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Title: General Brock
Author: Matilda Ridout Edgar
Release Date: May 8, 2020 [EBook #62056]
Language: English
*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GENERAL BROCK ***
Produced by Al Haines
[Frontispiece: General Brock]
[Illustration: Title page]
_THE MAKERS OF CANADA_
GENERAL
BROCK
BY
LADY (Matilda Ridout) EDGAR
_EDITION DE LUXE_
TORONTO
MORANG & CO., LIMITED
1904
_Entered according to Act of the Parliament of Canada
in the year 1904, by Morang & Co., Limited, in the
Department of Agriculture_
PREFACE
Among the men of action who are entitled to be called makers of
Canada, Sir Isaac Brock may well take a prominent place. He came to
Canada in 1802, and gave ten years of his life to the country in
which he was called to serve. Both in a civil and a military
capacity he filled a post requiring unique qualities of head and
heart. That the distinction he won was not ephemeral is proved by
the honour in which his name is still held, although nearly a century
has passed since he laid down his life on Queenston Heights.
England has been served well by her soldiers in many lands, and is
not ungrateful to those who have built up her empire. At critical
times in her history the right man has appeared on the scene
possessing the force of character needed for special work. Such a
man was Isaac Brock. He entered the English army at the close of the
eighteenth century, when the service was at its lowest ebb. Fortune
placed him under the command of such enlightened men as Sir Ralph
Abercromby and General Stewart, and the lessons he learned from them
he afterwards put to good use. When, in 1812, the long-smouldering
enmity between the United States and England burst into the flame of
war, and Canada was the battleground, he entered upon the defence of
the country entrusted to his charge with an indomitable spirit. With
very inefficient means at his disposal, he used effectively what came
to his hand. He took the untrained militia of Upper Canada and made
of them a disciplined soldiery. He taught the youth of the country a
lesson in courage and patriotism, and with infinite patience, tact,
and judgment, he led them through their first days of trial. By his
contemporaries Sir Isaac Brock was looked upon as the saviour of
Canada, and time has not tarnished the lustre of his fame.
CONTENTS
_CHAPTER I_
HIS BIRTHPLACE
_CHAPTER II_
SERVICE ABROAD--HOLLAND
_CHAPTER III_
SERVICE ABROAD--THE BALTIC
_CHAPTER IV_
IN CANADA
_CHAPTER V_
UPPER AND LOWER CANADA--1802
_CHAPTER VI_
MILITARY POSTS
_CHAPTER VII_
PREPARATIONS FOR WAR
_CHAPTER VIII_
OLD QUEBEC
_CHAPTER IX_
AFFAIRS IN EUROPE, 1808
_CHAPTER X_
POLITICS IN QUEBEC
_CHAPTER XI_
QUEBEC AND NIAGARA
_CHAPTER XII_
1811 IN CANADA AND EUROPE
_CHAPTER XIII_
THE NEW GOVERNOR
_CHAPTER XIV_
GATHERING CLOUDS
_CHAPTER XV_
CANADA'S DEFENCE
_CHAPTER XVI_
ON THE FRONTIER
CHAPTER XVII
A VIGOROUS COMMANDER
CHAPTER XVIII
BROWNSTOWN AND MAGUAGA
CHAPTER XIX
DETROIT
CHAPTER XX
THE ARMISTICE
CHAPTER XXI
CONSEQUENCES OF ARMISTICE
CHAPTER XXII
QUEENSTON HEIGHTS
INDEX
_MAP OF THE NIAGARA FRONTIER_
_MAP OF THE DETROIT FRONTIER_
{1}
CHAPTER I
HIS BIRTHPLACE
"Thou Guernsey! bravely crowned
With rough embattled rocks ...."
--_Drayton._
"Sévère et douce."--_Victor Hugo._
"In that corner of the old Norman land where live the little people
of the sea, in that island of Guernsey, stern yet mild," Isaac Brock
was born.
It was a rough cradle, yet not an unkind one. Though for countless
ages its shores have been beaten about and broken by its relentless
enemy the ocean, yet behind that bold and serried front lie peaceful
glens and valleys carpeted with heather and gorse, and fair fields
full of lovely ferns. Cruel reefs lie around the island--the terror
of sailors, and out from the sea fog that hovers over them loom giant
rocks, strange and grotesque shapes, into which the sea has hollowed
many a cavern, haunted, as old legends tell, by the evil spirits of
the deep.
Guarded by those granite cliffs, apart from the world--for in the
eighteenth century there was but little communication with either
England or France--the simple folk of the island lived. The women
were famed for their beauty, blue-eyed and {2} rosy-cheeked, a
combination of Saxon fairness and Norman freshness; the men were
hardy, bold and daring, as became those who gained their living in
such a precarious way as sailors and fishermen and smugglers of the
Channel Islands
In addition to the fishermen and the sailors there were the country
people who lived on and cultivated their own estates, the largest of
which did not exceed seventy-five English acres. Wheat was the
principal crop, and dairy products the chief source of profit.
Beside the country people there lived in or near St. Peter's Port,
the capital, another distinct set of inhabitants, who may be called
the upper or governing class. To this class the family of Brock
belonged.
Guernsey contains about twenty-five square miles. Its shape is that
of a right-angled triangle. The sides face the south, the east, and
the north-west, and are respectively about six and one-half, six, and
nine miles long. The only town of importance and the seat of
government is St. Peter's Port, situated on the slope of a hill about
the middle of the more sheltered eastern coast. South of the town
rise the cliffs crowned by a strong fortress. At the entrance of the
harbour is Castle Cornet, once a detached island fort, dating from
Plantaganet days, afterwards the residence of the governors and also
a prison.[1] The appearance of the town on approaching {3} it by sea
is imposing, but the streets are narrow, steep and crooked, and the
houses, although substantial, are dusky looking and old. The harbour
of St. Peter's Port was begun by order of Edward I., and was in
course of construction for two centuries. St. Peter's Church, a fine
building of the fourteenth century, was consecrated in 1312. It was
not until the sixth century that Christianity was introduced into the
island by Sampson, Archbishop of St. David's, whose memory the small
town of St. Sampson on the east coast still keeps green. Previous to
this Druidism had been the religion, and cromlechs and relics of that
old system still remain.
[Sidenote: The Channel Islands]
The Channel Islands were once included in the "Duchy of Normandie,"
and are the only parts of that duchy which remain to the English
Crown. Again and again Guernsey has been unsuccessfully attacked by
the French, who, from the days of Edward I. to those of Edward VI.,
strove to subdue its Anglo-Norman inhabitants. Through the centuries
they retained their northern love of independence, and Guernsey is
still governed by its own laws and ancient institutions. It is
divided into ten parishes, whose rectors, appointed by the Crown, sit
in the elective states. The chief court of justice in the island is
the royal court, whose {4} power is very extensive and rather
undefined. It consists of the bailiff, appointed by the Crown, who
presides, and twelve jurats appointed by the islanders through their
delegates to the elective states. There is an appeal in certain
cases to the king in council. The French language is used in the
courts and on public occasions. The dialect of the people in the
eighteenth century was still the pure Norman of many centuries
before. Each parish had a school, but the principal one was
Elizabeth College, originally a grammar school founded by Queen
Elizabeth, where Hebrew, Greek and Latin, French, German, Spanish,
Italian, drawing, music, fencing, and drilling were taught for the
modest sum of twelve pounds a year.
Although wealth and luxury were almost unknown among them, the
governing class in St. Peter's Port formed an extremely aristocratic
and exclusive set, vying in dress, manners, and language with society
of the same rank in England. Their children were frequently sent
there to school, and as their sons grew up, commissions in the
English army and navy were eagerly sought, and in many a hard-fought
battle on land and sea, the men of Guernsey have won renown. It was
not the gentler born alone that were trained to arms. By the law of
the island, every male inhabitant between the age of sixteen and
thirty-three was bound to render "man service to the Crown," and in
the stormy days of the latter half of the eighteenth century {5} and
the beginning of the nineteenth, they were often called on to take
their share in the king's wars.
[Sidenote: The Brocks of Guernsey]
For generations the Brocks had lived in St. Peter's Port, and as
Guernsey chronicles go back to legendary times, the story that they
were descended from one Sir Hugh Brock who came there in the
fourteenth century is perhaps a true one.
It seems that in the reign of Edward III. an English knight of that
name was keeper of the castle of Derval, in Brittany. When the
French overran that country this castle was besieged by the Duke of
Bourbon, the Earls of Alençon and Perche, and a gallant array of the
chivalry of France. Now Sir Hugh Brock's cousin, Sir Robert Knolles,
who was governor of the duchy of Brittany, was also at that time
besieged in Brest by the famous Bertrand du Guesclin. He succeeded
in driving off his assailants, and then marched to the relief of his
cousin, Sir Hugh, who was on the point of surrendering when the
timely succour arrived. The English were, however, soon after driven
out of France by the valiant du Guesclin, and as Guernsey lies
directly between the coast of Brittany and England it is not
improbable that this same Sir Hugh or some of his family settled
there.
Towards the close of the seventeenth century, one William Brock, of
St. Peter's Port, had three sons and one daughter. The eldest son,
William, married Judith de Beauvoir, also of an ancient Guernsey
family. The third son, Henry, married {6} Susan Saumarez, the sister
of that valiant sailor, afterwards the celebrated Admiral Lord de
Saumarez. The second son, John, born on January 24th, 1729, married
in 1758 Elizabeth de Lisle,[2] daughter of the bailiff of the island,
whose ancestor, Sir John de Lisle, had been governor of Guernsey in
the reign of Henry IV. By her he had fourteen children, of whom ten
lived to maturity. Isaac was the eighth son, and was born on October
6th, 1769,[3] the year that also saw the birth of Wellington and
Napoleon Bonaparte. In 1777 the family was deprived of a father's
care, for Mr. John Brock, formerly a midshipman in His Majesty's
navy, died at Dinan in that year at the early age of forty-eight.
His two eldest sons had already entered the army, John as an ensign
in the 8th (King's), Ferdinand in the 60th, that famous regiment once
known as the Royal Americans, which was raised in the colonies in the
time of the struggle with France, and which afterwards did such good
service in the American war. These were strenuous times, and England
was fighting in all parts of the world.
[Sidenote: The young ensign]
In 1779, just two years after his father's death, {7} Ferdinand, a
youth of nineteen, was killed at the defence of Bâton Rouge, on the
Mississippi. Isaac was then ten years old, a strong and lusty youth.
At that age he was sent to school, for a short time to Southampton,
and afterwards under the care of a French pastor in Rotterdam. While
in Guernsey he attended Queen Elizabeth's school, where the Rev. C.
Crispin was headmaster. But school life and academical distinction
were not to be his portion. At the early age of fifteen he followed
the example of his brothers, and on March 2nd, 1785, he obtained a
commission, by purchase, in the 8th Regiment, in which his eldest
brother had just purchased a captaincy, after ten years' service in
America. Though young in years he even then showed proofs of that
indomitable will which so distinguished him in after life. Feeling
the defects of his education he determined to devote his leisure to
study, and often the young ensign would, in spite of jeers, turn from
his gay comrades to pass his time among his books, with his door
locked to prevent intrusion. Not that he was by any means a prig,
for, trained to athletic sports from his earliest years, Isaac Brock
had the reputation of being the best boxer and the boldest swimmer
among his competitors at school and on the island.
When he entered the army it was at a time of peace, when England was
recovering from her long and disastrous American war, and the French
Revolution with all its horrors had not yet convulsed {8} Europe. It
was well for the young soldier that peaceful garrison duty at home
was his lot for a few years. There was plenty of work in store for
him abroad. In 1790 he purchased his lieutenancy and for a time was
quartered in Guernsey and the neighbouring island of Jersey.
At the same time, though not in the same regiment, there was
quartered with him Mr. Francis Gore, exactly of his own age, who had
entered the army about the same time, and who was destined in after
years to be associated with him in Canada.
In 1791, having raised an independent company, Isaac Brock was
gazetted as captain and exchanged into the 49th, then ordered on
foreign service in the West Indies. He was now no longer a stripling
but a man of twenty-two, of commanding stature, very erect, of a
strong athletic build, with a frank open countenance and very winning
manners. Though of a very gentle disposition he yet possessed that
quickness of decision and firmness in peril which on many trying
occasions during his military career proved most useful qualities.
From 1791 to 1793 he was quartered in Barbadoes and Jamaica.
During those years, though still at peace, England had spent three
millions in increasing her navy, and was, therefore, well prepared to
hold her supremacy on the sea.
In 1793 the war that the great minister, Pitt, had vainly tried to
avert, broke out, and from that {9} time until the peace of Amiens in
1801, England was engaged in a desperate struggle with her hereditary
foe led by the consummate genius of Napoleon.[4] On December 1st,
1793, the French Convention declared war on Great Britain and
Holland. Pitt thought that the war would be brief, but he had
miscalculated the power and resources of the enemy, and for more than
seven years it raged without intermission.
[Sidenote: Service in West Indies]
Service in the West Indies had proved disastrous to Brock, for he
fell ill of a fever there which nearly cost him his life, and to
which his young cousin succumbed. Through this illness Brock was
most tenderly and skilfully nursed by his servant Dobson, who
followed his fortunes and was his faithful friend throughout his
life. On his recovery, Captain Brock was ordered home on sick leave,
and the healing salt breezes of his native island soon restored him
to health. In September, 1794, it was the intention of the royal
court of Guernsey to raise a local regiment for the defence of the
island and the majority in it was offered to Captain Brock, then on
leave. He accepted conditionally, but the appointment which would
have changed his whole career fell {10} through, as the intention of
the government was not carried out.
He was then employed in the recruiting service in England, and on
June 24th, 1795, he purchased a majority in his own regiment. That
year his mother died. Two years later, at the early age of
twenty-eight, he became senior lieutenant-colonel of the 49th. His
predecessor had been obliged to sell out on account of some
mismanagement, and had left the regiment in a most disorganized state
requiring a firm hand to bring it under control.
The year 1797 was one of the most disastrous that England had ever
experienced. Although in 1795 the Cape of Good Hope and Ceylon had
been added to the English Crown, the powers of Europe were now
combining against her. Prussia, Sweden, and Spain had come to terms
with the republic of France. Bonaparte had overrun the north of
Italy, and in October, 1796, Spain had been forced to declare war
against England. The Dutch, French and Spanish fleets formed a
powerful armada for the invasion of England, while in Ireland the
black flag of rebellion had been raised. There was dearth and famine
and discontent at home, while generals and armies were uniformly
unsuccessful abroad.
Once again, though, as of old, the wooden walls of England proved her
salvation. By a brilliant victory off Cape St. Vincent on February
14th, 1797, Jervis and Nelson crushed the Spanish fleet and put a
stop to the meditated invasion. Worse than {11} attacks from the
enemy abroad was the discontent that had crept into both the army and
navy of England, and which broke out into open mutiny during this
year. There were grievances, no doubt, for soldiers and sailors at
that time were treated with the greatest severity. Recruited as the
service was by means of the press gang, it was impossible to expect a
high standard of conduct from those who were pressed from the prisons
and the slums. It is rather to be wondered at that with such
material England's navy did so well.
[Sidenote: Mutiny in the navy]
It was in the month of April, 1797, that the crews of the Channel
fleet rose in rebellion, and the disaffection spread with
extraordinary rapidity all over the world. At the Cape of Good Hope
the squadron stationed there rose in revolt. In the West Indies, off
Porto Rico, the crew of the _Hermione_, infuriated by the cruelty of
their captain, killed all their officers and delivered the ship over
to the Spaniards. At the mouth of the Texel, Admiral Duncan, who was
blockading the coast of Holland, was deserted by all of his ships
save two, and only by skilful manoeuvring succeeded in keeping the
enemy in ignorance of his perilous position.
The mutiny came at a time when England was pressed on all sides, and
had the state of affairs been known by the French and the Dutch,
irredeemable disaster would probably have resulted. Even the army
was affected. At Woolwich the artillerymen were insubordinate, and
it was believed {12} that secret agents of the French were at work
corrupting the army.
The 49th at that time was quartered on the banks of the Thames. As
the privates of the regiment evidently sympathized with the
mutineers, Brock kept a strict watch over the regiment, seldom going
to bed before daylight, and always sleeping with loaded pistols
beside him. During the day he frequently visited the barrack rooms
to tear down or erase such inscriptions as, "The Navy Forever."
Fortunately for England, the blaze that threatened to break out in
both services, died out in a few weeks. The courage, good sense and
intrepidity of the officers in command soon restored order, and the
glorious victory of Camperdown in October, when Admiral Duncan
destroyed the Dutch fleet showed that the "mariners of England" had
once more returned to duty.
The young colonel of the 49th now devoted himself to getting his
unruly regiment into a good state of discipline. He proved most
successful in the management of his men. "_Sévère et douce_" his
stern yet mild rule won the commendation of the commander-in-chief,
who declared that Lieutenant-Colonel Brock, from one of the worst,
had made the 49th one of the best regiments in the service.
[1] Sir John de Lisle was appointed warden of Guernsey in 1405. He
writes in 1406 from Castle Cornet, and says the castle is on the
point of falling, and ruinous through default of the timber, and asks
permission to take the timber from a house called, "The Priory of the
Vale," to assist in repairing the castle, as he could procure no
timber either from Normandy or Brittany, or any other port, on
account of the war.
[2] Her mother was Rebecca Carey.
[3] The house where the family lived and in which Isaac was probably
born and certainly brought up, is a very fine granite one, which
still remains, in the centre of the town of St. Peter's Port. It was
bought by his father, John Brock, on July 29th, 1769, possession to
be had at the ensuing Michaelmas Day, which fell a week before
Isaac's birth.--From information given by Miss Henrietta Tupper.
[4] It is reported in the "New Annual Register" of 1794 that Sheridan
complained in the House of Commons of the manipulation in England of
forged assignats, evidently done with the connivance of the
government in order to embarrass the Directory, which had issued
assignats to an enormous amount. These notes were sent to Guernsey,
and forwarded gradually to Normandy and Brittany, where they were
strewed on the shore and picked up as treasure trove by the peasantry.
{13}
CHAPTER II
SERVICE ABROAD--HOLLAND
Isaac Brock had now been thirteen years in the army, but, although
his promotion had been rapid, he had as yet seen but little of active
service. In 1798 his regiment was quartered in Jersey. In 1799 it
was ordered to England to be in readiness to take part in an
expedition against Holland, then occupied by the forces of the French
republic.
It was at the breaking out of the war in 1793 that the first
expedition to that country had taken place under the command of the
Duke of York. At that time England was in alliance with Austria,
whose army was commanded by the Prince of Coburg. The campaign,
which began auspiciously, ended most disastrously for the allies, and
the army was only saved from utter destruction by the skill, energy
and wisdom of General Abercromby who conducted the retreat. In spite
of his former failure the Duke of York was again entrusted with the
command in 1799. With him went also General, then Sir Ralph,
Abercromby, who, in 1796, had won such triumphs for England in the
West Indies by the capture of Grenada, Demerara, Essequibo, St.
Lucia, St. Vincent and Trinidad.
{14}
General Moore, who had also greatly distinguished himself at the
capture of those islands, accompanied the expedition to Holland.
England on this occasion had entered into an alliance with Russia who
sent to Holland an army of sixteen thousand men. The objects of the
expedition were to make a diversion in favour of the Russian general
Suwarrow and the Archduke Charles of Austria, who were fighting the
French in Italy and Switzerland, and to coöperate with the English
fleet on the coast of Holland. Ostensibly England's purpose was to
rescue Holland from the thraldom of France.
[Sidenote: The Helder]
Abercromby's division of ten thousand men set sail from England on
August 13th, 1799, and with it went the 49th Regiment under the
command of Lieutenant-Colonel Brock who was then just thirty years of
age. After a stormy passage they landed near the Helder on the 27th
of that month. A short engagement ensued, when the British troops
compelled the enemy to retreat and Sir Ralph Abercromby took
possession of the peninsula, entrenched himself there, and occupied
the evacuated batteries. When the Dutch fleet saw the entrenchments
of the Helder occupied by the English they slipped their cables and
tried to escape, but were chased by the British fleet and compelled
to surrender.
The second division of the army, under the Duke of York, followed on
September 9th, as soon as news was received of the successful landing
of {15} the first. It consisted of thirty battalions of infantry,
five hundred cavalry and a train of artillery. The fleet remained at
anchor off the coast of North Holland. It was certainly unfortunate,
as results proved, that the chief command, by the arrival of the Duke
of York, was taken from Sir Ralph Abercromby, for the position of the
army on a hostile shore opposed by that skilful French general,
Marshal Brune, required a leader of consummate experience.
Abercromby's methods had inspired the troops under him with
confidence, while, to say the least, the Duke of York had but an
indifferent reputation as a commander.
Isaac Brock was accompanied on this campaign by his younger brother
Savery, who had entered the navy some time before as a midshipman but
had been compelled to retire from that service on account of some
breach of discipline. He had volunteered for this expedition and had
been allowed to join his brother's regiment as paymaster.
The account of the landing and subsequent events is related by Brock
in a letter to his brother John, who was then stationed at the Cape
of Good Hope in command of the 31st Regiment. Brock says:--"After
beating the seas from the 8th to the 27th of August we landed near
the Helder. The fourth brigade was under General Moore and consisted
of the Royals, 25th, 49th, 79th and 92nd. To our utter astonishment
the enemy gave us no annoyance. On the contrary he evacuated the
town {16} which we took quiet possession of on the following morning.
The next evening a reinforcement of five thousand men arrived, but
could not land for two days, and in the meantime our troops lay
exposed on the sand hills without the least shelter to cover them
from the wind and rain. At length the army moved forward eleven
miles and got into cantonments along a canal extending the whole
breadth of the country from the Zuyder Zee on the one side to the
main ocean on the other, protected by an amazingly strong dyke
running half a mile in front of the line."
[Sidenote: Egmont op Zee]
The army, by the arrival of sixteen thousand Russians, was now
increased to thirty-five thousand men, but these allies became rather
a source of trouble than a help. Though brave, they were
undisciplined, and in the advance on Bergen, on September 19th, after
driving the enemy before them, they dispersed for plunder, whereupon
the French rallied, and drove the disorganized Russians at the point
of the bayonet before them, without giving them a chance to reform.
At last they encountered a British brigade whom they blamed for not
coming sooner to their support. The Russians had, unfortunately,
been entrusted by the Duke of York with the principal attack, while
Sir Ralph had been detached with ten thousand men to attack the town
of Hoarn. October 2nd was fixed upon for a final assault on Bergen.
In this, Abercromby led the right column along the sand to {17}
Egmont op Zee. He was successful, but by the failure of the other
division the victory was of no avail in the final disaster that
overtook the English troops.
In his letter to his brother, Brock, who was in Abercromby's column,
describes the battle known as Egmont op Zee. He says:--"No
commanding officer could have been more handsomely supported than I
was on that day, ever glorious to the 49th. Poor Archer brought his
company to the attack in a most soldier-like manner; and even after
he had received his mortal wound he animated his men, calling on them
to go on to victory, to glory, and no order could have been more
effectually obeyed. I got knocked down soon after the enemy began to
retreat, but never quitted the field, and returned to my duty in less
than half an hour."
On this occasion Brock's life was saved, it is said, by his wearing,
as the weather was cold, a stout cotton handkerchief over a thick,
black silk cravat, both of which were perforated by the bullet. The
violence of the blow was so great that it stunned and dismounted him.
Another fellow-officer wounded at the same time was Lord Aylmer,
afterwards governor-general of Canada.
The letter continues: "Savery acted during the whole of this day as
aide-de-camp either to Sir Ralph or to General Moore, and nothing
could surpass his activity and gallantry. He had a horse shot under
him, and had all this been in his line he {18} must have been
particularly noticed as he has become the astonishment of all who saw
him. We remained that night and the following on the sand hills; you
cannot conceive our wretched state as it blew and rained nearly the
whole time. Our men bore all this without grumbling, although they
had nothing to eat but the biscuits they carried with them which were
completely wet. We at length got into Egmont, and the following day,
the 5th, into Alkmaar, where we enjoyed ourselves amazingly."
[Sidenote: Savery Brock]
It is always with pride and affection that Isaac Brock speaks of his
brother Savery, who resembled him much both in appearance and
character. The offence for which this young midshipman had been
dismissed from the navy was one occasioned by the goodness of his
heart, for, indignant at the cruel punishment of mast-heading then
prevalent, he had dared to sign a round robin asking for its
discontinuance. Savery remained in his brother's regiment as
paymaster for about six years and then volunteered for Sir John
Moore's expedition to Spain, where he acted as aide-de-camp to that
general until his fall at Corunna. In the Peninsular epoch, to have
been one of Sir John Moore's men carried with it a prestige quite
_sui generis_.
A sergeant of the 49th (Fitz Gibbon[1]) gives this tribute to the
young paymaster's conduct during the battle of Egmont op Zee. He
writes:--"After {19} the deployment of the 49th on the sand hills I
saw no more of Lieutenant-Colonel Brock, being separated from him
with that part of the regiment under Lieutenant-Colonel Sheaffe.
Soon after, we commenced firing on the enemy and at intervals rushing
from one line of sand hills to another, behind which the soldiers
were made to cover themselves and fire over their summits. I saw at
some distance to my right, Savery Brock, the paymaster, directing and
encouraging the men while passing from the top of one sand hill to
another. He alone kept continually on the tops of the hills during
the firing, and at every advance from one range to another he led the
men, and again was seen above all the others. Not doubting but that
great numbers of French soldiers would be continually aiming at
him--a large man thus exposed--I watched from moment to moment for
about two hours expecting to see him fall, while in my view, he
remained untouched. Being at this time only eighteen years of age, I
did not venture to give any orders or instructions although a
sergeant, but after witnessing Savery Brock's conduct I determined to
be the first to advance every time at the head of those around me. I
made up my mind then to think no more, if possible, of my own life,
but leave the care of it to Divine Providence and strain every nerve
to do my duty. I make this statement to show that to the conduct of
Savery Brock on that day I was indebted for this valuable example and
lesson." {20} As an instance that discretion is sometimes the better
part of valour the narrator continues, "About five o'clock p.m., on
the same day, while overheedlessly running too far ahead of my men, I
was cut off by some French soldiers who issued from behind a sand
hill on my flank, and made me prisoner alone. After my return from
prison in the January following I heard the soldiers repeat Colonel
Brock's words to the paymaster when he first saw him among the men in
action on that day, 'By the Lord Harry, Master Savery, did not I
order you, unless you remained with the general, to stay with your
iron chest? Go back to it, sir, immediately,' to which he answered
playfully, 'Mind your regiment, Master Isaac, you would not have me
quit the field now?'"
In the victory of Egmont op Zee several pieces of cannon, a great
number of tumbrels, and a few hundred prisoners were taken, and the
loss of the French was estimated at more than four thousand men.
Unfortunately the success of the division led by Abercromby was more
than counterbalanced by the disasters that befell the rest of the
army. The Russians alone in this short campaign lost four thousand
men and two of their generals were taken. The allies now were unable
to advance or to draw any resources from the country, but had to
obtain their supplies from the fleet.
When the Duke of York first arrived in Holland he had issued a
proclamation announcing that the {21} invasion was undertaken to
deliver the country from the servile yoke of France, and calling on
all patriotic Dutchmen to rise in arms. This invitation had not been
accepted.
[Sidenote: Alkmaar]
The Duke then assembled a council of war, and in spite of
Abercromby's protest, it was decided that the allied forces should
fall back and await orders from the British government. In the
meanwhile the English and Russian troops concentrated behind their
entrenchments on the Zyp, where they were hard pressed by the enemy.
As the season was so far advanced and winter made the navigation of
the coast more dangerous, the Duke was ordered to evacuate the
country. He therefore sent a flag of truce to General Brune
proposing a capitulation on the basis of an armistice or free
embarkation of his army. The English restored their prisoners on
condition of being allowed to sail immediately. This was agreed to
at Alkmaar on October 18th, and thus ended this memorable expedition,
which, in spite of individual bravery, reflected but little credit on
British arms. One result of it was the withdrawal of Russia in anger
from the alliance. That country had certainly been most unfortunate
not only during the campaign, but afterwards.
As foreign troops were not allowed in England and as it was too late
in the season to send them home, the Russians were quartered in
Jersey and Guernsey where a disease contracted in the marshy {22}
lands of Holland broke out and carried off great numbers.
The 49th Regiment returned to England, and then was sent to Jersey.
Lieutenant-Colonel Brock obtained leave of absence and spent some
time at his home in Guernsey. His junior, Lieutenant-Colonel
Sheaffe, was left in command, but for some reason or other incurred
the dislike of the men. At the first regimental parade after Brock's
return, the men as soon as they saw him gave him three cheers. For
this breach of discipline their beloved colonel marched them into the
barrack square, rebuked them for unmilitary conduct and confined them
to barracks for a week.
[1] Afterwards the distinguished Colonel Fitz Gibbon.
{23}
CHAPTER III
SERVICE ABROAD--THE BALTIC
"Of Nelson and the North sing the day."
--_Campbell._
Europe was now engaged in a death struggle with her great foe who was
everywhere victorious. After the battle of Hohenlinden on December
3rd, 1800, Austria consented to peace with France, and England was
left without an ally. Paul, the half-mad emperor of Russia, had
quarrelled with her, partly on account of the ill-starred expedition
to Holland, partly because she would not give up to him the island of
Malta. Bonaparte, whose astute mind saw where advantage was to be
gained, promoted the quarrel, and in order to gain the czar's
friendship collected all the Russian prisoners in France, clothed
them, supplied them with muskets and sent them back to Russia. This
had the desired effect, and Paul, from an enemy, became for the time
a devoted friend to France.
As a first proof of his friendship he seized the English vessels in
his harbours, his excuse being that England had sent a fleet to
Copenhagen to oblige Denmark to acknowledge the navigation laws and
the right of search of neutral vessels.
In December, 1800, the Russian emperor {24} concluded a coalition or
alliance with Denmark and Sweden, to which Prussia afterwards
acceded. In consequence of this step, England put an embargo on the
vessels of the Baltic powers.
Bonaparte now had visions of a greater empire beyond Europe, and
secretly concerted with Russia for an expedition to India. In the
meantime, he hoped by commercial embarrassment, by the weight of
arms, and by the skilful management of the powers of Europe, to
overthrow England, his last and greatest enemy. He had reckoned
without Nelson.
In order to meet the dangers that threatened her on all sides, Great
Britain brought together the most powerful fleet she could collect in
the northern waters. There were eighteen sail of the line, besides
frigates, bombs, fire ships, etc., amounting in all to fifty-three
sail. On February 17th, 1801, Nelson received orders to place
himself under the command of Sir Hyde Parker, and to prepare for an
expedition against the combined Danish and Russian fleets in the
Baltic. It was Isaac Brock's good fortune to assist in this
memorable expedition, and he was placed second in command of the land
forces engaged.
Colonel, afterwards General, Sir William Stewart, second son of the
Earl of Galloway, was in chief command of the marines on this
occasion. It was another fortunate occurrence for Brock to be thus
associated with one of the most progressive soldiers {25} of the age.
Colonel Stewart had served in the West Indies in command of the 67th
Foot, and afterwards with the Austrian and Russian armies in the
campaign of 1799. On account of what he saw there of the rifle
shooting of the Croats and Tyrolese he organized a corps of riflemen
in the British army, afterwards known as the Rifle Brigade. Colonel
Stewart was much in advance of his times. He brought into the army
modern methods such as lectures and schools for the men,
classification in shooting, athletic exercises, and medals for good
conduct and valour. Nelson called him "the rising hope of our army."
His brother, Charles James Stewart, was the well-known and beloved
Bishop of Quebec.
[Sidenote: Sails to Elsinore]
Colonel Brock embarked at Portsmouth with his own regiment of about
seven hundred and sixty rank and file on board Nelson's squadron, and
sailed to Yarmouth Roads, where they joined the fleet under Sir Hyde
Parker. Nelson was anxious to proceed at once before the Danes would
have time to prepare for them, but there were many vexatious delays.
It was March 20th before the fleet anchored in the Kattegat, eighteen
miles from Elsinore, where the Sound narrows to three miles. The
Russian navy was divided, part being at Cronstadt and part hemmed in
by the ice at Revel.
The British fleet advanced very deliberately, a frigate being sent
ahead to land the British envoy, Mr. Vansittart, whose instructions
were to allow the Danes forty-eight hours to accept the demands {26}
of Great Britain and withdraw from the coalition. This delay annoyed
Nelson, who much preferred action to parley, and believed that delay
only gave advantages to the defence. "A fleet of British ships are
the best negotiators in Europe," he had written. "Strike quick and
home," was his motto. On the 23rd Vansittart returned with terms
rejected, and brought a report that the batteries at Elsinore and
Copenhagen were much stronger than they had been informed. So strong
did Vansittart think the defences, that he said if the fleet
proceeded to attack, it would be beaten. The numerous delays had
given the Danes time to line the shoals and harbours with a
formidable flotilla, and to stud the shores with batteries.
The attempt to take the place was nearly given up by Sir Hyde Parker,
but Nelson was determined to persevere, and prevailed upon his chief
to adopt his plan of action. Twelve ships of the line were given to
the daring admiral in addition to his smaller vessels--in all
thirty-three ships, while the rest of the fleet remained to the north
four miles away.
It was on March 30th, 1801, that Nelson's squadron came to anchor
between the island of Huen and Copenhagen. On the morning of April
2nd he shifted his flag from the _St. George_ to the _Elephant_,
placed his ships in order of battle and gave the signal to advance.
Then came a check. Two vessels, the _Bellona_ and _Russell_,
grounded, {27} and although they could use their guns, they were too
crippled to be of much use. Nelson's ship followed, and when he saw
them ground and realized that he had lost their support he hailed the
_Ganges_ on which was the 49th Regiment and told it to keep as close
as possible ahead of the _Elephant_. Colonel Brock was now ordered
to lead the 49th in storming the principal battery in conjunction
with five hundred seamen under Captain Freemantle of the _Ganges_, as
soon as the fire of seventy guns should be silenced.
[Sidenote: A narrow escape]
The Danes made a heroic defence, and the plan of assault with small
boats being impracticable, Brock and his men remained on board the
_Ganges_. Savery Brock was with him, and while in the act of
pointing one of the guns a grape shot tore his hat from his head and
threw him on his back. "Poor Savery is killed," his brother
exclaimed, but the apparently wounded youth jumped up, rubbed his
head, and fired the gun as if nothing had happened. In the early
part of the action, when it was expected that the 49th would land to
storm the batteries, Savery had announced his intention of going in
the boat with his brother, who, knowing the hopeless character of the
attempt to be made, insisted on his remaining on board, observing,
"Is it not enough that one brother should be killed?" The captain of
the _Ganges_ then gave Savery command of the gun and his narrow
escape put an end to the discussion,
{28}
With crippled ships and mangled crews Nelson fought on in spite of
the signal that came from Admiral Parker to leave off action.[1] In
heroic disobedience he still persevered until what might have been an
overwhelming disaster turned to victory. When the heavy fire south
of the three-crown battery had ceased, when most of the Danish
vessels were helpless hulks, four of them remained through which the
batteries and the British kept firing. The ships that had struck
were resisting the attempts of the British to board them, and it was
then that Nelson sent his famous message to the Crown Prince calling
upon him to surrender in the name of humanity. It was Brock's good
fortune to be near the admiral when he wrote it, and the lesson he
learned that day was one he remembered and acted on years afterwards
when he had to send a similar message to a beleaguered foe. The
message was:--"To the brothers of Englishmen, the Danes,--Lord Nelson
has directions to spare Denmark when no longer resisting; but if the
firing is continued on the part of Denmark, Lord Nelson will be
obliged to set on fire all the floating batteries he has taken,
without having the power of saving the brave Danes who have defended
them. (Signed) Nelson and Bronté."
{29}
It was in the preparation and despatch of this note that Nelson gave
another illustration, often quoted, of his cool consideration of all
the circumstances surrounding him, and of the politic regard for
effect which he ever observed in his official intercourse with men.
It was written by his own hand, a secretary copying as he wrote.
When finished the original was put into an envelope, which the
secretary was about to seal with a wafer, but this Nelson would not
permit, directing that taper and wax should be brought. The
messenger sent for these was killed. When this was reported to the
admiral, his only reply was, "Send another messenger"; and he waited
until the wax came and then saw that particular care was exercised to
make a full and perfect impression of the seal which bore his own
arms. Colonel Stewart said to him, "May I take the liberty of asking
why, under so hot a fire, and after so lamentable an accident, you
have attached so much importance to a circumstance so trifling?"
Nelson replied, "Had I made use of the wafer, it would still have
been wet when presented to the Crown Prince; he would have inferred
that the letter was sent off in a hurry, and that we had some very
pressing reasons for being in a hurry. The wax told no tales."[2]
A verbal message by his principal aide-de-camp was sent back by the
Crown Prince asking the particular object of sending the flag of
truce, to {30} which Nelson replied, "Lord Nelson's object in sending
on shore a flag of truce is humanity; he therefore consents that
hostilities shall cease till Lord Nelson can take his prisoners out
of the prizes, and he consents to land all the wounded Danes, and to
burn or remove his prizes." By this time the Crown Prince had sent
orders to the batteries to cease firing, so the battle ended, and
both sides hoisted flags of truce.
It was acknowledged by Nelson that his ships had suffered more than
in any other battle he had ever fought. His success, however, was
complete. Niebuhr, the Danish historian, wrote, "We cannot deny it,
we are quite beaten." As to the importance of the victory, by it the
great coalition of the northern powers was broken and Bonaparte once
more was foiled in his great game.
Unknown to the combatants at the time, however, was the death of the
chief supporter of the coalition--the Czar Paul. On the night of
March 24th he had been murdered, and his young son Alexander reigned
in his stead. This news did not reach Copenhagen until after the
armistice was signed.
[Sidenote: Treaty of Amiens]
In October of the same year preliminaries of peace were entered into
in London, and on March 27th, 1802, at Amiens, Great Britain, on the
one part, and France, Spain, and Holland on the other, concluded a
treaty of peace. The Marquis Cornwallis was the plenipotentiary for
England and {31} Joseph Bonaparte for France. By this treaty France
agreed to evacuate Naples and the states of the church; England on
her side gave up all her conquests during the war to the powers to
which they had formerly belonged, excepting the islands of Trinidad
and Ceylon. Egypt was restored to Turkey, the Cape of Good Hope to
Holland, and it was promised that within three months the English
should evacuate Malta, which was to be given back, under certain
conditions, to the Knights of St. John. After the victory of
Copenhagen, when the 49th returned to England, it was stationed for a
time at Colchester, and in the spring of 1802 was ordered to Canada
where it was destined to remain many years.
[1] When the signal came from Admiral Parker, Nelson said to his
captain, "You know Foley I have only one eye, I have a right to be
blind sometimes," and then putting the glass to his blind eye he
exclaimed, "I really do not see the signal." It was therefore not
repeated from his vessel and the action went on.
[2] "Life of Nelson," Mahan.
{33}
CHAPTER IV
IN CANADA
Regarde, me disait mon père
Ce drapeau vaillamment porté;
Il a fait ton pays prospère
Et respecte ta liberté.
Un jour, notre bannière auguste
Devant lui dut se replier;
Mais alors, s'il nous fut injuste,
Il a su le faire oublier.
Et si maintenant son pli vibre
A nos remparts jadis gaulois,
C'est an moins sur un peuple libre
Qui n'a rien perdu de sea droits.
Oublions les jours de tempêtes.
Et, mon enfaut, puisqu' aujourd'hui
Ce drapeau flotte sur nos têtes,
Il faut s'incliner devant lui.
"Le Drapeau Anglais."--_Fréchette._
It was early in the spring of 1802 that Isaac Brock with the 49th
Regiment sailed up the St. Lawrence after a long and stormy journey
across the Atlantic. One can well imagine the feelings of the young
colonel as he gazed for the first time at the rocky height of Quebec
crowned by that fortress, once the stronghold of French rule in
America. In the forty years that had passed since the conquest,
Quebec had changed but little. {34} There before him rose the craggy
steep where Wolfe had climbed to victory. The grey wall, pierced
with arched gateways and bristling with guns, still enclosed the
town. On one side stood out the great cathedral whose bell had rung
its summons for more than a century, regardless of the change of
earthly monarchs. Here, too, was the Ursuline Convent to which
Montcalm had been carried in his death agony. Above on the cliff
rose the old, half-ruined Chateau St. Louis, bearing the traces of
destruction by shot and shell. All spoke to Brock of stirring deeds
which even then could be recounted by those who had taken part in
them. He was fresh from fighting the French in the Old World, and
the scene of England's triumph might well rekindle the ardour that a
year's peace had not extinguished. Did a premonition come to him
that on another height in this new land, he too would find fame and
death? Perhaps not, for Brock was not given to much dreaming. He
only knew that there was work to be done and as an apt pupil from the
school of Nelson and Abercromby he was ready to do it in the best way
possible.
When Brock arrived in Canada the administration of affairs there was
in the hands of Sir Robert Shore Milnes, the lieutenant-governor.
Sir Robert Prescott, who had been governor and commander-in-chief
from 1797, in succession to Lord Dorchester, had left Canada in 1799,
and although he {35} held his rank as governor until 1807, he never
returned to service in the country.
[Sidenote: Canada's governors]
Canada had been fortunate in the men entrusted with her government,
and owing to their wise administration there had been very little
discontent among the new subjects of His Majesty. The French
Canadians had increased and prospered under British rule. First in
the roll of governors stands James Murray, that good and true soldier
who saved Quebec for England in the stormy year that followed Wolfe's
death, when the Marquis de Lévis brought all his consummate genius to
the task of winning it back for France. While the army of Vaudreuil
held the river at Montreal, and when it looked for many a weary month
as if Amherst would never come to its relief, the half-starved,
sickly but gallant garrison at Quebec struggled through the terrible
winter of 1759 and 1760. The story cannot be told too often of how
Murray kept up the courage of his men, and cared also for the feeble
folk who were left with him in the town; how, when spring came, both
French and English watched the river for the coming sails, well
knowing that the side to which food and arms came first would win the
day; how, when it was the English ships that came, de Lévis' army
melted away and Murray marched to join with Amherst at Montreal; and
how Vaudreuil and his abler lieutenant laid down their arms, and the
reign of France in the New World was over.
{36}
[Sidenote: Haldimand and Dorchester]
General Murray remained as governor until 1767, when he was succeeded
by Sir Guy Carleton, that gallant soldier and statesman, whose life
reads like a romance, and who, with but a slight intermission was to
rule the country until 1796. It was he who led the grenadiers in
1759 on the Plains of Abraham and was wounded just before his general
sank in death. It was he who, in 1775, as governor and
commander-in-chief, drove back from Quebec the American invaders led
by Montgomery and Arnold, and who, in spite of traitors around him
and a people half sullen, half apathetic, encouraged the remnant to
fight for their country and British rule. It was he who pleaded the
cause of the old inhabitants before a committee of the English
parliament. He understood the difficulties to be met with in the
government of Canada when the population was so preponderatingly
French, and he helped to draw up the Quebec Act of 1774, which gave
to these new subjects the liberties and privileges that in time made
them loyal to England. Even the English population (there were but
two thousand, to a hundred thousand French) were a little sulky, and
inclined to think that too much had been granted to the
Gallo-Canadians, but time has proved the wisdom of the act. No
wonder that Carleton was welcomed by priest and peasant when he
returned as Lord Dorchester in 1792! It was Carleton, too, who, when
the arrival of the United Empire Loyalists had increased the number
of {37} English-speaking citizens, saw the difficulties under which
they laboured, and revised the act of 1791, which gave to Upper
Canada the laws it required. Between his two administrations,
General Haldimand had been governor from 1778 to 1786. He too had
been a gallant soldier, and had fought in the old French war in
America, as well as on many a field in Europe. He was Swiss French
by birth, and, speaking their language and understanding their
customs, he was well fitted to be the governor of a French
population. His administration was held under trying circumstances,
during those dark days for England when her armies were waging an
unsuccessful campaign in the neighbouring colonies, and when her
prestige had fallen in the New World. Haldimand succeeded, however,
in steering a very safe course through a stormy sea, and when he
handed the government over to Lord Dorchester he left behind him many
wise improvements that he had made in the condition of the country.
Stern as his rule had been, this testimony has been paid him by
Garneau, the French Canadian historian: "Good intents are
recognizable on his part, through much of what he did, his chief aim
really being to preserve Canada as a British dependency. It was he
who recommended the conservation of the territory situated between
the St. Lawrence and the United States frontiers, and caused Lord
Sydney, contrary to the mind of Lord North, to adopt, in 1784, the
right view of this matter. Now that we {38} retrospectively view
Haldimand's leaden tyranny without prejudice, now that we discern
what was his master thought, few of us, perhaps, will refuse to
pardon him for his rough but honest absolutism, out of regard for his
efforts to preserve intact a portion of the soil reclaimed by aliens,
which had been gained to civilization by our ancestors." After Lord
Dorchester came Sir Robert Prescott, who was the titular governor
when Brock arrived in 1802.
In England at this time Addington had succeeded Pitt as prime
minister, and had concluded a delusive peace with the first consul,
who had now taken upon himself the title of president of the Italian
republic. In America, Jefferson had been elected president and
Madison had been appointed his secretary of state. Both of these men
were hostile to England and friendly to France.
