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Title: Nicolaus of Damascus' life of Augustus
Translated with a commentary
Author: Nicolaus of Damascus
Translator: Clayton Morris Hall
Release date: September 16, 2024 [eBook #74423]
Language: English
Original publication: United States: Johm Hopkins University, 1922
Credits: Ian Crann, Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NICOLAUS OF DAMASCUS' LIFE OF AUGUSTUS ***
NICOLAUS OF DAMASCUS’
LIFE OF AUGUSTUS
Translated with a Commentary
A Dissertation
submitted to the Board of University Studies of the
Johns Hopkins University in conformity with
the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
By
Clayton M. Hall
1922
FOREWORD
In preparing this translation of the Life of Augustus, the text of L.
Dindorf, Historici Graeci Minores, Leipsic 1871, vol. 1, has been used
as a basis. Suggestions of K. Müller, Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum,
Paris 1874, vol. 3, pp. 427 ff., and of N. Piccolos, Nicolas de Damas,
Vie de César, Paris 1850, have been found of value. The last named work
treats only of the section found in the ‘Codex Escorialensis’, namely
chapters 16 to 31. In cases of variation among these three editors, the
preferred reading has been duly indicated in the commentary; departures
from their texts have also been noted. Works which have been of value
in preparing the commentary have been fully cited therein.
To obviate the confusion between the elder and the younger Caesar,
which exists through the excerpt, it has been found expedient to refer
to the later Augustus as Octavius uniformly until his arrival in Italy
from Apollonia, when he became acquainted with the contents of Caesar’s
will, and thereafter as Octavian.
All the references to Appian are to his ‘Civil Wars’.
The writer here wishes to express his obligation to Professor T.
Frank, under whose direction this work was undertaken, to Professor
W. P. Mustard, who has kindly read the entire manuscript of the
translation, and to Professors C. W. E. Miller and D. M. Robinson.
TRANSLATION
The Life of Augustus
1. Men gave him this name[1] in view of his claim to honor; and,
scattered over islands and continents, through city and tribe,
they revere him by building temples and by sacrificing to him,[2]
thus requiting him for his great virtue and acts of kindness
toward themselves. For this man, having attained preeminent power
and discretion, ruled over the greatest number of people within
the memory of man, established the furthest boundaries for the
Roman Empire, and settled securely not only the tribes of Greeks
and barbarians, but also their dispositions; at first with arms
but afterward even without arms, by attracting them of their own
free will. By making himself known through kindness he persuaded
them to obey him. The names of some of them men had never heard
before, nor had they been subject within the memory of anyone,
but he subdued them: all those that live as far as the Rhine[3]
and beyond the Ionian[4] Sea and the Illyrian peoples. These are
called Pannonians and Dacians.[5] (See the work: ‘Concerning
Brave Honest Deeds.’)[6]
2. To set forth the full power of this man’s intelligence and
virtue, both in the administration which he exercised at Rome
and in the conduct of great wars both domestic and foreign,
is a subject for competition in speech and essay, that men
may win renown by treating it well. I myself shall relate his
achievements, so that all can know the truth. First I shall speak
of his birth and breeding, his parents, his nurture and education
from infancy, by means of which he came to such an estate.[7]
His father was Caius Octavius, a man of senatorial rank.[8] His
forebears, renowned for both wealth[9] and justice, left their
estates to him, an orphan, at their death.[10] His guardians[11]
spent his money, but he remitting his just claims was satisfied
with the remainder.
3. Octavius at the age of about nine years was an object of no
little admiration to the Romans, exhibiting as he did great
excellence of nature, young though he was; for he gave an
oration[12] before a large crowd and received much applause from
grown men. After his grandmother’s death he was brought up by
his mother Atia[13] and her husband Lucius Philippus, who was
a descendant of the conquerors of Philip of Macedonia.[14] At
Philippus’ house, as if at his father’s, Octavius was reared and
showed great promise, already seeming to be treated with respect
by his comrades, the children of highest birth. Many of them
associated with him, and even not a few of the youths who had
hopes to undertake affairs of state. Daily many lads, men, and
boys of his own age attended him whether he rode on horseback
outside of the town or went to the house of his relations or
of any other person; for he exercised his mind with the finest
practices and his body with both genteel and warlike pursuits;
and more quickly than his teachers he himself applied his lesson
to the facts in hand, so that for this reason also much praise
redounded to him in the city.[15] Both his mother and her
husband Philippus took care of him, inquiring each day from the
instructors[16] and curators whom they had placed in charge of
the boy what he had accomplished, how far he had advanced, or how
he had spent the day and with whom he had associated.
4. At the time when the Civil War had laid hold on the city,[17]
his mother Atia and Philippus quietly sent Octavius off to one of
his father’s country places.[18]
He entered the forum, aged about fourteen, to put off the toga
praetextata and assume the toga virilis, this being a token of
his becoming registered as a man.[19] Then while all the citizens
looked upon him, because of his comeliness and very evidently
noble descent, he sacrificed to the gods and was registered in
the sacred college in the place of Lucius Domitius, who had
died.[20] The people indeed had very eagerly elected[21] him to
this position. Accordingly, he performed the sacrifice, adorned
with the toga virilis and at the same time the honors of a very
high priestly office.[22] Nevertheless, though he was registered
as of age according to law, his mother would not let him leave
the house other than as he did before, when he was a child, and
she made him keep to the same mode of life and sleep in the same
apartment as before. For he was of age only by law and in other
respects was taken care of as a child. He did not change the
fashion of his clothes, but continued to use the Roman garb.[23]
5. He went to the temples on the regular days, but after dark on
account of his youthful charm, seeing that he attracted many
women by his comeliness and high lineage; though often tempted
by them he seems never to have been enticed. Not only did the
watchful care of his mother, who guarded him and forbade
his wandering, protect him but he too was prudent now that
he was advancing in age. During the Latin festival when the
consuls had to ascend the Alban Mount to perform the customary
sacrifices,[24] the priests meanwhile succeeding to the
jurisdiction of the consuls, Octavius sat on the tribunal in the
centre of the forum.[25] And there came many people on legal
business[26] and many on no business at all except for a sight
of the boy; for he was well worth beholding especially when he
assumed the dignity and honorable aspect of office.
6. Caesar had by this time completed the wars in Europe,[27] had
conquered Pompey in Macedonia,[28] had taken Egypt,[29] had
returned from Syria and the Euxine[30] sea, and was intending to
advance into Libya[31] in order to put down what was left of war
over there; and Octavius wanted to take the field with him in
order that he might gain experience in the practice of war. But
when he found that his mother Atia was opposed he said nothing
by way of argument but remained at home. It was plain that
Caesar, out of solicitude for him, did not wish him to take the
field yet, lest he might bring on illness to a weak body through
changing his mode of life and thus permanently injure his health.
For this cause he took no part in the expedition.
7. After finishing that war also, Caesar returned to Rome,[32]
having granted pardon to a very few of the captives who fell to
him because they had not learned wisdom in the earlier wars.[33]
Then the following incident occurred: There was a particular
associate and friend of Octavius, Agrippa,[34] who had been
educated at the same place and who was a very special friend of
his. His brother was with Cato and treated with much respect; he
had participated in the Libyan War, but was at this time taken
captive. Although Octavius had never yet asked anything of Caesar
he wanted to beg the prisoner off, but he hesitated because
of modesty and at the same time because he saw how Caesar was
disposed toward those who had been captured in that war. However,
he made bold to ask it, and had his request granted. Thereupon
he was very glad at having rescued a brother for his friend and
he was praised by others for employing his zeal and right of
intercession first of all for a friend’s safety.
8. After this, Caesar celebrated his triumphs for the Libyan War
and the others which he had fought;[35] and he ordered the
young Caesar, whom he had now adopted, and who was in a way
a son even by nature, on account of the closeness of their
relationship,[36] to follow his chariot, having bestowed upon him
military decorations, as if he had been his aide in war. Likewise
at the sacrifices and when entering the temples he stationed him
at his side and he ordered the others to yield precedence to him.
Caesar already bore the rank of Imperator, which was the highest
according to the Roman usage,[37] and he was highly esteemed in
the state. The boy, being his companion both at the theatre and
at the banquets, and seeing that he conversed kindly with him, as
if with his own son, and having by this time become somewhat more
courageous, when many of his friends and citizens asked him to
intercede for them with Caesar, in matters in which they were in
need of aid, looking out for the opportune moment he respectfully
asked and was successful; and he became of great value to many
of his kinsfolk, for he took care never to ask a favor at an
inopportune time, nor when it was annoying to Caesar. And he
displayed not a few sparks of kindness and natural intelligence.
9. Caesar wished Octavius to have the experience of directing the
exhibition of theatrical productions (for there were two
theatres,[38] the one Roman, over which he himself had charge,
and the other Greek). This he turned over to the care of
Octavius. The latter, wishing to exhibit interest and benevolence
in the matter, even in the hottest and longest days, never left
his post before the end of the play; with the result that he fell
ill, for he was young and unaccustomed to toil. Being very ill,
every one felt considerable apprehension regarding him, lest a
constitution such as his might suffer some mishap, and Caesar
most of all. Accordingly, every day he either called himself
and encouraged him or else sent friends to do so, and he kept
physicians in continuous attendance. On one occasion word was
brought to him while he was dining that Octavius was relaxed
and was dangerously ill. He sprang up and ran barefooted to the
place where the patient was, and in great anxiety and with great
emotion questioned the physicians, and he sat down by the bedside
himself. When Octavius’ full recovery[39] was brought about he
showed much joy.
10. While Octavius was convalescent, still weak physically though
entirely out of danger, Caesar had to take the field on an
expedition[40] in which he had previously the intention of taking
the boy. This however he could not now do on account of his
attack of sickness. Accordingly, he left him behind in the care
of a number of persons who were to take particular charge of
his mode of life; and giving orders that if Octavius should grow
strong enough, he was to follow him, he went off to the war. The
eldest son of Pompeius Magnus had got together a great force[41]
in a short time, contrary to the expectations of everyone, with
the intention of avenging his father’s death, and, if possible,
of retrieving his father’s defeat. Octavius, left behind in Rome,
in the first place gave his attention to gaining as much physical
strength as possible, and soon he was sufficiently robust. Then
he set out from home toward the army, according to his uncle’s
instructions (for that is what he called him). Many were eager
to accompany him on account of his great promise but he rejected
them all, even his mother herself, and selecting the speediest
and strongest of his servants he hastened on his journey and
with incredible despatch he covered the long road and approached
Caesar, who had already completed the whole war in the space of
seven months.[42]
11. When Octavius reached Tarraco it was hard to believe that he
had managed to arrive in so great a tumult of war. Not finding
Caesar there, he had to endure more trouble and danger. He caught
up with Caesar in Spain near the city of Calpia.[43] Caesar
embraced him as a son and welcomed him, for he had left him at
home, ill, and he now unexpectedly saw him safe from both enemies
and brigands. In fact, he did not let him go from him, but he
kept him at his own quarters and mess. He commended his zeal and
intelligence[44] inasmuch as he was the first of those who had
set out from Rome to arrive. And he made the point of asking
him concerning many things in the course of their conversation,
for he was anxious to make a trial of his understanding; and
finding that he was sagacious, intelligent, and concise in his
replies and that he always answered to the point, his esteem
and affection for him increased. After this they had to sail
for Carthago Nova, and arrangements were made whereby Octavius
embarked in the same boat as Caesar, with five slaves, but, out
of affection, he took three of his companions aboard in addition
to the slaves, though he feared that Caesar would be angry when
he found this out. However, the reverse was the case, for Caesar
was pleased in that Octavius was fond of his comrades and he
commended him because he always liked to have present with him
men who were observant and who tried to attain to excellence;
and because he was already giving no little thought to gaining a
good reputation at home.
12. Caesar duly arrived at Carthago Nova, intending to meet with
those who were in need of him. A great many came to see him,
some for the purpose of settling any differences they might
have with certain persons, others because of matters of civil
administration, others in order to obtain the rewards for deeds
of courage which they had performed. Regarding these matters he
gave them audience. Many other officers had congregated there
also. The Saguntini came to Octavius asking for assistance, for
there were a number of charges against them. He acted as their
spokesman, and speaking before Caesar skillfully secured their
release from the charges. He sent them home delighted, singing
his praises to everyone and calling him their savior. Thereupon
many people approached him, asking for his patronage, and he
proved of considerable value to them. Some he relieved of the
charges brought against them, for others he secured rewards,
and he placed still others in offices of state. His kindness,
humanity, and the prudence he had revealed at these gatherings
were subjects of comment to all. In fact, Caesar himself
cautiously....[45]
13. ... of silver, according to the ancestral custom;[46] nor to
associate with young fellows who drank freely, nor to remain
at banquets till nightfall, nor to dine before the tenth hour,
except at the house of Caesar or Philippus or Marcellus,[47]
his sister’s husband, a man of sobriety and of the best Roman
descent. Modesty, which one might assume was fitting for one of
that age (for nature has assigned it an earlier place than the
other virtues) was apparent in his actions and continued during
his whole life. Therefore Caesar made much of him and not, as
some think, entirely because of relationship. Some time before
he had decided to adopt him, but fearing that elated at the hope
of such good fortune, as those usually are who are brought up in
wealth, he might become forgetful of virtue and depart from his
accustomed mode of life, Caesar concealed his intention but he
adopted him as son in his will[48] (for he had no male children
of his own) and made him residuary legatee of his entire estate,
after bequeathing one fourth of his property to friends and
townsmen, as was afterwards known.[49]
14. Octavius asked permission to go home to see his mother, and
when it was granted, he set out. When he reached the Janiculan
hill near Rome, a man who claimed to be the son of Caius Marius
came with a large crowd of people to meet him.[50] He had taken
also some women who were relatives of Caesar, for he was anxious
to be enrolled in the family, and they testified to his descent.
He did not succeed in persuading Atia at all, nor her sister,
to make any false statement concerning their family; for the
families of Caesar and Marius were very close,[51] but this
young man was really no relative whatever. So then, he came up
to the young Caesar with a great multitude and tried to gain his
authority also for being enrolled in the family. The citizens who
accompanied him were also earnestly persuaded that he was Marius’
son. Octavius was in quite a quandary and began to consider what
he should do. It was a difficult thing to greet a stranger as
a relative, one whose origin he did not know, and for whom his
mother did not vouch; and on the other hand, to repudiate the
youth and the crowd of citizens with him would be very difficult
particularly for one so modest as he. Accordingly, he quietly
answered and dismissed the fellow, saying that Caesar was the
head of their family, and the chief of the state and of the whole
Roman government. He should therefore go to him and explain to
him the kinship, and if he convinced Caesar, then both they and
the other relations would accede to his decision quite convinced;
otherwise there could be no ground for their connection with
him. In the meanwhile, until Caesar decided, he should not come
to Octavius nor ask for anything that might be expected of a
relative. Thus sensibly he answered and everyone there commended
him; nevertheless the young fellow followed him all the way home.
