABS.
This ancient and extraordinary people are spread like locusts over the
central parts of the continent; and, like locusts also, have left marks
of their devastating qualities wherever they have appeared. Both Saracen
and Moor fall under the general denomination of _Arab_; and although it
is said that the former made an irruption and settled in the northern
parts as early as the seventh or eighth century, and the Arabs three or
four centuries subsequently to that era, there does not appear at this
time to be the least difference in the persons or manners of the whole.
At whatever period they crossed the desert, however, it is certain that
the wild and fanatical religion of Mohammed accompanied them, and that
they preached it with zeal and energy amongst the natives, making
innumerable converts to the new and strange doctrine.
The Arabs in Houssa and other parts have, unhappily, lost all trace of
their ancient splendour, as well as the characteristic features of their
countrymen. Like the Jews in Barbary, monopolize not only all the trade,
but likewise all the money concerns of the state and people;
degenerating from a restless, but high-minded and imaginative race, to
the vilest and most grovelling on the face of the earth. They pluck the
ignorant and superstitious aborigines of their substance with impunity,
and perpetrate the most revolting crimes for the bare love of gain. Some
of them are observed straggling from one end of the African continent to
the other, practising, like wandering quacks, the most shameful
impositions in the different towns and villages through which they may
happen to pass. An Arab mallam selling the small balls of tin to a
native chief, which has been already mentioned, is a proof of this; and
hundreds of other examples might be adduced, if necessary, as a further
corroboration of the truth of my assertion. They also tell fortunes, and
by various incantations pretend to discover the authors of robberies or
mischief of any kind that may have been effected. Some again remain
stationary in cities and in courts, ever ready to take advantage of
circumstances to cheat and embezzle, and to enrich themselves at the
expense of the prince or the public; and, although they are so numerous
in the interior, I do not believe there exists half a dozen honest men
amongst them. Unacquainted with the brilliant achievements that shed so
rich a lustre over his earlier history, the Arab of the internal
districts of Africa ceases to retain the politeness, the gallantry, the
lofty enthusiasm, and the love for the fine arts, which distinguished
his ancestors under the Califs; and even the desire of collecting and
preserving Arabic manuscripts, which for a long time prevailed amongst
his countrymen, is now wholly extinct. Intolerant and bigoted in their
religious principles, the Arabs look with invincible contempt on all
those differing from them in opinion; and their dislike to Christians in
particular is inveterate and deeply-rooted. They did their utmost to
prejudice the minds of the rulers as well as the _canaille_ of Africa
against us, by propagating the most unfavourable rumours of our
character and our motives; and partially succeeded in convincing them
that we were either spies or robbers; insomuch that the term “Christian”
became in disrepute with a large portion of all ranks, and a watchword
for reproaches and indignities of every description. Jealous and
malevolent, and fearful that through our means the great fabric of
imposture they had reared with so much facility on the basis of
superstition would be overthrown, as well as their lucrative trade with
the natives ruined, they watched all our actions with distrust and
alarm; and although they covered their faces with smiles on visiting us,
or on accosting us in the streets, those looks of kindness were put on
only to lull us into a security, and to impress us with the belief that
they were our best friends. Their relentless malice at length displayed
itself; for by repeatedly throwing out indirect insinuations on our
integrity in the hearing of Sultan Bello, these Arabs succeeded in
undermining our reputation in the eyes of that monarch; the consequences
of which hastened the death of my valued master, together with the
failure of the African Mission—for, to the perfidious endeavours of
those scoundrels I must attribute our detention in Soccatoo, and all the
misfortunes which attended that restraint.
THE FALATAHS.
The Falatahs, as a people, are perhaps not less extraordinary than the
Arabs, whom they formerly resembled in their unsettled, wandering
habits, and simple manners. No one can tell their origin, from what
country they at first emigrated, or to what extent they have scattered
themselves. They have overrun the continent from east to west, and are
found tending their flocks and herds near the sea, and warring with
success in the interior: some of them profess the Mohammedan religion,
and some worship stocks and stones; but all speak the same language, and
have the same ceremonies and amusements. The negroes who have travelled
farthest have declared to me that Falatahs are every where to be met
with, seldom mixing with the owners of the soil; but, like the gipsies
of Europe, keeping themselves a peculiar and distinct people.
When I was at Graham’s Town, Cape of Good Hope, in 1824, two copper-
coloured men, who had incautiously separated themselves from their
companions, were found wandering in the woods in the vicinity of the
place, and brought into it by a body of Caffres; they excited at the
time a great deal of curiosity, and conjecture was afloat as to what
particular nation they could have belonged to. For my part, from what I
now know, I have every reason for believing that those very men were
Falatahs; and I have a strong persuasion within my own breast that the
tribe called in Southern Africa the _Red_ Caffre, and the Falatah of the
eastern and central parts, are one and the same people! I do not affirm
that they _are_ actually the same; I only state it as my decided
conviction that they have sprung from one common source. I know nothing
of the language of the Red Caffre, but he certainly does not differ from
the Falatah in personal appearance; and by all accounts the manners,
customs, and ceremonies of both are precisely the same. It would be a
truly magnificent undertaking to traverse the unexplored regions between
Leetakoo and the (so called) Mountains of the Moon; and every way worthy
the courage and enterprise of an Englishman. I really believe that a
person acquainted with the genius and usages of the natives, and
possessing a persevering, undaunted spirit, with an unruffled temper,
would find no insurmountable difficulties against accomplishing this
object, stupendous as it may at first appear; he might soon and easily
accommodate himself to the manners of the Africans, which are generally
mild and simple, and do not differ, in many very essential points, from
the Cape to Bornou; and leaving gradually, and almost imperceptibly, the
healthy for the insalubrious climates, his frame would be prepared, by
such degrees, to encounter the transition.
At one time the Falatahs never resided in towns, but rambled, with their
flocks and herds, from place to place, as pasturage and water might
invite their steps. They journeyed in companies, having no particular
chief, or regular form of government; and their numbers were at first
too contemptible to excite the notice, still less the fears, of the
aborigines. Into Houssa they stole insensibly by “ones and twos,” and
finding that fertile and beautiful country much to their liking, they
took up a permanent abode in the woods at no great distance from the
spot on which Soccatoo now stands.
By some secret intelligence or correspondence, hordes of their
straggling countrymen soon gathered around them, and they at length
built a town in the province of Goober, in Houssa, and chose for
themselves a chief, named Danfodio. This man was well versed in the
religion of Mohammed, and had derived from the figurative language and
splendid diction of the Koran, a visionary and romantic turn of mind,
which prompted him to undertake novel and daring exploits, not unworthy
that great legislator whose work he had so intently studied. He began at
first to meddle with the polity of the ruling prince of Goober, and
adopted the language of dictation to that imbecile monarch, which not
being altogether agreeable to the royal mind, the newly built Falatah
town was levelled with the dust, and the chief himself, with all his
people, driven out of the country into the woods, wherein they erected
another town; and the Falatahs from the east and west flocked, in
considerable numbers, to the standard of their countryman. Finding his
strength daily and hourly increasing, Danfodio divided his men into
bands, or companies, and nominating a captain to each fifty, bade them
go forth and conquer in the name of the Prophet, for that God had given
them the lands and houses of the natives. He also embraced the
opportunity of impressing upon the minds of the leaders, with admirable
eloquence, the most prominent features of the religion they professed;
and artfully insinuated the exalted and unfading happiness which those
who fell in the cause of Mohammed would be entitled to in the other
world. The captains, filled with ardour and enthusiasm, found little
difficulty in the accomplishment of the task imposed upon them by their
crafty leader. With a handful of men the flourishing and important city
of Kano was taken and pillaged; and other parties overran the country
and subjugated the people, telling them that the Almighty had given them
their possessions for an inheritance; and that they themselves, with
their offspring, must ever after be their slaves and bondsmen. The
stupid natives were palsied with fear, and understanding little or
nothing of the Koran, knew not what to think of the strange doctrines of
the Prophet sprung up so suddenly and unexpectedly amongst them.
Danfodio’s pretensions, therefore, were seldom disputed; the Houssans
have often declared to me that the strength and inclination to “shake
the spear!” were denied them; they had no will of their own,—their hands
fell powerless by their sides, and they felt as if they had been touched
by the finger of a god, or were under the influence of an eastern
talisman. Abandoning their wives and children to the mercy of the
invaders, they consented to lose their liberty, and fell, like “silly
sheep,” into the snare that had been laid for them with so little art;
not even attempting to struggle with their oppressors; or if so, making
efforts as puny and ineffectual as the fluttering of a fly in a spider’s
web. Of all the provinces in Houssa, Goober alone made a show of
resistance; its monarch invested Danfodio in his own town, but being
repulsed with loss, made a precipitate retreat to Coonia, the capital of
his kingdom. He was pursued thither with slaughter by the Falatahs, who,
in their turn, surrounded his town, and succeeded in slaying him in a
sally, when the inhabitants, deprived of a leader, immediately
capitulated, and bowed their necks to the yoke of the Falatah chieftain.
All Houssa was now in subjection; Bornou was attacked with success; the
dynasty of that ancient kingdom tottered to its foundation, and its
monarch trembled on his throne. The Falatahs pushed their almost
bloodless conquests to Nyffé, and conquering part of that country with
the whole of Cubbé and Youri, had the audacity to enter Katunga, the
metropolis of Yariba, which being an idolatrous city, was set on fire;
but the inhabitants, recovering from the panic into which they had been
so suddenly thrown, rallied, and turning upon the incendiaries,
compelled them to make a precipitate, and disgraceful retreat. For some
reason, which I could never exactly comprehend, Danfodio hastily
recalled his victorious soldiers, and concentrating his power in Houssa,
founded the city of Soccatoo, somewhere about the year 1798, which he
resolved should be the metropolis of his usurped empire. Here he lived
in peace for many years, uniting in his own person, like his celebrated
prototype, the sacerdotal and kingly offices; and ruled his people with
candour, equity, and justice. As soon as the Arabs were made acquainted
with these sudden and important changes, they hastened, with well-timed
speed, to do homage to the success of his arms and the wisdom of his
councils; and ingratiated themselves so effectually into the favour of
the conqueror, by flattering his self-love with artful and well-directed
encomiums, that he loaded them with benefits, and intreated them to
remain for ever in his newly-acquired territory. He also presented them
with horned cattle, camels, and slaves, and offered them the most
fertile lands in Houssa, if they would consent to teach his subjects to
read the Koran, and give them an acquaintance with the Arabic language
and literature.
In the midst of these proceedings, the terrible Danfodio, at whose name
thousands of negroes trembled, became religiously mad, and was often
seized with paroxysms of remorse, for having erected a throne, by the
shedding of so much Mussulman blood. In his lucid intervals, a
melancholy preyed upon his mind, and he delivered his conscience into
the hands of the Arab emirs who surrounded him. These hungry and
insatiable adventurers plied the fanatical prince unceasingly for more
valuable presents, as the only means of appeasing the wrath of offended
Heaven; in which object they were eminently successful; but this failed
in alleviating the malady that afflicted Danfodio, and he expired in
great anguish in one of his fits about the year 1816, to the infinite
joy of his conquered subjects, and the sincere regret of the interested
Arabs, and the aspiring Falatahs. Amongst all people, however, he bore
the reputation of being one of the most extraordinary men that had ever
existed in the interior of Africa; and his enterprizing spirit, artful
stratagems, and perfect acquaintance with the African character, which
the whole tenor of his conduct evinces, show that the honor he had
acquired was not founded on popular clamour, or national prejudice; but
that his mind was greatly superior to those of the semi-barbarians that
surrounded him. He had made great and important changes in the laws and
government of the people he had subjugated to his sway, and created on
the ruins of the most flourishing and beautiful kingdom in the interior,
a new dynasty which is likely to become, in time, the most formidable
power in the whole continent.
Mohammed Bello, the present Sultan, and eldest son of Danfodio, ascended
the throne, by the unanimous voice of the Falatahs, shortly after his
father’s decease; but the government of the conquered territory to the
westward of Houssa, was awarded to Mohammed Ben Abdallah, his cousin.
Atego, a younger brother of Bello, attempted to raise a rebellion in
furtherance of his own ambitious projects in opposition to the rightful
heir, but being completely defeated in a pitched battle, by the
partizans of Bello, was taken prisoner, and liberated after a year’s
imprisonment in a common dungeon. He is now on a friendly footing with
his brother, but is a contemptible fellow, and appears to have sunk the
dignity of the prince in the meanness of the man.
On receiving intelligence of the death of the Sultan of the Falatahs,
the people of Goober, and many of those of the other conquered
provinces, impatient of the galling yoke which they had been compelled,
much against their own inclinations, to bear, rose simultaneously into
an open and general revolt, and put to death, indiscriminately, every
Falatah that had located himself in their country. Then, forming
themselves into a confederacy, with a variety of leaders at their head,
they for a long time waged an exterminating war with the successor of
Danfodio; but their movements being unconnected and irregular, and
anarchy having the ascendancy in their councils, Bello had reconquered
several of the mutinous districts at the period of our arrival, and made
a great slaughter of the miserable inhabitants. The towns whose gates
were not instantly opened to their summons, the Falatahs surrounded, and
intercepting all communication between the people residing in them and
those of the neighbouring country, prevented any provisions being
obtained by the besieged, and in a manner starved them into
capitulation. The insurgents had made, however, for Africans, a gallant
defence; and well knowing what they had to expect from their sanguinary
adversaries, would not surrender till all their domestic animals had
been consumed, and they themselves reduced to the extremity of feeding
on decoyed vultures, which, next to human flesh, they most cordially
abhor. Having obliged them at length to open the gates, the Falatahs
rushed in, and pouncing upon the emaciated and unresisting inhabitants,
made dreadful havoc of them, putting the old men and councillors to the
edge of the sword; thrusting a sharp stake into their bodies, and
exhibiting them on the tops of the walls and other conspicuous places,
as melancholy trophies of their success, and as a spectacle of horror
for their shuddering countrymen to profit by. In this situation the
ghastly corpses were exposed, till they had fallen to pieces by the
action of the air, or been devoured by birds of prey. The old women, and
young people of both sexes, who had escaped the general massacre, were
driven in triumph to Soccatoo, and retained as slaves by their imperious
conquerors. This was the dismal fate of the inhabitants of Coonia, the
capital of Goober, the prince of which country, named Doncasson, with
other young men, laboured as a slave till a year or two before Captain
Clapperton’s first arrival at Soccatoo, (about 1822,) when, effecting
his escape, with the most determined of his countrymen, he was elected
their captain, and being joined by numbers of the disaffected, marched
forthwith to the metropolis of the kingdom of his ancestors, and
vigorously assaulting it by surprise, the Falatahs, in their turn, after
a short and ineffectual resistance, surrendered to the infuriated
Gooberites.
The merciless Doncasson retaliated upon the inhabitants the dreadful
cruelties which they had so inhumanly inflicted upon his countrymen not
long before; in addition to which, the left hand of every young woman in
the town, in spite of their cries and tears, was amputated; after which,
being set at liberty, they returned with their mutilated bleeding
members, to Soccatoo. I saw several of the unfortunate creatures in that
city who had undergone this barbarous operation; the hand had been cut
off at the wrist, and the wound being left to nature for a cure, several
of the young women had bled to death on the road.
Sultan Bello meantime had not been an unconcerned or inactive spectator
of the exploit of Doncasson; he immediately assembled a strong force,
and made repeated attacks on Coonia, but was repulsed with loss in all
his attempts. The belligerents likewise fought two pitched battles, in
which the Falatahs were discomfited, and their Sultan wounded by a
poisoned arrow; by this means the Falatahs were no longer considered as
invincible by the original natives; and, foiled in all their manœuvres,
they returned crest-fallen and defeated to Soccatoo. Bello soon
recovered from the effects of his wound, but was ever after so
excessively afraid of the _Towayahs_, as Doncasson’s followers were
called, that, unless protected by a strong escort, neither he nor his
people dared to venture near their territories.
The Gooberites, at the period of my departure from Soccatoo, had
received a considerable reinforcement of cavalry from the Sheikh of
Bornou, and were daily becoming stronger and more formidable to the
Falatahs. Numerous bands of their young men infested the Goober, or
_Gondamie_ “bush,” through which the road to Kano lay. Here they hid
themselves in caves and unfrequented places; but on receiving
intelligence from their scouts of the approach of a body of the enemy,
less powerful than themselves, they would suddenly emerge from their
concealment, and springing upon the ill-fated Falatahs, generally
contrived to capture or destroy them. Hence the rapidity with which we
travelled through the dreaded bush—a rapidity that, in one instance, had
nearly cost me my life; and hence the exclamation of “O, the Goober
Bush!” so general amongst the Falatahs.
WAR WITH BORNOU.
The war between the Bornouese and Falatahs, which has been already
mentioned as raging at the time of our arrival in Kano, and which had
caused the Arabs in that city great uneasiness, originated from the
following cause:—A famine having impoverished the natives of the former
country, and threatened them with utter destruction, the Sheikh sent a
number of handsome horses, for which his kingdom is celebrated, as
presents to the Governor of Kano, and the chiefs of other Falatah towns.
The animals were delivered to the care of the ambassadors, who depicted
to the receivers of them, in lively colours, the destitute condition of
the people of Bornou; and intimated a wish that the Falatahs would
relieve their wants, by returning as much corn and other provisions as
they could readily spare, without putting themselves to an
inconvenience. The custom of giving and receiving presents is of very
ancient standing in Africa, and sanctioned by universal adoption.
Instead of acceding to the reasonable desires of the Ruler of Bornou,
the Chiefs of all the towns, excepting the Governor of Kano, kept indeed
the horses, but followed the example of many rude nations of antiquity,
as well as that of more modern times[1] and sent back the ambassadors to
their monarch, with bundles of sharp-pointed spears, hinting by these
hieroglyphics, that if the Sheikh wanted corn, he was to come and fight
for it. The Governor of Kano, however, went even a step beyond this, for
he not only retained the horses sent him, but bound the unsuspecting
ambassadors hand and foot, and taking them to the market-place, the
pitiless Falatah publicly butchered them in cold blood. The consummation
of this atrocious act, to which I was myself a spectator, elicited a
universal murmur of disapprobation from the slaves, who form by far the
major part of the inhabitants of the city; and it was generally feared,
from their deep but not loud execrations, that they would have risen
into open revolt, and revenged the murder of the Bornouese, by wreaking
their vengeance on the head of the perpetrator of the abominable crime.
This effervescence of the public mind, nevertheless, had subsided at the
period of my departure for Soccatoo, without producing any of the
effects so much dreaded by the free population of Kano; and the
recollection of the revolting and sanguinary action of the Governor was
swallowed up in other and more important incidents.
As soon as the news of this melancholy catastrophe reached the ears of
the Sheikh of Bornou, who was then at Kouka, the capital of his empire,
he was so violently exasperated, that he swore by the Prophet he would
have an immediate and ample revenge of the Falatahs for the insult they
had offered him; and for this purpose, instantly assembling a numerous
and powerful army, he hastened to chastise his relentless enemies. The
inhabitants of every Falatah town opened their gates to the Sheikh till
he reached Murmur, (the place in which Dr. Oudney died and was buried by
my lamented master, in the former journey,) where the people who refused
to follow the example set them by their countrymen; and prepared to
defend themselves to the last extremity. The Bornouese, being unwilling
to lose so much time as the investment of the town, in a formal manner,
would inevitably occasion, contrived to ensnare a number of vultures, by
baiting a crooked bit of iron, sharpened at the extremity, and
resembling in shape a small sized English fish-hook, with pieces of
putrid beef. These instruments, to which a long string was attached,
were eagerly seized by those voracious birds, which by this means were
caught with little difficulty. The soldiers of the Sheikh had no sooner
obtained as many as they fancied would be necessary, by this stratagem,
than they tied pieces of burning cotton to the claws or tails of the
vultures, and so set them at liberty. The affrighted birds instantly
flew into the town, and alighting on the thatch of the dwellings, of
course set them on fire, and a general conflagration was the almost
immediate consequence.
This unlooked for calamity distracted the attention of the besieged; and
all flew to arrest the progress of the flames, and to snatch their
children from their burning habitations; whilst the Bornouese, taking
advantage of the general consternation that prevailed in the town, made
a sudden rush on the massy gates or doors, (which are made of the bark
of the date tree, fastened and strengthened with iron clasps,) and so
desperate was the assault, that in less than a minute’s time they had
entered the place, and were engaged in their work of death and slaughter
amongst the inhabitants.
The infuriated Bornouese pursued their way through the burning streets,
amidst the crackling huts of the people, and the general devastation and
ruin—respecting neither party, but frequently overwhelming both
themselves and their enemies in one common destruction. The male
Falatahs were marked out as peculiar objects of the vengeance of the
victorious troops, one only escaping to tell the dismal tale to his
countrymen; but not yet satiated with blood, the pagan soldiers in the
army of the Sheikh captured all the unoffending females who were running
about in every direction, with their offspring in their arms, or on
their breasts; and, as with the Gooberites, after amputating one of
their hands, ejected them from their town, snatched their children from
their embraces, and compelled the poor creatures to wander without
protection, and almost dead with grief and intense suffering, to other
towns and villages, before arriving at which many of them were released
by death.
Several other Falatah towns were treated in a similar dreadful manner by
the Bornouese, who marched hastily towards Kano; but when about a day’s
journey from that city, were intercepted by the troops of the king of
Jacoba, and other allies of Bello, and coming to an engagement, the
latter were utterly routed by the Sheikh, after a short but sanguinary
contest. The Bornouese obtained immense booty by this victory, and on
drawing near the walls of Kano, the governor went out to meet them with
the joint forces of that city and the province of Zeg Zeg, when the
Falatahs again suffered a mortifying defeat, and were obliged to flee
back into Kano, the immense wall of which, with its ponderous doors,
alone prevented the victorious Sheikh, flushed with success, and glutted
with revenge, from following them into the town, and annihilating every
soul; in which he would undoubtedly have been assisted by the murmuring
slaves.
Bello, meantime, was gathering together an immense army to attack the
Sheikh, who, being made acquainted with the circumstance, in order more
effectually to secure the booty he had already required, having
fulfilled to the letter his terrible denunciation on the insolent
Falatahs, thought proper to raise the siege of Kano, and return to his
own kingdom, laden with provisions and spoil; nor did the Gooberites
leave it in the power of Bello to make reprisals on his triumphant
adversaries; so that they were suffered to retreat unmolested to Bornou.
The old coffee-pot, tent, and drum, which the disappointed Falatahs
boasted, amongst other things, they had captured from the Bornouese, and
which were publicly exhibited as trophies of a victory they had never
won, were owned, the day before I left Soccatoo, by the discomfited king
of Jacoba, as his property, and restored to that monarch immediately.
The prince informed me that the soldiers of the Sheikh were so loaded
with articles of greater value, that they did not think it worth while
to have the trouble of conveying an old worn-out tent, coffee-pot, &c.
to Bornou, and therefore left them behind for the use of their
opponents.
I could hardly forbear laughing to see the animosity which the Falatahs
evinced against the unconscious coffee-pot, and the dreadful punishments
they inflicted upon it, on all occasions, as if this inanimate vessel
could satisfy their thirst for vengeance on their enemies. I have heard
of boys in England, during the period of the war with France,
desperately lopping off the tops of thistles with a walking-stick, and
exclaiming, with appropriate gesticulation, “Oh, if you were Frenchmen,
we would behead you in this manner!” The expression of the Falatah, with
regard to the coffee-pot, was very similar. I have seen him lift his
spear in a transport of rage, and while his eyes flashed fire, cry out
with dreadful vehemence: “Oh, if you were the Sheikh of Bornou, thus
would I pierce your vile body!” accompanying his words and gesture by
making, with all the fury of excitement and disappointed revenge, a
valorous thrust at the ill-used breakfast-preparer of the king of
Jacoba. When it came to be understood, however, that the coffee-pot did
not actually belong to the Bornouese monarch, but was the property of
one of their most faithful allies, they were overwhelmed with shame and
chagrin; but hushed up the matter as well as they were able, vowing,
that as soon as the Gooberites should give them a short respite, they
would be amply revenged on their spirited and successful antagonists.
WAR WITH FUNDAH.
Fundah was described to me as being a large and populous city, the
capital of a kingdom of the same name, and situated on the banks of the
Niger. It is defended by a high wall, except the part facing the sea;
and canoes are continually plying up and down the river, between the
town and the bight of Benin. The inhabitants, having received a quantity
of European fire-arms from the coast by this water-conveyance, no sooner
heard of the Falatah conquests, than they perforated the wall of Fundah
with innumerable little holes, barely large enough to admit the barrels
of muskets, and light for the soldiers to distinguish objects without.
The city never was invested in Danfodio’s time, that prince wisely
contenting himself with the subjection of Houssa, &c.; but Bello, his
successor, having cast an envious eye on so rich and flourishing a
kingdom, had long premeditated the conquest of dominions that lay so
near and so commodious for the accomplishment of his ambitious views;
and attempted to carry his well-matured design into execution a few
weeks only after Captain Clapperton had quitted Soccatoo on his former
journey (1824).
The Sultan accordingly, assembling all his forces, marched with a
formidable army towards the devoted Fundah; and halting about a half
mile from that city, sent the following singular and characteristic
message to the king:—
BELLO’S MESSAGE.
“Ruler of Fundah! deliver up your country, your riches, your people, and
your slaves, to the beloved of God, Mohammed Bello, king of all the
Mussulmans, without reluctance on your part; for if you do not suffer
him quietly and peaceably to take possession of your kingdom, in order
to propagate the religion of the only true Prophet in it, he will shed
your blood, and the blood of your children, and the blood of your
household; not one shall be left alive: while your people he will bind
with fetters of iron, to be his slaves and bondsmen for ever—God having
so spoken by the mouth of Mohammed!”
KING OF FUNDAH’S ANSWER.
“Sultan of the Falatahs! The king of Fundah does not know you or your
Prophet; he laughs your boastings to scorn, and despises your impotent
threats. Go back to your country, and live in peace with your people;
for if you persist in the foolish attempt to invade his dominions, you
will surely fall by his hands; and instead of his or his subjects being
your vassals and bondsmen,—your slaves shall be his slaves, and your
people his people. Your chiefs and warriors, and mighty men, will he
slaughter without mercy, and their blood shall be sprinkled on the walls
of his town; while even your mallams and emirs will he thrust through
with spears, and cast their bodies into the woods, to be devoured by
lions and birds of prey!”
This insulting and contemptuous message to the beloved of God, the high-
minded Bello, irritated the choler of the Falatah monarch to so great a
degree, that he immediately ordered his cavalry to advance to the very
walls of Fundah; and the conquest of that important city was already
effected in his imagination;—the glory and fame he was about to acquire
filled him with pride of heart, and the brightest visions of
aggrandizement floated in his fancy. The cavalry were dressed in flowing
white tobes; and as they drew near, the mallams, preceding the horse,
read aloud sentences from the Koran, as they were wont to do, till,
approaching within a few yards of the fatal wall, they made a
simultaneous pause for the infantry to come up. The mallans then
embraced the opportunity of reading a few Mohammedan prayers in Arabic,
which no one understood or cared about; and the army unconcernedly
prepared to make the attack. They were quite easy as to the result of
it; and contrary to the solemnity of the Moslam character, laughed,
joked, and made merry amongst themselves, playing all manner of antics,
just like a fool shaking his bells before the mouth of a cannon about to
sweep him to destruction.
Meanwhile the king of Fundah had not been idle. Anticipating what was
actually taking place, he had prepared to meet the shock of his powerful
antagonist by every means that could be devised in so pressing an
emergency, rallying the drooping spirits of his people, and dissipating
the dread that even the _sound_ of the Falatah name could not fail of
inspiring. The apertures already mentioned as being formed in the wall,
the prince caused to be filled with muskets; and placing a soldier at
each, watched attentively the motions and advances of his enemies. He
waited till, as it has already been remarked, the foe, by a strange
indifference, began to play the fool almost close to the walls. Another
moment—and a thousand Falatah jaws were extended to shout the war-cry of
their countrymen, “Allah Ackbar!” previously to making the premeditated
assault; but before they had uttered the first syllable of the sentence,
their mouths were suddenly closed by the salute of a volley of musketry
from the fatal wall, which did dreadful execution amongst them. Hardly
knowing what to make of this rough and ungracious reception, so entirely
different from what they had ever before experienced, they were
petrified to the spot, and could neither fly, nor prosecute the assault
against the town; but kept their stupid eyes foolishly staring into each
other’s countenance, as if to ask the meaning of what had taken place.
Whilst the Falatahs were in this state of horrid suspense, and before
they could have time to recover their presence of mind, another well-
directed discharge of fire-arms from the holes in the wall, completed
the general consternation, broke the charm that had bound them to the
soil, and away scampered the heroic Mohammedans in all directions—Bello,
the beloved of God, and king of all the Mussulmans! being the first to
set them the example. At that instant the men of Fundah, rushing from
the gates, accelerated the flight of the invaders, who were terror-
stricken on hearing the war-cry of their pursuers, a loud, wild yell,
close at their heels; many of them were killed, and many taken
prisoners, not one of them daring to make the shadow of resistance, or
even venturing to look behind him. Being loaded with booty, the
successful people of Fundah discontinued the carnage, and returned in
triumph to their city.
In this disastrous affair, the Falatahs left five hundred of their best
troops dead on the field, besides a vast number of prisoners and
wounded; two hundred of the finest horses in their empire also fell into
the hands of the conquerors, so that the threat of the Fundah monarch
was more than partially accomplished. This, in African warfare, was
considered as a sanguinary contest: indeed Bello himself was so severely
humbled at the decisive and signal overthrow, that, for a long season
afterwards, he was ashamed to show himself to his people. What surprised
the Falatahs and their prince was the death of so many mallams, who,
being placed in front of the horsemen, were consequently more exposed to
the fire of the enemy, and the first victims to the Fundah musketry; but
the greatest wonder of all was the loss of an Arab emir, who received
two shots in his breast, and fell dead from the side of the sultan.