[Sidenote: St. Domingo]
Peace in Europe had made Bonaparte turn his attention to another
quarter of the world. In 1801, Spain, by treaty, had handed back to
France the immense territory of Louisiana, which had been ceded to
Spain by France in 1763. It stretched from the Rio del Norte on the
south to the boundaries of Canada on the north. The great dictator
now dreamed of restoring the old colonial power of France in America.
What would be easier than to send an army by the Mississippi and Ohio
to reach, by that route, Lake Erie and the Niagara peninsula, while a
fleet might ascend the St. Lawrence, where he fondly imagined the
French population would {39} easily be seduced from their allegiance
to Great Britain? The first step he took in the scheme was to plan
an expedition to occupy the island of St. Domingo, which he intended
to make a rendezvous for the French navy. The story of this
expedition is an interesting one, and as it has a bearing on the
events that happened afterwards in Canada, it may be as well to
glance at it.
The eastern part of the island of St. Domingo belonged to France, the
western to Spain. Before the French Revolution it contained a
population of six hundred thousand, over half a million being black
slaves, while French planters and officials, with their families,
numbered about fifty thousand, and mulattoes made up the remainder.
The trade with it was very extensive. Its combined exports and
imports were valued at one hundred and forty million dollars, while
seven hundred ocean vessels with eighty thousand seamen were employed
in the coffee, sugar, and indigo trade between France and the West
Indies. After the revolution the white population remained royalist,
while the mulattoes were republican. This involved the island in
civil war, which led to a general rising of the negroes and a
massacre of the whites in 1791. Slavery was then abolished in the
French part by order of the national assembly. Then Spain attempted
the conquest of the whole of the island, but the Spaniards were
defeated and driven out of the country. Toussaint L'Ouverture, the
grandson of a negro chief, {40} joined the forces of the French
republic, and obtained the rank of general in 1798. He was a man of
the Napoleon type, never resting, of boundless ambition and energy,
and possessing also the same love of display--"The gilded African,"
as the first consul called him, while others named him "The Bonaparte
of the Antilles."
In 1800, L'Ouverture assumed the title of governor, and took
possession of all the French territory ceded by Spain to France in
the Treaty of Basel of 1795. He then declared it an independent
republic. Bonaparte now determined to send an expedition there under
the command of his brother-in-law, General Le Clerc, to subdue the
insurgents. It sailed in November, 1801, from Brest, and landed in
St. Domingo in January, 1802. At first Le Clerc met with some
success, though at an immense cost of men, but the island remained
unconquered. Toussaint L'Ouverture took to the mountains and carried
on a guerilla warfare, most harassing to the French troops. At last,
by a stratagem, the rebel leader was seized and carried off to
France, where he was imprisoned in the fortress of Joux in the Jura
Mountains, and soon succumbed to the cold of the climate.
[Sidenote: The purchase of Louisiana]
In the island, however, things went from bad to worse for the French.
Fifty thousand troops had been sacrificed either in action or from
the effects of the climate, and vast sums of money had been
squandered. Plantations had ceased to {41} be cultivated and anarchy
ruled. In 1802 Le Clerc wrote that only four thousand men out of
twenty-eight thousand were fit for duty. More men and money were
needed. General Le Clerc died of fever in January, 1803, and
Rochambeau was sent out, but met with no better luck than his
predecessor. He demanded thirty-five thousand more men to get the
French out of their predicament. At this time there was a feeling
against France in congress because Le Clerc had seized supplies
belonging to American traders, and therefore America was not looking
quite so kindly on the occupation of Louisiana by the French.
Bonaparte had intended to send twenty thousand men there, but the
demands of St. Domingo made this impossible. The United States had
now begun to feel the need of obtaining possession of the mouths of
the Mississippi, so as to have freedom of commerce by that river to
supply the needs of Ohio and Kentucky. Spain had given American
traders the right to land produce at New Orleans, but suddenly
revoked the permission, and now Jefferson was determined to acquire
that place for the United States. Monroe was therefore sent to
France early in 1803 as a special envoy to negotiate for its
transfer. His instructions were, in case of failure, to propose an
alliance with England, so that the end might be gained. It was also
proposed by Jefferson that the United States should obtain possession
of Louisiana by purchase, and should grant commercial {42} privileges
to Great Britain. Monroe was very well received in London. The
prime minister agreed that it would be well for the United States to
obtain Louisiana, but if this were not possible they should prevent
it from going to France. In the preceding year the United States had
been quite content that France should occupy Louisiana, if only West
Florida could be added to the republic. However, the question was
soon settled by Bonaparte. He had become disgusted with his
expedition to St. Domingo, and his fruitless outlay there of men and
money. He could not afford to lose prestige in Europe, and he wanted
to cover up the disasters that had overtaken him in the West Indies.
He therefore suddenly determined to give up his plans in America and
to sell his right to Louisiana to the United States. He then made a
definite offer for the sale to Livingstone, the American minister in
Paris. Livingstone replied that the United States did not want the
country west of the Mississippi, but simply Florida and New Orleans.
Negotiations, however, went on, and were completed on the arrival in
Paris of Monroe. The price asked was one hundred millions of francs.
This was not accepted, but finally the price was fixed at sixty
millions, equal to about eleven million two hundred and fifty
thousand dollars. Florida was not included in the purchase. The
United States also agreed to meet the claims for damages at St.
Domingo made by American merchants, amounting to about three {43}
millions in addition. Spain protested vainly against the sale, for
on ceding the territory to France the stipulation had been that it
should not be alienated. Livingstone strenuously endeavoured to have
Florida included in the bargain but failed, though the first consul
promised his support towards obtaining it for the republic.
The acquisition of Louisiana changed the whole attitude of the United
States towards Great Britain,[1] as now they would not require her
assistance to secure the mouth of the Mississippi and the Floridas.
From this time President Jefferson showed a spirit of animosity in
his dealing with England.
The short-lived peace of Amiens was drawing to a close. In order to
cover up his disasters Bonaparte resolved to renew hostilities in
Europe. As an excuse he declared that he would not tolerate the
British occupation of Malta. England had refused to give it up
without a guarantee from the powers that it would be left in
possession of the Knights of St. John. At a meeting of the _corps
législatif_ on February 20th, 1803, these words were used: "The
French government says with pride that England alone cannot struggle
against France." This arrogant statement of course aroused the
British lion, and on March 8th, George III sent a message to the
House of Parliament, then assembled, that owing to the military
preparations of the French he had judged it necessary to take
precautions for {44} the safety of his kingdom. On May 16th, 1803,
England declared war, a war that was destined to last more that
twelve years, and to tax to the utmost the resources of the country.
[1] See "History of Canada," Kingsford, Vol. VIII.
{45}
CHAPTER V
UPPER AND LOWER CANADA 1802
The year 1802 was a critical time in Canada, and so it was felt to be
by the few who were there to guard it. If Bonaparte had succeeded in
his plans on the American continent, and had occupied Louisiana with
an army of twenty thousand men, Canada would probably have been
immediately the scene of war between Great Britain and France.
Another enemy, however, was nearer her borders, although ten years
passed before hostilities broke out.
When Brock arrived, Sir Robert Shore Milnes, formerly governor of the
island of Martinique, was the lieutenant-governor residing at Quebec.
He was not of military rank, so in the absence of Sir Robert
Prescott, then in England, General Hunter, the lieutenant-governor of
Upper Canada, was commander-in-chief of the forces in Canada. The
latter was stationed at York (Toronto) which was, therefore, at that
time headquarters. The population of Lower Canada in 1801 is given
as 160,000. In Haldimand's census of 1784 it was 110,837 of which
108,000 were French Canadians. The towns of Quebec and Montreal were
given as containing each about six thousand inhabitants, of which the
{46} proportion of French to English was two to one. In country
parishes the proportion was forty to one. These were almost
exclusively French; for the families of the English soldiers, who
after the conquest remained in Canada and married French Canadian
wives, had taken the religion and language of the mothers, and were
French in all but in name.
[Sidenote: The French Canadians]
Quebec in the early days of the century remained, as formerly, the
centre of society and civilization in Canada. It had then about
twelve thousand inhabitants, of whom half were English, including the
garrison. The government officials were exclusively English, and, if
report be true, formed a rather arrogant and supercilious set. The
French residents of the upper class, whose very names smacked of the
old _régime_, were still as gay and brilliant as when Frontenac and
de Vaudreuil reigned in the Chateau St. Louis. A glance at a
subscription list of 1799 for a patriotic fund to send to England in
aid of the expenses of her great war with France, shows, however,
that the two races, French and English, dwelt together in amity.
Mingled with the names of Sewell, Forsyth, Molson, Osgoode, Pownell
and Coffin are those of Taschereau, de Boucherville, de Lotbinière,
de Lévis and de Salaberry. The sum of eight thousand pounds was
raised and the contributions came, not only from Quebec and Montreal,
but from the parishes of Trois Rivières and Sorel. Another proof of
the good feeling towards {47} England that existed at the time on the
part of the French inhabitants was that Nelson's victory of the Nile
was celebrated by a solemn mass, and by a Te Deum which was chanted
in the parish churches by order of the bishop. His _mandement_
was:--"Messieurs les curés ne manqueront pas de prendre occasion de
cette fête pour faire sentir vivement à leurs paroissiens les
obligations qu'ils ont au ciel de les avoir mis sous l'empire et la
protection de sa majesté brittannique, et les exhorter tout de
nouveau à s'y maintenir avec fidélité et reconnaissance."[1]
Throughout the most trying days of the administration of Carleton and
Haldimand, the priests and the _seigneurs_ had remained faithful to
British rule. It is probable that the former recognized that under
it their church was more likely to hold its ancient privileges than
under the sway of the new republic.
The administration of Sir Robert Milnes was not favourable to the
continuance of this friendly feeling. He always distrusted the
French Canadians and advised that the militia should be disbanded
because, he said, it was not proper to arm and train the people of a
conquered province. He possibly saw through the eyes of his private
secretary, Ryland, an able but prejudiced man who had a {48} most
pronounced aversion to French Canadians and Roman Catholics.
Colonel Brock was not long allowed to enjoy the society and
comparative comfort of Quebec. His regiment was ordered to the Upper
Province where the greater part of it was stationed at Fort George
under Lieutenant-Colonel Sheaffe, while he himself remained at
headquarters in York.
The long journey from Quebec was accomplished by water, for although
a road had been cut in 1799 from the Bay of Quinte, near Kingston, to
York, and although in 1803 there was a passable highway from Quebec
to Sandwich, a distance of eight hundred miles, yet transport by
water was much easier. No steamboat had as yet been launched on the
St. Lawrence and even the large Durham boat was unknown, but the
_bateau_, about eighteen or twenty feet long and six feet wide, was
in general use. It was capable of carrying about three tons. In
ascending the St. Lawrence there were many rapids to pass and
portages were long and difficult. To avoid these, Governor
Haldimand, in 1784, had designed and built small canals, the first on
the American continent, and the forerunners of those magnificent
canals which have done so much for the development of Canada. When
the river was passed, schooners from Kingston conveyed freight and
passengers by Lake Ontario to York and Niagara.
[Sidenote: United Empire Loyalists]
In Upper Canada there were at this time, 1803, {49} about forty
thousand new settlers, for, in addition to the United Empire
Loyalists, reckoned in 1791 at ten thousand, there had been an
emigration from the north of Scotland and Ireland and also from the
United States, the latter being chiefly of Dutch farmers and Quakers
from Pennsylvania. The number of regular troops in Lower Canada was
a little over two thousand, in Upper Canada about six hundred,
scattered at various posts along the frontier. The settlements in
the Lower Province were on the banks of the St. Lawrence and its
tributary streams. In Upper Canada there were small hamlets on the
shores of Lake Ontario, of which Kingston, York and Niagara were the
principal, and military training-posts at great distances apart on
Lakes Erie and Huron. Trappers, hunters and wandering tribes of
Indians roamed through the vast forests that lay beyond.
So scanty was the population of Upper Canada, and so unknown its
capabilities, that there had been many protests against the division
of the country into Upper and Lower Provinces. The English residents
of Lower Canada wished rather for the total repeal of the Quebec Act
of 1774 and the retention of the old boundaries, and sent Adam
Lymburner, a merchant of Quebec, to represent them in 1791, before a
committee of the House of Commons. In his argument he said there was
no reason for the division of the province, as Niagara must be the
limit of Upper Canada. The country {50} beyond, he represented,
could not be of importance for settlement as the falls of Niagara
would be an insurmountable barrier to the transportation of the
produce of the land. Burke, in parliament, speaking against the
passage of the act, had declaimed against settlement in "the bleak
and barren regions of Canada."
[Sidenote: Lieutenant-Governor Hunter]
In the ten years that followed this protest, despite Lymburner's
prophecy, trade had much increased on the lakes, and had even found
its way west of Lake Erie. Merchandise was brought from Albany by
the Mohawk River, Oneida Lake and the Onondaga River to Oswego, and
then shipped on schooners for Prescott, York and Niagara. There were
ports of entry at Cornwall, Johnstone (Brockville), Amherstburg and
Sandwich. York, the infant capital of the province, was, in 1803,
much smaller than Newark, or Niagara, the former seat of government.
In 1793 there was on its site one solitary Indian wigwam, and
although in ten years the solitary wigwam had multiplied into many
frame and log dwellings of the rudest description, there were as yet
no public buildings of any kind. Lieutenant-Governor Hunter
represented to the government in England that the executive had to
meet in a room in the clerk of the council's house, and the only
place for the meetings of the assembly was a room in a building
originally designed as a residence for the governor. The courts of
law also held their sittings there. The governor asked for {51}
eighty thousand pounds for the purpose of erecting suitable quarters
for the legislature, for various public offices and for courts of
law. He represented also that contributions from England had been
given to erect a Protestant cathedral at Quebec, while the
inhabitants of York had subscribed amongst themselves for a church.
Lieutenant-Governor Hunter, who was in command when Brock arrived at
York, was a Scotsman of whom but little is known except that he had
been governor of Barbadoes. There are few records of his
administration, and he is but a shadowy figure in the annals of the
time. He seems to have lived, as government house was occupied for
offices, in the barracks, which were about two miles west of the
town. These barracks consisted of a wooden blockhouse, and some
cottages of the same material, little better than temporary huts.
Another blockhouse was at the eastern end of the town, and between
were jutting points of land clothed with spreading oak trees. The
harbour was considered the safest on Lake Ontario. The long
peninsula that enclosed the beautiful bay was fringed with trees,
whose reflection in the placid waters was said to have been the
origin of the Indian name Toronto. The wild grape vine threw its
tendrils around them, and in their shade were refreshing springs of
water. Wild fowl made its sandy beaches and reedy marshes their
home, so that it was a very paradise for sportsmen. There were
salmon in the lake and in the rivers {52} that flowed into it, and
game of all kinds abounded in the neighbourhood. A road that had
been cut through the wilderness north of the town by the orders of
Governor Simcoe, led to Cook's Bay, Lake Simcoe, which was
thirty-seven miles distant, and by that lake there was water
communication of seventy miles north to Matchedash Bay on Lake Huron.
Another military highway west of the town led to Coote's Paradise
(Hamilton) and thence to New London on the Thames, thus opening up an
inland way to Lake Erie. Settlers were slowly hewing out homes for
themselves in these remote districts.
[1] Translation.--"The _curés_ will not fail to take the opportunity
afforded by this festival to make their parishioners realize the
obligations they owe to heaven for having placed them under the
empire and protection of His Brittanic Majesty, and to exhort them
anew to maintain themselves in it with fidelity and gratitude."
{53}
CHAPTER VI
MILITARY POSTS
It was in the year 1796 that England had given up possession to the
Americans of Forts Michilimackinac, Miami, Detroit, Niagara, and
Oswego, and now at the beginning of the nineteenth century Kingston,
York, Fort George, Fort Chippawa, Fort Erie, and Amherstburg were the
chief military posts. The very names of the forts take one back to
very stirring days in the country, and a glance at their history
shows that this new province of Upper Canada had been once the scene
of many a struggle for supremacy between the French, the English, and
the Indian.
Michilimackinac, or Mackinaw, the island which lies in the strait
between Lakes Huron and Michigan, had been for more than a century
the resort of North-West traders, where furs were collected and
shipped for Montreal. In 1671 it had been a Jesuit mission, and
stories of treachery and massacre hover round its shores.
Fort Miami was in the heart of the Indian country on the Maumee River
about fifteen miles from Lake Erie, into which the river flows. Lord
Dorchester had ordered the reconstruction of the fort, a step to
which the United States had {54} objected, deeming it an invasion of
their territory. Both the 8th and the 53rd Regiments had been
stationed there during the war with the colonies.
Fort Detroit, on the river of the same name, situated about
twenty-eight miles above Lake Erie and ten miles below Lake St.
Clair, had had a most exciting history. The strait was the key to
the upper lakes, and gave Canada the readiest access to the
Mississippi. Five times its flag had changed in the century since it
was founded by La Mothe Cadillac. Twice it was besieged by Indians,
once burned to the ground. In the last days of the eighteenth
century it was surrounded by a flourishing little town, with a mixed
French and English population.
[Sidenote: Fort Niagara]
Fort Niagara, like Detroit, had also been the scene of many a
conflict when France and England, with varying fortunes, had
struggled for its possession. It was in 1678 that La Salle, La
Mothe, and Father Hennepin, sailing up Lake Ontario from Fort
Frontenac, found, at the entrance of what was afterwards known as the
Niagara River, a small village of Seneca Indians. Here they built a
stockade of palisaded storehouses, and dedicated it by chanting a Te
Deum, and placing within it a large wooden cross. This stockade was
burnt in 1680, and afterwards rebuilt of stone by Denonville. It was
designed to be large enough to hold a garrison of five hundred men.
This fort was abandoned in 1687, and of the hundred men left there
{55} by Denonville, all but ten perished by disease or in conflict
with the Indians. Charlevoix, the priestly historian, mentions a
blockhouse being on the site in 1721, and that in 1726 it was the
quarters of some French officers, who strengthened it by adding four
bastions. In 1749 it was rebuilt as one of the chain of forts
designed to surround the French domain as far as the Gulf of Mexico.
In 1759, after an obstinate siege, the fort capitulated to General
Johnson. One of the English officers, General Lee, writing at that
time to a friend in New York, gives a glowing description of the fort
and its surroundings. He ends his letter thus: "I am afraid you will
think I am growing romantic, therefore shall only say it is such a
paradise and such an acquisition to our nation that I would not
sacrifice it to redeem the dominion of any one electoral province of
Germany from the hands of the enemy." In 1763 a dreadful massacre
took place, near the fort, of an English regiment that fell into an
ambuscade of the Indians while marching alongside the river Niagara
to Fort Schlosser, above the falls. Only a few escaped to tell the
tale, and the spot has since been known as the Devil's Hole. In 1764
peace was made with the Indians, who, to the number of two thousand,
met Sir William Johnson at the fort, and agreed to give up to the
British four miles on each side of the river from Lake Erie to Lake
Ontario. In 1783, after the American war, this fort was surrendered
by treaty by the British, but on account {56} of unsettled claims of
the United Empire Loyalists, whose property had been confiscated,
possession was not given up until 1790, when Fort George on the
western side of the river received its flag, garrison, guns and
stores.
Fort Oswego, on Lake Ontario, almost opposite Kingston, had also been
the centre of many a bloody struggle in the eighteenth century, when
the French with their Indian allies battled for its possession,
knowing well that to the victor belonged the command of the lake.
Of the military posts left to the British in 1803, Kingston was the
largest and most populous of the Upper Province. It was founded in
1784 on the site of old Fort Frontenac, and was the main _entrepôt_
between Montreal and the settlements along the lakes. It was three
hundred and seventy-five miles from Quebec, one hundred and
ninety-five from Montreal, and one hundred and fifty-three from York.
Governor Simcoe had designed to make the latter a fortified shipping
town, but this had been vetoed by Lord Dorchester who preferred
Kingston for this purpose.
[Sidenote: Newark or Niagara]
Fort George was on the west bank of the river Niagara, about a mile
from its entrance into Lake Ontario. It was, in 1803, a low square
fort with earthen ramparts and palisades of cedar. It contained very
badly planned loop-holed barracks of logs, and mounted no heavier
metal than nine pounders. Newark, or Niagara, for it resumed its
{57} old name in 1798, by act of parliament, was the village near by,
and had enjoyed for a brief period the distinction of being the
capital of the Upper Province. It lay directly opposite Fort Niagara
where the river is eight hundred and seventy-five yards wide.
Here the first parliament of Upper Canada met in 1792, and to add to
the glory of the occasion we are told that a guard of the 26th
Cameronians, then stationed at Fort Niagara, was brought across the
river to escort Governor Simcoe in state to the opening. Five
sessions were held here before the seat of government was removed to
York, and during the last years of the eighteenth century Newark was,
next to Kingston, the most flourishing place in Upper Canada. It was
here at Navy Hall that Governor Simcoe and his wife dispensed their
gracious hospitality. Among their distinguished guests were the Duke
of Kent, who rode from their house to see the famous falls of
Niagara, and the Duke de Rochefoucauld de Liancourt, who wrote a
lengthy account of his visit.
The 5th Regiment and part of the 26th Cameronians were then stationed
at Fort Niagara, and Butler's Rangers and the Queen's Rangers
occupied the barracks at Newark.
The first newspaper in the country, the _Upper Canada Gazette_, was
published here, and there was a public library and a court-house and
churches (St. Mark's and St. Andrew's) long before York, {58} its
rival and supplanter across the lake, was provided with any public
buildings. It was Governor Simcoe who planned Fort George and gave
to it its first rough outlines. In 1803 there was a lighthouse on
Mississaga Point, at the entrance of the river near where a fort of
that name was afterwards constructed. A dockyard where many workmen
were employed, was one of the industries of the place, and here was
built and launched in 1792 the first Canadian merchant vessel.
It was in 1783 that there landed on the beach the first band of
Loyalist refugees who left their homes in the revolted colonies for
the sake of king and country, and who were to be the founders of a
new nation in this wilderness. For more that two years rations were
issued to the poor wanderers from Fort Niagara and Butler's barracks,
but by the beginning of the new century the thriving farms in the
neighbourhood of Newark showed that the "hungry years" had passed.
Seven miles higher up the river was Queenston, a transport post which
had, in 1803, grown to be a village of over a hundred houses with
church and court-house and government stores for the Indian
department. All the goods for the North-West were landed here from
the vessels which brought them from Kingston, and were then sent by
portage above the falls to Chippawa.
[Sidenote: Erie, Amherstburg, Sandwich]
Fort Chippawa, on Lake Erie, a mile and a half above the falls of
Niagara, was the end of the carrying {59} place, and was also a
transport post. It was sixteen miles from Fort George and it had a
blockhouse and quarters for one officer and thirty-six men, enclosed
with palisades which were much decayed and useless for defence.
Eighteen miles up the lake was Fort Erie. General Hunter, in 1803,
had planned a new fort at this place as the old one was in ruins, and
had made a report on the subject to Lord Hobart, the secretary of the
colonies, but this undertaking was not carried out for some years.
Further west at Amherstburg was another poorly constructed fort.
This village was the only British naval station on Lake Erie, and
contained over a hundred houses, with a court-house, and stores for
the Indian department.
The other military post in this district was Sandwich, nearly
opposite Detroit, and sixteen miles distant from Amherstburg. There
was a mixed French and English population here, and many American
settlers in the neighbourhood who had found their way to this lovely
and fertile peninsula--the garden of Canada.
At this time a regiment quartered in Upper Canada was divided into
several parts, sometimes hundreds of miles asunder. The posts being
on the frontier line, and new roads into the interior of the United
States being constantly opened out, every facility was afforded for
desertion. The pay of the British soldier was small, the discipline
enforced at that time very severe, and by the insidious work of {60}
agents from the neighbouring republic, desertions became very
frequent.
Soon after Brock's arrival in Upper Canada, six men of a company of
the 49th stationed at York, listened to the tempting proposals held
out to them, and with a corporal of the 41st who had been left there
in charge of some work, set off across the lake for Niagara. The
news of their desertion was brought to Colonel Brock at midnight by
the sergeant of the guard. With the promptness that always marked
his actions he immediately ordered a boat to be manned by a sergeant
and twelve privates of the light company, and with them he started on
a night journey across Lake Ontario, a distance of thirty miles.
[Sidenote: Conspiracy at Fort George]
After a hard pull of eight hours they reached their destination and a
search along the shore was made. A few miles from Fort Niagara on
the American shore, the renegades were found. They were brought back
to York and afterwards confined in the prison cells at Fort George.
General Hunter found fault with the midnight expedition across the
lake, as he thought the risk Brock had taken in crossing in a small
open boat was too great. It was not, however, likely that a Guernsey
man, inured to the perils of the coast of the Channel Islands, would
hesitate to cross Lake Ontario on a summer night. Even if the
dangers had been greater, Colonel Brock was not one to shirk his duty.
{61}
Once again he was called upon to undertake another expedition to
enforce discipline, and again the strong arm and cool brain were
needed. This time it was not desertion alone he had to cope with,
but a very serious mutiny among the troops quartered at Fort George,
under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Sheaffe, who, by his severe
discipline had rendered himself very unpopular. The plan of the
mutineers, as was afterwards discovered, was to place the officers in
the cells, then to march to Queenston and cross the river into the
state of New York. It was said too that the murder of Colonel
Sheaffe was contemplated. The discovery of the plot was accidental.
A servant of an officer of the Royal Artillery was met on the common
by a soldier of the 49th, named Fitzpatrick, who asked him the hour.
On being told Fitzpatrick exclaimed, "Thank God, I will not be too
late for roll call; if I were that tyrant would give me knapsack
drill for a week, but--" with an oath he muttered some threatening
words and ran off to the fort. The servant reported the conversation
to his master who immediately told Colonel Sheaffe. Fitzpatrick was
sent for and questioned. On examination he showed such symptoms of
guilt that he was put in a cell in the guard-room. Another soldier
named Daly confessed to the conspiracy, and said that he had entered
into it by the persuasion of Sergeant Clarke of the 49th who had told
him that he and his wife and children {62} would be much more
comfortable in the United States than in the regiment.
Sheaffe sent immediate word of the conspiracy to Colonel Brock, who
was then at York. The latter lost no time in hastening to the scene.
The mutiny of the Nore in 1796 had taught him that promptness and
decision were necessary to prevent an appalling disaster. This was
no time for half measures, when the mother country was at war in
Europe, and when a wily neighbour was undermining the allegiance of
His Majesty's forces in America. Stern and quick must be the remedy.
The vessel that brought him the news took him quickly over the lake,
and, unannounced, he landed on the beach below the town and walked to
the fort. The sentry on duty soon recognized the commanding figure
of the colonel and called out the guard, which was commanded, as it
happened, by the very sergeant who had been suspected as the
instigator of the conspiracy. It was all the work of a few moments.
As the guard shouldered arms the sergeant was ordered to come forward
and lay down his pike, and to take off his sword and sash. As soon
as this was done a corporal named O'Brien was told to bring a pair of
handcuffs and put them on the sergeant who was then marched off to
the cells. Then came the corporal's turn, for he too was one of
those implicated, and in obedience to the stern command his arms and
accoutrements were also laid down, and a soldier was ordered to
handcuff {63} him and convey him also to the cells. Brock then sent
a young officer to arrest the other malcontents. Twelve men in all
were put in irons and sent off to York together with the seven
deserters who had been arrested some weeks before.
General Hunter directed that their trial should take place at Quebec.
They were found guilty and four of the mutineers and three of the
deserters were condemned to be shot. The extreme rigour of their
commanding officer, Colonel Sheaffe, was the only plea they made in
extenuation of their crime. The sentence was carried out on March
2nd, 1804, at Quebec. The unfortunate men declared publicly that had
they continued under the command of Colonel Brock they would have
escaped their melancholy end.
[Sidenote: The sentence]
At York, when the letter came announcing the execution, the colonel
ordered every man under arms, that he might read to them its
contents. He then addressed them and said:--"Since I have had the
honour to wear the British uniform I have never felt grief like this.
It pains me to the heart to think that any member of my regiment
should have engaged in a conspiracy which has led to their being shot
like so many dogs..." We are told that the soldiers who saw the
glistening tear and heard the faltering voice of their colonel were
so moved by the touching scene that there was not a dry eye among
them.
After this melancholy affair Brock assumed {64} command at Fort
George, and all complaints and desertions instantly ceased. He put
into practice the more humane methods of treating the common soldier
that he had learned in the school of Abercromby and Stewart. The men
were allowed, under proper restrictions, to visit the town freely.
It was no longer a crime to fish in fatigue dress, and even the sport
of shooting the wild pigeons that were in such abundance was allowed,
with the proviso that the men should provide their own powder and
shot. Under Colonel Sheaffe's discipline the four black holes were
always full, but now under a milder rule complaints were unknown.
[Sidenote: Brock's report]
The mutiny, however, had made such an impression on Colonel Brock
that he sought a remedy for the evils that had occasioned it, and his
ideas on the subject were embodied in a report which he subsequently
sent to the Duke of York.
During the long winter months of 1803-4 at Fort George he had the
opportunity of visiting many of the new settlers in the country. He
found that without any special merit, they had obtained large grants
of land, although some of them had even taken part against England in
the revolutionary war. Land at that time was of so little value that
on condition of settling, any person, by paying a fee of sixpence an
acre, could obtain a grant of two hundred acres.
In order to improve the prospects of soldiers in Canada, Brock, in
his report, recommended the establishment of a corps of veterans, who
would by {65} long and faithful service be deserving of the most
liberal protection and favour. The men, he thought, might be
selected in the first instance from veteran corps already
established, and afterwards they might be selected impartially from
every regiment in the service. Every year men were discharged who
could with propriety be recommended for this corps. Ten companies,
each of sixty rank and file with the usual proportion of officers,
might be distributed at St. Johns, Chambly, Kingston, York, Fort
George and its dependencies, Amherstburg and St. Joseph. Colonel
Brock gave a scale of the number of years each soldier should serve
in the veteran battalion proportionate to his length of former
service. On their discharge he suggested that the men should be
located on a large tract of land on the river Credit (west of York)
which had been purchased by Lieutenant-Governor Hunter from the
Mississaga Indians. He also recommended that they should be
furnished with implements of husbandry and rations for a short
period. He concluded with these words:--"I have considered the
subject only in a military point of view; the advantages arising from
the introduction of a number of men into the country attached to
government by ties of interest and gratitude and already acquainted
with the use of arms, are too obvious in a political light to need
any comment. It is highly gratifying to observe the comfortable
state of the Loyalists, who, in the year 1784, obtained small tracts
of land in Upper Canada. {66} Their conduct and principles form a
striking contrast to those practised and professed generally by the
settlers of 1793."
There is no doubt that Colonel Brock was right in his estimate of the
character of some of the recent settlers in Upper Canada. They had
come, not as Loyalists because they wished to live under the English
flag, but because of the easy terms on which they could obtain grants
of land. They were still at heart citizens of the United States, and
openly sympathized with that country. They formed a rather
troublesome element in the beginning of the war of 1812, but were
gradually weeded out in the struggle that "tried men's hearts."
It was not only in theory that Brock endeavoured to ameliorate the
condition of the soldier. He was ever ready with advice and
assistance to those under him. One instance may be given in his
treatment of Fitz Gibbon, the young sergeant-major of the 49th, in
whom he took much interest, and who said he owed everything to him.
He tells the story that when stationed at York in 1803, Colonel Brock
told him he intended to recommend him for the adjutancy of the
regiment, and said: "I not only desire to procure a commission for
you, but I also wish that you should qualify yourself to take your
position among gentlemen. Here are my books; make good use of them."
He often wrote, he said, to the colonel's dictation, and thereby
learnt much that was useful to him in after life.
{67}
[Sidenote: A soldier's dictionary]
Another reminiscence of the sergeant-major gives a trait of Brock's
character that was predominant throughout his career. One day he
asked Fitz Gibbon why he had not carried out some order, and received
for answer that it was impossible to execute it. "By the Lord Harry,
sir," said the colonel in wrath, "do not tell me it is impossible.
Nothing should be impossible to a soldier; the word 'impossible'
should not be found in a soldier's dictionary."
Some time after, at Quebec, when the sergeant-major was an ensign, he
was ordered to take a fatigue party to the _bateau_ guard, and bring
round to the Lower Town twenty _bateaux_ to embark troops for
Montreal. The tide had fallen and there were two hundred yards of
mud over which it looked impossible to drag the _bateaux_, which were
large, heavy, flat boats. He thought he would return, but it
suddenly occurred to him that the colonel would ask: "Did you try?"
He therefore gave the word, "Front!" and said to the soldiers: "I
think it impossible for us to put these _bateaux_ afloat, but you
know it will not do for me to tell Colonel Brock so, unless we try
it. Let us therefore try. There are the boats. I am sure if it be
possible for men to put them afloat you will do it. Go at them." In
half an hour the work was done. Thus the indomitable spirit of the
commander was infused into the men who served under him.
{69}
CHAPTER VII
PREPARATIONS FOR WAR
In 1805 Brock was again quartered in Quebec. In August of that year,
General Hunter, the acting lieutenant-governor of Upper Canada and
commander-in-chief was taken ill and died at Quebec, just after the
departure on leave of Sir Robert Millies. His death placed both
provinces in a peculiar position. There was neither a governor,
commander-in-chief, nor lieutenant-governor in the Canadas. Nor was
there a chief justice, for Chief Justice Elmsley, who had succeeded
Osgoode at Quebec, had died rather suddenly, while Chief Justice
Cochrane, who had taken the former's place in Upper Canada, had been
drowned with the solicitor-general and other members of the court by
the foundering of the _Speedy_ in Lake Ontario. The country was
therefore deprived of almost all its leading officials. To meet the
emergency Colonel Bowes of the 6th Regiment, as senior officer, had
assumed the military authority and Mr. Thomas Dunn, president of the
council, had been appointed civil administrator on the departure of
Sir Robert Milnes. In Upper Canada, Mr. Peter Russell, senior
councillor, called a meeting of the legislative council, and Mr.
Alexander Grant, better known as {70} Commodore Grant, was chosen
acting lieutenant-governor. Alexander Grant was a native of
Inverness, Scotland, and had served in Amherst's army, under whom he
had been appointed to command a small fleet on Lake Erie. His home
was at Grosse Point, above Detroit.
In October, 1805, Lieutenant-Colonel Brock was made a full colonel
and shortly afterwards returned to England on leave. While there he
seized the opportunity to lay before the Duke of York, then
commander-in-chief, the scheme he had drawn up for the improvement of
the army in Canada. The report was favourably received and some of
its recommendations were afterwards carried out.
During the absence of Brock in Canada, some changes had come to his
family. His eldest brother John, the brevet lieutenant-colonel of
the 81st, and a soldier of great promise, had been killed in 1801 in
a duel at the Cape of Good Hope. The second brother had long before
been killed in service at Bâton Rouge, on the Mississippi. The third
brother, Daniel de Lisle, was now a very important man in Guernsey.
In 1795 he had been elected a jurat of the royal court and had been
sent as its representative to London in connection with the trade and
certain ancient privileges of the island. He was afterwards for many
years lieutenant-bailiff or chief magistrate of Guernsey. The next
brother, William, was a merchant residing in London and engaged in
trade with the Baltic. He was married but had no {71} children, and
had taken the keenest interest in his brother Isaac's career,
advancing the money when it was required for his various steps.
Savery Brock, younger than Isaac, was the one whose exploits have
been already related. Irving, the next brother, had literary tastes,
was a clever translator, and a writer of pamphlets, some of which
were of great merit. The two sisters were both married. Elizabeth
to John E. Tupper, of Guernsey; Mary to Thomas Potenger, of Compton,
Berkshire. Isaac Brock was tenderly devoted to his family as his
many letters show, and his sojourn once more among them filled his
heart with joy.
[Sidenote: Events in Europe, 1804-5]
The years 1804-5 had been eventful ones in Europe. In May, 1804, the
first consul had been made by "the grace of God and the constitution
of the republic," emperor of the French, and henceforth dropped the
name of Bonaparte for that of Napoleon. He was crowned on December
2nd at Paris by the Pope, and afterwards at Milan as king of Italy.
In England Pitt was once more at the helm as prime minister.
During the summer of 1805 Napoleon had assembled a large force on the
shores of the English Channel with a flotilla at Boulogne, and had
given to this force the significant name of the "Army of England."
The invasion of that country and the plunder of London were
confidently talked of among his soldiers.
Austria was in vain remonstrating against his {72} occupation of
Italy, while the czar of Russia and Gustavus of Sweden were also
protesting against his encroachments on the territory of the weaker
powers. A new coalition was now formed against him of England,
Russia, Austria and Sweden. Prussia remained neutral. General Mack,
who had shown his incapacity in 1798, was unfortunately placed at the
head of the Austrian army, while the more capable Archduke Charles
commanded in Italy where General Massena led the French army. With
one of those sudden coups for which he was famous, Napoleon withdrew
his "Army of England" to march to the Rhine and ordered other troops
from Holland, France and Hanover to meet them there. This formed
what was called the "Grand Army," commanded in person by the emperor.
No coalition was able to withstand his victorious progress.
But England held the sea. On October 17th, 1805, General Mack was
surrounded at Ulm, and surrendered with two hundred thousand men.
The French entered Vienna on November 15th. The Russian army under
the Emperor Alexander in person had assembled in Moravia. Being
joined by some Austrian divisions it amounted to about eighty
thousand men. Then came the great battle of Austerlitz on December
2nd. Both armies were about equal in numbers but the Russians
extended their line too much. The slaughter among the allies was
terrific and thousands were drowned trying to cross the half frozen
lakes in the rear.
{73}
"Roll up the map of Europe," said the dying Pitt, when he heard of
these disasters, "it will not be wanted these ten years." After his
crushing defeat the czar had an interview with Napoleon when an
armistice was agreed upon and the Russians were allowed to return to
their own country. On December 27th peace was signed between Austria
and France, the former giving up Dalmatia and the Venetian provinces
to Italy.
While these events were occurring in Europe the feeling in the United
States against England was becoming more and more bitter. The news
from America was so threatening that Colonel Brock, who was in
Guernsey, determined to go back to Canada before the expiration of
his leave. He left London, never to return, on June 26th, 1806, and
sailed from Cork in the _Lady Saumarez_, a Guernsey vessel well
manned and armed as a letter of marque bound to Quebec. His sister
wrote on the 27th, "Isaac left town last evening for Milford Haven.
Dear fellow; Heaven knows when we shall see him again!"
At the time of Brock's second arrival in Canada the civil government
of the Lower Province was still administered by President Dunn,[1]
but as Colonel Bowes of the 6th Regiment had given up his command in
order to go on active service in Europe, Colonel Brock succeeded to
the command of the {74} troops in both provinces. Eight companies of
the 49th were at this time quartered in Quebec under the command of
Lieutenant-Colonel Sheaffe.[2] The latter had learned a lesson from
the melancholy affair of the mutiny at Fort George, and Colonel Brock
reported on the good order and discipline that prevailed in the
garrison.
Besides the 49th there was quartered in Quebec part of the 100th
Regiment, consisting then nearly altogether of raw recruits. The men
were mostly Protestants from the North of Ireland, robust, active and
good looking, and Brock reported that the order and discipline of so
young a corps was remarkable. They were under the command of
Lieutenant-Colonel Murray. A terrible disaster had overtaken the
regiment the year before. On its way to Quebec on October 21st, 1805
(the day that the battle of Trafalgar was fought) it was wrecked off
the coast of Newfoundland. Major Bertram, three captains, six
lieutenants, the assistant surgeon and about two hundred men
perished. Part of the 100th was now quartered in Montreal under
Major Hamilton. The 41st Regiment was scattered throughout Upper
Canada at Kingston, Fort George, Amherstburg and St. Joseph.
Lieutenant-Colonel Procter commanded at Fort George.
{75}
The first thing that occupied Colonel Brock's attention in his new
position as commander-in-chief was the repair of the fortifications
of Quebec. Something had been done to restore them in Sir Guy
Carleton's time, and again during the administration of Sir Robert
Prescott, but the walls on the western side were old and decayed, and
not in a condition to stand a heavy fire. Hospital accommodation was
also needed, and Brock wrote at once to the secretary of the
colonies, the Rt. Hon. Sir W. Wyndham, representing that the sick had
to be placed in hired houses of the most miserable description,
unfitted to keep out the cold of winter or the heat of summer. Brock
advised the construction of a hospital to cost about three thousand
pounds. The quarters then occupied by the various offices of
government, both civil and military, were an extensive building on
the opposite side of the square to that on which stood the old and
dilapidated Chateau St. Louis. The part used by the governors as a
residence contained a suite of apartments wherein balls and
entertainments were given. The building was of very plain exterior,
and formed part of the curtain that ran between the two exterior
bastions of the old fortress which covered about four acres of
ground. South-west of the Chateau was an excellent and well-stocked
garden; for, cold as the winters were, the hot summers ripened
quickly all sorts of fruits and vegetables. The monastery of the
Jesuits near by had been {76} turned into barracks and was a spacious
stone building three stories high. It had been in former years
surrounded by large and beautiful gardens. The bishop's palace, too,
had been taken over by the government, and was used as offices for
the legislative council, the executive council, and the House of
Assembly. The latter met in what was once the chapel, a room
sixty-five feet long by thirty-six feet wide. Forty acres around
Cape Diamond were reserved for military use. A house, once the
residence of Chief Justice Elmsley, had been converted into barracks
for officers. During the winter of 1806, Brock occupied himself with
plans for the fortification of Quebec, and a great deal of
correspondence took place on the subject between him and the acting
governor, Mr. Dunn. He represented to the latter that the reserves
of the Crown were being encroached upon by the inhabitants, and that
a great portion of the ground in question would be required for the
erection of new and extensive works. He referred particularly to the
enclosures and buildings on the glacis in front of St. John's Gate,
and said that if these encroachments were permitted, it might at some
future day endanger the safety of the place.
[Sidenote: Civil or military authority]
A long correspondence also took place about a piece of vacant land
that was needed as a parade ground for the troops, of which there
were then about a thousand in garrison. The ground in question was
the garden of the Jesuits adjoining the {77} barracks, and had been
seized by the Crown on the death of Father Cazot, the last of the
order in Canada. It was a standing grievance with the French
Canadians that this property had been appropriated by the government.
The correspondence between President Dunn and Colonel Brock was
rather a heated one, and the latter laid the case before the
authorities in England. He tells the story of how he had asked
permission of the president to use this vacant ground for drilling
the troops, and how he had cleared it of weeds on the understanding
that the president, although he could not officially allow it to be
converted into a parade ground, would shut his eyes and not
interfere. The troops had paraded there and at first no notice was
taken, but a few days afterwards a letter was received from the
acting governor, expressing his disapprobation of the proceedings,
and denying that he had given his tacit consent to the measure. It
was one of the not unusual differences of opinion between the civil
and military authorities. Mr. Dunn had lived for a long time among
the inhabitants of the country, and had to consider their prejudices.
Brock had his own way, however, for a few years later a writer
mentions these once beautiful gardens as a place for the exercise of
the troops, and laments the fall of the stately trees that from the
foundation of the city had been the original tenants of the ground.
{78}
At this time, 1807, Mr. Francis Gore was lieutenant-governor of Upper
Canada. He had entered the 44th Regiment as an ensign in 1787 when
eighteen years of age, and had been quartered as a subaltern with
Isaac Brock, both in Jersey and Guernsey. Fate had once more thrown
them together. After the peace of Amiens in 1802, Gore had retired
from the army, but when hostilities had broken out again he was
appointed inspecting field officer of volunteers with the rank of
lieutenant-colonel. He succeeded so well in his new position that
Pitt made him governor of Bermuda, and from that post he succeeded
General Hunter as lieutenant-governor of Upper Canada. He did not,
however, supersede Colonel Brock as commander-in-chief, and military
returns were sent from the Upper Province to Quebec during the winter
by Indians hired for this purpose. Sometimes it took months for
communications between the two provinces. There was also some
correspondence about Indian affairs, and Colonel Brock announced that
although his predecessor, Colonel Bowes, had given directions about
the management of Indians in Upper Canada, he intended himself to
follow His Majesty's instructions of 1796, and leave the sole control
of Indian affairs in that province to the lieutenant-governor.
[Sidenote: Strict accounts]
As soon as Colonel Brock assumed command of the troops he found it
necessary to look into the accounts of the deputy commissary-general.
They {79} were in great confusion, a sum of thirty-six thousand three
hundred and fifty pounds sterling not being accounted for. The
commissary when called upon to explain the large deficit objected to
the rank of Colonel Brock, and wrote that he did not think any
authority then in Canada was competent to give orders by which his
duties and responsibilities under the instructions of the lords
commissioners of His Majesty's treasury could be in any manner
altered. Colonel Brock looked upon his position as
commander-in-chief in a different light, and replied:--"In respect to
the last paragraph of your letter, relating to the two characters
(the president of Lower, and the lieutenant-governor of Upper
Canada), whom you consider as more competent than myself to exercise
authority, it will be time to investigate the question when either of
them shall express a wish to assume the command, but in the meantime
I shall exercise it with promptitude and decision."