15. When he arrived in Rome he lodged near the house of Philippus
and his mother and passed his time with them, seldom leaving
them, except at times when he wished to invite some of his young
friends to dine with him; but that was not often. While he was
in the city, he was declared a patrician by the senate.[52]
Octavius lived soberly and in moderation; and his friends knew of
something else about him that was remarkable. For an entire year
at the very age at which youths, particularly those of wealth,
are most wanton, he abstained from sexual gratification out of
regard for both his voice and his strength. (End of the history
of Nicolaus Damascenus and of the life of the young Caesar.
Concerning virtue and vice.)[53]
16. Octavius spent three months in Rome and then came and sojourned
here.[54] He was admired by his friends and companions, revered
by everyone in the city, and praised by his instructors.[55]
In the fourth month of his stay, a freedman came from home, in
excitement and dismay, sent by his mother and carrying a letter
which said that Caesar had been killed in the senate by Cassius
and Brutus and their accomplices. She asked her son to return to
her as she did not know what the outcome of affairs would be.
She said he must show himself a man now and consider what he
ought to do and put his plans in action, according to fortune and
opportunity. His mother’s letter made all this clear, and the
man who brought it gave a similar report. He said he had been
sent immediately after Caesar’s murder, and he had wasted no time
on the way, so that hearing the news as quickly as possible,
Octavius would be able to make his plans accordingly. He added
that the relatives of the murdered man were in great danger, and
it was necessary to consider first of all how this was to be
avoided. The group of murderers was not small, and they would
drive out and murder Caesar’s relatives.
When they heard this they were greatly disturbed (it was
just about the time that they were going to dinner). Speedily
a report spread to those out of doors and through the whole
city, revealing nothing accurately, but only that some great
calamity had befallen. Then when the evening was fully come
many of the foremost Apollonians came up with torches, asking
with kind intent what the news was. After taking counsel with
his friends Octavius decided to tell the most distinguished of
them, but to send the rabble away. He and his friends did so, and
when the crowd was with difficulty persuaded by the leaders to
leave, Octavius had the opportunity of taking counsel with his
friends (much of the night already having been spent) as to what
ought to be done and how he should improve the situation. After
thoroughly considering the case, some of his friends advised him
to go and join the army in Macedonia; it had been sent out for
the Parthian War, and Marcus Acilius[56] was in command of it.
They advised him to take the army for the sake of safety, to go
to Rome, and to take vengeance upon the murderers. The soldiers
would be hostile toward the murderers because they had been fond
of Caesar, and their sympathy would increase when they saw the
boy. But this seemed a difficult course for a very young man,
and too much for his present youth and inexperience, especially
since the disposition of the people toward him was not clear as
yet and many enemies were at hand. Hence this suggestion was not
adopted.
Avengers of Caesar were expected to appear from among those
who in his lifetime had come upon good fortune at his hands or
who had received from him power, riches, and valuable gifts,
such as they had not hoped for even in dreams. Octavius received
advice of various sorts from different people, as is always the
case in times when a situation is obscure and unsettled, but
he determined to postpone decision in the whole matter until
he could see those of his friends who were preeminently mature
and wise and secure the aid of their counsel also. He decided
therefore to refrain from action, but to go to Rome, and having
first arrived in Italy, to find out what had taken place after
Caesar’s murder, and to take counsel with the people there
concerning the entire affair.
17. His retinue then began preparations for the voyage.
Alexander[57] pleading his age and ill health, returned to his
home at Pergamum. The inhabitants of Apollonia came in multitudes
and for some time affectionately begged Octavius to stay with
them, saying that they would put the city to any use that
he wished, out of good will toward him and reverence for the
deceased.[58] They thought that it would be better for him to
await developments in a friendly city, since so many enemies were
abroad. However, since he desired to participate in whatever was
done, and to avail himself of any opportunity for action, he did
not change his decision, but said that he must set sail. Then he
praised the Apollonians, and afterward when he became master of
Rome he conferred on them autonomy and immunity and some other
not inconsiderable favors, and made it one of the most fortunate
of cities.[59] All the people in tears escorted him at his
departure, admiring his restraint and wisdom that he had revealed
in his sojourn there; and at the same time they were sorry for
his lot.
There came to him from the army not a few from the cavalry
and infantry, both tribunes and centurions, and many others for
the sake of serving him, but some for their own gain. Then they
exhorted him to take up arms and they promised that they would
take the field with him and persuade others also, in order to
avenge Caesar’s death. He commended them, but said that he had no
need of them at present; when, however, he would call them to
take vengeance, he asked that they be ready; and they agreed to
this.
Octavius put out to sea on ships which were at hand, though
it was still quite perilously wintry, and crossing the Ionian
Sea, arrived at the nearest promontory of Calabria, where the
news regarding the revolution at Rome had not yet been clearly
announced to the inhabitants. He came ashore here and started on
foot for Lupiae.[60] When he arrived there he met people who had
been in Rome when Caesar was buried; and they told him, among
other things, that he had been named in the will as Caesar’s son,
inheriting three fourths of his property, the remaining share
having been set aside to pay the sum of seventy five drachmae
to each man in the city.[61] He had enjoined Atia, the youth’s
mother, to take charge of his burial, but a great crowd had
forced its way into the forum and had there cremated the body and
interred the remains. They told Octavius that Brutus and Cassius
and the other murderers had taken possession of the Capitol, and
were obtaining, through the promise of freedom, the slaves as
allies. On the first two days while Caesar’s friends were still
panic stricken[62] many men came and joined the murderers; but
when colonists from the neighboring cities (whom Caesar had
furnished with grants and had established in those cities) began
to come in large numbers and attach themselves to the followers
of Lepidus, the master of horse,[63] and to those of Antonius,
Caesar’s colleague in the consulship,[64] who were promising to
avenge Caesar’s death, most of the conspirators’ group dispersed.
The conspirators being thus deserted gathered some gladiators
and others who were implacably hostile to Caesar, or who had had
a share in the plot. A little later, all these came down from
the Capitoline, having received pledges of safety from Antonius
who now had a large force, but who for the present had given
up his plan to avenge Caesar’s murder. (That was why they were
allowed to leave Rome safely and go to Antium.)[65] Even their
houses were besieged by the people, not under any leader, but the
populace itself was enraged on account of the murder of Caesar,
of whom they were fond, and especially when they had seen his
bloody garment and newly slain body brought to burial when they
had forced their way into the forum and had there interred it.
18. When Octavius heard this he was moved to tears and grief
because of his memory and affection for the man, and his sorrow
stirred anew. Then he stopped and waited for other letters from
his mother and friends in Rome, although he did not disbelieve
those who had reported the events, for he saw no reason why
they should fabricate any falsehood. After this he set sail for
Brundisium, for he had now learned that none of his enemies
were there, though previously he had been suspicious lest the
city might be held by some of them, and consequently he had not
recklessly approached it directly from the other shore.[66] There
arrived from his mother also a letter in which was written an
urgent request for him to return to her and the whole household
as soon as possible, so that no treachery should come upon him
from without, seeing that he had been designated Caesar’s son.
It bore out the earlier news, and said that the whole populace
was aroused against Brutus and Cassius and their party, and was
greatly vexed at what they had done. His step-father Philippus
sent him a letter asking him not to take steps to secure Caesar’s
bequest but even to retain his own name[67] because of what had
happened to Caesar and to live free from politics and in safety.
Octavius knew that this advice was given with kind intent, but he
thought differently, as he already had his mind on great things
and he was full of confidence; he therefore took upon himself the
toil and danger and the enmity of men whom he did not care to
please. Nor did he propose to cede to anyone a name or a rule so
great as his, particularly with the state on his side and calling
him to come into his father’s honors;[68] and very rightly, since
both naturally and by law the office belonged to him, for he
was the nearest relative and had been adopted as son by Caesar
himself, and he felt that to follow the matter up and avenge his
death was the proper course to pursue. This is what he thought,
and he wrote and so answered Philippus, though he did not succeed
in convincing him. His mother Atia when she saw how glorious
his fortune was and the extent of the empire rejoiced that it
devolved upon her own son; but on the other hand knowing that the
undertaking was full of fear and danger, and having seen what
had happened to her uncle Caesar, she was not very enthusiastic;
so it looked as though she was between the view of her husband
Philippus and that of her son. Hence she felt many cares, now
anxious when she enumerated all the dangers awaiting one striving
for supreme power, and now elated when she thought of the extent
of that power and honor. Therefore she did not dare to dissuade
her son from attempting the great deed and effecting a just
requital, but still she did not venture to urge him on, because
fortune seemed somewhat obscure.[69] She permitted his use of the
name Caesar and in fact was the first to assent. Octavian, having
made inquiry as to what all his friends thought about this also,
without delay accepted both the name and the adoption, with good
fortune and favorable omen.[70]
This was the beginning of good both for himself and all
mankind, but especially for the state and the entire Roman
people. He sent immediately to Asia for the money and means[71]
that Caesar had previously despatched for the Parthian War, and
when he received it along with a year’s tribute from the people
of Asia, contenting himself with the position that had belonged
to Caesar[72] he turned the public property over to the state
treasury. At that time, too, some of his friends urged him as
they had at Apollonia to go to Caesar’s colonies and to levy an
army,[73] inducing the men to join an expedition on his behalf
by employing the prestige of the great name of Caesar.[74] They
declared that the soldiers would gladly follow the leadership of
Caesar’s son and would do everything for him; for there persisted
among them a wonderful loyalty and good will toward Caesar and a
memory of what they had accomplished with him in his lifetime,
and they desired under the auspices of Caesar’s name to win the
power which they had formerly bestowed upon Caesar. However, the
opportunity for this did not seem to be at hand. He therefore
turned his attention toward seeking legally, through a senatorial
decree, the dignity his father had held;[75] and he was careful
not to acquire the reputation of being one who was ambitious and
not a law-abiding man. Accordingly, he listened especially to the
eldest of his friends and those of the greatest experience, and
set out from Brundisium for Rome.[76]
19. From this point my narrative will investigate the manner in
which the assassins formed their conspiracy against Caesar and
how they worked out the whole affair, and what happened afterward
when the whole state was shaken. Accordingly, I shall in the
first place rehearse the circumstances of the plot itself, its
reasons, and its final momentous outcome. In the next place I
shall speak of Octavian on whose account this narrative was
undertaken; how he came into power, and how, after he had taken
his predecessor’s place, he employed himself in deeds of peace
and war.
At first a few men started the conspiracy,[77] but afterwards
many took part, more than are remembered to have taken part
in any earlier plot against a commander. They say that there
were more than eighty who had a share in it.[78] Among those
who had the most influence were: Decimus Brutus, a particular
friend of Caesar, Caius Cassius, and Marcus Brutus, second to
none in the estimation of the Romans at that time. All these
were formerly members of the opposite faction, and had tried to
further Pompeius’ interests,[79] but when he was defeated, they
came under Caesar’s jurisdiction and lived quietly for the time
being; but although Caesar tried to win them over individually by
kindly treatment, they never abandoned their hope of doing him
harm.[80] He on his part was naturally without grudge against the
beaten party, because of a certain leniency of disposition,[81]
but they, using to their own advantage his lack of suspicion, by
seductive words and pretence of deeds treated him in such a way
as to more readily escape detection in their plot. There were
various reasons which affected each and all of them and impelled
them to lay hands on the man. Some of them had hopes of becoming
leaders themselves in his place if he were put out of the way;
others were angered over what had happened to them in the war,
embittered over the loss of their relatives, property, or offices
of state. They concealed the fact that they were angry, and
made the pretense of something more seemly, saying that they
were displeased at the rule of a single man and that they were
striving for a republican form of government. Different people
had different reasons, all brought together by whatever pretext
they happened upon.
At first the ringleaders conspired; then many more joined, some
of their own accord because of personal grievances, some because
they had been associated with the others and wished to show
plainly the good faith in their long-standing friendship, and
accordingly became their associates. There were some who were of
neither of these types, but who had agreed because of the worth
of the others, and who resented the power of one man after the
long-standing republican constitution. They were very glad not
to start the affair themselves, but were willing to join such
company when someone else had initiated proceedings, not even
hesitating to pay the penalty if need be. The reputation which
had long been attached to the Brutus family was very influential
in causing the uprising, for Brutus’ ancestors had overthrown
the kings who ruled from the time of Romulus, and they had first
established republican government in Rome.[82] Moreover, men who
had been friends of Caesar were no longer similarly well disposed
toward him when they saw people who were previously his enemies
saved by him and given honors equal to their own. In fact, even
these others were not particularly well disposed toward him,[83]
for their ancient grudges took precedence over gratitude and made
them forgetful of their good fortune in being saved, while, when
they remembered the good things they had lost in being defeated,
they were provoked. Many also hated him because they had been
saved by him although he had been irreproachable in his behavior
toward them in every respect; but nevertheless, the very thought
of receiving as a favor the benefits which as victors they would
readily have enjoyed, annoyed them very much.
Then there was another class of men, namely those who had
served with him, whether as officers or privates, and who did
not get a share of glory. They asserted that prisoners of war
were enrolled among the veteran forces and that they received
identical pay. Accordingly, his friends were incensed at being
rated as equal to those whom they themselves had taken prisoners,
and indeed they were even outranked by some of them. To many,
also, the fact that they benefitted at his hands, both by gifts
of property and by appointments to offices, was a special source
of grievance, since he alone was able to bestow such benefits,
and everyone else was ignored as of no importance. When he became
exalted through many notable victories (which was fair enough)
and began to think himself super human[84] the common people
worshipped him, but he began to be obnoxious to the optimates and
to those who were trying to obtain a share in the government.
And so, every kind of man combined against him: great and small,
friend and foe, military and political, every one of whom put
forward his own particular pretext for the matter in hand, and
as a result of his own complaints each lent a ready ear to the
accusations of the others. They all confirmed each other in their
conspiracy and they furnished as surety[85] to one another the
grievances which they held severally in private against him.