These men were supposed to have a charmed life, and in all probability
believed themselves that they were invulnerable; but the result proved
on what a fragile tenure they had held their pretensions to
impenetrability, and opened, in some measure, the eyes of the multitude
to their abominable deceptions.
The preceding information was first furnished to me by the king of
Jacoba; and afterwards corroborated in all its particulars by Mohammed,
a Houssa man, and servant of mine, who accompanied me to Dunrora. He had
been himself a spectator of the bloody scene he described; and fought
with the cavalry in the Falatah army, in their memorable exploit before
the walls of Fundah.
Bello, it was asserted, would not risk the dangers of a second campaign,
the first having given him a _quietus_, which, it was generally
believed, would effectually damp his ardour for conquest during his
lifetime. The Falatahs, a proud, conceited people, and excessively vain
of their national spirit, carefully exclude from their conversation even
an allusion to a defeat; whilst their victories are always made the most
of, and repeated a thousand times in every company.
The great eagerness and anxiety which Bello displayed on Captain
Clapperton’s former visit to Soccatoo, to maintain a friendly
intercourse with the English nation, arose undoubtedly from the
expectation, that by the assistance he should derive by that means, he
would find little difficulty in overcoming his enemies: a universal
despotism which he had attempted, singly and unprotected, to erect over
the minds and persons of every Pagan nation in the interior, being a
desideratum with him, towards the accomplishment of which his thoughts
and actions were unceasingly directed.
FOOD OF THE NATIVES.
In Houssa, and, generally speaking, in every country in the interior
(except Yariba), the natives have but two meals a-day, one before
sunrise, and the other after sun-set. The breakfast of the higher
classes consists either of rice and milk, or flour and milk, boiled with
honey, and butter manufactured from cow’s milk. The supper, which is
considered the principal meal, is made of a small quantity of meat
stewed in butter, and poured over a bowl of tuah. Poorer people
breakfast on flour and water only; and their evening’s repast is
composed simply of flour boiled in water till it attains the consistence
of pudding, seasoned with a sauce made from a certain herb, which to the
palate of an European would be most disgusting stuff indeed. With this,
however, they are perfectly contented; and, indeed they are infinitely
happier than the same class of people in Europe.
CHAPTER XI.
* * * * *
The Author resumes his Narrative — African huts — Recreations and
evening amusements of his Master and himself — Illness of Captain
Clapperton — His sufferings — Perfect resignation under them — His death
— Burial — Character.
My master and myself enjoyed tolerable health for some weeks after my
arrival in Soccatoo, I say _tolerable_, for _perfect_ health we felt not
even a single day in Africa. We variously employed our leisure hours as
inclination or circumstances might guide our choice. We each went
a-shooting repeatedly: this was Captain Clapperton’s favourite
amusement, and almost the only out-of-door exercise he was at all eager
to cultivate. He frequently went out with his gun at an early hour in
the morning, and returned not till the evening was pretty far advanced.
On all of these occasions the Captain was dressed in the costume of the
country, which consisted, besides other articles, of a large, flowing
tobe, and a red cap with a white muslin turban: the tobe was confined to
his waist by a broad belt, in which a brace of pistols and a short
dagger were stuck;—thus accoutred, my master looked more like a mountain
robber setting out on a predatory excursion, than a British naval
officer. His beard, also, which he had permitted quietly to grow, had
undisputed possession of his chin, and was of a truly patriarchal
length, extending even below his breast. This imparted to his
countenance a venerable expression, and to his general appearance a
degree of dignity, that excited the envy and admiration of the Arabs and
Falatahs, who attach great importance to large bushy beards, which they
all strive to obtain by various means.
The hut in which we resided was a round building, about thirty yards in
circumference, having so small an entrance that we were obliged to stoop
on going into it, and its appearance very much resembled an immense bee-
hive. It had no window or other aperture whatever, besides the door-way
already alluded to, so that light was admitted only from that channel;
and the heat of the apartment was from the same cause rendered almost
insupportable, being nearly ten degrees higher than in the shade
outside. The hut was inclosed in a square yard, at one end of which the
horses were confined, and the camels at another; and sheds were erected
close to it, as sleeping apartments for the servants and slaves.
For the erection of the walls of their huts, the natives use clay and
earth, without hair, or any other substance. The mortar is made into
round masses, somewhat larger than a skittleball, which being dried and
hardened in the sun, are fit for use, and placed in tiers like bricks in
England. As soon as the walls are raised to the usual height, the roof
is constructed and placed on them; and the interstices between the tiers
of balls and the balls themselves being filled up with moistened clay,
the whole surface is plastered over with the same material by the hands
of the workman, which, like the tail of the beaver, is his only tool,
and the hut is then fit to be inhabited.
* * * * *
Before retiring to rest of an evening, cigars we had brought from
England with us were generally produced; and we inhaled their grateful
fragrance oftentimes for an hour or two. This was the only luxury left
us; our tea and sugar had been consumed long before, and we fared in
every respect like the Falatahs themselves. Squatted on mats in our
huts, we spent the lingering hours in reading aloud, or chatting of our
respective homes, and reciting village anecdotes; and it is really
incredible to believe to what a ridiculous consequence the most trivial
incident in the world was magnified in these our solitary conversations;
and how often we laughed at jests which had been laughed at a thousand
times before. But this can only be felt in an equal degree by persons
similarly circumstanced with ourselves; every other avenue to enjoyment
had been effectually blocked up; nor could we derive any pleasure from
the society of the treacherous Arab or interested Falatah.
Sometimes, although neither of us was gifted with a voice of much power
or compass, we attempted to sing a few English or Scotch tunes; and
sometimes I played others on my buglehorn. How often have the pleasing
strains of “Sweet, sweet Home,” resounded through the melancholy streets
of Soccatoo? How often have its inhabitants listened with breathless
attention to the music of the white-faced strangers? and observed to
each other, as they went away, “Surely those Christians are sending a
blessing to their country and friends!” Any thing that reminded my
master of his native Scotland was always heard with interest and
emotion. The little poem, “My native Highland home,” I have sung scores
of times to him, as he has sat with his arms folded on his breast
opposite to me in our dwelling; and notwithstanding his masculine
understanding, and boasted strength of nerve, the Captain used to be
somewhat moved on listening to the lines:
“Then gang wi’ me to Scotland dear,
We ne’er again will roam;
And with thy smile, so bonny, cheer
My native Highland home!
“For blithsome is the breath of day,
And sweet ’s the bonny broom,
And pure the dimpling rills that play
Around my Highland home.”
Thus our lonely evenings were spent; and when the time, the place, and
the thousand other circumstances, are considered, the puerility of our
amusements may surely be pardoned us. Such entertainments could not fail
of awakening melancholy but pleasing associations within us; and to
picture to our imaginations when in the bosom of Africa, and surrounded
by wretches who sought our destruction, our own free and happy country,
its heathy hills and flowery fields, and contrast them with the
withering aspect of existing scenes, afforded us many an hour of delight
and sorrow, gladness and gloom—although filling us with hopes that
proved delusive, and expectations that we found, by fatal experience, to
be in the highest degree visionary;—for, like the beautiful apple said
to grow on the borders of the Red Sea, our hopes wore a fair and
promising outside, but produced only bitter ashes.
For two months our manner of living and occupation were nearly unvaried.
The Sheikh of Bornou had entered Houssa, during this period, with a
multitude of men, and was reported to have laid siege to Kano, after the
fall of which city he was to march to Soccatoo. This news terrified the
inhabitants of the latter place to so great a degree, that every
individual of consequence in it fled to the more secure and remote town
of Magaria; and we were obliged to follow their example; but, events not
turning out agreeably to anticipation, we returned to Soccatoo in about
a week or fortnight afterwards.
On the 12th of March all thoughts of further enjoyment ceased, through
the sudden illness of my dear kind master, who was attacked with
dysentery on that day. He had been almost insensibly declining for a
week or two previously, but without the slightest symptoms of this
frightful malady. From the moment he was first taken ill, Captain
Clapperton perspired freely, large drops of sweat continually rolling
over every part of his body, which weakened him exceedingly; and, being
unable to obtain any one, even of our own servants, to assist, I was
obliged to wash the clothes, kindle and keep in the fire, and prepare
the victuals with my own hands. Owing to the intense heat, my master was
frequently fanned for hours together: indeed, all my leisure moments
were devoted to this tedious occupation; and I have often held the fan
till, from excessive weakness, it has fallen from my grasp.
Finding that, from increasing debility, I was unable to pay that
unremitting attention to the numerous wants of the invalid which his
melancholy state so peculiarly demanded, I sent to mallam Mudey on the
15th, entreating him to lend me a female slave to perform the operation
of fanning. On her arrival the girl began her work with alacrity and
cheerfulness; but soon becoming weary of her task, ran away, and never
returned to our hut. I was therefore obliged to resume it myself; and,
regardless of personal inconvenience and fatigue, strained every nerve,
in order to alleviate, as much as possible, the sufferings occasioned by
this painful disorder. My master daily grew weaker, and suffered
severely from the intolerable heat of the atmosphere, the thermometer
being, in the coolest place, 107 at twelve at noon, and 109 at three in
the afternoon.
At his own suggestion I made a couch for him outside our dwelling, in
the shade, and placed a mat for myself by its side. For five successive
days I took him in my arms from his bed to the couch outside, and back
again at sunset, after which he was too much debilitated to encounter
even so trifling an exertion. He expressed a wish to write once, and but
once, during his illness, but before paper and ink could be handed to
him, he had fallen back on his bed, completely exhausted by his
ineffectual attempt to sit up.
Fancying by certain suspicious symptoms, that my sick master had
inadvertently taken poison, I asked him one day whether he thought that
in any of his visits to the Arabs or Tuaricks in the city, any venomous
ingredient had been secretly put into the camel’s milk they had given
him to drink, of which he was particularly fond. He replied, “No, my
dear boy, no such thing has been done, I assure you. Do you remember,”
he continued, “that when on a shooting excursion in Magaria, in the
early part of February, after walking the whole of the day, exposed to
the scorching rays of the sun, I was fatigued, and for some time lay
under the branches of a tree? The soil on that occasion was soft and
wet, and from that hour to the present I have not been free from cold.
This has brought on my present disorder, from which, I believe, I shall
never recover.”
For twenty days the Captain remained in a low and distressed state, and
during that period was gradually but perceptibly declining; his body,
from being strong and vigorous, having become exceedingly weak and
emaciated, and, indeed, little better than a skeleton. There could not
be a more truly pitiable object in the universe than was my poor dear
master, at this time. His days were sorrowfully and ignobly wasting in
vexatious indolence; he himself languishing under the influence of a
dreadful disease, in a barbarous region, far, very far removed from his
tenderest connections, and beloved country; the hope of life quenched in
his bosom; the great undertaking, on which his whole soul was bent,
unaccomplished; the active powers of his mind consumed away; and his
body so torn and racked with pain, that he could move neither head,
hand, nor foot without suppressed groans of anguish; while the fire and
energy that used to kindle in his eye had passed away, and given place
to a glossy appearance—a dull saddening expression of approaching
dissolution.
In those dismal moments, Capt. Clapperton derived considerable
consolation from the exercise of religious duties; and, being unable
himself to hold a book in his hand, I used to read aloud to him daily
and hourly some portions of the Sacred Scriptures. At times a gleam of
hope, which the impressive and appropriate language of the Psalmist is
so admirably calculated to excite, would pierce the thick curtain of
melancholy that enveloped us; but, like the sun smiling through the
dense clouds of a winter’s day, it shone but faintly; and left us in a
state of gloomier darkness than before.
Abderachman, an Arab from Fezzan, intruded himself one day into our hut,
and wished to read some Mohammedan prayers to my master, but was
instantly desired to leave the apartment, with a request that he would
never enter it again. This individual was the only stranger that visited
him during his sickness.
The Captain’s sleep was uniformly short and disturbed, and troubled with
frightful dreams, in which he often reproached the Arabs with emphasis
and bitterness; but being myself almost a stranger to the language
(Arabic) I could not distinctly understand the tenor of his remarks.
The unceasing agitation of mind, and exertion of body, which I had
myself undergone in my unremitting duties, (never having in a single
instance slept out of my clothes,) weakened me greatly; and a fever
having come on me not long before my master’s death, hung upon me for
fifteen days, and brought me to the very verge of the grave. Almost at
the commencement of this illness, there being no other person to assist
me in the manner I could wish, I obtained permission to take Pasko again
into our service. As soon as he entered the hut, the repentant old man
fell upon his knees before the couch of his sick master, and intreated
so piteously to be forgiven for the offences of which he had been
guilty, that he was desired to rise, with a promise to overlook all that
had passed, if his after-conduct should correspond with his apparent
penitence.
By this means, the washing and all the drudgery were taken from my
shoulders, which enabled me to devote my whole time and attention to my
affectionate master’s person; and, indeed, all my energies were required
to bear me up under the pressure that almost bowed me to the dust. I
fanned the invalid nearly the whole of the day, and this seemed to cool
the burning heat of his body, of which he repeatedly complained. Almost
the whole of his conversation reverted to his country and friends,
although I never heard him regret his having left them; and he was
patient and resigned to the last, a murmur of disappointment never
escaping his lips.
On the first of April the patient became considerably worse; and,
although evidently in want of repose, the virulence of his complaint
prevented him from enjoying any refreshing slumbers. On the 9th, Maddie,
a native of Bornou whom my master had retained in his service, brought
him about twelve ounces of green bark, from the butter-tree, recommended
to him by an Arab in the city; and assured us that it would produce the
most beneficial effects. Notwithstanding all my remonstrances, a
decoction of it was ordered to be prepared immediately, the too-
confiding invalid remarking that no one would injure him. Accordingly,
Maddie himself boiled two basons full, the whole of which stuff was
swallowed in less than an hour.
On the following day he was greatly altered for the worse, as I had
foretold he would be, and expressed regret for not having followed my
advice. About twelve o’clock at noon, calling me to his bed-side, he
said,
“Richard! I shall shortly be no more; I feel myself dying.” Almost
choked with grief, I replied,
“God forbid! my dear master; you will live many years to come.”
“Do not be so much affected, my dear boy, I intreat you,” rejoined he;
“you distress me by your emotion; it is the will of the Almighty; and
therefore cannot be helped. Take care of my journal and papers after my
decease; and when you arrive in London, go immediately to my agents, and
send for my uncle, who will accompany you to the Colonial office, and
see you deposit them with the Secretary. After my body is laid in the
earth, apply to Bello, and borrow money to purchase camels and
provisions for crossing the desert to Fezzan in the train of the Arab
merchants. On your arrival at Mourzuk, should your money be expended,
send a messenger to Mr. Warrington, our Consul for Tripoli, and wait
till he returns with a remittance. On your reaching the latter place,
that gentleman will further advance you what money you may require, and
send you to England the first opportunity. Do not lumber yourself with
my books, but leave them behind, as well as my barometer and sticks, and
indeed every heavy or cumbersome article you can conveniently part with;
you may give them to mallam Mudey, who will preserve them. Remark
whatever towns or villages you may pass through, and put on paper any
thing remarkable that the chiefs of the different places may say to
you.”
I said, as well as my agitation would permit me, “If it be the will of
God to take you, Sir, you may confidently rely, as far as circumstances
will permit me, on my faithfully performing all that you have desired;
but I hope and believe that the Almighty will yet spare you to see your
home and country again.”
“I thought at one time,” continued he, “that that would be the case, but
I dare not entertain such hopes now; death is on me, and I shall not be
long for this world; God’s will be done.” He then took my hand betwixt
his, and looking me full in the face, while a tear glistened in his eye,
said in a tremulous, melancholy tone:
“My dear Richard, if you had not been with me I should have died long
ago. I can only thank you with my latest breath for your devotedness and
attachment to me; and if I could live to return to England with you, you
should be placed beyond the reach of want; the Almighty, however, will
reward you.”
This pathetic conversation, which occupied almost two hours, greatly
exhausted my master, and he fainted several times whilst speaking. The
same evening he fell into a slumber, from which he awoke in much
perturbation, and said that he had heard with peculiar distinctness the
tolling of an English funeral bell; but I entreated him to be composed,
observing that sick people frequently fancy things which in reality can
have no existence. He shook his head, but said nothing.
About six o’clock on the morning of the 11th April, on my asking him how
he did, my master replied in a cheerful tone, that he felt much better;
and requested to be shaved. He had not sufficient strength to lift his
head from the pillow; and after finishing one side of the face I was
obliged myself to turn his head in order to get at the other. As soon as
he was shaved, he desired me to fetch him a looking-glass which hung on
the opposite side of the hut; and on seeing the reflection of his face
in it, observed that he looked quite as ill in Bornou on his former
journey, and that as he had borne his disorder for so long a time, there
was some possibility of his yet recovering. On the following day he
still fancied himself to be convalescent, in which belief I myself
agreed, as he was enabled to partake of a little hashed guinea fowl in
the course of the afternoon, which he had not done before during the
whole of his confinement, having derived his sole sustenance from a
little fowl soup and milk and water.
These flattering anticipations, however, speedily vanished, for on the
morning of the 13th, being awake, I was greatly alarmed on hearing a
peculiar rattling noise issuing from my master’s throat, and his
breathing at the same time was loud and difficult. At that moment, on
his calling out “Richard!” in a low, hurried, and singular tone, I was
instantly at his side, and was astonished beyond measure on beholding
him sitting upright in his bed (not having been able for a long time
previously to move a limb), and staring wildly around. Observing him
ineffectually struggling to raise himself on his feet, I clasped him in
my arms, and whilst I thus held him, could feel his heart palpitating
violently. His throes became every moment less vehement, and at last
they entirely ceased, insomuch that thinking he had fallen into a
slumber, or was overpowered by fain tings, I placed his head gently on
my left shoulder, gazing for an instant, on his pale and altered
features; some indistinct expressions quivered on his lips, and whilst
he vainly strove to give them utterance, his heart ceased to vibrate,
and his eyes closed for ever!
I held the lifeless body in my arms for a short period, overwhelmed with
grief; nor could I bring myself to believe that the soul which had
animated it with being, a few moments before, had actually quitted it.
I then unclasped my arms, and held the hand of my dear master in mine;
but it was cold and dead, and instead of returning the warmth with which
I used to press it, imparted some of its own unearthly chillness to my
frame, and fell heavily from my grasp. O God! what was my distress in
that agonizing moment? Shedding floods of tears, I flung myself along
the bed of death, and prayed that Heaven would in mercy take my life!
* * * *
The violence of my grief having subsided, Pasko and Mudey, whom my
exclamations had brought into the apartment, fetched me water, with
which I washed the corpse, and with their assistance, carried it outside
the hut, laid it on a clean mat, and wrapped it in a sheet and blanket.
After leaving it in this state nearly two hours, I put a large neat mat
over the whole, and sent a messenger to make Bello acquainted with the
mournful event, as well as to obtain his permission to have the body
buried after the manner of my own country; and also to learn in what
particular place the Sultan would wish to have it interred. The man soon
returned with a favourable answer to the former part of my request, and
about twelve o’clock on the morning of the same day, a person came into
the hut, accompanied by four slaves, to dig the grave; and wished me to
follow him with the corpse. Accordingly, saddling my camel, the body was
placed on the animal’s back, and throwing a British flag over it, I
requested the men to proceed. Having passed through the dismal streets
of Soccatoo, we travelled almost unobservedly, at a solemn pace, and
halted near Jungavie, a small village, built on a rising ground about
five miles south-east of the city. The body was then taken from the
camel’s back, and placed in a shed, whilst the slaves were employed in
digging the grave. Their task being speedily accomplished, the corpse
was borne to the brink of the pit, and I planted the flag close to it;
then, uncovering my head, and opening a prayer-book, amidst showers of
tears, I read the impressive funeral service of the Church of England
over the remains of my valued master—the English flag waving slowly and
mournfully over them at the same moment. Not a single soul listened to
this peculiarly distressing ceremony; for the slaves were quarrelling
with each other the whole of the time it lasted.
This being done, the flag was taken away, and the body slowly lowered
into the earth; and I wept bitterly as I gazed, for a last time, on all
that remained of my intrepid and beloved master. The grave was quickly
closed, and I returned to the village, about thirty yards to the
eastward of it, and giving the most respectable inhabitants of both
sexes a few trifling presents, entreated them to let no one disturb the
ashes of the dead; and also offered them a sum of money to erect a shed
over the spot, which having accepted, they promised to do.
[Illustration]
Thus perished, and thus was buried, Captain Hugh Clapperton in the prime
of life, and in the strength and vigour of his manhood. No one could be
better qualified than he by a fearless, indomitable spirit, and utter
contempt of danger and death, to undertake and carry into execution an
enterprise of so great importance and difficulty, as the one with which
he was entrusted. He had studied the African character in all its
phases—in its moral, social, and external form; and like Alcibiades
accommodated himself with equal ease to good, as well to bad fortune—to
prosperity, as well as to adversity. He was never highly elated at the
prospect of accomplishing his darling wishes—the great object of his
ambition—nor deeply depressed when, environed by danger—care,
disappointment, and bodily suffering which hanging heavily upon him,
forbade him to indulge in hopeful anticipations. The negro loved him,
because he admired the simplicity of his manners, and mingled with
pleasure in his favourite dance; the Arab hated him, because he was
overawed by his commanding appearance, and because the keen penetrating
glance of the British Captain detected his guilty thoughts, and made him
quail with apprehension and fear.
Captain Clapperton’s stature was tall; his disposition was warm and
benevolent; his temper mild, even, and cheerful; while his ingenuous,
manly countenance, pourtrayed the generous emotions that reigned in his
breast. In fine, he united the figure and determination of a man, with
the gentleness and simplicity of a child; and, if I mistake not, he will
live in the memory of many thousands of Africans, until they cease to
breathe, as something more than mortal; nor have I the least doubt that
the period of his visiting their country will be regarded by some as a
new era, from which all events of consequence, that affect them, will
hereafter be dated.
The grave was dug on a naked piece of ground, with no remarkable object
near it to invite attention;—no mournful cypress or yew weeps over the
lonely spot—no sculptured marble shines above all that remains of heroic
enterprize and daring adventure! But the sleeper needs no funereal
emblem to perpetuate his name and actions, having erected for himself a
nobler and far more imperishable mausoleum in the breasts of his
countrymen and the civilized world, than all the artists in the universe
could rear over his ashes.
Returning, after the funeral, disconsolate and oppressed, to my solitary
habitation, I leaned my head on my hands, and could not help being
deeply affected with my lonesome and dangerous situation. A hundred and
fifteen days’ journey from the sea-coast; surrounded by a selfish and
barbarous race of strangers;—my only friend and protector, and last
hope, mouldering in his grave, and myself suffering dreadfully from
fever: I felt as if I stood alone in the world, and wished, ardently
wished, I had been enjoying the same deep, undisturbed, cold sleep as my
master, and in the same grave. All the trying evils I had
encountered—all the afflictions I had endured—all the bereavements I had
experienced, never affected me half so much as the bitter reflections of
that distressing period. After a sleepless night, I went alone to the
grave, and found that nothing had been done to it, nor did there seem to
be the least inclination on the part of the inhabitants of the village
to redeem their pledge. Knowing it would be useless to remonstrate with
such wretches, I hired two slaves in Soccatoo the next day, who went to
work immediately, and the shed over the grave was finished on the 15th.
CHAPTER XII.
* * * * *
The Author’s severe indisposition and distress of mind — Conduct of
Bello — Departure from Soccatoo — The Author almost perishes of thirst
in the “Goober Bush,” where he is deserted by the faithless Pasko — The
King of Jacoba — Horrid death of that monarch’s slaves — The Author’s
arrival at Kano.
The acute suffering, both in mind and body, and the ceaseless agitation
and excitement in which I had been kept during the illness, and at the
death and burial of my master, occasioned my disorder to increase
rapidly on me; and on the 16th, being enabled with difficulty to crawl
round the hut, I was obliged to lay myself on my mat, from which I had
not strength to arise till the 27th; old Pasko, during that period,
ministering to all my wants. Whilst I was thus confined, the weather was
so dreadfully warm, that I was under the necessity of having a tub of
water at my side, into which, at intervals, I used to plunge my hands
and arms, besides occasionally sprinkling my burning head and body. I
had abandoned every hope of recovery from the effects of my complaint,
and was prepared, in some measure, to undergo the last struggle, when,
on the 26th, I found my health suddenly improve in a manner altogether
as unexpected as strange; and on the following day I was enabled to sit
erect on my mat. In the course of that day (27th) the Godado, mallam
Mudey, and Side Sheikh abruptly entered my hut, with a commission from
the Sultan to search my boxes, that prince having been informed, just
before, that they were filled with gold and silver; although his sole
intention, I well knew, was that of ascertaining what fire-arms were in
my possession.
Weak as I was, I remonstrated sharply with these ministers of the king’s
will, whilst they were prosecuting the search; but it was of no
avail—every thing was ransacked and turned topsy-turvy.
They expressed the greatest astonishment on finding not even sufficient
money to defray my expenses to the sea coast; but, nevertheless, took an
inventory of the contents of the boxes, and carried it to their
sovereign. Foreseeing what would happen, I had taken the precaution to
secrete about my person the gold watch intended for the Sultan, as well
as the private watches of Captains Clapperton and Pearce. The Godado and
his coadjutor returned a short time afterwards, with a command from
their monarch to deliver up to them the following articles, viz.—a rifle
and a double-barrelled gun, two bags of ball, a canister of powder, bag
of flints, ream and half of paper, and six gold (gilt) chains; for which
he promised to pay me whatever I might demand. I consequently charged
him a quarter of a million of cowries for the goods, which I was to
receive, on account of the Sultan, of Hat Sallah; and an order was given
me to receive that sum in Kano, and what more I might require in my
journey over the Desert.
On the 28th I made Ben Gumso a present of four yards of blue, and the
same quantity of scarlet damask, an unwritten journal-book, two pair of
scissors and two knives. With these articles, which to him were
invaluable, I endeavoured to get still further into the good graces of
this old Arab emir, who, by a singular piece of good fortune, had just
begun to exercise a powerful influence over the mind and actions of the
superstitious Sultan.
After escaping from the death he was threatened with at Katunga, which
has already been related, this emir returned to Soccatoo; and, like his
cheating countrymen, procured a handsome livelihood by writing charms,
&c. &c. for the Falatahs. Ben Gumso accompanied Bello in his engagement
with the Towayahs, when that monarch was pierced with a poisoned arrow.
The Arab’s panacea was resorted to on this occasion; and having written
his charm on a piece of wood, it was washed off, as usual, into a
calabash of water, and hastily swallowed by the prince. By some means
the venom never took effect, and the Sultan having recovered from his
wound in a few days, attributed the cure solely to Ben Gumso’s specific.
To display his gratitude for the good which had been done him, Bello
admitted the fortunate charmer into his councils, and covered him with
honors and emoluments.
This being the case, I conceived a trifling present would be well timed;
and therefore, after putting it into his hands, entreated him to use his
interest with his royal master, in order to obtain his permission for my
leaving Soccatoo, and making the best of my way homewards. Accordingly,
Ben Gumso represented to the Sultan in lively colours the injustice, as
well as impolicy, of detaining any longer in his dominions a subject of
the powerful king of England; and advised him to hasten my departure as
much as he could, insinuating, that if I were to die in Soccatoo, a
report would be circulated and believed, that he had murdered both the
white men, by which he would most certainly acquire a bad character.
This artful reasoning overcame the scruples of the Falatah prince, and
word was sent me almost immediately, to appear before him. Bello had the
gravity of a Mohammedan about him on my entrance, and putting on all the
dignity he could assume, looked like Pluto trying a ghost for the sins
it had committed on the earth. However, I did not tremble in his august
presence; and after a little preliminary conversation, the Sultan asked
me which route I should prefer in order to reach my own country.
Now, although my master had intimated his wish for me to proceed with
the Arabs to Fezzan, a few days only before his death, I much feared
that the papers, &c. entrusted to my care would be taken from me, and
myself murdered, by that wily and treacherous race, whose behaviour to
my master, after his arrival in Houssa was most abominable. I therefore
disliked them—hated them; and would rather cast myself, unarmed and
unprotected, upon the good faith of the natives, than go in their train.
Under these impressions and prejudices, I answered the Sultan, that I
wished to arrive in England in as short a time as possible, and the
route through Boussa to Cubbé was most likely to accomplish that object.
“It is impossible,” angrily rejoined the prince, “to travel in that
direction; the rainy season is already set in; the rivers are
overflowed; the low lands are under water; and how do you think to reach
the sea-coast in safety? It will be far better for you to go over the
desert, with the Arabs; and to facilitate your progress, I will write to
Hat Sallah to get a trustworthy person to accompany you; he will also
furnish you with camels and provisions, and pay you the money I am
indebted to you.” I simply replied, “Very well, Sultan.” He then wished
to know whether Captain Clapperton had forgiven Pasko, _in his book_,
for the robberies he had committed; and on my answering that, owing to
the illness of that gentleman, he had been unable even to look into his
Journal, the monarch observed, that on Pasko’s arrival in England, my
king would undoubtedly behead him. I assured him, that if the man’s
future conduct proved to be good, not one of my countrymen would think
of punishing him; but this the Sultan was in no haste to believe, and
said, imperatively, “I cannot suffer him to accompany you; he must stay
here to _clean and repair my guns_!”—this latter consideration evidently
possessed greater weight with him than Pasko’s safety, which he cared
nothing at all about. Not in the least daunted, I besought Bello to
permit him to accompany me as far as Kano, as interpreter; to which he
rather reluctantly consented, on condition that I should procure him a
horse to return, and pay him the sum of 150,000 cowries, which, of
course, I agreed to; and seeing that the Sultan had nothing more to say,
I bowed profoundly, and retired. This was my last interview with the
Falatah sovereign, and I saw him no more.