There certainly was need for an enquiry, for it was found that no
examination had been made in the stores account since 1788, nor in
the fuel account since 1796. The enquiry resulted in the retirement
of the officer in charge, who was found to be insolvent. Colonel
Brock was most careful and precise himself in money affairs, and
required all those under him to be rigidly correct in the expenditure
of the public money.
He writes in January, 1807, to Colonel Glasgow, {80} president of the
board of accounts:--"I have to request the board to continue
diligently to ascertain the sufficiency of every authority for
expenditure before it sanctions the smallest charge..... When
expense is incurred without the most urgent cause, and more
particularly when large sums are stated to have been expended in
anticipation of services not yet authorized, my duty strictly compels
me to withhold my approval to all such irregular proceedings."
There was another and very important branch of the service in Canada
which required supervision, namely, the marine department, and it was
to Brock's foresight that Great Britain owed her supremacy of the
lakes when the war of 1812 broke out. He ordered the building and
outfitting of vessels and _bateaux_ for the lakes and rivers of both
the Upper and Lower Province. He also directed that an assistant
quartermaster-general should be stationed at Amherstburg and another
at Kingston, the former to superintend the repairs and stores of the
boats on Lake Erie, the latter those on Lake Ontario. Colonel Brock
ordered the following number of boats to be kept in constant repair
at the several military posts: At Quebec, six; Three Rivers, two;
Fort William Henry, four; Montreal, seven; St. Johns, two; Kingston,
four; Fort George, twelve; York, three; Amherstburg, four.
In September, 1806, Charles Fox, who had always been friendly and
conciliatory in his dealings {81} with the United States, died, and
what was known as "The ministry of all the talents" was dissolved.
Early in 1807, the Duke of Portland's ministry was formed, of which
Spencer Perceval and George Canning were the leading spirits. In
France, Talleyrand was still foreign minister, although his influence
was waning, and he no longer approved of Napoleon's methods. He had
been foreign minister under the Directory when he attached himself to
the growing power of the First Consul; and while the great diplomat
remained at his side, Napoleon's career was one of continued success.
Soon after this date, as Prince of Benevento, Talleyrand disappears
from the field of politics.
In America, Jefferson was assisted in his second administration by
Madison and Gallatin, while Monroe and Pinkney and Armstrong were his
ministers abroad.
[Sidenote: The Berlin decrees]
News came early in 1807 of Napoleon's further triumphs. The
victories of Jena and Auerstadt followed Austerlitz, and on October
27th Napoleon entered Berlin, and from that city on November 2nd
issued the famous Berlin decrees against British commerce. They
began by charging that England disregarded the law of nations, that
she made non-combatants prisoners of war, confiscated private
property, blockaded unfortified harbours and considered places as
blockaded although she had not a single ship before them.
By the Berlin decrees it was proclaimed that the {82} British Isles
were in a state of blockade. Intercourse with them was prohibited.
All British subjects within French authority were to be held as
prisoners of war. All British property, private and public, was
declared prize of war. No British ships were to be admitted to any
port of France or her allies. Every vessel eluding this rule was to
be confiscated. These decrees not only affected England but struck
at the roots of neutral rights and of American commerce with Europe.
The motive was obvious. Stung by his repeated defeats at sea, and
unable to cope with his great enemy on the ocean, Napoleon had turned
his attention to the utter destruction of the trade of Great Britain.
At this moment the latter had not one ally on the continent of Europe.
[Sidenote: "Leopard" and "Chesapeake"]
The treaty with America that had been under consideration for some
time, had been signed in London by Monroe and Pinkney on behalf of
the United States. It had, however, been repudiated by the
president, and the unfriendly feeling towards England had been still
further increased by the affair of the _Leopard_ and _Chesapeake_ on
June 21st, 1807. This arose from the desertion in March of certain
seamen from the sloop _Halifax_ commanded by Lord Townshend, while
lying in Hampton Roads, Virginia. One of its boats and five men with
a petty officer had been sent on some duty. The men rose against
their officer, and threatened to throw him overboard. They then
rowed to shore, landed at {83} Norfolk, Virginia, and immediately
enlisted on board the _Chesapeake_. On a formal demand being made
for the men to be given up, the municipal authorities refused to
interfere, although in similar cases of desertion at Gibraltar and
elsewhere, British municipal assistance had been rendered to the
United States. Three deserters from H.M.S. _Melampus_ were also
alleged to have enlisted on the _Chesapeake_.
On June 21st, the _Leopard_, under command of Captain Humphrey met
the _Chesapeake_, under the command of Commodore Barren, and demanded
the British deserters who were on board. On the latter's refusal to
have his crew mustered, the _Leopard_ fired a broadside doing
considerable damage. The _Chesapeake_, not being in a condition to
resist, then struck, and the captain offered to give her up as a
prize, which Captain Humphrey refused, saying that he had executed
the order of his commander and had nothing more to do. Four
deserters were brought as prisoners on board the _Leopard_, two more
were killed by her fire and one jumped overboard. The responsibility
for the order rested on Admiral Berkeley, then stationed at Halifax.
Intense excitement was caused by this event and the president issued
a proclamation ordering all armed British vessels to depart from the
harbours of the United States. In England, Canning, who was then
secretary of war, had some correspondence {84} on the subject with
Monroe, the American representative. The British minister expressed
regret and offered to make reparation if it should be proved such was
due. Monroe, in pursuance of his instructions, demanded that the men
taken from the _Chesapeake_ should be restored, the offenders
punished, that a special mission should be sent to the United States
to announce the reparation, and that all impressment from merchant
vessels should cease. Canning absolutely refused to consider the
latter clause. He also asked whether the proclamation of the
president as to British ships of war was authentic, or would be
withdrawn on the disavowal of the act which led to it. The
nationality of the men seized, he added, must also be considered, not
in justification of their seizure, but in the estimate of the redress
asked. As to impressment, Canning said, the mode of regulating the
practice might be considered, but if Monroe's instructions left him
no discretion it was useless to discuss the matter.
Then followed a proclamation by the government regarding the
desertion of British seamen. Naval officers were ordered to seize
them from merchant vessels without unnecessary violence. All who
returned to their allegiance would be pardoned. Those who served on
ships of war at enmity with Great Britain, would be punished with
extreme severity.
[Sidenote: The embargo]
Just before this proclamation was issued the Non-importation {85}
Act, which had been passed in April by congress, came into force.
Then followed the president's embargo on United States vessels,[3]
which continued all through 1808. In the meantime Admiral Berkeley
had been recalled, though public opinion in England took his side,
and recognized the right of search in ships of war for seamen who had
deserted in order to enlist in the United States service. As to the
Chesapeake affair, Mr. Rose, vice-president of the board of trade,
was sent by Canning to negotiate at Washington. He was empowered to
state that the three men taken were to be discharged, but the right
was reserved of reclaiming from American vessels such as were proved
to be deserters or natural born subjects of England. As the attack
had been disavowed an allowance would be made to the widows and
orphans of those killed who could be proved not to be British
subjects; no severe proceedings were asked to be taken against
Commodore Barron, but a demand was to be made for the formal
disavowal on the part of his government of his conduct in encouraging
deserters. Negotiations failed, however, as neither party would
yield on several important points, such as power of impressment, the
president's proclamation and the {86} disavowal of Commodore Barren's
action. The _Chesapeake_ affair therefore remained as an unadjusted
national dispute.
All through that year on the borders of Canada the expectation was
that muttered threats would turn to blows, and that those who would
defend the land must make ready. In Quebec, Brock, who was still in
command, aided the administration by zeal and energy, and used all
the resources in his power to make the fortress of Quebec
impregnable. In August the militia were called out, one fifth to be
prepared to march wherever required. In spite of the opinions
expressed by some of the English officials, the French Canadians
turned out with alacrity. Secretary Ryland, their bitter enemy, was
one who expressed himself as doubtful of their loyalty. Colonel
Brock wrote in reply that he was not prepared to hear that the
population of the province, instead of affording him ready and
effectual support, might probably add to the number of his enemies.
He was confident that should an emergency arise, voluntary offers of
service would be made by a considerable number of brave and loyal
subjects. "Even now," he said, "several gentlemen are ready to come
forward and enrol into companies, men whose fidelity can be relied
on."
[Sidenote: French Canadian loyalty]
The administrator, Mr. Dunn, also expressed himself as confident of
the loyalty of the French Canadians. He wrote this testimony as to
their {87} conduct, "The president also feels himself justified in
asserting that a more ardent devotion to His Majesty's person and
government had never been witnessed in any part of the British
dominions." Monseigneur Plessis, the Catholic Bishop of Quebec, was
always a staunch supporter of English rule. In common with the
majority of the priests and leading Roman Catholics, he probably
feared that their church would be more in danger if the "Bastonais"
as they were called, became masters of the country than if it
remained under England. The Bishop's mandement to his flock
emphasized his loyalty:--"You have not waited until this province
should be menaced by an invasion nor even until war should be
declared, to give proofs of your zeal and of your good-will in the
public service. At a suspicion even, at the first appearance of a
rupture with the neighbouring states, you have acted as it was your
duty to do--ready to undertake anything, to sacrifice everything,
rather than to expose yourselves to a change of government, or to
lose the inestimable advantage that your present condition assures to
you." In every parish, as fathers and sons mustered for service, Te
Deums were sung and Psalms were chanted, and all along the banks of
the St. Lawrence the people of an alien tongue and race and religion
rallied round the standard of the English king.
[1] Dunn used the title of president in virtue of his position in the
council. He was at this time acting governor.
[2] A contemporary said of Lieutenant-Colonel Sheaffe:--"He was kind,
benevolent and religious, but these sentiments were, in his early
days, nearly, if not entirely overruled by his extreme ideas of
military authority."
[3] Erskine, the British minister at Washington, wrote officially
that President Jefferson's embargo was not intended as a measure of
hostility against Great Britain, but as a precaution against the
capture of United States vessels by France.
{89}
CHAPTER VIII
OLD QUEBEC
Cape Diamond, or the rock of Quebec, rises sheer from the river St.
Lawrence to a height of three hundred and forty-five feet. The
citadel on its highest point presented in the beginning of the
nineteenth century a formidable combination of powerful works, whence
a strong wall, supported by small batteries in different places, ran
to the edge of the precipice, along which it was continued to the
gateway leading to the Lower Town. This gateway was defended by
heavy cannon, and the approach to it, up Mountain Street, was both
enfiladed and flanked by many guns of large calibre. Thence a line
of defence connected with the grand battery, a work of great
strength, armed with a formidable train of 24-pounders, and
commanding the basin and passage of the river, which was here
eighteen hundred and thirty-seven yards broad. From the battery
another line was carried on beyond the Hope and Palace Gates, both of
which were protected by similar defences to those of the Lower Town
Gate until the line formed a junction with the bastion of the Côteau
de Palais.[1] In the Lower Town, on the west side of {90} St.
Nicholas Street, were, in 1808, the ruins of the intendant's palace,
once of much importance. In 1775 its ruin was completed, for when
the Americans under Arnold blockaded the city, they established a
body of troops in it, but were dislodged from their quarters by
shells, which set it on fire and nearly consumed it.
The Castle of St. Louis was of stone, built near the edge of the
precipice about a hundred feet below the summit of the cape, and two
hundred and fifty feet above the river. It was supported towards the
steep side by a solid work of masonry, rising nearly half the height
of the edifice, and was surrounded by a spacious gallery which gave a
most commanding view of the river and surrounding country. The
Château was a hundred and sixty-two feet long, forty-five feet broad,
and three stories high. In the direction of the cape it had the
appearance of being much more lofty. It was built shortly after
Quebec was fortified in 1721, but was neglected for a number of
years, suffered to go to decay, and had long ceased to be the
residence of the governor-general. At the time when Brock was
commandant it was used only for government offices, but in 1808
parliament passed a resolution for repairing and beautifying it, and
seven thousand pounds were voted for the purpose. An additional sum
of seven thousand pounds was, however, required to complete the work.
[Sidenote: Sir James Craig]
Sir James Craig was the first who occupied it {91} after its
restoration. It was in October, 1807, that this veteran officer
arrived in Canada as governor-general and commander-in-chief. He was
then about fifty-eight years of age, and had been constantly on
service since the age of fifteen, when he entered the army. He had
served in Canada in 1775 during the invasion of Montgomery and
Arnold, and had been in command of the troops that had pursued the
Americans in their disastrous retreat. He had been engaged
afterwards under Burgoyne throughout his unfortunate campaign, and in
the after events of the Revolutionary War. In 1794 he became a
major-general, and was, the following year, at the capture of the
Cape of Good Hope. He then did good service in India, and was
promoted to be lieutenant-general in 1801. In 1802 he was placed in
charge of the eastern district in England, and in 1805 was sent to
the Mediterranean, where his health broke down. Believing that he
had recovered he accepted the position of governor-general of Canada.
In many respects it was an unfortunate appointment, for, experienced
as he was in military affairs, he was lacking in tact and political
knowledge, and he came to the country prejudiced to an unreasonable
extent against the majority of the people he had come to govern. He
had an utter disbelief in the loyalty of the French Canadians, and
his treatment of them bore bitter fruit in after years. It was owing
partly to his mistaken policy that the misunderstandings and
ill-feeling arose {92} which led ultimately to the rebellion of 1837.
His views were strengthened by the hitherto veiled opinions of most
of the official class in Quebec, and the constant daily machinations
of Ryland, who filled again, as in preceding administrations, the
post of private secretary to the governor, and clerk of the council.
Ryland was certainly not a very suitable secretary for the governor
of a country whose inhabitants were largely French and Catholic. In
one of his letters the secretary wrote that he despised and hated the
Catholic religion, for it degraded and embruted human reason, and
became the curse of every country wherein it existed. His pet
scheme, to which he tried to commit the governor, was to break the
power of the Roman Catholic church by taking away its endowments, and
by making the priesthood dependent on executive authority.
[Sidenote: The newspapers]
Late in 1806 a newspaper named _Le Canadien_ had made its appearance
in Quebec. It was published in French, and bore for its motto: "_Nos
institutions, noire langue, et nos lois._" There was little or no
antagonism between the French and English inhabitants of the province
when it was founded, and its constitution simply claimed the freedom
of British subjects, or in its own language, "_La liberté (d'un
Anglais, qui est à présent cellet d'un Canadien._" The newspaper,
however, appealed to race prejudices. It was the organ of the
majority of the legislative assembly, and claimed for that assembly
{93} a power that was not given to it by the constitution. The
Quebec _Gazette_, the Quebec _Mercury_, and the Montreal _Gazette_
had hitherto been the only newspapers in the province, and the
editors of all had fallen under the displeasure of the assembly,
which had ordered the publisher of the latter to be arrested, while
the editor of the _Mercury_ only escaped incarceration by offering an
apology. The offence was that these journals had censured the vote
of the majority of the popular assembly on a jail tax, which was then
a burning question. It was little wonder that the wrath of the
Gallo-Canadians was roused, for in one of its articles the _Mercury_
thus expressed its opinion: "This province is far too French for a
British colony. Whether we be in a state of peace or war, it is
absolutely necessary that we exert all our efforts, by every avowable
means, to oppose the increase of the French and the augmentation of
their influence. After forty-seven years possession, it is now
fitting that the province become truly British."
Sir James Craig's first duty on his arrival was, of course, to
consider the defence of Canada, for the hostile feeling in the United
States was still growing, and had been increased by the
orders-in-council that England had passed in November in retaliation
for the Berlin decrees. These orders refused to neutrals the right
of trading from one hostile port to another, and bore heavily upon
the profitable carrying trade of the United States.
{94}
Before Sir James Craig's arrival, Brock had petitioned the government
for the means to place the fortifications of Quebec in what he
considered a proper condition. He said he would require from six
hundred to one thousand men every day for six weeks or two months to
complete the defences. From the correspondence it is shown that the
president-in-council considered that embodying the militia according
to law was all that the civil government could undertake to do.
Brock wrote to Colonel Gordon on September 6th, 1807, that he was
expecting hostilities to break out at any moment, and that President
Dunn had taken no precautionary measures except to order one-fifth of
the militia--about ten thousand men--to be in readiness to march on
the shortest notice. In spite of the lack of coöperation on the part
of the government, repairs and additions had been made to the
fortifications under Colonel Brock's superintendence. Amongst other
things, he had caused a battery of eight 36-pounders to be raised
sixteen feet upon the "cavalier" in the centre of the citadel, so as
to command the opposite heights. This was known at first as "Brock's
Battery," but the name was afterwards altered by Sir James Craig to
"King's Battery." "Thinking," as Brock good-humouredly writes to his
brother, "that anything so very preëminent should be distinguished by
the most exalted appellation--the greatest compliment that he could
pay my judgment."
{95}
[Sidenote: Military service]
Volunteering was going on with spirit as the following letter from
Brock to his friend James Cuthbert, of Berthier,[2] shows. He writes
October 12th, 1807:--"You may well suppose that the principal subject
of conversation at headquarters is the military state of the country.
I have been careful, in justice to you, to mention to Sir James Craig
the public spirit you have manifested in forming a company from among
the inhabitants of your seigniory, without the least pecuniary or
other assistance from government. You must be aware that in any
future general arrangement it will become an essential object with
government to secure a more substantial hold on the service of the
{96} men than their mere promise, and as it is intended to give every
possible latitude to their prejudices, and to study in everything
their convenience, it is thought no regulation to that effect can
operate to diminish the number of voluntary offers. As you have been
the first to set such a laudable example, Sir James thinks it but
just that Berthier should take the lead in any new project he may
adopt, and he desires me to ask your opinion in regard to the
following points." Then followed the proposals of government with
regard to arms, clothing and pay, and the rank of the officers.
Before the arrival of Sir James Craig, Brock wrote that voluntary
offers of service had been made by numbers of the inhabitants to form
themselves into corps of cavalry, artillery and infantry, at little
or no expense to government if they were furnished with arms, but
these offers had not been encouraged by President Dunn. The fact
was, as the minutes of council show, there were no means at the
disposal of the executive for equipping, arming, and paying troops.
The militia, when embodied, were entitled to receive the same pay and
allowance as the king's troops. The minute of council reads:--"No
funds for this purpose are at the disposal of the civil government,
but have invariably been provided by the commander-in-chief of the
forces. The civil government is not by law authorized to provide for
the furnishing of carts or horses for works as proposed."
{97}
At this time Lieutenant-Governor Gore had been supplied with four
thousand muskets from the king's arsenal at Quebec, and with various
military stores. This left at Quebec only seven thousand muskets for
the militia of Lower Canada. As to the temper of the militia of the
province, Brock says in a letter to his friend, Colonel Gordon: "The
Canadians have unquestionably shown a great willingness upon this
occasion to be trained, and I make not the least doubt, would oppose
with vigour any invasion of the Americans. How far the same
sentiments would actuate them were a French force to join I will not
undertake to say; at any rate I feel that every consideration of
prudence and policy ought to determine me to keep in Quebec a
sufficient force to secure its safety. The number of troops that
could be detached would be small, notwithstanding a great deal might
be done, in conjunction with the militia, in a country intersected in
every direction by rivers, deep ravines, and lined at intervals on
both sides of the roads by thick woods."
[Sidenote: Volunteers of Glengarry]
Another proposal to raise a volunteer corps among the Scottish
settlers of Glengarry had been made by Colonel John Macdonell. This
was forwarded by Brock to the secretary of state. Brock strongly
advocated the formation of the corps, as he said at that time there
were only three hundred militia trained to arms in both the Canadas.
He also advocated the appointment of the Rev. Alexander {98}
Macdonell as chaplain of the corps. The men were all Highland
Catholics, and were very much attached to him. He had acted as the
chaplain of the Glengarry Fencibles during the rebellion in Ireland
in 1796, who had emigrated to Canada under his leadership in 1803,
and had settled in the eastern district of Upper Canada. Brock
thought the corps would be soon completed and would form a nursery
from which the army might draw a number of hardy recruits. It was
some time, however, before this was done.
At the close of the year 1807, there was a feeling of greater
security in Canada, for public feeling in the states had calmed.
Brock writes on December 13th, to his friend Ross Cuthbert:--"You
will do me the justice to believe that I did not lose a moment in
laying the clear and satisfactory statement you sent me of the
constitution and character of the volunteer company under your
command before the governor. That something will shortly be done
there is no doubt, although the prevailing idea here is against a war
with our neighbours. People imagine the Americans will not dare to
engage in the contest, but as I consider their councils to be
directed solely by French influence, it is impossible to say where it
will lead them."
The French influence feared by Brock was still further to be
exercised the following year, when Napoleon, by every means in his
power, endeavoured to force on a war between the United States and
Great Britain.
[1] Bouchette's "Topography of Canada."
[2] The James Ross Cuthbert of this letter was the son of the Hon.
James Cuthbert who had served in the navy as lieutenant of the
flagship at the siege of Carthagena, in 1721. He afterwards entered
the 42nd Regiment on its formation. He was present in the 15th
Regiment at the capture of Louisbourg and served under Wolfe at
Quebec, carrying to England the despatches of Brigadier-General
Murray to whom he was aide-de-camp.
After the conquest, having left the army and become a settler in
Canada, he was appointed by Lord Dorchester one of the members of the
first legislative council. In the invasion of 1775, he was
particularly active in visiting the American camp at Sorel, was taken
prisoner by the Americans and sent in irons to Albany. During his
absence they burned his manor house and destroyed his property. His
son, James Ross Cuthbert, married an American, a daughter of Doctor
Rush, of Philadelphia. A sister of this lady was married to a
Captain Manners of the 49th.
Brock writes of them both to his sister-in-law in England, begging
her to call on Mrs. Manners, who was then living at Barnet. He says,
"Her sister Mrs. Ross Cuthbert, a charming little creature, makes her
husband, (my most intimate friend and with whom I pass a great part
of my leisure hours) a most happy man."
{99}
CHAPTER IX
AFFAIRS IN EUROPE, 1808
Early in 1808, Colonel Brock left Quebec to take command in Montreal.
Shortly afterwards he was appointed acting brigadier-general by Sir
James Craig, an appointment which was confirmed in September. In a
letter to his brother, Brock wrote that, although General Ferguson
had been newly appointed major-general, he thought he would not
likely come, as was intended, to Canada, but that he (Brock) would
succeed him both in rank and command at Quebec. Montreal, in 1808,
was both a lively and a hospitable place. The magnates of the
North-West Company were established there, and entertained with a
lavishness that was not to be found elsewhere. The fame of the
Beaver Club has remained unrivalled in Canada.
Montreal, the old Ville Marie, once the fortified Indian stronghold
of Hochelaga, was founded in 1642 by Maisonneuve. Soon afterwards
the hospital or Hôtel Dieu was established by Madame de Bouillon, and
in 1650, the cathedral of Notre Dame was founded by Marguerite de
Bourgeois. Montreal can therefore claim an antiquity almost equal to
that of Quebec.
For more than fifty years a struggle continued {100} between the
French settlers and their Indian foes. At one most critical time in
1660, the whole island, up to the palisades that surrounded the town,
was swept by war parties, and only the sacrifice of Dollard
(sometimes called Daulac) and his seventeen associates, saved the
place. In 1665 the Marquis de Tracy arrived with the Carignan
Regiment and established forts at Ste. Thérèse, Sorel, and Chambly,
naming the two latter places after officers in his regiment.
Montreal soon became the centre of the great fur trade with the
North-West. Unlike its sister city, Quebec, whose narrow, steep
streets with the bristling fortifications that towered above, kept
the characteristics of a century before, Montreal, by 1808, had
already put on the appearance of a modern town. The old wall that
had once surrounded it had been removed in 1801. On the banks of the
river St. Lawrence, which flowed around it, were fine warehouses in
which were stored the costly skins destined for the markets of
Frankfort and St. Petersburg. There were colleges and churches and
taverns, too, of no mean repute, and scattered here and there were
the fine mansions and spacious gardens of the "Lords of the North."
Here lived James McGill, to whom the Montreal of to-day owes its
famous university. He had a beautiful house on the slope of Mount
Royal, which he bequeathed with an endowment of ten thousand pounds
to trustees for the purpose of {101} establishing an English
college--the first in Canada. Here also lived William McGillivray
and Simon McTavish, whose names are familiar in the annals of the
"great company."
[Sidenote: Brock at Montreal]
Brock was quartered at the Château de Ramezay, then much out of
repair. When Montreal was occupied by the Americans in 1776, this
had been the headquarters of the leaders of the invasion. Benjamin
Franklin, Bishop Carroll, and Mr. Chase, when they came from congress
on their mission to the French Canadians, had also been sheltered by
its walls.
General Brock, with the _bonhomie_ that was natural to him, seems to
have entered very heartily into the gaieties of the place. His
friend, Colonel Thornton, writes to him from Quebec, "You ought never
to feel uneasy about your friends, for in your kindness and
hospitality no want of comfort can ever be felt by them; in this I am
fully supported by all the accounts from Montreal."
News came at this time that Sir George Prevost had been appointed
lieutenant-governor of Nova Scotia, and had also been made second in
command to Sir James Craig in North America. He arrived in Halifax
in January, 1808, bringing with him the 7th, 8th, and 23rd Regiments
of Foot.
During this year there seems to have been very little correspondence
between General Brock and his family. He complains to one of his
brothers that although he had written to all of them since {102}
navigation opened, he had heard only from Irving, "who, to do him
justice, is the most attentive and regular correspondent amongst
you." It was not always the fault of the correspondents that letters
from England were so few and far between, for each vessel now on the
high seas was liable to capture, and sometimes even when the coveted
mail did arrive, an accident, such as the upsetting of a canoe, would
deprive the colony of the longed-for home news. Official letters
from England by way of Halifax and Quebec took four and sometimes six
months to reach Toronto. There was only irregular communication
between that place and Montreal, and it took a month--sometimes
longer--for the carriage of letters.
Brock, in his letter, tells his brother that he is getting on pretty
well at Montreal, although "the place in summer loses the advantage
it had over Quebec in winter." One thing he rejoices in--"not a
desertion for sixteen months in the 49th, except Hogan, Savery's
former servant. He was servant to Major Glegg, at Niagara, when a
fair damsel persuaded him to this act of madness."
Brock writes in July from Montreal to his friend Cuthbert as to the
equipment of the volunteer force he had raised: "Be assured the
general has very substantial reasons for objecting to any issue of
arms at this time. Were your corps the sole consideration, be
satisfied he would not hesitate a moment, but he cannot show you such
marked {103} preference without exciting a degree of jealousy which
might occasion unpleasant discussions. I am sorry you have deprived
yourself of the very handsome dagger your partiality induced you to
send me. No such proof was needed to convince me of your friendship.
We have not a word of intelligence here more than what the Quebec
papers give. The Americans appear to me to be placed in a curious
and ridiculous predicament. War with that republic is now out of the
question, and I trust we shall consider well before we admit them as
allies."
[Sidenote: Sir James Craig]
A letter from Sir James Craig to Lord Castlereagh, of August 4th,
gives the possible reason why he delayed equipping Cuthbert's
company, and shows that the prejudices he had formed thirty years
before were still strong. He says: "The militia have hitherto been
only contemplated in theory, except in the town of Quebec. Lord
Dorchester could not assemble any in 1775. In the following year I
commanded the largest body ever brought together, but I was then in
pursuit of a flying enemy. Since then no attempt to assemble them
has been made. The Canadians of to-day are not warlike; they like to
make a boast of their militia service, but all dislike the
subordination and constraint. If the seigneurs possessed their old
influence it might be different. Lawyers and notaries have now
sprung into notice, and with them insubordination. The members
returned to the new House consist of fifteen lawyers, fourteen
farmers, and {104} only seven seigneurs. In the event of having to
contend with a French force no help is to be expected from this
province. On the contrary, arms in their hands would be dangerous.
They are French at heart yet."
From the time of his arrival Sir James Craig was possessed with the
idea that the French Canadians, their leaders especially, were
hostile to British suzerainty, and were to be distrusted in all
things. At his elbow was the partisan secretary, always magnifying
local disputes, and increasing his suspicion of hidden conspiracies.
However, at the opening of parliament in January, 1808, the
governor's address was conciliatory. He spoke warmly of the zeal and
the loyalty of the militia, and said that all appearances gave
promise that if the colony were attacked it would be defended in such
a manner "as was to be expected of a brave race who fight for all
that is dear to it." The session was taken up with the question of
Jews and judges sitting in parliament. A resolution was passed
excluding the former, and by a vote of twenty-two to two the assembly
passed a bill excluding judges as well. This bill was rejected by
the legislative council, and a hostile feeling arose between the
governor and the assembly, whose speaker, M. Panet, he looked on with
special aversion as a shareholder in _Le Canadien_.
[Sidenote: The dismissals]
The first session of Sir James Craig's administration was the last of
the fourth parliament, and a {105} new election took place in May.
Shortly afterwards the governor took the impolitic step of dismissing
from the militia Lieutenant-Colonel Panet (the speaker), Captains
Bédard and Taschereau, Lieutenant Borgia and Surgeon Blanchet. The
letter of dismissal to each, signed by H. W. Ryland, stated that the
reason of the dismissal was that His Excellency could place no
confidence in the services of a person whom he had good ground for
considering as one of the proprietors of a seditious and libellous
publication.
As to the opinion expressed by Brock in his letter of July, 1808,
that war with the United States was now out of the question, it may
be well to glance at the condition of affairs in Europe, and to find
out what had produced the change of feeling in America. Russia, in
1807, had vainly struggled to free herself from the power of France,
but after an unsuccessful campaign had concluded the Treaty of Tilsit
with Napoleon. By its secret articles France allowed Russia to take
Finland from Sweden, and Russia, on her part, promised to close her
ports against British vessels. Napoleon's Berlin decrees had not
really gone into force until the summer of 1807, when he ordered them
to be executed in Holland, and in August a general seizure of
neutrals took place at Amsterdam. From that time trade with the
continent ceased. The seizure of their vessels had been a severe
blow to the United States, and had roused in that country a feeling
of {106} distrust in Napoleon's friendship. Then followed the
British orders-in-council, by which all neutral trade was prohibited
from Copenhagen to Trieste. No American vessel was to enter any port
of Europe from which the British were excluded, unless it had first
cleared from a British port. Truly, neutrals were in a very
difficult position.
In July, 1807, England sent a large naval expedition to Copenhagen
under command of Lord Gambier, with transports containing
twenty-seven thousand troops under Lord Cathcart. This expedition
was sent with a peremptory request to the Prince Regent to deliver up
the Danish fleet. From September 1st to the 5th, Copenhagen was
bombarded. Scarcely any resistance was offered, and the fleet was
surrendered, while Danish merchant vessels worth ten millions of
dollars were confiscated. These arbitrary measures were taken in
order to protect British trade and to defeat the designs of Napoleon
to form a powerful navy. In consequence, the Russian fleet was shut
up at Cronstadt, and the Baltic remained under the control of Great
Britain. The naval combination carefully prepared by Napoleon in the
Treaty of Tilsit utterly failed.
[Sidenote: Napoleon's activity]
Late in 1807, Napoleon had stripped the elector of Hesse Cassel of
his dominions on the plea that he had not joined him in the war
against Prussia, and had done the same to the Duke of Brunswick on
the ground that the duke had joined Prussia against him. Out of
these domains the arch dictator {107} had created the kingdom of
Westphalia, and had bestowed it upon his brother, Jerome Bonaparte.
Soon after, because the Prince Regent of Portugal had refused to
enforce the Berlin decrees against England, Napoleon sent Junot with
thirty thousand men to take possession of Portugal, and announced in
the _Moniteur_ that the House of Braganza had ceased to reign in
Europe. Junot entered Lisbon without opposition, to find that the
Prince Regent and the court had embarked for Brazil, taking with them
the ships that Napoleon coveted.
Then Tuscany was seized and added to France, and the Pope was ordered
to declare war against England. Having refused to do this on the
plea that he was a sovereign of peace, the French general, by
Napoleon's orders, entered Rome in February, 1808, occupied the
Castle St. Angelo, and took the papal troops under his own command.
Napoleon's next move was against Spain. The government there was in
a most corrupt state, but up to this time the country had been the
humble and submissive ally of France. Napoleon, still in the guise
of friendship, took possession of her strongest fortresses, and
having by a ruse got the king and queen and the heir Ferdinand into
his power at Bayonne, he induced the old King Carlos IV. to resign
his Crown in favour "of his friend and ally the Emperor of the
French."
Napoleon then issued a decree appointing "his {108} dearly beloved
brother Joseph, King of Naples and Sicily, to the Crowns of Spain and
the Indies." By another decree he bestowed the vacant Crown of
Naples and Sicily on his "dearly beloved cousin, Joachim Murat."
Thus having distributed the Crowns of Europe he turned his attention
with redoubled energy to the humbling of his great enemy, England.
"Great Britain shall be destroyed," he said at Fontainebleau, "I have
the means of doing it and they shall be employed."
In the United States, President Jefferson had determined on a scheme
of non-intercourse and had laid an embargo on American shipping.
"The whole world," he said, "is laid under an interdict by these two
nations (England and France) and our vessels, their cargoes and
crews, are to be taken by one or the other, for whatever place they
may be destined out of our limits. If, therefore, on leaving our
harbours we are certain to lose them, is it not better for vessels,
cargoes and seamen to keep them at home?" Gallatin, secretary of the
navy, wished to limit the duration of the embargo, as he said he
preferred war to a permanent embargo, but Jefferson was obstinate and
said it should continue until the return of peace in Europe. He had
not counted the cost.
[Sidenote: Effect of embargo]
The embargo continued in force all through 1808 in spite of its
extreme unpopularity throughout the United States. As a substitute
for war it proved a failure. By it every citizen was tempted to
evade {109} or defy the law. "It made men smugglers or traitors but
not a single hero."
The embargo reacted in favour of the British provinces in America,
partly by calling forth the energies of the population and making
them acquainted with their own resources, and partly by means of the
indirect trade that was carried on from Eastport in Maine, across the
border, and by way of Lake Champlain and the St. Lawrence. In order
to avoid the embargo on the coasts, goods were smuggled over the
frontier to be sent to the West Indies and Halifax. In spite of new
regulations and restrictions put forth by the American government,
smuggling flourished. Craft of all sorts and sizes crowded the river
St. Lawrence, and Canadian merchants prospered. Immense rafts were
collected near the boundary line on Lake Champlain. These rafts were
said to be loaded with the surplus products of Vermont for a year,
consisting of wheat, potash, pork and beef. The coasting vessels,
which were the means of commerce between the states, used to try to
evade the law by putting into some port in Nova Scotia or the West
Indies on pretence of stress of weather, and then leaving their cargo.
Fresh and stricter regulations were now made. At first the embargo
was not felt in the United States, but when supplies were consumed
the outcry against it became violent. As the year went on it was
found to have paralyzed the country. A {110} reign of idleness was
established, demoralizing to everybody. A traveller (Lambert) writes
that the harbour of New York was full of shipping, but the ships were
dismantled and laid up. "Not a box or a bale to be seen on the
wharves. Counting-houses all shut up, and merchants, clerks, porters
and labourers walking about with their hands in their pockets."
New England was in a worse plight. The people believed that
Jefferson was sold to France. Wheat in the Middle States fell from
two dollars to seventy-five cents a bushel. The chief burden however
fell on the Southern States, especially on Jefferson's own
state--Virginia. Tobacco there was worthless. Planters were
beggared. The country was deprived of tea, coffee, sugar, salt,
molasses and rum.
During 1808, the feeling in the country against France became
stronger. By Napoleon's Milan decree, which reached America in
March, "every ship which should have been searched by a British
vessel, or should have paid any duty to the British government, or
should come from or be destined to any port in the British
possessions in any part of the world should be good prize." It was
after the Milan decree that the question was mooted in the United
States of an alliance with England, and it was announced by Secretary
Madison that an order had been issued to discharge all British
subjects from national ships. The non-intercourse and embargo had
done England immense harm and were {111} working havoc among certain
classes of the population. The artizans of Staffordshire, Lancashire
and Yorkshire were reduced to the verge of famine, while quantities
of sugar, coffee, etc., overfilled the warehouses of London. Under
the orders-in-council the whole produce of the West Indies, shut out
from Europe by Napoleon's decrees, and from America by the embargo,
came to England, until the market was overstocked. English merchants
sent their goods to Brazil until the beach at Rio de Janeiro was
covered with property perishing for want of buyers and warehouses.
[Sidenote: The war of trade]
While this war of trade was going on, Napoleon, by every means in his
power, by taunts, and threats, and cajolery, was trying to force
America into a declaration of war against England. He said, "The
United States, more than any other power, have to complain of the
aggressions of England. In the situation in which England has placed
the continent, His Majesty has no doubt of a declaration of war
against her by the United States." He wrote to his secretary of war,
Champagny, "In my mind, I regard war as declared between England and
America from the day when England published her decrees." Again he
wrote, "Let the American minister know verbally that whenever war
shall be declared with England, and whenever, in consequence, the
Americans shall send troops into the Floridas to help the Spaniards
and repulse the English, I shall much approve of it. You will even
{112} let him perceive that in case America shall be disposed to
enter into a treaty of alliance and make common cause with me, I
shall not be unwilling to intercede with the court of Spain to obtain
the cession of these same Floridas in favour of the Americans." So
the tempting bait of Florida was held dangling before Jefferson,
whose cherished hope it was to see that territory added to the United
States.
General Armstrong, the American minister in Paris, does not seem to
have been deceived by Napoleon's manoeuvres. He writes: "With one
hand they offer us the blessing of equal alliance, with the other
they menace us with war if we do not accept the kindness, and with
both they pick our pockets with all imaginable dexterity, diligence,
and impudence."
Napoleon during this year (1808) was not having the success in Spain
that he had expected. A patriot party had arisen there, aided by
English troops and gold, and had driven Joseph Bonaparte from his
ill-gotten throne. Arthur Wellesley had landed, and at the battle of
Vimiera, on August 21st, had defeated Junot, who at Cintra consented
to evacuate Portugal on the consideration that his army of twenty-two
thousand men should be conveyed by sea to France. In August, also,
news came to the emperor that General Dupont's army had been captured
by the Spaniards, and eighty thousand French troops were thrown back
on the Pyrenees. Napoleon was stung {113} to anger at this
ill-success, and in September sent a fresh army of two hundred and
fifty thousand men across the mountains, and announced that he
himself was departing in a few days in order to crown Joseph as king
of Spain in Madrid, and to plant his eagles on the fort of Lisbon.
It was not the probable loss of Spain and Portugal that he cared for
then, but the loss of their fleets that were to have given France the
supremacy of the ocean.
Napoleon left Paris October 29th, 1808, and in November began his
campaign. He occupied Madrid on December 4th, and learned that Sir
John Moore had marched from Portugal to the north of Spain. He then
hurried over the mountains to cut off his retreat, but was
out-generalled. Moore escaped to his fleet, and Napoleon, in
January, 1809, leaving Soult to march to Corunna, abandoned Spain
forever.
[Sidenote: The repeal of embargo]
England at this time was defiant, and fondly hoped that the power of
the devastator of Europe was on the wane. She passed a new
order-in-council in December, doing away with export duties on
foreign articles passing through England. It was her object now to
encourage Americans to evade the embargo by running produce to the
West Indies or South America. England had to feed her own armies in
Spain, and the Spanish patriots also, and did not want to tax
American wheat or salt pork on their way there. By the end of 1808
the embargo was so unpopular in America {114} that its repeal was
decided on. Jefferson wished to be spared the humiliation of signing
the repeal, and hoped that it would continue in force until June,
1809, when the new president, James Madison, would be in power, but
public opinion was too strong, and its withdrawal was signed as the
last act of his administration.
{115}
CHAPTER X
POLITICS IN QUEBEC
In September, 1808, Brock was superseded in his command at Montreal
by Major-General Drummond, and returned to Quebec. He did not like
being separated from the 49th, but, as he remarks, "soldiers must
accustom themselves to frequent movements, and as they have no choice
it often happens they are placed in situations little agreeing with
their inclinations." His appointment as brigadier was confirmed, but
he writes, "if the 49th are ordered away my rank will not be an
inducement to keep me in the Canadas." As to the embargo, he says,
"it has proved a famous harvest to merchants. It was evidently
adopted with the idea of pleasing France, but no half measures can
satisfy Napoleon, and this colony has been raised by it to a degree
of importance that ensures its future prosperity." Sir James Craig,
in his speech at the opening of parliament, referred to the embargo
as having had the effect of calling forth the energies of the
population of Canada, adding that it had made the country acquainted
with its resources.
It was in April, 1809, that the new House met, and the speaker was
again M. Panet, who, although defeated for Quebec, had been elected
{116} member for Huntingdon. Much to everybody's surprise, the
governor ratified the appointment. There were fourteen members of
British origin in the assembly, while thirty-six were French
Canadians, and again the question of judges and Jews having seats in
the assembly was discussed with much warmth. In the midst of the
debate, when a resolution had been passed excluding Jews, and a bill
for the disqualification of judges had been read a first time, the
governor suddenly appeared upon the scene, and stated his intention
of proroguing and dissolving the House. He reproved the members for
having wasted their time in frivolous debates, and while reproving
them he took occasion to thank the legislative council for their zeal
and unanimity. The session had lasted just thirty-six days.
[Sidenote: The Quebec Assembly]
The governor afterwards visited several of the principal places in
the province, where he was received with effusion by the
anti-Canadian party. The Quebec _Mercury_, alluding to the conduct
of the assembly in persisting in its action against the judges, said:
"The conduct of a conquered people, lifted by their victors from the
depths of misery to the height of prosperity, and to whom has been
extended every species of indulgence, is not such as might have been
expected at their hands." _Le Canadien_ naturally justified the
opinion of the majority of the House, and quoted Blackstone, Locke,
and other British authorities as to the rights {117} of parliament.
The editor of the _Journal_ wrote: "The king's representative has
power by law to dissolve the House when he thinks fit to do so, but
he has no right whatever to make abusive remarks such as his harangue
contained upon the action of the legislature--a body which is
absolutely independent of his authority." So the little rift grew
wider every day. The governor fondly hoped that the new elections
would give a different complexion to the House, but in this he was
disappointed. It was even more strongly opposed to his party than
the former one, and included among the new members M. Louis-Joseph
Papineau, then a student of twenty, who, in after years, was destined
to take a very prominent part in the long struggle between the
assembly and the legislative council.
In the meantime, before the new House met, the British ministry had
sent instructions to Sir James Craig as to the ineligibility of
judges to sit in parliament, and directed him to sanction the bill
excluding them.
The year 1809 saw Napoleon's waning star once more in the ascendant.
Austria had risen against him, only to be defeated, and on May 10th
the victor had entered Vienna in triumph. Then followed the battle
of Wagram on July 6th, which was a crushing blow to the Austrian army
under the command of the Archduke Charles. An armistice was signed
on the 12th, and on October 24th, by a treaty of peace, Austria ceded
all her sea-coast to {118} France. The news of Napoleon's successes
aroused England to fresh exertions. Canning, the war minister,
increased the army to five hundred thousand men. The regulars were
fed by volunteers from the militia. The militia was kept up by
voluntary recruiting and by ballot. Sir Arthur Wellesley, who had
returned to England after Cintra, was again sent out after the death
of Moore at Corunna, at the head of a much better army than he had
had the year before, to match his strength against Generals Soult and
Massena. There was a scarcity, though, of transport, supplies, and
specie. England was drained of gold to supply the needs of her army
in the Peninsula, and to assist the Spanish patriots in their
struggle against France.
[Sidenote: Walcheren, Talavera]
There was little chance for Canada's needs to be attended to in this
great crisis. Sir James Craig in February asked the home government
for a reinforcement of twelve thousand troops, with the necessary
camp equipage, two thousand to be stationed in the citadel at Quebec,
two thousand in Upper Canada, and eight thousand for an active field
force. This was his estimate of what he considered necessary for the
proper defence of the country. His request arrived at a time when
the cabinet was rent asunder by dissensions. The Duke of Portland,
the nominal leader, was powerless. Castlereagh and Canning were at
war. Both hated Perceval. Castlereagh was bent on sending troops to
the Scheldt to take Flushing and Antwerp, {119} where Napoleon was
building a fleet. Canning wanted troops only for the Peninsula. The
former had his way, and the ill-fated Walcheren expedition was
undertaken. Forty thousand troops were sent against Antwerp, with
thirty-three sail of the line, besides frigates. Flushing was
besieged, but Antwerp, being reinforced and strengthened, was
impregnable. Disputes arose between Lord Chatham, who was the
commander-in-chief, and Admiral Sir Richard Strachan. By September
the siege was given up, and fifteen thousand men were sent to the
island of Walcheren. A plague of fever attacked them there, and the
whole expedition turned out a failure. The result was the breaking
up of the Portland ministry, and the retirement of Castlereagh under
a cloud. No wonder was it under these circumstances that Sir James
Craig's request was ignored, and no troops were available for Canada.
Sir Arthur Wellesley alone was holding up abroad the honour and fame
of England. He drove Marshal Soult out of Portugal, marched up the
valley of the Tagus, caused Joseph Bonaparte to fly a second time
from Madrid, and, on July 28th, 1809, fought and won the desperate
battle of Talavera. For these services the brilliant soldier was
rewarded by the title of Viscount Wellington of Talavera.