Hence, though the number of conspirators became so great, no one
dared to give information of the fact. Some say, however, that a
little before his death, Caesar received a note in which warning
of the plot was given, and that he was murdered with it in his
hands before he had a chance to read it, and that it was found
among other notes after his death.[86]
20. However, all this became known subsequently. At that time
some wished to gratify him by voting him one honor after another,
while others treacherously included extravagant honors, and
published them, so that he might become an object of envy and
suspicion to all.[87] Caesar was of guileless disposition and
was unskilled in political practices by reason of his foreign
campaigns, so that he was easily taken in by these people,
supposing, naturally enough, that their commendations came rather
from men who admired him than from men who were plotting against
him.[88]
To those who were in authority this measure was especially
displeasing: that the people were now rendered powerless to make
appointments to office, and that Caesar was given the right of
investure to bestow upon whomsoever he pleased. An ordinance
voted not long before provided this.[89] Furthermore, all sorts
of rumors were being bandied about in the crowd, some telling one
story, others another. Some said that he had decided to establish
a capital of the whole empire in Egypt, and that Queen Cleopatra
had lain with him and borne him a son, named Cyrus, there. This
he himself refuted in his will as false.[90] Others said that he
was going to do the same thing at Troy, on account of his ancient
connection with the Trojan race.[91]
Something else, such as it was, took place which especially
stirred the conspirators against him. There was a golden statue
of him which had been erected on the rostra[92] by vote of the
people. A diadem appeared on it, encircling the head, whereupon
the Romans became very suspicious, supposing that it was a symbol
of servitude. Two of the tribunes, Lucius and Caius,[93] came up
and ordered one of their subordinates to climb up, take it down,
and throw it away. When Caesar discovered what had happened, he
convened the senate in the temple of Concordia[94] and arraigned
the tribunes, asserting that they themselves had secretly placed
the diadem on the statue, so that they might have a chance to
insult him openly and thus get credit for doing a brave deed by
dishonoring the statue, caring nothing either for him or for the
senate. He continued that their action was one which indicated a
more serious resolution and plot: if somehow they might slander
him to the people as a seeker after unconstitutional power, and
thus (themselves stirring up an insurrection) to slay him. After
this address, with the concurrence of the senate he banished
them.[95] Accordingly, they went off into exile and other
tribunes were appointed in their place. Then the people clamored
that he become king and they shouted that there should be no
longer any delay in crowning him as such, for Fortune had already
crowned him. But Caesar declared that although he would grant
the people everything because of their good will toward him,
he would never allow this step; and he asked their indulgence
for contradicting their wishes in preserving the old form of
government, saying that he preferred to hold the office of consul
in accordance with the law to being king illegally.[96]
21. Such was the people’s talk at that time. Later, in the
course of the winter, a festival was held in Rome, called
Lupercalia,[97] in which old and young men together take part in
a procession, naked except for a girdle, and anointed, railing
at those whom they meet and striking them with pieces of goat’s
hide. When this festival came on Marcus Antonius was chosen
director. He proceeded through the forum, as was the custom,
and the rest of the throng followed him. Caesar was sitting in
a golden chair on the Rostra, wearing a purple toga. At first
Licinius[98] advanced toward him carrying a laurel wreath,
though inside it a diadem was plainly visible. He mounted up,
pushed up by his colleagues (for the place from which Caesar was
accustomed to address the assembly was high), and set the diadem
down before Caesar’s feet. Amid the cheers of the crowd he placed
it on Caesar’s head. Thereupon Caesar called Lepidus, the master
of horse, to ward him off, but Lepidus hesitated.[99] In the
meanwhile Cassius Longinus, one of the conspirators, pretending
to be really well disposed toward Caesar so that he might the
more readily escape suspicion, hurriedly removed the diadem and
placed it in Caesar’s lap. Publius Casca was also with him.[100]
While Caesar kept rejecting it, and among the shouts of the
people, Antonius suddenly rushed up, naked and anointed, just as
he was in the procession, and placed it on his head. But Caesar
snatched it off, and threw it into the crowd. Those who were
standing at some distance applauded this action, but those who
were near at hand clamored that he should accept it and not repel
the people’s favor. Various individuals held different views of
the matter. Some were angry, thinking it an indication of power
out of place in a democracy; others, thinking to court favor,
approved; still others spread the report that Antonius had acted
as he did not without Caesar’s connivance. There were many who
were quite willing that Caesar be made king openly. All sorts of
talk began to go through the crowd. When Antonius crowned Caesar
a second time, the people shouted in chorus, ‘Hail, King;’[101]
but Caesar still refusing the crown, ordered it to be taken
to the temple of Capitoline Jupiter, saying that it was more
appropriate there. Again the same people applauded as before.
There is told another story, that Antonius acted thus wishing
to ingratiate himself with Caesar, and at the same time was
cherishing the hope of being adopted as his son.[102] Finally, he
embraced Caesar and gave the crown to some of the men standing
near to place it on the head of the statue of Caesar which was
near by. This they did. Of all the occurrences of that time this
was not the least influential in hastening the action of the
conspirators, for it proved to their very eyes the truth of the
suspicions they entertained.
22. Not long after this,[103] the praetor Cinna propitiated
Caesar to the extent of securing a decree which allowed the
exiled tribunes to return. Though in accordance with the wish
of the people they were not to resume their office, but to
remain private citizens, yet not excluded from public affairs.
Caesar did not prevent their recall, so they returned. Caesar
called the annual comitia (for he had the authority of a decree
to do so)[104] and appointed Vibius Pansa and Aulus Hirtius as
consuls for the ensuing year; for the year after that, Decimus
Brutus, one of the conspirators, and Munatius Plancus. Directly
after this, another thing happened that greatly aroused the
conspirators. Caesar was having a large, handsome forum laid
out in Rome, and he had called together the artisans and was
letting the contracts for its construction. In the meanwhile up
came a procession of Roman nobles, to confer the honors which
had just been voted him by common consent. In the lead was the
consul (the one who was Caesar’s colleague at that time),[105]
and he carried the decree with him. In front of him were lictors,
keeping the crowd back on either side. With the consul came the
praetors, tribunes, quaestors, and all the other officials. Next
came the senate in orderly formation, and then a multitude of
enormous size--never so large. The dignity of the nobles was
awe-inspiring--they were entrusted with the rule of the whole
empire, and yet looked with admiration on another as if he were
still greater. Caesar was seated[106] while they advanced and
because he was conversing with men standing to one side, he did
not turn his head toward the approaching procession or pay any
attention to it, but continued to prosecute the business which
he had on hand, until one of his friends, nearby, said, ‘Look at
these people coming up in front of you.’ Then Caesar laid down
his papers and turned around and listened to what they had come
to say. Now among their number were[107] the conspirators, who
filled the others with ill-will toward him, though the others
were already offended at him because of this incident.
Then those also were excited who wished to lay hands on him
not to recover liberty but to destroy the entire extant system;
they were looking for an opportunity to overcome one who seemed
to be absolutely invincible. For, although he had participated
up to this time in three hundred and two battles in both Asia
and Europe, it appeared that he had never been worsted. Since,
however, he frequently came out by himself and appeared before
them, the hope arose that he could be taken by treachery. They
tried to bring about, somehow, the dismissal of his body guard
by flattering him when they addressed him, saying that he ought
to be considered sacred in the eyes of all and be called ‘pater
patriae’;[108] and by proposing decrees to that effect in the
hope that he would be thus misled and actually trust to their
affection, and that he would dismiss his spearmen in the belief
that he was guarded by the good will of everyone. This actually
came to pass, and made their task far easier.[109]
23. The conspirators never met to make their plans in the open,
but in secret, a few at a time in each other’s houses. As was
natural, many plans were proposed and set in motion by them as
they considered how and when they should commit the awful deed.
Some proposed to attack him while on his way through the ‘Via
sacra’, for he often walked there;[110] others, at the time of
the comitia, when he had to cross a certain bridge[111] to hold
the election of magistrates in the field before the city. They
would so divide their duties by lot that some should jostle him
off the bridge and the others should rush upon him and slay him.
Others proposed that he be attacked when the gladiatorial shows
were held[112] (they were near at hand), for then, because of
these contests no suspicion would be aroused in the sight of men
armed for the deed. The majority urged that he be killed during
the session of the senate, for then he was likely to be alone.
There was no admittance to non-members, and many of the senators
were conspirators, and carried swords under their togas. This
plan was adopted.[113] Fortune had a part in this by causing
Caesar himself to set a certain day on which the members of the
senate were to assemble to consider certain motions which he
wished to introduce. When the appointed day came the conspirators
assembled, prepared in all respects. They met in the portico
of Pompeius’ theatre, where they sometimes gathered. Thus the
divinity showed the vanity of man’s estate--how very unstable
it is, and subject to the vagaries of fortune--for Caesar was
brought to the house of his enemy, there to lie, a corpse, before
the statue of one whom, now dead, he had defeated when he was
alive. And fate becomes a still stronger force if indeed one
acknowledges her part in these things: on that day his friends,
drawing conclusions from certain auguries, tried to prevent him
from going to the senate room, as did also his physicians on
account of vertigoes to which he was sometimes subject, and from
which he was at that time suffering; and especially his wife
Calpurnia, who was terrified by a dream that night. She clung
to him and said that she would not let him go out that day. But
Brutus, one of the conspirators, though he was at that time
thought to be one of his most intimate friends, came up to him
and said: ‘What do you say, Caesar? Are you going to pay any
attention to a woman’s dreams and foolish men’s omens, a man such
as you? Are you going to insult the senate which has honored you
and which you yourself convened, by not going out? No; if you
take my advice you will dismiss from your mind the dreams of
these people and go, for the senate has been in session since
morning, and is awaiting you.’ He was persuaded and went out.
24. Meanwhile the assassins were making ready, some of them
stationing themselves beside his chair, others in front of it,
others behind it. The augurs brought forward the victims for him
to make his final sacrifice before his entry into the senate
room. It was manifest that the omens were unfavorable. The augurs
substituted one animal after another in the attempt to secure a
more auspicious forecast. Finally they said that the indications
from the gods were unfavorable and that there was plainly some
sort of curse hiding in the victims. In disgust, Caesar turned
away toward the setting sun,[114] and the augurs interpreted
this action still more unfavorably. The assassins were on hand
and were pleased at all this. Caesar’s friends begged that he
postpone the present session on account of what the soothsayers
had said; and for his part, he was just giving the order[115] to
do this, but suddenly the attendants came to summon him, saying
that the senate had a quorum. Then Caesar cast a look toward his
friends. And Brutus approached him again and said: ‘Come, sir,
turn your back on these people’s nonsense and do not postpone
the business that deserves the attention of Caesar and of the
great empire but consider your own worth a favorable omen.’ Thus
persuading him, he at the same time took him by the hand and led
him in, for the senate-chamber was near by. Caesar followed in
silence. When he came in and the senate saw him, the members rose
out of respect to him. Those who intended to lay hands on him
were all about him. The first to come to him was Tullius Cimber,
whose brother Caesar had exiled, and stepping forward as though
to make an urgent appeal on behalf of his brother, he seized
Caesar’s toga, seeming to act rather boldly for a suppliant,[116]
and thus prevented him from standing up and using his hands if
he so wished. Caesar was very angry, but the men held to their
purpose and all suddenly bared their daggers and rushed upon him.
First Servilius Casca stabbed him on the left shoulder a little
above the collar bone, at which he had aimed but missed through
nervousness. Caesar sprang up to defend himself against him, and
Casca called to his brother, speaking in Greek in his excitement.
The latter obeyed him and drove his sword into Caesar’s side. A
moment before Cassius had struck him obliquely across the face.
Decimus Brutus struck him through the thigh. Cassius Longinus
was eager to give another stroke, but he missed and struck Marcus
Brutus on the hand. Minucius, too, made a lunge at Caesar but he
struck Rubrius on the thigh. It looked as if they were fighting
over Caesar. He fell, under many wounds, before the statue of
Pompey, and there was not one of them but struck him as he lay
lifeless, to show that each of them had had a share in the deed,
until he had received thirty-five wounds, and breathed his
last.[117]
25. A tremendous uproar arose from those who had no knowledge of
the plot and who were rushing terror-stricken from the senate
house, thinking that the same awful thing was going to happen to
themselves also; and from those of Caesar’s associates who were
outside and who thought that the whole senate was involved and
that a large army was on hand for the purpose; and from those
who, ignorant of the affair, were terrified and thrown into
confusion from the suddenness of the noise and from what burst
upon their view (for all at once the assassins, with bloody
daggers in their hands...).[118] The whole place was full of
people running and shouting. There was a crowd, too, in the
theatre, which got up and rushed out in disorder (there happened
to be a gladiatorial exhibition in progress) knowing nothing
definite of what had happened but frightened by the shouting all
about them. Some said that the senate was being slaughtered by
gladiators, others that Caesar had been murdered and that his
army had started to pillage the city; some got one impression,
others another. There was nothing clear to be heard, for there
was a continuous tumult until the people saw the assassins and
Marcus Brutus trying to stop the outcry and exhorting[119] the
people to be of good courage, for that no evil had taken place.
The sum and substance of his words (as the rest of the assassins
also loudly boasted) was that they had slain a tyrant. It was
proposed by some of the conspirators that they ought to put out
of the way still others who were likely to oppose them and again
try to gain control. They say that Marcus Brutus restrained
them,[120] declaring that it was not right to kill, for the
sake of vague suspicion, people against whom there was no clear
charge; and this view prevailed. Then rushing forth the assassins
fled in haste through the forum up to the Capitoline, carrying
their swords bare and shouting that they had acted in behalf
of common freedom. A great crowd of gladiators and slaves, who
had been prepared for the purpose, followed them. There was
much running in the streets and through the forum, now that the
news that Caesar had been murdered became known to the throng.
The city looked as if it had been occupied by an enemy. After
the conspirators had ascended the Capitoline, they distributed
themselves in a circle about the place and mounted guard, fearing
that Caesar’s soldiers would attack them.
26. The body of Caesar lay just where it fell, ignominiously
stained with blood--a man who had advanced westward as far as
Britain and the Ocean, and who had intended to advance eastward
against the realms of the Parthians and Indi,[121] so that,
with them also subdued, an empire of all land and sea might be
brought under the power of a single head. There he lay, no one
daring to remain to remove the body. Those of his friends who
had been present had run away, and those who were away remained
hidden in their houses, or else changed their clothing and went
out into the country districts nearby. Not one of his many
friends stood by him, either while he was being slaughtered or
afterward, except Calvisius Sabinus and Censorinus,[122] but
these also, though they offered some slight opposition when
Brutus and Cassius and their followers made their attack, had
to flee because of the greater number of their opponents. All
the others looked out for themselves and some even acquiesced in
what had occurred. They say that one of them thus addressed the
body: ‘Enough of truckling to a tyrant.’ A little later, three
slaves,[123] who were nearby, placed the body on a litter and
carried it home through the forum, showing, where the covering
was drawn back on each side, the hands hanging limp and the
wounds on the face. Then no one refrained from tears, seeing
him who had lately been honored like a god. Much weeping and
lamentation accompanied them from either side, from mourners
on the roofs, in the streets, and in the vestibules. When they
approached his house, a far greater wailing met their ears, for
his wife rushed out with a number of women and servants, calling
on her husband and bewailing her lot in that she had in vain
counseled him not to go out on that day. But he had met with a
fate far worse than she ever expected.