On the evening of the 3d of May a person came with a message from the
Sultan, who said that a camel and some provisions would be sent me in
the course of the morning, and that I was to depart on the next day.
Neither camel nor provisions, however, were delivered; and, rising early
on the appointed morning, I bade a last farewell to Soccatoo, a town in
which I had suffered so dreadfully; and, accompanied by a messenger from
the kind old Godado, and Pasko and Mudey, we proceeded with our camels
and horses to a large plain, five miles to the east of Magaria, where we
arrived in the afternoon; and rested for the night under the wide-
spreading branches of a large tree growing on the margin of an
insignificant lake. Mosquitoes were in such numbers, and so troublesome,
that we could not sleep till morning, when a refreshing breeze springing
up, drove them away.
At this flat we joined a party of above four thousand people, of all
ranks and of every nation; some going on a pilgrimage to Mecca; some to
the sea-coast to purchase goora-nuts; many Tuarick salt-merchants
returning to Kilgris; but all travelling in company for mutual
protection, and bending their way towards Kashna, where merchants of
every description meet, and disperse from thence to their different
destinations. An infinite number of camels, horses, and bullocks,
attended the party; and the king of Jacoba, with 50 slaves, was also in
their train. These poor creatures had been driven from his kingdom by
the above prince to Soccatoo, as a present or tribute to Sultan Bello;
but that monarch having learnt the dreadful losses he had sustained in
men and cattle, in consequence of his war with Bornou, and the number of
villages which had been plundered and burnt by the soldiers of the
Sheikh, would not accept of the slaves, but desired the king of Jacoba
to re-conduct them back to his own dominions.
At eleven o’clock in the morning of the 4th of May a signal to depart
was made by a loud blast from a thousand horns, producing a frightfully
discordant noise; and in about an hour afterwards the whole party was in
motion. On entering the dreaded “Goober Bush,” a wild and uncultivated
tract of ground, covered with stunted trees, we were obliged to redouble
our pace in order to escape the fangs of the merciless Towayahs. Boussa
Jack (a horse so called from having been made a present of by the king
of Boussa) I rode myself, on account of his swiftness and agility; but
being unused to so violent an exertion, the little animal became much
fatigued, and began to lag behind the others. The weather was at that
time intolerably hot; vegetation shrank before the piercing rays of the
sun, and the dust raised by the hoofs of the horses, &c. arose in huge
volumes in every direction, entering my eyes, my mouth, my nostrils, and
penetrating even the pores of my skin. Not a breath of air fanned the
leaves of the trees; I was almost suffocated for want of it, but snuffed
up only sand and dust. The camels were far a-head: I was faint and
exhausted, and ordered Pasko to fly to them for a drop of water. The
horse would, or rather could, proceed no further; I was obliged to
dismount, and seat myself under a tree; there, holding the bridle of the
poor animal in my hand, I begged, I prayed the thousands of Falatahs and
Tuaricks that were passing, for a mouthful of water to quench my
parching thirst; but the unfeeling, iron-hearted wretches mocked my
misery, and scoffed at my piteous entreaties, observing, one to another,
“He is a Kafir; let him die!”
[Illustration]
This cruel disappointment almost choked me; I was so hoarse that I could
no longer be heard, and, falling flat on my back, let the bridle slip
from my fingers, and, covering my face with my hands, tears came
involuntarily into my eyes. At length a young Falatah, from Foota Toora,
accidentally seeing me lying along the earth with a horse standing
listlessly by, came to the spot, and exclaimed, in a tone of kindness,
“Christian, Christian, why don’t you go on?” On hearing him, I again sat
up, and answered, “I am faint and sick for want of water; no one will
relieve me; and how can I go on?” On hearing this, the young man
generously presented me with a small calabash full (about a pint), part
of which I drank, and with the remainder washed the nostrils of Boussa
Jack, and sprinkled a little into his mouth. His countrymen, who
observed the compassionate Falatah performing this benevolent action,
upbraided him in violent terms for having given water to the Christian;
but my amiable preserver, showing them a double-barrelled gun, remarked
that he had obtained it of my countrymen, who were all good men, and
would do no harm. I, as well as the horse, was greatly refreshed with
the small quantity of water thus taken, but soon becoming again weak and
dispirited, I was nearly reduced to as bad a condition as before. A few
hours afterwards my legs were swollen so prodigiously, that my boots
split into fragments, and fell from my feet; and I experienced the most
acute pain in every part of my body. At length I perceived Pasko, whom I
had sent for water three or four hours previously, comfortably seated
with Muley the camel-driver, under a tree,—my provision basket lying
open before him, a calabash of the purest water gurgling down his
throat, and him, with his sable companion, thoughtlessly enjoying
himself with a zest that almost distracted me. I rode hastily up to the
spot, and, pulling out a pistol, had more than half an inclination to
send the heartless old savage to his long account, but suddenly checked
myself. No! I could not take away the life of a fellow-creature, even in
the height of excitement; and, replacing the pistol in my belt, I simply
asked the reason of his brutal treatment of me. The old fellow answered
with his usual demoniacal grin, and as composedly as if nothing was the
matter, “I was tired.”
The young Falatah to whom I owe my life came to me on the 7th, and
informed me that the whole of the slaves of the King of Jacoba being
missing, a party of horsemen had been sent in quest of them, and were
just returned with the shocking intelligence of having seen thirty-five
of their dead bodies lying along the road; and that hundreds of vultures
were already hovering over them. The other fifteen could not be found;
but were strongly suspected of having shared in the same fate. These
unfortunate creatures had the task of carrying loads on their heads the
day before, but, being unable to keep up with the rapid pace of the
camels, were necessarily obliged to be left behind, and thus perished
miserably of thirst and fatigue. I congratulated myself on my own good
fortune, in having so narrowly escaped a fate so peculiarly frightful;
and thanked the Almighty with fervor and sincerity for having snatched
me from the very jaws of death. On his leaving me, I gave the Falatah a
pair of scissors and twenty gun-flints, as a small recompense for the
eminent service he had so cheerfully rendered me.
On our road to Kano, the King of Jacoba became very sociable with me,
and was my constant companion. After pressing me to visit his kingdom,
in which he asserted he would make my stay agreeable, he told me that
the Yam Yams, who inhabit the mountains contiguous to Jacoba, were
anthropophagi, in which assertion he was borne out by two Yam Yams, who
were slaves in Kano when I was in that city. The Prince said further,
that people of the same nation, who had assisted him in his war with
Bornou, were surrounded, with some of his own troops, on a plain near
Jacoba, by the Sheikh’s soldiers, and the carnage on both sides was
dreadful. The fight lasted a whole day, when, in the evening, the
Jacobeans, with their ferocious allies, were entirely routed, and the
King himself, who commanded them, very narrowly escaped being taken
prisoner. On the following morning the discomfited Yam Yams repaired to
the field of battle, and bearing off a great number of dead bodies,
roasted them before large fires, kindled for the purpose, and devoured
them without yams, corn, or, indeed, any other provisions!
Soon after our arrival at Markee, on the 19th, a spouse of the chief, a
finely-formed and intelligent-looking young woman, came to me with tears
in her eyes, and implored me to give her some _magonie_ [medicine], as
she had no child. I accordingly presented her with a couple of tea-
spoonfuls of oil of cinnamon, and ordered her, with a suitable caution,
to put two drops of the liquor into a pint of cow’s milk, which was to
be swallowed three times a day till the whole was consumed; observing
that, on my return to Markee, I had not the least doubt of seeing her
the happy mother of a numerous progeny!
The husband was no sooner acquainted with the circumstance than he came
and thanked me in the heartiest manner for the good I had done, gave me
abundance of fresh milk, fowls, rice, &c. and told me at the same time
that on my return from England, he would reward me with a large sum of
money, which I dare say he will do. When I bade the happy couple adieu
next morning, they squeezed my hand affectionately, and said,
“Christian! God send you safely to your country, and may you speedily
come back to Markee!”
I arrived at Kano on the 25th of May, and instantly delivered Bello’s
letter and orders to Hadje Hat Sallah; but the Arab, after perusing
them, declared at first that he would have nothing to do with me. He had
nearly lost his head, he said, on Captain Clapperton’s account on a
previous occasion, and positively refused to _lend_ me a single cowry.
“I have no objection,” he continued, “to let you have, in goods and a
slave, the amount of your demand on the sultan, but I shall certainly do
no more.” I accordingly received from Hat Sallah a strong female slave,
and a quantity of unwrought silk, and scarlet caps, beads to sell on my
journey. My weakened and diseased camels, which would be of no service
to me, I parted with, and dismissed their keeper, Maddie.
CHAPTER XIII.
* * * * *
Pasko — The Author pays his respects to the Governor, and leaves Kano —
Chooses, near Bebajie, the road to Fundah — Almena mountain — The Author
is seen and recognized by horsemen from Zeg Zeg — Arrives amongst the
people of Bowchee — Their manners — A girl’s lamentation on being sold
by her mother — The Author enters the immense plain of Cuttup — Anecdote
of an old woman.
Not having sufficient money at my disposal to purchase fresh camels, or
provisions and presents for the different chiefs of towns on the road to
Fezzan, I was necessitated to take a different route, which I was not at
all sorry for; and for that purpose purchased a horse and two asses.
Bello had not forgotten to desire Hat Sallah, in his letter to him, to
send back Pasko to Soccatoo the day after my arrival at Kano, and
procure me a substitute. I begged of him, however, to suffer the Haussan
to accompany me to Coulfo in Nyffé, and promised to have him conveyed
back to Kano on my arrival there. He at first refused to accede to my
wishes, but the temptation of a present, the best argument in the world
in such cases, made the old Arab smile an assent to my proposition; and
calling Pasko into his presence, he gave him permission to attend me to
Coulfo, but enjoined him to return the moment he had entered that city,
on pain of having _Jerrub_ (the Devil) sent after him. The old offender,
who could be moved by nothing else, at the bare sound of _Jerrub_ was
flung into a violent fever, and hastened to me in great trepidation
shortly after, every member of his body trembling like an aspen-leaf.
After giving me to understand, as well as his agitation would allow him
to do, the conversation he had had with Hat Sallah, and in consequence
thereof his reluctance to quit Kano with me, I endeavoured to deride him
out of his superstitious prejudices; but they had taken so firm a grasp
on his mind that all my exertions were ineffectual; and he still
persevered in his resolution of remaining behind. Knowing Pasko’s tender
regard for the softer sex, however, I made this a means of accomplishing
my object. I had consented he should take the slave that Hat Sallah had
sold me, to wife, for he had forgotten the lovely Mattah, of tuah
celebrity, and felt great loneliness in the absence of female converse;
I therefore assured him that unless he would consent to accompany me, a
separation should instantly take place. The event showed that I had
touched the right chord; on hearing my decision, he trembled more
violently than ever, and while rivers of tears flowed down his furrowed
cheeks, exclaimed, in a tone of agony that rendered his expression
almost inarticulate, “O, don’t—I—will—go.” This weighty point being
decided, I made the necessary preparations for my departure.
On the 29th, Hat Sallah hinted that it would be well for me to pay a
visit to the governor of Kano, who was at Faniso. I agreed with the Arab
in opinion, and waited on his Excellency in the course of the morning,
who, on my leaving him, said, “When you return to your country,
Christian, give the Falatahs a good name.”
In the afternoon we left Kano, and travelling at a rapid rate, halted on
the banks of the Kogie, four hours’ journey from that place, but the
river being much swollen, we did not dare to cross it. To our infinite
disappointment I found that the tent poles had been left behind, and was
therefore obliged to send back one of the servants to fetch them, giving
him a sword in proof that he was despatched by me. The scoundrel,
however, never returned; and it being necessary for us to rest on the
margin of the stream that night, I slung the tent to the branch of a
tree, and fastened the lower part of it to the earth. In the evening the
rain poured down in torrents, accompanied by awful and tremendous
thunder, so that in the night, our tent being completely drenched, the
bough to which it was appended broke with its increasing weight; and
falling on us as we were reposing on our mats, we found it impossible to
sleep, and were obliged to remain in that miserable plight till the next
morning.
We arose at an early hour, and as soon as things were put in some kind
of order, I sent Pasko to Kano, to endeavour to apprehend the fellow
that had absconded with my sword, for I fancied that one rogue was
better qualified to detect another, than an honest man: but the man not
having been seen in the city, Pasko was unsuccessful in his search, and
returned, very much down in the mouth, bringing with him the tent-poles.
The river Kogie by that time was become fordable; but, in consequence of
the strength and rapidity of its current, we crossed with extreme
difficulty. No sooner was this object effected, and before we had time
to clothe ourselves, than four armed slaves from Soccatoo hastened up to
us, and demanded the four thousand cowries, which, it will be
recollected Pasko had borrowed of Ben Gumso, to defray the expenses of
his marriage with the accomplished, but hard-handed, Mattah Gewow. Pasko
protested that he had left property in Soccatoo to the value of fifty
thousand cowries, out of which Ben Gumso might satisfy himself. This
answer by no means pleased the myrmidons of the illustrious Arab emir,
who, for the sake of little more than a shilling of English money, had
despatched four men to the distance of between two and three hundred
miles to arrest the debtor; and they were about to take the affectionate
lover away by force, when I thought it time to interfere, and paid them
the money they demanded. The armed scoundrels then went their way,
taking with them the whole of Pasko’s wearing apparel, which he had left
on the opposite side of the stream; so that the every-way unfortunate
man was obliged to have a rough mat tied to his waist, till I could
procure him a more becoming garment. This little matter being adjusted,
to the complete satisfaction of the husband of Mattah, we slept on the
borders of the stream for the night, and pursued our journey on the
morning of the next day. At two o’clock we arrived at a small walled
town called Madubie, in which I erected my tent; and in the evening the
chief’s daughter visited me with milk, and a huge bowl of beef and tuah,
sufficient for the whole of us for supper.
The weather had been violent during the night, but clearing up early on
the 1st of June, we dried the tent, and journeyed onwards till we
arrived at the Gora, a narrow, but deep and rapid river. As on the
former occasion, the men experienced considerable difficulty in
attaining the opposite side, and I was greatly afraid they would be
washed away and drowned by the swiftness with which the water rolled on;
but, happily, after a world of exertion, they crossed in safety, and at
one at noon, passing near the walled town of Bebajie, I desired them to
proceed a-head. I myself followed alone at some distance, for I dreaded
being seen by any of the straggling inhabitants, who, if they happened
to recognize my features, would infallibly detain me amongst them. In
half an hour we came to two other roads, the one leading to Nyffé, and
the other to the far-famed Fundah.
When Capt. Clapperton found himself dying in Soccatoo, he intimated to
me that if I attempted to return through Nyffé and Yariba, the
inhabitants of one of those countries, who must have heard of our having
taken presents to their common adversary, would undoubtedly put me to
death; and this was the reason he wished to impress so strongly upon me
the necessity of my accompanying the Arabs over the desert. I paused for
an instant, as I looked on each of the said roads; but, feeling an
earnest desire, which I could not repress, to visit Fundah, on the banks
of the Niger, and trace that much-talked of river in a canoe to Benin;
and, perhaps, fearing that my departed master’s observation was well-
grounded, I did not hesitate a great while, but travelled on the latter
road.
About six in the evening we erected our tent near to Koofa, a small
walled town, in which I was fortunate enough to obtain a little sleep
for the first time since leaving Kano. The town is situated at the base
of an immense rock, on which there is not the slightest trace of
vegetation; and, although extremely populous, is no more than two miles
in circumference. To the eastward of it is a range of high hills,
stretching from north to south as far as the eye can reach; and their
slopes being green and luxuriant, they wore a delightful appearance.
On the three following days, we crossed several rapid streams, and
passed through many insignificant walled towns. The country traversed on
those days, although level, was picturesque and beautiful; and all
nature was covered with a lively verdure.
On the 4th of June we came to the foot of a high and craggy mountain,
called Almena, rising abruptly from the plains. It consists of gigantic
blocks of granite, fearfully piled on each other, and at a distance
resembled the rocks in the vicinity of the celebrated logan-stone, in
Cornwall. Mohammed, an intelligent mussulman, who was acquainted with
the traditions of the whole country, seating himself on a mass of rock,
gave me the following story:—
“About five hundred years ago, a queen of the Fantee nation, having
quarrelled with her husband about a golden stool, fled with it from her
dominions, followed by a great number of her subjects; and built a
considerable town at the foot of this mountain, which she called Almena.
Her irritated husband pursued the queen with an army; but, losing a
great part of his men from sickness and other causes, adopted the
language of a suppliant instead of the bearing of the general of an
army, and prayed to be admitted into the town, and live in peace with
his ambitious spouse. His petition was granted, and the newly-built town
flourished under their joint government till about ten or twelve years
afterwards, when the natives of the country rose against them, and
putting the principal inhabitants, with their sovereign, to death, took
the remainder into slavery, and levelled the ill-fated Almena with the
dust.”
The town, of whatever kind it might have been, was formerly surrounded
by a wall, the ruins of which are yet visible.
We halted at another walled town, called Gatas, in the afternoon, where
I accidentally met with some Kano merchants from Cuttup. The
inhabitants, discovering by some means that I was a Christian, came in
crowds to see me; but behaved in an orderly and respectful manner. I
invited the most respectable females into my tent, which they all
greatly admired, and in return for this civility shortly afterwards
presented me with milk and _foorah_. The inhabitants of Gatas, as well
as those of every other town I had passed through since leaving Kano,
are natives of Houssa, and tributary to the Falatahs.
We halted at the outside of Damoy on the 5th, the inhabitants of which
informed me that the range of hills I have already mentioned as
extending to the verge of the horizon, are inhabited by the terrible Yam
Yams, whom they all declared to be confirmed cannibals. That singular
people formerly carried on an extensive traffic with the natives of the
surrounding country in elephants’ teeth, which they exchanged for red
cloth, beads, &c.; but having about five years before assassinated and
eaten a gaffle of merchants, all communication had, from that period,
been cut off, between the savage mountaineers and their timid neighbours
of the plains.
We arrived at Nammaleek on the 7th: the town is defended by a mountain
nearly perpendicular, and thickly covered with wood. Thousands of
hyænas, tiger-cats, jackalls, monkeys, &c. which exist on the latter,
kept so terrific a noise during the night, that although much fatigued,
I could not close my eyes. These animals are so bold and rapacious, that
the poor inhabitants of Nammaleek cannot preserve a single bullock,
sheep, or goat; in consequence of which no animal food was to be had in
the town. The chief put us into a hut, and presented us with tuah, which
being most unpalatable stuff, by reason of a little sauce, prepared from
the juice of the monkey’s bread-fruit tree, which had been mixed with
it, I could not taste a mouthful.
I intended to have remained in the place for a few hours on the
following day, in order to take medicine; for, having a slight fever on
me, I felt extremely unwell; but the curiosity of the people not
permitting me to embrace an opportunity of opening my medicine-chest,
excepting in their presence, I felt no inclination to try the
experiment. In the course of the day (7th) two messengers unluckily
recognized me, and asked whither I was journeying. On my acquainting
them, the horsemen instantly rode off, and, as I subsequently learnt,
returned to Zaria, and informed the King of Zeg Zeg that the Christian
was on his way to Fundah, with two asses, loaded with riches, and a
beautiful horse, as presents to the monarch of that kingdom.
Leaving Nammaleek on the 8th, and keeping in a south-westerly direction,
at the base of a range of mountains, we observed an opening through
them, and rode to the opposite side. Our course then lay more easterly;
and, having crossed one large and three small rivers, whose names I
could not learn, we arrived at Fullindushie, the frontier town in
Catica, or Bowchee, in the afternoon. On our journey we met, on their
way to Soccatoo, as a tax paid to Sultan Bello from a neighbouring
country, thirty slaves, men, women, and children, who were all ill with
the small pox. The males were tied to each other by the neck, with
thongs made of twisted bullock’s hide; but the women and children were
unconfined: notwithstanding the loathsome disease that hung upon these
poor wretches, they all appeared merry, thoughtless, and happy, as
though they had been enjoying their freedom in perfect health.
The inhabitants of Fullindushie were the first people in Africa I had
seen that disdained to confine their well-proportioned limbs in any kind
of dress; they went perfectly naked, and laughed immoderately on seeing
me; whilst I, on my part, made myself equally merry at the singularity
of their appearance. Their sable locks were bedecked with huge lumps of
red clay and grease—their bodies shone with a clammy unction, any thing
but agreeable to the eye, or pleasant to the smell—a massy piece of blue
glass hung from a hole in the upper lip—and from the lobe of the ear
dangled a misshapen fragment of red wood, about the largeness of a man’s
thumb.
Their features do not resemble, in the slightest degree, those of the
Negro, but are fine, regular and handsome, bearing a striking similitude
to the European, such as impressed me at first sight;—yet, with all
these pretensions to superiority over their jetty neighbours in personal
appearance, they yield to them in cleanliness and decency; for, although
an artless, good-tempered, social race, the Bowchee people are filthy in
their habits, and disgusting in their manners; their sheep, goats, and
poultry eat and sleep in the same room with them, and a most intolerable
odour is exhaled from all their dwellings. When the females of Catica go
to market, they wear a twig tied to the middle, and hanging down in
front. Nothing can be more graceful or _picturesque_ than a troop of
these modest damsels proceeding to market bedizened in this manner; and
I could hardly tell what to make of a body of about a hundred of them
which met me near La Zumee. The Bowchee people appear to have no
affection for their offspring—the gentle appeals of nature are unknown
to them—parental tenderness dwells not in their bosoms; and they sell
their children as slaves to the greatest strangers in the world, with no
greater remorse of conscience than if they had been common articles of
merchandize. As a proof of this strange and unnatural apathy on the part
of a mother towards her child, the following touching scene took place
at Fullindushie whilst I was in the town:—
A travelling slave-dealer passing through the place, had purchased
several of their children, of both sexes, from the inhabitants; and
amongst others, a middle-aged woman had an only daughter, whom she
parted with for a necklace of beads. The unhappy girl, who might have
been about thirteen or fourteen years of age, on being dragged away from
the threshold of her parents’ hut, clung distractedly, like a
shipwrecked mariner to a floating mast, round the knees of her unfeeling
mother, and looking up wistfully in her countenance, burst into a flood
of tears, exclaiming with vehemence and passion:—“O mother! do not sell
me; what will become of me? what will become of yourself in your old
age, if you suffer me to desert you? Who will fetch you corn and milk?
Who will pity you when you die? Have I been unkind to you? O, mother! do
not sell your only daughter. I will take you in my arms when you are
feeble, and carry you under the shade of trees. As a hen watches over
her chicken, so will I watch over you, my dear mother. I will repay the
kindness you showed me in my infant years. When you are weary, I will
fan you to sleep; and whilst you are sleeping, I will drive away flies
from you. I will attend on you when you are in pain; and when you die I
will shed rivers of sorrow over your grave. O mother! my dear mother! do
not push me away from you; do not sell your only daughter to be the
slave of a stranger!”—Useless tears! vain remonstrance! The unnatural,
relentless parent, shaking the beads in the face of her only child,
thrust her from her embraces; and the slave-dealer drove the agonized
girl from the place of her nativity, which she was to behold no more.
Quitting Fullindushie, the day after our arrival, in the course of the
afternoon, we halted at La Zumee, a small town with a good population.
On entering it I observed two men, sitting under a date-tree, to which I
instantly walked up, and accosted the one, whom, being neatly dressed, I
conceived to be the chief; but was surprised to find that the person I
addressed was a Kano merchant; and the individual by his side, a dirty
contemptible old fellow, dressed in a filthy sheep skin, I was obliged
to pay my respects to as the chief of La Zumee. Having pointed out an
empty hut for my use, he disappeared, but returned in two hours after
with an apology for not sending me provisions, saying that his wives
were at work in his gardens; and on their leaving them he would remember
me. Accordingly about three hours after the chief had left me, the
industrious ladies brought me a couple of fowls, and tuah and rice, for
which I gave them a pair of scissors and fifty needles; the latter
articles, like cowries, being the circulating medium of the country.
Surrounding the town is a remarkably broad and deep ditch, on the
outside of which the country is well cultivated, and the soil appears to
be rich and highly productive. On the 10th we slept at Coorokoo, a small
walled town, and on the following day pitched our tent on the banks of a
large river called Coodoonia, (flowing swiftly to the north-west, and
entering, it is said, the Niger near Fundah,) where we lay without food
till the next day.
Arising at an early hour in the morning, we succeeded in crossing the
water, which reached to our chins, and immediately proceeded towards
_Cuttup_, where we arrived after three hours travelling. Having heard on
my route from Kano, so many different accounts of Cuttup, its wealth,
population, and celebrated market, I was surprised and disappointed on
finding it to consist of nearly five hundred small villages or hamlets,
almost adjoining each other; for I had been given to understand, in the
hyperbolical relations of the natives, that it was a magnificent and
powerful city, the wealth and prosperity of its inhabitants rendering it
of more importance than any other in the interior. The villages occupy
an immense and beautiful plain, embellished with a variety of elegant
trees, amongst which I observed, for the first time since I had left
Yariba, the plantain, the palm, and the cocoa trees, all flourishing in
vernal luxuriance. The sun shone brightly upon the numerous rural
hamlets as I passed through them; the oxen and cows were chewing the cud
in front of the tidy looking habitations; flocks of sheep bleated from
the inclosures; fowls were clucking in the lanes; small birds were
careering in the sky;—all bore an air of peace, loveliness, simplicity,
and comfort, that delighted and charmed me.
A considerable traffic is carried on at Cuttup, in slaves and horned
cattle; the latter of which are bred by the Falatahs, (great numbers of
whom reside there for no other purpose,) who sell or exchange them to
the natives. Slaves, as well as bullocks and sheep, are exposed in the
market, which is held daily; and also red caps, country cloth, gum,
salt, goora nuts, trona, beads, tobacco, rings, needles, cutlery
articles; and honey, rice, milk, &c. People from the most remote parts
resort to the market in vast numbers, to purchase these various articles
of merchandize; and return with them to their respective countries. The
chief or sultan as he is called, being a _very_ great man, I thought it
would not be amiss to give him a present worthy his dignity and exalted
station, and accordingly took him eight yards of blue and scarlet
damask, prints of my own gracious sovereign and the late duke of York,
with several articles of minor value, in return for which I received a
sheep, the humps of two bullocks, and stewed rice sufficient to satisfy
the appetites of at least fifty hungry men. I was honoured by a visit
from ten of the king’s wives two days after my arrival, who expressing
the most rapturous delight on observing the gilt buttons on my jacket, I
cut them off, and presented them to their sable majesties, who accepted
them with a loud laugh of thankfulness, and sticking them in their ears,
bade me farewell, and danced away.
Unlike the princes of Houssa, Nyffé, Borghoo, &c. the king of Cuttup
gives his wives unrestricted liberty, which they are never known to
abuse; but in other respects they are treated in much the same manner as
the women of those sovereigns. During my stay in Cuttup I was never in
want of a bullock’s hump, (by far the most delicate part of the animal,
and frequently weighing from twelve to fifteen pounds,) the king
invariably receiving as a tribute from the butchers, the hump of every
bullock they slaughter; and one of these delicious oily excrescences was
brought me daily by a person purposely despatched from the _queens_.
Being much in want of money, I ordered it to be published in the market-
place that I had needles and beads for sale, which brought a number of
individuals into my hut, who purchased freely, giving at least eighty
per cent more for my property than for the needles of the Arabs; but
whether the buyers actually fancied mine were of more excellent quality
than those they had been in the habit of using, or whether it arose from
a spirit of curiosity to preserve something belonging to so rare a
creature as “the white man,” I was at a loss to conjecture.
An old woman came to me one afternoon, sobbing aloud and full of grief;
telling me in a tone of peculiar dolefulness, that all her little
savings, the accumulation of years of industry and frugality, had been
stolen from a hole in her hut, in which she had concealed it a short
time before, by some of her dishonest neighbours; and entreating me to
favour her with a charm that would effectually prevent a recurrence of
so ignominious an action in future. Being ever willing to oblige the
simple-hearted Africans, and knowing also the profound veneration in
which a charm of mine would be held by all ranks, I gave the poor woman
a teaspoonful of common sweet oil, and urged her to pour it on the money
she intended hiding, stating, that if any person should dare to touch it
without her permission, he would instantly be punished with suffering
and death. I likewise desired her to give the virtues of the charm as
extensive a circulation as possible amongst her acquaintances, who would
be so awed by the terrible denunciation threatened by the charmer, that
fear itself would deter them from exercising their pilfering
propensities on her property. The countenance of the venerable matron
brightened up at these expressions; and substituting tears of gratitude
and pleasure for those of disappointment and sorrow, she fell on her
knees before me, embraced my feet, and looking up with a mingled
expression of _naïveté_ and maternal tenderness, poured out a full tide
of thanks and blessings on her protector, as she called me, which made
me blush for the deception I had practised; but I was consoled with the
reflection, that in consequence of the invincible superstition—the
ignorance—the unconquerable prejudices of the people, and the fear in
which I was held, the very object aimed at by me, would in all
probability be fully accomplished.