Public opinion in England was so occupied with affairs in the
Peninsula and political dissensions at home that it did not concern
itself with distant Canada, or even with the standing quarrel with
the {120} United States. The new president, James Madison, while
removing the embargo, still held to non-intercourse with France and
England, their colonies or dependencies. The Non-Intercourse Bill,
brought in by the committee on foreign relations and passed by
congress, excluded all public and private vessels of France and
England from American waters, and forbade, under severe penalties,
the importation of British or French goods. It was at this time that
one John Henry, was sent by Ryland, on behalf of the governor-general
of Canada, into the New England States to report on the state of
public opinion there with regard to internal politics and the
probability of war. It was supposed then that the Federalists of
Massachusetts, rather than submit to the difficulties they were
subjected to, would bring about a separation from the union. Henry's
letters, unimportant in themselves, afterwards came into the
possession of the government of the United States, and were made use
of to foment the war feeling of 1812.
[Sidenote: New order-in-council]
Early in 1809 Canning had sent instructions to the British minister
in Washington, Mr. Erskine, to offer to withdraw the
orders-in-council on certain conditions. The minister exceeded his
instructions, and announced in April that the orders of 1807 would be
withdrawn, in respect to the United States, on June 10th. There was
universal joy and satisfaction throughout that country at the
resumption of trade. A thousand ships {121} hurried out of the
harbours laden with merchandise for British ports. The French
minister at Washington remonstrated at the hasty belief in promises,
and it was soon found that the announcement was premature. The
conditions attached to the withdrawal had not been insisted upon by
the English envoy, and on the very day, June 10th, that the
revocation of the order was arranged for, it was learned in America
that on April 26th another order-in-council had been passed by
England establishing a strict blockade of the ports of Holland,
France, and Italy.[1] British merchants, frightened at the prospect
of free entrance of American ships to the Baltic, had crowded the
board of trade protesting that if American vessels with cheaper
sugar, cotton, and coffee were allowed into Amsterdam and Antwerp,
British trade was at an end. Their warehouses were stuffed full, and
they could not stand American competition and the resulting fall in
prices. Relations with the United States were more strained than
ever. Smuggling during these years of restriction seems to have
flourished everywhere, and the island of Heligoland was the chief
depot for English traders in the Baltic.
Much as they hated the English orders-in-council, Americans, on the
other hand, were awaking to the knowledge that Napoleon's friendship
{122} was a hollow mockery. He was no longer the champion of
republics, for he was an emperor surrounded by an aristocracy on whom
he had conferred hereditary titles. He had seized American ships on
the high seas on the pretext that they had British merchandise on
board. By his Bayonne decree, he had sequestered all American
vessels arriving in France, or in any port within the military
contest, subsequent to the embargo, as British property or under
British protection. When Louis of Holland refused to seize American
ships at Amsterdam, Napoleon came to the conclusion that the former
must abdicate and Holland be annexed to France. It was calculated
that by the seizures in Amsterdam, Antwerp, Spain, France, Denmark,
Hamburg, Italy and Naples, more than ten millions of dollars had been
added to the revenues of France. Twenty years afterwards the United
States received five million dollars as indemnity.
Mr. Erskine, after his indiscreet proclamation, had been recalled
from Washington, and Mr. Francis Jackson had been sent there instead,
but was but coolly received in Washington. In England this year,
chaos reigned in politics. Mr. Perceval had succeeded the Duke of
Portland, while Canning's place at the foreign office had been taken
by the Marquis of Wellesley, who was scarcely on speaking terms with
the first minister. Lords Liverpool, Bathurst, and Eldon were the
other prominent members of the cabinet, and the young Viscount {123}
Palmerston became secretary of war. News from the Peninsula was not
encouraging. Napoleon's armies were subduing Spain, while Wellington
had retreated into Portugal. With defeat abroad and ruin at home,
the prospects of England were extremely dark.
[Sidenote: Dull days]
To return to Canada and General Brock--the letters of 1808-9 that
have been preserved show his intense longing for service in Europe.
His younger brother, Savery, had been with Moore in Spain, and his
letters from there were eagerly looked forward to by his brother
Isaac, who could scarcely bear in patience the inactive life he was
forced to lead. He was ill and out of sorts. He writes of bad
weather and heavy gales, that the frigate _Iphigenie_ could scarcely
have cleared the land, and that there were apprehensions for her
safety. Her commander, Captain Lambert, had been in Quebec, and
Brock writes: "I found him an exceedingly good fellow, and I have
reason to think he is well satisfied with the attention he received
from me." This was the Captain Lambert who was mortally wounded in
December, 1812, while in command of the _Java_ when it was captured
by the American frigate _Constitution_.
Colonel Baron de Rottenburg, of the 60th, was now expected in Canada
as a brigadier, and Brock thought his appointment would mean a change
for him, as one or the other would have to go to the Upper Province,
and de Rottenburg, being the senior, {124} would have the choice.
There seemed but little chance for Brock, much as he wished it, to
return to Europe, while affairs with the United States were so
unsettled. In his letter to his brother, he says: "I rejoice Savery
has begun to exert himself to get me appointed to a more active
situation. I must see service, or I may as well, or indeed much
better, quit the army at once, for not one advantage can I reasonably
look for hereafter if I remain buried in this inactive remote corner.
Should Sir James Saumarez return from the Baltic crowned with
success, he could, I should think, say a good word for me to some
purpose." Sir Thomas Saumarez, a brother of Sir James (Admiral Lord
de Saumarez), had, in 1787, married Harriet, daughter of William
Brock of Guernsey. One of Brock's _confrères_ is mentioned in this
letter as having just recovered from a severe illness. This was
Colonel Vincent of the 49th, a soldier who was destined to take a
very active part in the coming war. Vincent entered the army in
1781, served like Brock in the West Indies, and was also with him in
the expedition to Copenhagen under Sir Hyde Parker.
In December, 1809, Brock writes to his brother William of the
imminence of the war with the United States, and says: "Whatever
steps England may adopt, I think she cannot in prudence avoid sending
a strong military force to these provinces, as they are now become of
infinite importance to her. You cannot conceive the quantities of
timber {125} and spars of all kinds which are lying on the beach
ready for shipment to England in the spring. Four hundred vessels
would not be sufficient to take all away. Whence will England be
supplied with these essential articles but from the Canadas?"
[Sidenote: Progress of Canada]
Brock had now been seven years in Canada, and had had an opportunity
of witnessing the wonderful progress the country had made during
those years. Formerly lumber for the use of the province had come
chiefly from Vermont, but from 1806 the lumber trade in Canada had
immensely increased, and attention was being given to its
development. The condition of the Baltic had stopped supplies being
sent from there, and had given an impetus to the trade in Canada. No
one realized then the dimensions to which it was to grow.
Shipbuilding, too, had increased. Hitherto the fur trade with the
Indians had been the principal source of wealth in Canada, but now
its illimitable forests were to be utilized. One evidence of its
prosperity was the increased importation of British manufactures.
Comforts and luxuries were finding their way into the homes of the
settlers. Roads were being built in all directions, and Sir James
Craig made use of military labour in their construction. By the
building of these roads provisions in the towns became more plentiful
and cheaper.
As to the French question in Canada, which was just then troubling
the minds of the governor and his council, Brock believed that
Napoleon coveted {126} the ancient possessions of France, and that he
could, with a small French force of four or five thousand men, with
plenty of muskets, conquer the province. He thought the French
Canadians would join them almost to a man, and he believed that if
Englishmen were placed in the same situation they would show even
more impatience to escape from French rule. He wrote in December:
"The idea prevails that Napoleon must succeed, and ultimately get
possession of these provinces. The bold and violent are becoming
more audacious. The timid think it prudent to withdraw from the
society of the English. Little intercourse exists between the two
races. The governor, next month, will have a difficult card to play
with the assembly, which is really getting too daring and arrogant."
[Sidenote: A wrathful governor]
It was in January, 1810, that the new House met, and the governor
opened it with a long address, referring to European affairs, to the
capture of Martinique, in which Sir George Prevost had taken part,
and to the threatened war with the United States. He also announced
that he was ready by His Majesty's pleasure to give his assent to the
bill as to the inelegibility of judges having seats in the assembly.
At that time Judge de Bonne was the member for the Upper Town of
Quebec. The assembly brought in the bill, but it was amended by the
Upper House by a clause that it should only come into effect at the
end of the session. The assembly was defiant, and passed a {127}
resolution that de Bonne, being a judge, should not vote. This was
carried. The governor, accustomed to camps and ready obedience to
his orders, could not brook the insubordination of his members, and
with soldier-like promptness came down and prorogued the House, and
told the members he meant to appeal to the people and have a new
election. In dismissing them Sir James Craig lamented the measure
that excluded men from the House who were so eminently fitted for it
as were the judges. The governor was well received at his entrance
and departure from the council chamber, and addresses of approval
were sent him from many places. It was thought that the assembly was
trying to assume too much power.
If Sir James Craig had done no more than this, the flame that he had
kindled among the French Canadians might soon have been extinguished.
He, however, proceeded to stronger measures. Because _Le Canadien_
continued to publish what he considered inflammatory articles,
criticizing his conduct and that of the executive, he sent, on March
17th, a party of troops with a magistrate and two constables to its
office, seized the press, and committed the printers to gaol. The
city was then put under military patrol, as if a rising were
contemplated. After an examination of the papers found on the
premises, Messrs. Bédard, Blanchet, and Taschereau were arrested on a
warrant under the act for the better preservation of His Majesty's
{128} government. There were three other arrests made in the
Montreal district--Laforce, Pierre Papineau (of Chambly), and
Corbeil. Then the governor issued a long proclamation, which ended
with a caution not to listen to the artful suggestions of designing
and wicked men, who, by the spreading of false reports and by
seditious and traitorous writing, ascribed to His Majesty's
government evil and malicious purposes. There was a pathetic touch
given to this proclamation by its closing words: "Is it for myself,
then, I should oppress you? For what should I oppress you? Is it
from ambition? What can you give me? Alas! my good friends, with a
life ebbing not slowly to its close, under the pressure of disease
acquired in the service of my country, I look only to pass what it
may please God to suffer to remain of it, in the comfort of
retirement among my friends. I remain amongst you only in obedience
to the command of my king."
Blanchet and Taschereau were discharged from prison in July, as they
pleaded ill-health. The printer was also discharged, and the men
from Montreal, but Bédard, an influential and eloquent member of the
assembly, declined to be liberated without having been brought to
trial. He said that he had done nothing wrong, that he did not care
how long he was kept in prison, and applied for a writ of _habeas
corpus_. This was all very embarrassing to the government, who would
have much preferred to release him. Many petitions were sent {129}
in on his behalf, and the governor at last sent for Bédard's brother,
a priest, saying that he would consent to his being set free if he
would not resume his attempts to disturb public tranquillity. Bédard
sent his thanks, and said that if any man could convince him that he
had been at fault it was the governor, but as that conviction must
arise in his own mind he must be content to submit to his fate. So
he remained in gaol.
[Sidenote: Le Canadien]
Sir James Craig now determined to send an agent to London to propose
certain changes in the constitution by which the power of the Crown
would be increased. He also wished to obtain the approval of the
home government as to the suppression of _Le Canadien_, and the
arrest of the members of its staff. Mr. Ryland was selected as the
messenger. He arrived in London in August, 1810.
In the previous May the governor, in his despatch to the home
government, said that the French and the English did not hold any
intercourse; that among the Canadian community the name of Britain
was held in contempt; that the Canadians were sunk in gross
ignorance; that they were drunken, saucy to their betters, and
cowards in battle; and as for their religion, the Catholic clergy
ought to be put under the Anglican hierarchy; their peculiar faith
made them enemies of Britain and friendly to France--yes, even to
Bonaparte himself, since the Concordat. Sir James then {130} praised
his legislative council, whom he described as composed of the most
respectable personages in the colony, while, on the contrary, the
assembly was made up of very ignorant individuals, incapable of
discussing rationally a subject of any import. He also informed the
government that the anti-British party was becoming more audacious in
consequence of Napoleon's successes in Europe, and that its members
were doing all they could to bring about the loss of Canada to Great
Britain.
[1] An order-in-council was, however, passed, protecting for a
limited time those United States vessels which had sailed, believing
the orders were rescinded.
{131}
CHAPTER XI
QUEBEC AND NIAGARA
In July, 1810, Brock was still in Quebec. He writes from there to
his brother Irving, thanking him for executing some commissions for
him in London. All had arrived safely with the exception of "a
cocked hat," and not receiving it was a most distressing
circumstance, "as," he added, "from the enormity of my head I find
the utmost difficulty in getting a substitute in this country."
General Brock was most anxious to go to England, but had almost given
up the thought. Several events of a disturbing nature had occurred
in the upper country, and it was agreed that he should be sent there,
whether temporarily or permanently it was not decided. If a senior
brigadier should come out he would certainly himself be fixed in
Upper Canada. With a little bitterness, not often noticed in his
correspondence, he writes: "Since all my efforts to get more actively
employed have failed; since fate decrees that the best portion of my
life is to be wasted in inaction in the Canadas, I am rather pleased
with the prospect of removing upwards." He writes in his letter of
July 10th that three hundred vessels have already arrived in Quebec.
A Guernsey vessel had come, bringing, much {132} to his delight,
letters from his brother Savery, who, after Sir John Moore's death,
had returned home. The May fleet which had arrived from Portsmouth
in thirty days (a very quick passage) had brought nothing for
him--"not the scrape of a pen." His brother Irving was then in
London, writing political pamphlets, which seem to have pleased his
brother very much. He writes: "You have taken a very proper view of
the political discussions which at this moment disgrace England....
Those to whom I have allowed a perusal, and who are infinitely better
judges than I can be, speak of the purity of the language in terms of
high approbation. I am all anxiety for your literary fame."
Quebec seems to have been particularly gay at this time, in spite of
wrangles with the governor on the part of some of the inhabitants.
Two frigates were at anchor in the harbour, and the arrival of
Lieutenant-Governor Gore and his wife from the Upper Province had
given a zest to the gaiety. There were races and country and water
parties, a continual round of festivity. Brock remarks: "Such
stimulus is necessary to keep our spirits afloat. I wish I could
boast a little more patience." We read that General Brock
contributed to the festivities by giving a grand dinner in honour of
Mrs. Gore, at which Sir James Craig was present; and also a ball to a
"vast assemblage" of the _beau monde_ of the place.
In the midst of the gaiety he received his orders {133} to depart for
the Upper Province, to remain there if another brigadier should
arrive in Quebec. He was puzzled what to do with his possessions.
If he left them behind he would be miserably off, as he wrote:
"Nothing but eatables can be obtained there, and the expense will be
ruinous if I move everything and then am ordered back. But I must
submit to all without repining, and since I cannot get to Europe I
care little where I am placed. I leave the most delightful garden
imaginable, with abundance of melons and other good things."
He found time before he left to do an act of kindness to one of the
soldiers of the 49th, an act so natural in him to those who served
under him. He writes: "I have prevailed upon Sir James to appoint
Sergeant Robinson, master of the band, to a situation in the
commissariat at Sorel, worth three and sixpence a day, with subaltern
lodging, money and other allowances. He married a Jersey lass, whose
relations may enquire for him."
He tells his sister that he means to procure in the autumn handsome
skins to make muffs for his two young nieces, Maria and Zelia
Potenger. He wants "the two dear little girls" to write to him, and
bids them appreciate the advantages they are receiving as to
education, so different "from this colony, where the means for
education for both sexes are very limited."
[Sidenote: Brock at Fort George]
By September, 1810, Brigadier-General Brock is settled at Fort
George, and a chatty letter from {134} the Adjutant-General, Colonel
Baynes, tells him what is happening in Quebec--how Baron de
Rottenburg had arrived, and although a year older than Sir James
Craig (who was sixty), looked a much younger man; how his wife,
Madame de Rottenburg, had made a complete conquest of all hearts.
She was remarkably handsome both in face and figure, and her manners
were pleasing, graceful and affable. She was much younger than her
husband, and they both spoke English very well, with but a slight
foreign accent. Sir James Craig was reported as being very well, and
his sixtieth birthday had just been celebrated at a very pleasant
party at Powell Place. Colonel Baynes told Brock that there had just
been a court-martial on some deserters. Two, one of them a Canadian,
had been sentenced to be shot; the others, a dozen in number, were to
be sentenced to be transported to serve for life in Africa.
Brock writes to his brother in September, from Fort George, a very
homesick letter. He says: "At present, Vincent, Glegg, and Williams
enliven this lonesome place. They are here on a court-martial, but
will soon depart, and I will be left to my own reflections. I hope
to obtain leave after Christmas. The arrival of Baron de Rottenburg
has, I think, diminished my prospect of advancement in this country.
I should stand, evidently, in my own light if I did not court fortune
elsewhere."
He had taken a trip to Detroit which he thought {135} had most
delightful surroundings, far exceeding anything he had seen on the
continent. "As to the manners of the American people, I do not
admire them at all. I have met with some whose society was
everything one could desire, and at Boston and New York such
characters are, I believe, numerous, but these are the exceptions."
He had not had a letter from Europe since May. He continues, "I wish
you would write to me by way of New York. I avail myself of an
unexpected passenger to scribble this in presence of many of the
court, who tell me it is time to resume our labours, therefore, my
beloved brother, adieu."
[Sidenote: Life at Niagara]
A list still remains of the books which helped to enliven his
solitude at Niagara.[1] Among them one finds Johnson's Works, twelve
volumes; Reed's and Bell's Editions of Shakespeare; Plutarch's Lives;
Hume's Essays; Arthur on Courts' Martial; Rollins' Ancient History;
Marshall's Travels; Life of Condé; Wharton's Virgil; Francis's
Horace; Gregory's Dictionary of Arts and Sciences; Pope's Works;
Expedition to Holland; Siècle de Louis Quatorze; Guibert's OEuvres
Militaires; Réglement de l'Infanterie; Aventures de Telémaque;
Voltaire's La Henriade; Walcheren Expedition; Erudition Militaire;
King of Prussia's Tactics; European Magazine; Edinburgh Review;
Memoirs of Talleyrand; Wolfe's Orders; {136} Réflexions sur les
Prégugés Militaires; Hume's Works. He writes to his brother, "I read
much, but good books are scarce, and I hate borrowing, I like to read
a book quickly and afterwards revert to such passages as have made
the deepest impression and which appear to me important to remember,
a practice I cannot conveniently pursue unless the book is mine.
Should you find that I am likely to remain here I wish you to send me
some choice authors in history, particularly ancient history, with
maps, and the best translation of ancient works. I read in my youth
Pope's translation of Homer, but till lately never discovered its
exquisite beauties. I firmly believe the same propensity was always
inherent in me, but strange to tell, although many were paid
extravagantly, I never had the advantage of a master to guide and
encourage me. I rejoice that my nephews are more fortunate."
[Sidenote: Letter from Quebec]
Brock's application for leave was not favourably received by Sir
James Craig, who was strongly impressed with the necessity of having
some one like him in the Upper Province to correct the errors and
neglect that had crept in there. Baynes writes: "In confidence
between ourselves, I do not think he will be more ready to part with
you in consequence of the arrival of Colonel Murray, who is not at
all to his taste." It seems that Colonel (afterwards the
distinguished Major-General Murray), had offended the governor at a
dinner by warmly espousing and defending the opinions of Cobbett
respecting {137} German troops and foreign officers, although sitting
opposite to Baron de Rottenburg.
Baynes writes that Brock's successor, the baron, was a good kind of
man and devoted to his profession, "but," he continues, "it would be
vain to attempt to describe the genuine admiration and estimation of
his _cara dolce sposa_. Young, only twenty-three--fair, beautiful,
lively, discreet, witty, affable--in short, so engaging, or rather,
so fascinating that neither my courier nor my paper will admit of my
doing her justice. Nevertheless the charms of madame have not
effaced you from the recollection of your friends, who very sincerely
regret your absence."
He reports that two hundred volunteers for Colonel Zouch, from other
veteran battalions, had arrived and landed. The regiment was to be
completed in this manner to one thousand.
Baynes writes again about Brock's leave and says that he had talked
with the commander-in-chief, who expressed his desire to forward his
views, but said that he had been contending so long for the necessity
of a third general officer being kept constantly on the staff of the
Canadas, that he did not feel at liberty to overset the arrangement
which he had been two years soliciting. When he (Baynes), said that
Brock regretted inaction, and looked with envy on those employed in
Spain and Portugal, the governor replied, "I make no doubt of it; but
I can in no shape aid his plans {138} in that respect." "If he liked
you less," Baynes continued, "he might perhaps be more readily
induced to let you go."
Brock had taken a great interest in an old veteran, formerly in the
8th, or King's, the regiment in which he had begun his military life,
and in which his brother John had served. Colonel Baynes writes, "I
have not failed to communicate to Sir James your account of and your
charity towards the poor old fellow. He has in consequence directed
the allowance of the ration to be authorized and continued to him;
but I am to remind you of the danger of establishing a precedent of
this nature, and to request, in the general's name, that you will
refrain as much as possible from indulging the natural benevolence of
your disposition in this way, as he has hitherto resisted all
applications of this sort."
At this time, early in 1811, Lieutenant-Governor Gore was
contemplating a visit to England, and there was some correspondence
between him and General Brock about the location of a grant of five
thousand acres of land that had been made some years before to
Colonel Vesey. Brock had promised the latter to arrange about it
before the lieutenant-governor left Canada, and wrote that there were
tracts of excellent land on Lake Erie belonging to the Crown, and
also that a new township was being surveyed near the head of Lake
Ontario, either of which situations would be eligible. The {139}
lieutenant-governor replied that it was not in his power to comply
with Colonel Vesey's wish in respect of location without a special
order from the king, as in the case of Colonel Talbot, and that it
was impossible in any township to obtain five thousand acres in a
block.
The lieutenant-governor remarked in his letter that he thought
President Madison's address very hostile to England, but that
congress would hesitate before consenting to go the length he
proposes. "Taking forcible possession of West Florida may provoke a
war sooner than any other act. It is impossible to foresee how this
may be viewed by the Cortez."
[Sidenote: West Florida]
As to Florida, a convention of American citizens settled near the
borders of West Florida, had attacked the Spanish fort at Bâton
Rouge, and announced that country to be a free and independent state.
The leader of the convention then wrote to the secretary of state,
urging that it should be annexed to the United States, but claiming
all public lands for themselves. In reply the president sent a sharp
message to the revolutionary convention saying that their
independence was an impertinence and their design on public lands
something worse. He also issued a proclamation announcing that
Governor Claiborne would take possession of West Florida. The
military occupation of the country was, in fact, an act of war
against Spain, but that kingdom which had once held sway {140} over
two American continents, from the sources of the Missouri and the
Mississippi, to the borders of Patagonia, was powerless to resist.[2]
Letters of this date speak of the awful suspense felt in England
while the armies of Wellington and Massena were in such close
proximity, and the latter was advancing on the lines of Torres Vedras
to drive the English army into the sea. They speak, too, of the sad
illness of the old king, who after the death of the Princess Amelia
had relapsed into hopeless insanity. Brock writes, "If we are to be
governed by a regent I trust that ambition, jealousy or party
interests, will not conspire to diminish or circumscribe his regal
powers."
He writes to his brother, Irving Brock, that he had seen "Thoughts on
Political Transactions," in answer to his admirable pamphlet, and
remarks that the author appears to proclaim his servile attachment to
Bonaparte without in any way refuting his (Irving's) arguments.
[Sidenote: Colonel Kempt]
Another notable man among General Brock's friends writes to him in
January. This was Colonel Kempt, afterwards General Sir James Kempt,
G.C.B., governor-general of British America.
Colonel Kempt was at this time quartermaster-general in Canada, and
had, under Sir James Craig, {141} superintended the building of roads
and bridges in the Lower Province. In November, 1811, he was made
local major-general in Spain and Portugal. He afterwards served on
the staff in America and in Flanders. He was made a K.C.B. in
January, 1815, was wounded at Waterloo, and was then promoted to be a
Grand Cross. The sovereigns of Austria, Russia and the Netherlands
also decorated him for his services. In 1820 he was governor of Nova
Scotia in place of the Earl of Dalhousie, whom he succeeded as
governor-general of Canada. He died in England after a long and
glorious career, at the age of ninety.
Colonel Kempt wrote to Brock on the subject of his leave. He assured
him that he had no reason to dread being unemployed in any rank while
he wished to serve. "This opinion, my dear general," he writes, "is
not given rashly or upon slight grounds--before I came to this
country I had, you must know, several opportunities of hearing your
name mentioned at head-quarters, both by General Calvert and Colonel
Gordon, who unquestionably spoke the sentiment of the then
commander-in-chief, and in such a way as to impress me with a
thorough conviction that few officers of your rank stood higher in
their estimation. In short, I have no manner of doubt whatever that
you will readily obtain employment upon active service the moment
that you do get home, and with this view I recommend you to express,
through Baynes, your sense {142} of His Excellency's good intentions
and wishes to you in respect to leave of absence, and your hopes that
when the circumstances of the country are such as will permit him to
grant six months' leave to a general officer, that this indulgence
will be extended in the first instance to you.
"I am very happy that you are pleased with Mrs. Murray. I have just
received a long letter from her, giving me an account of a splendid
ball given by you to the _beau monde_ of Niagara and its vicinity.
The manner in which she speaks of your liberality and hospitality
reminds me of the many pleasant hours I have passed under your roof.
We have no such parties now. Sir James being ill prevents the usual
public days at the Castle, and nothing more stupid than Quebec now is
can be imagined."
The Mrs. Murray mentioned in this letter was a cousin of Colonel
Kempt. Brock, in one of his letters from Fort George, says, "Colonel
Murray of the 100th went home last year and brought out a charming
little wife, full of good sense and spirit. They dined with me
yesterday." A letter from Colonel Baynes also mentions receiving a
letter from Murray, and he congratulates General Brock on having
found means to enliven the solitary scene that had so long prevailed
at Fort George.
Letters from home had cheered the general's heart. "What can I say,"
he writes, "from this remote corner in return for the pleasure I
experience {143} at the receipt of your letters." He speaks of his
life as sombre, and yet thinks that the enforced quiet has done his
health good. He begs his brother Irving to dispel all fears about
him.
[Sidenote: A visit to York]
He had just returned in February from York, where he had spent ten
days with the lieutenant-governor, whom he pronounces "as generous
and honest a being as ever existed." He found Mrs. Gore perfectly
well and very agreeable. Their society, he said, was ample
compensation for travelling over the worst roads he had ever met
with. He and the governor, who had formerly been quartered with the
44th in Guernsey, had talked over old days in the Channel Islands,
and had recalled with pleasure the simple hospitality that reigned
there, and the charming society of Guernsey and Jersey, "where,
although there was little communication with England, there were
always officers in the garrison to be entertained."
Brock writes of the reports from New York as to the many failures
there, and says, "Merchants there are in a state of great confusion
and dismay. A dreadful crash is not far off."
The news he had received from Quebec was that Sir James had triumphed
completely over the French faction in the Lower Province, and that
the House of Assembly had passed every bill required of it, among
others, one authorizing the governor-general and three councillors to
imprison any one without assigning a cause.
{144}
The House of Assembly at Quebec had met on December 10th, 1810, and
the inaugural address had been very conciliatory. The governor did
not allude to any vexed questions, but protested that he had never
doubted the loyalty and zeal of the previous assemblies he had
convoked. In reply, the assembly observed, "We shall earnestly
concur in all that is done tending to the maintenance of unbroken
tranquillity, a state all the more difficult to preserve in this
province as those who inhabit it cherish a diversity of ideas,
habitudes and prejudices, not easy to reconcile."
The governor justified the acts committed as to imprisonment of
members, and said that only those who had too much reason to dread
the law inclined to object to its potency, and the united clamour of
such might have deceived the assembly as to their real number.
In the meantime the vexatious Bédard still remained in prison. The
assembly drew up an address on his behalf, and the elder Papineau had
an interview on the subject with the governor at the Castle. The
latter in his reply to M. Papineau, said: "It is the common discourse
of the assembly that they intend to oblige me to release M. Bédard.
I think, therefore, that it is time the people should be made to
understand the rightful limits of the several powers in the state,
and that the House, while it represents, yet has no right to directly
govern the country."
{145}
[Sidenote: Bédard's release]
The session passed peacefully, and at its close, when all the members
had returned to their homes, Bédard was quietly and unconditionally
released by the executive. It was the last public act of Sir James
Craig's administration.
The act which had been the cause of so much trouble, namely that of
excluding the judges from the assembly, was one of the laws passed,
and strange to say, in proroguing the House, the governor said,
"Among the acts to which I have just declared His Majesty's assent,
there is one which I have seen with peculiar satisfaction. I mean
the act for disqualifying the judges from holding a seat in the House
of Assembly."
The opinions of the official and military class as to the proceedings
of the House, may be gathered from a letter of Colonel Baynes to
Brock, in March. "You will see by Sir James' speech the very
complete triumph his firmness and energy have obtained over the
factious cabal of this most contemptible assembly. Bédard will
shortly be released. That fellow alone of the whole gang has nerve,
and does not want ability or inclination to do mischief whenever
opportunity offers; the rest, old Papineau and the blustering B.
(Bourdages), are all white livered renegades to a man; but when Sir
James' back is turned they will rally and commence the same bullying
attack on his successor, who, I trust, will follow his example."
In the meantime, Mr. Ryland in England had {146} not found his task
an easy one, nor had he met with the reception he had hoped for. Mr.
Perceval, the prime minister, Lord Liverpool, the minister of war,
and Mr. Robert Peel, the under secretary for the colonies, received
him with perfect courtesy, and asked many questions, but Mr. Ryland
made no progress in his design of changing the constitution. One
point he particularly wished to press, namely, the necessity of
controlling the patronage of the Roman Catholic Church so that the
clergy would be on the government side. The assembly in its session
of 1810, had offered to undertake the expenses of the civil
government hitherto borne by England. Ryland's scheme was to take
possession of the Jesuit estates and also of those of the seminary at
Montreal. From these he proposed to grant a certain sum for
education, and to apply the rest to the civil government, and thus do
away with the necessity of supplies being voted by the assembly. In
fact, his intention was to break the power of the Roman Catholic
Church in Canada by taking away its endowments. Mr. Ryland also
proposed that the province should revert to government by the
legislative council without the assembly, as it was previous to the
Canada Act.
[Sidenote: Ryland's mission]
Lord Liverpool was afraid, if the act of 1791 was annulled, that Lord
Grenville, the father of the act, would rally his followers in favour
of the French Canadians. He suggested a redivision of constituencies
so as to obtain a greater number of English {147} representatives,
and also thought that members might be conciliated by other means.
Several matters were referred to the attorney-general, who said that
it was possible for parliament to unite the two provinces under a
single government, but that he thought no new division could be made
of electoral districts, nor in the number of representatives. As to
the question of _Le Canadien_, the ministers did not think the
passages quoted from it were strong enough to fix on its publishers a
charge of treason, and it might be difficult, they thought, to
justify what had been done in the matter of their arrest and
imprisonment. They were inclined to call the passages quoted
seditious libels. The extreme measures taken were, perhaps,
excusable, but not strictly justifiable. In fact, the
attorney-general said that such an arbitrary measure as the
suppression of _Le Canadien_ would not have been tolerated in England.
Mr. Ryland's mission was a failure, but in order to conceal his
discomfiture he decided to remain in England for the winter, nor did
he return to Canada until the spring of 1812. In the meantime this
poor governor's health broke down utterly. General Brock wrote in
March, 1811: "Sir James cannot long survive the frequent attacks of
his disorder. His death will be bewailed by all who possess the
feelings of Englishmen in this country."
[1] Dr. James Bain, of the Public Library, Toronto, discovered this
list amongst some old papers left in the residence of the late Hon.
G. W. Allan.
[2] As to the occupation of Florida, Monroe declared that no
satisfaction had been made by Spain for spoliation on the commerce of
the United States in 1798-9, nor for denying to the United States the
right of deposit at New Orleans. He also contended that West Florida
was a part of Louisiana, which had been acquired by purchase from
France.
{149}
CHAPTER XII
1811 IN CANADA AND EUROPE
Early in 1811 there was some correspondence between Sir James Craig
and General Brock as to the treatment of the Indians. The question
was, whether in case of hostilities breaking out as threatened
between the Americans and the Indians, the latter should be supplied,
as usual, with arms and ammunition by the British. No doubt the
Americans would expect a strict neutrality to be observed; but by
stopping supplies, Brock thought the British might lose all their
influence over the tribes. There had been a council held in which
the chiefs had resolved to go to war with the Americans, and they
seemed to have had a firm conviction that although they could not
expect active coöperation, yet they might rely on receiving from the
British the requisites of war.
They had suffered much of late. Napoleon's decrees and the English
orders-in-council had put a stop to their trade in furs. They could
obtain nothing for their peltries, for the warehouses of the great
companies were filled with costly furs for which there was no market.
The Americans, too, of late had encroached more and more on their
hunting-grounds. It had been tacitly understood {150} in the treaty
of 1783 that the Indian country west of the Ohio was to be left to
the tribes, but on one pretence and another, by strategy and
persuasion, different Indian tribes had been induced to sell their
lands for a nominal price, and were being pushed further and further
back from the plains and forests and rivers which gave them their
sustenance. One chief had foreseen the doom that awaited them, and
planned to avert it. This was Tecumseh, a Shawanese warrior and
statesman. He dreamed of a confederation of all the tribes of North
America, in order to regain, if possible, their old boundaries, and
to resist the further encroachments of the white race.
[Sidenote: Indian affairs]
The Indians knew quite well the unsettled relations between the
United States and England, and had not made up their minds in 1811 as
to which country they would ally themselves to. They had been
threatened with retaliation on their wives and children if they dared
to serve the British.
Tecumseh was willing to be friendly to the United States if the
latter would agree to give up some lands lately purchased, and would
agree not to enter into treaties without the consent of all the
tribes. Tecumseh pledged himself on these conditions to be a
faithful ally to the United States and to assist them in war against
the English, otherwise he would enter into an English alliance. At
an interview with General Harrison, when he was told that the matter
rested with the president, {151} Tecumseh replied: "If the great
chief is to decide the matter I hope the Great Spirit will put sense
enough in his head to induce him to direct you to give up the land.
It is true he is so far off he will not be injured by the war. He
may sit still in his town and drink his wine, while you and I will
have to fight it out." The demands of Tecumseh as to lands and
treaties were not complied with, therefore he summoned his people to
go to war against the Americans.
Brock wrote in February as to the recent distribution of stores among
the tribes. "Our cold attempt to dissuade that much injured people
from engaging in such a rash enterprise could scarcely be expected to
prevail, particularly after giving such manifest indications of a
contrary sentiment, by the liberal quantity of military stores with
which they were dismissed." For information about them, General
Brock said he had to rely on the reports of officers commanding at
the outposts, as "the lieutenant-governor withholds all communication
on the subject."
The management of the Indians was in the hands of the
lieutenant-governor of Upper Canada, and agents were employed by him
to administer their affairs. Mr. Elliott was then in charge at
Amherstburg. Brock speaks of him as an exceedingly good man, who
having lived much among the Indians, sympathized with their wrongs,
but he thought that he was rather biased and prejudiced in their
favour. {152} The general was of the opinion, however, that if Mr.
Elliott had delayed giving them presents until he reported their
mission to Lieutenant-Governor Gore, they would have returned to
their companions with different impressions as to the sentiments of
government.
The instructions issued by Lord Dorchester in 1790 were continued in
full force. The charge of the Indian department was vested in the
civil administration, and Brock thought this led to confusion. Vast
numbers of Indians assembled every year at Amherstburg from a great
distance. Brock said he had seen eight hundred waiting for a month
on rations for the presents to come, and he thought the
storekeeper-general in Upper Canada ought to be allowed to buy them
in case they did not reach the Upper Provinces before the close of
navigation.
In March Brock writes to Major Taylor of the 100th Regiment,
commanding at Amherstburg, and the first sentence is a reproof to
that officer for not having reported to him the important resolution
by which the Indians formally announced their intention of going to
war with the Americans. He had learnt of it from another source and
had reported it to the commander-in-chief. He then gave Major Taylor
an extract from His Excellency's secret and confidential answer,
which especially enjoined on all military officers to report at once
to General Brock whatever transpired at any councils of the Indians
at which they might be present.
{153}
[Sidenote: An accusation]
Sir James Craig was of the opinion that every effort should be made
to prevent a rupture between the Indians and the United States.
General Brock therefore advised Major Taylor that if he perceived the
smallest indication to depart from the line so strongly laid down by
His Excellency, he should offer friendly advice to the officers of
the government in charge of Indian affairs, and even have recourse to
written protests to deter them from persevering in any act that might
irritate and dispose the two nations to a conflict. Brock adds,
"This you must do as coming from yourself, and report
circumstantially every occurrence that may come to your knowledge."
It was not for some months after this that actual hostilities broke
out, and the accusation was then formally made in congress, that by
supplying some of the tribes with arms, ammunition and food, the
British had aided the Indians in their warlike designs.
In April Colonel Vesey writes from England and thanks General Brock
for the interesting details he had given him of local politics, both
civil and military, in Canada, although the colonel expresses himself
as not partial to that country, and he regrets that the 49th should
be detained there so long. He condoles with the general on the
lonely winter he must have passed at Fort George, in spite of the
companionship of Colonel Murray and his nice little wife. He adds,
"Pray remember me {154} to my old friend St. George. Mrs. Vesey has
charged me to call her to your recollection. She and my six children
are as well as possible, and a very nice little group they are, all
as healthy as can be. I wish I had a daughter old enough for you, as
I would give her to you with pleasure. You should be married,
particularly as fate seems to detain you so long in Canada, but pray,
do not marry there."
There is a legend, not confirmed, that General Brock at this time was
engaged to a "lady living at York"; but no hint of this is shown in
his letters, and it seems improbable, in his position, that if it
were the case, nothing should be said of it by contemporaries.
In another letter Colonel Vesey thanks him for the interest he had
taken in procuring for him his grant of land. He adds, "I quite feel
for you, my good friend, when I think of the stupid and uninteresting
time you must have passed in Upper Canada. With your ardour for
professional employment in the field, it must have been very painful.
Had you returned to Europe there is little doubt but that you would
have been immediately employed in Portugal; and as that service has
turned out so very creditable, I regret very much that you had not
deserted from Canada. I take it for granted that you will not stay
there long, and should the fortune of war bring us again upon duty in
the same country, I need not say how I shall hail the event with joy.
If you come to England, I would wish {155} you to call upon the Duke
of Kent, who has a high respect for you and will be happy to see you.
The Duke of York is to return to the army. Sir David Dundas will not
be much regretted."
[Sidenote: Craig's departure]
A letter from Colonel Baynes in March reports that Sir James Craig,
owing to extreme ill-health, was to return to England early in the
summer. He wished to be relieved from the anxiety of his office,
which, now that a war with the United States seemed probable, was too
onerous a position. For himself, his mind was made up, and he was
resigned to a speedy termination of his sufferings.
Communication was so slow between Upper and Lower Canada that many of
Colonel Baynes's letters were transmitted through the United States.
At that time there was only a post once a fortnight between Montreal
and Kingston, and from the latter place to York and Fort George the
post was scarcely established at all, and letters came at uncertain
intervals. Colonel Baynes's letter contained the last wishes of the
commander-in-chief with regard to Brock. "I assure you," he writes,
"Sir James is very far from being indifferent in regard to forwarding
your wishes, but from the necessity of returning himself, and that
without waiting for leave, he feels it the more necessary to leave
the country in the best state of security he can. He desires me to
say that he regrets extremely the disappointment you may experience,
and he requests that you will do him the favour to accept as {156} a
legacy, and as a mark of his very sincere regard, his favourite horse
'Alfred,' and that he is induced to send him to you, not only from
wishing to secure to his old favourite a kind and careful master, but
from the conviction that the whole continent of America could not
furnish you with so safe and excellent a horse. 'Alfred' is ten
years old, but being high bred, and latterly but very little used,
may be considered as still perfectly fresh. Sir James will give him
up to Heriot whenever you fix the manner of his being forwarded to
you. Kempt goes home with His Excellency."
Sir James Craig left Canada on June 19th, 1811, in the frigate
_Amelia_. Although his administration was known afterwards among
certain of the population of Lower Canada as the "reign of terror,"
he was yet beloved by many and respected by all. Even his enemies
gave him credit for the purity of his motives, and no one doubted his
courage, straightforwardness, and devotion to duty. He is described
as being "of agreeable countenance and impressive presence. Stout
and rather below the middle height, he was yet manly and dignified.
He was positive in his opinions and decided in his measures.
Although hasty in temper he was not implacable, and was easily
reconciled to those who incurred his displeasure. Hospitable and
princely in his style of living, he was yet a friend of the poor and
destitute." He did not long survive his departure, but died in
London the following March. {157} When he left Canada, Mr. Thomas
Dunn, the senior member of the council, was again left in charge of
the civil government, while Lieutenant-General Drummond, who was one
step higher than General Brock in the service, was left in command of
the forces in the Canadas.
On June 4th of this year Brigadier-General Brock was made a
major-general on the staff of North America. His friend Vesey, who
had also been made a major-general, writes his congratulations to him
on June 10th, and says: "It may, perhaps, be your fate to go to the
Mediterranean, but the Peninsula is the most direct road to the
honour of the Bath, and as you are an ambitious man, that is the
station you would prefer. As it is possible you may have left
Canada, I will enclose this letter to our friend Bruyères."
Lieutenant-Colonel Bruyères was an officer in the Royal Engineers,
and was at that time engaged in reporting to General Brock on the
condition of the different forts scattered throughout Upper Canada.
[Sidenote: Arrival of Prevost]
In September, 1811, Sir George Prevost arrived, and assumed the chief
command of British North America. His military reputation then stood
high, and he had been much liked in Nova Scotia, where his
administration had been a success. Sir George was born at New York
on May 19th, 1767. His father was a native of Geneva who became a
major-general in the British army, served under Wolfe at Quebec, was
wounded there, and {158} afterwards distinguished himself in the
defence of Savannah. His mother was a Swiss, the daughter of M.
Grand of Lausanne. Sir George was lieutenant-colonel of the 60th
Regiment, and had served in the West Indies. He greatly
distinguished himself at St. Vincent, where he was dangerously
wounded. In reward for his services he was made governor of
Dominica, which he had successfully defended. He returned to England
in 1805, when he was appointed lieutenant-governor of Portsmouth. He
was then promoted to be lieutenant-general and lieutenant-governor of
Nova Scotia, and in the same year, 1808, was second in command at the
capture of Martinique. He then returned to Nova Scotia, where he
remained until called upon to take the place of Sir James Craig. His
appointment gave great satisfaction to the French Canadians, and he
began his administration by very conciliatory measures. The man whom
his predecessor had imprisoned as a promoter of sedition (M. Bédard),
was appointed to a judgeship at Three Rivers. M. Bourdages, another
adversary of the late governor, was made a colonel of militia, and
all the officers who had been dismissed from the militia were
re-instated. Speaking French as his mother tongue, Sir George
Prevost's knowledge of their language aided him in gaining the
confidence of the people, and he very judiciously began by professing
perfect belief in the loyalty of the Canadians.
{159}
News came from England to Brock that his friend General Kempt had had
a very flattering reception there, and that the Duke of York had told
him he would give him a _carte blanche_ as to his future destination.
Colonel Thornton, another of Brock's friends, had been appointed to a
regiment, one battalion of which was in Portugal, the other in the
East Indies. Thornton hoped to persuade his senior to go to India,
leaving him in Portugal. He sends a message by Colonel Baynes to his
friends in Canada. "Pray give a hint in private to General Brock and
Sheaffe that if the former were to ask for a brigade at home or on
European service, and the latter to be put on the staff in Canada, I
am almost certain they would succeed."
[Sidenote: Brock's new office]
No wonder Brock pined at inaction while his more fortunate friends
were leaving him far behind in the race for glory. It was not glory
alone that his ardent soul desired, but a chance to use the powers
that he knew were his. The chance was nearer than he thought, and he
found it in the common path of duty. Soon after Sir George Prevost's
arrival in Canada as governor-general and commander-in-chief,
Major-General Brock was appointed president and administrator of the
government of Upper Canada during Lieutenant-Governor Gore's absence
in England. He entered on his new office in what to him was a
fateful month, October 9th, 1811.
{161}
CHAPTER XIII
THE NEW GOVERNOR
To be a major-general, and governor, and commander-in-chief of a
province at the age of forty-two was no doubt an enviable position,
but, with the irony of fate, just as he had reached it, an
unlooked-for financial misfortune, involving his whole family, came
upon Isaac Brock. Apart from the personal loss to himself, there was
besides a threatened rupture of friendship between his brothers which
touched his tender heart most keenly. The story of the misfortune is
as follows: In June, 1811, a firm of London bankers and merchant
brokers failed. Isaac Brock's eldest brother, William, was the
senior member of the firm, and it was from this brother that he had
received about three thousand pounds for the purchase of his
commissions. William Brock had no children, and never intended to
ask for the repayment of this sum. Unfortunately the loan appeared
on the books of the firm, and General Brock was on the list of its
debtors. The news of the failure came with double poignancy to
Brock, on account of the difficulties in which it involved him, and
also on account of the distress which had overtaken his favourite
brother. Savery Brock was also a loser by the failure, which {162}
was aggravated by a coolness and estrangement that arose between
William and his brother Irving, who was also connected with the firm.