26 b. These were now preparing for his burial, but the assassins had
secured a number of gladiators some time previous to the deed
when they were about to attack him and had placed them under
arms, between the senate house and the theatre in Pompeius’
arcade. Decimus Brutus had got them ready under the pretext that
he wished to seize one of the gladiators who were assembling in
that theatre, a man whom he had previously hired. (The contests
were taking place at that time,[124] and as he was going to
conduct some himself, he pretended that he was jealous of the
present exhibitor.) As a matter of fact, this preparation was
more with reference to the assassination, so that, in case
any resistance should be offered by Caesar’s guards,[125]
the conspirators should have assistance at hand. With these
gladiators and an additional throng of slaves they descended
from the Capitoline. Calling together the people, they decided
to test them and the magistrates, finding out how they were
regarded by them; whether they were looked upon as having ended
a tyranny or as murderers. ...[126] that still greater ills
were likely to burst forth in consequence of the late deed; for
the action had taken place with no inconsiderable forethought
and preparation on the part of those who accomplished it, and
on the part of those against whom the plot was laid; and that
there was a considerable number of Caesar’s auxiliary troops
and important commanders still left, who would take over the
task of carrying out his plans. There was profound silence then
because of the unusual nature of the situation, for men’s minds
were confused, everyone watching eagerly to see what bold move
might first be made in such a crisis, and be the beginning of a
revolution. Meanwhile since the people were quietly awaiting the
consequences, Marcus Brutus (honored throughout his whole life
because of his discretion and the renown of his ancestors and
the fairness which he was supposed to have) made the following
speech.[127] (See my work: ‘Concerning Public Speeches.’)
27. After this harangue the conspirators withdrew again to the
Capitoline and took council[128] as to what ought to be done
under the present circumstances. They decided to send envoys to
Lepidus and Antonius to persuade them to come to them in the
temple[129] and there confer with them in planning the future
of the state; and to promise them that everything which they
possessed from Caesar’s hands would be considered as authorized
gifts, so that there would be no cause for dissent on these
grounds.[130] When the envoys arrived Antonius and Lepidus said
that they would answer on the following day. These things were
done in the late evening, and a greater confusion laid hold on
the city. Everyone saw to his own property, deserting the public
interests, for they feared sudden plots and attacks, seeing
that the leaders were encamped under arms in opposition to each
other; nor was it yet clear to them who would gain complete
control. When night came on they dispersed. On the following day
the consul Antonius was under arms; and Lepidus,[131] having
collected a considerable force of auxiliaries proceeded through
the middle of the forum, having decided to avenge Caesar. When
those who had previously been in doubt saw this, they joined
Antonius and Lepidus, with their respective retinues under arms,
and the result was an army of considerable size. There were some
who acted thus through fear, not wishing to seem too delighted
at Caesar’s death, and at the same time looking to their future
interests by joining the consuls.
Many messages were sent to those who had benefitted at
Caesar’s hands (whether through grants of dwelling places in
cities, through grants of land, or allotments of money) saying
that everything would be changed unless some strenuous efforts
were exerted by them as well. Then his friends received many
mournful entreaties, reminding those especially who had once
taken the field with him how he had suffered death abandoned
by his friends, great as he was. Accordingly, many joined the
consuls out of compassion and friendship, finding a chance for
private gain as well as what would result from a revolution,[132]
especially since the course of their opponents seemed to lack
vigor and was not what they previously expected it to be when
they believed that they had a stronger force. Now it was openly
said that Caesar must be avenged, and that this was the only
thing to do, and that his death must not go unpunished. Gathering
into groups they expressed various views, some suggesting one
course, others another.
However, those who advocated a republican form of government
were gratified at the whole change, and only blamed Caesar’s
murderers because they had not done away with more of the people
who were at that time viewed with suspicion, and thus brought
about a real liberty; for those who were still left would be
likely to give considerable trouble. There were also men who had
a reputation for greater foresight, and who had gained knowledge
from experience with what had happened before in Sulla’s time;
they cautioned one another to keep to a middle course, for at
the time of Sulla those who were thought to have been destroyed,
suddenly took fresh courage and drove out their late conquerors.
They declared that Caesar would give his murderers and their
companions much trouble, even though he was dead, since here was
a large force threatening them, with energetic men in charge of
it.
Antonius and his associates before preparing for action sent a
legation to parley with the forces on the Capitoline, but later,
emboldened by the amount of their arms and the number of their
men, they felt justified in taking full charge of the government,
and ending the disturbance in the city. First of all they took
council (having asked their friends to be present) how they ought
to act toward the assassins. Lepidus proposed that they should
fight them and avenge Caesar.[133] Hirtius thought that they
should discuss the matter with them and come to friendly terms.
Someone else,[134] supporting Lepidus, expressed the opposite
opinion, saying that it would be sacrilegious to pass by the
murder of Caesar unavenged, and furthermore, it would not be
safe for all those who had been his friends; ‘for even if the
murderers are inactive now, yet as soon as they get more power,
they will go still further.’ Antonius favored the proposal of
Hirtius, and voted to save them. There were others who urged that
they be dismissed from the city under truce.[135]
28. After the great Caesar’s death and burial, his friends
counselled Octavian to cultivate Antonius’ friendship, and put
him in charge of his interests....[136] And though there were
many other contributory causes toward disagreement between
them, he[137] seemed the more to incite enmity between them,
for he was at odds with Octavian, and a partisan of Antonius.
Octavian, however, in no wise frightened, because of his high
spirit, gave some exhibitions on the occasion of the festival of
Venus Genetrix which his father had established. He again[138]
approached Antonius with a number of his friends, requesting that
permission be given for the throne and wreath to be set up in his
father’s honor. Antonius made the same threat as before, if he
did not drop that proposal and keep quiet. Octavian withdrew and
made no opposition to the veto of the consul. When he entered
the theatre, however, the people applauded him loudly, and his
father’s soldiers, angered because he had been prevented from
paying tribute to the honored memory of his father, gave him, as
a mark of their approval, one round of applause after another
all through the performance. Then he counted out for the people
their allotted money, and that secured him their especial good
will.[139]
From that day Antonius was manifestly still more ill disposed
toward Octavian who stood in the way of the people’s zeal for
him. Octavian saw (what had become very plain to him from the
present situation) that he was in need of political authority. He
also saw that the consuls,[140] secure in much power, were openly
resisting him and appropriating still more power for themselves.
Even the city treasury, which his father had filled with funds,
they had emptied within two months[141] after Caesar’s death,
wasting money in large lots on any excuse that offered in the
general confusion; and furthermore they were on good terms with
the assassins.[142] So Octavian was the only one left to avenge
his father, for Antonius let the whole matter pass, and was even
in favor of an amnesty for the assassins. A number of men,
indeed, joined Octavian, but many joined Antonius and Dolabella
also. There were others who, from a middle ground, tried to
foment enmity between them, and in doing so....[143] The chief
of these were the following men: Publius, Vibius, Lucius, and
especially Cicero.[144] Octavian was not ignorant of the reason
why they associated themselves with him, trying to provoke him
against Antonius, but he did not repel them, for he wished to
have their assistance and a more powerful guard thrown around
him, though he was aware that each of these men was very little
concerned over public interests but that they were looking about
for an opportunity to acquire public office and supreme power. To
their mind, the man who had previously enjoyed that power was out
of the way, and Octavian was altogether too young and not likely
to hold out against so great a tumult, with one man looking out
for one thing, another for another, and all of them seizing what
they could for their own gain. For with all attention to public
welfare put away, and with the foremost citizens separated into
many factions, and everyone trying to encompass all the power for
himself, or at least as much of it as could be detached, the rule
showed many strange aspects.
Lepidus, who had broken off a part of Caesar’s army and who was
trying to seize the command himself, was in nearer Spain; he also
held the part of Gaul which borders on the upper sea.[145] Gallia
Comata Lucius Munatius Plancus, the consul elect, held with
another army.[146] Further Spain was in charge of Gaius Asinius,
with another army.[147] Decimus Brutus held Cisalpine Gaul[148]
with two legions, against whom Antonius was just preparing to
march. Gaius Brutus[149] laid claim to Macedonia,[150] and was
just about to cross over to that place from Italy; Cassius
Longinus laid claim to Syria, though he had been appointed
praetor for Illyria.[151] So many were the armies that had been
assembled at that time, so many the commanders in charge, each
of whom was trying to get complete power into his own hands
without consideration of law and justice, every matter being
decided according to the amount of force that was available for
application in each case. Octavian alone, to whom all the power
had justly been bequeathed,[152] in accordance with the authority
of him who had obtained it in the first instance, and because
of his relationship to him, was without any share of authority
whatever, and he was buffeted between the political envy and
greed of men who were lying in wait to attack him and seize
the supreme command. Divine providence finally ordered these
things aright. But for the present fearing for his life, knowing
Antonius’ attitude toward him and yet quite unable to change it,
Octavian remained at home and awaited his opportunity.
29. The first move in the city came from his father’s
soldiers,[153] who resented Antonius’ contempt for them. At first
they discussed their own forgetfulness of Caesar in allowing his
son to be thus insulted, that son for whom they all ought to act
as guardians if they were to take any account of what was just
and righteous. Then gathering in a great company and reproaching
themselves still more bitterly they set out for Antonius’ house
(for he also was relying on them) and made some plain statements
to him: that he ought to treat Octavian more fairly and keep in
mind his father’s instructions; that it was their sacred duty
not to overlook these, but to carry out even the details of his
memoranda, not to mention supporting the man he had named as his
son and successor; that they saw that to Antonius and Octavian
a reconciliation would be most advantageous at the present time
because of the multitude of foes pressing on from every side.
After this speech Antonius in order not to seem to be opposing
their endeavor, for he happened to be really in need of their
services,[154] said that he approved of and desired that very
course, if only Octavian would also act with moderation and
render him the honor which was his due; that he was ready to have
a conference with him in their presence and within their hearing.
They were satisfied with this and agreed to conduct him into the
Capitol and act as mediators in the reconciliation if he should
so desire. He then assented and immediately went up into the
temple of Jupiter, and sent them after Octavian.
They were pleased and went to his house in a great body, so
that he felt some anxiety when it was announced that there was
a large crowd of soldiers outside and that some were in the
house looking for him. In his agitation, he first went upstairs
with his friends who happened to be present, and looking down,
asked the men what they wanted and why they had come, and then
he discovered that they were his own soldiers. They answered
that they had come for his own good and that of his whole party,
if he also was willing to forget what Antonius had done, for
his actions had not been pleasing to them either; that he and
Antonius ought to put aside all resentment and be reconciled
simply and sincerely. Then one of them called out in a somewhat
louder voice and bade him be of good cheer and be assured that
he had inherited all their support, for they thought of his late
father as of a god, and would do and suffer anything for his
successors. Another one shouted out still more loudly and said
that he would make away with Antonius with his own hands if he
did not observe the provisions of Caesar’s will and keep faith
with the senate. Octavian, encouraged at this, went downstairs to
them, and embracing them showed much pleasure at their eager good
will toward him. They seized him and led him in triumph through
the forum to the Capitol, vieing with each other in their zeal,
some because of their dislike of Antonius’ rule and others out
of reverence for Caesar and his heir; others led on (and rightly
enough) by the hope of obtaining great advantages at his hands,
and still others who were eager for revenge on the assassins,
believing that this would be accomplished most readily through
the boy if they had the assistance of the consul also. In fact,
all those who approached him advised him out of good will not
to be contentious but to think of their own safety, and how he
could gain more supporters, remembering how unexpected Caesar’s
death had been. Octavian heard all this and saw that the people’s
zeal for him was natural; he then entered the Capitol and saw
there many more of his father’s soldiers, on whom Antonius was
relying, but who were really far better disposed toward himself,
if Antonius should try to injure him in any way. The majority of
the throng withdrew and the two leaders with their friends were
left to discuss the situation.[155]
30. When Octavian went home after his reconciliation with
Antonius, the latter, left to himself, became provoked again at
seeing the good will of all the soldiers inclining very much
toward Octavian.[156] For they held that he was Caesar’s son
and that he had been proclaimed his heir in his will, that he
was called by the same name and that he exhibited excellent
promise from the very energy of his nature, of which Caesar had
taken cognizance in bringing about his adoption no less than
of his degree of kinship, in the belief that he alone might
be entrusted with preserving all of Caesar’s authority and the
dignity of his house. When Antonius reflected on all this he
changed his mind again, especially when he saw the Caesarian
soldiers desert him right before his eyes and escort Octavian
in a body from the temple. Some thought that he would not have
refrained from apprehending Octavian, had he not been in fear
of the soldiers, lest they should set on him and mete out
punishment, easily diverting all his faction from him; for each
of them had an army which was waiting to see how things would
turn out. Reflecting on all this, he still delayed and hesitated,
although he had changed his mind. Octavian, however, actually
believing that the reconciliation between them was in good
faith, went every day to Antonius’ house, as was quite proper,
since Antonius was consul and an older man and a friend of his
father’s; and he paid him every other respect according to his
promise until Antonius did him a second wrong in the following
manner: Having acquired the province of Gaul in exchange for
Macedonia,[157] he transferred the troops which were in the
latter place to Italy, and when they arrived he left Rome and
went down as far as Brundisium to meet them.[158] Then, thinking
that he had a suitable opportunity for what he had in mind, he
spread a report that he was being plotted against, and seizing
some soldiers, he threw them into chains, on the pretext that
they had been sent for this very purpose of killing him. He
hinted at Octavian but did not definitely name him. The report
quickly ran through the city that the consul had been plotted
against, but had seized the men who had come to attack him. Then
his friends gathered at his house, and soldiers under arms were
summoned. In the late afternoon the report reached Octavian also
that Antonius had been in danger of being assassinated, and that
he was sending for troops to guard him that night. Immediately
Octavian sent word to him that he was ready to stand beside
his bed with his own retinue to keep him safe, for he thought
that the plot had been laid by some of the party of Brutus and
Cassius. He was thus in readiness to do an act of kindness
entirely unsuspicious of the rumor Antonius had started or of
the plot. Antonius, however, did not even permit the messenger
to be received indoors, but dismissed him discourteously. The
messenger returned after hearing fuller reports and announced to
Octavian that his name was being mentioned among the men about
Antonius’ door as being himself the man who had despatched the
assassins against Antonius, who now were in prison. Octavian
when he heard this at first did not believe it because of its
improbable sound, but soon he perceived that the whole plan
had been directed against himself, so he considered with his
friends as to what he should do. Philippus and Atia[159] his
mother came also, at loss over the strange turn of affairs, and
desiring to know what the report meant and what were Antonius’
intentions. They advised Octavian to withdraw from the city at
once for a few days until the matter could be investigated and
cleared up. He, unconscious of any guilt, thought that it would
be a serious matter for him to conceal himself and in a way
incriminate himself, for he would gain nothing toward his safety
by withdrawing, while he might the more easily be destroyed in
secret if he were away from home. Such was the discussion in
which he was then engaged.