On the 16th I paid my respects to the King of Cuttup and his amiable,
laughter-loving consorts; and then pursuing my journey to Fundah in a
more cheerful mood than I had felt for a long time, arrived at a small
town called Coogie, in the middle of the afternoon. The journey,
however, was not of the most agreeable description; the road at one
moment winding over a sharp, rugged precipice, and in the next through
pools of water and deceitful hollows; we were oftentimes up to the neck
in filth and wet; to add to which, flies were innumerable, and so
troublesome to the asses by their mischievous propensity to bite and
sting, that the irritated animals, flinging off their riders in the
mire, and playing all manner of wanton pranks, detained us a
considerable time in the course of the forenoon.
The next day our journey was not a whit more pleasant or comfortable.
The rain fell in torrents, and the water, roaring down the sides of the
mountains, rolled in one mighty stream, with inconceivable impetuosity
through the vallies, and carried every thing in its progress. This
continued for hours, when the thick clouds dispersing, the sun broke
forth in all his majesty, and the tumultuous elements were lulled into
peace. We crossed a stream, or river, called Rary, in the course of the
day, and slept at Dungoora, a small town, in which we found ourselves
very hungry, but could get nothing at all to eat.
We pursued our course on the 18th, and arrived at Dunrora, a paltry
town, containing four thousand inhabitants, by six o’clock in the
evening. Our route, for some part of the journey, lay over steep and
craggy precipices, on the summit of one of which the horse that carried
the portmanteaus struck himself against a sharp piece of rock jutting up
out of the narrow foot path, and was precipitated a distance of eighty
yards, the ropes which were fastened to the portmanteaus arresting his
further progress. I was filled with alarm on observing the helpless
little animal tumbling head over heels down the frightful declivity, and
expected at least that he would have been dashed to pieces before
reaching the bottom; but, some stunted trees luckily growing on the side
of the precipice, he became entangled in the manner which has just been
related. We had been travelling about half an hour, after leaving the
spot on which the accident occurred, when reaching a yet more elevated
situation, an extensive and delightful prospect suddenly burst on our
view; and several days’ journey might plainly be seen before us.
I halted for a moment to gaze upon the fine and noble scene around me,
which rivalled in magnificence and beauty the appearance of the
landscape from the Kong mountains. About half a day’s journey to the
east stood a lofty hill, at the foot of which lay the large city of
Jacoba, the metropolis of a kingdom of the same name, to which, it will
be recollected, I was invited a short time before, by its monarch; but
not having felt any inclination to depart a step out of the direct road,
had declined embracing the offer. Mahomet, my servant, declared that a
river, called Shar, or Sharra, deriving its source from the lake Tschad,
flows about half a mile from Jacoba; and that canoes can be paddled from
the said lake to the Niger at any season of the year. The Sharra enters
the latter river at Fundah, when, in conjunction with its sister
streams, after laving its banks before the towns of Cuttum Currifee,
Gattoo, and Jibboo, it joins the salt water; but at what particular
place, my informant was ignorant, never having heard the word “Benin”
till I mentioned it myself. Fundah lies due west of Dunrora.
Not being aware that the chief of Dunrora was so _very_ eminent a
character, my present to him was of a trifling nature, consisting only
of a pair of scissors and a few needles, which were returned to me
shortly afterwards, with a contemptuous message, importing that I would
be pleased to bestow it on a less exalted individual, or send something
of greater value. On demanding the reason of such strange conduct from
the people who surrounded me, they answered that I had insulted the
dignity of themselves and their chief by offering so insignificant a
gift, he being a mighty man; but feeling no disposition to add any thing
to it, I dismissed the messenger empty-handed to his _mighty_ master.
CHAPTER XIV.
* * * * *
The Author overtaken at Dunrora by four armed horsemen from Zeg Zeg, who
force him to accompany them back to Zaria — His reflections — Arrives in
Zaria — Treatment of the King and his son towards the Author — His
entrance into Coulfo in Nyffé — Revisits Wow Wow — The noted widow Zuma.
As I was loading my beasts to depart on the morning of the 19th, I
observed four armed men ride up at full gallop to the residence of the
chief of Dunrora, whose horses were covered with foam. The great man was
no sooner made acquainted with the nature of their errand, than he came
hastily to me, followed by a multitude of people, and told me that I
must instantly return with the horsemen to Zaria, the king of Zeg Zeg
having despatched them purposely to escort me to that city. I was
amazed—thunderstruck. It was in vain to remonstrate with a chief whom I
had unwittingly offended: “If I suffer you to proceed on your journey to
Fundah,” said he, “I shall lose my head; you must submit.” Entreaty,
cajolery, and persuasion, were alike useless; the orders of the armed
men were imperative; they were backed by a thousand bows and arrows; and
with a heavy heart and cruel reflections, I turned the head of my horse
towards Cuttup.
Thus was I obliged, after seventeen days’ perilous travelling from Kano,
with a fair prospect of reaching the celebrated Fundah in twelve or
thirteen more, from whence four days’ sail would bring me to the salt
water—a new country opening before me, and my mind filled with the most
lively anticipations of solving the geographical problem, as to whether
the Niger actually joins the sea in that direction;—thus was I obliged
to abandon my fondest and long-cherished expectations, and return to Zeg
Zeg; thence to be transported the Lord knew whither! I felt depressed
and miserable at this sudden and unexpected change in my affairs; and
was really indifferent as to my future proceedings; caring not whether I
lived or died.
On our arrival in Cuttup, I was attacked with dysentery, and, much
against the inclination of my escort, obliged to remain there four days,
suffering during that period, and indeed a long while afterwards, more
dreadfully than I can or will describe. Finding me very tractable, and
too ill to make the least exertion, the horsemen left me in Cuttup, and
in their stead substituted two homely, peaceable men, who proceeded with
me in a different direction, towards Zeg Zeg.
The following day the asses were excessively troublesome through the
attacks of forest flies, myriads of which swarm around and alight in
great numbers on men and beasts. These insects bit the asses so severely
that blood streamed copiously from their sides, and the animals at
length became so restive, that Pasko and Mohammed, who rode on them,
were frequently thrown to the ground; besides which the loads on their
backs were seriously damaged by reason of the asses rolling themselves
in the earth, and rubbing their backs against the trunks of trees. We
slept in our tent in the midst of a large wood, surrounded by vast
numbers of bamboo, palm, and cocoa trees; and, although very ill, I
found myself considerably stronger.
At Cokalo, a Bowchee village, where we arrived on the 27th, the
inhabitants were so poor, that they sent us nothing but corn; but the
chief, in honor of our arrival, made a fetish, and having roasted a
fatted dog, stewed a snake in oil and water, and boiled a quantity of
corn. He then invited his people to a feast; and they partook of the
good things set before them with peculiar relish. With a benevolence
truly amiable, a small bowl of the corn so prepared, enriched with a
portion of the reptile, and the liquid in which it had been dressed, was
brought me from the chief’s table; and, supposing it to be fish swimming
in oil, I ate a mouthful or two with a very good appetite. It had,
however, a peculiar, although certainly not a disagreeable flavour with
it, and I carelessly asked a person standing near, the name of the
animal I was eating; but on his assuring me that it was part of a _land_
fish, my appetite forsook me, and Pasko, who had been casting many a
longing eye on the delicate morsel, devoured the remainder with looks of
infinite delight, asserting that it equalled in goodness the best dried
ling he had ever tasted.
On the following morning we arrived on the banks of the river Coodoonia;
but there it was broader, deeper, and more rapid than at Cuttup,
insomuch that it was dangerous to cross it. In attempting to convey, on
a small bamboo raft, one of the portmanteaus to the opposite side of the
stream, I found that it would not bear its weight, and I snatched it
from the sinking frame, a few feet only from the margin of the water.
Being convinced, therefore, that it would be dangerous to cross till the
river became shallower, I strenuously objected to the wishes of my
guard, (who almost dragged me into it,) and insisted that I would risk
neither my person nor property on so fragile and dangerous a conveyance
as the one at the ferry. The men, finding me resolute in my
determination, poured out a volley of abuse, and threatened in insolent
terms to go immediately and inform their sovereign of my refusal to
accompany them. I desired the fellows to give my best respects to his
majesty, and said that they were at liberty to go as soon as they
pleased; and they left me in great anger, cursing me as they went,
whilst I slowly returned with my horses and asses to the village we had
left an hour before.
Whether the messengers did or did not go to their king, I cannot tell,
but they did not come back till nearly a fortnight afterwards; and
during that time I was ill in the village, with nothing to eat but
boiled Indian corn; for I by no means relished the huge luncheons of
roasted dogs which were served up twice in the day. The inhabitants, who
came in hundreds to see me, like their countrymen, were destitute of
apparel of any kind, yet behaved with becoming decency; and I never had
cause, in a single instance, to complain of the conduct of those simple-
minded savages. The male portion of the community seemed to have no
occupation or employment whatever, spending the whole of their time in
lounging and loitering about their native village; whilst the women were
more laudably engaged in extracting an oil from a small black seed and
from the guinea-nut.
My escort returned on the 11th July, and in a tone of deep submission
begged me to go along with them, urging as a reason that the king of Zeg
Zeg would not give his permission to my proceeding a single step, unless
I visited first at Zaria, the capital of his dominions. Accordingly, our
beasts were loaded, and I followed them a second time to the banks of
the Coodoonia, but found the river still too deep to ford; and one
bamboo raft being insufficient to bear a heavy article without sinking,
I caused two of them to be lashed together, which answered the purpose
extremely well. The portmanteaus, &c. were first taken over, and I,
laying myself flat on my face, was next pushed across by the two
messengers, who swam behind, and dexterously propelled the frame forward
by their hands and feet. The horses and asses were not quite so
fortunate, for the current being strong and swift, they were borne by it
nearly a quarter of a mile down the stream, and could scarcely stand
from exhaustion for some time after they were dragged out of the water.
Every thing being at length safely landed on the opposite side, we left
the borders of the river, and pursuing a north-east course till sunset,
pitched our tent on a rising ground, near to a small stream.
Leaving our encampment at half-past six in the morning, we halted
outside Accoran, the first walled town I had seen since quitting
Nammaleek. The west end of it is defended by a gigantic naked rock, and
the other parts by a mud wall and a spacious ditch. The inhabitants are
Bowchees, but so miserably poor that not even a single goat or fowl
could be procured in the town. We were again in motion on the 13th, and
traversing an agreeable country intersected with shallow streams,
arrived at Cowro in the afternoon. The palm and cocoa, which had been so
numerous since leaving Dunrora, suddenly disappeared after we had passed
Accoran, and we saw no more of those beautiful trees till we reached the
kingdom of Yariba. We remained at Cowro three days, the beasts and their
riders being equally fatigued; and its chief, a noble looking Houssan,
behaved with the most studied civility towards his guests. He was neatly
clad in a white tobe, trousers, and cap; but he wore no sandals, and his
feet were stained with hennah. In return for the chief’s kindness, and
the excellent provisions he supplied us with, I made him a present of an
old piece of carpeting, a scarlet cap, white turban, and gilt chain,
which he received with extraordinary demonstrations of gratitude.
Having been ferried across a large river called Makkamee, we entered a
town of the same name, situated at the distance of a quarter of a mile
from its banks, where we slept; and on the following day, halting at
Wautorah, a walled town, I shot a few pigeons, which so terrified the
inhabitants that they did not approach me for some hours afterwards. The
morning of the 19th was damp, foggy, and disagreeable; and Mahomet, who,
with all his intelligence, was an idle scoundrel, wishing to have a
holiday, refused to proceed any further with me. The messengers longed
also for a similar indulgence, and fancying, no doubt, I should be
unable to go on without them, followed my servant’s example; but, seeing
through their design, I immediately ordered Pasko and his faithful wife
to load the beasts, and so left the town without them. Unluckily, a path
leading to the gardens of the inhabitants misled me; but having
discovered my error after an hour’s travelling, instead of returning by
the beaten track the way I had come, I crossed the country in the
direction I conceived the main road to take. Owing, however, to the
swampy nature of the soil, I did not attain it till four o’clock in the
afternoon, when, after a journey of two hours, the beasts becoming
exhausted, I pitched the tent by the road-side, and being greatly
distressed for want of water, slaked my thirst with some, which, oozing
from the fissures of a neighbouring rock, made a gentle gurgling noise,
that drew my attention to the spot.
We struck our tent on the morning of the 20th, and crossing a large
river flowing to the southward at one o’clock, entered the spacious and
handsome town of Eggebee an hour afterwards. Eggebee is governed by one
of the king of Zeg Zeg’s principal fighting men; and for its excessive
cleanliness, the tidiness of its inhabitants, their prosperity and
apparent happiness, yields only to Wow Wow; and strongly reminded me of
my own far distant country. It is situated on a fine, highly-cultivated
plain; and nothing can be more agreeable than the prospect of the
country for miles round. I have seen many charming landscapes in
Africa—many which come nearer to my ideas of the garden of Eden than any
others I have beheld—but none so pleasingly, softly beautiful, as that
near Eggebee. The earth, clad in simple and lovely magnificence, was
embellished with superb trees filled with singing birds—plots of Indian
corn waved in the wind—a luxuriant vegetation sprung up at every
step—every living thing revelled in enjoyment—happiness, peace, and
plenty dwelt on the enchanting spot. It was evening when I took a stroll
a little way into the country—a calm cloudless, lovely evening. The
earth had just before been refreshed by a shower, and the sun was
setting in all his glory; the neatly-attired maidens of Eggebee,
returning to the town with calabashes of milk, sang as they went along;
birds of golden plumage fluttered on the branches of the noble trees;
insects of dazzling brightness buzzed in the air; the stridulous notes
of the grasshopper was heard from the ground; smoke ascended in circling
volumes to the skies from the dwellings of the people; and the music of
guitars and dulcimers swelled from the town,—all was soothing, serene,
heavenly. I was a sojourner in a strange land; I thought on my country,
my kindred, my home, till melancholy reflections rushed upon my mind,
and I longed to lay down my burden of care and suffering,
disappointment, vexation, and sorrow. “I am unhappy,” I said to myself,
“in all this loveliness; I have no portion in the pleasure that
surrounds me. Why am I an Englishman, why am I not rather an African? I
should then be simple as he, thoughtless as he, happy as he.”
The delightful town of Eggebee contains a population of not less than
fourteen thousand souls; and its wall, forming a perfect square,
measures a mile each side. The inhabitants being supplied with a fine
reddish sand, (found in abundance along the beach of a noble river,
flowing about a couple of miles from the town,) and a kind of whitening,
use these ingredients for the purpose of cleansing their calabashes, and
other domestic articles; and really it gives one a sensible pleasure to
observe the taste and regularity with which these are arranged in the
interior of their dwellings, and the extreme whiteness of the whole. The
calabashes have figures of horses, sheep, cows, &c. carved on them by
persons whose time is entirely devoted to this single object, and who
receive for the work on each the sum of five cowries (less than a
farthing sterling). Instead of sleeping on the bare ground, as is the
case in every other town in the interior, excepting Cuttup, the
inhabitants of Eggebee raise a kind of platform at a height of three or
four feet from the floor, supported on clay pillars, on which they
repose themselves during the heat of the day, and at night. In the
vicinity of the town grew a great variety of beautiful flowers, which
opening in all their richness to the rays of the sun, had a truly
enchanting appearance. Many of them were of the same species as those
which thrive so luxuriantly in the interior of South Africa; but the
fragrance emitted from the former is neither equally pleasant nor
equally powerful.
We left Eggebee on the morning of the 21st, and the asses becoming
exhausted, encamped in a thick wood for the night. No village being near
at hand, we could obtain no provisions, and consequently went supperless
to bed. On the following morning we entered the city of Zaria, and took
up our quarters with Abbel Crême, Captain Clapperton’s host and friend
on his journey to Kano. The king was in the country, and did not see me
on the day of my arrival, but had left orders to have me well supplied
with provisions. His majesty returned in the evening, and sent a
messenger to say that he should be glad to see me early on the following
morning; accordingly at the time appointed I visited him with a suitable
present, which greatly delighted him; and he took the opportunity of
telling me that it was entirely for my own sake he had ordered me to be
brought back; for, said the king, “Sultan Bello is at variance with the
rulers of Fundah, and the latter would have you beheaded the moment you
set foot in his dominions, because he well knows you have been on
intimate terms with his powerful antagonist.” I, of course, acquiesced
in the opinion of his Zeg Zeg majesty, praised to the skies the
charitable spirit that had influenced him, and admired the milk of human
kindness that flowed in his veins; this well-timed flattery pleased the
monarch as much as the present had done; and in the course of the day I
received a present of two fine bullocks. Abbel Crême having intimated
that the king’s eldest son was invested with as much authority as his
father, I waited on him with a trifling gift; on which occasion he
received me very graciously. The prince was a remarkably fine young man,
apparently about twenty-two years of age, and beloved by every one. As
an especial mark of favour, I was introduced into his seraglio to see
his wives. They were fifty in number, and on my entrance were all
industriously employed in preparing cotton and thread, and weaving it
into cloth. My intrusion was not remarked till the prince said, “I have
brought the Christian to see you;” their eyes were immediately fixed
upon me at this expression, but on observing my white skin, the bashful
creatures, simultaneously dropping their work, flew with all possible
haste into their coozies, and I saw no more of them. In the afternoon
the prince offered me a really pleasing female named Aboudah (woman) for
a wife. I was almost frightened to death at the very sound of wife, yet
I accepted her with the best grace I could assume, not only to avoid
offending my royal friend, which would inevitably have been the case, if
I had refused the well-meant offer; but also that I might at least have
the satisfaction of giving the poor creature her freedom if I ever
reached the sea-coast.
Mahomet came to me on the 23d, having just arrived from Wautorah, where
he had deserted me, and entreated to be admitted again into my service;
but the fellow had behaved so ill towards me, that I ordered him to go
about his business. I had seen enough of him to convince me that no
dependance whatever could be placed on the fidelity of hired domestics;
and therefore purchased a slave in Zaria for seven dollars, to supply
Mahomet’s place. The asses being nearly worn out from our long and
fatiguing journey, and requiring at least twenty days of rest to recruit
their strength, I exchanged them for a strong Yariba pony, which, with a
pack bullock the king had given me was fully adequate to undertake their
work. Both the monarch of Zeg Zeg and his son were warring when we
passed through their territories on our way to Kano; and it was in order
to gratify their curiosity, I verily believe, that I was so
unfortunately stopped on the road to Fundah.
I bade adieu to the king and prince on the 24th, and, risking every
danger, pursued my journey towards the dreaded Nyffé and Yariba.
Leaving the extensive empire of Houssa three days after, we entered
Guârie in the evening of the 27th, and on the 29th pitched our tent
outside of the capital, which is also called Guâri. Next day we found
the river, near the city, so much swollen, that I considered it would be
imprudent to attempt to cross; and on the 31st I waited on the king,
governor, or whatever he is, of Guâri, with a present of light blue and
scarlet damask, and a smart red cap. He was a man of venerable
appearance. He wished to know the reason of my having been so long on
the road from Kano, as merchants had informed him that I had quitted
that city some time before. I replied that I had attempted the road to
Fundah, it being the nearer way, but that the King of Zeg Zeg had sent
armed men after me, who had compelled me to retrace my steps. He
observed that if I wished to proceed to that kingdom then, he would send
a messenger with me, and he had no doubt, as the monarch of Fundah was
his particular friend, I should experience every kindness at his hands.
I expressed great concern at being unable to embrace his generous
proposal, having nothing good enough left to give the King of Fundah;
and on that account feeling no particular wish to pass through his
dominions.
His Guâri majesty had in his service an eunuch, whose native town was
not far from Fundah; and, at his sovereign’s instigation, the man paid
me a visit. In the course of conversation with him, the eunuch told me
that he was born at Gibboo, a town situated on the banks of the Niger,
and about four days journey from the city of Fundah. He had often
proceeded by water from the former to the latter place in eight days,
the river running five knots an hour against him; but the voyage from
Fundah to Gibboo might easily be performed in three, or at most four
days.
I had no opportunity of ascertaining whether the testimony of the eunuch
was actually correct; as the reports of the natives, whether owing to
the difficulty of expressing themselves so as to be understood by a
stranger, or from other causes, vary considerably. I should conceive
that the former is the chief reason of this difficulty so often
complained of; and that in their relations of rivers and streams, the
natives do not designedly deceive, but the interrogator, taking no pains
to obtain a clear idea of their meaning, forms an opinion of his own
which he fancies approaches nearest to that which his informants
themselves entertain.
I fell in with a party of merchants in Guâri, who were so far on their
journey to Coulfo, and they begged me to accompany them to that city, in
order to repel the attacks of a desperate gang of robbers, which they
affirmed infested the main road leading to Nyffé, and had committed
dreadful excesses. Fearing there might be some foundation in this
rumour, I waited for the merchants three days; but they not having then
paid the accustomed tribute, and not seeming to have the slightest
inclination to do so in a hurry, I preferred risking the alleged dangers
in the path, to abiding longer at Guâri.
On the 2d of August, therefore, I paid my respects to the king, who
offered a messenger to accompany me to Womba; but I declined the offer,
observing that I was not afraid to proceed with my own little party; and
on the next morning left the city, without merchants, messengers, or
guide. No robbers molested me; nor did I see a single suspicious-looking
fellow on the path; and I reached Fullindushie, the second town of that
name, after a ride of nine hours.
The following day it rained incessantly, so that we were unable to take
down our tent, and remained under it till the 5th, when we continued our
course, and encamped outside the walled town of Kazzagebubba by four in
the afternoon. The chief apologised for sending us nothing better than
tuah and corn, on the ground of its being market-day; and this trifling
present was acknowledged on my part by a red cap and a pair of scissors,
which made the receiver proud, vain, and foolish.
Next morning we were again in motion, at an early hour: and having
crossed a large river, in the afternoon, we pitched our tent in the
centre of a number of small, uninhabited grass huts, erected as a
temporary abode by a party of merchants some months previously. In the
night myriads of mosquitoes annoyed us so greatly that we were obliged
to set fire to the huts, in order to be rid of them.
On the 7th we arrived at the spacious town of Womba; and, being sadly in
want of money, I despatched Jowdie, my slave, to the market with needles
to sell, which fetched fifteen cowries each, and brought me 3,400 of
them. The chief, having declared the road to be dangerous, would insist
on sending an armed guide with me; and on the morning of the ninth we
left Womba in company; halted on the south side of a large river at six
in the evening, and fixed our tent in the midst of grass huts, similar
to those already mentioned; but they harboured, as on the former
occasion, mosquitoes and vermin, so that we were under the necessity of
burning them to the ground.
Hearing that a gaffle of merchants had been plundered, and many of them
slain, by freebooters on the road I intended taking,—instead of
journeying in a south-westerly direction to Borghoo, I travelled by
another route, and halted at the town of Beari on the evening of the
10th of August. As soon as one of the head-men was aware of my approach
to the king’s residence, he blew a blast “both loud and shrill,” on a
long brass trumpet, in token of welcome, the noise of which brought all
the principal inhabitants to the spot, who went with me into the chief’s
hut, and seated themselves in a circle round that individual and myself.
The chief was a fine handsome fellow, apparently about fifty years of
age, with a noble expression of countenance and a commanding air; and
the coozie into which I was introduced was the largest I ever saw in
Africa, being not less, I should think, than eighty yards in
circumference. The conversation was carried on through the medium of a
third person, (although the chief himself perfectly understood what I
said,) which singular custom is, I believe, peculiar to Beari, for I
never observed a similar practice at any other place. The town contained
about four thousand inhabitants, and was surrounded by a high wall and
ditch.
On the 12th we halted at the town of Ragada; and its chief, who was
delighted to see me, gave me a whole sheep, fowls, and a jar of gear (an
ale manufactured from Indian corn). It began to rain a few minutes after
we had quitted Ragada, and continued without ceasing till we encamped a
little to the westward of Wittesa, in the afternoon; and although the
portmanteaus were secured in a thick bullock’s hide, every thing they
contained, with the exception of the papers, became completely saturated
with water. In order to dry the tent, &c. we were obliged to remain at
our encampment the following day, towards the evening of which a fellow
came outside the pavilion with a calabash of bum, and bawled out
repeatedly in an insolent tone that I should come out and drink with
him. Being busily engaged in packing up the articles that had been put
out to dry, I paid no attention at first to the vociferous bellowing of
the man; but becoming at length impudent and daring, he threatened to
break into the tent, when, thinking to intimidate him, I took a loaded
pistol and went out. I told the noisy scoundrel that if he did not
instantly quit the spot, and stop his throat, I would shoot him without
further hesitation; but this menace, instead of terrifying him, only
incensed him the more, and flourishing a lance he had with him over his
head, as quick as lightning, he made a desperate thrust at my breast;
but slipping a little on one side, I parried the weapon with my hands
when within an inch of my body, and this fortunately saved me from being
run through. This was carrying the jest a little too far, and striking
the ruffian violently with the but-end of my pistol, I desired his
companions, who stood near, and were spectators of the whole affray, to
take him instantly from the tent, or I would fire at him in earnest. The
men accordingly dragged away the intoxicated fellow to his home; but he
returned the next morning, and throwing himself at my feet, begged that
I would not inform his sovereign of the conduct he had displayed, for
that he should be beheaded if it came to the king’s ears. I promised to
accede to his wishes, on condition that he should never get tipsy again;
whereat the man evinced the most lively gratitude, and shed tears of
joy.
We struck our tent on the morning of the 14th, and passing through the
ruins of a large town called Kabojie, halted a little to the westward of
Dogo at three o’clock in the afternoon, where we slept. In the evening I
was visited by several respectable females of the neighbouring town, who
brought with them stewed beef and tuah, for which I recompensed them
with a few beads.
At two o’clock in the afternoon of the following day, we entered the
celebrated commercial town of Coulfo, where I was met at the gates by
the female, in whose house we lodged in our way to Kano, accompanied by
every lady of note in the town, who expressed the most lively joy on
seeing me again; but when I informed them that Captain Clapperton was no
more, they wept bitterly, and, wringing their hands, made loud
lamentations. Although the town was filled with merchants, and her own
house occupied by some of them, my kind hostess turned out her lodgers,
and gave me the best apartment in it. The merchants came from Cuttum
Kora, Youri and other provinces in Borghoo, Yariba, Kano, and Soccatoo,
to purchase Nyffé cloth (which is decidedly the best in the interior),
iron bits and stirrups, brass ornaments for saddles and bridles, brass
ear-rings, &c. &c. the traffic in which is carried on to a considerable
extent. The good old chief sent me fowls, tuah, milk, and bum; my
hostess gave me a sheep; and during my stay, this excellent old lady
supplied me with the choicest provisions daily.
I take this opportunity of expressing my high admiration of the amiable
conduct of the African females toward me; in sickness and in health; in
prosperity and in adversity—their kindness and affection were ever the
same. They have danced and sung with me in health, grieved with me in
sorrow, and shed tears of compassion at the recital of my misfortunes.
When quite a boy, and suffering from fever in the West Indies, women of
the same race used to take me in their arms, or on their knees, sing and
weep over me, and tell me not to die, for that my mother would break her
heart to hear the news; and pointing to the ocean, they cheered my
spirits, by saying that it laved the shores of England, and would
shortly bear me on its bosom to my distant home. In fine, through
whatever region I have wandered, whether slave or free, I have
invariably found a chord of tenderness and trembling pity to vibrate in
the breast of an African _woman_; a spirit ever alive to soothe my
sorrows and compassionate my afflictions;—and I never in my life knew
one of them to bestow on me a single unpleasant look or angry word.
I abode in Coulfo five days, and finding my Yariba pony, and the bullock
the King of Zeg Zeg had given me, unfit to bear the fatigues of a
journey to the sea coast, I exchanged the latter, with an old Turkish
jacket, for a couple of asses; but, owing to its being in so miserable a
condition, no purchaser could be found for the pony, although I offered
to sell it for a dollar. On the morning preceding my departure, poor
little Boussa Jack, the faithful companion of my wanderings, was
discovered lying dead outside my hut, having crawled from its stable, in
the night, to die as near to its master as possible. Bidding my generous
hostess an affectionate adieu, I paid my respects to the chief, and left
Coulfo in high spirits and health, on the morning of the 20th of August;
and halted at Majonka in the afternoon. In the town I met with a gaffle
of merchants on their way to Gonja, to purchase the kola, or goora nut.
Being unable to procure any kind of provisions in the place, I took my
gun, and shot a heron, not being aware that this, being a fetish bird,
is allowed only to be eaten by the chiefs; but, on being made acquainted
with the circumstance, one of the principal inhabitants, came to my
house with a loaded musket, and, using the most abusive language,
threatened to discharge it in my face. Not at all daunted, I dared him
to fire; and hinted that I should take the liberty of acquainting the
King of Nyffé with such unwarrantable behaviour, when the fellow
stammered out an apology, and sneaked off. Early on the following
morning the man returned to my dwelling, and in a tone of humiliation,
begged me not to carry my menace into execution, (which, indeed, I had
no intention of doing,) and excused the violence of his conduct, on the
plea of having swallowed too large a quantity of bum the preceding day.