[Sidenote: An unexpected misfortune]
General Brock writes from York to his brother Savery on October 7th,
1811: "I have this instant finished a letter to Irving. I attempted
to write composedly, but found it impossible. The newspapers gave me
the first intimation of the heavy misfortune we have all sustained.
To this day I am without a single line from any of the family. Let
me know how William and his wife support the sad change in their
affairs. I want to be at once apprized of the full extent of our
misery. Why keep me in this horrid suspense? I write merely to
say--for my poor head will not allow me to say more--that to-morrow I
enter into the official duties of president of this province. The
salary attached to the situation is a thousand pounds, the whole of
which I trust I shall be able to save, and after a year or two earn
more. I go to Niagara next week, and shall again write through the
states. Yesterday was the first truly gloomy birthday I have ever
passed."
It was indeed a stinging blow to one who was the soul of honour and
scrupulous to a degree in money affairs to find himself a debtor to
such an amount, with no prospect of being able to discharge the debt.
One may be sure, however, that sore as was the heart of the general,
in outward appearance he was calm and unruffled, and none of the many
{163} who must have offered congratulations upon his inauguration as
governor of the province would guess at the sorrow that weighed upon
his heart.
The first letter that he received from home brought also the news of
the estrangement of his brothers, Irving and William. General Brock
writes to the former on October 30th: "Your letter of the 3rd of
August was only received this day. To what a state of misery are we
fallen! Poverty I was prepared to bear, but oh, Irving, if you love
me, do not by any action or word add to the sorrows of poor
unfortunate William. Remember his kindness to me--what pleasure he
always found in doing me service. Hang the world!--it is not worth a
thought--be generous, and find silent comfort in being so. Oh, my
dear boy, forget the past, and let us all unite in soothing the
griefs of one of the best hearts that heaven ever formed. I can well
conceive that the cause of his ruin was excited by too ardent a wish
to place us all in affluence. His wealth we were sure to divide.
Why refuse him consolation? It is all, alas, I can offer. I shall
write to him the instant I feel sufficiently composed. Could tears
restore him he would soon be happy--every atom of resolution leaves
me the moment I require it most. I sleep little, but am compelled to
assume a smiling face during the day. My thoughts are fixed on you
all, and the last thing that gives me any concern is the call which
Savery prepares me to expect from the creditors. I did not think
{164} that I appeared in the books. The mistake was wholly mine.
Let me know the sum. Are my commissions safe, or must they be sold?
Can I not retain out of the wreck my two or three hundred a year?
They would save us all from want, and we might retire to some corner
and still be happy. You know the situation to which I have been
lately raised. It will enable me to give up the whole of my
salary--a thousand pounds yearly--and I shall enclose a power of
attorney to enable you to receive it. Do with it what justice
demands--pay as fast as you receive, unless, indeed, want among any
of you calls for aid; in that case make use of the money and let the
worst come. I leave everything to your discretion. If you possibly
can satisfy my creditors, do so. I have been at three or four
hundred pounds' expense in outfits, which I fear will prevent my
remitting anything home this year, but the next I hope to spare to
that amount. Depend upon my exercising the strictest economy, but I
am in a position which must be upheld by a certain outlay. Did it
depend upon myself, how willingly would I live upon bread and water.
Governor Gore is gone home with a year's leave. Probably he will not
return as long as the war continues. I ought not, however, to look
to retain my situation above two years. I shall make all I can out
of it by any fair means, for be satisfied that even your stern
honesty shall have no just cause to censure one of my actions. But I
cannot {165} look for much popularity in the homely way. I shall be
constrained to proceed in the administration. Much show and feasting
are indispensable to attract the multitude, especially in a colony
like this where equality prevails to such a degree that men judge of
your disposition by the frequency of the invitations they receive.
At present all classes profess great regard and esteem for me, but
although I hope they may, I cannot expect such sentiments will
continue long. If I retain the friendship of the considerate and
thoughtful I shall be satisfied, and I shall strive to merit the good
opinion of such men. Henceforth I shall address you without
reference to the past; we must consider how to get on in the future.
You have read much, and I trust will profit by the lessons
philosophers inculcate. Believe me, yours till doomsday."
[Sidenote: Home letters]
Another letter is from the unfortunate cause of the trouble. William
Brock writes: "You have received, or will receive shortly, a letter
from our assignees, desiring to be informed in what manner the debt,
which appears in our books as owing by you, is to be liquidated. Too
well do I know, my dearest Isaac, your inability to pay it off
yourself. It now amounts to something above three thousand pounds.
The assignees will not, I believe, take any unpleasant steps to
enforce the payment, yet it will be natural that they shall exact
some sort of security from you. It was reported that legal
proceedings were commenced against you, {166} and upon this report, a
young man lately from Canada, a Mr. Ellice, called on Charles Bell to
enquire if it were so, and told Bell that rather than anything
unpleasant should happen to you, so great was his esteem and
friendship for you, that he would contrive to pay the debt himself.
Besides his attachment to you, he told Bell you were so beloved in
Canada that you would not want friends who would feel pleasure in
assisting you to any amount, if necessary. I know your love for me,
and shall therefore say a little about myself. Savery was in London
when the house stopped, and never shall I forget what I owe him for
the warmth and interest he has uniformly shown in this hour of need.
Do not, I pray you, my dearest Isaac, attribute my former silence to
any diminution of affection, but to a depression of spirits which
this final catastrophe has in some measure relieved, as a reality of
misfortune is probably less painful than the preceding anxiety of it.
Let us pray the prospect may again brighten. In you is all my
present pride and future hope. Savery has within the last few days
sent me a copy of your welcome letter of September 10th, from
Montreal, and most cheering it is to our drooping spirits. May this
find you well and hearty in your new honours at York."
[Sidenote: Depression in England]
The state of affairs in England at this time (1811) is told in a
contemporary letter from Thomas G. Ridout, who was then on a visit
there. He writes to his father, the surveyor-general of Upper
Canada: {167} "Trade is at a total stand here. In July and August
the merchants made a desperate effort to get off their goods, and
loaded eight hundred ships, which they sent to the Baltic for Russia,
Sweden and Prussia, under an insurance of forty per cent. Some were
lost on the sea, others taken by privateers, and the remainder got
into ports where they were immediately seized and condemned. In
consequence, most of the insurers at Lloyd's have failed, along with
many rich and reputable houses. The foreign trade is almost
destroyed, the Custom House duties are reduced upwards of one half.
Of such dreadful power are Bonaparte's orders or edicts which have of
late been enforced in the strictest manner all over the continent,
that the commerce of England has been almost ruined."[1]
This was doubtless the financial crisis in which William Brock had
lost all.
Isaac Brock was not of a temperament to brood over his misfortunes;
rather, he set himself with a will to the work that lay before him.
There was much to be done in the province he had been called upon to
govern, for his predecessor, Mr. Francis Gore, was an easy-going man,
who had been content {168} to leave affairs much as he found them,
and many abuses had crept into the civil administration. One rather
amusing instance was the discovery that two oxen had been maintained
for some years at the public expense, for the purpose of making a
road and of clearing away the heavy timber that lay between the
garrison and the town. As the work was still unfinished, though
years had passed since General Hunter had given orders for it, it was
surmised that the oxen had been idle or kept for other purposes.
General Brock requested the commander-in-chief to allow the oxen to
resume their work, a completion of which was most necessary. So bad
was the road at that time that communication between the garrison and
Little York except by water was very difficult.
[Sidenote: Brock's administration]
A letter from Surveyor-General Ridout tells of the new governor's
energy. He writes from York on December 18th, 1811, "General Brock
intends making this his headquarters, and to bring the navy,
engineers and all the departments here in the spring. He told me a
day or two ago that he will build an arsenal between the park and the
beach on the lake, the government buildings, or rather, the public
offices, in front of Mr. Elmsley's house, a regular garrison where
the government house now is, and a government house contiguous to the
public buildings. These intentions seem to show that he thinks of
remaining with us for a certain time at least. I own I do not think
that Governor Gore will {169} return hither, but if this is not to be
a permanent military government, I should think that depends upon
himself. General Brock has also required from me plans of all the
townships in the province, with the locations, which will be very
heavy work." We can almost hear the sigh with which the worthy
gentleman writes: "I own I do not like changes in administration."
[1] When the bankers and merchants of Paris came to the Tuileries to
congratulate Napoleon upon the birth of his son, Napoleon said in
answer to their address: "When I issued my decrees of Berlin and
Milan, England laughed, yet see where she stands to-day. Within two
years I shall subject England, I want only maritime force.... No
power in Europe shall trade with England.... I made peace with
Russia at Tilsit because Russia undertook to make war on England."
{171}
CHAPTER XIV
GATHERING CLOUDS
In 1811 the financial storm that had burst on England had spread to
France. Quarrels had again arisen between the latter country and the
two independent Baltic powers, Russia and Sweden, Denmark had taken
to piracy and had seized more than fifty American ships, and Russia
expected to fight France in order to protect neutral commerce in the
Baltic. England had that year almost ceased to send ships there, and
America swarmed in until the Russian market was glutted with its
goods. The United States had now a monopoly of the Baltic trade, but
while members were announcing in congress at Washington that
Napoleon's decrees had been withdrawn, Russia and Sweden were in the
act of declaring war against France in order to protect American
rights from the effects of those decrees.
The British prize court held that the French decrees had not been
repealed, therefore, that American vessels entering French ports were
good prize. It was truly a complicated state of affairs.
In the New England States there were some political changes which
boded ill for peace. In Massachusetts, where the Federalist party
had been {172} distinctly in favour of England,[1] Elbridge Gerry,
the Republican candidate for governor was elected and for the first
time the Republicans had a majority in the state senate. Senator
Pickering, possibly from his friendly action towards England, lost
his seat. It was he who at a banquet in Boston to Mr. Jackson, the
English envoy, gave as a toast, "The world's last hope; Britain's
fast-anchored isle."
There was a growing feeling of antagonism to England at Washington.
The report of the committee appointed by congress on foreign
relations, recommended an increase of ten thousand men to the army, a
levy of fifty thousand from the militia, the outfit of all vessels of
war not on service, and the arming of merchant vessels. In the
debate that followed, Mr. Randolph said: "Since the report of the
committee came into the House we have heard but one word, like the
whippoorwill's monotonous tone, 'Canada, Canada, Canada.'"
Napoleon kept the Americans still in doubt as to whether his Berlin
and Milan decrees were or were not revoked. Champagny, now Duke of
Cadore, said the emperor would favour the trade of the United States
so far as it did not cover or promote the commerce of England. The
Americans chose to believe that the decrees were revoked, but as soon
as they renewed their trade with France the British navy renewed
their blockade of New {173} York harbour, and His Majesty's ships,
the _Melampus_ and _Guerrière_ captured some American vessels bound
for France, and impressed the English seamen found on board. In
retaliation, Secretary Hamilton ordered the forty-four gun frigate
_President_ to sail at once and protect American commerce. Then
occurred near Annapolis the affair between the _President_, commanded
by Captain Rodgers, and the _Little Belt_, a corvette of eighteen
guns, commanded by Captain Bingham. The corvette was chased by the
frigate, and an action ensued in which the smaller boat was much
damaged. Eleven of her crew were killed and twenty-four wounded.
Both vessels disclaimed firing the first shot, and Captain Rodgers
said that in the dusk of the twilight he was unaware of the size of
his opponent. Whether it occurred by mistake or not, this affair
served to increase the bad feeling between the two nations.
[Sidenote: The "Little Belt"]
Brock wrote on the subject: "President Madison has committed himself
most openly and unjustifiably in the affair of the _Little Belt_ by
accusing that poor little sloop of a wanton act of aggression in
attacking a huge American frigate, when Commodore Rodgers himself
admits that he was nearly eight hours the chasing vessel."
In his address to congress, November 4th, 1811, the president said:
"With the evidence of hostile inflexibility in trampling on rights,
which no independent nation can relinquish, congress will feel the
{174} duty of putting the United States into an armour, and an
attitude demanded by the crisis, and corresponding with the national
expectation." This somewhat grandiloquent message showed plainly the
desire of the president for war.
In this address it was also mentioned that it had been necessary to
march a force towards the north-western frontier, in consequence of
murders and depredations committed by the Indians. The story of this
expedition may be briefly told.
[Sidenote: Tippecanoe]
On the banks of the Tippecanoe creek, near the river Wabash, not far
from Vincennes, and about one hundred and fifty miles south-east of
Fort Dearborn (Chicago), was a flourishing Indian village.
Cultivated fields testified to the industry of its inhabitants. As
the home and headquarters of the great chief, Tecumseh, the village
was frequented by bands of Indian warriors, then numbering about five
thousand in the territory, who hoped to keep for themselves and their
children a portion of the heritage of their forefathers. They were
animated by a spirit of patriotism, fostered by the teaching of their
leader. On July 31st, 1811, Tecumseh set off on a mission to the
Creeks in the far south. No sooner had he gone than the white
dwellers on the Miami River determined to take active measures
against the Indians. It happened that there had been depredations
committed by the latter, and a feeling of distrust had arisen among
the settlers, many of whom had encroached on the {175} Indian
boundaries, and had thus laid themselves open to attack.
General Harrison was at that time governor of Indiana, and was
authorized by the president to fit out an expedition, nominally as a
protection for the white inhabitants, but in reality with an
intention of breaking up the Indian settlement. Among the members of
this expedition were a number of hot-headed young Kentuckians, eager
to emulate the deeds of their fathers who had taken part in the old
Indian wars of the century before.
The expedition set off through what was then a wilderness, carrying
with them a rather scanty supply of ammunition and food. General
Harrison was himself in command, and pressed on with all haste in
order to reach the village before their supplies should give out. At
last they came to the banks of the Wabash, and there, within a short
distance of Tippecanoe they encamped for the night on a hill. Word
had gone to the village of their approach, and before the dawn a
party of nine hundred young Indian braves stole on the sleeping camp
and made a sudden attack. All was soon in confusion, and in the
_mêlée_ several hundred Americans, including some prominent
Kentuckians, were killed and wounded. Having accomplished their
task, and not waiting for the break of day, the Indians retired to
their village.
When day came, General Harrison gathered the remnants of his force
together, and marched {176} on the village, to find it, however,
deserted by its inhabitants, who had fled to escape his vengeance.
All that he could do in retaliation was to burn the wigwams, destroy
the stores of corn and fruits, and lay waste the fields. This done,
he took his shattered band back by the way they came. This
expedition was magnified by the Americans into a victory, and
henceforth General Harrison was known by the name, "Old Tippecanoe."
The Americans, willing always to blame the English government, placed
the responsibility for the fight on the latter, and accused them of
having incited the Indians to acts of aggression. One effect of the
so-called battle was to make the Indians more favourable to an
alliance with King George, and to make them hate, with a more bitter
hatred, the despoilers of their homes.
In January, 1812, Tecumseh returned to find famine where he had left
plenty, ruin and desolation where he had left a prosperous community.
From that time Indian hostilities began again on the frontier, and
were carried on with great ferocity.
In a letter to Sir James Craig on December 3rd, Brock wrote: "My
first care on my arrival in the province was to direct the officers
of the Indian department to exert their whole influence with the
Indians to prevent the attack, which I understood a few tribes
meditated against the American frontier. But these efforts proved
fruitless. Such was their infatuation, the Indians refused to listen
to {177} advice, and they are now so deeply engaged that I despair of
being able to withdraw them from the contest in time to avert their
destruction. A high degree of fanaticism, which has been for years
working in their minds, has led to the present state of things."
Again he writes, "The Indians felt they had been sacrificed in 1794.
They are eager to avenge their injuries."
[Sidenote: Plan of campaign]
In view of the expected American invasion, as early as December,
1811, General Brock gave his plan of campaign to Sir George Prevost.
After events proved how right he was in his forecast. He represented
that Amherstburg was a most important position, and that Detroit and
Michilimackinac ought to be taken in order to convince the Indians
that the British were in earnest about war. At that time the
garrisons of those two places did not exceed seventy rank and file,
but reinforcements, Brock thought, would be drawn from the Ohio,
where there was an enterprising, hardy race of settlers, famous as
horsemen and expert with the rifle. He also thought that unless a
diversion were made at Detroit, an overwhelming force would be sent
against Niagara.
In December, 1811, the militia at Amherstburg numbered about seven
hundred men. Brock proposed to increase the garrison there by two
hundred rank and file from Fort George and York. As for the
protection of the country between Amherstburg and Fort Erie, he
depended on the naval force on {178} Lake Erie, which consisted then
of one sloop, the _Queen Charlotte_, and one schooner, the _Hunter_.
The latter was old and out of repair, and yet was the only vessel
able to navigate Lake Huron. The Americans had on Lake Erie a sloop
and a fine brig, the _Adams_, of twelve guns. Both were in perfect
readiness for service.
General Brock counselled the immediate purchase or hire of vessels,
and also advised that gunboats should be built at once, constructed
to draw but little water. Owing to his representations another
schooner, the _Lady Prevost_, was ordered to be built on Lake Erie,
and also one on Lake Ontario, the _Prince Regent_. News had come
that the only American vessel of war on Lake Ontario, then lying at
Sacketts Harbour, was being manned as fast as possible. The
Americans were also recruiting for the navy at Buffalo, and had
crossed to Fort Erie to inveigle men away from there.
General Brock wrote to Sir George Prevost that he believed an attempt
at invasion would be made at the strait between Niagara and Fort
Erie, and that he thought he could raise about three thousand militia
and five hundred Indians to guard that line. He believed a
protracted resistance would embarrass the enemy, for their troops,
being volunteers, had hardly any discipline. He would need cavalry,
and he had had many offers from young men to form a troop, but they
would require swords and pistols. He considered Kingston a most
important {179} place to guard, for he believed a strong detachment
of the enemy would follow Lord Amherst's route of 1760, and enter the
province by way of Oswegatchie (Ogdensburg), where the river St.
Lawrence is one thousand six hundred yards broad.
The militia between the Bay of Quinté and Glengarry were, he thought
of excellent quality. They could not be better employed than in
watching such a movement. "Mr. Cartwright, the senior militia
colonel at Kingston," he wrote, "possesses the influence to which his
firm character and superior abilities so deservedly entitle him."
[Sidenote: Dépôts of arms]
Sir George Prevost wished to establish dépôts of arms throughout the
country. Brock proposed that there should be proper places at each
post where arms could be deposited after the militia had exercised.
Sir George proposed sending two thousand three hundred and
twenty-nine muskets to Upper Canada; but as there was no place to
store them there Brock urged the completion at once of the proper
buildings for the purpose at York.
In the summer of 1811 the 41st Regiment was at Montreal, eight
hundred strong. In October it was moved to York. In November three
hundred recruits for the regiment arrived at Quebec. They had been
sixteen weeks on the passage, and had suffered much. "What a noble
battalion this will be when brought together," Brock writes. It was
not long before their mettle was tried and proved.
The work of raising the corps of Glengarry {180} Fencibles, proposed
some years before, was now gone on with, and Colonel George Macdonell
was entrusted with the task. Among the officers appointed to it were
three sons of General Æneas Shaw, then adjutant-general of
militia.[2] It was decided that the uniform of this corps should be
dark green, like that of the 95th Rifles. Recruiting went on for the
Glengarries, as they were called, not only in the province of Upper
Canada, but also in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, and sturdy
Highlanders were gathered from the coast and gulf, men who in the
stern days to come fought to the death for Canada.
In January a letter from Colonel Baynes told Brock that by the
October mail had come the long-looked-for permission for him to
return to England for service in Spain. Brock sent his formal
acknowledgment of the receipt of this permission to leave Canada, but
on account of the strong presumption of war with the Americans, he
begged to be allowed to remain in his present command. Sir George
{181} Prevost wrote saying that he had heard from Colonel Baynes that
General Brock would not avail himself of his leave of absence, and
expressed himself as much pleased that at this critical time he was
not to be deprived of his services.
A scheme of General Brock's was now carried out under his immediate
supervision, namely, the formation of flank companies, in the
different militia regiments, of specially drilled men, in order, as
he said, to organize an armed force to meet future exigencies, and to
demonstrate, by practical experience, the degree of facility with
which the militia might be trained to service. The companies were to
consist of one captain, two subalterns, two sergeants, one drummer,
and thirty-five rank and file. In General Brock's address to the
officers of these companies, he said: "Assisted by your zeal,
prudence and intelligence, I entertain the pleasing hope of meeting
with very considerable success, and of being able to establish the
sound policy of rendering permanent a mode of military instruction
little burdensome to individuals, and in every way calculated to
secure a powerful internal defence against hostile aggression."
The arms and accoutrements for the flank companies were to be
obtained from Fort Erie. General Brock also asked for clothing for
them from the king's stores. As to their training, they were to
drill six times a month, and as there was no provision for
remunerating the men, Brock asked that the {182} commissariat should
issue rations for the number actually present at exercise.
This organization proved a very useful measure, as the flank
companies were ready when the war broke out. The numbers embodied at
first were about seven hundred; when the companies were completed
they might be reckoned at eighteen hundred.
During the winter of 1811-12, military works were going on with all
speed throughout the province. Artificers were preparing temporary
magazines for the reception of spare powder at Fort George and
Kingston, the proposed fortifications at York were begun, and
ship-building was in progress. "Be ready," was the watchword for the
spring.
[1] On this occasion the state was divided into districts in party
interests. Hence the word "gerrymander" so well-known in Canada.
[2] On page 154 reference was made to General Brock's engagement to a
lady in York. Fuller confirmation of the story has been since
received, although in the form of a family tradition unsupported by
letters. It was to a daughter (Susan) of Lieutenant-General Shaw
that Brock was said to be engaged. The lady in question never
married, but died at an advanced age at the house of her sister, Mrs.
John Baldwin. Another sister, Isabella, was said to be the fiancée
of John Macdonell, Brock's friend and A.D.C. She afterwards married
the eldest son of Chief Justice Powell. His granddaughter, Mrs.
Ridout, now aged ninety, relates the story heard in her youth of the
romantic engagement of the two sisters whose lovers fell together on
Queenston Heights.
{183}
CHAPTER XV
CANADA'S DEFENCE
On February 3rd, 1812, the House of Assembly at York was opened with
all due state and ceremony, and a brilliant suite attended the acting
governor. In his speech General Brock deplored the treatment of
England by the United States, from whose harbours English vessels
were interdicted, while they were open to those of her foes.
Although he still hoped that war would be averted, he recommended
measures that would defeat the aggressions of the enemy and secure
internal peace. He appealed to the sons of those who had stood by
England in the past, not that he thought it was necessary to animate
their patriotism, but in order to dispel any apprehension in the
country of the possibility of England deserting them. On February
12th General Brock wrote to Colonel Baynes: "The assurance which I
gave in my speech at the opening of the legislature, of England
co-operating in the defence of this province, has infused the utmost
confidence, and I have reason at this moment to look for the
acquiescence of the two Houses to every measure I may think necessary
to recommend for the peace and defence of the country."
General Brock's hopeful anticipation of help from {184} England was
not realized during 1812. The preparations for defence were woefully
hampered by the instructions which Sir George Prevost undoubtedly
received from the home government to avoid expenditure. He was
limited as to expenses, and repeatedly cautioned not to provoke
hostilities. Consent had been given to the completion of the
defences of Quebec, but while millions were given to help Spain, and
Austria, and Russia, and Prussia against Napoleon, Canada was left
without money or soldiers. There was neither money to meet the cost
of a war, nor troops to carry it through with any chance of success.
Nor was it in a quarrel of her own that Canada was engaged, but the
quarrel was forced upon her because she was the most vulnerable part
of the British empire.
The measures that General Brock hoped to carry through the House
were: (1) A militia supplementary act; (2) the suspension of the
habeas corpus; (3) an alien law, and the offer of a reward for the
apprehension of deserters. He knew well that there were traitors
even in the House of Assembly and among the militia, men who had
recently come from the United States and whose sympathies were with
the latter country. He was convinced that it was advisable to
require every one to take an oath of allegiance abjuring all foreign
powers. He wrote: "If I succeed in all this I shall claim some
praise, but I am not without my fears."
The administrator was doomed to be disappointed {185} in securing the
support of the two Houses of the legislature to the measures he had
thought necessary to recommend. The bill to introduce the oath of
abjuration was lost by the casting vote of the chairman. The bill
for the suspension of the habeas corpus was lost by a small majority,
partly because the members did not see its necessity, not believing
that war would take place. General Brock thought that the reason for
the acts not passing was the great influence the numerous settlers
from the United States possessed over the decision of the Lower
House. He thought this influence was alarming, and could be remedied
only by encouraging "real subjects" to settle in the province. He
recommended that grants of Crown lands should be given to any Scotch
emigrants who should enlist in the Glengarry Fencibles. He wrote to
Colonel Baynes at Quebec concerning the disappointment he felt at the
failure of the assembly to pass the bills he wanted. In reply,
Baynes said: "Sir George, who is well versed in the fickle and
intractable disposition of public assemblies, feels more regret than
disappointment. He has a very delicate card to play himself with his
House of Assembly here, who would fain keep up the farce of being
highly charmed with his amiable disposition and affable manners."
[Sidenote: The President's message]
In March, 1812, congress met, and the president's message was
decidedly hostile. It began by charging that British cruisers had
been in the continued {186} practice of violating the American flag
on the great highway of nations, and of seizing and carrying off
persons sailing under it. This was the first time the government of
the United States had alleged impressment as its chief grievance, or
had announced its intention to claim redress.
[Sidenote: Henry's letters]
There was another grievance that the president brought forward in his
message. It will be remembered that in 1808 one John Henry went to
the United States from Canada on a secret mission, and entered into a
correspondence with Mr. Ryland, the secretary of Sir James Craig,
relative to the feeling in the United States at that time as to war
with England. Henry wrote fourteen letters in all, none of which
were important or incriminating to the government of Canada. They
were merely what an ordinary journalist might write on public
affairs. Nevertheless he seems to have placed a high value on his
services, and not receiving from Sir James Craig as much as he
expected, he went to England in 1811 and claimed a reward from the
government there. This was refused, and he was told to apply to the
successor of Sir James Craig as better able to appreciate the ability
and success with which his mission had been executed. Enraged by
this refusal, Henry determined to sell his documents to the United
States. On his way back to America for this purpose he had as a
fellow-passenger a young Frenchman, Count Edward de Crillon, who
represented himself as belonging to a noble {187} French family. To
this man Henry confided his woes and grievances, and met with much
sympathy. The count agreed to accompany him to Washington and assist
him in selling his papers to the government there. He also persuaded
Henry to purchase from him his family estate of "Castle St. Martine,"
to which he might retire and renew the health and strength which had
been shattered by anxiety and the ingratitude of his country. All
the payment the count would ask was the money from the American
government which Henry would receive by his assistance from the
authorities at Washington. Henry joyfully agreed. De Crillon, who
had most engaging manners, was welcomed by the best society at the
capital, who lavished on him all the attentions that his rank
demanded. The memory of Lafayette still lingered in the United
States, and the count touched the right chord in the national heart.
By his clever persuasion, Secretary Monroe paid over the sum of fifty
thousand dollars for the papers, which were made use of by the
president to fan the flame of war.
Madison in his address informed congress that while the Americans
were at peace with the British, the governor of Canada had employed
an emissary to traverse the states of the union, and especially
Massachusetts, in order to excite the people to revolt. A thousand
copies of the letters were ordered to be printed and distributed.
The English government was charged in the press with fomenting {188}
disaffection, intriguing with the disaffected to destroy the union,
and draw the eastern states into an alliance with Great Britain.[1]
Sir George Prevost wrote on the subject to Lord Liverpool: "Before
your Lordship receives this letter you will probably be in possession
of all the circumstances relative to Henry's treachery. From Mr.
Henry's residence in this country and his religion, from his thorough
acquaintance with the Canadian character and language, and, above
all, from his deep resentment against the government, Bonaparte may
be inclined to give him a favourable reception in France, with a view
to his keeping his talents in reserve to suit the exigencies of the
government of the United States, in event of an alliance being formed
between these countries against England."
The sequel of the story, which was not known until long afterwards,
was that de Crillon was an impostor. When the money was paid over to
him he disappeared, leaving with Henry the worthless title deeds to
an imaginary estate. Even in this small affair one can trace the
hand of the astute master of Europe, for the so-called Count de
Crillon turned out to be an agent of Napoleon's secret police!
{189}
[Sidenote: Brock's activity]
The hostile address of the president, and the preparations for war
that were being made throughout the United States, inspired Brock to
fresh exertions for the defence of his province, which would
undoubtedly be the part of Canada to be first attacked. No possible
precaution was omitted, there was no weak spot that was not
strengthened to the best of his ability. He spared himself no
fatigue. One day at York, engaged in the duties of his office, the
next day he would be at Fort George superintending the defences of
that frontier, reviewing and animating the militia, giving the word
of praise where it was needed, cheering the timid, awing the
disloyal. Even the Indians were not forgotten, and a visit was paid
to the Grand River, where were settled the Six Nation Indians, with
whom he was extremely popular.[2]
The boasts in congress of the easy conquest of Canada, and the
insolence of the press in the United States, had roused an intense
national feeling among both the French and English inhabitants. In
Quebec the corps known as "The Voltigeurs" had been raised and placed
under the command of Major de Salaberry. We read in the papers of
the day that it was completed with a despatch "worthy of the ancient
warlike spirit of the country."
{190}
In Lower Canada, by the militia law, the province was divided into
fifty-two divisions. All males from sixteen to sixty were required
to enrol their names with a captain of companies mustered to serve a
year. This was the sedentary militia, consisting of about fifty
thousand men. The incorporated militia, by an act passed May 19th,
1812, was fixed at two thousand men, but was increased afterwards.
This body was chosen by ballot from unmarried men in the sedentary
militia, the term of service to be two years, which was afterwards
increased to three years. No substitutes were permitted to serve.
In the Upper Province, with some trifling modifications, the same
system prevailed, but on account of the more scanty population the
force was proportionately less.
[Sidenote: War imminent]
The commander-in-chief still preached caution and forbearance. In
his letter to General Brock, of March 31st, 1812, he says: "I have
carefully examined Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonell's report on the
American fort at Detroit, written at your desire from information he
had received during a residence of a few days in the vicinity.
Whatever temptations may offer to induce you to depart from a system
strictly defensive, I must pointedly request that under the existing
circumstances of our relation with the government of the United
States, you must not allow them to lead you into any measure bearing
the character of offence, even should a declaration of war be laid on
the table of {191} congress by the president's influence, because I
am informed by our minister at Washington there prevails throughout
the United States a great unwillingness to enter upon hostilities,
and also because the apparent neglect at Detroit might be but a bait
to tempt us to an act of aggression, in its effects uniting parties,
strengthening the power of the government of that country, and
affording that assistance to the raising of men for the augmentation
of the American army, without which their ability to raise an
additional regiment is now questioned. You are nevertheless to
persevere in your preparations for defence."
Three weeks later, in a letter to Lord Liverpool, Sir George
Prevost's tone had changed, and he was inclined to think war was more
imminent. He writes: "The recent passing of an embargo act in
congress, the orders issued for the march of sixteen hundred men to
reinforce the American positions on Lakes Erie and Ontario and the
river St. Lawrence, indicate an inevitable disposition for
hostilities, which have induced me to accept the services of five
hundred Canadian youths, to be formed into a corps of light infantry,
or voltigeurs." On the same date, the minister at Washington, Mr.
Foster, wrote to Lord Castlereagh, who had succeeded the Marquis of
Wellesley as secretary of war: "The militia in the northern, and
particularly the eastern states, are well trained and armed. The
general who has been lately appointed commander-in-chief {192}
(Dearborn) is a heavy, unwieldy looking man, who was a major in the
American revolutionary war, and was a prisoner in Canada. He has
apparently accepted his appointment with great reluctance. There is
a cannon foundry near here from which a hundred cannon have been
lately sent to New York, many of them cast iron. They have fifty
more now on hand. Considerable supplies are daily sending to Albany,
the contractors having shipped for that place every barrel of beef
and pork in the market."
On April 14th, the president of the United States placed an embargo
on all American vessels for ninety days, so as to limit the number on
the high seas, and also to enable them to man their ships of war and
privateers. Their fastest merchant vessels were made into cruisers.
The anti-war party in the United States, however, still hoped that
the orders-in-council would be repealed or at least some friendly
message sent from the English government. But no friendly message
came.
In England at this time there was an interregnum of confusion. It
was on May 8th, 1812, that Spencer Perceval, the prime minister, was
assassinated. A letter of that date says: "Never has the British
government been in the situation it now is, Mr. Perceval dead, and
all public offices in confusion, and the great men caballing one
against the other. If they repeal the orders-in-council, the
American trade will flourish beyond all former periods. They {193}
will then have the whole commerce of the continent in their hands,
and the British, though blockading with powerful armaments the
hostile ports of Europe, will behold fleets of American merchantmen
enter in safety the harbours of the enemy, and carry on a brisk and
lucrative trade, whilst the English, who command the ocean and are
sole masters of the deep, must quietly suffer two-thirds of their
shipping to be dismantled, and to lie snug and useless in little
rivers or alongside huge but empty warehouses. Their sailors, in
order to earn a little salt junk and flinty biscuit, must spread
themselves like vagabonds over the face of the earth, and enter the
service of any nation. If, on the contrary, they continue to enforce
their orders, trade will still remain in its present deplorable
state. An American war will follow, and poor Canada will be obliged
to bear the whole brunt of American vengeance."[3]
[Sidenote: Repeal of orders-in-council]
On April 21st, 1812, the Regent had agreed to revoke the
orders-in-council if the Berlin and Milan decrees should be repealed.
It was June 15th, however, when Mr. Brougham, in the House of
Commons, moved for their repeal. They were revoked on June 23rd, a
few days after the actual declaration of war by the United States.
In May the English government did not apprehend war. So little did
they think it was coming that both the 41st and 49th Regiments were
ordered {194} back for service in Portugal. In July even Lord
Liverpool, the new prime minister, wrote that he hoped there would be
no occasion for the sacrifices that the people of Lower Canada were
willing to make for the defence of their country, and that the repeal
of the orders-in-council would bring about a better feeling between
the two countries. He directed that preparations for defense should
be delayed, and that the proposed raising of the Glengarry Regiment
should be given up. When that letter arrived at its destination, war
was in progress. It was well for Canada that by the foresight of one
man in command there, preparations had been made to meet it.
In April news came from Washington that five hundred militia from the
state of New York were to be sent to Niagara, five hundred to Black
Rock, opposite Fort Erie, and six hundred to Lake Champlain. It was
thought that this measure would provoke hostilities, as it looked as
if the Americans were determined to pick a quarrel. Again and again
Sir George Prevost cautioned Brock to use every effort to prevent a
collision. He was evidently afraid that his energetic colleague
would precipitate hostilities.
[Sidenote: A forecast]
In spite of his conviction that the sooner events came to a climax
the better for Canada, General Brock writes in obedience to the
orders of his commanding officer: "I entreat you to believe that no
act within my control shall afford the government {195} of the United
States a legitimate pretext to add to the clamour so artfully raised
against England." Brock's keen military instinct had divined what
the enemy would first attempt, and he had urged upon Sir George
Prevost the importance of striking the first blow. Sir George
apparently agreed with Brock, yet held back, seemingly in doubt as to
the line he should pursue. He was, no doubt, hampered by his
instructions from England. In a letter to Colonel Baynes, Brock
repeats: "I declare my full conviction that unless Detroit and
Michilimackinac be both in our possession at the commencement of
hostilities, not only the district of Amherstburg, but most probably
the whole country as far as Kingston must be evacuated." As to arms
for the militia, he urged that they should be sent to Upper Canada
with all speed. He says: "I have not a musket more than will suffice
to arm the active part of the militia from Kingston westwards. I
have to request, therefore, that the number of arms may be sent
according to enclosed requisition to place on the communication
between Glengarry and Kingston. Every man capable of carrying a
musket along the whole of that line ought to be prepared to act." He
wanted to find an enterprising, intelligent commander for that
district, and afterwards selected Major-General Shaw, in whom he had
much confidence. As for himself, he intended to give his attention
to Amherstburg and Niagara. He hoped that both the 41st and the 49th
{196} would be placed at his disposal. If so, he would send the
former to Amherstburg. He thought it was impossible to send a force
from the latter place to reduce Michilimackinac, for no vessel could
pass the river St. Clair unless the British occupied both banks of
the river. He then suggested a plan which had been contemplated some
years before by Sir James Craig and himself, namely, that of
transporting a small force by the Ottawa. He advocated sending forty
or fifty of the 49th Light Company, and a detachment of artillery by
canoe from Montreal. The North-West Company had, in 1808, promised
them transport.
With the attention to detail for which Brock was remarkable, he
ordered the purchase at Amherstburg of two thousand bushels of corn.
It had to be purchased on the American side, and was absolutely
necessary in case of war. He also ordered the purchase of horses for
the car brigade, as this was a service, he said, which required
infinite trouble and practice to bring to any degree of perfection.
This car brigade was a volunteer artillery company of farmers' sons
who had offered their services to Brock, together with their draught
horses, free of expense. The company was completed in July, fully
equipped, and placed under Captain Holcroft of the Royal Artillery.
General Brock also ordered a minute survey of stores to be made at
Amherstburg and other posts. One effect of the embargo had been to
keep forty thousand barrels of flour, {197} the product of the
southern shores of Lake Ontario, from the Montreal market. Most
rigorous measures were being used by the United States officials to
prevent the least infringement of the embargo on the Niagara River.
Armed men in civilians' clothing were constantly patrolling the
shore. An idle boy was said to have wantonly fired with ball from
the Canadian side of the river at the guard opposite Queenston. The
Americans were guilty of a similar outrage by firing at night into a
room where a woman was sitting.
So the winter and spring passed in constant anxiety and preparation.
In May Brock wrote that nothing but the public voice was restraining
the United States from commencing hostilities. He thought it
probable they would seize some island in the channel. It was
reported that six companies of Ohio militia were on their way to
Detroit. Fort Niagara had been reinforced, and barracks were
building at Black Rock, opposite Fort Erie.
[Sidenote: The Indians]
The Indians were now actively engaged against the Americans on the
frontier, and Brock thought the neutral policy pursued towards them
by the government of Canada was not wise. Each day that the officers
of the department were restrained from interfering in their concerns,
each time that they advised peace, and withheld the accustomed supply
of ammunition, their influence diminished. He thought the British
would lose the interest of the Indians if they remained inactive. "I
have always {198} considered," he says, "that the reduction of
Detroit would be a signal for a cordial coöperation on the part of
the Indians, and if we be not in sufficient force to effect this
object, no reliance ought to be placed on them."
The inspection of the king's stores showed they were at a very low
ebb. There were in them scarcely any articles of use or comfort.
Blankets, hammocks, kettles ought to be purchased. Tents were
urgently needed. In a letter to Colonel Baynes, General Brock says
that he thought the disposition of the people throughout the country
was very good. The flank companies had been instantly completed with
volunteers, and he hoped to extend the system, but he ends with, "My
means are very limited."
[Sidenote: A paper currency]
There was great inconvenience for want of specie in Upper Canada, an
evil which was increased by the embargo. In case of war there would
be none to defray ordinary expenses. General Brock had to consider
the best means of meeting this difficulty, and consulted some of the
leading merchants of the country as to the possibility of a paper
currency. He thought it would be generally approved of throughout
the province, and that the circulation of ten or fifteen thousand
pounds would meet present emergencies. His representations resulted
in a number of gentlemen of credit forming themselves into what was
called the Niagara and Queenston Association, and several thousand
pounds were issued in the shape of bank notes, which were currently
{199} received throughout the country, and afterwards redeemed with
army bills. So little by little the resourceful commander met every
difficulty, and prepared himself for the inevitable conflict.
[1] _Henry's letter to H. W. Ryland, April 14th, 1808_.--"From all I
have been able to collect I can with confidence infer that in case of
a war the states on our borders may be detached from the union, and,
like the Germanic body, each state consult its own safety and
interest."
[2] The Iroquois, after being driven by the Americans from their
territory south of Lake Ontario, received a grant of land from Sir
Frederick Haldimand in 1784 on the Grand River between Lakes Erie and
Ontario. Some also settled on the Thames, which falls into Lake St.
Clair.
[3] Thos. G. Ridout, in "Ten Years of Upper Canada," p. 114.
{200}
[Illustration: Operations on the Niagara frontier 1812-1814]
{201}
CHAPTER XVI
ON THE FRONTIER
Let every man who swings an axe,
Or follows at the plough,
Abandon farm and homestead,
And grasp a rifle now!
We'll trust the God of Battles
Although our force be small;
Arouse ye, brave Canadians,
And answer to my call!
Let mothers, though with breaking hearts,
Give up their gallant sons;
Let maidens bid their lovers go,
And wives their dearer ones!
Then rally to the frontier
And form a living wall;
Arouse ye, brave Canadians,
And answer to my call!
--_J. D. Edgar_, "This Canada of Ours."
The frontier of Canada to be defended, reckoning from Fort Joseph at
the head of Lake Huron to Quebec, was over twelve hundred miles in
length. The number of regulars in both the Canadas was a little less
than five thousand. The 8th, the 41st, the 49th, the 100th
Regiments, the 10th Royal Veterans, some artillery and the Canadian,
Newfoundland and Glengarry Fencibles composed the force, of which
about fourteen hundred and fifty were in Upper Canada, divided
between Forts {202} Joseph, Amherstburg, Chippawa, Erie, York and
Kingston. The most assailable frontier was the river Detroit from
Sandwich to Amherstburg, the river Niagara from Fort Erie to Fort
George, and the St. Lawrence from Kingston to St. Regis where the
American boundary touches the St. Lawrence. Between that place and
Quebec was an impenetrable forest. The population of Upper Canada
was about seventy thousand, of which eleven thousand might be called
out as militia, although not more than four thousand were ready for
service. This, then, was the material of which Brock had to make an
army of defence. It looked out of the question for it to be an army
of attack.
Early in May a warning note came from Mr. Thomas Barclay, the English
consul-general at New York. He wrote to Sir George Prevost: "You may
consider war as inevitable. It will take place in July at the
latest. Upper Canada will be the first object. Military stores of
all kinds and provisions are daily moving hence towards the lines.
Thirteen thousand five hundred militia, the quota of the state, are
drawn and ordered, to be in readiness at a moment's notice."
During this month Brock had hurried up ordnance and other stores to
St. Joseph, and had ordered Captain Roberts, in command there, to be
on his guard. At Amherstburg there were about seven hundred militia,
rank and file. The general proposed to increase the garrison there
by two {203} hundred men from Fort George and York, and guns were
sent also from those places, relying upon others coming from Kingston
by the _Earl of Moira_.
[Sidenote: War declared]
On June 1st General Hull, the civil governor of the Michigan
territory, and then recently made brigadier-general, in command of
about two thousand men, began his march for the Michigan territory
from Dayton, Ohio. On June 7th he arrived at Urbana, where he was
joined by the 4th Regiment. Colonel McArthur, from Detroit, with his
regiment of Michigan militia, had been ordered to open a road as far
as the Scioto River, where two blockhouses, joined by a strong
stockade, were called Fort McArthur. General Hull's march lay for
part of the way through thick and trackless forests. On June 18th
war was formally declared by the United States against England, but
news of this did not reach Sir George Prevost at Quebec until the
26th of that month, and then it did not come officially but by a
letter to the secretary, H. W. Ryland, from the firm of Forsyth,
Richardson & Company, and James McGillivray of the North-West and
South-West Fur Companies. The letter was as follows: "Montreal, June
24th. You will be pleased to inform the governor-general that we
have just received by an express which left New York on the 20th and
Albany on Sunday last at 6 a.m., the account that war against Great
Britain is declared." Fortunately General Brock was not left to
learn the news by the circuitous channel of the governor-general.
{204} He, too, had a communication sent him by express from Niagara.
It came to Thomas Clark from John Jacob Astor, New York, and was
immediately sent on to General Brock, who received it in York on June
26th.[1] In a few hours two companies of the 41st Regiment in
garrison at York were embarked in boats to the Niagara frontier,
while the general assembled his council, called an extra session of
the legislature, and then in a small open boat, with his brigade
major, Evans, and his aide-de-camp, Captain Glegg, crossed the lake,
(thirty miles) to Fort George, where he established his headquarters.
Colonel Baynes wrote to him as soon as the intelligence reached Sir
George, and said His Excellency was inclined to believe the report,
but it was not official. Colonel Baynes also reported that six large
canoes of the North-West Company going to the upper lakes by the
Ottawa, to receive their furs, had offered to accommodate six
soldiers in each canoe, in order to reinforce St. Joseph, but Sir
George did not think it well to weaken the 49th by sending them. The
letter ends, "Sir George desires me to say that he does not attempt
to prescribe specific rules for your guidance--they must be directed
by your discretion, and the circumstances of the time--the present
order of the day with him is _forbearance_."