On the following morning he sat as usual with his friends and
gave orders that the doors be opened to those of his townsmen,
guests, and soldiers who were accustomed to visit him and greet
him, and he conversed with them all in his usual way, in no wise
changing his daily routine. But Antonius called an assembly of
his friends and said in their presence that he was aware that
Octavian had even earlier been plotting against him, and that
when he was to leave the city to go to the army that had come for
him, he had provided Octavian with this opportunity against him.
That one of the men sent to accomplish the crime had, by means of
substantial bribes, turned informer in the matter; and hence he
had seized the others; and he had now called his friends together
to hear their opinions as to what should be done in the light of
the recent events. When Antonius had spoken the members of his
council asked to be shown where the men were who had been seized,
so that they might find out something from them. Then Antonius
pretended that this had nothing to do with the present business,
since, forsooth, it had already been confessed to; and he turned
the discourse into other channels, watching eagerly for someone
to propose that they ought to take vengeance on Octavian and not
quietly submit. However, they all sat in silent thought, since no
apparent proof lay before them, until someone said that Antonius
would do well to dismiss the assembly, saying that he ought
to act moderately and not stir up any disturbance, for he was
consul. After this discussion, Antonius dismissed the assembly.
Two or three days afterward, he set out for Brundisium to take
over the army which had now arrived there. There was no further
discussion about the plot, and when he left, his friends who
remained behind dismissed the whole matter, and no one ever saw
any of the conspirators who were alleged to have been taken.[160]
31. Octavian, although now exonerated from the charge, was none
the less chagrined at the talk about him, interpreting it as
evidence of a great conspiracy against him. He thought that if
Antonius had happened to get the army on his side by means of
bribes he would not have delayed in attacking him, not because
he had been wronged in any respect, but simply led on to that
course as an outcome of his former hopes. It was manifest that a
man who had concocted this charge would go further to others and
that he would have been eager to do this from the first if he had
not had to fear the army. Accordingly Octavian was filled with
righteous indignation against Antonius and with some concern for
his own person, now that the other’s intention had become plain.
Reviewing all contingencies, he saw that he must not remain
quiet, for this was not safe, but that he must seek out some aid
wherewith to oppose the other’s power and strategems. So then,
reflecting upon this question, he decided that he had better take
refuge in his father’s colonies, where his father had granted
allotments and founded cities, to remind the people of Caesar’s
beneficence and to bewail his fate and his own sufferings, and
thus to secure their support, attracting them also by gifts of
money. He thought that this would be his only safe course, that
it would redound greatly to his fame, and that it would also
redeem the prestige of his family. It was a far better and juster
course than to be pushed aside out of his inherited honor by men
who had no claim to it, and finally to be foully and nefariously
slain just as his father had been. After consulting over this
with his friends and after sacrificing, with good fortune, to
the gods, that they might be his assistants in his just and
glorious endeavor, he set out, taking with him a considerable
sum of money, first of all into Campania where were the Seventh
and Eighth Legions (for that is what the Romans call their
regiments). He thought that he ought first to sound the feelings
of the Seventh, for its fame was greater, and with this colony
aligned in his favor, and many others with it ...[161] and in
this plan and in the events that followed, he had the approval of
his friends. These were: Marcus Agrippa, Lucius Maecenas, Quintus
Juventius, Marcus Modialius, and Lucius.[162] Other officers,
centurions, and soldiers followed, as well as a multitude of
slaves and a pack train carrying the pay-money and the supplies.
As for his mother,[163] he decided not to acquaint her with his
plan, lest, out of affection and weakness, like a woman and a
mother, she might be a hindrance to his great purpose. He gave
out openly that he was going to Campania to sell some of his
father’s property there, to take the money and put it to the uses
that his father had enjoined. But even so, he went off entirely
without her consent.
At that time Marcus Brutus and Gaius Cassius were at
Dicaearchia,[164] and when they learned of the throng that
was accompanying Octavian from Rome (the messengers having
exaggerated the report, as usually happens) they were struck
with much fear and consternation, thinking that the expedition
was directed against themselves. They took to flight across the
Adriatic. Brutus went to Achaea, Cassius to Syria. When Octavian
arrived in Calatia in Campania,[165] the inhabitants received him
as the son of their benefactor and treated him with the highest
honor. On the following day he disclosed the whole situation to
them and he appealed to the soldiers, telling them how unjustly
his father had been killed and how he was himself being plotted
against. As he spoke, some of the decurions did not wish to
listen at all, but the people did so eagerly and with good will,
and they sympathized with him, frequently bidding him to be of
good cheer, for they would not neglect him but would assist him
in every way until he should be established in his inherited
rights. Then he invited them to his house and gave each of them
five hundred drachmae; and the next day he called together the
members of the curia and appealed to them not to be outdone in
good will by the people, but to remember Caesar who had given
them the colony and their position of honor. He promised that
they would experience no less benefits at his own hands. He
showed that it was more fitting for him to enjoy their aid and to
make use of their influence and arms than for Antonius to do so.
They were aroused to a greater zeal to help him and to undertake
trouble and danger with him if need be. Octavian commended their
zeal and asked them to accompany him as far as the neighboring
colonies, and furnish him safe-conduct. The people were pleased
at this and gladly complied, escorting him under arms to the
next colony.[166] And gathering these also into an assembly, he
addressed them. He succeeded in persuading both legions to escort
him to Rome through the other colonies to Rome and strenuously to
repel any act of violence on the part of Antonius. He attracted
other soldiers also with high pay, and on the march he trained
and instructed the new recruits, sometimes individually and
sometimes in squads, telling them that they were going against
Antonius. He sent some of his followers who were preeminent for
intelligence and daring to Brundisium,[167] to see if they could
also win the forces just arrived from Macedonia over to his
side, bidding them remember his father Caesar and not to betray
his son. He instructed his propagandists that if they could not
achieve their purpose in the open, they were to write this
out and scatter it all about so that the men could pick up the
notices and read them;[168] and in order that they might join his
party he made promises that filled the rest with hope of what
they would receive from him when he came into his power. So they
departed.
(End of the life of Augustus and of the narrative of
Nicolaus of Damascus.)
COMMENTARY
1. [1] Σεβαστός, Augustus, must be understood. The word was
doubtless given in the context immediately preceding the present
opening sentence. The title was proposed by Plancus and was
ratified by the senate on January 16, 27 B.C. (CIL 1^2 p. 307,
Suet., Aug. 7, 2; Dio 53, 16, 6-8; 20, 1; Liv., Epit. 134; Vell.
2, 91, 1; Flor. 2, 34; Mon. Anc. 6, 16). Nicolaus attaches no
significance of divinity to the title, though Suetonius and
Dio do so. Verg., Ec. 1, 6; G. 1, 24-39, speaks of Octavian as
divine, but no attribute of divinity is mentioned in the Aeneid
with reference to Augustus.
[2] Nicolaus does not necessarily infer that an imperial cult
existed at this period in Italy, and hence is not at variance
with Suet., Aug. 52; Dio 51, 20, where it is stated that Augustus
did not permit an imperial cult in Italy, although he allowed
temples to be erected to ‘Rome and Augustus’ in the provinces.
See also H. Heinen, Klio 11, pp. 139 ff.; W. S. Ferguson, Am.
Hist. Rev., 18, pp. 243 ff. J. Asbach, Rh. Mus., 37, p. 297, is
mistaken in reasoning that Augustus must have died before any
worship could have taken place. L. R. Taylor, Trans. Am. Philol.
Ass., 51, p. 124 suggests that whatever savored of an imperial
cult in Italy from 30 B.C. on, was in fact simply a cult of the
_genius_ of the emperor (Dio 51, 19, 7; Ov., Fast. 2, 637; Hor.,
Od. 4, 5, 31-35).
[3] Drusus’ expedition of 11 B.C. is probably alluded to (Vell.,
2, 97, 2-3; Suet., Aug., 21; Dio 35, 2, 4; Tac., Ann., 2, 26,
12, 39). There is a noteworthy consonance between the phrase
of Nicolaus, ‘nor had they been subject within the memory of
any one’ and Mon. Anc., 5, 44, ‘Pannoniorum gentes quas ante me
principem populi Romani exercitus nunquam adiit.’ This may be due
to the use by Nicolaus of Augustus’ memoirs.
[4] Adriatic.
[5] Tiberius succeeded Agrippa as leader of expeditions against
the Pannonians (Mon. Anc., 30; Dio 54, 36, 2-3).
[6] A remark of the excerptor is enclosed within the parentheses.
2. [7] Nicolaus employs the method of a Peripatetic in presenting
the order of events in the life of an individual. (Leo, die
Griech. Röm. Biogr., p. 190).
[8] His family was from Velitrae (Suet., Aug., 1, 94; Dio 45, 1,
1). C. Octavius the father was praetor (Cic., Q. frat. 1, 1, 7)
and proconsul for Macedonia (Suet., Aug., 3; CIL 6, 1311) and was
only prevented by death from attaining the consulship. (Cic.,
Phil., 3, 6, 15).
[9] C. Octavius is characterized as rich by Velleius (2, 59).
[10] C. Octavius died in 58 B.C. when his son was 4 years old
(Suet., Aug., 8).
[11] One of those involved was C. Toranius, who had been an
aedile with the elder C. Octavius (CIL 6, 1311). He was in due
time proscribed by Augustus, (App., 4, 12; Suet., Aug., 27) so
that Octavius’ remission of his claims and apparent satisfaction
with his remainder as expressed by Nicolaus did not prevent a
subsequent day of reckoning.
3. [12] Nicolaus’ statement of Octavius’ age is not corroborated
by Suetonius (Aug. 8) nor by Quintilian (12, 6, 1) who give
Octavius’ age as 12 years when the oration was given. Perhaps
separate occasions are referred to by Nicolaus and the other
writers. If a closer agreement is to be desired, ἐννέα could be
altered to ἕνδεκα (Müller). Suetonius identifies this occasion
with the death of Octavius’ grandmother Julia, while Nicolaus
does not expressly do so. His mention of Julia’s death in the
following sentence, however, admits of the inference that the one
occurrence suggested the other to his mind, and that there was
therefore some connection between them.
[13] With a single exception the name Atia is written Antia
throughout the excerpt. She was C. Octavius’ second wife (Plut.,
Ant. 31) and was from Aricia (Cic., Phil., 3, 6, 16; Suet., Aug.,
4).
[14] Incorrect as the text stands. Valesius indicated that L.
Marcius Philippus’ ancestor, Q. Marcius Philippus, was engaged
not with Philip V of Macedonia but with his son Perseus (CIL 1,
p. 359). Either Nicolaus was misinformed, or Φίλιππον has been
inserted in the text by attraction in place of Περσέα. Cicero
(Att. 12, 9) calls L. Philippus ‘son of Amyntas’ jokingly.
Amyntas was the father of the great Philip of Macedon.
Q. Philippus was actually in Macedonia during Philip’s lifetime
according to Livy (39, 48; 40, 2-3). The passage in Nicolaus
shows that the Marcii of Cicero’s day were descended from the
noble Marcii active during the 2nd century B.C.
[15] Octavius’ youth was spent in Rome and the vicinity (Suet.,
Aug. 94).
[16] One of the instructors was one Epidius (Suet., Rhet. 4). For
the question of his identification, see Schanz, Röm. Lit. Gesch.,
1, p. 290.
4. [17] Beginning of 49 B.C.
[18] L. Philippus had a country place near Cicero’s at Astura
(Cic., Att., 12, 16; 12, 18, 1).
[19] On October 18, 48 B.C. (CIL 10, 8375; Dessau, Ins. Lat.
Sel., 108) since Octavius was born on September 23, 63 B.C., he
was about 15 years old. Suetonius is correct in Aug. 8 where he
speaks of Octavius as in his twelfth year, that is 11 years of
age, and places the assumption of the toga virilis 4 years later.
[20] L. Domitius Ahenobarbus was killed at Pharsalus (Cic.,
Phil., 2, 71; Caes., B. C., 3, 99; Suet., Nero, 2). Culex 26
and 27, ‘Octavi venerande’ and ‘sancte puer’ show that this
was addressed to Octavius after his election to the office of
pontifex; see Class. Philol. 15, p. 26.
[21] The election of Octavius was, of course, at the request of
Julius Caesar.
[22] That of pontifex (Cic., Phil., 5, 17; Vell., 2, 59).
[23] Valesius took this to be a reference to a custom prevalent
in Rome in Cicero’s time. Foppish young men and even senators
were to be seen arrayed not in the ordinary Roman, but in Eastern
garb. See Cic., pro Rab. Post., 10, 27, where, however, there is
a slight corruption of the text.
5. [24] In the autumn of 47, if both consuls were present as
Nicolaus says. The Feriae Latinae were inaugurated in 49 (CIL 1,
p. 440, Fasti Cos. Capitolini). The following year, 48, Caesar
was absent in the East, as was also the case in 46 and 45. In 45
‘a certain prefect’ conducted the Feriae (Dio 43, 48) for Caesar
was then sole consul; in 48 and 46 the other consul was probably
in charge. For 48 this was Servilius Isauricus and for 46,
Lepidus.
[25] As praefectus urbi. Nicolaus is correct and the other
authors are wrong. App., 3, 9; Dio 43, 51; Plin., N. H., 7,
147 say that Octavius became magister equitum in this year.
Gardthausen, Aug. und seine Zeit, p. 48, shows that there is a
possibility for confusion between the terms praefectus urbi and
magister equitum in the writings of the later Greek historians.
The latter office would be considerably too responsible for a
youth of 16 years, while it is conceivable that the duties of
praefectus urbi, at least during the period of the Feriae when
the city was almost entirely deserted, would not be excessively
onerous. Strabo 5, C. 229 and Dio 49, 42 show that the practice
of appointing youths for this office was continued by Augustus.
[26] The proper duty of the praefectus urbi (CIL 2, 3387).