At six o’clock we continued our route, halting at twelve at noon at
Dalho, on the banks of the river Quontakora, which having crossed with
some difficulty, we journeyed till sun-set, and reached the foot of a
hill, five miles to the eastward of the Niger, where we pitched our
tent, and slept. We arrived on the banks of that river on the following
day, and found it to be at least a hundred yards broader than it was on
our way to Soccatoo; and after our hallooing a thousand times, the
boatman on the opposite side came to fetch us. My poor slave, Jowdie,
who had never seen so large a body of water before, became terribly
agitated at the bare thoughts of crossing it; but getting him at last,
after much persuasion, into the canoe, I found him overpowered with
fear, and he fainted the moment he set his foot on _terra firma_. We
landed at Inguâzhilligie, where the principal inhabitants pressed us to
remain; but, having no presents to offer, I declined stopping, and
expecting to reach a village in the evening, made all possible haste to
get out of the town. The path lying through swampy ground, was horribly
bad, and the asses could only travel two miles an hour; so that at six,
p.m., the beasts being completely knocked up, we were obliged to pitch
our tent in the midst of a wild, dismal, uncultivated waste. In these
journeyings Pasko headed the party; Aboudah, Joudie, and Pasko’s wife
then followed with the baggage, whilst I myself brought up the rear; by
which arrangement the whole of them were under my own eye, and I could
watch all their motions. After erecting the tent, and previously to
retiring to rest, it was my usual custom to read aloud, from a book of
common prayer, some portion of its contents, making the servants sit
around me in a circle. By this pleasing exercise I felt unusual calmness
and serenity steal over my mind; and I slept as soundly in the bosom of
awful woods, amidst the howlings of the tempest and the pelting of the
storm—the yell of the tiger and the hollow roar of the crocodile—as if I
had been reposing on a bed of down in my own country.
The roads were equally bad on the 23d, and the rain, which fell heavily
and incessantly, drenched us to the skin; so that about the middle of
the day we were obliged to encamp in a small village, where we attempted
to sleep. The poor beasts had stuck in the bogs several times in the
morning, on each of which occasions they were dragged from their
unpleasant situation with much difficulty, and retarded our movements
considerably. None of the inhabitants of the village understanding the
Houssa language, I entered a hut, the door of which was open, and
presenting the inmates with a few beads, made them comprehend by signs
and gestures, that we were wearied and hungry, when one lean fowl alone
could be procured; but having the good fortune to shoot a guinea-fowl,
we made a tolerable supper, and went contentedly to rest.
A ride of eight hours on the following day brought us to the celebrated
city of Wow Wow, the birth place of Mohammed, the residence of the
_lovely_ Zuma, and the scene of our adventures with those two
illustrious characters on our former journey into the interior. I had
taken two days and a half on the road from Inguâzhilligee, while in the
dry season we had done it with ease in one.
The day after my arrival I visited the king with a present of scarlet
and blue damask, &c. and Mohammed, although he was overjoyed to see me
at first, was greatly distressed, and wept much on hearing of the death
of Captain Clapperton in Soccatoo. He wondered at my being alive after
visiting the Falatah country, the natives of which, he maintained, were
the most barbarous and blood-thirsty in the world; and said moreover,
that I was certainly one of God’s own favorites, or I never could have
escaped so easily from their clutches. I was obliged to comply with the
monarch’s request, which indeed was tantamount to a command, to abide at
Wow Wow a few days, in order to clean seven muskets and three pistols,
which he afterwards told me belonged to the white men who were drowned
in the Quorra. They had the Tower mark on them, and were in excellent
condition. Having obtained permission of Mohammed to visit the amiable
king and queen of Boussa, whose behaviour to me, it will be recollected
was so inexpressibly kind, after my escaping from my confinement in the
Zuma elopement affair, I took old Pasko with me, and left Wow Wow early
in the morning of the 27th; but after journeying till six in the
evening, we had only got half-way to the city, in consequence of bogs
and swamps, which overspread the country. Our horses were oftentimes up
to the saddles in mire and wet, and Pasko’s legs being excessively
short, the exertions of his animal to extricate himself threw him from
its back into the filth on the path, so that the old man was covered
with dirt. The remaining part of the journey appearing yet more
difficult and dangerous, I found it impossible to go on; and being
directed by a glimmering light to a solitary hut embosomed in trees, we
slept there, and returned to Wow Wow on the following day.
The king sent me a goat, cut up into small pieces, and a large bowl of
tuah, on the 29th, in order to make a _sadacco_ for my lamented master;
a ceremony common to many places in the interior, on the decease of any
person of consequence. The bowl of tuah and the goat’s flesh were
forwarded to a mallam, who repeated a short prayer over them; but before
this ceremony could be performed, it being necessary to place a gold or
silver coin, or in lieu thereof, an article made of either of those
metals, on the top of the bowl, I put a silver pencil-case on the tuah,
which was never returned me. As soon as the prayer had been offered up,
the consecrated articles were immediately forwarded to me, and hundreds
of the Wow Wownese flocked to my habitation to show their respect for
the memory of the deceased, by partaking of the goat’s flesh and tuah,
each person ejaculating with fervor, on conveying the food to his lips,
“God send the Christian safe to heaven!” It is unnecessary to say, that
the bowl was soon emptied of its contents.
The day after the celebration of this mournful rite, having finished
cleaning the fire-arms of the venerable Mohammed, I requested his
permission to leave Wow Wow; but the king, smiling, told me that not
half my business was done; for that he wanted to have six charms, which
I alone could write. “The charms,” said the learned Moslem, “will be
worn round my waist, and are to possess the following virtues: 1st
charm: if my enemies think of making war on me, it shall cause them to
forget to carry such an intention into effect. 2d. If my adversaries be
on their way to Wow Wow for the purpose of warring, it shall cause them
to be dismayed and turn back. 3d. If they discharge their arrows at my
people when close to the city walls, the province of this charm shall be
to make them rebound in their own faces, and wound them. Let the fourth
prevent my guns from bursting; and the fifth hinder the persons that
hold them from receiving an injury, should they by any accident break
when loaded. The sixth and last charm is to make me the happiest and
most successful of men.” I protested my inability to comply with his
wishes, on the ground of ignorance; but the old man, wisely shaking his
cranium, said with a significant look, “Nay, Christian, don’t be so
modest; I know you have the power; it is useless to attempt to deceive
me; let me see how long it will be before you produce them.” On the
following day, therefore, I took my charms to the superstitious monarch
of Wow Wow, on which I had written scraps of old English ballads; and
the prince was so much pleased with my civility, that he paid me a
thousand compliments, and I left him in the best humour in the world.
Thus was I obliged in this, as well as in former instances, certainly
against my inclination, to copy the example the Arabs had set me, of
imposing upon the ignorance and superstition of the natives, of which I
have complained so frequently. It was utterly useless to deny them so
singular a favour on the plea of incapacity or ignorance; for on urging
either of these reasons, it was not unusual for them to say, “The white
man is ill-natured; he is no good man;” and run away with tears in their
eyes.
Not satisfied with all I had done for him, Mohammed still wished to
detain me in Wow Wow, and very reluctantly gave me permission to depart
on the 3d of September. He also insisted on my selling or giving him my
gun and pistols, the only fire-arms that were left me. I endeavoured in
vain to coax the old gentleman to waive his pretensions; and finding him
firm in his determination of having the gun, and at least one of the
pistols, I sent them to his residence, leaving it entirely to his
generosity to pay me what he thought proper. The liberal-minded king
shortly after returned four thousand cowries (worth little more than a
dollar) as a sufficient equivalent for the gun and pistol; but on the
ensuing day made me a present of a beautiful little mare.
The 3d of September being the day appointed for my departure, the old
king sent a message for me to visit him at an early hour; on which
occasion he wrung from me a promise to return to Wow Wow in a
twelvemonth. He displayed before me various patterns of silk to bring
with me from England, for a tobe he was to wear; and said, as I was
leaving the apartment, “Tell your countrymen, Christian, that they have
my permission to come here and build a town, and trade up and down the
Quorra; we know now that you are good men; but we did not think so when
the white men, who were drowned before Boussa, visited the country.” He
had kept me chatting with him on indifferent subjects till nine o’clock,
when we shook hands, and the old man followed me with his eyes till I
was out of sight. On reaching my dwelling, I found a party of merchants,
(whom the kind-hearted Mohammed had, unknown to me, detained in Wow Wow
on purpose that I might accompany them,) anxiously waiting my
appearance. They were to go to Khiama; and the road to that kingdom
being infested with gangs of robbers, I embraced the opportunity with
pleasure, and we left the city in company about ten o’clock in the
morning.
THE WIDOW ZUMA.
On approaching Wow Wow, I had not been able to avoid feeling the
liveliest emotions of delight. We had left it under peculiar
circumstances; and the generous, warm-hearted, beauteous Zuma, had often
crossed my thoughts! I fondly indulged the hopes of seeing that lady
again, after so long an absence; and notwithstanding my refusal to
accept of her heart and person, I had so managed this delicate affair as
not to forfeit her esteem; besides which, I had never spoken slightingly
of her person; I had never ridiculed her pretensions to beauty, and
_therefore_ I knew well enough that Zuma could not hate me. It was
sweet, particularly in Africa, to know,
----“There was an eye would mark
My coming, and look brighter when I came;”
—and all circumstances considered, I was well and light of heart on
drawing near to the beautiful city of Wow Wow. On the night of my
arrival, I was serenaded with the wild music of a guitar, accompanied by
a female voice. Curiosity induced me to listen to its import, when I
soon learnt that the singer was a slave from my sable inamorata, and
sent by her mistress to congratulate me on my arrival. As soon as I
ascertained that this was really the case, I immediately hailed the
young woman, and admitted her into my dwelling. She came, she said, to
welcome me back to Wow Wow, on her mistress’s account, and to express
the widow’s sorrow for the decease of Captain Clapperton. But what was
of most consequence, and what gave me infinite concern, was the news
that the amiable and impassioned Zuma was herself in “durance vile,” by
command of the perfidious Mohammed, who, fearful of the consequences of
the expected rencontre, had filled and surrounded her dwelling with
soldiers, kept a watch over her “thousand” slaves, and forbidden either
the lady or her domestics to maintain the slightest intercourse with the
“Little Christian.” This unexpected information moved me to compassion;
and desiring the female slave, who had contrived to elude the vigilance
of her guardians, and steal unobserved to my hut, to express to her
unfortunate mistress my deep regret at her predicament, I dismissed the
young woman, and returned to my couch to reflect on the pitiable
condition of the gentle Zuma, whose heart, I had no doubt, yet throbbed
with tenderness for her former love!
On the two succeeding nights, and indeed every other that I spent at Wow
Wow, I was visited about the midnight hour by the girl above-mentioned,
with her female companions, who brought presents of honey, &c. from the
widow, and sung, or rather chanted to me at different times, the
following melancholy tale of her mistress’s feelings and misfortunes,
from the period of my leaving her to the time of my return. The _sense_
of their strains is maintained throughout, with the strictest regard to
truth:
THE SONG OF ZUMA’S SLAVES.
Scarce, Christian, hadst thou left Wow Wow
When Zuma’s tears began to flow;
They’ve flowed since, they are flowing now,
In copious streams of living woe;
And, shunning pleasure, suffering pain,
She wept, and wore Love’s silken chain.
A sadness prey’d upon her mind,
A gloom o’erspread her lovely face,
As, wandering far and unconfined,
She summon’d up each matchless grace
That charm’d her once, when white man came,
Her warm heart fluttering at his name.
Oft loitering near the sounding grove,
Or hearkening to the Quorra’s roar,
She told the listening air her love,
And feelings never known before;
The listening air received her grief,
But bore it to the yellow leaf.
The fire that gleam’d in her dark eye,
The heav’n that in her gesture dwelt,
The smile she wore when thou wast nigh,
(Which one might think would Alla melt,)
All passed away, and envious Care
Usurp’d the features of the fair.
Her teeth soon lost their roseate hue,
No longer shone her feet with yellow,
Her hair, which rivall’d heaven’s own blue,
Turn’d softly grey as that of Lello;[2]
The goora nut had ceased to charm,
And grateful _pitto_ scarce could warm.
Thus mistress felt, whilst far away
The cruel white-faced stranger stray’d;
Nor could he hear her tender lay,
Which every chord of woe betray’d.
Alas! her melancholy wails
Were plaintive as the crocodile’s.
But when she learnt that thou wast near,
She flung off suddenly her gloom,
Colour’d afresh her clustering hair,
And bade her teeth their red resume;
And frolicsome and full of glee,
Who was so glad, so gay as she?
To add to her inspiring bliss,
With _pitto_ Zuma then got mellow;
But oh! that old Mohammed is
A wicked, most tyrannic fellow;
For, all her hope, and all her joy,
He bade his soldiers to destroy.
They rush’d into her house, and bound
The hapless fair with thongs of leather;
Forbade her slaves to quit the ground,
And tied them hand and foot together.
Thus mistress far’d, and all for thee,
Unkind _Nasarah Curramee_.[3]
But, Christian, Zuma sends her love,
As warm as when at first ye met:
Like that which dwells within the dove,
It lasted, and will linger yet.
Her deep-drawn sighs and melting tears,
Will but increase with growing years.
Yet, wishing thou wilt sometimes tell
Of her, when thou art far away,
Ere Zuma breathes a last farewell,
To Alla she will warmly pray,
To love, and bless, and prosper thee,
Blue-eyed Nasarah Curramee!
Thus sang the maidens of the graceful Zuma; and I was not a little
grieved to find myself the cause of unhappiness, and of the infliction
of corporal punishment on so fair a creature, for she was still fresh,
and beautiful, and full of lovely life! I sent her a trifling present to
keep in remembrance of “the white-fac’d stranger;” but all my coaxing
could not melt the inflexible, the iron-hearted Mohammed to obtain an
interview with her; that sage monarch fearing that a general rebellion
would be the consequence of such a meeting. He well knew that when love
was in the question, the energetic widow was not mistress of her own
actions; whilst her power, her courage, her generosity, and above all,
her bulk and personal charms, would induce thousands to rally round her
standard, and commit all sorts of excesses. It was therefore a politic,
although certainly a most ungallant measure on the part of the powerful
prince of Wow Wow, to confine a lady so unfeelingly;—a lady whose meek,
equable disposition, and amiable spirit, had displayed themselves in
numberless instances! a lady, whose kindness and affection for the white
men was so strikingly apparent. Nevertheless Mohammed comforted me by
promising to liberate her as soon as I had reached a day’s journey from
the city.
I had scarcely left the walls of the town, when a young woman, panting
and out of breath, overtook me. I immediately recognized her as being my
old acquaintance, the favourite and confidential slave of the widow; but
before I had time to inquire the nature of her errand, she had produced
two calabashes of honey, which her compassionate mistress had sent by
way of refreshment on my journey. I was, however, greatly shocked when
she told me it was Zuma’s desire, since fate had so ordered it, that she
could never be united to me, that I would, on my return to my own
country, let the Christians understand her extreme tenderness for white
men in general, and that if any one had courage and enterprize enough to
undertake a journey to Wow Wow, she would immediately make him her
husband, depose old Mohammed, and proclaim her spouse king in his stead.
This urgent bidding, although of course it excessively mortified my
vanity at the time, I promised to do;—and I hereby redeem the pledge I
then made! In addition to which I would observe that Wow Wow is, without
exception, the cleanest, healthiest, and most agreeable city of any in
the interior, and one in which an Englishman, if he could contrive to
forget his country and friends, might live very happily; he might spend
his time in hunting wild beasts and antelopes, sporting, dancing with
the beauties of Africa, feasting, carousing, and fishing; he might take
thousands of delightful excursions on the mysterious Quorra—keep race-
horses, and in fine live like an absolute prince, with the satisfaction,
in dying, of transmitting to his posterity a kingdom, insignificant
indeed as to its population or extent, but withal rich, brave, compact,
and flourishing. This, I am persuaded, (if an Englishman could be found
possessing the necessary qualifications to fill the throne,) would be
more effectual in checking the traffic in human beings than the united
force of all the naval powers in the world. Yet I would entreat that
individual, whoever he might be, to be merciful to the superstitious
Mohammed—whose years render him venerable—his virtues amiable,—and who,
with the exception of being rather harsh to the romantic Zuma, is as
innocent as a child; besides that he was kind to Englishmen, and above
all gave me a little mare!
CHAPTER XV.
* * * * *
Progress of the route. — The Author, whilst crossing a river, in the
stirrups of his horse’s saddle, is thrown from its back, and narrowly
escapes drowning. — Arrival at Khiama. — Eccentric conduct of the Prince
of that State. — Anecdote of his messenger. — Pasko’s thieving
propensities turned to account. — The Author enters Katunga, the capital
of Yariba. — His reception by Mansolah, its monarch. — Song of five
hundred of his wives. — Fetish-hut.
As I have before observed, it was on the morning of the 3d of September,
that, accompanied by a gaffle of merchants, I left Wow Wow. We crossed
the river Auli at noon, after much difficulty, and encamped on the south
bank, shortly after which I was visited by the mallam of the traders,
who gave me some information respecting Mr. Park, which is embodied in
my account of the death of that enterprising traveller (off the city of
Boussa) in a preceding part of this narrative. The merchants not being
ready to start as early as I could wish the next morning, we left them
behind, and, journeying at an easy rate, attained a convenient spot in
the heart of a solitary wood, where we pitched our tent. At this time I
lived like an eastern prince, generally subsisting on the best the
country afforded; and, towards evening, when I felt fatigued, Aboudah
used to bathe my temples with the juice of limes, and after washing my
feet, either sing or fan me to sleep!
On the 5th, one of the asses became so ill on the road, that we were
obliged, in a measure, to drag him to the town of Gorkie, our halting
place, where, much against my inclination, I left him to his fate. The
poor animal, looking up into my face, seemed to reproach me for my
cruelty, and, when he saw his companion going away without him, he
strove to raise himself on his legs; but, not having sufficient
strength, fell down again, and brayed loud and piteously, which was
returned by his long-eared associate in a strain of sympathy that made
Jowdie, who attended them, shed a whole flood of tears. On the morning
of the 6th, whilst crossing a river, apparently very shallow, my horse
unexpectedly sunk several feet into a kind of soft mud; and, his legs
becoming entangled in the roots of some trees lying at the bottom, the
beast fell on his side, and, plunging violently, threw me off the
saddle. My foot was unfortunately twisted in the leather stirrups, and I
was therefore unable to disengage it for several seconds, during which
time my head being under water, I was nearly suffocated. Freeing myself,
at length, from the stirrup, I reached the other side of the stream,
greatly exhausted, and, with the assistance of my servants, succeeded in
extricating the horse also from his no less unpleasant situation. I was
afterwards informed at Khiama, by a merchant, that I might think myself
eminently fortunate in having escaped so easily, as large crocodiles, in
great numbers, infested the river.
After sunset on the following day we arrived at Yarro, shortly after
which a thunder-storm visited the town with terrific violence,
overthrowing houses, tearing up large trees by the roots, &c. and
continued for three hours, when the tempest was suddenly appeased, and
the weather became awfully still and calm. The thunder had been
fearfully loud, shaking the earth on which our tent was fixed: and large
masses of fire, whirled across the heavens, added not a little of solemn
grandeur to this scene of devastation and terror. On the 8th we were
unable to proceed on account of the rain that fell; but next morning
struck our tent, and at noon entered the city of Khiama.
Immediately on my arrival I paid my respects to Yarro, the king; but as
soon as he saw me, his majesty asked how I dared to come into Khiama
without having previously informed him of my approach. I answered, that
I had despatched one of his own messengers three or four days before to
acquaint him of the fact, and thought nothing more was required on my
part to insure me a warm reception. “That is of no consequence,”
rejoined the monarch, “you should have sent another this morning. Get on
horseback instantly, and return an hour and half’s journey, the way you
came. On arriving there, despatch one of your own people to acquaint me
with the circumstance, and I will order a sufficient escort to conduct
you into the city in a manner suitable to your rank and respectability.”
I was in the act of complying with this singular request, when Yarro
bawled after me—“I forgive you this time, Christian; but never be so
remiss again.” The king had been informed, a day or two before, of the
decease of Capt. Clapperton, and appeared much affected on that account
in my presence, “but,” said he, abruptly,—“What business had you with
the Falatahs? They behaved roughly to you, I understand, but surely you
had no need to visit Soccatoo.” I replied, that we were at Kano, on our
way to Bornou, when Sultan Bello sent for us, and that we were obliged,
in consequence, to abandon our intentions, and proceed with the
messengers to their sovereign. Yarro then offered to conduct me safely
to Bornou, saying that he was tributary to the sheikh of that country;
but I replied that Bello having robbed me of all the presents intended
for that monarch, it would be useless for me to think of travelling so
far, with no gifts to offer on attaining the end of my journey; and,
therefore, it would be superfluous to put him to any trouble or expense
on my account. My present to the king consisted of a quantity of damask
and silk, a red cap, silk sword-sash, two pairs of scissors, and a
hundred needles. I likewise gave him my old tent, which had become full
of holes, and was quite useless to me.
Yarro is an eccentric and facetious character; but without exception the
finest and handsomest man I ever saw in Africa, or perhaps in any other
country. Bello, Sultan of the Falatahs, was certainly a noble looking
fellow, but not at all equal, either in regularity of features, elegance
of form, or impressive dignity of manner and appearance, to the sable
monarch of Khiama. We remained in the city five days, the conduct of the
queens, during the whole of the time, being as generous and kind as that
of their benevolent countrywomen, of whom I have so often spoken; they
supplied our wants daily, and our wishes were no sooner made known than
they were instantly complied with; so amiable and so praiseworthy are
the actions of African ladies. Yarro entertains the whimsical notion,
that as females came into the world naked, naked they ought to live in
it till their death, he does not, however, extend the same opinion to
his own sex. “Man,” said the king, “is the nobler animal, and wears
clothing in token of his superiority over the weaker part of the
creation;” and, in accordance with this singular doctrine, none of his
wives ever dare to approach his presence with any other dress than that
which nature has supplied them with. They steal, however, every
opportunity to break through the established rule, and are never happier
than when bedizened with ornaments, after the manner of their female
acquaintances.
The people of Borghoo are much more cleanly, both in their habits and
persons, than their neighbours of Yariba, and would, generally speaking,
be more handsome, if they had not the misfortune to have weak eyes,
which impairs considerably their personal appearance. That part, which
in the eyes of others is perfectly white, is in theirs a smoky yellow;
but whether this sickly-looking hue is occasioned by the manner of
living of the people of Borghoo, or whether they derive it from nature,
I had no opportunity of judging. When he addresses the king, a Borghoo
man stretches himself on the earth as flat as a flounder, in which
attitude he lies, kissing the dust, till his business with his sovereign
is at an end; when, covering his head with sand or dust, he rises and
goes his way. When equals meet, each dropping on the right knee, they
shake hands three distinct times, a pause sometimes of several seconds
intervening between the _acts_; and, arising at the same moment, they
pursue their customary avocations. The chiefs and head-men claim, from
the lower class of people, the observance of the same humiliating
ceremony, which is exacted by the sovereign; and this manner of
salutation does not vary from Badagry to Houssa.
Having paid my respects to the facetious Yarro on the 13th of September,
he said to me at parting,—“If your king wishes, at a future period, to
send any one to Bornou, I will conduct him to that country by a safe
route, without the necessity of his journeying even near to the Falatah
country.” He then made me a present of a strong pony; and on the
following day we left Khiama; and traversing a country laid almost under
water, halted in Subia at noon.
The chief of the town, on my arrival, made me a present of a fat goat
and some yams, with which we made an excellent supper; and on the 15th,
being unable to reach an inhabited place, made a large fire in the midst
of a wood, in the centre of which, having previously rolled myself up in
my tobe, I lay down and slept soundly till morning. Crossing a creek, we
arrived at Mossa, a town situated on the banks of a river of the same
name, dividing Borghoo from Yariba. The stream was overflowed, and the
current so strong and rapid, that not a single inhabitant of the town
had resolution enough to ferry us to the other side, in consequence of
which we were obliged to stay without food for the whole of the day and
night, not a single goat or bowl of tuah being to be had in the place.
I asked the king of Khiama’s messenger why he, in particular, was so
much afraid of crossing the water, observing, that I had myself passed
over many larger and more rapid rivers by swimming; and I mentioned,
amongst others, the Quorra. The man begged me, in great trepidation, as
I valued my life, not to mention the names of rivers in the hearing of
the Mossa, which was a _female_ stream, and had various rivals in the
affections of the Quorra, that river being her lawful husband! “The
Mossa,” continued the sagacious messenger, in the same solemn strain and
anxious manner, “has a jealous, capricious, cruel disposition, and if
you venture to place yourself in her power, she will certainly swallow
you up, for you have already spoken disrespectfully of her, and this sin
is unpardonable; pride being, next to cruelty, her most striking
quality. She is continually quarrelling with her husband, who is a
sober-minded stream, thinking him to be too familiar with other female
rivers; and where they meet they make the ‘devil’s own noise’ with their
angry disputes.”
Contrary to my usual custom, I absolutely roared with laughter as soon
as the man, with the most impenetrable gravity, had finished his recital
of the amours of the licentious Quorra, and was dragging me away from
his jealous wife, the high-minded Mossa; and I had a hard task to pacify
the irritated messenger, whose sable countenance was inflated with rage
and passion at this second breach of decency and respect on my part.
I went to the chief of the village of Mossa on the 17th, intreating him
to sell me a little food, and wishing to know whether it was his
intention to starve us, for this was the second day during which we had
tasted nothing; but although the great man, whose face shone with fat,
grew abundance of yams, he refused to part with any, affirming that he
had not sufficient wherewith to fill his own paunch. Suspecting the oily
old scoundrel’s assertion to be destitute of truth, and learning that he
had an extensive garden, I requested permission for Pasko to cut grass
in it for the use of the horses, which was sullenly granted. The
stratagem succeeded to my expectation, for Pasko, than whom a better
person for the purpose could not be found, succeeded in discovering an
immense heap of yams, concealed in a particular place in the garden; and
securing a few of them in a huge bundle of grass, he brought them to me.
If this had not been the case, I really believe we should have been
actually starved, or compelled to storm the inhospitable village. On the
following day I repeated my visit to the ill-natured chief, and demanded
a second time something to eat. He solemnly declared that he was himself
dying of hunger, and that, though he had caused a strict search to be
made the preceding evening, nothing could be found worth eating. I then
urged him to send his canoe to the opposite side of the Mossa for
provisions, which, after some murmuring, he consented to do, but first
of all made a charm, that the boat might not be damaged on its _long_
and _perilous_ voyage. For this purpose the chief killed a fetish-fowl
(reserved for religious occasions), and sprinkling its blood in the
river, placed some of the entrails in the bow of the canoe. He then put
a broken egg in its stern, and muttering an incantation over the whole,
the vessel was pushed off the shore, and reached the opposite side in
safety; but, in returning, with a cargo of poultry and yams, the
ferryman ran it foul of a tree which unluckily lay in the middle of the
stream, in consequence of which it was upset, and immediately sinking,
the whole of the cargo swam down the envious Mossa, or was rendered
unfit to be eaten.
The messenger of Khiama, who had so gravely acquainted me with the loves
of the river, although he was himself a sufferer from the accident, was
too much elated to contain his transports, but came to me, smiling, and
asked what I thought of his former allegations, and whether I was not
convinced it was a judgment upon me for speaking ill of the spouse of
the Quorra, that I was disappointed in my expectations.
I was too much concerned to pay great attention to the man’s
observations, which circumstance he mistaking for sorrow and penitence
for my crime, said, “Never mind, Christian, you have only to humble
yourself a little, in sight of the Mossa, and, I dare say she will
overlook your imprudence, because she must be aware you were a stranger
to her history, when you spoke so jeeringly of her power and influence.”
I acquiesced in the messenger’s reasoning; and, clapping his hands, he
left me immediately to acquaint his companions and fellow-countrymen
with the white man’s conversion and repentance.
The chief, in alluding to the accident, reproached me with being the
sole cause of it; and asserted that it would be dangerous to cross for
three or four days, during which time I might starve, if I would, for he
had nothing to give me. I did not think proper, however, to do so, and
despatching Pasko to the yam repository for the purpose of cutting
grass, the old fellow returned with a double portion of that grateful
vegetable, which served the whole of my domestics for three meals. Never
was Pasko so high in favour as at that period. For five successive days
his visits to the chief’s garden were regular; but he was obliged to use
all his cunning to avoid being detected by the owner of the yams, who
accompanied him on more than one occasion to the sacred inclosure.
Although at the distance of only a few feet, however, the husband of
Mattah contrived to deceive the chief; for, humming a Houssa song, with
one hand he gathered the cut grass into a heap, and with the other,
dragged out an enormous yam from the place of its concealment, and quick
as lightning hid it beneath the grass; then, binding the herbage in his
tobe, he quietly proceeded to our hut, without being suspected by the
chief of Mossa.
The agitation of the river having somewhat subsided on the 22nd, we got
into a canoe, and with innumerable significant glances from the timid
and superstitious messenger, were landed without accident on the
opposite bank; but our asses were borne a full quarter of a mile down
the stream, before they could effect the same object. A ride of two
hours brought us in sight of Wantàtah, the frontier town in the empire
of Yariba, where we slept; and on the next morning entered the
insignificant village of Hogie, in which we rested the remainder of that
day and the whole of the succeeding one. It rained unceasingly on the
25th, and the road was rendered almost impassable; nevertheless we
succeeded in entering Katunga, the capital of Yariba, about seven
o’clock in the evening, when we immediately bent our way towards the
dwelling which we had occupied on our journey to Soccatoo.
Mansolah would not let me visit his palace the morning after our
arrival, fearing it might _wet my feet!_ but condescended to expose his
own royal person to the like inconvenience by coming to see me at my
habitation. On this occasion he was attended by five hundred of his
wives (out of two thousand!) and made a sudden pause on approaching
within a few yards of me. Each of his half-dressed ladies held a light
spear in the left hand, with the right leg slightly bent; and, leaning
partially on their weapon, the end of which rested on the earth, with
unspeakable grace they began their song of welcome, and dirge for my
master’s death. The music of their voices was wild but sweet, and
reverberating from the hills, had a singularly saddening, although by no
means a disagreeable, effect; and these were the strains they sang:
SONG OF THE WIVES OF THE KING OF YARIBA.
Welcome, white stranger, to Mansolah’s land!
Appear, appear!