{205}
[Sidenote: News from Quebec]
On July 3rd there was still doubt about war being really declared,
but Colonel Baynes writes to General Brock on that date from Quebec:
"We have a report here of your having commenced operations by
levelling the American fort at Niagara. His Excellency is most
anxious to hear good and recent news from your quarter. The flank
companies here are on the march, and two thousand militia will form a
chain of posts from St. Johns to Laprairie. The town militia of
Montreal and Quebec, to the amount of three thousand in each city,
have volunteered, are being embodied and drilled, and will take their
part in garrison duty to relieve the troops. The proclamation for
declaring martial law is prepared and will speedily be issued. All
aliens will be required to take the oath of allegiance or immediately
quit the province. Our cash is at its last issue, and a substitute
of paper must perforce be resorted to."
General Brock did not wait to receive official instructions from the
commander-in-chief, but immediately issued his orders for the
disposal of his scanty force. He called out the flank companies,
consisting of eight hundred well drilled men, and also sent an
express to Captain Roberts at Fort Joseph with instructions to
attempt the capture of Michilimackinac.
The district general order from Niagara on June 27th, was as follows:
"Colonel Procter will assume the command of the troops between
Niagara and {206} Fort Erie. The Hon. Colonel Clans will command the
militia stationed between Niagara and Queenston, and
Lieutenant-Colonel Clark from Queenston to Fort Erie. The
commissariat at their respective posts will issue rations and fuel
for the number actually present. The car brigade and the provincial
cavalry are included in this order. The detachment of the 41st,
stationed at the two and four-mile points, will be relieved by an
equal number of the 1st Lincoln militia to-morrow morning. It is
recommended to the militia to bring blankets with them on service.
The troops will be kept in a constant state of readiness for service,
and Colonel Procter will direct the necessary guards and patrols
which are to be made down the bank and close to the water's edge.
Lieutenant-Colonel Nichol is appointed quartermaster-general to the
militia forces, with the same pay and allowances as those granted to
the adjutant-general."
[Sidenote: Colonel Nichol]
The appointment of Colonel Nichol to this position is another
instance of General Brock's foresight and judgment in choosing men
for special work. In 1804, when Brock was a colonel in command at
Fort George, this Mr. Nichol kept, in the village near by, a small
shop or general store, where all sorts of wares were sold. He was a
clever little Scotsman, and the colonel soon became his warm friend,
and invited him often to dine with him at the mess. At this time
there was a menace of war, and Colonel Brock soon discovered that his
friend {207} had a very good knowledge of the country. At his
request Mr. Nichol drew up a statistical account of Upper Canada,
showing its resources in men, horses, provisions, and its most
vulnerable and assailable points. The sketch was in fact a military
report, embracing every detail which the commander of an army would
desire to have in the event of a war. The statement proved most
valuable in after years to General Brock, and now that he was
choosing his men for service in the various posts required, Colonel
Nichol, to the surprise of some who thought themselves entitled to
the position, was given an appointment where his particular qualities
would be of use. Lieutenant-Colonel Nichol had been in command of
the 2nd Norfolk Militia, a regiment composed almost entirely of
native Americans, and naturally not much to be depended on at the
beginning of the war. Colonel Nichol, in a letter to Captain Glegg,
gives his idea of how to manage such a regiment. He says: "You know
well, sir, that in a militia composed as ours is of independent
yeomanry, it would be both impolitic and useless to attempt to
introduce the strict discipline of the line. Just and fair conduct
and a conciliatory disposition on the part of their commanding
officer will do much, and this was the line I had marked out for
myself."
Strange to say, the official communication of the declaration of war
did not reach Sir George Prevost until about July 7th, at Montreal.
He writes on {208} that date to General Brock: "It was only on my
arrival here that I received Mr. Foster's notification of the
congress of the United States having declared war against Great
Britain." The actual declaration took place on June 18th. The vote
in the American senate was one hundred and ninety-three to thirteen,
in the lower house seventy-nine to forty-nine. So unpopular was it
in Massachusetts that on the receipt of the news the flags in the
harbour of Boston were placed at half-mast. The declaration of war
did not reach England until July 30th, and when it arrived, the
government, thinking that the revocation of the orders-in-council
would bring a suspension of hostilities, only ordered the detention
of American ships and property. It was not until October 13th that
directions were issued for general reprisals against the ships, goods
and citizens of the United States.
Colonel Baynes writes on July 8th, acknowledging a letter from Brock
of the 3rd: "Only four days from York." He continues, "We have felt
extremely anxious about you ever since we have learnt of the actual
declaration of war, which has been so long threatened that we never
believed it would ever seriously take place. Even now it is the
prevailing opinion that offensive measures are not likely to be
speedily adopted against this country."
[Sidenote: Hull's advance]
At that moment General Hull, who had received news of the declaration
of war on June 26th, was preparing to enter Canada. On June 24th the
{209} American general wrote, "I feel a confidence that the force
under my command will be superior to any which can be opposed to it.
It now exceeds two thousand rank and file." On June 30th he reached
a village on the broad Miami, and engaged a small schooner there to
take the baggage on to Detroit, while he continued his march with the
troops. On July 4th his army reached the Huron River, twenty-one
miles from Detroit, and the next day encamped at Springwells, four
miles from the town. Here six hundred Michigan militia joined him.
His order from Washington was: "Should the force under your command
be equal to the enterprise, consistent with the safety of your own
post, you will take possession of Malden, and extend your conquests
as circumstances may justify." Hull did not think himself equal to
the reduction of Fort Malden. On the 12th he passed over the Detroit
River, and established his headquarters in Colonel Baby's house.
Colonel Baby was then absent attending to his parliamentary duties in
York.
One can hardly realize in these days of rapid communication how
difficult it was then to obtain information of what was happening in
different parts of the province, or to convey orders. Much depended
on the individual capacity of those in charge of distant posts, and a
certain latitude had to be allowed them in carrying out instructions
from headquarters. Seven hundred miles from York and about fifty
miles north-east of Michilimackinac {210} was a lonely outpost on the
island of St. Joseph, at the head of Lake Huron. A small company of
the 10th Royal Veteran Battalion was stationed here under the command
of Captain Roberts. On June 26th, from Fort George, General Brock
sent a despatch to that officer, giving him orders to attack
Michilimackinac, the island lying in the strait between Lakes Huron
and Michigan. On the 27th this order was suspended, but on the 28th
it was renewed. On the very day this letter was received, another
dated June 25th arrived at Fort Joseph from Sir George Prevost,
ordering Captain Roberts to act only on the defensive. This was
rather a puzzling position for the captain, but he knew well the
importance General Brock attached to the taking of the island, and he
resolved to act on the instructions received in the letter of the
28th. He was confirmed in his intentions by another letter from
General Brock, dated July 4th, in which he was told to use his
discretion either to attack or defend.
[Sidenote: Capture of Mackinaw]
On July 16th he therefore set out with a flotilla of boats and canoes
in which were embarked forty-five officers and men of the 10th
Veterans, about one hundred and eighty Canadian _voyageurs_ under
Toussaint Pothier, the agent of the Hudson's Bay Company, and a
goodly number of Indians, the whole convoyed by a brig, the
_Caledonia_, belonging to the North-West Company. Under cover of
night they approached the white cliffs of Mackinaw. {211} It is a
true Gibraltar of the northern lakes, accessible only on one side,
and had sufficient time been allowed, it could no doubt have been
easily defended. Its garrison consisted of sixty-one officers and
men under command of a Captain Hanks. The expedition had been so
cleverly managed that the enemy were completely taken by surprise,
and at dawn of July 17th, the fort, which by the treaty of 1794 had
been ceded to the Americans, once more came under the British flag.
It was the first operation of the war, and a most important one. By
it the wavering tribes of Indians in the North-West were confirmed in
their allegiance to Great Britain, and these proved a very powerful
aid in the coming contest. Military stores of all kinds were found
in the fort, also seven hundred packs of furs, for this was the
rendez-vous of the traders of the North West. The news of this
success did not, of course, reach Fort George until the end of the
month, while it was August 3rd when the paroled men from Mackinaw
reached Detroit and bore the first news of the disaster to General
Hull.
From Fort George, early in July, General Brock wrote to the
commander-in-chief that the militia were improving in discipline, but
showed a degree of impatience under restraint. "So great was the
clamour," he says, "to return and attend to their farms, that I found
myself in some measure compelled to sanction the departure of a large
proportion, and I am not without my apprehension that {212} the
remainder will, in defiance of the law which only imposes a fine of
twenty dollars, leave the service the moment the harvest begins."
[Sidenote: A tactful commander]
The general, however, knew how to deal with his homespun warriors,
and instead of blaming the men his general order of July 4th gave
them the word of praise they needed. He also gave them the word of
sympathy that showed them he realized how hard it was for them to
leave their homes and their ungathered harvests, and spend their days
and nights in tedious drill and outpost duty, without tents, without
blankets, some even without shoes, which at that time could scarcely
be provided in the country. His order ran as follows: "Major-General
Brock has witnessed with the highest satisfaction the orderly and
regular conduct of such of the militia as have been called into
actual service, and their ardent desire to acquire military
instruction. He is sensible that they are exposed to great
privations, and every effort will be immediately made to supply their
most pressing wants, but such are the circumstances of the country
that it is absolutely necessary that every inhabitant should have
recourse to his own means to furnish himself with blankets and other
necessaries. The major-general calls the serious attention of every
militiaman to the efforts making by the enemy to destroy and lay
waste this flourishing country. They must be sensible of the great
stake they have to contend for, and will by their conduct convince
the enemy that they {213} are not desirous of bowing their necks to a
foreign yoke. The major-general is determined to devote his best
energies to the defence of the country, and has no doubt that,
supported by the zeal, activity and determination of the loyal
inhabitants of this province, he will successfully repel every
hostile attack, and preserve to them inviolate all that they hold
dear. From the experience of the past the major-general is convinced
that should it be necessary to call forth a further proportion of the
militia to aid their fellow-subjects in defence of the province, they
will come forward with equal alacrity to share the danger and the
honour." Thus he took the rough metal at his hand, and out of it
forged a weapon of strength that did good service through three years
of trial.
The position of affairs in Upper Canada in the early part of July was
extremely unpromising. About four thousand American troops under the
command of Brigadier-General Wadsworth were on the Niagara frontier
between Black Rock and Fort Niagara, with headquarters at Lewiston,
directly opposite Queenston. A report had come to General Brock of
the bombardment of Sandwich (which was not true), but a further
report came of its occupation by the American general. President
Madison announced in his address to congress that General Hull had
passed into Canada with a prospect of easy and victorious progress.
From Sandwich Hull issued a proclamation to the people of {214}
Canada, offering the alternatives of "peace, liberty and security, or
war, slavery and destruction."[2] Colonel St. George, who commanded
the Canadian militia on the Detroit frontier, reported to General
Brock that they had behaved badly and that many of them had joined
the invading army. There is no doubt that on that western peninsula
there were many American settlers, bound by no tie of patriotism to
Canada, whose sympathies were entirely with the United States. A
very different feeling prevailed in that part of the country which
had been mainly settled by Loyalists after the American revolution,
and also where General Brock was personally known and where his
influence extended. He wrote to Sir George his impressions about the
loyalty of the population of Upper Canada, and said that although a
great number were sincere in their desire to defend the country,
there were many others who were indifferent, or so completely
American as to rejoice in the prospect of a change of government.
Another disquieting report came at this time of the feeling among the
Indians on the Grand River. They had heard of General Hull's
successful entry into the country, his emissaries were already among
them, and they had decided to remain neutral.
[Sidenote: American assertion]
The American press was now full of boastful {215} predictions of the
early fall of Canada. Dr. Eustis, the American secretary of war,
said: "We can take the Canadas without soldiers, we have only to send
officers into the province, and the people, disaffected towards their
own government, will rally round our standard." Henry Clay said: "It
is absurd to suppose we shall not succeed in our enterprise against
the enemy's provinces. We have the Canadas as much under our command
as Great Britain has the ocean; and the way to conquer her on the
ocean is to drive her from the land. I am not for stopping at Quebec
or anywhere else, but I would take the continent from them. I wish
never to see a peace till we do."
In the face of all this assertion, and with a knowledge that a
handful of regulars and a few thousand undisciplined militia were all
that he had to drive the invaders back, it was hard for the general
in command to keep a confident air, and to prevent the people
dependent on him from giving up in despair. To Sir George Prevost
Brock wrote: "It is scarcely possible that the government of the
United States will be so inactive or supine as to permit the present
limited (British) force to remain in possession of the country.
Whatever can be done to preserve it, or to delay its fall, your
Excellency may rest assured will be done." "I talk loud and look
big," he laughingly says in a letter to Colonel Baynes.
General Brock lost no time in sending Colonel {216} Procter to
Amherstburg, where he was expected to arrive on July 21st. Of that
officer he says: "I have great dependence on his decision, but fear
he will arrive too late to be of much service." The letter, which
was to the commander-in-chief, continues: "The position which Colonel
St. George occupies is very good, and infinitely more formidable than
Fort Malden itself. Should he be compelled to retire I know of no
other alternative for him than embarking in the king's vessels and
proceeding to Fort Erie. Your Excellency will readily perceive the
critical situation in which the reduction of Amherstburg will place
me. I shall endeavour to exert myself to the utmost to overcome
every difficulty. I now express my apprehensions on a supposition
that the slender means your Excellency possesses will not admit of
diminution, consequently, that I need not look for reinforcements.
The enemy seem more inclined to work on the flanks, aware that if he
succeeds every other part must soon submit."
Just before the news came of General Hull's occupation of Sandwich,
Sir George had written to Brock, still counselling forbearance. He
said: "While the states are not united themselves as to the war, it
would be unwise to commit any act which might unite them.
Notwithstanding these observations, I have to assure you of my
perfect confidence in your measures for the preservation of Upper
Canada. All your wants shall be supplied as {217} fast as possible,
except money, of which I have none."
[Sidenote: The naval force]
Parliament was now sitting at Quebec, and Sir George Prevost was
obliged to be at that place, while General de Rottenburg remained in
Montreal. A small reinforcement of troops had arrived in Canada,
consisting of the 103rd Regiment, a weak battalion of Royal Scots,
and some recruits for the 100th. The arrival of the 103rd allowed
the remainder of the 49th to proceed to Upper Canada. "Oh, for
another regiment," Brock sighed. The naval force available in Upper
Canada was a small squadron on Lake Ontario, consisting of the _Royal
George_ of twenty-four guns, the brig _Moira_ sixteen guns, the
_Prince Regent_, which had just been built and equipped at York, and
two other small schooners. On Lake Erie the _Queen Charlotte_ was at
Fort Malden, and the sloop of war _Hunter_ had been sent to the
straits of Mackinaw.
General Hull's boastful proclamation from Sandwich had not been
received with the enthusiasm he had expected from the population of
Upper Canada. A counter appeal had been issued from Fort George by
General Brock, ending in these words: "Beholding, as we do, the flame
of patriotism burning from one end of the Canadas to the other, we
cannot but entertain the most pleasing anticipations. Our enemies
have indeed said that they can subdue the country by a proclamation,
but it is our part to prove to them that they are {218} sadly
mistaken; that the population is determinedly hostile, and that the
few who might be otherwise inclined will find it to their safety to
be faithful."
It was well to be cheerful and confident in the face of the
difficulties that surrounded him, and this spirit was shared by his
followers. Once more he writes to the commander-in-chief: "The
alacrity and good temper displayed when the militia marched to the
frontier has infused in the minds of the enemy a very different
sentiment of the disposition of the inhabitants, who he (the American
general) was led to believe would, on the first summons, declare
themselves an American state."
On July 20th news came of an unexpected success. It will be
remembered that General Hull on his march to Detroit had left his
heavy baggage and stores to be conveyed by a schooner, _Cayahoga_,
from the Miami River to Detroit. The boats of the _Hunter_, under
the command of Lieutenant Rolette, came across this schooner and
succeeded in capturing it. General Brock wrote at once to Sir George
Prevost to tell him that Colonel St. George had reported the capture
and had sent him some interesting documents found on board. From the
correspondence taken he judged the force at Detroit to consist of
about two thousand men. It was reported also that the enemy were
making numerous and extensive inroads from Sandwich up the river
Thames. He had therefore sent Captain Chambers with about fifty of
the 41st to the Moravian town, {219} where he had directed two
hundred militia to join him. He was most anxious to set off himself
for Amherstburg, but was obliged to wait for the meeting of the
legislature, which was summoned for July 27th.
As to making an attack on Fort Niagara, which had been suggested,
General Brock did not think it was of immediate consequence. He
writes: "It can be demolished when found necessary in half an hour."
His guns were in position and he considered his front to be perfectly
safe. In the meantime he was devoting himself to the training of the
militia, to enable them to acquire some degree of discipline.
[Sidenote: Brock's appeal]
On July 22nd from Fort George, General Brock issued another
proclamation as president of the province. It ran as follows: "The
unprovoked declaration of war by the United States of America against
the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland has been followed by
the actual invasion of this province, in a remote frontier of the
western district, by a detachment of the armed forces of the United
States. The officer commanding that detachment has thought proper to
invite His Majesty's subjects not only to a quiet and unresisting
submission, but insults them with a call to seek voluntarily the
protection of that government.
"Where is the Canadian subject who can truly affirm to himself that
he has been injured by the government of Great Britain in his person,
his {220} liberty or his property? Where is to be found in any part
of the world a growth so rapid in wealth and prosperity as this
colony exhibits, settled not thirty years ago by a band of veterans
exiled from their former possessions on account of their loyalty?
Not a descendant of these brave people is to be found who under the
fostering liberality of their sovereign has not acquired a property
and means of enjoyment superior to what were possessed by his
ancestors. This unequalled prosperity could not have been attained
by the utmost liberality of the government or the persevering
industry of the people, had not the maritime power of the mother
country secured for its colonists a safe access to every market where
the produce of their labour was in demand.
"The unavoidable and immediate consequence of a separation from Great
Britain must be the loss of this inestimable advantage. What is
offered you in exchange? To become a territory of the United States
and share with them that exclusion from the ocean which the policy of
their present government enforces. You are not even flattered with a
prospect of participation in their boasted independence, and it is
but too obvious that once excluded from the powerful protection of
the United Kingdom, you must be re-annexed to the Dominion of France,
from which the provinces of Canada were wrested by Great Britain, at
a vast expense of blood and treasure, from no other motive than to
relieve her ungrateful children from the oppression of a cruel {221}
neighbour. This restitution to the empire of France was the
stipulated reward for the aid afforded to the revolted colonies, now
the United States. The debt is still due and there can be no doubt
the pledge has been renewed as a consideration for commercial
advantages, or rather, as an expected relaxation in the tyranny of
France over the commercial world. Are you prepared, inhabitants of
Upper Canada, to become willing subjects, or rather, slaves to the
despot who rules Europe with a rod of iron? If not, arise in a body,
exert your energies to coöperate cordially with the king's regular
forces to repel the invader, and do not give cause to your children,
when groaning under the oppression of a foreign master, to reproach
you with having too easily parted with the richest inheritance on
earth--a participation in the name, character and freedom of Britain.
"Let no man suppose that if in this unexpected struggle His Majesty's
arms should be compelled to yield to an overwhelming force, the
province will be abandoned. The endeared relation of its first
settlers, the intrinsic value of its commerce, and the pretensions of
its powerful rival to repossess the Canadas, are pledges that no
peace will be established between the United States and Great Britain
of which the restoration of these provinces does not make the most
prominent condition."
On July 27th General Brock returned to York, where, attended by a
numerous suite, he opened {222} the extra session of the legislature.
His speech on that occasion rings like a trumpet note: "Gentlemen of
the House of Assembly, we are engaged in an awful and eventful
contest. By unanimity and despatch in our councils, and vigour in
our operations we may teach the enemy this lesson, that a country
defended by free men enthusiastically devoted to the cause of their
king and constitution, can never be conquered!"
[1] Mr. Astor had extensive fur interests in Canada, and obtained
early and private information from Washington in order to prevent his
store of furs being sent from their dépôts.
[2] Hull's proclamation to the people of Canada runs: "You will be
emancipated from tyranny and oppression and restored to the dignified
station of free men."
{223}
CHAPTER XVII
A VIGOROUS COMMANDER
On July 29th news arrived at York of the successful capture of
Michilimackinac, and General Brock immediately sent a despatch
announcing it to Sir George Prevost. He also informed him that the
militia at York had volunteered for service to any part of the
province, and he had selected a hundred to proceed at once to Long
Point, Lake Erie. He thought that unless the enemy could be driven
from Sandwich it would be impossible to avert the ruin of the
country. He intended leaving himself on the 30th for Fort George,
but would return the next day. On the same date Sir George wrote to
him telling him that he had placed Major-General Sheaffe on the
staff, and was sending him to Upper Canada to assist in the arduous
service there. News had just arrived at Quebec of the revocation of
the orders-in-council, as regarded America, and Sir George was
inclined to moderate measures. In the meantime, on the American
seaboard, and the coasts of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, stirring
scenes were enacting.
Sir Thomas Saumarez, who had married a cousin of General Brock,[1]
writes to him from Halifax that {224} he and his wife had safely
arrived there, and considered themselves very fortunate at not having
fallen into the enemy's hands, as war had been declared a week before
they reached port. He says: "We came out in a very valuable ordnance
store ship, which would have been a great acquisition to the enemy,
and its loss would have been severely felt, as all the stores on
board are much required. Our squadron on this station has been very
active. Prizes arrive here daily, I could almost say hourly. The
_Emulous_ brought in ten yesterday, and thirty thousand dollars were
found on some of them. Mr. Foster, the late ambassador to the
states, has been here nearly a week, he is to sail for England
to-day. The northern and eastern states are extremely inimical to,
and dissatisfied with this war, so much so that there is reason to
suppose they will dissolve the union shortly, and declare themselves
totally independent of the southern and western states. The American
privateers are extremely numerous and daring in this neighbourhood,
and I am sorry to add they have proved but too successful, having
captured several of our vessels bound to Quebec and New Brunswick,
and some to this port. I received a note about an hour ago from
Lieutenant-Colonel Pearson, who sailed from here last Sunday with his
wife and family, for Quebec, being appointed inspecting field officer
in Canada, to inform me that he had been made prisoner by an American
privateer. Most of our ships are looking out for the {225} squadron
under Commodore Rodgers, who is supposed to have sailed from New York
with a view to intercept our West India fleet. A transport with a
hundred and forty men of the Royals, from the West Indies to Quebec,
was boarded by the _Essex_, an American frigate, about ten days ago,
and permitted to proceed on condition that the master of the vessel
promised to pay a ransom of twelve thousand dollars for her, and that
the officers commanding should consider themselves on parole, and
give their assurance that the troops would not fight against the
Americans during the war."
This was a rather aggravating piece of news when men and money were
needed so badly.
While General Brock was in York attending to the meeting of the
legislature, affairs at Fort George were in charge of
Lieutenant-Colonel Myers, an officer in whom he had great confidence.
"Niagara on the British side, or as it is sometimes called, Newark,"
so an American soldier writes, "looks wicked everywhere. It is a
charming, fertile village, but all a camp fortified at every point."
[Sidenote: The militia]
The militia, who had been allowed to go to their homes on account of
the harvest, had been recalled. There was a question raised at this
time as to the powers which General Brock had in his combined
military and civil capacity. As civil governor he could convene
general courts-martial for the trial of offenders belonging to the
militia, and even inflict punishment by death; but in his military
office he {226} could only convene the court. He thought he ought to
have equal authority in both offices. He wrote from York on August
4th to Sir George Prevost, as follows: "I have the honour to enclose
a statement made by me yesterday to His Majesty's executive council,
which will fully apprize your Excellency of my situation. The
council adjourned for deliberation, and I have no doubt will
recommend the prorogation of the assembly and the proclamation of
martial law, but doubts occurring in contemplation of such an event,
I take the liberty to submit these questions to your Excellency, and
request the aid of your experience and superior judgment. In the
event of declaring martial law can I without the sign manual approve
and carry into effect the sentence of a general court-martial? 2nd.
Can I put upon a general court-martial, after martial law is
proclaimed, any person not a commissioned officer in His Majesty's
regular forces? In other words, can officers of the militia sit in
conjunction with those of the line?"
[Sidenote: Sir George Prevost]
The answer to this was written on August 12th, and Sir George said:
"As the martial law which you propose declaring is founded on the
king's commission and upon the extreme case of invasion alluded to in
it, I am inclined to think that whatever power is necessary for
conveying the measure into effect must have been intended to be given
you by your commission. The officers of the militia, becoming
themselves subject to martial law, I {227} conceive they may sit upon
courts-martial with officers of His Majesty's regular force, but upon
both these points I desire not to be understood as speaking
decisively."
News had just reached Quebec of Captain Roberts's capture of Fort
Michilimackinac. Sir George wrote: "Great credit is certainly due
that officer for the zeal and promptitude with which he has performed
this service. At the same time I must confess my mind has been very
much relieved by finding that the capture took place at a period
subsequent to Brigadier-General Hull's invasion of the province, as
had it been prior to it, it would not only have been in violation of
Captain Roberts's orders, but have afforded a just ground for the
subsequent conduct of the enemy, which I now plainly perceive no
forbearance on your part would have prevented." As a matter of fact
the capture of Michilimackinac was effected contrary to Sir George
Prevost's order, because Fort St. Joseph, being nearly three hundred
and fifty miles from Detroit and Sandwich, and the expedition having
left the fort four days after Hull's invasion, it was not possible
for Captain Roberts to have heard in that time of the event. In his
letter to the adjutant-general announcing the capture, he does not
say that he had heard of the invasion. In his letter to Lord
Bathurst, Sir George expresses himself rather differently. He says:
"In these measures Major-General Brock was most opportunely aided by
the {228} fortunate surrender of Fort Michilimackinac, which giving
spirit and confidence to the Indian tribes in its neighbourhood, part
of whom assisted in its capture, determined them to advance upon the
rear and flank of the American army as soon as they heard it had
entered the province."
At this time Sir George was much occupied with the meeting of the
legislature at Quebec. To the credit of the House it must be said
that they took prompt measures for the safety of the country. Past
differences were forgotten, and all the members worked for the common
weal. An act was passed providing for the issue of army note bills.
The province was to pay the interest accruing upon the notes and the
expense of the establishment. They were to be legal tender. Fifteen
thousand pounds annually for five years were granted to pay the
interest that might become due on these bills, of which two hundred
and fifty thousand pounds were authorized to be put into circulation.
Large bills, of twenty-five dollars and upwards, were to bear
interest at the rate of four pence a day for every one hundred
pounds. At the end of five years all those who might be the holders
of such army bills were entitled to receive the amount of the same,
with interest due, out of the provincial treasury.[2]
{229}
The commander-in-chief was at last able to send the much-needed money
and stores to Upper Canada. Major Ormsby, with three companies of
the 49th, protecting a large supply of ordnance, left La Chine on
August 6th for Kingston and Fort George, taking two thousand five
hundred pounds for the payment of regulars and militia. Another
company, with one hundred and ten men of the Newfoundland Regiment
and fifty picked Veterans, were to follow under Major Heathcote.
Camp equipage for five hundred men was also promised as soon as
_bateaux_ could be collected at La Chine. Colonel Vincent with the
remainder of the 49th, and a subaltern and ten gunners of the Royal
Artillery, with two 3-pounders, were ordered to Fort George.
As to military affairs on the frontier of Quebec, it was reported
that the Americans were forming dépôts in the neighbourhood of
Montreal, and were also building _bateaux_ on Lake Champlain. In the
meantime the House of Assembly at York was prorogued as soon as it
had passed the necessary supply bill, and Major-General Brock was
free to proceed to the western frontier. Most of the members of the
House were in the active militia and were needed in their respective
districts. Colonel Baby, who had been attending to his parliamentary
duties, had been bereft of his house in his absence, as General Hull
had chosen it for headquarters, being the largest and best in
Sandwich.
{230}
Colonel Elliott, another member of the legislature, lived near
Amherstburg, and had long been in charge of the Indians in that
district, over whom he exercised great influence. John Macdonell,
the acting attorney-general and member for Glengarry, a young man of
much promise, was chosen as aide-de-camp by the general. The latter
called for volunteers to accompany him on the expedition, and such
was the enthusiasm aroused that more than five hundred offered their
services. The general, however, could only accept half of that
number as the rest were required to guard the Niagara frontier.
Forty men of the 41st Regiment were also detached from the little
garrison at Fort George, to proceed to Amherstburg. The volunteers
chosen were chiefly young men, sons of the principal residents of
York and the adjacent country. Before they left on their perilous
expedition they attended a service at St. James's Church in York,
where their friend and rector, Dr. Strachan, whose pupils most of
them had been, preached them a stirring sermon, and sent them on
their way with his blessing to drive back the invaders of the land.
[Sidenote: Brock leaves York]
A word of farewell was sent to the general by his friends Colonel
Bruyères and Colonel Baynes. The former wrote: "The difficult task
placed in any other hands I should consider very discouraging, but I
acknowledge that I look with a certain degree of confidence to your
abilities and perseverance in surmounting every difficulty." The
other says: {231} "Adieu, my dear general, we cannot command success,
but I am sure you will not fail to merit it."
General Brock and his little band left York on August 6th for
Burlington Bay, and thence proceeded by land to Long Point, Lake
Erie. On the way he passed the Mohawk village on the Grand River,
and took the opportunity of personally finding out the disposition of
the Indians there. About sixty promised to follow him. At Long
Point the forty regulars and two hundred and sixty volunteers which
composed the troop, embarked in all sorts of boats for the journey of
about two hundred miles along the coast to Amherstburg. Up this same
lake had journeyed fifty years before, Major Rogers with his rangers,
bearing with them the English flag for the old French fort of
Detroit. There it waved until, by the treaty of 1794, the fort was
ceded to the Americans. The coast of Lake Erie is a dangerous one to
navigate, with sand cliffs rising one hundred to two hundred feet
sheer from the water, and there were very few creeks or inlets where
safe landing could be made. At times a heavy surf breaks upon the
shore. The weather was bad, rainy and stormy, but, inspired by their
leader, the men bore their privations without a murmur. Once the
boat in which were the general and some of his new recruits ran on a
rock. Oars and poles were used in vain, when Brock with the daring
expertness learnt long before on the Guernsey {232} coast, jumped
overboard, an example quickly followed by the others, and the boat
was safely pushed into deep water.
On August 12th they reached Point aux Pins, and the general wrote
there his orders to his little fleet. "It is Major-General Brock's
intention, should the wind continue fair, to proceed during the
night; officers commanding boats will therefore pay attention to the
order of sailing as directed yesterday; the greatest care and
attention will be required to prevent the boats from separating or
falling behind. A great part of the banks of the lake where the
boats will this day pass is much more dangerous and difficult of
access than any we have passed; the boats will therefore not land
except in the most extreme necessity, and then great care must be
taken to choose the best place for beaching. The troops being now in
the neighbourhood of the enemy, every precaution must be taken to
guard against surprise. By order, J. Glegg."
After five days and nights of incessant exertion, the little squadron
reached Amherstburg shortly before midnight on August 13th. There is
a note in General Brock's handwriting which gives this tribute to the
men who accompanied him: "In no instance have I seen troops who would
have endured the fatigue of a long journey in boats during extremely
bad weather, with greater cheerfulness and constancy; and it is but
justice to this little {233} band to add that their conduct
throughout excited my admiration."
[Sidenote: The armistice]
It was well for Canada that no message reached Brock to stop him on
the way, for while he was pressing on, the over-cautious and
vacillating commander-in-chief, possessed with the idea that the
repeal of the orders-in-council would bring a cessation of
hostilities, had sent Colonel Baynes to General Dearborn at Albany,
with a proposition for an armistice.
[1] Sir Thomas Saumarez married, in 1787, Harriet, daughter of
William Brock and Judith de Beauvoir.
[2] In February, 1815, it was estimated that $5,200,000 had been
issued, of which $3,200,000 were bearing interest amounting to
$192,000, of which the province paid $60,000.
{235}
CHAPTER XVIII
BROWNSTOWN AND MAGUAGA
The garrison at Amherstburg consisted of a subaltern detachment of
the Royal Artillery, three hundred men of the 41st, and about the
same number of militia. Captain Chambers, with fifty men of the
41st, had been sent to the Moravian town on the river Thames for the
purpose of collecting the militia and Indians there, and advancing on
the left flank of the enemy. Forty more had been sent to Long Point
to collect the militia in that neighbourhood. Sixty of the 41st had
just arrived with Colonel Procter at Amherstburg. General Hull,
after issuing his futile proclamation, seems to have remained closely
in his quarters at Sandwich, evidently afraid to venture too far from
Fort Detroit. He had not met with the encouragement he expected from
the settlers of Essex and Kent. Although some malcontents had joined
his standard, the majority of the inhabitants had remained firm in
their allegiance to Great Britain. An advance upon Fort Malden
(Amherstburg) had been expected, but three detachments of Americans
on three successive days had been foiled in their attempt to cross
the river Canard, scarcely four miles from that place. On July 22nd
General Hull {236} wrote to Washington: "If Malden were in our
possession, I could inarch the army to Niagara or York in a very
short time." Sir George Prevost on the 27th of the same month had
written to Brock: "The possession of Malden, which I consider means
Amherstburg, appears a favourable object with the government of the
United States. I sincerely hope you will disappoint them."
The fort of Amherstburg could not, from the description given of it,
have sustained a siege. "Quadrangle in form, four bastions alone
flanked a dry ditch, offering little obstacle to a determined enemy.
This passed, there was but a single line of picketing, perforated
with loopholes for musketry, and supported by a slight breastwork.
All the buildings within were of wood, covered with pine shingles of
extreme thinness."[1] Colonel St. George, who was in command there,
well knew the disadvantage of awaiting the enemy in this position,
and sallied out with his small garrison to guard the approaches to
the river Canard. In one of the slight skirmishes that occurred
between his troops and an advance body of American cavalry and
infantry, the first blood was shed in the war of 1812. It was that
of a private of the 41st, named Hancock, who was killed when
defending a bridge, while his companion Dean was curried off a
prisoner to Detroit.[2] {237} Their determined resistance gave time
for a reinforcement of Indians led by Tecumseh to arrive, whose
appearance and wild shouts carried such a panic among the Americans
that they retired in disorder. This was Tecumseh's first exploit as
an ally. As soon as Colonel Procter arrived he sent the chief with a
band of Indians and a detachment of the 41st under Major Muir across
the river to Brownstown, a place about twenty-five miles south of
Detroit, and nearly opposite Amherstburg. The object of the
expedition was to intercept a body of the enemy, which was marching
from Detroit as an escort for the mail, and also to meet and convoy a
supply of provisions from the river Raisin. The American troops
consisted of about two hundred Ohio volunteers, under Major Van
Horne. Tecumseh with about twenty-five Indians, learning from their
scouts the route the Americans had taken, formed an ambuscade three
miles from Brownstown and lined the thick woods on either side of the
road. When Van Horne with the mounted riflemen {238} appeared, the
Indians opened a deadly fire, killing twenty of the number, including
five officers, and wounding as many more. The Americans sought
safety in flight, and the despatches and correspondence from Detroit
fell into the hands of Tecumseh, who lost only one man in the
encounter. The provision train, with cattle and other supplies for
Detroit, in charge of Captain Brush, was also intercepted by the
Indians. This was most discouraging for General Hull, who received
all his provisions and supplies from Ohio by the rivers Raisin and
Miami. News of the reverse followed quickly on the news of the loss
of Michilimackinac, which Hull said let loose the northern hive of
Indians on his frontier. So discouraged was he that on July 7th and
8th he abandoned Sandwich in order to concentrate his forces at
Detroit.
[Sidenote: Maguaga]
He then sent a detachment of six hundred men with some artillery to
dislodge the British from Brownstown. These met at Maguaga, fourteen
miles below Detroit, a company of the 41st under Major Muir, with
about sixty militia and two hundred Indians. A sharp engagement
ensued, in which the Americans were successful, and the British had
to retire to their boats. Major Richardson, who was present as a
subaltern on this occasion, has given a detailed account of this
skirmish, to which the Americans seem to attach undue importance. He
says:--
"On the morning of Sunday, the 9th, the wild {239} and distant cry of
our Indian scouts gave us to understand that the enemy were
advancing. In the course of ten minutes the Indians appeared issuing
from the wood, bounding like wild deer chased by the huntsman, and
uttering that peculiar shout which is known among themselves as the
'news cry.' From them we ascertained that a strong column of the
enemy, cavalry and infantry, were on their march to attack us, but
that the difficulty of transporting their guns rendered it improbable
that they could reach our position before night, although then only
at a distance of eight miles. It being instantly decided on to meet
them, the detachment was speedily under arms and on its march for
Maguaga, a small Indian village distant about a league. Having taken
up a position about a quarter of a mile beyond Maguaga, our
dispositions of defence were speedily made, the rustling of the
leaves alone breaking on the silence which reigned throughout our
line. Following the example of the Indians, we lay reclined on the
ground, in order to avoid being perceived until within a few yards of
the enemy. While awaiting in this manner the approach of the column,
our little force was increased by the arrival of Lieutenant Bullock
of the 41st Grenadiers, who, with a small detachment of twenty men of
his own company, twenty Light Infantry, and twenty Battalion men, had
been urged forward by General Brock from the headquarters of the
regiment then stationed at Fort George, for the {240} purpose of
reinforcing the little garrison of Amherstburg, and who, having
reached their destination the preceding day, had been despatched by
Colonel Procter to strengthen us. Shortly the report of a single
shot echoed through the wood, and the instant afterwards the loud and
terrific yells of the Indians, followed by a heavy and desultory
fire, apprised us that they were engaged. The action then became
general along our line, and continued for half an hour without
producing any material advantage, when, unluckily, a body of Indians
that had been detached to a small wood about five hundred yards
distant from our right, were taken by the troops for a corps of the
enemy endeavouring to turn their flank. In vain we called out to
them that they were our Indians. The fire which should have been
reserved for their foes was turned upon their friends, who, falling
into the same error, returned it with equal spirit. The fact was,
they had been compelled to retire before a superior force, and the
movement made by them had given rise to the error. Closely pressed
in front by an almost invisible foe, and on the point of being taken
in the rear as was falsely imagined, the troops were at length
compelled to yield to circumstance and number.
[Sidenote: The retreat]
"Although our retreat in consequence of this unfortunate
misapprehension, commenced in some disorder, this was soon restored,
when Major Muir, who had been wounded early in the engagement,
succeeded in rallying his men and forming them on {241} the brow of a
hill which commanded a short and narrow bridge intersecting the high
road and crossing a morass, over which the enemy's guns must
necessarily pass. This was about a quarter of a mile in the rear of
the position we had previously occupied. Here we remained at least
fifteen minutes, when, finding that the Americans did not make their
appearance as expected, Major Muir, whose communication with Tecumseh
had been cut off, and who heard some smart firing in the woods beyond
his left, naturally inferred that the enemy were pushing the Indians
in that quarter with a view of turning his flank, gaining the high
road in our rear, and thus cutting off our retreat. The order was
then given to retire, which we certainly did at the double quick,
without being followed by the enemy, who suffered us to gain our
boats without further molestation....
"In this skirmish we had first an opportunity of perceiving the
extreme disadvantage of opposing regular troops to the enemy in the
woods. Accustomed to the use of the rifle from his infancy, dwelling
in a measure amid forests with the intricacies of which he is wholly
acquainted, and possessing the advantage of a dress which renders him
almost undistinguishable to the eye of a European, the American
marksman enters with comparative security into a contest with the
English soldier, whose glaring habiliment and accoutrements are
objects too conspicuous to be missed, while his {242} utter ignorance
of a mode of warfare in which courage and discipline are of no avail,
renders the struggle for mastery even more unequal. The principal
armies to which the Right Division was opposed during the war
consisted not of regular and well disciplined troops, but levies of
men taken from the forests of Ohio and Kentucky, scarcely inferior as
riflemen to the Indians. Dressed in woollen frocks of a gray colour,
and trained to cover their bodies behind the trees from which they
fired, without exposing more of their persons than was absolutely
necessary for their aim, they afforded us on more than one occasion
the most convincing proofs that without the assistance of the Indian
warriors the defence of so great a portion of western Canada as was
entrusted to the charge of the numerically feeble Right Division
would have proved a duty of great difficulty and doubt."
[Sidenote: Indian allies]
In this engagement at Maguaga, the American forces consisted,
according to their own report, of the 4th United States Infantry,
except one company left at Sandwich, a small detachment of the 1st
Infantry, and some artillerymen, in all about three hundred regulars,
and sixty men of the Michigan Militia, forty Dragoons, and three
hundred riflemen of the Ohio Volunteers. The British force was about
a hundred men of the 41st Regiment, the reinforcement of sixty men of
the Grenadier Company under Lieutenant Bullock, and a few
militia--Richardson says forty or fifty. The number {243} of Indians
is variously stated. It was probably about two hundred, although in
the American account they give the number as four hundred and
fifty.[3] As an offset to the reverse of Maguaga, Lieutenant
Rolette, on August 7th, with boats from the _Queen Charlotte_ and
_Hunter_, had attacked and captured a convoy of eleven _bateaux_ on
their way from Maguaga to Detroit, having on board fifty wounded men
from Brownstown, some prisoners, and a quantity of provisions and
baggage.
The news of the capture of Michilimackinac was the means of largely
augmenting Tecumseh's forces, for as soon as he heard of its downfall
he despatched runners to all his associate tribes, bidding them
assemble at Fort Malden immediately, and telling them that the
Americans, by not marching on Malden and by the easy discomfiture of
several detachments, had shown they would not fight; that the braves
should come forward with all speed so as to participate in the
capture of the army and share in the plunder, which would be great.
His appeal was promptly responded to, and by August 15th seven
hundred warriors had joined him.
[1] Richardson in "The War of 1812."
[2] The brave conduct of the two privates was thus noticed in a
general order, dated Quebec, August 6th: "The commander of the forces
takes great pleasure in also announcing to the troops that the enemy
under Brigadier-General Hull have been repulsed in three attacks made
on the 18th, 19th and 20th of last month upon part of the garrison of
Amherstburg, on the river Canard, in which attacks His Majesty's 41st
Regiment have particularly distinguished themselves. In justice to
that corps, His Excellency wishes particularly to call the attention
of the troops to the heroism and self-devotion displayed by two
privates, who being left as sentinels when the party to which they
belonged had retired, contrived to maintain their station against the
whole of the enemy's force, until they both fell, when one of them,
whose arm had been broken, again raising himself, opposed with his
bayonet those advancing against him until overwhelmed by numbers."
[3] Although the skirmish at Maguaga ended in the retreat of the
British, their loss in killed and wounded was much less than that of
the enemy. General Hull's despatch of August 13th puts the American
loss at eighteen killed and sixty-one wounded. Colonel Procter's
despatch of the 11th says the British loss including regulars,
militia, and Indians, was six killed, twenty-one wounded, two missing.
{244}
[Illustration: OPERATIONS ON THE DETROIT FRONTIER 1812-13.]
{245}
CHAPTER XIX
DETROIT
Que faut-il pour vaincre les ennemis de la patrie? De l'audace,
encore de l'audace, et toujours de l'audace.--Danton.
The events described in the last chapter show the condition of
affairs when General Brock arrived at Amherstburg. He immediately
summoned a council of war to meet at Colonel Elliott's quarters. It
was here that he first met his Indian ally, Tecumseh, and both seem
to have been favourably impressed with each other. After hearing
what had happened at Brownstown and Maguaga, the general explained to
the savage warrior his intention of immediately advancing upon
Detroit. Tecumseh, taking a roll of birch bark, spread it on the
ground, and with his scalping knife etched upon the bark a plan of
the country, its hills, woods, morasses and roads. One who was
present at the meeting reported Tecumseh's speech on the occasion.
He said: "I have fought against the enemies of our great father, the
king, beyond the great lakes, and they have never seen my back. I am
come here to fight his enemies on this side the great salt lake, and
now desire with my soldiers to take lessons from you and your
warriors that we may learn how to make war in these great forests."
{246} The commanding figure and fine countenance of General Brock
seemed to strike the savage chief, and turning round to his people he
stretched out his hand, exclaiming in his own tongue, "This is a man."
[Sidenote: Tecumseh]
It is stated that although Tecumseh could speak English, he never
spoke any language but his own at any council or when in the presence
of any officer or agent of a government, preferring to make use of an
interpreter. He held the opinion that the honour of his people and
race required official intercourse to be carried on in the Shawanese
tongue. He is described as being of about five feet nine inches in
height, very erect, with an oval face, clear hazel eyes, straight
nose, and a Napoleonic mouth, finely formed and expressive. He was
invariably dressed in tanned buckskin made in the usual Indian
fashion, that is, a fringed hunting frock descending to the knee,
over underclothes of the same material. Leggings and moccasins and a
mantle, also of buckskin, completed the costume. In his belt was a
silver-mounted tomahawk, also a knife in a strong leather case. On
the occasion of their first interview General Brock presented
Tecumseh with his sash, but the next morning he appeared without it.
When asked the reason, he said an abler warrior than himself, the
Wyandot chief Roundhead, was present, and he had transferred it to
him. This little piece of diplomacy shows how well Tecumseh
understood the art of {247} keeping his savage allies in good humour.