6. [27] He started for Spain in April, 49 B.C. (Cic., Att. 10,
3a) and in due time brought about the surrender of Afranius
(Caes., B. C., 1, 37-87; App. 2, 42; Dio 41, 22; Suet., Caes. 34;
75).
[28] Pharsalus, August 9 (= June 7 corrected calendar) 48 B.C.
(Caes., B. C., 3, 75-99; App. 2, 64-82; Dio 41, 51-63; CIL 1^2 p.
324).
[29] Referring to the Bellum Alexandrinum. In point of fact,
Caesar left Egypt nominally free to be ruled by Cleopatra.
[30] The Black Sea. The reference is to the battle at Zela with
Pharnaces, son of Mithradates, whom he overcame on August 2/May
21, 47 B.C. (CIL 1^2 p. 244). This was the occasion of the
celebrated ‘veni vidi vici.’
[31] Caesar embarked at Lilybaeum on December 25, 47 B.C. (Caes.,
B. Af., 2).
7. [32] Caesar arrived July 29, 46 B.C. (Caes., B. Af. 98). The
decisive battle was Thapsus, April 6, reported in Rome about
April 20 (Cic., Fam. 9, 2).
[33] It was Caesar’s practice to put to death any who fell
captive to him a second time (Dio 41, 62; 43, 17; 44, 45; 44,
46; Suet., Caes., 75). In describing the incident which follows,
however, Nicolaus seems to have exaggerated the importance of
Octavius’ exploit, for in every case of similar circumstances
Caesar allowed each of his subordinates to secure the release of
one prisoner. Dio 43, 12-13 says further that Caesar released
Cato’s son and ‘most of the rest.’ Nicolaus evidently drew from
Augustus’ personal memoirs of his youth for this portion of the
biography, and found it advantageous to emphasize Octavius’ act
at this juncture. For a contemporary commentary, see Cic., Fam.
6, 13, 3, where Caesar is said to be especially incensed at those
involved in the African disturbance, but that with the lapse of
time he seems to have become more indulgent toward them.
[34] This is the first indication that Agrippa was already a
companion of Octavius. See Sen., Epis., 15, 2, 46.
8. [35] Caesar had 4 triumphs: for Gaul, Egypt, Pontus, and
Africa (Liv., Epit., 115; App., 2, 101; Dio 43, 19).
[36] Octavius was, through his mother, grandson of Caesar’s
sister Julia. Suetonius (Caes. 83, 1) is explicit in stating
that Caesar’s will whereby Octavius was adopted as Caesar’s
son, was made on September 13, 45 B.C. Nicolaus has here either
anticipated this accepted date by something more than a year, or
else he had access to a statement in Augustus’ memoirs to the
effect that Octavius knew of the existence of an earlier will in
which he had been made Caesar’s adopted son.
[37] Nicolaus is probably referring to the ‘cognomen imperatoris’
and not to the ‘praenomen imperatoris.’ According to Dio 43, 44,
the ‘praenomen imperatoris’ was not conferred upon Caesar until
after the battle of Munda, some seven months later. However, if
Nicolaus felt any unusual significance in the title Imperator as
here mentioned, we have an indication that Caesar actually held
the new title prior to the date given by Dio. Suetonius (Caes.
76) including ‘praenomen imperatoris’ in a group of various
honors conferred upon Caesar, gives no date or correlative
occurrence in this connection. See McFayden, The History of the
Title Imperator under the Roman Empire, Chicago 1920, pp. 7 ff.
9. [38] The plays and games (Cic., Fam. 12, 18, 2; Livy, Epit.,
115; Dio 43, 22-24; App. 2, 102; Plut., Caes., 55; Suet., Aug.,
39; Vell. 2, 56) were given immediately after Caesar’s dedication
of the temple to Venus Genetrix on September 26, (= July 20
corrected calendar) 46 B.C. Augustus continued these games
annually as the ‘ludi Victoriae Caesaris’ on July 25. Vergil
seems to have them in mind in writing Aeneid 5 and Catalepton 14,
see Class. Quart. 14, p. 156. The ludi Romani and ludi Graeci
were given separately (Suet., Aug. 45; Tac., Annal. 14, 15). See
also CIL 6, 32323; Dessau, Ins. Lat., 5050, an account of the
Ludi Saeculares of 17 B.C. In addition to the Theatre of Pompey,
a temporary wooden stage was erected for the ludi Latini in 46
B.C. as in 17 B.C. (line 154 of the inscription).
[39] The effects of the sunstroke were, however, apparently
lasting throughout Octavius’ life. He was unable to withstand
the Italian sun even in winter, and never went out into the open
without a hat (Suet., Aug., 82).
10. [40] To Spain. He started apparently in November of 46 B.C. He
was still in Rome on September 24 (Cic., Fam., 6, 14, 2). Nearly
a month was consumed in his journey thither (Strabo 3, 4, 9; App.
2, 103; Suet., Caes., 56).
[41] Sextus Pompeius had 11 legions in all. Caesar had sent to
Cicero in January, 45 B.C., a copy of a letter which he had
received from L. Vibius Paciaecus, one of his subordinates in
Spain who was in a position to know, and who gave this figure
(Cic., Fam., 6, 18, 2).
[42] Seven months had not elapsed between Caesar’s departure from
Rome and the battle of Munda (March 17, 45 B.C.).
11. [43] Carteia, on the Bay of Gibraltar. Octavius must have
arrived after the battle of Munda had taken place, otherwise
Nicolaus certainly would have mentioned his presence at that
encounter, Caesar’s last successful one. Caesar wrote to Cicero
from Hispalis, his next stopping point (Caes., B. Hisp., 39) on
April 30 (Cic., Att., 13, 20, 1). Octavius’ arrival at Carteia
was therefore some time in May.
[44] σύνεσιν. There seems to be no valid reason for altering the
text, with Müller, to σύντασιν, ‘exertions’.
12. [45] Lacuna of 2 pages. The information embodied in chapters
10-12 is unique with Nicolaus and hence does not permit of any
basis for comparison with other writers. Suet., Aug., 8 makes
the brief statement that Octavian proceeded to Spain to join
his great-uncle after recovering from his illness; Vell. 2,
59, 3 briefly notes that Octavius was with Caesar, and Dio 43,
41, in alluding to the prodigy of the sprouting palm, seems to
infer that Octavius was present during the entire expedition,
including Munda. This portion of Nicolaus’ biography shows
every indication of having been compiled with much dependence
upon Augustus’ memoirs. It is possible that Nicolaus enlarged
upon the importance of Octavius’ actions in these chapters over
and above the material which he found in Augustus’ memoirs;
however, the tone of the Monumentum Ancyranum shows that false
modesty, at least, was not over-evident in the character of the
autobiographer in that case, and it is conceivable therefore that
Nicolaus has repeated Augustus’ words much as he found them.
13. [46] ἀρ]γυροῦ is Müller’s restoration. The reference, if this
restoration is correct, apparently is to a silver table-service.
Dindorf attempts no restoration, but prints simply γύρου--‘of a
circle’.
[47] C. Claudius Marcellus, consul in 50 B.C., and at that time
a vigorous opponent of Julius Caesar (Cic., Brut., 64, 229;
Plin., N. H., 2, 147; Suet., Caes., 29; App. 2, 26; Dio 40,
44; Pauly-Wissowa, Claudius, 216). He and the members of his
immediate family were warmly congratulated by Cicero at the time
of his attainment of the office of consul (Cic., Fam., 15, 7;
15, 8; 15, 9; 15, 10; 15, 11), and Cicero later mentioned him as
being in accord, apparently at least, with his own views (Cic.,
Att., 10, 12, 3).
When the civil war broke out he remained in Italy, coming to
terms with Caesar. After Caesar’s death he gave his support to
his young brother-in-law Octavian. The family can be traced back
8 generations to M. Claudius Marcellus, consul in 331 B.C.
[48] Drawn, as has been noted (chap. 8, note 36) on September
13, 45 B.C. This passage proves that Nicolaus knew the facts
about the will and that the statement in chap. 8 is at least
careless.
[49] The statement as to the proportion of Octavius’ inheritance
agrees with Suet., Caes., 83, but is at variance with Liv.,
Epit., 116, where one half of the total is assigned to Octavius.
Q. Pedius and L. Pinarius were the other beneficiaries (Suet.,
Caes., 83, 2; App. 3, 22; 23; 94; Plin., N. H., 35, 21).
14. [50] Pseudo-Marius, otherwise Herophilus or Amatius, was a
well-known character (Cic., Att., 12, 49, 1; 14, 6, 1; Phil. 1,
2, 5; App. 3, 2). After Caesar’s death he erected an altar or
column on the place where Caesar’s body had been burned and was
responsible for much rioting there. Antony finally put him to
death, to the relief of Cicero (Cic., Att., 14, 7, 1; 14, 8, 1;
App. 3, 3); see also Val. Max. 9, 15, 1; Liv., Epit., 116.
[51] Caesar’s aunt, Julia, who died in 68 B.C., was the wife of
the great C. Marius (Plut., Caes., 1, 1).
15. [52] Caesar, not the senate, declared Octavius a patrician. L.
Cassius, tribune in 44 B.C. (Cic., Phil., 3, 23), introduced a
special decree whereby the senate granted Caesar the power of
declaring persons of his choice to be patricians (Tac., Ann.,
11, 25; Suet., Caes., 41; Dio 43, 47, 3). One of those chosen
thus was Octavius (Suet., Aug., 2; Dio 45, 2, 7); see E. Meyer,
Caesars Monarchie, etc. Stuttgart 1919, p. 464.
[53] Excerptor’s note.
16. [54] Apollonia. According to Nicolaus, Octavius left Rome in
December, and was therefore in Apollonia for 3 months before
the murder of Caesar. This is at variance with App. 3, 9, where
Octavius is said to have been in Apollonia for 6 months. In the
latter case he would have had to leave Rome immediately after
his return from Spain, which is not very probable in view of the
plausible details given by Nicolaus in the preceding chapter.
The use of the word ἐνταυθοῖ (Müller), ἐνταῦθα (Dindorf) with
reference to Apollonia, gives the impression that Nicolaus wrote
the ‘Life of Augustus’ at that place. Chapters 16 and 17 are
written with considerable detail concerning the behavior of the
inhabitants just prior to Octavius’ departure, and the account
is, among the historians, unique with Nicolaus. The city was one
of importance (Cic., Phil., 11, 11, 26), and a favorite stopping
point for travellers between Asia and Rome via Brundisium. See O.
E. Schmidt, Jahrb. für Class. Philol. Sup. 13, p. 685.
[55] Octavius was accompanied to Apollonia by his friends M.
Agrippa and Q. Salvidienus Rufus (Suet., Aug., 94; Vell. 2, 59,
5). His instructor in rhetoric was the famous Apollodorus of
Pergamum (Suet., Aug., 89; Strabo 13, 4, 3; Quint. 3, 1, 17).
Caesar sent his nephew to Apollonia to be trained in military
tactics in anticipation of an expedition against the Parthians
(Suet., Aug., 8; App. 3, 9; Dio 45, 3; Plut., Brut., 22; Cic.,
43; Ant. 16; Vell. 2, 59, 4; Liv., Epit., 117).
[56] Codex, Αἰμίλιος. Müller has suggested that M. Aemilius
Scaurus is the individual here referred to. He was, however,
banished by Pompey in 52 B.C. (App., 2, 24; Cic., Off., 1, 38;
Q. Fr., 3, 8, 4), and little is known of his subsequent actions.
His son, of the same name, was with Antony at Actium (Dio 51, 2;
56, 38). The only other contemporaneous Aemilii were L. Aemilius
Paullus and his son L. Aemilius Lepidus Paullus. The former
was in Rome in April, 44 B.C. (Cic., Att., 14, 7, 1; 14, 8, 1)
thus precluding a command in Macedonia; the latter accompanied
Octavian against Sextus Pompeius in Sicily, 42-36 B.C. (Suet.,
Aug., 16). E. Schwartz, Hermes 33, p. 182, would emend Μάρκος
Αἰμίλιος to Μάνιος Ἀκίλιος on the basis of Cic., Fam., 7, 30, 3,
‘Acilius, qui in Graeciam cum legionibus missus est.’ The date
of the letter is January, 44 B.C. It is to be noted that Cicero
gives no praenomen in the letter; elsewhere, the MS readings
are divided between ‘Manius’ and ‘Marcus’ (Caes., B. C., 3, 15;
3, 16; 3, 39; Dio 42, 12). Inasmuch as Nicolaus has written
the praenomen ‘Marcus’ without abbreviation, an alteration
to ‘Manius’ is scarcely justifiable in view of the other MS
tradition. Marcus Acilius Caninus is the proper designation.
See Klebs, P. W. Real-Encycl., 1, p. 251, Acilius 15. He was a
‘legatus’ of Caesar and was at Oricum in 48 B.C. (Caes., B. C.,
loc. cit.). See also App. 3, 10.
17. [57] Ἀλέξανδρος is the reading of the codex, and is retained in
the editions of Müller and Dindorf. No associate of Octavius
bearing this name is elsewhere mentioned, and since the statement
is here made that he returned to his home at Pergamum, Müller
suggests that Apollodorus is here intended to be represented.
See note 55, chap. 16 with appended references. Piccolos has
altered the reading to Ἀπολλόδωρος (see his note, Nicolas de
Damas, Vie de César, Paris 1850, p. 85). It is possible that
Nicolaus, through the use of Augustus’ memoirs, actually came
upon some such name as Alexander; if not, the reading ‘Alexander’
is attributable to an error of the excerptor. Apollodorus is
described as being old at the time of the trip to Apollonia by
Suet., Aug., 89.
[58] Four years earlier Caesar had been amicably received by
the inhabitants of Apollonia. Hence the appropriate application
of the term ‘friendly city’ even though their action had been
possibly influenced as much by expediency as by conviction in 48
B.C. (Caes., B. C., 3, 10-13; App. 2, 54-55; Dio 41, 45, 1; 41,
47, 1).
[59] Strabo 7, C. 316, πόλις εὐνομωτάτη as applied to Apollonia,
is reminiscent of Nicolaus’ expression, εὐδαίμονα τὴν πόλιν ἐν
τοῖς μάλιστα ποιήσας.
[60] Nicolaus gives a more detailed account of Octavius’ landing
in Italy than do the other historians (App. 3, 10; Dio 45, 3;
Vell. 2, 50). Beside Nicolaus only Appian mentions the fact that
Octavius stopped first at Lupiae before proceeding to Brundisium.
[61] See note 49, chapter 13, and the citations there appended.