Com’st thou with presents or with empty hand,
Thou’rt welcome here.
Forget thy sorrows, feed thy grief no more;
Awake to glee:
And dance delighted, as thou didst before,
Around our tree.
Mansolah greets thee, with two thousand wives;
And small and great
Have urg’d the gods to save the white men’s lives
From Nyffé hate:
From Borghoo charms, and wild _feticherie_—
Falatahs’ spear;
From the dead venom of the kongkonie;[4]
And Arab lair.
Yet one hath fallen where no palm-trees grow,
Nor cocoas dwell:
Where savage bosoms feel not others’ woe,
There Bebbo[5] fell.
O Yaribeans! mourn his early death!
(Mansolah weeps,)
For the Falatah draws his infant breath,
Where white man sleeps.
Not one from earth into his grave was hurl’d,
Poor lonely thing!
No kind companion in the other world
Will comfort bring.[6]
Curse the Falatahs! curse them, O ye gods!
Their pride lay low!
Rise, Yaribeans! shake your trembling rods!
Bend, bend the bow!
Swift from your arrows as the bounding doe
The Moslems fly.
Crush them, ye mighty chiefs! o’erwhelm the foe!
Or nobly die.
The Christian’s blood is on them,[7] and the curse
Of God prevails.
Haste, minstrels, haste! in palaces rehearse
These wond’rous tales.
Tell ye the world that white-fac’d strangers will
A welcome have;
Or like the Boussans, they will fight until
They find a grave.
Whilst the young women were singing, many of the listening multitude
were greatly affected and shed tears, and all faintly joined in the
strains at intervals. The gesticulation and actions of the ladies
corresponded with their expressions: at one instant the spear was lifted
slowly from the ground, and handed lightly; and at another it was
flourished over their heads with inconceivable animation and rapidity.
At the conclusion of this singular ceremony the assembled thousands
quietly dispersed; and the singers returned, in the order they had come,
to the palace of their sovereign. Mansolah shortly afterwards came into
my dwelling, and, expressing in simple and natural terms his sorrow for
my master’s death, questioned me pretty closely as to the reasons for
our visiting Soccatoo. I returned him the same answer as the king of
Khiama received from me a short time before, which appeared to satisfy
him, and after a conference of two hours he left me. The monarch was
richly dressed in a scarlet damask tobe, ornamented with coral beads,
and short trousers of the same colour with a light blue stripe, made of
country cloth; his legs, as far as the knees, were stained red with
hennah, and on his feet he wore sandals of red leather. A cap of blue
damask, thickly studded with handsome coral beads, was on his head; and
his neck, arms, and legs, were decorated with large silver rings. Before
leaving me, I offered his sable majesty the horse I had purchased in
Kano, (a fine animal that had carried me nearly the whole of the way
from that city,) and regretted my inability to make him a more valuable
present, promising, however, that if he permitted two messengers to
accompany me from Katunga, I would, on my arrival at Badagry, send back
something more befitting his exalted station. Mansolah accepted the
beast with the usual demonstrations of gratitude; and in the evening
acknowledged the favour by despatching a slave to our house with a fine
fat goat and a quantity of yams.
The reason why Mansolah had so immense a number of wives is easily
accounted for by the fact that the husband of every female in his
dominions, who has a daughter unfortunate enough to be endowed with a
greater share of personal beauty than the generality of her sex, is
obliged, under the severest penalty, to present her to his sovereign.
Before the interview between the parties takes place, it is customary
for the father to procure a fatted sheep and a bowl of rice, which are
borne by the girl to his majesty’s dwelling as a marriage portion; and
if it should so happen that the man is too poor to obtain this present,
he must on no account fail to send his daughter, although she is taken
no notice of till that be received by the monarch. When this is the
case, the friends of the young woman subscribe amongst themselves a sum
of money sufficient to purchase the sheep and rice, on the receipt of
which she is instantly admitted into the royal favour and protection,
and the greatest familiarity from that hour prevails between the prince
and his newly-married bride.
After they have passed a _certain_ age, the king’s wives are set at
liberty, and permitted to trade up and down the country in the various
articles of native produce and manufacture; the profits of which are
uniformly given to the sovereign. The younger ladies employ their time
in the adornment of their bodies, and beautifying their teeth and hair,
in order to make themselves the more agreeable and fascinating in the
eyes of their imperious master,—to whom they sing, in a kind of
recitative, several times in the day, and whom they fan to sleep at
night.
The principal fetish-hut at Katunga is the largest and most fancifully
ornamented of any of a similar kind in the interior of Africa. It is a
perfect square building, each side of which is at least twenty yards in
length. Directly opposite the entrance is an immense figure of a giant
bearing a lion on its head, carved in wood, and beautifully executed.
About twenty-six or twenty-seven figures, in bas-relief, are placed on
each of the sides of the hut, but all in a kneeling posture, with their
faces turned towards the larger figure, to which they are apparently
paying their devotions. On the heads of the small figures are wooden
images of tigers, hyenas, snakes, crocodiles, &c. exquisitely carved;
and painted, or rather stained, with a variety of colours. These are the
gods of the Yaribeans; and the king, accompanied by his caboceers, and
other principal men, repairs to this hut, to offer up his adorations
before the idols, and make complaints if any mishap has attended their
warriors, &c. Whenever Mansolah enters the sacred temple, he immediately
uncovers his head, and prostrates himself on the floor, which is stained
crimson, and very highly polished; and his example is instantly followed
by his attendants. In this position they sometimes remain for an hour
together, either making loud lamentations, and imploring the assistance
of their wooden gods; or, after repeating their grievances to them in an
under tone, ask the reasoning of their ill success or misfortune, and
entreating the figures to be more propitious to their undertakings, and
deal more kindly with them.
None of the lower orders of people are admitted into this solemn
sanctuary, but prostrate themselves, and pray, without the walls. One
poor old woman alone is allowed to enter, whose business it is to keep
the interior of the hut perfectly clean, and even she dares not make her
appearance till after her sovereign has said his daily prayers, and left
the place.
There are fifty other fetish-huts at Katunga, on a smaller and less
magnificent scale than the one above alluded to; and public worship is
performed in all of them before sunrise every morning. If, however, any
thing particular takes place in the course of the day, the inhabitants
make it their business to repair to their temples, and, acquainting
their gods with the circumstance, make observations on it, and express
their gratitude or disappointment with considerable vehemence.
When an infant dies, the mother invariably wears, suspended from the
neck, and reaching to the bosom, a figure of a child, about six inches
in length, and of proportionable thickness, which is carved in wood, and
regarded by the people as a token of mourning. This is worn for an
indefinite length of time, according to the inclination or caprice of
the bereaved parent; and many women do not cast it aside until the
expiration of six, eight, and even twelvemonths, during which they chat
to and caress the wooden figure, as if it had been instinct with life
and motion, possessed of all the playfulness and endearing manners which
distinguished their offspring when alive, and capable of enjoying the
effects of maternal tenderness. This singular custom is confined
exclusively to Yariba.
CHAPTER XVI.
* * * * *
Ebo the celebrated fat Eunuch — The Yaribeans not very delicate in the
choice of what they eat — Dress of the different people in the interior
— Treatment of invalids — Tattoo marks of different nations — The Author
is urged to become Son-in-law to Mansolah, Generalissimo of his Forces,
and Prime Minister of State — Names of Towns — Departure from Katunga —
Anecdote of a gang of robbers — Mungo Park’s son — Arrival at Badagry.
Ebo, the noted eunuch who has so often been spoken of, and whose mal-
practices produced great uneasiness to us on our proceeding towards
Kano, had been taken into favour by his sovereign, during my absence
from Katunga, and promoted to the highest offices of the state. He came
to me, paunch and all, on the Sunday after my arrival at Katunga, and,
laughing heartily at his former frolics, told me he had no need to make
such shifts then in order to procure any delicacy he might want, for
that he had only to hint his wishes, when a bowl of dogs’ or asses’
flesh, a dish of fried caterpillars, or a saucepan of ants or locusts,
was smoking before him in a moment! I congratulated the lucky eunuch on
his good fortune, and the amplitude of his body, which he took very
good-humouredly; and, during my stay in the city, Ebo the fat gourmand
was my best friend.
We had heard in Nyffé that the same eunuch had attempted to poison us
through hired ruffians; but his conduct throughout was marked by so much
kindness and affability, that I did not give the rumour a moment’s
belief. There was one action of his, however, that I cannot pass by
without remark, although it detracts greatly from his good qualities; it
is as follows: After begging of me my remaining pistol, two dollars, and
a scarlet cap, he also wished to obtain my ass, to make a fetish, but I
refused to part with the animal, on the plea that I should want him
myself on my journey to Badagry. Ebo did not urge his request a second
time; but, in the evening, having sent for him from a neighbouring
pasture, I found the poor beast wounded in the side by two poisoned
arrows, which were still sticking in the flesh; and this malicious
action had, no doubt, been effected at the instigation of the
disappointed eunuch. The poison did not act so suddenly as I expected,
for the ass languished for six days; at the end of which time, being
reduced to a skeleton and in great agony, I ordered Jowdie and Pasko to
take him to a short distance and cut his throat; which was presently
complied with.
No sooner, however, had the king been made acquainted with the
circumstance, than he commanded the carcase to be cut into quarters, and
conveyed to his house; which having been promptly executed, (his majesty
himself superintending the roasting department, and having assembled his
wives and head-men,) they all squatted themselves on the earth, and made
a sumptuous meal on the diseased ass-flesh. Wishing to display his
gratitude for so delicious a treat, Mansolah sent me a goat and a
thousand cowries as an acknowledgment for the pleasure it had afforded
him.
Ebo one day showed me a small apartment in his house filled with cowries
(being worth about fifty dollars English money), and asked with an
exulting air, if the king of my country was half so rich as himself.
“Half so rich as yourself!” I rather indiscreetly replied; “Why, my
sovereign could purchase you, your monarch, and the whole of Yariba, and
not miss the money the purchase of it would require.” “Indeed,” rejoined
Ebo, angrily, “thou liest;” and without further ceremony was about to
fling me into the yard; when, hastily retracting my expression, I
assured the irascible eunuch that I spoke only in jest, to try his
temper; which apology somewhat appeased the gigantic black, who,
laughingly accusing himself of being rather too quick when his own honor
and that of his country were concerned, invited me to partake with him
of a dozen of stewed rats, and a calabash of _pitto_!
FOOD OF THE PEOPLE.
The people of Yariba are not very scrupulous in the choice of food,
eating indiscriminately whatever comes in their way; frogs, monkeys,
dogs, cats, with rats and mice, and various other kind of vermin;
nothing in fact is prohibited, and nothing is rejected by their hungry
maws. Locusts, and black ants, just as they are able to fly, are a great
luxury; and, as with the ancient Romans, caterpillars are in very high
estimation; the former are fried in butter or oil, and said to be
delicious, Pasko himself affirming that they were land-shrimps; whilst
the latter are stewed and eaten with yams and tuah, and consumed by all
ranks with the most astonishing avidity. Ass-flesh is even more esteemed
in Yariba than venison in England; and, like venison, the stronger the
odour it exhales, the more delicious is it to the refined palate of the
higher ranks; the lower orders being forbidden to eat of it in that
country.
On my journey from Wow Wow, halting near a small river, I was visited by
a party of Yaribeans, who had been at Nyffé purchasing hides for the
Katunga market, and were on their way to the capital. They solicited
permission to place themselves under my protection, and slept near me
for the night. A gaffle of merchants had rested on the same spot about a
week before, and had left a dead ass behind them, which emitting an
intolerable scent, the Yaribeans were soon sensible that so rich a prize
was at hand, and, snuffing up the tainted air, went immediately in quest
of it. Being guided by the powerful smell, they shortly after discovered
the corrupted carcase, and fell to blows as to which should have the
most approved joints; but the dispute being at length amicably adjusted
by a mutual agreement to roast the animal whole in its skin, a large
fire was instantly kindled, and when the body became warm through, it
was cut up on the grass, the party sitting in a circle round the smoking
beast. After they had made a hearty and savoury repast on its flesh, the
bones were carefully picked and preserved; for, as in the case of Moses’
brazen serpent amongst the Israelites, every person afflicted with a
disease of any kind, by simply looking at a tooth or a bone, was to be
immediately made whole: so ridiculous are the superstitions of the
Yaribeans.
People of that kingdom also go in companies into countries where the dog
is not eaten by the natives, to purchase that animal; and they return
with many hundreds annually to Katunga. They then confine the dogs so
procured in huts set apart for the purpose; and after fattening them,
publicly expose the flesh for sale in the market; and a fatted dog will
at all times fetch a higher price than the finest goat. Yaribeans
likewise visit Nyffé, and other nations and provinces, to purchase the
_hides_ of bullocks, horses, asses, &c. and having deprived them of hair
by the application of boiling water, they stretch and dry them in the
sun. When the moisture becomes evaporated by this means, the skin is cut
into small square pieces and stewed in corn and rice; in which state it
is is hawked through the streets of Katunga, and being esteemed by all
ranks as a dainty morsel, is eagerly purchased.
Cats are becoming so scarce in Yariba by reason of the bitter
persecution that is carried on against them unceasingly by the half-
starved slaves, that they are seldom seen, and in the course of a few
years, in all probability, these useful animals will be wholly
exterminated. Frogs also are much in request, and although they are
certainly not considered by the Yaribeans quite so delicious to the
palate as the French imagine them; their flesh is by no means regarded
as coarse eating. Some of these creatures are of extraordinary size, and
I saw one served up at Ebo’s table, which could not have weighed, I am
sure, much less than five pounds. The consumption of lizards is confined
almost solely to very poor people and slaves; for the latter being
allowed little to eat by their masters, are often necessitated (leaving
their inclination out of the question) to consume the most filthy
things; and nothing surely can be half so disgusting as a lizard roasted
whole in its skin, and smoking before a hungry Yaribean.
On feast days, however, both poor persons and slaves fare more
sumptuously, a couple of rats, tails and all, being no strangers to
their boards on such festivities; and sour milk may be had in abundance.
The mode of preparing food does not vary much in any of the interior
countries; but in no kingdom or land whatever is less taste and
refinement displayed in the selection of dishes, than in the empire of
Yariba.
The vegetable food of the Yaribeans consists of yams, plantains, rice,
seven or eight varieties of corn, &c. The yam is the general food of
both rich and poor, and by far the most useful vegetable of the whole.
It is cultivated to a considerable extent as far in the interior as
Nyffé; but it is no where to be met with after one leaves that kingdom.
When drawn from the earth, the root of the yam is cut into thin slices,
and dried in the sun, after which it is beat to a powder in huge wooden
mortars, and reserved as an agreeable and healthful summer food.
The manner in which the people prepare their food is either by roasting,
or boiling and stewing. Owing to the heat of the atmosphere, and the
inconvenience of smoke (the use of chimneys being as yet unknown to
them), fires are kindled by every individual in the yard surrounding his
hut, which is used for domestic purposes; but there are also persons who
obtain a decent livelihood by dressing victuals publicly in the market;
and these men are furnished with a kind of earthern stove, having large
holes in the bottom, in order to admit the fire which is kindled
underneath. On the top of the stove other apertures are formed at a
convenient distance from each other, so as to admit sufficient heat to
the earthern vessels, which, being filled with lizards, rats, cats,
frogs, &c. are placed on them, in order that their contents may be all
dressed in as short a time as possible.
During the rainy months fires are kindled in sheds purposely constructed
for the occasion, it being impossible for them to burn in the open air
by reason of the unabating violence of the weather. Mornings and
evenings are the periods generally allotted for the preparation of food,
and a fire is rarely seen in the intermediate hours of the day. The yam-
flour is usually made into a solid pudding by being mixed with water,
and boiled in much the same manner as common paste in England; and a
person is employed in stirring it over the fire with a stick till the
whole is sufficiently dressed, which done, the pudding is turned out
into a calabash or bowl, and a quantity of either honey, oil, or butter
from the maccadania tree being mixed with it, the paste is eaten with
the fingers. Animal food is roasted on a wooden stake thrust into the
earth before the fire, and after one side is properly dressed, the meat
is simply turned on the other, the use of the jack, or indeed any
article at all answering to it being unknown to the people of Western
and Central Africa.
In the vicinity of Katunga, and most other large towns, indigo is
cultivated to an extent of from five to six hundred acres. When ripe it
is cut and thrown into large circular pits, lined with clay, previously
hardened by fire; and a quantity of water being poured upon it, the
plant is suffered to rot and ferment, when the contents of the pit soon
becoming of the substance of a thick paste,—without any further
preparation, and without detaching the stalks and leaves from the seed,
it is taken out and made into irregular masses, about the size of a
man’s head. In this state it is left to dry in the sun, and when
sufficiently hard, is exposed for sale at the markets. Male and female
dyers are numerous in Yariba, and the process of dyeing is as simple as
can well be conceived. After the lumps of indigo are dissolved in water,
the liquid is strained through wicker baskets, till it becomes
sufficiently pure, when it is fit for immediate use. Cloths being
immersed in the dye, are suffered to remain in it for a period not
exceeding twenty-four hours, and are taken out and hung on lines
surrounding the work-shops. When perfectly dry, the articles are laid on
a large flat block of wood, smoothed by hatchets and knives, and a man
beats them with a wooden instrument, not unlike an English cricket-bat,
till they become sufficiently smooth and glossy; in which state they are
either offered for sale, or returned to their owners.
DRESS.
The apparel of the Yaribeans consists of full trousers, tied with a
running string to the waist, but extending no lower than the knee; a
short sleeveless tobe with large holes for the arms, made of country
cloth dyed with various colours; a fantastically-made cloth cap, and
leather boots; in addition to which the higher classes sometimes make
use of red, yellow, and purple silk velvet, obtained from Europeans on
the coast. The dress of the people from Badagry to Yariba differs very
little from that worn by the natives of the countries interjacent
between the latter kingdom and Houssa. Very poor people and slaves use
no other wearing apparel than the skins of goats, sheep, monkeys, or
other animals, fastened to the waist by a string; and these being
brought between the legs, are tied to the band behind. The more
respectable part of the community in Houssa wear very large full tobes
and trousers, made of extremely narrow country cloth, but beautifully
dyed; and a cap of white cotton. Mallams, however, have a red woollen
cap (instead of the white one), and a white turban. Boots, shoes, and
sandals, of red and yellow leather, are manufactured in a manner similar
to those of Yariba, and worn by poor and rich—mendicant and prince.
MANNER OF CROSSING STREAMS.
The people of Yariba have a singular mode of crossing rivers and
streams, when the violence and rapidity of their currents prevent them
from plying canoes on them with safety. Instead of the ordinary ferry-
boat, two calabashes, or gourds, of the largest size, are selected for
the purpose; and, the tops of each being previously cut off, the two
bodies are sewed together, and rendered water-proof by the application
of a kind of gum. The two gourds thus united form a hollow sphere; and
are tolerably well adapted for the conveyance of passengers, &c. even
through the swiftest currents, as will be seen by the annexed engraving.
The goods, of whatever nature they may be, are first placed on the
floating gourd, and their owner then grasps the latter firmly with both
arms; and a perfect equilibrium is preserved by the ferryman placing
himself opposite the passenger, and laying hold of both his arms. They
being thus, face to face, the owner of the fragile bark propels it
through the water with dexterity and despatch; and few instances are on
record of accidents occurring by this means, even in the height of the
rainy seasons, when the country is one immense swamp. In Houssa, &c. the
natives use bamboo rafts, which answer the same purpose as the above,
although not with equal ease or celerity.
[Illustration]
TATTOOING.
The operation of tattooing, by which the different races in Africa are
distinguished from each other much more easily than by any natural
peculiarity in the colour of the skin, or their general appearance, is
performed by a sharp iron instrument, somewhat larger than, but
certainly not unlike the blade of a common English pen-knife; and
children generally, at the age of six or seven years, undergo this
painful process, which indeed cannot be effected without putting the
poor creatures to excruciating torture. I saw two girls tattooed at
Katunga, in the following manner: The hands and feet of each being first
bound, the head was held by the father, and the operator began his work
by making five incisions on the forehead with the instrument above
described; the little sufferer uttering the most piercing screams, till
from hoarseness she was unable longer to cry aloud, or speak so as to be
understood. This being done, the man cut eight other deep gashes on the
left cheek; and the only means by which one could then judge of the
child’s distress was by observing a large pool of mingled blood and
tears on the ground, fed by a copious stream flowing from the face of
the little innocent.
The patients are invariably left to bleed till they become insensible;
and death frequently occurs in weakly cases. After some days, when their
strength is in a measure restored, they are privileged to beg in the
streets till their wounds completely heal; and this does not take place
oftentimes for four or five months after the operation, the children,
during that long period, carry slender branches of trees in their hands,
in order to scare away flies, which, on alighting upon the lacerated
face, cause considerable pain, and occasion it to swell prodigiously.
This imparts to the countenance an unsightly appearance; one than which
nothing can be more truly disgusting; and many of these pitiable objects
we observed in the deepest misery, wandering through the streets of
Katunga, and other cities, and almost starving for want of food.
When a Yaribean perpetrates ever so trivial a crime, the tattoo mark of
his nation is so crossed by other incisions, inflicted upon him by the
ministers of justice, that it becomes utterly undistinguishable, and the
impression of another people is substituted on the other side of the
face in its stead. With this brand, which can never be erased, he quits
his native country, in which he was looked upon as
------“A mark for Scorn
To point his slow unmoving finger at;”
and dies in a foreign land, unpitied and unknown.
Circumcision, which is generally performed on both sexes at an early
age, is universally adopted in all the interior countries.
The subjoined are the tattoo marks of the natives of the most
considerable countries in Western and Central Africa.
[Illustration: _Borghoo._ — _Nyffé._ — _Yariba._ — _Cuttum Cora._ —
_Houssa._]
The Bowchee people have no mark whatever on the face, but in lieu
thereof pierce the lobe of the ear, and the soft part of the septum of
the nose, with a sharp instrument; and hang divers ornaments from holes
so formed.
The wives of the great people of Katunga are distinguished by having the
hair cut and shaved into a number of small patches like the ace of
diamonds, but larger; and that of the wives of the humbler classes is
cut entirely off, leaving the head as bald and bright as a barber’s
basin.
In the empire of Yariba the sick are treated with neglect, and even
cruelty. The moment a man, woman, or child, is attacked with illness, no
matter what the nature of the complaint may be, they are instantly
conveyed by their relatives to the distance of half a mile from the
town, and left to lie along the bare ground, in a state of the most
perfect nudity, underneath the branches of trees; and the people are
acquainted with no remedy whatever to alleviate the virulence of their
disorder, or assuage the intensity of their sufferings. Food is
sometimes conveyed to them by their nearest of kin, the law obliging
them to do so; but sometimes they die from actual starvation. Often the
lower class of people are so very poor that they have not a sufficiency
to satisfy the appetites of their healthy offspring, and therefore feel
no disposition to part with the little they have, to those (perhaps aged
parents) who are sinking under the influence of a contagious disease. It
sometimes happens, too, that these miserable outcasts are snatched from
their insecure asylum under the trees, and devoured by wild beasts.
Native travellers are now and then moved to compassionate their
sufferings, by reason of the piteous lamentations which they make; but,
shrinking with terror from the distressed objects, they throw yams to
them at the distance of twenty or thirty yards, and never go near enough
to inquire into the nature of their malady, or further relieve their
wants. Whenever an unhappy invalid is carried off by wild beasts, his
countrymen believe him to have been a very wicked man, so bad indeed as
to have been unworthy the succour and protection of their gods, and
consequently deserving the fate which his supposed evil conduct and
irreligious life had so signally occasioned. Many of these poor
creatures, whose hollow groans and moanings of distress have attracted
me to the spot, have I seen in the last stage of existence, some of them
rolling in the dust, and convulsively writhing from excessive pain, and
some reduced to perfect skeletons for want of food, their bones jutting
out of their diseased flesh, and exhibiting a more ghastly spectacle
than can well we imagined: others again have I found speechless and
almost cold; and on one occasion in particular, whilst I was gazing on a
poor wretch who was far beyond the reach of succour, he fixed his hollow
eyes so piteously upon my countenance, seeming to implore me to let him
die in peace, that I could not refrain from shedding tears.
This barbarous and inhuman custom of exposing invalids in the open air,
under the shade of trees, is confined to Yariba, the people of Badagry,
and the natives of Borghoo, Nyffé, and Houssa, suffering their sick to
expire quietly in their own houses, if, after swallowing a liquid which
is prepared for them by their priests, or the expounders of the Moslem
faith, the patients derive no apparent benefit from the medicine. This
preparation consists either of a bowl of water into which a charm
written with ochre on a bit of wood, has been previously washed off, or
else a decoction of the bark of a tree, rendered holy by an incantation
of a fetish priest.
The Yaribeans have the reputation of being the best bowmen in Africa;
and the young men soon become excellent marksmen by frequent practice
and steady perseverance, which latter is a virtue that falls to the lot
of but few nations in the central parts. They amuse themselves daily by
attempting to discharge arrows through a small hole made for the purpose
in a wall, at a great distance from the standing ground, and I have
frequently seen individuals accomplish this difficult task three
successive times, when upwards of a hundred yards from the spot; but it
requires great and unceasing practice to attain to so much perfection in
the art. Quantities of muskets are procured from the coast, but they are
of comparatively little use to the people, who know not how to handle
them with effect; and it is not unusual for them to carry these weapons
to battle without either powder or ball. If worsted in an engagement,
however, in order to accelerate their speed, they throw them away, and
their enemies eagerly lay hold of the empty muskets for their own use.
Besides other sources of revenue, the King of Yariba levies a tax on
every one that enters the gates of Katunga with a load, of whatever it
may consist, and also appoints persons to collect a tribute from every
person attending the market with any saleable commodity. The amount of
duty is always governed by the value of the beast or article sold, which
is decided by accredited agents: for example, a handsome horse imported
from Borghoo, or any other country, is liable in the market to a tax of
two thousand cowries; whereas if the animal so exposed for sale be less
handsome, or of inferior value, the sum demanded decreases regressively
in amount. The same rule holds good in regard to bullocks, country
cloth, &c.
We were mistaken in supposing the crown of Yariba to be hereditary, the
chiefs invariably electing, from among the wisest and most sagacious of
their own body, an individual who is invested with the supreme dignity,
immediately after the decease of a monarch. On the dissolution of a
ruling prince, his eldest son, together with his favourite wife, and
several head men of the kingdom, voluntarily destroy themselves by
swallowing poison, and are inhumed in the same grave with their
sovereign, to assist him in his wanderings in the other world. At their
solemn sacrifices, the Yaribeans slay for the occasion old and infirm
persons, whose life, say they, is a burden to them; and who manifest no
reluctance whatever to yield up their pain and misery for the honour of
the gods. With this solitary exception, the people may be considered as
mild in their manners and charitable in their dealings.
The king strongly urged upon me to remain in Katunga with him, and tried
every means to accomplish his wishes. Amongst other inducements held
out, Mansolah was graciously pleased to introduce me to his daughters,
four of the most beautiful of whom he desired me to select, and make my
wives. He also offered me the enviable situations of prime minister and
great war-chief, or generalissimo of his forces (both of which offices
are highly respectable in Yariba), and in case I accepted them, his
majesty would make me a present of slaves, horses, and indeed every
thing needful to maintain an establishment correspondent to the
splendour of my rank, and the dignity of my appearance. It being
entirely out of my power to resist the pressing solicitations of the
king, I pointed at four of the princesses (who stood bolt upright before
me, giggling and laughing,) as being the most lovely of their sex, and
as worthy to share the bed and fortune of the prime minister of Yariba!
I desired that the ladies might resume their apparel, and take care of
themselves till my return from England, for that it was absolutely
necessary I should visit the country of my fathers before I could think
of settling permanently in a strange and distant land. “But will your
king,” eagerly inquired Mansolah, “will your king give you permission to
come back again?” “Without doubt,” I replied. “I shall then be master of
my own actions, and follow the bent of my inclination in all things.”
“That is right, that is right,” replied the monarch; “you shall be my
son-in-law, and have the administration of my affairs, both foreign and
domestic; you shall drive my adversaries from my country: it will then
be a good country, and peace will reign in the land.” I thanked Mansolah
for his kindness, and observed that I sincerely hoped, on my return, I
should not be dazzled by the acquisition of so much glory and power as
his good nature and condescension would necessarily confer upon me!
As soon as I had done speaking, a loud noise was heard of peals of
laughter, cracking of fingers, whistling, and clapping of hands,
proceeding from the quarter in which the princesses of the blood were
huddled together, who took the opportunity my silence afforded them, of
expressing the rapture they felt at the hope of my so soon becoming
their near relative, and of a white man superintending the domestic
policy of their government, and leading their countrymen to battle and
to victory. The favourite queen, who was present at the interview, as
soon as the tumult had subsided, begged me to bring her a looking-glass
from England; and Ebo, the fat eunuch, who was also present, evinced not
the least spark of jealousy, but hinted that a good sword from the same
country would be more than acceptable; whilst Mansolah, the heroic
prince of all the Yaribeans, was so much overpowered at the very idea of
my becoming his son-in-law, that he stood moping and whimpering by
himself, deprived of the power of asking for a single favour!