In a letter to Lord Liverpool, General Brock gives his impression of
the chief. He writes: "Among the Indians whom I found at
Amherstburg, who had arrived from distant parts of the country, were
some extraordinary characters. He who attracted most of my attention
was the Shawanese chief, Tecumseh, brother to the prophet, who for
the last two years has carried on, contrary to our remonstrances, an
active warfare against the United States. A more sagacious or more
gallant warrior does not exist. He was the admiration of every one
who conversed with him. From a life of dissipation, he has not only
become in every respect abstemious, but has likewise prevailed on all
his nation and many of the other tribes to follow his example."
On August 14th, at Amherstburg, General Brock issued the following
general order: "The troops in the western district will be formed
into three brigades. 1st Brigade, under Lieutenant-Colonel St.
George, to consist of a detachment of the Royal Newfoundland
Regiment, and of the Kent and 1st and 2nd Regiments of Essex Militia;
2nd Brigade, under Major Chambers, to consist of fifty men of the
41st Regiment, and the whole of the detachments of the York, Lincoln,
Oxford, and Norfolk Militia; 3rd Brigade, under Major Tallon, to
consist of the remainder of the 41st Regiment. Colonel Procter will
have charge of the whole line under the orders of the major-general.
James Givins, {248} late captain of the 5th Regiment, is appointed
provincial aide-de-camp, with the rank of major of the militia."
General Brock called together his principal officers to confer with
them on the proposed crossing of the river to attack Fort Detroit.
He had already made up his own mind, but only one officer, the
quartermaster-general, Colonel Nichol, agreed with him as to the
advisability of the enterprise. The general then said: "I have
decided on crossing, and now, gentlemen, instead of any further
advice, I entreat of you to give me your cordial and hearty support."
If the ideal officer is the man who can decide rightly what to do in
any situation of war, who is able to make up his mind quickly what
course to adopt and how to carry it out, then Isaac Brock was that
ideal officer. Nature had given him the hero's outfit,--"courage and
the faculty to do."
[Sidenote: Sandwich and Detroit]
Early on August 15th orders were given to advance at once to
Sandwich, sixteen miles from Amherstburg and four miles below
Detroit. The troops arrived the same day at their destination. A
detachment of two hundred and fifty Americans, left by General Hull
in a fort on the Canadian side, evacuated it on the approach of the
British, and crossed the river to the American side. General Brock
occupied as headquarters Colonel Baby's house, so lately vacated by
General Hull. Preparations had already been made for bombarding
Detroit, for batteries had been constructed under the superintendence
{249} of Captain Dixon, of the Royal Engineers. They were equipped
for one 18-pounder, two 12½ and two 5½-inch mortars. It is scarcely
to be wondered at that doubts were felt as to the possibility of
crossing the river to attack a strong fort with the scanty force at
the command of the British general. He had but two hundred and fifty
of the 41st Regiment, fifty of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment,
thirty Royal Artillery, four hundred militia, and about seven hundred
Indians. For artillery there were but five guns--three 6-pounders
and two 3-pounders. In the Detroit River there were two British
gunboats, one the _Queen Charlotte_ (Captain Finnis) a sloop of war
armed with eighteen 24-pounders, the other the brig _Hunter_. On the
Canadian side of the river, directly opposite Detroit, was the
battery under the command of Captain Dixon. The river at Sandwich is
about three-quarters of a mile wide.
The American general had under his command two troops of cavalry, one
company of artillery, the 4th United States Regiment, detachments of
the 1st and 3rd Regiments of the regular army of volunteers, three
regiments of Ohio militia and one of the Michigan territory. In all
there were about two thousand men posted in and around the fort,
while a detachment of three hundred and sixty men under Colonel
McArthur, who had left for the river Raisin, had been recalled and
were now on their way back. All these troops were well armed. {250}
The fort was defended by twenty-six pieces of ordnance of large
calibre. There was an abundance of ammunition, as Colonel Cass's
report to the secretary of war showed. He stated that they had four
hundred rounds of 24-pound shot fixed, and about one hundred thousand
cartridges made. There were also forty barrels of powder and two
thousand five hundred stand of arms.
It was indeed a bold enterprise to attempt to take the place by
assault. As General Brock said afterwards, he made a cool
calculation of the _pours_ and _contres_, and was helped in his
decision by the letters that had fallen into his hands at Brownstown
addressed to the secretary of war; and also by the private letters of
hundreds of the American army to their friends. These showed that
confidence in General Hull was gone, and that despondency prevailed
throughout the fort.
[Sidenote: Brock's demand]
When General Brock arrived at Sandwich on the morning of August 15th,
he determined at once to carry out his plan. From his headquarters
he penned a missive summoning the American general to surrender. In
coolness and boldness it is only equalled by that of Nelson to the
Crown Prince at Copenhagen. Possibly Brock thought of that day when
he stood by England's great admiral and saw him write his demand for
the surrender of the Danish forts. In almost similar terms the
British general wrote: "The force at my disposal authorizes me to
require of you the immediate surrender of {251} Fort Detroit. It is
far from my inclination to join in a war of extermination, but you
must be aware that the numerous body of Indians who have attached
themselves to my troops will be beyond my control the moment the
contest commences."
This letter was taken to Fort Detroit by the two aides-de-camp,
Captain Glegg and Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonell. General Hull refused
to see them, and after keeping them waiting about two hours, returned
this answer: "I have received your letter of this date. I have no
other reply to make than to inform you that I am prepared to meet any
force which may be at your disposal, and any consequences which may
result from any exertion of it you may think proper to make."
On the receipt of this the batteries were ordered to open fire upon
the fort, which apparently threw the enemy into some confusion. An
effort was made to return the fire from the opposite bank, but
without effect. No damage was done on either side. All night the
troops in Sandwich lay on their arms, prepared to cross the river at
early dawn. Under the cover of darkness, six hundred Indians led by
Tecumseh crossed over during the night, and were ordered to attack
the enemy in flank and rear if they should oppose the landing of the
troops. At six o'clock on Sunday, the 16th, three hundred regulars
and four hundred militia under Brock's immediate command, were
embarked in boats and canoes, carrying with them five pieces of light
{252} artillery, and were landed at Springwells, four miles below
Detroit. One who was present writes: "A soft August sun was just
rising as we gained the centre of the river, and the view at the
moment was certainly very animated and exciting, for amid the little
squadron of boats and scows conveying the troops and artillery were
mixed numerous canoes filled with Indian warriors decorated in their
half-nakedness for the occasion, and uttering yells of mingled
defiance of their foes and encouragement of the soldiery. Above us
again were to be seen and heard the flashes and thunder of the
artillery from our batteries, which, as on the preceding day, were
but feebly replied to by the enemy, while the gay flags of the _Queen
Charlotte_, drooping in the breezeless, yet not oppressive air, and
playing on the calm surface of the river seemed to give earnest of
success, and inspired every bosom."[1]
Years before Isaac Brock had crossed the river on a peaceful visit to
this garden of the West. The landscape was the same but what a
change had come! There were still the settlers' homesteads, the
orchards laden with fruit, the vines heavy with grapes, the fields of
rich grass that lined the water's edge. But the flower-decked homes
were deserted. Through the orchards gleamed the bayonets of armed
men. Under the vines lurked the half-naked savage ready for his
cruel work. Instead of the welcome he had once received, guns
pointed their grim muzzles {253} down the road. The women and
children who had met him with smiles before were gathered trembling
in the fort, and instead of the church bells calling them to prayer
this Sunday morning, came the dull boom of the cannon from the shore
and fort.
[Sidenote: The advance]
The road from Springwells passed up across the ground between the
fort and the river. A few village dwellings were on the river side
of the road, and a few farm houses on the west side. Fronting the
road and commanding the approach in that direction were two 24-pound
field guns, two 12-pound iron and two 6-pound brass guns. The 1st
Regiment of Ohio volunteers was posted in an orchard on the west;
next to them, extending to the west curtain of the fort, was the 2nd
Regiment, and then the 3rd Regiment covering the north-west bastion
and wagon train; while in the fort was the entire 4th United States
Regiment, and a company of artillery. When the troops had crossed
the river they formed and advanced in column, General Brock leading.
Colonel Nichol went up to him and said: "Pardon me, General, but I
cannot forbear entreating you not to expose yourself thus. If we
lose you, we lose all. Let me pray you to allow the troops to pass
on led by their own officers;" but the only answer he received was,
"Master Nichol, I duly appreciate the advice you give me, but I feel
that in addition to their sense of loyalty and duty, many here follow
me from personal regard, and {254} I will never ask them to go where
I do not lead them."
The Indians under Tecumseh moved through the skirt of the woods
covering the left flank, while the right rested on the river
protected by the _Queen Charlotte_. The guns of the fort commanded
the road by which Brock led his men, and there seemed no reason why a
withering fire should not have met them.[2] General Brock continued
the advance until within three-quarters of a mile of the fort, and
then deployed to the left through a field to a house about three
hundred yards from the road, which he selected as his headquarters.
In this position the troops were covered. He then ascended the
rising ground to reconnoitre. Scarcely had he done so when an
officer bearing a white flag was seen coming from the point at which
were stationed the threatening guns.
[Sidenote: Hull's surrender]
General Brock had not miscalculated the effect of the boldness of his
advance. The explanation of {255} the pusillanimous conduct of the
American general is not hard to find. The cannonade from the battery
on the Canadian side had opened again early on the morning of the
16th, and the true range having been found, some round shot fell into
the fort, killing and wounding several. Among the killed was
Lieutenant Hanks, who had been in command at Michilimackinac, and was
then a prisoner on parole. Fort Detroit at the time was full of
women and children and decrepit men from the surrounding country who
had sought refuge from the Indians, believing there would be an
indiscriminate slaughter. The fear of the Indians, the presence of
some members of his own family in the fort, perhaps the entreaties of
the non-combatants, combined to make General Hull decide on an
immediate surrender.
Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonell and Captain Glegg accompanied Captain
Hull, the bearer of the flag of truce, back to the fort to arrange
the terms of the capitulation. At mid-day of the 16th the British
troops marched in. The territory of Michigan, the {256} fort with
thirty-seven pieces of ordnance, the brig _Adams_ were ceded to the
British. Two thousand five hundred American troops became prisoners
of war. Four hundred rounds of 24-pound shot, one hundred thousand
cartridges, and two thousand five hundred stand of arms, much needed
by the Canadian militia, also fell into General Brock's hands.
He wrote to his friend Major Evans, on the 17th. "Detroit is ours,
and with it the whole Michigan territory, the army prisoners of war.
The force you so skilfully prepared and forwarded to me at so much
risk, met me at Point aux Pins in high spirits and most effective
state. Your thought of clothing the militia in the 41st's cast-off
clothing proved a most happy one, it having more than doubled our own
regular force to the enemy's eye."
[Sidenote: American discomfiture]
At the time of the surrender large reinforcements were on their way
to General Hull, and had it not been for General Brock's bold and
rapid advance, western Canada would undoubtedly have fallen, and
perhaps in consequence the rest of the country also. The general
well deserved the praise he received. In nineteen days he had met
his legislature, settled the public business of the province, had
made a troublesome journey of three hundred miles by land and water,
and, without the loss of a man, had won for the British Crown a
territory almost equal in size to the province of Upper {257} Canada.
Colonel Cass, the American quartermaster-general, in his report to
the secretary of war at Washington said: "That we were far superior
to the enemy, that upon any ordinary principle of calculation we
would have defeated them, the wounded and indignant feelings of every
man there will testify. I was informed by General Hull the morning
after the capitulation, that the British forces consisted of eighteen
hundred regulars, and that he surrendered to prevent the effusion of
human blood. That he magnified their regular force nearly five fold
there can be no doubt. Whether the philanthropical reason assigned
by him is a sufficient justification for surrendering a fortified
town, an army and a territory is for the governor to determine.
Confident I am that had the courage and conduct of the general been
equal to the spirit and zeal of the troops, the event would have been
brilliant and successful as it is now disastrous and dishonourable."
After the surrender Tecumseh came to General Brock and said: "I have
heard much of your fame, and am happy again to shake by the hand a
brave brother warrior. The Americans endeavour to give us a mean
opinion of British generals, but we have been the witness of your
valour. In crossing the river to attack the enemy we observed you
from a distance standing the whole time in an erect position, and
when the boats reached the shore you were among the first who jumped
on land. Your bold {258} and sudden movement frightened the enemy,
and you compelled them to surrender to half their own force."
[Sidenote: Brock's despatches]
On the morning of August 17th the victory was celebrated by firing a
salute from the esplanade in front of the fort, while a general
parade of the British troops was held by General Brock, who with his
staff appeared in full dress to receive the spoils they had won. The
salute from the fort was returned by the guns of the _Queen
Charlotte_ which "dressed with flags, and with streamers flaunting
proudly, sailed up the stream." Nor was the victorious general
forgetful of those whose conduct in their several positions deserved
praise at his hands. Dean, the private of the 41st, who had so
bravely kept the bridge at the Canard, and had been taken a prisoner
to Detroit, was released from the guard-room by General Brock
himself, called before the assembled troops and warmly commended.
The general shook him by the hand and declared that he was indeed an
honour to the service. In the orders of the day, Isaac Brock
expressed his admiration of the conduct of the several companies of
the militia who had accompanied him, and requested Major Salmon,
Captains Hatt, Heward, Bostwick and Robinson to assure the officers
and men under their respective commands that their services had been
duly appreciated, and would never be forgotten. It was the first
enterprise in which the militia had been engaged, and its success
imparted {259} confidence. Isaac Brock was the idol of the hour.
The untrained men he had led felt there was one standing by them on
whom they could depend for sure guidance. He had taught them the
value of a citizen soldiery who in the hour of danger could be a
"tough and stubborn barrier between an invading force and the homes
and hearths of the nation."
That the Americans had anticipated a very different result is easily
seen by the letters of their public men. Ex-President Jefferson had
written: "The acquisition of Canada as far as Quebec will be a mere
matter of marching, and will give us experience for the attack on
Halifax and the final expulsion of England from the continent." The
scene on the esplanade of Detroit on that 17th of August was a
forcible answer to the boastful prediction.
To Captain Glegg, A.D.C., was given the honour of bearing to Quebec
General Brock's despatches to the commander-in-chief, together with
the colours of the 4th United States Regiment. Another young officer
of the militia who had done good service at Captain Dixon's battery,
was entrusted with despatches bearing the good tidings to the Talbot
Settlement. This was George Ryerson of the 1st Norfolk Militia, of
which regiment his father was the colonel. Lieutenant Ryerson rode
all day through the woods and by the river Thames, and when night
fell found himself in an Indian encampment occupied only by women and
children {260} and some aged warriors, who received the good news
with shouts of joy, and chanted all night their songs of victory.
One short message General Brock sent to his brothers in England:
"Rejoice at my good fortune, and join with me in prayers to heaven.
Let me hear that you are all united and happy." This letter was
addressed to Irving Brock and reached him on October 13th.
[1] Richardson, in "The War of 1812."
[2] "The column having been formed we moved forward by sections, at
nearly double distance, in order to give to our little force a more
imposing appearance. Lieutenant Bullock commanded the advance guard,
and immediately in rear of this, and preceding the column, were the
light artillery (three 6 and two 3-pounders) with which only we
advanced against the enemy's fortress. Nothing but the boldness of
the enterprise could have assured its success. When within a mile
and a half of the rising ground we distinctly saw two long heavy guns
planted in the road, and around them the gunners with their fuses
burning. At each moment we expected they would be fired, yet
although it was evident the discharge must literally have swept our
small but dense column, there was neither halt nor indecision
perceptible. Had there been the slightest wavering or appearance of
confusion in the men, the enemy, who were closely watching us, and
who seemed intimidated by the confidence of our advance, would not
have failed to profit by the discovery, and fearful, in such case,
must have been the havoc."--_Richardson_.
General Brock says in his despatch to the commander-in-chief: "I
crossed the river with an intention of waiting in a strong position
the effect of our force upon the enemy's camp, and in hopes of
compelling him to meet us in the field; but receiving information
upon landing that Colonel McArthur, an officer of high reputation,
had left the garrison three days before with a detachment of five
hundred men, and hearing soon afterwards that his cavalry had been
seen that morning three miles in our rear, I decided on an immediate
attack."
{261}
CHAPTER XX
THE ARMISTICE
General Brock lost no time in making preparations to return to the
Niagara frontier, where he hoped to strike another sudden blow. He
dismissed the militia of Michigan to their homes, placed the
volunteers on parole, and sent General Hull with a thousand of his
regular troops in boats to Fort Erie, _en route_ to Montreal as
prisoners of war. After issuing a proclamation to the inhabitants of
the Michigan territory, by which their private property was secured
and their laws and religion confirmed, he set out on his return
journey on August 18th. On his voyage down Lake Erie in the schooner
_Chippewa_ he was met by the _Lady Prevost_, whose commander gave him
the first intelligence of the armistice unfortunately concluded with
General Dearborn.
General Brock could not conceal his regret and mortification, as the
armistice prevented an attack on Sacketts Harbour which he had
contemplated. At that place vessels were being fitted out whose
construction would immensely strengthen the enemy's position on Lake
Ontario, of which it was of the first importance to hold the mastery.
He had given {262} orders to Colonel Procter who was left in command
at Detroit, to send a detachment of the 41st to join with the Indians
in an expedition against Fort Wayne, a supply post in the Miami
country. Brock was now compelled to write and request him on account
of the armistice to postpone the attack, and also to keep the Indians
back from predatory excursions on their own account. On August 25th
General Brock arrived at Fort George, and on the 27th at York, where
he was received in triumph. Addresses of welcome and letters of
congratulation were showered upon him. One[1] wrote: "There is
something so fabulous in the report of a handful of troops supported
by a few raw militia leaving their strong post to invade an enemy of
double the number in his own fortress and making them all prisoners
without the loss of a man, that it seems to me the people of England
will be incredulous until they see the exterminating boaster a
prisoner in London. I shall hardly sleep until I have the
satisfaction of hearing particulars of the wonderful excursion, for
it must not be called a campaign. The _veni, vidi, vici_ is again
the faithful report. Your good fortune in one instance is singular,
for if your zeal had been thwarted by such adverse winds as
frequently occur on the lake, the armistice might have intercepted
your career."
[Sidenote: Answer to address]
In answer to the address from the people of York, General Brock said
with characteristic {263} simplicity: "Gentlemen, I cannot but feel
highly gratified by this expression of esteem for myself; but in
justice to the brave men at whose head I marched against the enemy, I
must beg leave to direct your attention to them as the proper objects
of your gratitude. It was a confidence founded on their loyalty,
zeal and valour that determined me to adopt the plan of operations
which led to so fortunate a termination. Allow me to congratulate
you gentlemen at having sent out from among yourselves a portion of
that gallant band, and that at such a period a spirit has manifested
itself on which you may confidently repose your hopes of future
security."
It was by such unassuming, sincere words that Brock endeared himself
to the people of Canada. The victory he had won had an immediate
moral effect. It has been well said that it was as if an electric
shock had passed through the country, awing the disaffected and
animating the timid and wavering. The success at Detroit caused the
Six Nation Indians on the Grand River to drop their policy of
neutrality and to take an active part on the British side. If
General Brock's hands had not been tied, he would doubtless have
swept the frontier from Sandusky to St. Regis.
A letter from John Lovett, secretary to General Van Rensselaer,
describes the arrival of the prisoners from Detroit on their way to
Fort George, and shows the feeling that prevailed in the enemy's
{264} camp. "Yesterday the first we saw was a guard of about fifty
men passing with some wagons on the opposite shore. It was the
victorious Brock returning to Fort George. He sent over Colonel
Macdonell, his aide-de-camp, and Major Evans, two strapping lads in
scarlet and gold, to make a communication to General Van Rensselaer.
This part of the country now thinks their whole salvation rests upon
our little raw army. I think I know the fact that after Brock had
taken Hull he expressed his determination to return and take Niagara.
I think his mind is altered by the armistice, but he can take Niagara
any hour he pleases. Yes, my friend, we cannot defend Niagara one
hour, and as for our present camp, I now write with an eye on a
single gun on yon hill in Queenston which would rout us all in three
minutes. The Ohio officers' prisoners were also last evening with
us, and say that the Indians with Brock are the finest fellows they
ever saw. They are commanded by the prophet's brother Tecumseh. He
is hourly expected at Fort George, and it is said the tawny host is
to follow. Well, be it so, one thing our friends may be assured of,
we are not scared yet. We shall never be 'Hulled.' Our general is
thoughtful but firm."[2]
[Sidenote: Lovett's letter]
Of the loss of Detroit the same officer wrote on the 28th: "This
event has animated Canada beyond anything you can conceive. It has
put a serious face on our Indians on the whole frontier. {265}
Tecumseh, the prophet's brother, a warrior of almost unbounded
influence, now openly holds that the Great Spirit intended Ohio River
for the boundary between his white and red children, that many of the
first warriors have always thought so, but a cloud hung over the eyes
of the tribes and they could not see what the Great Spirit meant,
that General Brock has now torn away the cloud and the Indians see
clearly that all the white people must go back east of the Ohio.
Yesterday I beheld such a sight as God knows I never expected to see,
and He only knows the sensation it created in my heart. I saw my
countrymen, free born Americans, robbed of the inheritance which
their fathers bequeathed them, stripped of the arms which achieved
our independence, and marched into a strange land by hundreds as
black cattle for the market. Before and behind, on the right and the
left, their proud victors gleamed in arms, their heads erect in the
pride of victory. I think the line, including wagons, was half a
mile long. The sensations the scene produced in our camp were
inexpressible, mortification, indignation, apprehension, suspicion,
jealousy, rage, madness. It was a sad day, but the poor fellows went
last evening on board the shipping, and I presume passed over to
York. I saw a gentleman who was present when General Hull alighted
from his carriage at Fort George, hale, corpulent, and apparently in
high spirits. He goes to Quebec."
{266}
One other reverse the Americans had met with this month in the loss
of Fort Dearborn, (Chicago). The Indians had attacked it, massacred
the garrison, and destroyed it by fire.
On August 30th Brock left by a schooner for Kingston in order to
review the militia there. On the way he wrote to his brothers. It
was almost the last letter they were to receive from him, and it
breathes throughout a spirit of love and of yearning that the unhappy
differences between them might be healed.
_Lake Ontario, September 3rd.--_"You will have heard of the complete
success which attended the efforts I directed against Detroit. I
have received so many letters from people whose opinion I value,
expressive of their admiration of the exploit, that I begin to attach
to it more importance than I was at first inclined. Should the
affair be viewed in England in the light it is here, I cannot fail of
meeting reward and escaping the honour of being placed high on a
shelf never to be taken down. Some say that nothing could have been
more desperate than the measure; but I answer that the state of the
province admitted of nothing but desperate remedies. I got
possession of the letters of my antagonist addressed to the secretary
of war, and also of the sentiments which hundreds of his army uttered
to their friends. Confidence in the general was gone, and evident
despondency prevailed throughout. I have succeeded beyond {267}
expectation. I crossed the river contrary to the opinion of Colonel
Procter. It is therefore no wonder that envy should attribute to
good fortune what in justice to my own discernment, I must say,
proceeded from a cool calculation of the _pours_ and _contres_. It
is supposed that the value of the articles captured will amount to
thirty or forty thousand pounds. In that case, my proportion will be
something considerable. If it enables me to contribute to your
comfort and happiness, I shall esteem it my highest reward.
"When I returned heaven thanks for my amazing success, I thought of
you all. You appeared to me happy--your late sorrows forgotten; and
I felt as if you acknowledged that the many benefits, which for a
series of years I received from you, were not unworthily bestowed.
Let me know, my dearest brothers, that you are all again united. The
want of union was nearly losing this province without a struggle, and
be assured it operates in the same way in families.
"A cessation of hostilities has taken place along this frontier.
Should peace follow the measure all will be well; if hostilities
recommence, nothing could be more unfortunate than this pause.
"I shall see Vincent, I hope, this evening at Kingston. He is
appointed to the command of that post, a most important one. I have
withdrawn Plenderleath from Niagara to assist him. James Brock is
likewise at Kingston. The 41st is an {268} uncommonly fine regiment,
but, with few exceptions, badly officered."
At Kingston, where he arrived on the morning of September 4th,
General Brock was also received with demonstrations of joy. In
answer to the address presented to him there, he said: "Nothing but
the confidence which the admirable conduct of the York and Lincoln
Regiments of militia excited, could have induced me to undertake an
expedition such as lately terminated so much to the advantage of the
country. I have reason, from the reports made to me by the officers
stationed at Kingston, to rely with equal confidence on the
discipline and gallantry of the militia in this district. It is with
the highest satisfaction I understand, that in the midst of
unavoidable privations and fatigue, they bear in mind that the cause
in which they are engaged involves their dearest interests and the
happiness of their families."
While at Kingston General Brock received a letter of congratulation
from Sir George Prevost, dated August 30th. It was as follows: "I
propose sending an aide-de-camp to England with your short despatch.
I shall delay his departure from hence until September 1st in hopes
of obtaining from you before that time, further particulars of the
operations which led to General Hull's disgrace. Well aware of the
difficulties you have surmounted for the preservation of your
government entire, I shall endeavour to do justice to your merit in
my {269} report to His Majesty's minister upon the success which has
crowned your energy and zeal. I am in hourly expectation of
receiving from General Dearborn intelligence respecting the reception
of the proposed suspension of hostilities in consequence of the
revocation of the orders-in-council, which are the plea for war in
the American cabinet. The king's government having most
unequivocally expressed to me their desire to preserve peace with the
United States, that they might, uninterruptedly, pursue with the
whole disposable force of the country the great interests committed
in Europe, I have endeavoured to be instrumental in the
accomplishment of their views, but I consider it most fortunate to
have been enabled to do so without interfering with your operations
on the Detroit. I have sent you men, money, and stores of every
kind."
This was rather an aggravating statement under the circumstances, for
by reason of the armistice, of which the Americans knew how to take
full advantage, stores of all kinds were at this time being sent as
rapidly as possible by Lake Ontario to the enemy's camp at Niagara,
and vessels at Ogdensburg were moved in perfect safety to Sacketts
Harbour, there to be fitted out as ships of war.
On the 31st Sir George wrote again: "I had scarcely closed the letter
addressed to you yesterday when an aide-de-camp from Major-General
Dearborn {270} made his appearance and delivered to me the despatch
herewith transmitted." The despatch announced that the president of
the United States had not thought proper to authorize a continuance
of the provisional measure entered into by His Excellency and General
Dearborn, through the Adjutant-General Colonel Baynes; consequently,
the armistice was to cease four days from the time of the
communication reaching Montreal and the posts of Kingston and Fort
George. This despatch had been written while the authorities at
Washington were in ignorance of what had happened at Detroit, for it
said: "If a suspension of offensive operations shall have been
mutually consented to between General Hull and the commanding officer
of the British forces at and near Detroit, as proposed, they will
respectively be authorized at the expiration of four days, subsequent
to their receiving copies of this communication, to consider
themselves released from any agreement thus entered into."
General Brock adds a postscript on September 4th to the letter to his
brother: "Hostilities, I this instant understand, are to be renewed
in four days, and though landed only two hours I must return
immediately to Niagara, whence I shall write fully." General Brock
was of the opinion that an expedition should be immediately sent to
Sacketts Harbour, thirty-five miles across the lake from Kingston, in
order to destroy the arsenal there, {271} but Sir George Prevost
disapproved. The official intelligence of the president's refusal to
continue the truce reached the commander-in-chief at Montreal on
August 30th, a day or two before the arrival there of Captain Glegg
with the trophies and the despatches relating to the capture of
Detroit. The attack on Sacketts Harbour could have been carried into
effect immediately on the cessation of the armistice, but the
opportunity was allowed to pass. In fact, in his general order of
August 31st, Sir George Prevost was rather apologetic for having
dared to invade the territory of the United States.
[Sidenote: The British government]
The British government approved of Sir George Prevost's pacific
policy at the commencement of the war, as we gather from a letter of
Lord Bathurst to the governor-general, written on October 1st, 1812,
before the refusal of the American president to ratify the armistice
was known in England: "The desire which you have unceasingly
manifested to avoid hostilities with the subjects of the United
States, is not more in conformity with your own feelings than with
the wishes and intentions of His Majesty's government, and therefore
your correspondence with General Dearborn cannot fail to receive
their cordial concurrence." By the time this letter reached its
destination, had it not been for General Brock's more vigorous
measures, Sir George Prevost's careful avoidance of hostilities, so
much approved of by {272} the home government, would probably have
led to the loss of the Canadas.
As it was, the month's armistice had immensely strengthened the
position of the enemy on the Niagara frontier. General Brock, who
had hastened back there from Kingston, wrote from Fort George on
September 7th to the commander-in-chief:--
"Sir, on my arrival here yesterday morning I found that intimation
had been received by Major-General Sheaffe to renew hostilities at
noon to-morrow. During the cessation of hostilities vast supplies
have been received by the enemy. His field artillery is numerous,
and I have reason to believe his heavy ordnance has been considerably
increased. He is now busy erecting batteries in front of Fort
George, and everything indicates an intention of commencing active
operations. Reinforcements of troops of every description have
evidently arrived. I have written to Amherstburg for such troops as
Colonel Procter conceived the state of affairs in that quarter
enabled him to part with. Colonel Vincent has likewise been written
to on the same subject. The prodigious quantity of pork and flour
which have been observed landing on the opposite shore from a number
of vessels and large boats which have entered the river during the
armistice, are sufficient to supply the wants for a long period of a
considerable force. I expect an attack almost immediately. The
enemy will either turn my left flank, which he may easily accomplish
{273} during a calm night, or attempt to force his way across under
cover of his artillery. We stand greatly in need of officers, men
and heavy ordnance. Captain Holcroft has been indefatigable and has
done everything in the power of an individual, but on such an
extended line assistance is necessary.
"I look every day for the arrival of five 24-pounders from Detroit,
and other artillery and stores which are not required there, beside
two thousand muskets. Should your Excellency be in a situation to
send reinforcements to the upper country, the whole of the force at
present at Kingston might be directed to proceed hither. One
thousand additional regulars are necessary. A force of that
description ought to be stationed at Pelham on the Grand River, to
act as exigencies might require. At present, the whole of my force
being necessary for the defence of the banks of the river Niagara, no
part can look for support. If I can continue to maintain my position
six weeks longer the campaign will have terminated in a manner little
expected in the states. I stand in want of more artillerymen and a
thousand regulars. I have thus given your Excellency a hasty sketch
of my situation, and this I can aver, that no exertions shall be
wanting to do justice to the important command with which I am
entrusted." Two days afterwards he wrote again that news had come
from Colonel Procter that another attack was expected at Amherstburg,
as reinforcements for the Americans were on their {274} way from
Kentucky. Although so short himself of men, General Brock determined
to send to the Detroit frontier two flank companies of the
Newfoundland Regiment, which had just joined him at Fort George.
Fresh troops were still arriving for the enemy at Niagara, supposed
to belong to the Pennsylvania quota. They were reported as in a
wretched state as to clothing, and ill-fitted to brave the rains and
cold of the coming season. There was much sickness in the American
camp. Two or three hundred Indians had joined them, but General
Brock did not believe they would act against him. It all depended,
however, on which side success lay. Any disaster would send them to
the winning side.
On September 10th Colonel Procter wrote that the _Queen Charlotte_
had been sent off from Detroit with ordnance and stores for Fort
Erie, and also the remainder of the prisoners of war, with a guard of
two subalterns and forty men of the 41st Regiment, with whom, as
Procter says, "I cannot now afford to part." The _Detroit_, formerly
the _Adams_, captured at Detroit, was to sail in a few days with
prisoners and stores.
[Sidenote: Fort Wayne]
The expedition to Fort Wayne had already set off before any counter
orders arrived. It was a troublesome and difficult journey of
several hundred miles into the enemy's country, but its capture was
important as being the base of supplies for the left division of the
American army. It was at this time {275} invested by a body of
Indians. Captain Muir of the 41st, with one hundred and fifty men of
that regiment, the same number of militia, some field guns and a
howitzer, crossed Lake Erie to the Miami River, thence to the village
of that name, where they were joined by three hundred Indian
warriors. They had proceeded only about half way to the fort when
they were met by some Indians who informed them that two thousand
five hundred Ohio and Kentucky volunteers under General Winchester
were advancing to the Miami, and were then only about three miles
distant. As a proof of this story they produced the scalps of five
Americans, part of the advance guard, whom they had treacherously
killed while engaged in friendly conversation. Under the
circumstances it would have been folly to proceed, so Captain Muir
conducted an orderly retreat, expecting at any moment to be attacked
by the advancing force. He at last reached his boats without the
loss of a man or any of his supplies, and returned to Amherstburg
after a fruitless absence of three weeks. As it turned out
afterwards the Americans had avoided an engagement, thinking the
British had a much superior force.
In the meantime Sir George Prevost was again complicating affairs by
his vacillating and contradictory orders. He wrote on September 7th
finding fault with General Brock's conduct of affairs on the Detroit
frontier. It drew from the general the following reply, dated
September 18th: "I have {276} been honoured with your Excellency's
despatch, dated the 7th inst. I have implicitly followed your
Excellency's instructions, and abstained under the greatest
temptations and provocations from every act of hostility." He
enclosed a letter from Colonel Procter containing the information of
the force sent under Captain Muir against Fort Wayne, and continued:
"I gave orders for it previous to my leaving Amherstburg, which must
have induced Colonel Procter to proceed upon receiving intelligence
of the recommencement of hostilities, without waiting for further
directions. I regret exceedingly that this service should be
undertaken contrary to your Excellency's wishes, but I beg leave to
assure you that the principal object in sending a British force to
Fort Wayne is with the hope of preserving the lives of the garrison.
By the last accounts the place was invested by a numerous body of
Indians, with very little prospect of being relieved. The prisoners
of war, who knew perfectly the situation of the garrison, rejoiced at
the measure, and give us full credit for our intentions. The Indians
were likewise looking to us for assistance. They heard of the
armistice with every mark of jealousy. Had we refused joining them
in this expedition I cannot calculate the consequences. I have
already been asked to pledge my word that England would enter into no
negotiation in which their interests were not included. Could they
be brought to imagine that we should desert them, the consequences
{277} must be fatal." General Brock added that the attack of the
enemy on his frontier could not be long delayed, and that he thought
the militia could not be kept together without such a prospect.
[Sidenote: Prevost's advice]
On the 14th Sir George Prevost wrote again, evidently in a panic, and
advised General Brock to take immediate steps for evacuating Detroit,
together with the territory of Michigan. This must have indeed been
galling to the second in command. The reason for this advice, Sir
George said, was a despatch dated July 4th from Lord Bathurst, which
seems to have been somewhat belated. It said that His Majesty's
government trusted he would be able to suspend with perfect safety
all extraordinary preparations for defence which he might have been
induced to make, also that every special requisition for warlike
stores and accoutrements had been complied with, except the clothing
of the corps proposed to be raised from the Glengarry emigrants, and
that the minister had not thought it necessary to direct the
preparation of any further supplies.
Sir George adds: "This will afford you a strong proof of the
infatuation of His Majesty's ministers upon the subject of American
affairs, and show how entirely I have been left to my own resources
in the event which has taken place." He informed Brock that he could
not expect any more reinforcements.
The latter did not agree with Sir George Prevost's opinion as to the
advisability of evacuating {278} Detroit and the Michigan territory,
the fruits of his splendid victory. He wrote from York on September
28th to the commander-in-chief: "I have been honoured with your
Excellency's despatches dated the 14th inst. I shall suspend, under
the latitude left by your Excellency to my discretion, the evacuation
of Fort Detroit. Such a measure would most likely be followed by the
total extinction of the population on that side of the river, as the
Indians, aware of our weakness and inability to carry on active
warfare, would only think of entering into terms with the enemy.
"The Indians, since the Miami affair in 1793, have been extremely
suspicious of our conduct, but the violent wrongs committed by the
Americans on their territory have rendered it an act of policy with
them to disguise their sentiments. Could they be persuaded that a
peace between the belligerents would take place without admitting
their claim to an extensive tract of country fraudulently usurped
from them, and opposing a frontier to the present unbounded views of
the Americans, I am satisfied in my own mind that they would
immediately compromise with the enemy. I cannot conceive a
connection more likely to lead to more awful consequences. Should
negotiations of peace be opened I cannot be too earnest with your
Excellency to represent to the king's ministers the expediency of
including the Indians as allies, and not to leave them exposed to the
unrelenting fury of their enemies.
{279}
"The enemy has evidently assumed defensive measures along the strait
of Niagara. His force, I apprehend, is not equal to attempt the
expedition across the river with any probability of success. It is,
however, currently reported that large reinforcements are on their
march. Should they arrive an attack cannot be long delayed. The
approach of the rainy season would increase the sickness with which
the troops [of the United States] are already afflicted. Those under
my command are in perfect health and spirits."
[Sidenote: Army discipline]
It speaks well for the discipline and morale of Brock's little army
that he is able to say: "It is certainly something singular that we
should be upwards of two months in a state of warfare, and that along
this widely extended frontier not a single death, either natural or
by the sword, should have occurred among the troops under my command,
and we have not been altogether idle; nor has a single desertion
taken place."
On September 17th General Brock had written to Colonel Procter that
he approved of his expedition against Fort Wayne, which would
probably save the garrison from the fate of Chicago. He added,
however, in obedience to Sir George Prevost's instructions: "It must
be explicitly understood that you are not to resort to offensive
warfare for purposes of conquest; your operations are to be confined
to measures of defence and security. It may become necessary to
destroy the fort of Sandusky {280} and the road which runs through it
from Cleveland to the foot of the rapids. The road from the river
Raisin to Detroit is perhaps in too bad a state to offer any aid to
the approach of an enemy except in the winter. As to the Indians,
Colonel Elliott does not possess the influence over them that Captain
McKee does. In conversation with him you may take an opportunity of
intimating that I have not been unmindful of the interests of the
Indians in my communications to ministers; and I wish you to learn
(as if casually the subject of conversation) what stipulations they
would propose for themselves or be willing to accede to in case of
either failure or success. I wish the engineers to proceed
immediately to strengthening Fort Amherstburg, the plan for which I
shall be glad to see as soon as possible."
On September 18th the general wrote to his brother Savery: "You
doubtless feel much anxiety on my account. I am really placed in a
most awkward predicament. If I get through my present difficulties
with tolerable success I cannot but obtain praise. But I have
already surmounted difficulties of infinitely greater magnitude.
Were the Americans of one mind the opposition I could make would be
unavailing; but I am not without hope that their divisions may be the
saving of this province. A river of about five hundred yards divides
the troops. My instructions oblige me to adopt defensive measures.
It is thought that without the aid of the sword the American people
may {281} be brought to a due sense of their own interests. I firmly
believe I could at this moment sweep everything before me between
Fort Niagara and Buffalo, but my success would be transient." No
doubt the general thought of that other victory, which by the
supineness of the commander-in-chief had been taken so little
advantage of.
[Sidenote: 49th Regiment]
The letter continues: "I have now officers in whom I can confide.
Six companies of the 49th are with me here, and the remaining four
are at Kingston under Vincent. Although the regiment has been ten
years in this country, drinking rum without bounds, it is still
respectable and apparently ardent for an opportunity to acquire
distinction. It has five captains in England and two on the staff in
this country, which leaves it bare of experienced officers. The
United States regiments of the line desert to us frequently, as the
men are tired of the service. Their militia, being chiefly composed
of enraged Democrats, are more ardent and anxious to engage, but they
have neither subordination or discipline. They die very fast. You
will hear of some decided action in the course of a fortnight, or in
all probability we shall return to a state of tranquillity. I say
decisive, because if I should be beaten the province is inevitably
gone; and should I be victorious, I do not imagine the gentry from
the other side will care to return to the charge. I am quite anxious
that this state of warfare should end, as I wish much to join Lord
Wellington and to see you all."
[1] Chief Justice Powell.
[2] From John Lovett to J. Alexander, dated August 26th, 1812.
{283}
CHAPTER XXI
CONSEQUENCES OF ARMISTICE
The month of September had seen the arrival at Montreal of the
wretched prisoners from Detroit. Colonel Baynes wrote that they had
reached there in a very miserable state, having travelled without
halt. They had been sent to Fort William Henry on their way to
Quebec. The officers were to be on parole and the men confined in
the transports on the river. General Hull had been allowed to return
home on parole, and also most of the officers who had families with
them. "General Hull," Colonel Baynes said, "seemed to possess less
feeling and sense of shame than any man in his situation could be
supposed to have. The grounds on which he rests his defence are not
well founded, as he said he had not gunpowder enough for one day.
Sir George showed him the return of the large supply found in the
fort. It did not create a blush!"
The unfortunate and incapable general was tried by court-martial on
his return on parole to the United States. He was found guilty and
sentenced to death. His defence was that he had not provisions
enough to maintain the siege, that he expected the enemy would be
reinforced, and that he knew the savage ferocity of the Indians. His
sentence of death was remitted on account of his past {284} services,
but his name was struck off the roll of the army, and he passed the
remainder of his life in disgrace and obscurity.
Colonel Baynes reported in September that about half of the 8th, or
King's Regiment, three hundred men, were at Côteau du Lac and the
Isle aux Noix. These two places were the keys of Lower Canada, the
former commanding the navigation of the St. Lawrence at its entrance
into Lake Francis, the latter, in the Richelieu River, being the
barrier of Lower Canada from the Champlain frontier. In the conflict
of the eighteenth century these places had been much thought of by
French engineers. They were, after the conquest, fortified by
General Haldimand. Colonel Baynes was confident, he wrote, that the
British could bring as many men into the field as the Americans, and
of superior stuff, as the militia had improved so much in discipline,
and therefore in spirit and confidence. Montreal, he thought, could
turn out two thousand volunteer militia very tolerably drilled.
A naval success on the Atlantic on August 19th, when H.M.S.
_Guerrière_ was taken by the _Constitution_, had gone far to console
the Americans for their discomfiture at Detroit, and they were
hopefully preparing for another invasion, in this instance on the
Niagara frontier, where Major-General Van Rensselaer[1] had assembled
an army of over six {285} thousand men, with headquarters at the
village of Lewiston, opposite Queenston.
[Sidenote: Dearborn's command]
At Plattsburg there were about five thousand troops, half of them
regulars under the immediate command of Major-General Dearborn, who
wrote on September 26th to General Van Rensselaer: "At all events we
must calculate on possessing Upper Canada before the winter sets in."
Ex-President Jefferson wrote: "I fear that Hull's surrender has been
more than the mere loss of a year to us. Perhaps, however, the
patriotic efforts from Kentucky and Ohio by recalling the British
force to its upper posts, may yet give time to Dearborn to strike a
blow below. Effective possession of the river from Montreal to
Chaudiere, which is practicable, would give us the upper country at
our leisure."
So spoke the generals and politicians. In the meantime, courteous
messages were passing from Major-General Van Rensselaer to
Major-General Brock as to the disposition of the prisoners of war,
and of the women and children who had accompanied them from Detroit.
General Brock writes to the American general: "With much regret I
have perceived very heavy firing from both sides of the river. I am,
however, given to understand that on all occasions it commenced on
your side, and from the circumstance of the flag of truce which I did
myself the honour to send over yesterday, having been repeatedly
fired on while in the act of crossing {286} the river, I am inclined
to give full credit to the correctness of the information. You may
rest assured on my repeating my most positive orders against the
continuance of a practice which can only be injurious to individuals,
without promoting the object which both our nations may have in view."
Another letter from John Lovett,--secretary to General Van
Rensselaer--to Joseph Alexander, gives an idea of the state of
affairs from the American point of view, and indirectly bears
testimony to the unceasing labour and watchfulness of the British
general:--
_Headquarters, Lewiston, September 32nd, 1812._ "The enemy appears to
be in a state of preparedness to give or receive an attack. Every
day or two they make some movement which indicates a disposition to
attack us immediately. The night before last every ship they have on
Lake Ontario came into the mouth of Niagara. Then, to be sure, we
thought it time to look out for breakers. But yesterday, when
Colonel Van Rensselaer went over with a flag to Fort George, there
was not a ship in sight nor a general officer there; where gone we
know not. Notwithstanding the most positive orders on both sides,
our sentries have kept up almost a constant warfare for a month past.
On the bank of the river musket balls are about as thick as
whip-poor-wills on a summer evening. We are promised reinforcements
by companies, battalions, regiments, brigades, {287} and I might
almost say armies, but not a single man has joined us in some weeks.
Besides our men here are getting down very fast. The morning's
report of sick was one hundred and forty-nine. Give Mrs. Lovett the
inclosed. It contains an impression of General Brock's seal, with
his most appropriate motto, 'He who guards never sleeps.'"
[Sidenote: The Niagara frontier]
Although this did not happen to be the general's motto, it very well
expressed his attitude. That forty miles of frontier to defend with
his limited force, was a problem ever present to him. The American
army on the Niagara frontier consisted of five thousand two hundred
men of the New York militia, three hundred field and light artillery,
eight hundred of the 6th, 13th and 23rd Regiments of Foot (regulars),
in all six thousand three hundred men, stationed between Niagara and
Lewiston, under the command of Major-General Van Rensselaer. At
Black Rock and Buffalo, twenty-eight miles distant, were one thousand
six hundred and forty regulars three hundred and eighty-six militia
and two hundred and fifty sailors under the command of
Brigadier-General Smyth. Four hundred Seneca Indians had also joined
the United States forces.