Pedius and Pinarius are the only co-inheritors with Octavian
according to Suet., Caes., 83, 2. Dio 44, 35 gives 30 and 75
denarii as alternative sums, to be paid each citizen according
to the terms of the will. App. 3, 23 states that the shares of
Pedius and Pinarius were requisitioned by Octavian to help make
good the amount to be distributed to the people. ‘Drachma’ and
‘denarius’ are to be understood as synonymous in the accounts of
Dio and Nicolaus, though not properly identical in value.
[62] Senate was convened in the temple of Tellus on March 17, two
days after the assassination, on the day of the Liberalia (Cic.,
Att., 14, 10, 1; 14, 14, 2; App. 2, 126; Dio 44, 22). Plut.,
Brut., 19 erroneously places the meeting of the senate on March
16.
[63] Caesar named Lepidus ‘Magister equitum iterum’ for the year
44 (CIL 1, p. 440; 466; Dio 43, 49, 1; Suet., Caes., 82; Plin.,
N. H., 7, 147).
[64] CIL 1^2 p. 63, 64; Dio 43, 49; 45, 9; Cic., Phil., 2, 70;
App. 2, 107; Cic., Fam., 11, 2, 1; Plut., Ant., 11; Brut. 18;
Caes. 61; Vell. 2, 56; 58; Liv., Epit., 116, 117.
[65] Probably a parenthesis by Nicolaus, and not a part of the
report that Octavius heard at the time. Brutus and Cassius
apparently did not leave Rome at once.
18. [66] See App., 3, 11.
[67] L. Philippus, as late as the middle of the ensuing June, was
still not at all sanguine of Octavius’ prospects, but thought
that nothing ought to be entrusted to him, after having taken
due regard for his age, his name, his inheritance, and his
training (Cic., Att., 15, 12, 2). With respect to the advice of
Philippus against the assumption by Octavius of the name Caesar,
see Cicero’s comment, on April 22 (Att. 14, 12, 2): ‘Octavius,
quem quidem sui Caesarem salutabant, Philippus non, itaque ne nos
quidem.’ See also Suet., Aug. 8; App. 3, 11; Vell. 2, 60, 1.
[68] ‘The state’ at this stage of events was, of course, by no
means unreservedly ‘on his side’, as Nicolaus says. In point of
fact, as we learn from Cicero’s letters, very few men at Rome
concerned themselves at this time about Octavian because of his
youth, Nicolaus is valuable here because he draws upon Octavian’s
memoirs and reveals how early Octavian matured his plans to
become Caesar’s successor in power as well as property. The
attitude of the consul Antony is well known (see Suet., Aug., 10;
Plut., Ant. 16). Octavian felt that the influence of Cicero was
worth cultivating, and hence while staying with his step-father
at the villa adjacent to that of Cicero at Puteoli, during the
latter part of April, made the most of every opportunity to
ingratiate himself with Cicero: ‘nobiscum hic perhonorifice et
peramice Octavius;’ ‘Octavius ... mihi totus deditus.’ (Cic.,
Att., 14, 11, 2; 14, 12, 2). Before the middle of May, the
tribune L. Antonius presented Octavius to the people as Caesar’s
heir (Cic., Att., 14, 20, 5; 14, 21, 4; 15, 2, 3).
[69] See App. 3, 10; 13; 14; Suet., Aug., 8; Vell. 2, 60, 1.
[70] ‘The name’ assumed by Octavius was not C. Julius Caesar
Octavianus as one would expect but C. Julius C. f. Caesar (App.
3, 11; Dio 45, 3). Only his immediate following, however, called
him Caesar; Cicero at this time called him Octavianus (Cic., Att.
14, 12, 2; 15, 12, 2; Fam. 16, 24, 2). In the decrees of the
senate reported in Cicero’s Philippics during the next year he
is referred to as C. Caesar C.f. pontifex (Cic., Phil., 5, 17);
this was after he had had his adoption legally ratified by a ‘lex
curiata’ (App. 3, 94). He had been striving toward this end for
some time, but had continually been prevented in his attempts by
Antony, who had, of course, always acted under the cover of a
subordinate official (Dio 45, 5, 3; 46, 47, 4).
[71] For the ‘money and means’ to which Octavian had access see
App. 3, 11; Dio 45, 3, who refer rather briefly to the matter.
[72] By ‘public property’ is meant the provincial tribute which
apparently went into the Aerarium Saturni. Caesar treated
military funds that accrued from booty as ‘his own’, and Octavian
apparently appropriated a part of this.
[73] Octavian proceeded into Campania, where many of Caesar’s
veterans had settled between 59 and 49 B.C. (M. Cary, Jour.
Phil. 70, p. 174 ff.), in order to discover what their probable
disposition toward himself would be (App. 3, 12). This was as
early as April, 44 B.C., for on the 18th, Cicero, at Cumae, met
one who had on the same day encountered Octavian at Naples (Cic.,
Att., 14, 10, 3). As Nicolaus remarks below, the opportunity for
levying an army did not seem to be at hand; nevertheless Octavian
felt that preliminary investigations along these lines would not
be out of place.
[74] A slight lacuna in the text exists at this point; the
context is not seriously affected, however. The rendering of
Müller has been reproduced here; Piccolos and Dindorf attempt no
restoration.
[75] See the latter part of note 70, above.
[76] Octavian approached Rome before April 10. His advent
excited the interest of Cicero, who inquired of Atticus how
great a following he was gathering and what new moves he was
contemplating (Cic., Att. 14, 5, 3). The reply of Atticus may
have been of a disparaging nature toward Octavian; at any rate,
Cicero again wrote on April 12, disdainfully dismissing Octavian
from his thoughts ‘nam de Octavio, susque deque.’ Even this
early, however, there were rumors in Rome that the legions in
Macedonia were returning at Octavian’s call: ‘Odiosa illa enim
fuerant, legiones venire!’ (Cic., Att., 14, 6, 1). See also App.
3, 11; Dio 45, 3. On April 20, Cicero saw Octavian at Puteoli,
for Octavian had, after his canvass of Campania, proceeded to
his step-father’s villa at Puteoli, adjoining the property of
Cicero (Cic., Att., 14, 11, 2). Shortly afterward, Octavian again
went to Rome, stopping on the way at Tarracina (App. 3, 12;
Gardthausen, Augustus, p. 53).
19. [77] According to Plutarch, Brut. 10, the conspiracy was well
under way before March 1, 44 B.C.
[78] Suetonius, Caes. 80, gives the number of conspirators as
60; Eutropius, Brev. 6, 25, speaks of ‘60 or more.’ Of the total
number, some 20 can be definitely identified by name; seven
additional names have been erroneously included among the number
by various authors. The 20 fall into three divisions: Caesarians,
6; Pompeians, 10; and those of uncertain partisanship, 4 (see
Klotz, P. W. Real-Encycl. 10, p. 255).
[79] Nicolaus’ contradiction is self-evident. Just after saying
that D. Brutus was a particular friend of Caesar, he includes him
with Cassius and M. Brutus as a former member of the Pompeian
faction. D. Brutus had, in fact, been associated with Caesar at
least since 56 B.C.: ‘D. Brutum adulescentem classi Gallicisque
navibus ... [Caesar] praeficit’ (Caes., B. G., 3, 11, 5). Again,
in 52 B.C. Caesar placed him in charge of some of his land forces
during his engagement with Vercingetorix: ‘Brutum adulescentem
his copiis praeficit;’ ‘mittit primum Brutum adulescentem cum
cohortibus’ (Caes., B. G., 7, 9, 1; 7, 87, 1; B. C., 1; 36, 56,
58; 2, 3-7). When Caesar’s will was read, it was found that D.
Brutus had been conditionally adopted by Caesar, subject to the
death of Octavian (App. 2, 143).
Cassius was in command of Pompey’s sea-force in the Hellespont
at the time of the civil war. He there surrendered to Caesar,
though his capitulation seems not to have been justified by the
circumstances (App. 2, 88; Dio 42, 6; Suet., Caes., 63). Caesar
subsequently made him ‘legatus’ (Cic., Fam., 6, 6, 10; 15, 15,
2).
M. Brutus joined Pompey in Macedonia before Pharsalia (Plut.,
Brut. 4; Aurel. Vic., Vir. Illus. 82, 5). After the battle
he went over to Caesar. Appian, 2, 146, makes the following
statement: ‘all the murderers, except Decimus alone, had been
taken prisoners from Pompey’s faction.’ The inaccuracy is similar
to that of Nicolaus.
[80] The emendation of Müller, καίπερ Καίσαρος has been followed
here; that of Piccolos is also good. The codex reading is
unintelligible and that of Dindorf is scarcely less so. He alters
ἑκάστου to ἕκαστον, but leaves the remainder intact.
[81] The leniency of Caesar was, of course, not entirely
attributable to altruistic motives, although from the tone of
Nicolaus one might infer that such was the case. Caesar explains
his policy in Cic., Att., 9, 7c.
[82] The claim of Brutus, that he was descended from Brutus the
first consul and Ahala the regicide, was generally accepted as a
fact both by historians and contemporary writers (Cic., Att., 13,
40, 1, ‘φιλοτέχνημα illud tuum, quod vidi in Parthenone, Ahalam
et Brutum,’ see Tyrrell and Purser, The Correspondence of Cicero,
vol. 5, p. 177, note 1; vol. 6, p. cv; App. 2, 112; Dio 44, 12;
Plut., Brut. 1; Suet., Caes., 80).
[83] Cassius and Brutus are, of course, the outstanding examples
of the type here referred to. For Caesar’s treatment of his
former opponents, see Plut., Caes. 57, and citations in note 79,
above.
[84] The allusion is perhaps to the enthronement of a statue
of Caesar in the temple of Quirinus. Cicero expressed much
indignation in referring to the matter (Cic., Att., 12, 45, 2;
13, 28, 3; Phil. 2, 43, 110; see also Dio 43, 45; Suet., Caes.,
76). Caesar was hailed further as ‘Iuppiter Iulius’ and a temple
was erected jointly to him and to ‘Clementia’ (App. 2, 106; Dio
44, 6; Plut., Caes., 57; less specific, Suet., Caes., 76; Flor.
2, 13, 91).
[85] The conspirators were pledged among themselves without
the usual formalities of either oaths or sacrifices, according
to Appian, 2, 114, and Plutarch, Brut. 12. Sacrifices were the
proper complement of oaths, but the attention which would have
been drawn by their performance would have been at once fatal to
the projected undertaking.
[86] The same incident is reported by the following authors:
Appian 2, 116; Dio 44, 18; Suetonius, Caes., 81; Plutarch,
Caes., 65; Velleius 2, 57; Florus 4, 2, 94. It is a noteworthy
fact that with the passage of time the statements with regard to
this occurrence become more positive. Nicolaus employs indirect
discourse, placing the responsibility on the writer used by him
as a source; all the other authors mention the matter as an
actual happening.
20. [87] On the occasion of the ‘ludi Victoriae Caesaris,’ held
July 20-30, 45 B.C. as a continuation of the ‘ludi’ of Sept. 46
(old calendar) a figure of ‘Victoria’ was borne in procession in
close proximity to an image of Caesar. The populace refrained
from applause, the cause being, according to Cicero, that
‘Victoria’ was in bad company, through the presence of Caesar’s
image (Cic., Att., 13, 44, 1).
[88] This is perhaps the most gratuitously extravagant statement
in the entire fragment of Nicolaus. His purpose is, as E. Meyer
suggests (Caesars Monarchie, p. 517) to place the blame for
Caesar’s monarchical aspirations upon his associates, some of
whom flattered him excessively while others deliberately urged
him on with the intention of making him ultimately an object of
general hatred. The same tone is exhibited by Dio, 44, 3, and
Plutarch, Caes., 57. Caesar was entirely well aware that he was
disliked, even by those whom he characterized as ‘easy going’:
‘Ego dubitem,’ Caesar is reported to have said, ‘quin _summo in
odio sim_, quom M. Cicero sedeat nec suo commodo me convenire
possit? Atqui si quisquam est facilis, hic est, tamen non dubito
quin _me male oderit_’ (Cic., Att., 14, 1, 2). Again, ‘Ego nunc
_tam sim stultus_ ut hunc ipsum facilem hominem putem mihi esse
amicum, cum tam diu sedens meum commodum exspectet?’ (Cic., Att.,
14, 2, 3).
[89] The ‘senatus consultum,’ enacted after the victory at
Munda, is also referred to by Dio 43, 45. It appears that Caesar
permitted the elections by magistrates to proceed nominally as
before, by popular vote, but that he was the actual determining
factor as to who should be elected (Dio 43, 47). Compare Appian
4, 91, Cassius’ alleged speech to his soldiers.
[90] Concerning Caesarion, called ‘Cyrus’ by Nicolaus, the son
of Caesar and Cleopatra, see Cic., Att., 14, 20, 2; Dio 47,
31; Suet., Caes., 52; Aug. 17; Plut., Caes., 49; Ant. 54. All
but Nicolaus acknowledge that he really was Caesar’s son, and
Nicolaus is unable to prove the falsity of the allegation. It
would have been extremely difficult for Caesar to have secured
the legitimizing of Caesarion because of the universal antipathy
in Rome toward Cleopatra and eastern institutions in general;
further, much as Caesar may have desired a natural heir, his
purpose could not best be served by Caesarion, who was an
infant when Caesar’s will was drawn, in comparison with his
great-nephew, then 18 years of age.
[91] Mention of Caesar’s intention of establishing an empire
in the East, with a capital at Alexandria or at Ilium is also
made by Suetonius, Caes., 79. Both he and Nicolaus tend toward
rejecting the idea as absurd; but the fact is significant that
in the summer of 48 B.C. Caesar granted freedom to Ilium (Strabo
13, 1, 27). R. Meyer (Kleine Schr. p. 467; Caesars Monarchie p.
521) thinks the plan entirely logical, and accepts the report as
plausible. It would have been far simpler for Caesar to retain
and augment his pseudo-divine attributes in the East than could
ever have been the case in Rome; at the same time, the rights and
privileges historically peculiar to Rome could have been served
by an independent city government. The same question arose in
Augustus’ time (Horace, Od., 3, 3).
[92] Compare Cicero’s remarks to Caesar concerning the statue on
the rostra (Cic., pro Deiot. 12, 34). Dio 44, 4 gives a confused
account of two statues having been erected on the rostra, one
intended to represent Caesar as savior of the citizens, and the
other as ‘rescuer of the city from siege;’ the appropriateness of
this latter attribute seems somewhat obscure.
[93] The full names of the tribunes were L. Caesetius Flavus and
C. Epidius Marullus (Suet., Caes., 79; Dio 44, 9).
[94] For the precedent of the temple of Concordia as a meeting
place for the senate, see Cicero, Cat., 3, 21; Phil. 2, 8, 19;
Sallust, Cat., 46; Plutarch, Cic., 19.