An Englishman, tired of his country, would be delighted with Yariba, for
it is a fine kingdom, peopled with a mild, affectionate, and unassuming
race, by whom he would be regarded almost as a deity, and amongst whom
he could end his days with pleasure. At the decease of the reigning
monarch, with very little art, and, I may venture to say, no opposition,
he might cause himself to be proclaimed king, and thus be sultan of the
mighty empire of Yariba! Becoming familiar with the usages of his sable
subjects, with two pieces of cannon he might drive every Falatah out of
his dominions, and restore the kingdom to its ancient splendour. But
above all things, if he felt so inclined, the slave-trade, by his
influence and example, would gradually be abhorred by his subjects, who,
if they saw that their monarch professed the same principles, would
besides eagerly embrace the mild and simple precepts of the Christian
religion. The people of Katunga had become so familiarized to me during
my residence amongst them, that I had ceased to excite that intense
curiosity displayed on my first arrival; and, next to their sovereign, I
was treated with the highest respect by all ranks and ages, and
interrupted in long rambles only by prostrations, and other
demonstrations of veneration, peculiar to the Yaribeans.
The names of towns in Africa, as well as of individuals, have something
descriptive and significant in them; for instance—_Wow Wow_, a great
fool;—_Inguazhilligee_, ferry-boat;—_Boussa_, a kind of
ale;—_Fullindushie_, a white stone;—_Kassagebubba_, a large fowl, &c.
&c. Slaves are called by all manner of names; sometimes from any
singularity in their appearance, or defect in their understandings—and
sometimes by terms expressive of abhorrence or contempt; but much more
frequently they have the names of birds, beasts, or reptiles, bestowed
upon them by their masters,—thus one is called simply “woman vulture,”
or “man vulture;”—“woman snake,” or “man snake;” and Pasko’s Soccatoo
wife was generally known by the elegant appellation of “woman elephant;”
whilst others are distinguished by the name of a certain river, tree,
mountain, or other natural object.
I remained at Katunga nearly a month, experiencing every species of
friendship and good nature from its inhabitants; and on the 21st, when I
intimated my desire to pursue my journey to the sea-coast, Mansolah sent
me four thousand cowries, with a quantity of trona to sell on the road.
The king also ordered his head messengers to accompany me, commanding
them to desire the chiefs of every town through which the main path lay,
to contribute, according to their ability, to the support of myself and
attendants; which command we afterwards found on various occasions to be
eminently serviceable.
The following morning early, I paid my respects to the prince, and
having taken an affectionate leave of him, once more continued my
course, in good spirits, and better health than I had enjoyed for a long
period previously. Journeying till the 8th of November, and meeting with
few incidents worth relating, we arrived at Engwâ, the town in which it
will be recollected Captain Pearce died and was buried, on his way to
Katunga. I found the railing and fence, which had been placed round the
grave, washed away by the rains, and the piece of wood, on which I had
engraved his name, &c., had disappeared, most probably from a similar
cause. The only means by which I was enabled to recognize the spot, was
the circumstance of the earth over the grave having sunk considerably,
and being quite destitute of vegetation, whilst the soil near it was
covered with luxuriant herbage. The chief told me that having received
no orders to repair the damage, occasioned by the floods, he had
suffered the fence to fall to decay; but, at my own suggestion, he
promised to erect a shed over the spot as soon as the sun had dried the
grass. I made him a trifling present to encourage him in his intention,
and preparations for that purpose had already commenced previously to my
departure from Engwâ.
Leaving Tschow, a day’s journey on the Katunga side of Jannah, on the
11th, I met, a few miles only from the town, a gaffle of merchants,
hastening with the utmost speed and confusion towards it. They suddenly
stopped on perceiving me, and a great number of them bawled out at the
same moment, that they had been attacked by a band of robbers, who had
overcome them, carrying off all their goods; and that if I did not go
back to Tschow, with them, I should be murdered in a few moments, as the
desperadoes were close at their heels. Instead of returning, however, I
entreated them to go on with me, assuring them that with their
assistance, the property, of which they had been so unlawfully deprived,
should be recovered, and restored within half an hour; but the timid
merchants, being afraid to expose their persons to so imminent a danger,
politely declined the invitation, on the plea of being too much
fatigued. My party consisted only of ten individuals, four of whom were
women, and all unarmed, with the exception of Pasko and myself, who were
furnished with a damaged pistol and an old rusty musket, borrowed of the
king of Katunga. With these weapons I resolved to proceed on the road at
all hazards, and had the good fortune, about twenty minutes afterwards,
to come in sight of the so much dreaded banditti. They were seated on
the grass, dividing their ill-gotten spoil, and appeared to take no
notice of me till I came within fifty or sixty yards of the spot, when,
desiring Pasko to fire, I struck spurs into the horse’s sides, making
him gallop with great swiftness, and the path being rocky and hollow,
the sound produced seemed as if a thousand horses were prancing over the
ground. At that moment, discharging my pistol, I completed the general
consternation of the highwaymen, who, without looking behind them, fled
in all directions, and concealed themselves in some rank grass, that was
growing at a short distance, to the height of nine or ten feet, leaving
their booty behind them, which consisted of upwards of three hundred
pounds of salt, besides country cloth, cowries, &c.; and the captured
articles, by the laws of the country, thus became my own property.
The merchants who had, unknown to me, followed at a respectful distance,
as soon as they saw the utter discomfiture of the thieves, made their
appearance, and asserted, with a most amusing solemnity, that having
determined to share my good or bad fortune, they were making all haste
to my assistance, when the freebooters, by their precipitate, and to
them unlucky retreat, had prevented them from displaying the courage
which animated every bosom. I accepted their courtly apology, and
praised their heroic resolution, but being determined not to give them
the value of a single cowry, ordered my party to return with the
captured goods to Tschow. The chief of that town himself purchased the
different articles, and Pasko and his companions divided the money
equally among themselves, I having refused to accept of any, although
urged to take the whole.
In the afternoon of the same day we arrived at Jannah, and instantly
visited the grave of Dr. Morrison, which I found in a perfect condition.
The king was to have been rewarded by Mr. Houtson, for preserving the
fence which surrounded it, from decay; but that gentleman having himself
died near Accra, on his return to the coast, the monarch had received no
acknowledgment for his trouble till my arrival at Jannah, when I fully
satisfied his demands.
On the 13th the horses which the kings of Wow Wow and Khiama had given
me, both died, and the one I had left was in a weak and diseased state.
The son of Mr. Park, the celebrated African traveller, died in a small
town two days’ journey in the interior from Accra, only three days
before my arrival on the coast. I first ascertained his name by reason
of a shirt sent in mistake for one of my own which I had given a female
to wash,—“Thomas Park,” being marked in legible characters at the
bottom. This young Englishman, on coming into the country, used no
precautions with regard to the preservation of his health, but, adopting
the habits of the people with whom he mingled, anointed his head and
body with clay and oil, ate unreservedly the food of the natives, and
exposed himself, with scarcely any clothing, to the heat of the sun by
day, and the influence of the pernicious dews by night,—in consequence
whereof, as might have been expected, he was attacked with fever, which
put an end to his existence after a very short illness. Mr. Thomas Park
had formed the pious resolution of discovering the spot where his
intrepid father had met his fate, and of ascertaining, if possible, the
cause and manner of his death; in which attempt he was defeated only by
his own dissolution. Had the young gentleman survived a few days longer,
I could have fully satisfied him in these particulars, and given him
directions, in case of his recovery, for proceeding to the island of
Boussa.
On the 21st of November we entered Badagry, having been a month on the
road from Katunga; and I am compelled to acknowledge that in no town
were we received with unkindness, the people every where welcoming us
back again with vociferous expressions of pleasure. Sometimes indeed,
particularly between Jannah and Badagry, they howled so dreadfully on
seeing me, that the horse on which I rode trembled with fear; but this
was the means which the natives took to congratulate me on my safe
return. Adólee the king of Badagry, was glad to see me, and resigned his
mansion (constructed of bamboo, and two stories in height) to me, whilst
he contented himself with a small miserable hut, in which he took up his
residence. Like every other prince in Africa, he was grieved to learn
the decease of Captain Clapperton, and expressed his sorrow in a feeling
manner. I gave his majesty my little horse, which had accompanied me the
whole of the way from Soccatoo, together with all the articles for
presents that were left, consisting of light blue scarlet damask,
scarlet and blue silk, and two dozen pairs of cotton stockings. A week
after my arrival, I waited on Captain Morrison, a Portuguese slave
merchant, and obtained of him goods, the value of which amounted to
ninety-four dollars, with a barrel of gunpowder, which I paid for
myself. With these presents I dismissed the messengers of the kings of
Jannah and Katunga, whom I could not afford to maintain any longer in
provisions, and they returned to their respective sovereigns in high
spirits.
CHAPTER XVII.
* * * * *
Novel method adopted by Europeans for conveying slaves on board their
vessels — Conduct of the Portuguese Merchants, resident at Badagry,
towards the Author — The White Negroes — Manners and Ceremonies of the
Badagrians — Horrid indifference with respect to the shedding of Human
Blood — Murder of two of the King’s wives by moonlight.
By reason of the vigilance of British men-of-war on the coast, merchants
are obliged to use much greater caution than formerly, for eluding
observation, and embarking their purchased slaves. The plan now
generally adopted is as follows: as soon as a vessel arrives at her
place of destination, the crew discharge her light cargo, with the
manacles intended for the slaves, and land the captain at the same time.
The vessel then cruises along the coast to take in country cloth, ivory,
a little gold dust, &c.; and, if a British man-of-war be near, the crew
having nothing on board to excite suspicion, in most cases contrive to
get their vessel searched whilst trading with the natives. At such time
as they fancy their presence would be necessary, they return to the
place where the cargo had been landed, and communicate with the captain
on shore, who, during their absence had not been idle; and who then
takes the opportunity of acquainting his crew with the exact time in
which he will be in readiness to embark. The vessel then cruises a
second time up and down the coast, till the appointed day approaches,
when she proceeds to take in her living cargo.
Immediately on sight of her every canoe for miles near is put in
requisition by the captain; provisions and water are speedily conveyed
on board; and last of all, the wretched slaves are dragged forcibly
towards the boats, and received by the European crew, who, as soon as
this is effected, crowd all sail, and the vessel quickly disappears. I
saw four hundred slaves at Badagry crammed into a small schooner of
eighty tons; and the appearance of these unhappy human beings was
squalid and miserable in the extreme. They were fastened by the neck in
pairs, only a quarter of a yard of chain being allowed for each, and
driven to the beach by a parcel of hired scoundrels, whilst their
associates in cruelty were in front of the party, pulling them along by
a narrow band, their only apparel, which encircled the waist.
On leaving their native shore in the canoes, the wretched slaves set up
a wild and dismal lament, which rent the air, and might have been heard
at a considerable distance; but their tears failed to soften the hearts
of the relentless Christians, who huddled them hastily into the hold of
their vessel; and the cries of the Africans were heard no more.
Captain Morrison was the only Portuguese in the town that behaved with
even common civility to me; the others, seven or eight in number,
evidently viewed me with suspicion and alarm, and actively exerted
themselves to persuade Adólee and his people that it would be necessary
to destroy me, asserting that I was a spy sent by the English
Government, and if suffered to leave the city, would return with numbers
of my countrymen, and enslave its inhabitants. What success these
insinuations met with, will hereafter be related; but in the mean time
these very men kept up an outward show of friendship and esteem for me
during a long period, and strove all in their power to lull suspicion
asleep, by endeavouring to strengthen the favourable opinion they
flattered themselves I entertained for their merits; and, by apparent
frankness of manner and openness of conduct, to do away any evil
impression which the rumour of their clandestine practices might have
awakened in my bosom. But although I maintained the profoundest
taciturnity on the subject, I was perfectly well acquainted with the
whole of their manœuvring, and prepared to encounter it in whatever way
it might at first annoy me.
Amongst other things, the Portuguese at Badagry earnestly entreated me
to sell my poor slaves, and offered ninety-five dollars for each of
them; but of course I rejected their proposal with the contempt it
merited. I went to see one of these slave-merchants one day by special
invitation: he was at breakfast on my entering his hut; and wheaten
rolls and tea and sugar, were smoking and giving odour before him. I
ardently wished at the time to seat myself at his side, and partake of
the good things spread out so temptingly in my sight; for I had not
tasted bread for nearly two years previously, nor tea or sugar for
eighteen months; so that my childish propensity is not to be wondered
at. The Portuguese, however, although he looked first at me and then on
his breakfast, did not seem to be in a hurry to invite me to share it
with him: so, fancying he felt some delicacy and bashfulness about the
matter, which his eyes seemed to confirm, I was preparing very
unceremoniously to help myself, but thought I might as well in the first
place ask his permission. This I did in the best-tempered manner in the
world; but the surly, ill-natured European, dropping the tea he was
conveying to his lips, almost frightened me out of my wits, by
exclaiming, “Stay your hand for a moment, if you please, Mr. Englishman;
you have three fine slaves in your possession, for each of whom I will
immediately pay you a hundred dollars, and also send you as many wheaten
cakes as will serve you for a twelvemonth; but, unless you consent to
this proposal, you will have neither rolls nor tea of mine, I assure
you.” I could not think of gratifying my appetite at the expense of my
poor slaves, the faithful companions of my pilgrimage; so concealing, as
well as I was able, the disappointment I could not help feeling, I
arose, and bestowing on the Portuguese the epithets of a heartless,
unfeeling scoundrel, hastily quitted his inhospitable roof, and repaired
to my own dwelling. There I breakfasted more contentedly on a little
boiled Indian corn, mixed with palm-oil and water, my usual fare, than
if I had enjoyed all the luxuries in the world by wounding my
conscience, and doing violence to the best feelings of my nature.
The same individual, however, three days after, sent me a loaf of bread
and a cheese, with a bottle of English porter, articles of which I had
_dreamt_ repeatedly in the interior, but of which I never expected to
partake in Africa. The merchant held out the same inducements as before
to obtain my slaves; but although I obstinately refused to accede to his
reiterated request, I could not, for the life of me, resist the strong
temptation I felt to claim a more familiar acquaintance with the
presents placed so provokingly within my reach; and instead of returning
them, which was to be the consequence of my refusal, I desired the
bearer to acquaint his master with my high admiration of his noble
conduct, and my extreme gratitude for a favour so unexpected and
undeserved on my part; but to add, that, being determined not to be
outdone by him in acts of generosity, I should take the liberty, on the
arrival of a British vessel on the coast, of returning the compliment by
a suitable acknowledgment.
My decided determination not to part with my slaves for any
consideration, and the answer the messenger delivered to the slave-
dealer, so greatly exasperated both him and the whole of the Portuguese
in the place, that on meeting me in the streets, they used to pour out,
in broken English, a whole volley of oaths and curses; and took care not
to bestow on me further proofs of their good nature and benevolence,
till the arrival of the brig Maria of London at Badagry again opened the
sluices of their amiable and charitable feelings, and I was favoured a
second time with a present, yet more acceptable than the first, which
was sent on condition that I would not make my countrymen acquainted
with the fact of any Portuguese being in the town.
I saw two milk white negroes, male and female, with red hair and eyes,
on my return from the interior; the one at Tschow, and the other at
Badagry. Having examined their bodies pretty minutely, I am confident
that they laboured under no disease whatever; indeed they told me
themselves that they entered the world in the condition in which I
beheld them. Neither of these unsightly individuals appeared to attract
a large portion of the curiosity of their sable countrymen; nor did
their singular and loathsome appearance excite in their breasts any
emotion of horror or disgust. The skin of these white Africans was by no
means like that of a fair European, having a much paler and more
unearthly hue; but without tumours or scrofulous affection of any kind.
I had retired to rest rather earlier than usual one evening, being
greatly fatigued, when about the midnight hour a loud, long, and
piercing shriek awoke me with a start, and springing hastily from my
couch, I turned aside the slight mat which served instead of glass for
my window, to ascertain the cause of it. The moon shone in the heavens
with peculiar lustre and beauty, rivalling in splendour the brilliant
orb whence she receives her light, so that I was enabled to distinguish
clearly every object for some distance from the hut. Another fearful
scream at the moment arrested my undivided attention upon a group of
persons about ten or twelve yards from my window, in the midst of whom I
could perceive two females struggling violently to get loose from the
iron gripe with which they were held by their merciless guardians. I
called as loudly as I could to the fellows, (who, as well as the
perturbation of my mind, and the confusion of the scene would allow me
to discern, were eight in number,) to demand the reason of their ill-
treatment of the defenceless women at that unseasonable hour, when one
of them answered with the greatest unconcern, that the females whom I
saw were the King’s wives, who, having spoken their mind with too much
frankness in the royal presence an hour before, had been ordered by
their husband to make expiation for the offence by having their throats
cut,—that being considered as the mildest punishment which could be
inflicted for the consummation of so heinous a crime, by the laws of
Badagry; a punishment which none but Adólee’s favourites ever underwent!
Whilst the man was yet speaking, the trembling criminals shrieked long
and bitterly; but from exhaustion their struggles were less vehement
than before. At length I saw their hands bound, next their feet; and
lastly their heads, bent forcibly backwards, by four of the ruffians,
were held tightly by the hair in that painful position. I then heard the
poor creatures utter their last thrilling cry of anguish, which caused
my blood to run cold in my veins, and a shudder to creep over every
limb; and at that moment, the gleam of the uplifted daggers shot across
my vision, and as quick as lightning the poinards were buried in the
throat and bosom of each, severing the windpipe in their course. A faint
gargling sound like water issuing from the mouth of a bottle, was the
only noise produced; the ruthless assassins glided like spectres from
before my window, trailing their bleeding victims along the earth; and
all was as still and solemn as the grave, the moon alone (to my
imagination) blushing to be a spectatress of the atrocious deed.
As soon as this bloody tragedy had been enacted, the spell that had
bound me motionless to the window, dissolved, and, flinging myself on my
mat, I endeavoured to obtain a little repose, and calm the agitation of
my mind; but the dreadful scene I had witnessed awakened a host of
phantoms in my disordered imagination, and obliged me to walk to and
from the apartment till the morning, when, on taking a stroll through
the town, my eyes were saluted with the revolting spectacle of the
murdered women hanging on the branches of the fetish-tree!
The manners and ceremonies of the Badagrians, although they appeared so
simple and engaging to us whilst we continued amongst them, on first
leaving the Brazen, are without comparison the most rude and barbarous
of those of any of the people on the whole continent of Africa. The
murder of a slave is not considered even in the light of a misdemeanor
amongst them; and the frequency of this crime has not only taken away
all sense of its enormity, but steeled the breasts of the multitude
against every compassionate feeling; whilst the king and government
encourage savage principles and pastimes by setting them the example.
The following particulars were gleaned principally from personal
observation, whilst I remained in that city of blood, called by the
inhabitants Badàg (or Woman); and, in the absence of that source, from
repeated conversations held with the king, his eldest son, and his great
chiefs or generals, Bombanee, Poser, and Accra, whom I questioned
separately, and at different periods, concerning the celebration of
their sacrifices and other religious rites. I found no discrepancies
whatever in the information thus obtained; and, after I had swallowed
the fetish, the before-named individuals communicated freely, and
without suspicion, any thing connected with their religion or manners
that I evinced the slightest wish to have explained.
Badagry being a general mart for the sale of slaves to European
merchants, (who are now, I believe, almost exclusively confined to
agents belonging to the Portuguese nation,) it not unfrequently happens
that the market is either overstocked with human beings, or no buyers
are to be found; in which case the maintenance of the unhappy slaves
devolves solely on the government. The expense incurred by this means is
oftentimes murmured against by the king, who shortly afterwards causes
an examination to be made, when the sickly, as well as the old and
infirm, are carefully selected, and chained by themselves in one of the
factories, (five of which, containing upwards of one thousand slaves of
both sexes, were at Badagry during my residence there,) and next day the
majority of these poor wretches are pinioned, and conveyed to the banks
of the river that runs up the country, where, having arrived, a weight
of some sort is appended to their necks, and, being rowed in canoes to
the middle of the stream, they are flung into the water, and left to
perish by the pitiless Badagrians. Slaves who, for other reasons, are
rejected by the merchants, undergo the same punishment, or are left to
endure more lively torture at the sacrifices: by which means hundreds of
human beings are annually destroyed.
CHAPTER XVIII.
* * * * *
The Fetish-huts and tree at Badagry — Owing to the insinuations of the
Portuguese the Author is compelled by the priests of the Fetish, to
swallow bitter water, being the only European that ever underwent that
dreadful ordeal — His reflections when informed of the circumstance —
Astonishing preservation from an expected cruel death — Sacrifices of
human beings under the branches of the Fetish-tree, exceeding in
atrocity all previous accounts — Song of the inhabitants with Adólee at
their head, on the occasion — The Author, on his visit to a Portuguese
pirate, discovers the sacred Fetish-tree of the Badagrians growing in
the heart of a forest, and covered with the dismembered corpses of human
beings — Remarks on the Portuguese.
In the private fetish-hut of the King Adólee, at Badagry, the skull of
that monarch’s father is preserved in a clay vessel, placed in the
earth. Human blood, as well as the blood of birds and beasts, is
occasionally sprinkled on it; and when the king goes to war, that same
skull is invariably carried with him, with which he frequently
converses, and gently rebukes it, if his success does not happen to
answer his expectations. “If this custom be neglected,” said Adólee,
“the virtues and martial energy of my deceased father would cease to
influence my actions, and defeat and disgrace would attend all my
warlike undertakings.” The people of Badagry regard this skull with the
same veneration as the Turks do the sacred banner of their Prophet; and
believe, that should it be missed through any casualty, or captured by
the enemy, the destiny of their prince would be sealed for ever, and the
pillars of their monarchy crumble into dust, so that they would no
longer be a people!
There is another fetish-hut at Badagry, the interior of which is
positively ornamented with rows of human skulls, and other emblems of
mortality, whitened by time, and having a most terrific appearance. In
this Pagan sanctuary all suspected persons go through the ordeal of
bitter (poisonous) water, in order to ascertain their guilt or
innocence; and death, which in almost all cases ensues shortly after the
prisoner receives the fatal draught into his stomach, is considered by
the people as a sure criterion of the former; whilst, if the culprit has
the good fortune to escape with life, which rarely happens, he is
pronounced free of the allegations brought against him, and immediately
acquitted.
At a short distance from this gloomy hut stands a fetish-tree, on the
branches of which the headless bodies of human beings, slaughtered under
them, are invariably suspended.
I did not think, as I strolled one day to the spot, and scrutinized the
exterior of the fetish-hut, that I myself was so shortly to enter its
doors, and be tried with bitter water by its inexorable priests, in
order to prove whether I was a good or bad man, a friend or foe to their
nation!
But the calumnies of the Portuguese had recently begun to display their
effects very strikingly; Adólee had latterly behaved in a cold and
distant manner to me; and his chiefs studiously shunned my presence
whenever they observed me approaching them.
One morning, as I was taking my solitary breakfast of palm oil and
Indian corn, I was startled by a message from the king, commanding me to
repair at noon-tide to the fetish-hut, and be examined by the priests,
who would be there assembled, to answer certain charges that would be
brought against me. I was well aware in what manner my trial was to be
conducted; and I could not forbear exclaiming to myself, as I mused on
the dreadful fate which I imagined awaited me: “Well, then, here will be
an end to my wanderings and my life; yet, having escaped so many
dangers, and encountered such grievous afflictions, it is hard, after
all, to cast off the fardel of existence thus prematurely; it is hard,
when almost within hearing of my countrymen, that my life should be
destroyed; that my skull should be preserved as a trophy by heartless
savages, and my body be devoured by ravens and other birds of prey.” As
I was making this saddening, and perhaps unmanly soliloquy, tears rushed
involuntarily into my eyes, but, hastily wiping them off, I employed the
little time allotted me in making my peace with Heaven, so that when the
fellows came to conduct me to the fetish-hut, I was calm and collected,
and prepared to undergo the severest punishment which the power of man
could inflict upon me.
The news of the white man’s arrest, and approaching trial, spread like
wild-fire through the town, and the inhabitants, assembling from all
parts, armed with axes, spears, clubs, and bows and arrows, followed the
procession to the dismal spot. On entering the hut, I beheld a number of
priests and elders of the people, seated in a circle, who desired me to
stand in the midst of them. When I had complied with their request, one
of the priests arose, and presenting me with a bowl, containing about a
quart of a clear liquid, scarcely distinguishable from water, cried out
in a loud voice, and with much emphasis, “You are accused, white man, of
designs against our king and his government, and are therefore desired
to drink the contents of this vessel, which, if the reports to your
prejudice be true, will surely destroy you; whereas, if they be without
foundation, you need not fear, Christian; the fetish will do you no
injury, for our gods will do that which is right.”
[Illustration]
I took the bowl in my trembling hand, and gazed for a moment on the
sable countenances of my judges; but not a single look of compassion
shone upon any of them; a dead silence prevailed in the gloomy sanctuary
of skulls; every eye was intently fixed upon me; and seeing no
possibility of escape, or of evading the piercing glance of the priests
and elders, I offered up, internally, a short prayer to the Throne of
Mercy,—to the God of Christians,—and hastily swallowed the fetish,
dashing the poison-chalice to the ground. A low murmur ran through the
assembly; they all thought I should instantly have expired, or at least
have discovered symptoms of severe agony, but detecting no such tokens,
they arose simultaneously, and made way for me to leave the hut. On
getting into the open air, I found my poor slaves in tears; they had
come, they said, to catch a last glimpse of their master; but when they
saw me alive and at liberty, they leaped and danced for joy, and
prepared a path for me through the dense mass of armed people. These,
set up an astounding shout at my unexpected appearance, and seemed
greatly pleased, (if I might be allowed to judge,) that I had not fallen
a victim to the influence of their fearful fetish. On arriving at my
dwelling, I took instant and powerful means to eject the venomous potion
from my stomach, and happily succeeded in the attempt.
I was told that the liquid I had swallowed was a decoction of the bark
of a tree abounding in the neighbourhood, and that I was the only
individual who, for a long season, had escaped its poisonous qualities.
It had a disagreeably bitter taste, but I experienced no other ill
effects from it than a slight dizziness, which wore off completely a few
hours after the conclusion of the trial.
The dreadful charm having been thus providentially broken, all the cold
reserve and stiffness of Adólee and his chiefs suddenly disappeared; and
they visited me voluntarily a few days afterwards with presents of
provisions, &c. observing frequently that the Portuguese were wicked
men, but that I was a good man, under the special protection of the
white man’s God, who would suffer no evil to come near me. The Houssa
mallams were also permitted to introduce themselves into my society;
neither did they come empty-handed, so that I scarcely regretted having
drunk the fetish; for instead of suffering and death, from which I had
not entertained even a hope of escaping, the most pleasing and
flattering results were the consequence of my conforming to the customs
of the inhabitants. On walking through the streets I was pointed at as
the wonderful man, whom it would be dangerous to insult; my society was
courted by all ranks; and from that hour my reputation stood singularly
high with the people of Badagry, to the infinite chagrin of the
malicious Portuguese, who thus saw the complete failure of their
artfully laid plot, by the very means which they had fondly hoped would
have been the instruments of my destruction.
Thieves, and other offenders, together with the remnant of the
unpurchased slaves who are not drowned along with their companions in
misfortune and misery, are reserved by the Badagrians to sacrifice to
their gods; which horrid ceremony takes place at least once a month.
Prisoners taken in war are also immolated, to appease the manes of the
soldiers of Adólee slain in battle; and as, of all atrocities, the
manner in which these wretches are slaughtered is the most barbarous, it
may not perhaps be improper or ill-timed to give a detailed account of
it in this place. Each criminal being conducted to the fetish-tree, a
flask of rum is given him to drink, whilst he is in the act of
swallowing which a fellow steals imperceptibly behind him, with a heavy
club or bludgeon, and inflicts a violent blow on the back of the head
with the murderous weapon, and, as it often happens, dashes out his
brains; so that the executioner has no occasion to repeat his stroke.
The senseless being is then taken to the fetish-hut, and a calabash or
gourd having been previously got ready, the head is severed from the
trunk with an axe, and the smoking blood gurgles into it. Whilst this is
in hand, other wretches, furnished with knives, &c. cut and mangle the
body, in order to extract the heart entire from the breast, which being
done, although it be yet warm and quivering with life, it is presented
to the king first, and afterwards to his wives and generals, who always
attend at the celebration of these sacrifices; and his majesty and suite
making an incision in it with their teeth, and partaking of the foamy
blood, which is likewise offered, the heart is exhibited to the
surrounding multitude. From the commencement of the proceedings under
the tree, the chiefs begin to sing or chaunt, the king’s wives and the
spectators assisting and joining in the chorus; and they never cease
till the body, with its head, heart, and blood, is borne from the spot,
when the multitude themselves take up the strain. The following lines
will serve to give an idea of the subject and nature of the song used on
the above occasions, which seldom, if ever, vary.
SONG OF THE BADAGRIANS AT THEIR HUMAN SACRIFICES.
When the blow the spirit lulls,
Bear him to the “House of Skulls;”
The calabash and gourd prepare—
The knife, the axe, the bow, the spear.
Faintly sighs the gasping breath;
_Agra’s_ eye-lids close in death!
’Tis done! the headless trunk remains,
Bleeding from a thousand veins.
Drink the blood! the heart-strings tear!
Wield the club, and shake the spear!
_Chorus._
Drink the blood! the heart-strings tear!
Wield the club, and shake the spear!
_Song._
Chieftains! where’s the foeman now?
Death smiles grimly on his brow,
And his quarter’d limbs shall be
Food for vultures on our tree.
King Adólee’s foes all must
Bend the neck, and kiss the dust,
Or, like Agra, they shall fall,
Snatch’d from Mercy’s trembling call.
Drink the blood! the heart-strings tear!
Wield the club, and shake the spear!
Who so base to turn in fight?
May his spirit sink in night—
May a curse attend his ways—
May Misfortune blast his days!
But Badagrians will not swerve;
Courage thrills in every nerve.
Smite your foes, Badagrians! smite!
Gleaming spears—resistless might—
Bending bows—the arrows’ spring—
Terror to your foemen bring.