Major-General Brock had under his immediate command part of the 41st
and 49th Regiments, a few companies of militia and three hundred
Indians, a force in all of about fifteen hundred men, dispersed
between Fort Erie, opposite Black Rock, and Fort George, thirty-six
miles distant. Only a {288} small number could be available at any
one point. With unwearied diligence the British commander watched
the motions of the enemy, but under the circumstances he knew that it
was impossible to prevent the landing of the hostile troops,
especially if their operations were carried out at night. There was
one point in his favour, the want of accord between the American
generals. Smyth thought the crossing should be made above the Falls,
Van Rensselaer favoured the attack on the river below.
A letter to Brock from Sir George Prevost of September 25th, showed
that he still held the idea of simply being on the defensive, and had
a slavish fear of doing anything that might draw on himself blame
from the English ministry. He wrote: "It no longer appears by your
letter of the 13th that you consider the enemy's operations on the
Niagara frontier indicative of active operations. If the government
of America inclines to defensive measures, I can only ascribe its
determination to two causes, the first is the expectation of such
overtures from us as will lead to a suspension of hostilities
preparatory to negotiations for peace; the other arises from having
ascertained by experience our ability in the Canadas to resist the
attack of a tumultuary force. I agree in opinion with you that so
wretched is the organization and discipline of the American army,
that at this moment much might be effected against them; but as the
government at home could derive no substantial advantage from any
disgrace we {289} might inflict on them, whilst the more important
concerns of the country are committed in Europe, I again request you
will steadily pursue that policy which shall appear to you best
calculated to promote the dwindling away of such a force by its own
inefficient means."
These were certainly rather enigmatical words from the
commander-in-chief, and calculated rather to dampen than to inspire
the ardour of the defenders of the country. The evil effect of the
policy of inaction was soon apparent.
[Sidenote: The "Detroit" and "Caledonia"]
On October 9th the brig _Detroit_ (late United States brig _Adams_),
and the North-West Company's brig _Caledonia_ (one hundred tons),
having arrived at Fort Erie the preceding day from Detroit, were
boarded and carried off at dawn by Lieutenant Elliott of the American
navy with a hundred seamen and soldiers in two large boats. This
officer was stationed at the time at Black Rock, superintending the
equipment of some schooners purchased for service on Lake Erie. Had
it not been for the defensive measures forced on General Brock by the
commander-in-chief, these schooners would probably have been
destroyed. The two British vessels contained forty prisoners, some
cannon and small arms captured at Detroit, and also a valuable lot of
furs in the _Caledonia_ belonging to the South-West Company. The
Americans who attacked the two brigs far out-numbered the crews and
militia on board, who amounted {290} in all to sixty-eight men.
After the capture Lieutenant Elliott ran the _Caledonia_ close under
the batteries at Black Rock, but on account of the heavy fire from
Fort Erie he was compelled to abandon the _Detroit_ at Squaw Island.
Here she was boarded by a subaltern detachment from Fort Erie, which
had come to the rescue. Unfortunately their efforts were unavailing,
and the Americans set her on fire.
[Sidenote: The capture]
General Brock's letter relating to the disaster is dated Fort George,
October 11th, 1812: "I had scarcely closed my despatch to your
Excellency, of the 9th, when I was suddenly called away to Fort Erie,
in consequence of a bold, and I regret to say, successful attack by
the enemy on His Majesty's ship _Detroit_ and the private brig
_Caledonia_, which had both arrived the preceding day from
Amherstburg. It appears by every account I have been able to
collect, that a little before day a number of boats, full of men,
dropped down with the current unobserved, boarded both vessels at the
same moment, and cutting their cables were proceeding with them to
the American shore, when Major Ormsby who witnessed the transaction,
directed the batteries to open upon them, and soon compelled the
enemy to abandon the _Detroit_, which grounded about the centre of
Squaw Island, a little more than a mile below Black Rock. She was
then boarded by a party of the 49th Regiment, but as no anchor
remained, and being otherwise unprovided {291} with every means by
which she could be hauled off, the officers, throwing her guns
overboard, after sustaining a smart fire of musketry, decided to quit
her. A private, who is accused of getting drunk, and a prisoner of
war, who was unable from his wounds to escape, with about twenty
prisoners brought by the _Detroit_ from Amherstburg, remained,
however, behind; these it became necessary to remove before the
vessel could be destroyed, and Cornet Pell, major of the Provincial
Cavalry, offered his services. Being unfortunately wounded as he was
getting on board, and falling back into the boat, a confusion arose,
during which the boat drifted from the vessel, leaving on board two
of the 41st who had previously ascended. In the meantime the
_Caledonia_ was secured by the enemy, and a cargo of furs belonging
to the South-West Company landed. I reached the spot soon after
sunset, and intended to have renewed the attempt to recover the
_Detroit_, which I had every prospect of accomplishing, assisted by
the crew of the _Lady Prevost_, which vessel had anchored a short
time before, but before the necessary arrangements could be made, the
enemy boarded her, and in a few minutes she was seen in flames. This
event is particularly unfortunate, and may reduce us to incalculable
distress.
"The enemy is making every exertion to gain a naval superiority on
both lakes, which if they accomplish I do not see how we can retain
the {292} country. More vessels are fitting out for war on the other
side of Squaw Island, which I should have attempted to destroy but
for your Excellency's repeated instructions to forbear. Now such a
force is collected for their protection as will render every
operation against them very hazardous. The manner our guns were
served yesterday points out the necessity of an increase, if
possible, of artillerymen to our present small number of regulars.
The militia evinced a good spirit, but fired without much effect.
The enemy, however, must have lost some men, and it is only wonderful
that in a contest of a whole day, no life was lost on our side. The
fire of the enemy was incessant, but badly directed till the close of
the day, when it began to improve.
"Lieutenant Rolette, who commanded the _Detroit_, had, and I believe
deservedly, the character of a brave, attentive officer. His vessel
must, however, have been surprised--an easy operation when she lay at
anchor, and I have reason to suspect that this consideration was not
sufficiently attended to by the officers commanding on board and on
shore. We have not only sustained a heavy loss in the vessel, but
likewise in the cargo, which consisted of four 12-pounders, a large
quantity of shot and about two hundred muskets, all of which were
intended for Kingston and Prescott. The only consolation is that she
escaped the enemy, whose conduct did not entitle him to so rich a
prize.
"The enemy has brought some boats overland {293} from Schlosser to
the Niagara River, and made an attempt last night to carry off the
guard over the store at Queenston. I shall refrain as long as
possible under your Excellency's positive injunctions, from every
hostile act, although sensible that each day's delay gives him an
advantage."
[Sidenote: Colonel Procter]
On the same day General Brock wrote to Colonel Procter, who was still
in command on the Detroit frontier. After various instructions the
letter concludes as follows: "An active, interesting scene is going
to commence with you. I am perfectly at ease as to the result,
provided we can manage the Indians and keep them attached to your
cause, which, in fact, is theirs. The fate of the province is in
your hands. Judging by every appearance we are not to remain long
idle in this quarter. Were it not for the positive injunctions of
the commander of the forces I should have acted with greater
decision. This forbearance may be productive of ultimate good but I
doubt its policy--perhaps we have not the means of judging correctly.
You will, of course, adopt a very different line of conduct. The
enemy must be kept in a state of constant ferment. Nothing new at
Montreal. Lord Wellington has totally defeated Marmont, near
Salamanca."
[1] General Van Rensselaer, "padron" of New York, was not a
professional soldier, but relied in military matters on the advice of
his cousin and adjutant, Colonel Van Rensselaer.
{295}
CHAPTER XXII
QUEENSTON HEIGHTS
It was on October 6th, 1812, General Brock's forty-third birthday,
when the despatches announcing the victory of Detroit and the colours
taken there, arrived in London. It was a time when England waited
breathless for news of her arms abroad. She was in the midst of her
life and death struggle with her arch-foe in Europe, and blood and
treasure were being poured on the fields of Spain. No wonder, then,
that news of a victory even in distant Canada was hailed with
acclaim, and bells were set ringing and guns were fired to let the
people know the good news.
Early in the day the wife of William Brock asked her husband why the
park and tower guns were saluting. "For Isaac, of course," was his
reply. "Do you not know that this is his birthday?" Later he learnt
that what he had said in jest was true. It was indeed for Isaac
Brock that bells were ringing and guns saluting.
Sir George Prevost's despatch to Lord Bathurst told of the great
ability and judgment with which General Brock had planned, and the
promptitude, energy, and fortitude with which he had effected the
preservation of Upper Canada with the sacrifice {296} of so little
British blood. The answer was prompt. Lord Bathurst wrote: "I am
commanded by His Royal Highness to desire you to take the earliest
opportunity of conveying His Royal Highness' approbation of the able,
judicious and decisive conduct of Major-General Brock, of the zeal
and spirit manifested by Colonel Procter and the other officers, as
well as of the intrepidity of the troops. You will inform
Major-General Brock that His Royal Highness, taking into
consideration all the difficulties by which he was surrounded from
the time of the invasion of the province by the American army under
the command of General Hull, and the singular judgment, firmness,
skill and courage with which he was enabled to surmount them so
effectually has been pleased to appoint him an extra knight of the
most honourable Order of the Bath."
[Sidenote: The Order of the Bath]
On October 10th the honours were gazetted. It was on October 13th, a
date not to be forgotten, that Irving Brock received the short note,
written at Detroit: "Rejoice at my good fortune and join me in
prayers to heaven. Let me hear you are united and happy." William
Brock writes on that day to his brother Savery in Guernsey: "Since I
sent you on Tuesday last the _Gazette_ containing the despatches, I
have been so engrossed with the one all-exciting subject as to be
unable to attend to your business. As I well know that Isaac would
not consider his good fortune complete unless a reconciliation took
place between Irving and {297} myself, I went up to-day on seeing him
and shook hands. He then showed me two lines which he had just
received from Isaac. It is satisfactory to me that we shook hands
before I was aware of the contents. I have again seen Captain Coore,
who told me that the Prince Regent had spoken to him about Isaac for
nearly half an hour. His Royal Highness was pleased to say that
General Brock had done more in one hour than could have been done in
six months' negotiation with Mr. Russell, that he had by his exploit
given a lustre to the British army, etc. The very prompt manner in
which the red riband has been conferred, confirms the flattering
remarks of the prince, and proves the favourable impression of the
ministry. I look forward to Isaac receiving the thanks of parliament
when it meets again. Captain Coore thinks he will now take Niagara.
May Sir Isaac long live to be an example to your Julian and an honour
to us all."
While the brothers were rejoicing in his good fortune, the general
was passing anxious days and nights. It was apparent that an attack
on the frontier was coming, but at what point on the line it was
impossible to determine. An American spy had visited the British
camp and reported that General Brock had left for Detroit with all
the forces he could spare from Niagara. Possibly this report
encouraged the American general to hasten his movements.
The night of October 12th was cold and stormy. {298} General Brock
sat late at his desk writing despatches and instructions for the
officers commanding at different points of the river. His last
letter to Sir George Prevost was written then. It reads: "The vast
number of troops which have been this day added to the strong force
previously collected on the opposite side, convinces me, with other
indications, that an attack is not far distant. I have, in
consequence, directed every exertion to be made to complete the
militia to two thousand men, but I fear that I shall not be able to
effect my object with willing, well-disposed characters."
It was past midnight when the general sought repose. Was the
beatific vision again vouchsafed him of his brothers once more united
and happy? Before the dawn, about four a.m., the sound of distant
firing roused him from his short slumber. The hour so long expected
had come at last. In a few moments the general was in his saddle,
and not waiting even for his aide-de-camp to accompany him, he
galloped off by the road to Queenston, seven miles away, whence the
ominous sound came.
It was not the general only who had waited with impatience for the
decisive moment. One of the young volunteers on guard, Lieutenant
Robinson, in his account of that fateful day, writes: "The lines had
been watched with all the care and attention which the extent of our
force rendered possible, and such was the fatigue which our men
underwent from want of rest, and exposure to the {299} inclement
weather, that they welcomed with joy the prospect of a field which
they thought would be decisive."[1]
[Sidenote: The river Niagara]
All along the river bank from Fort George to Queenston, a mile or two
apart, Canadian batteries commanded different points where a crossing
might be made. The principal were at Brown's Point, two miles from
Queenston, and Vrooman's Point, nearer that village. At the former
was stationed a company of York volunteers, under the command of
Captain Cameron. The latter, which commanded Lewiston and the
landing at Queenston, was guarded by another company of York
volunteers under the command of Captain Heward.
Above the village of Queenston the channel of the river narrows, and
the banks rise to the height of three hundred feet, thickly covered
with trees and shrubs. At the ferry between Lewiston and Queenston
the river is one thousand two hundred and fifty feet in breadth, with
a depth of from two to three hundred feet and a very rapid current.
Half way down the hill, or the mountain, as it was called, was the
redan battery, where the flank light company of the 49th Regiment,
under Captain {300} Williams was stationed. The other flank company
of the 49th, the grenadiers, numbering only forty-six men, under
Major Dennis, was at the village of Queenston, where also was
stationed Captain Chisholm's company from York, and Captain Hall's
company of 5th Lincoln militia. There was a small detachment of
artillery in the village, with two 3-pounders, under the command of
Lieutenant Crowther and Captain Ball. On the height opposite
Queenston, on the American side, was Fort Grey, whose guns commanded
that village. From this point the firing first came.
It was about half an hour before daylight, probably about four a.m.,
in the midst of a violent storm of wind and rain, that, under cover
of darkness, the Americans began crossing the river. They were seen
by the militia sentinel on guard at Queenston, who immediately ran to
the guardhouse to give the alarm. As soon as possible, the grenadier
company of the 49th and the militia company stationed there, began
firing on them, using also the two 3-pounders with good effect.
Colonel Van Rensselaer, a relative of the general, who had charge of
the troops crossing, was at this time severely wounded, as well as
many of the rank and file, before the boats had gone far from their
side of the river. The gun at Vrooman's Point, which commanded the
landing at Lewiston, also joined in, and many of the boats were
driven back, whilst others in a battered condition drifted down the
{301} river and ran ashore near Vrooman's Point. Those on board,
many of them wounded, were made prisoners.
[Sidenote: The York volunteers]
The detachment of York Volunteers at Brown's Point, two miles below,
had heard the firing, and made ready to join their comrades in
helping to drive the invaders back. Dawn was now glimmering in the
east, but the semi-darkness was illumined by the discharge of
musketry and the flash of artillery. In spite of the constant fire,
some boats succeeded in effecting a landing.
Captain Cameron, in command of the York company at Brown's Point, was
at first undecided whether to advance or to remain at the post
assigned him to defend. It had been thought that the enemy would
make various attacks at different points on the line, and this might
be a feint, while the real landing would take place elsewhere.
However, he decided to go to the aid of the troops above, and had
scarcely set off on his march in that direction when General Brock
galloped past alone. He waved his hand as he flew by, bidding the
little troop press on.[2] Little need to tell them to follow. Their
confidence in their general was unbounded. They were ready to follow
him through danger and death. In a few minutes the general reached
and passed Vrooman's Point, and was soon followed by {302} his two
aides, Major Glegg and Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonell.
The reception given to the invaders had been a warm one. To quote
from Lieutenant Robinson: "Grape and musket shot poured upon them at
close quarters as they approached the shore. A single discharge of
grape from a brass 6-pounder, directed by Captain Dennis of the 49th,
destroyed fifteen in a boat. Three of the _bateaux_ landed below Mr.
Hamilton's garden in Queenston and were met by a party of militia and
a few regulars, who slaughtered almost the whole of them, taking the
rest prisoners. Several other boats were so shattered and disabled
that the men in them threw down their arms and came on shore, merely
to deliver themselves up as prisoners of war. As we advanced with
our company, we met troops of Americans on their way to Fort George
under guard, and the road was lined with miserable wretches suffering
under wounds of all descriptions, and crawling to our houses for
protection and comfort. The spectacle struck us, who were unused to
such scenes, with horror, but we hurried to the mountain, impressed
with the idea that the enemy's attempt was already frustrated, and
the business of the day nearly completed."
[Sidenote: The Redan battery]
Thus far, everything had gone well for the defense, and the general,
on his approach to Queenston, was greeted with the news that the
greater number of the boats had been destroyed or taken. Another
{303} brigade of four boats was just then setting off from Lewiston,
and the 49th Light Company, which had been stationed at the redan
battery on the mountain, was ordered down to assist in preventing
them landing. General Brock had ridden forward to inspect this
battery, where the 18-pounder had been left in charge of eight
artillerymen. He had just dismounted to enter the enclosure when
shots from above warned him that the enemy had gained the crest of
the hill. As was learned afterwards, Captain Wool, of the United
States army, on whom devolved the command of the boats when Colonel
Van Rensselaer was wounded, had very skilfully conducted his men up
the river, and on shore, until they came to a fisherman's path
leading up the south side of the mountain, a path so steep and narrow
that it had been left unguarded. They had succeeded in reaching the
height unobserved, where they remained concealed by the crags and
trees. It was now about seven in the morning.
In the dangerous and exposed position in which General Brock found
himself, there was nothing to be done but to order the gun to be
spiked and to evacuate the battery with all the speed possible.
There was no time for him even to mount his horse. He led it down
the hill and entered the village to reform his troops and gather them
for an assault on the enemy above. There were but two hundred men
available for the work, two companies of the 49th, about a hundred
men, and the same number {304} of militia. It was a hazardous and
daring enterprise to attempt to regain the heights with so small a
force, but regardless of danger, as was his wont, General Brock, on
foot, led his men to the charge up the hill. In vain was the
attempt. The enemy above were so advantageously placed, and kept up
such a tremendous fire, that the small number ascending were driven
back. Again the general rallied them, and proceeded by the right of
the mountain, meaning to attack them in flank. His tall form and
prominent position as leader made him too easy a mark. Scarcely had
he ascended a few paces when the fatal bullet struck him in the
breast, and he fell, "too prodigal of that life so needed by all."
Of the last words of a hero there are always conflicting stories.
Some say Isaac Brock called on his men to press forward, some say he
murmured his sister's name; but who can doubt but that his faithful
heart, in that supreme moment, was back with his loved ones, and it
was not the heights of Queenston he was climbing but the steep cliffs
of Guernsey, and it was not the roar of the cannon or the rush of the
river that filled his dying ear, but the sound of the waves as they
surged in the caverns of his island home.
They bore him from the place where he fell to a house at the foot of
the hill, where his comrades covered his lifeless form, and then went
back to the work he had left them to do. The handful of troops {305}
had retreated to the village, where they were joined by the two
companies of York Volunteers from Brown's and Vrooman's Points.
About half-past nine Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonell, aide-de-camp,
formed them again for an advance up the hill to dislodge the enemy.
[Sidenote: A hot fight]
Lieutenant Robinson tells the story: "We were halted a few moments in
Mr. Hamilton's garden, where we were exposed to the shot from the
American battery at Fort Grey, and from several field pieces directly
opposite to us, besides an incessant and disorderly fire of musketry
from the sides of the mountain. In a few minutes we were ordered to
advance. The nature of the ground and the galling fire prevented any
kind of order in ascending. We soon scrambled to the top to the
right of the battery which they had gained, and were in some measure
covered by the woods. There we stood and gathered the men as they
advanced, and formed them into line. The fire was too hot to admit
of delay. Scarcely more than fifty had collected, about thirty of
whom were of our company, headed by Captain Cameron, and the
remainder of the 49th Light Company, commanded by Captain Williams.
"Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonell was mounted and animating the men to
charge.... The enemy were just in front, covered by bushes and logs.
They were in no kind of order, and were three or four hundred in
number. They perceived us {306} forming, and at about thirty yards
distance, fired. Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonell, who was on the left
of our party calling upon us to advance, received a shot in his body
and fell. His horse was at the same instant killed. Captain
Williams, who was at the other extremity of our little band, fell the
next moment apparently dead. The remainder of our men advanced a few
paces, discharged their pieces, and then retired down the mountain.
Lieutenant McLean was wounded in the thigh. Captain Cameron, in his
attempt to save Colonel Macdonell, was exposed to a shower of
musketry, but most miraculously escaped. He succeeded in carrying
off his friend. Captain Williams recovered from the momentary effect
of the wound in his head in time to escape down the mountain. This
happened, I think, about ten a.m."
The two companies of the 49th and the militia, retreated to Vrooman's
Point to wait there for further reinforcements, and the Americans
remained in possession of the hill. They were enabled by the
cessation of fire from the Canadian side to land fresh troops
unmolested, and to carry back their dead and wounded in their boats.
[Sidenote: At Fort Erie]
The morning had ended most disastrously for the British. The beloved
and trusted general was still in death, and near him lay his friend
and aide-de-camp, mortally wounded. All along the line from Fort
George to Erie, the evil tidings sped. How the news of defeat was
brought to Fort Erie is told {307} by an officer[3] of the 100th
stationed there. He relates how on the morning of October 13th the
booming of distant artillery was faintly heard. Hunger and fatigue
were no longer remembered, and the men were ordered to turn out under
arms, and were soon on their way to the batteries opposite the
enemy's station at Black Rock. The letter continues:--
"We had not assumed our position long, when an orderly officer of the
Provincial Dragoons rode up and gave the information that the enemy
were attempting to cross at Queenston, and that we must annoy them by
every means in our power along the whole line, as was being done from
Niagara to Queenston. The command was no sooner given than, bang,
went off every gun we had in position. The enemy's guns were manned
and returned the fire, and the day's work was begun. It was about
two o'clock in the afternoon when another dragoon, not wearing sword
or helmet, bespattered horse and man with foam and mud, rode up.
Said an old 'green tiger'[4] to me, 'Horse and man jaded, sir, depend
upon it he brings bad news' 'Step down and see what news he brings.'
Away my veteran doubles and soon returns. I knew from poor old
Clibborn's face something dreadful had occurred. 'What news,
Clibborn--what news, man?' I said, as he advanced toward {308} the
battery that was still keeping up a brisk fire.
"Clibborn walked on, perfectly unconscious of the balls that were
ploughing up the ground around him. He uttered not a word, but shook
his head. The pallor and expression of his countenance indicated the
sorrow of his soul. I could stand it no longer. I placed my hand on
his shoulder. 'For heaven's sake, tell us what you know.' In
choking accents he revealed his melancholy information. 'General
Brock is killed, the enemy has possession of Queenston Heights.'
Every man in the battery was paralyzed. They ceased firing. A cheer
from the enemy on the opposite side of the river recalled us to our
duty. They had heard of their success down the river.
"Our men who had in various ways evinced their feelings, some
weeping, some swearing, some in mournful silence, now exhibited
demoniac energy. The heavy guns were loaded, traversed and fired as
if they were field pieces. 'Take your time, men, don't throw away
your fire, my lads.' 'No, sir, but we will give it to them hot and
heavy.' All the guns were worked by the forty men of my company as
if they wished to avenge the death of their beloved chief."[5]
At Niagara, the other extremity of the line, in obedience to General
Brock's last order, sent from Queenston, a brisk fire had been kept
up all morning {309} with the American fort opposite, whence hot shot
poured on the little town, threatening to envelop it in flames.
Captain Vigareaux, R.E., by a daring act of valour, saved a powder
magazine from being ignited. As at Fort Erie, news of the disaster
at Queenston only impelled the artillerymen to redouble their
exertions. So well directed was their fire that by mid-day the
American fort was silenced.
[Sidenote: General Sheaffe]
Major-General Sheaffe had, early in the morning, in obedience to a
summons from General Brock, prepared to march to Queenston with about
four companies of the 41st, three hundred and eighty rank and file,
and nearly the same number of militia, together with the car brigade
under Captain Holcroft. News of the repulse and the loss of the
general was followed by a second despatch, telling of
Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonell's attempt to take the hill, which had
ended so disastrously.
General Sheaffe, with the field pieces of the car brigade, arrived at
Vrooman's Point about eleven o'clock, and found there the handful of
troops who had retreated to that place to await his arrival. Captain
Holcroft's company, with the heavy guns, was placed in position to
command the landing at Lewiston, and to prevent any more troops from
crossing. The general decided that it was useless to attempt a
charge up the hill in the face of the addition that had been made to
the enemy's force, and their commanding position on the heights.
{310} He determined, therefore, to make a long detour through the
fields and woods behind Queenston. His force had been strengthened
by about one hundred and fifty Mohawk Indians, under Chief Norton,
who had come from the lake shore near Niagara, had skirted the
village of St. Davids near Queenston, and then had silently moved
eastwards through the dense forest, hemming the Americans in. About
two p.m. Major Merritt's troop of cavalry appeared on the scene, and
later still, a detachment of the 41st and two flank companies of
militia arrived from Chippawa.
[Sidenote: The battle]
It was three o'clock in the afternoon when the real battle of
Queenston Heights began. General Sheaffe had gradually advanced
towards the battery on the mountain held by the enemy. One spirit
animated all the men, a fierce desire to avenge the death of their
beloved chief, and to drive the aggressors back from Canadian soil.
The main body on the right consisted of the 41st, and the flank
companies of the Niagara militia, with two field pieces, 3-pounders,
which had been dragged up the hill. The left consisted of the Mohawk
Indians and a company of coloured troops, refugee slaves from the
United States. The Light Company of the 49th, with the companies of
York and Lincoln militia, formed the centre. In all a little over a
thousand men, of whom half were regulars.
The Indians were the first to advance, and the Americans, who were
expecting an attack from {311} quite another direction, were
completely taken by surprise. General Sheaffe had succeeded in
reaching their rear unseen. There was scarcely time for them to
change their front when a fierce onslaught was made on them from all
sides, the Indians uttering their terrific war whoop, and the rest of
the troops joining in the shout.
In vain did the American officers, among them Winfield Scott, attempt
to rally their men. A panic seized them in the face of the
determined fire that was poured upon them, and, scarcely waiting to
fire a volley, they fled by hundreds down the mountain, only to meet
more of their enemies below. There was no retreat possible for them.
It was indeed a furious and avenging force that pressed upon them,
and drove them to the brink of that river whose deep waters seemed to
offer a more merciful death than that which awaited them above. They
fell in numbers. "The river," says one who was present,[6]
"presented a shocking spectacle, filled with poor wretches who
plunged into the stream with scarcely a prospect of being saved."
Many leaped from the side of the mountain, and were dashed to pieces
on the rocks below.
At last the fire from the American batteries at Lewiston ceased, and
the battle was over in one short hour. Brock was indeed avenged.
Two officers were now seen approaching bearing a white flag. They
were conducted up the mountain to {312} General Sheaffe, and with
difficulty the slaughter was stopped. By the surrender, General
Wadsworth and over nine hundred men, including sixty officers, were
made prisoners of war. It was a complete victory, but dimmed by a
national loss. That loss was felt through the two years of fighting
that followed the battle of Queenston Heights. Sheaffe, who
succeeded the fallen general, was lacking in the qualities that are
requisite for a successful commander. His conduct at the taking of
York in 1813, proved his unfitness for the position. Procter who had
been left in command on the western frontier also lacked the firmness
in action and fertility of resource that characterized the leader who
had opened the campaign so brilliantly. But the influence which the
lost leader wielded on the youth of the province lived after him, and
stimulated them throughout the long struggle "to keep the land
inviolate." Under Vincent and Harvey and Drummond and Macdonell and
de Salaberry they fought as veterans, and when at the close of the
war they laid down their arms not one foot of Canadian territory was
occupied by the enemy.
Three times were Sir Isaac Brock's funeral rites observed. First, on
that sad October day when a pause came in the conflict, and minute
guns from each side of the river bore their token of respect from
friend and foe for the general who had fallen in the midst of the
battle. He was laid to rest first {313} in the cavalier bastion of
Fort George which he himself had built. Dark days were yet to fall
on Canada, when shot and shell poured over that grave in the bastion,
and fire and sword laid the land desolate; but the spirit kindled by
Brock in the country never failed, and though his voice was stilled,
the echo of his words remained and the force of his example.
[Sidenote: His monument]
When peace came again, a grateful country resolved to raise to his
memory a monument on the field where he fell, and twelve years
afterwards a solemn procession passed again over that road by the
river, and from far and near those who had served under him gathered
to do him honour. A miscreant from the United States shattered this
monument on April 13th, 1840, a crime that was execrated in that
country as well as in Canada.
In order to take immediate steps to repair the desecration, Sir
George Arthur, the governor-general, called upon the militia of Upper
Canada and the regular troops then in the country, to assemble on
Queenston Heights on June 30th of that year. The summons was obeyed
with enthusiasm, and no greater civil and military display had ever
been held in Canada. The youths whom Isaac Brock had led were
gray-headed men now, judges and statesmen, the foremost in the land,
but they had not forgotten him, and once again, in eloquent words,
the story was told of how he had won the undying love and respect of
the people.
{314}
[Sidenote: A tribute]
A resolution was unanimously passed, that another monument, higher
and nobler still, should be built in place of the one destroyed. No
public money was asked, but the regular troops, officers and men, and
the militia gave a freewill offering. In due time the sum of fifty
thousand dollars was raised. While the monument was building,
General Brock's body was placed in a private burying-ground in Mr.
Hamilton's garden at the foot of the hill. In 1854, more than forty
years after the battle, the column was finished, and once again a
long procession followed the hero's bier. Nor was this all. In 1860
there was a notable gathering on that historic hill, when King Edward
VII, then Prince of Wales, came to do honour to the dead hero, and
laid the topmost stone on the cairn that marks the spot where he
fell. One hundred and sixty survivors of the volunteers of 1812 were
present. Sir John Beverley Robinson was their spokesman. In his
address to the prince he said: "In the long period that has elapsed
very many have gone to their rest, who, having served in higher rank
than ourselves, took a more conspicuous part in that glorious
contest. We rejoice in the thought that what your Royal Highness has
seen and will see of this prosperous and happy province will enable
you to judge how valuable a possession was saved to the British Crown
by the successful resistance made in the trying contest in which it
was our fortune to bear a part, and your Royal Highness will then be
{315} able to judge how large a debt the empire owed to the lamented
hero Brock, whose gallant and generous heart shrank not in the
darkest hour of the conflict, and whose example inspired the few with
the ability and spirit to do the work of many." In reply the prince
said: "I have willingly consented to lay the first stone of this
monument. Every nation may, without offence to its neighbours,
commemorate its heroes, their deeds of arms, and their noble deaths.
This is no taunting boast of victory, no revival of long passed
animosities, but a noble tribute to a soldier's fame, the more
honourable because he readily acknowledges the bravery and chivalry
of the people by whose hands he fell. I trust that Canada will never
want such volunteers as those who fought in the last war nor her
volunteers be without such a leader. But no less I fervently pray
that your sons and grandsons may never be called upon to add other
laurels to those which you so gallantly won."
The noble shaft on Queenston Heights dominates a wide expanse of land
and lake. Deep and strong is the current of the river that flows at
its base, but not deeper and stronger than the memory of the man who
sleeps below.
[1] This letter appears in full in the present writer's "Ten Years of
Upper Canada." When that book was published the name of the writer
of the letter was not known, as the manuscript containing it found in
the archives at Ottawa was not signed. Happily, from a draft of the
letter which was among the Robinson family papers, it was discovered
that the writer of this admirable account of the battle of Queenston
Heights was Lieutenant Robinson, afterwards the distinguished Sir
John Beverley Robinson, chief justice of Upper Canada.
[2] This command, the author thinks, is the origin of the report that
Brock's dying words were, "Push on, brave York Volunteers." It is
more probable that this was the occasion on which he used them.
[3] Captain Driscoll.
[4] The 49th Regiment was known by that sobriquet.
[5] "Laura Secord," by Mrs. Curzon.
[6] Lieutenant J. B. Robinson.
{317}
INDEX
A
ABERCROMBY, GENERAL, 13, 14, 15, 16, 20, 21, 34, 64
Act, non-importation, 85
_Adams_, United States brig, 178, 256
Albany, 50, 192, 203, 233
Amherstburg, Fort (Malden), description of, 59; 41st Regiment at, 74;
assistant quartermaster-general stationed at, 80; Indians gather
there, 152; militia at, 177; Brock gives his attention to, 196;
Colonel Procter arrives, 216; Brock and his squadron set out for,
230-2; the advance expected, 235; first skirmish, 236; Brock's
general order from, 247-8; another attack expected, 273-4; Captain
Muir returns to, 275
Amherst, General Lord, 35, 70, 179
Amiens, peace of, 9, 30-1, 43, 78
Armistice, the, 233, 261, 270-2, 276
Armstrong, General, 81; American minister in Paris, 112
Assembly, House of, 76, 143-5, 183, 184, 228, 229
B
BABY, COLONEL, 209, 229, 248
Bâton Rouge, on the Mississippi, 7, 139
Baynes, Colonel, adjutant-general, letters to Brock, 134, 137-8, 145,
155, 180, 185, 204, 205, 208; Brock writes to, 183, 185, 198; sent to
General Dearborn with the proposition for an armistice, 233
Bédard, Captain, 105; arrest of, 127-9; release of, 145; appointed
judge, 158
Bowes, Colonel, 69, 73, 78
Bonaparte, Napoleon, 6, 9, 23, 24, 30, 38, 40, 41, 45, 71, 140, 167,
188
Brock, Daniel de Lisle, 70
Brock, Elizabeth, wife of John E. Tupper, 71
Brock, Irving, 71, 102, 131, 132, 140, 143, 162, 163
Brock, Isaac, his birthplace, 1; family of, 5, 6; sent to school, 7;
obtains a commission by purchase, 7; purchases his lieutenancy, 8;
gazetted as captain, 8; service in the West Indies, 9; purchases a
majority, 10; becomes senior lieutenant-colonel of the 49th, 10;
associated with Nelson and Stewart, 24-5; leads the 49th, 27; arrives
in Canada, 33; at York, 48, 60-3; in command at Fort George, 64; his
report, 64-7; at Quebec, 69; made a full colonel, 70; as
commander-in-chief, 75; his correspondence with President Dunn, 76,
77; correspondence about Indian affairs, 78; looks into accounts, 79,
80; supervises the marine department, 80; in Quebec, 86, 90; on
military service, 96; letter to Colonel Gordon, 97; letters to Ross
Cuthbert, 98, 102; leaves Quebec and takes command in Montreal, 99;
appointed acting brigadier-general, 99; letter to his brother Irving,
102; returns to Quebec, 115; longing for service in Europe, 123, 124;
settled at Fort George, 133; his books, 135-6; letters, 140; a visit
to York, 143; correspondence with Sir James Craig, 149, 151, 152,
176; made major-general, 157; appointed president and administrator
of the government of Upper Canada, 159; misfortune to, 161-7;
declines permission to return to England, 180-1; his measures in the
House of Assembly, 184-5; preparations for war, 189-90; letter to
Colonel Baynes, 198; general order from Niagara, 205-6; general order
from Fort George, 212-13; his appeal, 219-21; his powers in his
combined military and civil capacity, 225-7; describes Tecumseh, 247;
general order from Amherstburg, 247-8; demands Hull's surrender of
Detroit, 250-1; celebrates the victory, 258; regrets the armistice,
261; letter to his brothers, 266-8; receives congratulations from Sir
George Prevost, 268-9; writes from Fort George, 272-3; letter _re_
the attack on Fort Wayne, 276-7; letter to Savery Brock, 280-1;
regiments under his immediate command, 287; his report of the loss of
the _Detroit_ and the _Caledonia_, 290-3; appointed a knight of the
Order of the Bath, 296; last letter to Sir George Prevost, 298; his
ride to Queenston, 298-301; orders the evacuation of the redan
battery, 303; leads the attack on the heights, 304; his death, 304;
funeral rites, 312-15
Brock, John, father of Sir Isaac, 6
Brock, Mary, wife of T. Potenger, 71
Brock, Savery, 15, 17, 18, 19, 27, 71, 123, 132, 161, 162, 163, 166
Brock, William, 5, 70, 124, 161, 163, 165, 167
Brownstown, 237, 238, 243, 245
Bruyères, Lieutenant-Colonel, 157, 230
C
_Caledonia_, brig, 210; captured by Americans, 289-92
Cameron, Captain, 299, 301, 306
_Canadien, Le_, newspaper, 92, 104, 116, 127, 147
Canning, George, secretary of war, 81, 83, 84, 85, 118, 119, 120, 122
Carleton, Sir Guy, see Lord Dorchester.
Castlereagh, Lord, 103, 118; succeeds the Marquis of Wellesley in
office, 191
Chambers, Captain, 218, 235; major, 247
Champagny, Napoleon's secretary of war, 111, 172
Château de Ramezay, Brock quartered at, 101
Château St. Louis, 34, 46, 75, 90
_Chesapeake_, the, 82-6
Chippawa, Fort, 53, 58, 202, 310
_Constitution_, American frigate, 123, 284
Copenhagen, 23, 26, 30, 31, 106, 124
Craig, Sir James, governor-general and commander-in-chief, 90-2; his
first duty, 93; appoints Brock brigadier-general, 99; writes to Lord
Castlereagh, 103; distrusts the French Canadians, 104; refers to the
effect of the embargo, 115; asks for reinforcements, 118; prorogues
the House, 127; seizes the press of _Le Canadien_, 127; unwilling to
grant Brock leave of absence, 130; ill health, 142; last public act,
145; his triumph over the assembly, 145; utterly broken down, 147; in
reference to the Indians, 149, 153; leaves Canada, 156; his death, 156
D
DEAN, private, 236-7, 258
Dearborn, Fort, (Chicago), 174, 266
Dearborn, General (United States), 192, 233, 261, 285
Decrees, Bayonne, 122; Berlin, 81-2, 93, 105, 172, 193; Milan, 110,
172, 193
_Detroit_, formerly the _Adams_, 274; captured by the Americans,
289-92
Detroit, Fort, 53, 54, 177, 190-1, 195, 197, 218, 235, 238, 245; its
attack and capture, 248-60
Dorchester, Lord, (Sir Guy Carleton), 34, 36-8, 47, 53, 56, 75, 103,
152
Drummond, Major-General, 115, 157
Dunn, Thomas, president and acting governor, 69, 73, 76, 77, 86, 94,
96, 157
E
EGMONT op Zee, 17, 18
Elliott, Colonel, 230, 245, 280
Elmsley, Chief Justice, 69, 76
Embargo, the, 85, 108; effect of, 109; repeal of, 113
_Emulous_, vessel, 224
Erie, Fort, 53, 59, 178, 181, 206, 216
F
FITZ GIBBON, COLONEL, 18, 66, 67
Florida, West, 42, 43, 112, 139
G
GALLATIN, secretary of the United States navy, 81, 108
_Ganges_, battleship, 27
_Gazette, Upper Canada, _ 57; Quebec, 93; Montreal, 93
George, Fort, description of, 56; planned by Simcoe, 58; Procter
commands at, 74; boats kept at, 80; Brock winters at, 153; magazines
prepared at, 182; Brock's headquarters, 204; counter appeal issued
from, 217; another proclamation from, 219; Myers in charge of affairs
at, 225; prisoners at, 263-4; Brock buried there, 313
Glegg, Captain, A.D.C., 204, 207, 232, 251, 255, 259, 271, 302
Glengarry Fencibles, proposed, 97-8; the corps raised, 180; Brock
proposes giving grants of land to members of, 185; part of the force
for the defence of the frontier, 201
Gore, Sir Francis, lieutenant-governor of Upper Canada, 8, 78, 97,
138, 159, 167-8
_Guerriére_, H.M.S., 173, 284
H
HARRISON, GENERAL, ("Old Tippecanoe"), 175-6
Henry, John, agent on secret mission, 120, 186-8
Hull, General, marches for Michigan, 203; his advance, 208-9;
occupies Sandwich, 213; his proclamation to the people of Canada,
213-14; loses heavy baggage and stores, 218; writes to Washington,
236; abandons Sandwich for Detroit, 238; receives and refuses Brock's
demand to surrender, 251; surrenders, 255; criticized, 257; as
prisoner of war, 261; home on parole, 283; trial and sentence, 283-4
Humphrey, Captain of the _Leopard_, 83
_Hunter_, sloop of war, 178, 217, 218, 243, 249
Hunter, General, lieutenant-governor of Upper Canada, 45, 50, 51, 59,
60, 63, 65, 69
J
JEFFERSON, PRESIDENT, 38, 41, 43, 108, 112, 113, 259, 285
K
KEMPT, COLONEL, afterwards General Sir James, 140-1
Kingston, 56, 65, 173-9, 203, 229, 268
L
_Leopard_, the, 82-3
Lewiston, 285, 299, 300, 303, 309, 311
_Little Belt_, a corvette, 173
Louisiana, handed back to France, 38; its purchase, 41-3
Lovett, John, secretary to General Van Rensselaer, 264, 286
M
MACDONELL, LIEUTENANT-COLONEL, chosen as aide-de-camp, 230; sent with
the demand for the surrender of Detroit, 251; goes back to Detroit to
arrange the terms of capitulation, 255; at Vrooman's Point, 301-2; at
the battle of Queenston Heights, 305-6.
McArthur, Colonel, United States, 203, 249
Madison, President, 120, 139, 173, 187, 213
Maguaga, 238-43, 245
Malden, Fort, see Amherstburg.
Michilimackinac, Fort, 53, 177, 205, 210-11, 227-8
N
NAPOLEON, EMPEROR, 71, 72, 73, 81, 82, 98, 105, 106-8, 111-13,
117-19, 125-6, 172, 188
Nelson, Lord, 24-30, 47
Niagara (Newark), 60; invasion expected between Fort Erie and, 178;
Brock gives his attention to, 195; general order from, 205; well
fortified, 225
Niagara, Fort (U.S.), 54-6; its attack suggested, 219; stores and
troops arriving, 269, 274; silenced, 309
Nichol, Lieutenant-Colonel, 206, 207, 248, 253
Non-Intercourse, Bill, 120
O
ORDERS-IN-COUNCIL, 93, 106, 111; withdrawal of, 120-1, 223, 269
P
PANET, LIEUTENANT-COLONEL, speaker of the assembly, 104, 105, 115
_President_, United States frigate, 173
Prevost, Sir George, arrives in Halifax, 101; assumes command, 157-8;
letter from Brock to, 178-9; hampered by home instructions, 184;
cautious and forbearing, 190, 194-5, 216, 288, 204; receives word of
declaration of war, 207-8; despatch from Brock to, 223;
correspondence _re_ Brock's powers, 226-7; his views concerning the
capture of Fort Michilimackinac, 227-8; congratulates Brock, 268-9;
advises evacuation of Detroit, 277
Procter, Lieutenant-Colonel, commands at Fort George, 74; to assume
command between Niagara and Fort Erie, 205-6; sent to Amherstburg,
216; sends a detachment to Brownstown, 237; in charge of the western
district, 247; in command at Detroit, 262; letter from Brock to, 293;
compared with Brock, 312
Q
QUEBEC, description of, 33-4; centre of society, 46; mutineers and
deserters sentenced at, 63; Brock quartered at, 69; 49th and 100th
Regiments there, 74; fortifications of, 75-7, 94; boats at, 80; old,
89-98; gaiety in, 132; House of Assembly at, 143-5; the town militia
volunteers, 205
Queenston, 58, 61, 206; battle of Queenston Heights, 298-312
R
RIDOUT, SURVEYOR-GENERAL, letter from, 168
Roberts, Captain, 202, 205, 210, 227
Robinson, Lieutenant, afterwards Sir John Beverley, 298, 299 (note),
302, 305, 314
Rolette, Lieutenant, 218, 243, 292
Rottenburg, Colonel Baron de, 123, 134, 137, 217
Ryland, H. W., secretary, 47, 86, 92, 105, 120, 129, 145-7, 186, 203
S
SACKETTS HARBOUR, 178, 201, 269, 270, 271
Sandwich, 50, 213, 218, 229, 238, 248, 250, 251
Saumarez, Admiral Lord de, 6, 124
Sheaffe, Lieutenant-Colonel, at Egmont op Zee, 19; in command in
Jersey, 22; at Fort George, 48; mutiny under, 61-4; in Quebec, 74; a
hint from Thornton, 159; major-general on the staff, 223; at
Queenston Heights, 309-12
St. George, Colonel, 214, 216, 218, 236, 247
St. Joseph, Fort, 74, 202, 204, 210, 227
T
TECUMSEH, Indian chief, 150-1, 174-6, 237-8, 243, 245-7, 251, 254, 257
V
VAN RENSSELAER, MAJOR-GENERAL, 284, 285, 288
Van Rensselaer, Colonel, 284 (note), 300
Vincent, Colonel, 124, 134, 229
Vesey, Colonel, 138-9, 153-4; made major-general, 157
W
WADSWORTH, BRIGADIER-GENERAL, 213
Wayne, Fort, a base of supplies for the United States army, 262;
unsuccessful expedition against, 274-5
William Henry, Fort, 80, 283
Wyndham, Rt. Hon. Sir W., secretary of the colonies, 75
Y
YORK, DUKE OF, 13, 15, 16, 20-1, 64, 70, 155, 159
York (Toronto), 45, 51; seat of government, 57; number of vessels at,
80; its fortifications begun, 182; House of Assembly opened at, 183;
news of declaration of war reaches Brock at, 204; Brock returns to,
221-3
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