Drink the blood! the heart-strings tear!
Wield the club, and shake the spear!
The bleeding heart, after being bitten by the king, and his principal
wives and head men, is affixed to the point of a tall spear, and, with
the calabash of blood and headless body, paraded through the town, and
followed by hundreds of spearmen and a dense crowd of people. Whoever
may express an inclination to bite the heart, or drink of the blood, has
it immediately presented to him for that purpose, the multitude dancing,
and singing:
As we gaze upon the slain,
Courage mounts in every vein:
Hearts of iron—breasts of steel
Bold Badagrians reveal.
_People, from their Dwellings:_
Lo! the bleeding heart appears,
Followed by a grove of spears;
Show it here—‘to me,’—‘to me;’
I long to taste, to feel, to see!
_Spearmen:_
Yes! your foeman’s blood is warm;
Trample on his ghastly form;
Slake your thirst with living gore;
Deeply drink; libations pour.
Gods! accept the sacrifice,
Of our great success the price.
Drink we the blood! the heart-strings tear!
Wield the club, and shake the spear!
_All the people in chorus:_
Wield the club, and shake the spear!
Drink the blood! the heart-strings tear!
Terror, terror, terror, cling
Round the foemen of our king!
What remains of the heart is then flung to the dogs, and the body, cut
in pieces, is stuck on the fetish-tree, where it is left till wholly
devoured by birds of prey.
Besides these butcheries, the Badagrians make a grand sacrifice, once a
year, under their sacred fetish-tree, growing in a wood, a few miles
from the city. These are offered to their malevolent Demon, or Spirit of
Evil, at whose shrine hundreds of human beings are annually immolated,
their corpses undergoing the same horrid process as that which has
already been described; only in this instance they are not removed from
the spot, but quartered and hung on the gigantic branches of the
venerable tree; and the skulls of the victims suffered to bleach in the
sun round the trunk of it.
By accident I had an opportunity of seeing this much-talked-of tree, a
day or two only after the celebration of one of the grand yearly
sacrifices, and it was the most ghastly and appalling object which I had
ever beheld. I was informed in the town one day that a Portuguese
schooner had proceeded along the coast towards the Bight of Benin, and
was then lying at _Adjeedore_, which is about fourteen miles from
Badagry. Of course I was anxious to get out of the country, by any
means, as quickly as possible, for, as may be supposed, I was heartily
and completely tired of my long residence in it, and eagerly grasped at
even the shadow of an opportunity that promised to bring about so
desirable a good. I resolved, at any rate, to have an interview with the
captain of the schooner; and, for this purpose, taking Pasko and Jowdie
with me, one cloudless morning I proceeded to Adjeedore. The path
leading to the place, however, winding through a thick wood, and being
crossed by other roads in all directions, we struck out of the right one
into another; and journeyed onwards without discovering our error for
some time afterwards. We had not advanced many miles into the country
before our noses were saluted with the most overpowering effluvia, like
those exhaled from putrid substances; but, notwithstanding this warning,
it did not occur to me at the time that the sacred fetish-tree of the
Badagrians lay in that direction. The air became more strongly
impregnated the further we proceeded; till at length it was wholly
insupportable, and I was obliged to cover my mouth and nose with a thick
handkerchief, which relieved, in some measure, its disagreeable effects,
We had travelled in this manner, as nearly as I could guess, about half
way to the place of our destination, or seven miles from Badagry, when
the so much dreaded fetish-tree suddenly burst upon my sight, its
enormous branches literally covered with fragments of human bodies, and
its majestic trunk surrounded by irregular heaps of hideous skulls,
which had been suffered to accumulate for many years previously. It was
standing in the centre of a large piece of open ground in the heart of
the forest; and was actually the largest tree I had ever seen. Thousands
of vultures, which had been scared away by our unwelcome intrusion, were
yet hovering round and over their disgusting food, and now and then
pouncing fearlessly upon a half-devoured arm or leg. Although scenes of
horror had become habitual and familiar to me, my feelings,
nevertheless, were not entirely blunted, and I encountered a more
violent shock, whilst staring at the overwhelming scene, than I ever
before experienced. I stood as if fascinated to the spot by the
influence of a torpedo, and stupidly gazed on the ghastly spectacle
before me, without the power of withdrawing my sight to more agreeable
objects, or even of moving hand or foot.
The huge branches of the fetish-tree, groaning beneath their burden of
human flesh and bones, and sluggishly waving in consequence of the hasty
retreat of the birds of prey; the intense and almost insufferable heat
of a vertical sun; the intolerable odour of the corrupt corpses; the
heaps of human heads, many of them apparently staring at me from hollows
which had once sparkled with living eyes; the awful stillness and
solitude of the place, disturbed only by the sighing of the conscious
wind through the sombre foliage, or at intervals by the frightful
screaming of voracious vultures, as they flapped their sable wings
almost in my face—all tended to overpower me; my heart sickened within
my bosom, a dimness came over my eyes, an irrepressible quivering
agitated my whole frame, my legs refused to support me, and, turning my
head, I fell senseless into the arms of Jowdie, my faithful slave! Pasko
assisted to bear me away from the scene of blood; and the two blacks
emptying a calabash of water they had brought with them on my head,
face, and breast, I slowly revived, and after a slight refreshment,
pursued my journey by another path.
On reaching Adjeedore, I did indeed meet with the vessel I had been
informed of at Badagry; but the ferocious appearance of her crew
startled me not a little. The men were a mixture of Portuguese and
Brazilians, completely armed with pistols, cutlasses, and dirks; and
each furnished with a long black beard, which heightened, perhaps, the
fierceness of their looks. The Captain (Don Pedro he called himself,)
received me politely; and after I had made him acquainted with my
errand, which was simply to ask if he had any objection to convey me and
my slaves to Cape Coast Castle without delay, he took me into his cabin,
and treated me with the best his ship afforded. In the course of our
conversation I thought he was rather too inquisitive as to the amount of
property I had at Badagry; but this, I concluded, arose from a spirit of
curiosity, rather than from any other reason. Every arrangement having
been entered into to the apparent satisfaction of both parties, I shook
hands with the Captain, and towards evening returned to Badagry. On
making inquiries in the town next day, I learnt from the Portuguese that
the said Don Pedro was a noted pirate who had infested the seas for a
long period previously, and that his sole intention, after getting me
and my property on board his vessel, was to compel me to “walk the
plank,”[8] and by that means secure the latter to himself. Although I
was disposed to doubt the asseverations of these men, who I well knew
bore me no good will, yet Adólee confirmed their testimony; besides
which I had myself heard of the existence of a pirate in the
neighbourhood some weeks before; and the dubious appearance of Don Pedro
and his bearded crew, certainly tended to strengthen instead of
dissipating a suspicion that the pirate and the Captain were one and the
same individual. Agreeably to promise, Don Pedro paid me a visit on the
following Monday, to ascertain how long it would be before I should be
ready to embark; but I frankly acquainted him with my change of
resolution, and my reasons for adopting that alteration in my
intentions; on hearing which he appeared thunderstruck, and, instead of
attempting to clear his character of the aspersion cast upon it,
contented himself with calling his countrymen, the Portuguese, by a
variety of hard names. Rising abruptly a few minutes afterwards, he bade
me a hasty adieu, and I never saw or heard any thing more of the
piratical captain, Don Pedro.
I turned my thoughts with greater warmth than ever to my native country,
after swallowing the fetish; but so effectually had the rascally slave
merchants performed the base part they had laid down for themselves,
that although I repeatedly offered a tempting reward, no one was found
bold enough to brave their resentment by proceeding in a canoe to Cape
Coast Castle, and informing my countrymen that an Englishman was at
Badagry. The Portuguese not only shut the portal of hope in that
direction, but, when they found their malicious designs so completely
counteracted, actually threatened to take my life in the hearing of
Adólee, who, on acquainting me with the circumstance, said, that
although I bore a charmed existence as far as regarded my dealing with
black people, that virtue did not extend to persons of the same hue and
religion as myself; and he therefore strongly advised me never to leave
my dwelling unarmed, for that the Portuguese would assuredly embrace the
first opportunity of carrying their menace into effect. The intensity of
my misfortunes had not entirely deadened the principle of self-
preservation that resided within my bosom, particularly when so near my
escape from all; and the information which the king gratuitously
imparted to me, gave me considerable uneasiness, and filled me with
groundless suspicions. Damocles was not more unhappy on beholding the
sword suspended over his head by a single hair in the palace of
Dionysius, than was I whilst I remained at Badagry. All was apprehension
and anxiety on my part; and as if positive calamities had not been
enough to afflict and sadden me, imaginary dangers crossed my path, and
lent their aid to render my days superlatively miserable. Obliged to
take numberless precautions for the safety of my person, I was a prey to
fear and unceasing inquietude, and was a stranger to a moment’s ease.
I was met in the streets one day by a Portuguese, whom I considered more
friendly-disposed towards me than his vicious coadjutors; and after
chatting a few minutes, he invited me to go along with him to his
habitation. On entering it, I found the whole of his countrymen
assembled, drinking grog; and all hands appeared to be obstreperously
merry. A glass of spirit was immediately poured out for my acceptance,
which they urgently pressed me to drink; and on my refusal, I observed
them laying their heads together, and conversing earnestly in whispers,
pointing every now and then to the dirks stuck in their belts. My
suspicions, ever alive, immediately caught the alarm at these
significant proceedings; and looking wistfully round, I attempted in
vain to steal unobserved from the society of my disagreeable companions.
Seeing, therefore, no other resource, I told the Portuguese, in as bold
a tone as I could command, that my presence being required at home, it
was absolutely necessary that I should immediately quit their _social_
circle and repair thither. They all arose on my making this declaration;
and I saw their right hands inclining instinctively towards their belts.
Following their example, I laid my left hand on the hilt of a dagger
concealed in my bosom, and with the other grasped a loaded pistol that
was appended to my waist. In this manner, we eyeing each other with
mutual distrust, I retreated backwards out of the apartment; and felt
the burden that had oppressed me suddenly relieved, on being again at
liberty.
I mention this little incident simply to give an idea how greatly my
mind was harassed by a host of vexatious circumstances combined, which,
taken singly, would only serve as matter for pleasant raillery. But whom
had I to make merry with at Badagry? I looked around me in vain for a
single being to share my confidence there; and my wandering mind, flung
back upon its own resources, encouraged only perplexing doubts, vague
suspicious, and saddening reflections to arise within me, and caused me
to misconstrue every word and deed of both friends and enemies; in fact
it was utterly impossible to prevent such unpleasant sensations having
considerable influence over all my thoughts and actions.
CHAPTER XIX.
* * * * *
Captain Laing, of the brig Maria, of London, hearing that an Englishman
is at Badagry, comes from Whydah to fetch the Author — His reflections
on leaving Badagry, and on reaching the British vessel — The Maria sails
for Cape Coast, where the Author lands, and is taken on board the Esk
sloop of war, which vessel sails for England — Tale of the turtles —
Arrival in England, &c.
I had heard it rumoured some days before that an English vessel had been
seen trading on the coast, and I waited with trembling anxiety and a
palpitating heart till accident might make her captain acquainted with
the circumstance of my being shut up in Badagry. My most flattering
anticipations were amply realized, for on the 20th of January, two
months after my arrival, a fellow came running in breathless haste
towards me, with a letter and a bottle of gin from the master of a
British vessel then lying off the town, directed to “The Englishman at
Badagry.” No one can express the pleasure that thrilled through every
nerve, as I was perusing lines traced by the fingers of a countryman,
and containing the transporting intelligence that “Captain Laing,[9] of
the brig Maria of London, hearing that a white man was resident at
Badagry, and strongly suspecting that he must belong to the African
Mission of exploration under Captain Clapperton, had come from Whydah,
and would feel pleasure, if such proved to be the case, in being
serviceable to him in any manner that might be suggested, or in
transporting him to a British settlement on the coast.” Scarcely knowing
what I did, and almost beside myself with joy, I wrote a hasty scrawl of
thanks to the generous Englishman; and, desiring Pasko and the slaves to
get every thing in readiness for starting immediately, I paid my
respects to the king, and his wives and chiefs, and bade them a last
farewell.
Returning instantly to my habitation, I left the town of Badagry, and
bent my way directly for the beach. My heart bounded within me at sight
of the proud banner of my country, streaming from the stately mast of
the Maria; and a signal being made, a boat was without loss of time
despatched to my assistance. I was soon on the water; and as the little
bark moved swiftly towards the ship, although my appearance was pitiable
in the extreme, the yards were instantly ordered to be manned, and three
tremendous cheers from the throats of British seamen, welcomed me once
more to the dear society of my gallant countrymen. This was ravishing
melody in my ears; it was the happiest, most rapturous moment of my
life. I hastily climbed the sides of the vessel, and springing delighted
upon the conscious deck, returned thanks to the Almighty for my
preservation, and shook hands heartily with the captain and crew. But as
sudden and violent transport is seldom lasting, so I could not help
reflecting, a very few minutes afterwards, how different, how _very_
different had been my feelings in the same place about two years
before;—so nearly is joy allied to sorrow, pleasure to pain,
cheerfulness to melancholy. As a noble tree, growing in strength, and
flourishing in beauty, is suddenly blasted by lightning, which scathes
its verdant foliage, and destroys the vital principle; even so had I
seen a party of British officers, proud as their native rocks, wither
and die. They had planted their feet on African soil full of fine spirit
and noble enthusiasm, scoffing at peril, and determined to overcome
every human obstacle that might arrest their progress in the
accomplishment of their hazardous undertaking, that great object of
their ambition, to which the eyes of millions were directed. A few
months only had elapsed, when their elevated hopes and buoyant feelings
were quenched in darkness; their manly frames shrivelled like the tree,
from irremediable causes; till, unable longer to “drag their slow length
along,” they had languished and fallen, and the sound of their voices
was heard no more—they had resigned their burden of life, sorrow, and
suffering; and were transplanted to that unknown country where “the
wicked cease from troubling, and the weary are at rest.” I, of all, was
left to tell the sorrowful tale to their countrymen. I had certainly
cause for self-gratulation at the almost miraculous preservation of my
own life; but I had also matter for gloomy reflections in the mournful
fate of so many brave and enterprising British officers, who had died
prematurely in a savage land; and I sighed when the Maria sailed from
Badagry, to look back on departed times, and recall the hearty,
thoughtless merriment that burst vociferously from the hearts of the
dauntless Englishmen an evening or two preceding their landing at that
place; nor could I refrain from asking myself: “And where is their
merriment; where is their laughter, now?”
On arriving at Cape Coast, I was received in the most cordial manner by
the Governor, Colonel Lumley (since dead), and the British merchants
then in the place, with whom I dined, and who vied with each other in
showing me every mark of kindness and respect. As soon as they learnt my
arrival, the Houssa inhabitants flocked around me, and were delighted
that a white man could converse with them in their own language; which
feeling was infinitely increased by my assuring their sceptical
companions that Houssa was a good land—for even in the breasts of these
rude Africans a love of country was not the least distinguishable
sentiment. These poor people stood with mouths open, to be informed of
what was transacting in the land of their birth; and were variously
agitated, in proportion as the accounts were of a good or bad nature.
At Cape Coast I gave my faithful slaves, Aboudah, Jowdie, and Pasko’s
wife, their freedom; but when they were made acquainted with the fact
that the boon offered them was on condition of their remaining behind,
they could not conceal their disappointment and regret, and were
unwilling to accept it, saying it was the greatest evil that could
befall them. They came to me in a body on the morning of my departure,
making the air ring with their lamentations; and, covering their heads
with sand and dust, they intreated me with tears to take them with me to
my country. I consoled the poor creatures as well as I could, with the
hope of seeing them again in a couple of months; and they left me in
better spirits. Colonel Lumley, with the most laudable generosity,
presented each of them with a sum of money and a plot of ground, with
which they built huts for themselves, and formed their land into
gardens; so that they can now boast of greater comfort and convenience
than most of their emancipated countrymen residing on the coast.
On the 13th of February, I embarked with Pasko on board the Esk sloop of
war, Captain Purchase, which set sail the same day for Fernando Po,
where I had a long interview with Major Denham, the only survivor of the
previous mission of discovery (but since deceased), who expressed
infinite concern to hear of the fate of his coadjutor in that
expedition.
The Esk visited the island of St. Helena, (where I landed, with others,
to see the tomb of Bonaparte,) and that of Ascension, from whence a
number of huge turtles was taken on board; and afterwards we sailed
direct for England.
During the voyage, finding it impossible to sleep in a seaman’s hammock,
in consequence of having been accustomed, for so long a period to repose
on hard mats, an awning was prepared for me upon the deck of the vessel,
under which I lay down every night; and slept soundly till the arrival
of the Esk at Portsmouth on the 30th of April. Whether it was owing to
change of air, or alteration of diet, or both of these causes combined,
I know not, but I became exceedingly ill on ship-board, which continued
some time after my arrival in England; and this, together with
intermittent fever and general debility, damped considerably the joy I
should otherwise have felt on placing my foot once more on British soil.
After our catching the turtle at Ascension, to which I have already
alluded, some of them had the misfortune to die, and their companions in
confinement and misery were hourly expected to follow their example;
insomuch that the captain ordered their eyes to be bathed in water
morning and evening, as the only means of preserving the poor creatures’
lives. This cleanly and responsible office was proposed for my
acceptance; but could I, who had so recently shaken hands with majesty,
and lodged in the palaces of kings; who had been waited on by the queen
of Boussa, and walked delighted with the proud princess of Nyffé; could
I, who might have become the master of a thousand slaves, and lord of
the high-minded and lovely Zuma; who had been solicited to wed the
daughters of a mighty monarch, as well as become premier of his Councils
and commander-in-chief of his armies;—could I so suddenly fall from the
towering elevation to which my consequence had raised me, forget all my
dignity and all my laurels, and descend to the menial, grovelling
occupation of washing the filthy eyes of turtles? Surely, no. But for
the first time I _felt_ that I was amongst my good-for-nothing
countrymen; that the astonishing “Nassarah Curramee” of Africa, the god,
the prophet, the enchanter, had degenerated into the simple Richard
Lander of former years; and that all my glory and all my consequence had
vanished into air. Alas!
“See how the mighty shrink into a song!”
Well, I put the best face upon the matter that I could assume, and
respectfully insinuated that, considering myself in the light of a
passenger, I did not think it to be altogether honorable that so
disagreeable a task should be imposed upon me in particular; and that
although no one could feel a more lively degree of sorrow for the
sufferings and forlorn condition of the unfortunate animals in question
than myself, the duty of ministering to their wants, ought, in common
fairness, to devolve on a person of _less consideration_, and one on
whose services they had a more lawful claim than on mine. My scruples
were respected, and the turtles died!
On arriving in London, I was met in the streets by a Jew, who ran forth
and cordially embraced me, asking how I had left our Hebrew brethren in
Jerusalem. The fellow, by my beard, and singular appearance, had taken
it into his head that I belonged to his own fraternity, and was just
returned from visiting the holy city; but, being convinced of his
ludicrous mistake, my affectionate would-be brother sneaked off without
further “_palavering_;” and I hastened to my late master’s agents,
Messrs. Evans and Eaton, George-street, Adelphi. Agreeably to the
Captain’s dying injunction, his uncle, Col. Clapperton, was sent for;
but that officer being in the country, did not arrive in time; and I
thought it advisable that a private gentleman (Mr. M‘Gougan), my
master’s esteemed friend, should accompany me to the Colonial office in
his stead. In the presence of this individual I deposited my charge
safely in the hands of the Secretary, together with the gold and silver
watches—without having lost a single article from the moment I left
Soccatoo, twelve months previously, although I had travelled throughout
the most violent rainy season that had been remembered by the natives
for many years. Pasko was sent back to his wife at Cape Coast Castle,
but not till, after much entreaty, I had given him permission to pay his
addresses also to Aboudah, the young woman the prince of Zeg Zeg had
offered me for a spouse;—whilst I, when I had remained in the metropolis
three or four weeks, in order to prepare a rough copy of my journal,
returned to my friends at Truro, in Cornwall, after an absence from them
of nearly thirteen years.
APPENDIX.
* * * * *
_A Vocabulary of the Short Phrases of the Houssa Tongue._
_English._ _Houssa._
One Deah.
Two Bew.
Three Booko.
Four Foodo.
Five Beaha
Six Shedah.
Seven Buckevee.
Eight Togus.
Nine Farra.
Ten Gomma.
Eleven Gommashadeah.
Twelve Gommashabew.
Thirteen Gommashahooko.
Fourteen Gommashafoodo.
Fifteen Gommashabeah.
Sixteen Gommashashidah.
Seventeen Gommashabuckwee.
Eighteen Gommashatogus.
Nineteen Gommashatarra.
Twenty Ashareen.
Thirty Thallateen.
Forty Harbine.
Fifty Humpseen.
Sixty Setteen.
Seventy Sabine.
Eighty Tissine.
Ninety Tamaneene.
One Hundred Duree.
One Thousand Zumbrudayah.
--- ---
One day Gunah deah.
One month Wâtah deah.
This minute Yonsoo.
Silver Zinnariyea.
Gold Hasraffa.
Brass Becken Murraffee.
Beads Dushee.
Salt Gesharie.
A woman’s girdle Zanié.
A rogue Mogue.
The sun Ramah.
The moon Wâttah.
The stars Dula.
Morning De Saffey.
Noon Rangah.
Night Nooway.
Day Yow.
A box Sundook.
Wild (a.) Dowah.
An antelope Naming.
A needle Allurah.
A looking glass Mydubee.
A knife Hooker.
A sword Tacobee.
A gun Bindegah.
Curdled milk squeezed and dried Chuckkumarra.
in the sun—a kind of cheese
To-morrow morning early Sigovey da Saffey.
Go on as fast as you can for Tuffee muzzah muzzah acqui mugo
there are robbers in the path chiken talabah.
Sweep the house Bally gidah.
Wash my shirt Wankee regar.
Mix a little flour and water Damma mossa fouro du boo.
Bring my mat into the hut Kow shimpidah chiken giddah.
Any river Golabee.
The river Niger Golabee Quarra.
Put the baggage on the camel Sadu kiah besah du ba comme.
A wild hog Mugen dowah.
Soldiers of the Sultan Doggalee du Sulakee.
The Sultan’s slaves Bowah de Sulakee.
I am going to my house Ne tuffee giddah.
There are fine horses for sale Acqui dorkee nuggree chikeen
in the market caswâh.
What’s the news? Ah fiel—ah bour on donnaih.
Nothing particular, all’s well Baboo coome sa laf fare.
There is war on the road near Acqui yiki chikeen tulabah couso
the city of Kano bernee Kano.
Against whom are the people of Menenee mutanee birnee Kano yikee
Kano fighting? Against the sons yon zu duncollen Caffrée?
of dogs and unbelievers?
Who’s there Maneni acka?
I do not know Ba sanni ba.
Tell him that I should like to Fuddee moossa nee shee nashá
see him dubàah.
What’s this town called? Whaso neen du bernee?
It is the town of Catshenah Bernee Catsheenah.
O dear, O dear, O dear, it’s Ki, ki, ki, zafey yow.
very warm to-day
I will take a ride in the East Ni how dorkee tuffee gubu Sigovey.
to-morrow
How many days’ journey is it Quanah nowah ranah acka bernee
from hence to Kano Kano?
There is much water in the path Acqui rowah chikeen talabah
daywowa.
THE END.
* * * * *
J. B. NICHOLS AND SON,
25, Parliament Street.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 1: Thus the hieroglyphical message of the Scythian Ambassador,
who, without making any comment, presented Darius with five arrows, a
bird, a frog, and a mouse, is pretty generally known. The Chief of the
Narraghanset Indians also made himself understood, by sending the first
settlers of New England a rattlesnake’s skin stuffed with arrows. This
was answered as intelligibly by the settlers returning the same skin
filled with powder and bullets.]
[Footnote 2: A venerable man in Wow Wow, whose sable locks had changed
to grey, a sure sign, amongst the Africans, either of severe distress or
extreme old age.]
[Footnote 3: Nasarah Curramee (Little Christian), an appellation by
which I was generally known in Africa, on account of my diminutive
stature.]
[Footnote 4: A shrub from the seeds of which the natives extract the
deadly venom in which the points of their arrows are invariably dipped.]
[Footnote 5: BEBBO.—Great or big white man. Captain Clapperton was
generally known in Africa as _bebba_; and I, a _curramee_ (little).]
[Footnote 6: The inhabitants of Katunga, and indeed all the Yaribeans,
are persuaded that when the dead awake from their long sleep, they will
need companions and servants in the other world; and, on the strength of
this belief, at the burial of any person of consequence, many of his
friends swallow poison, and, with a number of slaves that are slain for
the purpose, are inhumed in the same grave as the deceased.]
[Footnote 7: Neither Mansolah, nor any of his subjects, would believe
but that Captain Clapperton came to his death by violent means.]
[Footnote 8: Seamen, when captured by pirates, are sometimes compelled
to walk blindfolded from a board into the sea, and so left to perish.
This is termed “walking the plank.”]
[Footnote 9: Captain _Laing_, and not “Morrison,” as mentioned by
mistake in my printed Journal, conveyed me from Badagry; and I take this
opportunity of expressing my deep sense of gratitude to that gentleman,
for the very handsome treatment I received at his hands, and the truly
British feeling he displayed after receiving me on board his vessel.]
Transcriber's note:
pg 11 Changed: "he got into open gronnd" to: "ground"
pg 14 Changed: "as in all ropical countries" to: "tropical"
pg 21 Changed: "he money concerns of the" to: "the money"
pg 45 Changed: "the diappointed Falatahs boasted" to: "disappointed"
pg 46 Changed: "that they they did not think it worth while" to:
"that they did"
pg 88 Changed: "owing to the illnesss of" to: "illness"
pg 104 Changed: "it will he recollected Pasko" to: "be"
pg 176 Added missing line: "stirrups of his horse’s saddle, is
thrown from its back, and" after: "crossing a river, in the"
pg 202 Changed: "Ebo did not uage his request" to: "urge"
pg 207 Changed: "which state it is is hawked through" to: "it is
hawked"
pg 258 Changed: "who, for a ong season" to: "long"
pg 291 Changed: "Abox" to: "A box"
pg 293 Changed: "a ride in thee East" to: "the"
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK RECORDS OF CAPTAIN CLAPPERTON'S LAST EXPEDITION TO AFRICA, VOL. 2 (OF 2) ***
Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will
be renamed.
Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright
law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works,
so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United
States without permission and without paying copyright
royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part
of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™
concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark,
and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following
the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use
of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for
copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very
easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation
of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project
Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may
do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected
by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark
license, especially commercial redistribution.
START: FULL LICENSE
THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG™ LICENSE
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full
Project Gutenberg License available with this file or online at
www.gutenberg.org/license.
Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg
electronic works
1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or
destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg electronic works in your
possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a
Project Gutenberg electronic work and you do not agree to be bound
by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person
or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg electronic works if you follow the terms of this
agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg
electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.
1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the
Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection
of Project Gutenberg electronic works. Nearly all the individual
works in the collection are in the public domain in the United
States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the
United States and you are located in the United States, we do not
claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing,
displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as
all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope
that you will support the Project Gutenberg mission of promoting
free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg
works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the
Project Gutenberg name associated with the work. You can easily
comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the
same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg License when
you share it without charge with others.
1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are
in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States,
check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this
agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing,
distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any
other Project Gutenberg work. The Foundation makes no
representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any
country other than the United States.
1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other
immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg License must appear
prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg work (any work
on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the
phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed,
performed, viewed, copied or distributed:
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg™ License included with this eBook or online
at www.gutenberg.org. If you
are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws
of the country where you are located before using this eBook.
1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg electronic work is
derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not
contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the
copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in
the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are
redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply
either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or
obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg
trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
will be linked to the Project Gutenberg License for all works
posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the
beginning of this work.
1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg.
1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg License.
1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including
any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access
to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg work in a format
other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official
version posted on the official Project Gutenberg website
(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense
to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means
of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain
Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the
full Project Gutenberg License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg electronic works
provided that:
• You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
the use of Project Gutenberg works calculated using the method
you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed
to the owner of the Project Gutenberg trademark, but he has
agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid
within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are
legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty
payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in
Section 4, “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation.”
• You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™
License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all
copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue
all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™
works.
• You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of
any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
receipt of the work.
• You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.
1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than
are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing
from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of
the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set
forth in Section 3 below.
1.F.
1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project
Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may
contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate
or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or
other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or
cannot be read by your equipment.
1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right
of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.
1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium
with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you
with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in
lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person
or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second
opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If
the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing
without further opportunities to fix the problem.
1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO
OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT
LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of
damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement
violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the
agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or
limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or
unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the
remaining provisions.
1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in
accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the
production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses,
including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of
the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this
or any Project Gutenberg work, (b) alteration, modification, or
additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg work, and (c) any
Defect you cause.
Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg
Project Gutenberg is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It
exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations
from people in all walks of life.
Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg’s
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg and future
generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see
Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org.
Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by
U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws.
The Foundation’s business office is located at 41 Watchung Plaza #516,
Montclair NJ 07042, USA, +1 (862) 621-9288. Email contact links and up
to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website
and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact
Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation
Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread
public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.
The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND
DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state
visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.
While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.
International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To
donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate.
Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg electronic works
Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project
Gutenberg concept of a library of electronic works that could be
freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and
distributed Project Gutenberg eBooks with only a loose network of
volunteer support.
Project Gutenberg eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in
the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
edition.
Most people start at our website which has the main PG search
facility: www.gutenberg.org.
This website includes information about Project Gutenberg,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