[95] The account of Nicolaus, involving banishment of the
tribunes, is at variance with the versions of Appian, 2, 108; 4,
93; Dio 44, 10; 46, 9; Suetonius, Caes., 79; Plutarch, Caes.,
61; Ant. 12; Livy, Epit., 116, all of whom concur in saying
that the tribunes were merely cast out of the senate, and not
sent into exile. It is shown by Cicero, Phil., 13, 15, 31, that
the tribunes were simply removed from office: ‘quid ergo, ut
Marullum, ut Caesetium a republica removeremus, eum consecuti
sumus?’ The term ‘a republica’ means ‘from public life’ and not
‘from the country;’ compare Velleius 2, 68.
[96] In a letter to Atticus (Cic., Att., 15, 44, 1) dated about
July 20, 45 B.C., Cicero alludes to the reported proposal of
Cotta that Caesar be made king in order that Parthia might be
subdued according to the terms of the Sibylline prophecy which
stated that Parthia would be proof against any but a king (Cic.,
Div., 2, 110). Compare also the passage, ‘munerum regiorum’
(regionum?) (Cic., Fam., 6, 19, 2; Tyrrell and Purser 5^2, p. 162
and note). On August 2, 45 B.C., Cicero actually speaks of Caesar
as ‘the king:’ ‘nisi viderem scire _regem_ me animi nihil habere’
(Cic., Att., 25, 37, 2). The episode of the diadem, involving
the tribunes Caesetius and Marullus, seems to have occurred in
January, 44 B.C. (Dio 44, 10: ‘later, when he was riding in from
Albanum;’ CIL 1, p. 461: ‘C. Iulius C.f.C.n. Caesar VI dict. IIII
ovans a. DCCIX ex monte Albano VII Kal. Febr.’).
21. [97] February 16 (CIL 1^2 p. 310, Commentarii diurni, ‘XV K.
Mart. Luper’). See also Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Römer,^2
p. 209.
[98] Mention of Licinius as being the first to present to Caesar
the diadem enclosed within a wreath is unique with Nicolaus.
Appian 2, 109; Dio 44, 11; Livy, Epit., 116; Velleius 2, 56, 4;
Plutarch, Caes., 60; Ant. 12, and Cicero, Phil., 2, 84-85; 3,
12, all concur in that they make Antony solely responsible for
having offered the crown to Caesar. Duttlinger, Untersuchungen
über den historischen Wert des βίος Καίσαρος, Heidelberg 1911,
endeavoring to align the account of Nicolaus with Cicero’s words:
‘Unde diadema? _non enim abjectum sustuleras_, sed attuleras
domo meditatum et cogitatum scelus’ (Cic., Phil., 2, 85) makes
the following assertion: ‘Diese Worte zeigen mit unumstösslicher
Sicherheit, dass Caesar schon einmal, bevor Antonius kam, das
Diadem von sich gewiesen hatte.’ A saner view is expressed
in the translation of the phrase by Halm-Laubmann, Ciceros
Ausgewählte Reden, vol. 6, p. 110: ‘du konntest es nicht von der
Strasse aufgehoben, auf der Strasse gefunden haben;’ thus no
suggestion of a former attempt by Licinius is to be read into
Cicero’s words. Cicero’s immediate purpose, of course, was to
bring discredit upon Antony for his actions on that day of the
Lupercalia, and hence any mention of Licinius on his part would
have been irrelevant to his case. Cicero’s Philippics therefore
afford no check upon the accuracy of Nicolaus’ account, which
rests here upon its merits of priority in comparison with the
versions of the other historians.
[99] It seems that the behavior of Lepidus at this juncture
was such as to attract attention; exactly what he did can not
be ascertained, but the indications are that he kept himself
strictly aloof. Cicero (Phil. 5, 38; 13, 17) wished to laud him,
contrasting him with Antony. At the place of the former citation
he says of him: ‘Semper ille populum Romanum liberum voluit
maximumque signum illo die dedit voluntatis et iudicii sui, cum
Antonio diadema Caesari imponente _se avertit_, gemituque et
maestitia declaravit quantum haberet odium servitutis,’ etc.
Cicero thus (though for a purpose) represents him as averse to
autocracy, while Nicolaus suggests that he was in sympathy with
Antony’s action.
[100] As tribune (Dio 44, 32).
[101] The report that Caesar was addressed directly by the crowd
as king, ‘Χαῖρε βασιλεῦ’ = ‘salve rex,’ is given by Nicolaus
alone. In this connection, however, see chap. 20, note 96, and
especially Cic., Att., 13, 37, 2, where Cicero refers to Caesar
as ‘rex’.
[102] In comparison with the motive of Antony given here, note
the ridiculous reasons presented in the speech of Fufius Calenus
as published by Dio (46, 17-19). There Antony is said to have
offered the diadem for the very purpose of shocking Caesar to
reason and thus to cause him to reject the proffered crown.
22. [103] O. E. Schmidt, Jahrb. für Class. Philol. Sup. 13, p. 682
suggests that this section should follow immediately upon the
words at the beginning of section 21: ‘τοιαῦτα μὲν δὴ τότε
ἐλέγετο,’ thus making a more connected account of the accusation
of the tribunes and their subsequent restitution. Since, however,
Nicolaus is about to write of the annual elections, his order of
relating these events is not unnatural.
Nicolaus declares that Cinna secured the recall of the tribunes
through a decree passed while Caesar was yet alive; Appian 2, 122
alludes to the tribunes as still being in exile on March 16, 44
B.C., when Brutus and Cassius descended from the Capitoline and
urged that they be recalled. E. Meyer, Caesars Monarchie, p. 527,
n. 2, is inclined to favor the version of Nicolaus.
[104] The decree was that of the tribune L. Antonius, mentioned
by Cicero (Phil. 7, 16). Suetonius, Caes., 41 and Dio 43, 51
refer to the legal right of Caesar to appoint one half of the
total number of magistrates for 3 years in advance; at the
expiration of this period his return from his expedition against
the Parthians was to have been expected. The decree of Antonius
was enacted between December 10, 45 B.C., the day on which the
newly elected tribunes entered into office, and March 15, 44 B.C.
(see Sternkopf, Ciceros ausgewählte Reden, vol. 9, p. 33).
Appian, 2, 128; 2, 138, says that Caesar appointed magistrates
for 5 years in advance; Suetonius, Caes., 76, speaks of ‘several’
years; Nicolaus is corroborated by Cicero (Att. 14, 6, 2),
‘Etiamne consules et tribunos pl. in _biennium_ quos ille
voluit.’ See also Cic., Fam., 10, 32, 2. Among the historians,
Nicolaus alone names Pansa and Hirtius, Brutus and Plancus,
but Cicero speaks of the former pair as ‘consules designati’
in Philippic 3, 37 and 39, and of the latter pair as ‘consules
designati’ in Philippic 3, 38.
[105] Antony.
[106] For the behavior of Caesar when the senate approached him
to confer its honors upon him, see Appian 2, 107; Dio 44, 8;
Suetonius, Caes., 78; Plutarch, Caes., 60; Livy, Epit., 116;
Eutropius 6, 25; Zonaras 10, 11. Appian and Plutarch speak
of Caesar as seated on the rostra; Dio, Suetonius, and Livy
place him before the temple of Venus Genetrix. In the interest
of accuracy it is to be noted that both Appian and Plutarch
incorrectly refer to ‘consuls’ in the plural as being at the head
of the procession: ‘τῶν ὑπάτων ἡγουμένων’ and ‘προσιόντων δὲ τῶν
ὑπάτων.’
Excuses for Caesar’s failure to rise are offered by three of
the historians: Dio lays the blame upon an attack of diarrhoea,
Plutarch upon an attack of epilepsy, while Nicolaus, less
extravagantly, simply says that Caesar did not at first see the
throng because of his deep interest in his own undertaking.
More plausible are the suggested reasons of Suetonius: that L.
Cornelius Balbus dissuaded Caesar from rising (compare Plut.,
Caes., 60, end), or that C. Trebatius Testa urged him to rise and
thus displeased him.
[107] Reading συνόντες with the codex. Piccolos reads συγγνόντες,
and Dindorf συνέντες.
[108] See also Appian 2, 106, 134, 138; Dio 44, 4; 5, 50. After
Caesar’s death Antony had inscribed upon a statue of Caesar which
he placed on the rostra, ‘parenti optime merito’ (Cic., Fam., 12,
3, 1). Suetonius, Caes., 85 tells of the column erected in the
forum, similarly inscribed, ‘parenti patriae.’
[109] See Appian 2, 107, 109; Dio 44, 7. Caesar’s motive in
dismissing his guard was found to be difficult to explain by
those who afterward sought for causes. To many it could not but
seem almost suicidal negligence (Suet., Caes., 86); certainly his
course did not meet with the favor of his more prudent adherents:
‘laudandum experientia consilium est Pansae atque Hirti, qui
semper praedixerant Caesari ut principatum armis quaesitum armis
teneret’ (Vell. 2, 57, 1).
23. [110] As Pontifex Maximus, Caesar lived in the Regia, in the
Via Sacra.
[111] The bridge has been identified by M. E. Deutsch,
University of California Publications in Classical Philology,
vol. 2, pp. 267 ff. ‘Petronia amnis est in Tiberim perfluens,
quam magistratus auspicato transeunt cum in campo quid agere
volunt’ (Festus 250). This stream, which flowed westward from
the Quirinal, was accordingly bridged by a small wooden footway
from which one might easily have been pushed into the shallow
watercourse below. Suetonius also refers to a ‘pons’ but seems
erroneously to have supposed it was the ‘pons’ of the voting
place.
[112] The ‘Feriae Annae Perennae’ were celebrated on March 15
(CIL 1^2 p. 311; Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Römer,^2 pp.
147 and 241. See also Ovid, Fast., 3, 523; Macrobius, Sat., 1,
12, 6). Perhaps the reference is to the Quinquatrus of March 19
(Wissowa, op. cit., p. 144).
[113] Suetonius, Caes., 80, alone agrees with Nicolaus in
recounting the four tentative plans discussed by the conspirators
before it was decided that Caesar be killed in the senate on
March 15, but he is far less explicit. According to Appian, 2,
115, Caesar was to have set out for the East within four days of
that date; hence the conspirators must have felt that there was
no time to lose. The motions which Caesar wished to introduce at
this session of the senate referred to final preparations and
assignments before he departed for Parthia. Dio 44, 15, says
that Brutus and Cassius felt that the motion might be put that
Caesar be declared king in order to assure victory over the
Parthians in accordance with a Sibylline prophecy (see chap.
20, note 96), and since they could not vote for the measure,
from conviction, nor against it, from policy, they decided to
kill him before suspicion should become directed against
themselves. In this connection, see Appian 2, 113; Plutarch,
Brut., 10, where attempts have been made to reproduce the
supposed dialog between Brutus and Cassius on the subject.
24. [114] According to the Greek mode of orientation to the east,
which Nicolaus has in mind, the back of one sacrificing would be
kept toward the west. The Romans followed the Etruscan rule of
facing south, in which case the west, being on the right, would
not be an unfavorable quarter.
[115] The codex reading is ἐκέλευσε, obviously incorrect. Müller
emends to ἐθέλησε; Piccolos and Dindorf to ἐπένευσε. It has been
thought advisable to render here as if ἐκέλευε were written,
thus adhering more closely to the actual text. For the use of
the imperfect to denote attempted action, compare Hdt. 1, 68,
‘ἐμισθοῦτο παρ’ _οὐκ ἐκδιδόντος_ τὴν αὐλήν.’ (Godwin, G. M. T.
36).
[116] Literally, ‘he seemed to do something rather bold for one
holding his hands inside.’ Didot renders as though Caesar were
referred to as keeping his hands beneath his toga: ‘arrivé près
de César, qui tenait ses mains sous sa toge.’ It is scarcely
possible to derive such an interpretation from the Greek as
it stands. The translation ‘for a suppliant’ was suggested by
Plautus, Amph., 257, ‘velatis manibus orant, ignoscamus peccatum
suom.’ There ‘veiled hands’ (bearing fillets) are a mark of
supplication; ‘εἴσω τὰς χεῖρας ἔχοντος’ as applied to Cimber may
have a similar meaning, particularly since he is described as
feigning to intercede with Caesar for his brother; and Nicolaus
may not have understood the Latin expression (compare App. 2,
117; Suet., Caes., 82; Plut., Caes. 66; Brut. 17).
[117] Appian 2, 117; Suet., Caes., 82; Livy, Epit., 116; Florus
2, 13, 95; Zonaras 10, 11 D; Eutropius 6, 25; Valerius Maximus
4, 5, 6; Plutarch, Caes., 66, mention 23 wounds; Dio 44, 19,
speaks of ‘many’ wounds; Nicolaus alone gives the number as
35. O. E. Schmidt, Jahrb. für class. Philol., sup. 13, p. 674,
suggests that there may have been two traditions at the time of
Nicolaus, one involving 23 wounds, the other 35. This belief
is scarcely justifiable, since there is but one example of the
latter tradition, and Suetonius, whose account usually coincides
with that of Nicolaus, is here at variance. Piccolos, Nicolas de
Damas, Vie de César, p. 89 shows how the capitals Κ and Γ (23)
may have become corrupted to Ε and Λ (35). The error is possibly
due to the excerptor.
25. [118] A slight lacuna exists here.
[119] Brutus, as spokesman for the assassins, is here described
as attempting to deliver a formal address to the multitude
immediately after the murder and before the conspirators fled
to the Capitoline. A similar implication is found in Dio 44,
20-21, though Brutus is not there mentioned by name. Appian 2,
119, suggests rather that the slayers simply ran, shouting random
remarks in defense of their deed.
[120] So also Appian 2, 114; Plutarch, Brut., 18, 2; Ant. 13, 2;
Velleius 2, 58. Dio, 44, 19, says that the decision not to kill
Antony was duly reached, but here Brutus is not named as being
the influential factor. Cicero (Att., 15, 12, 2) seems to refer
with some petulance to the reputation for lenience which Brutus
created for himself: ‘L. quidem Antonius liberaliter litteris
sine cura me esse iubet. Habeo unum beneficium, alterum fortasse,
si in Tusculanum venerit. O negotia non ferenda! quae feruntur
tamen. τὰν δ’ αἰτίαν τῶν Βρούτων τις ἔχει.’ Again (Att. 15, 20,
2) ‘foedum ducens et quasi denuntiatum nobis ab Antonio ex hac
nassa exire constitui ... haec omnis culpa Bruti.’ A year later
Cicero again alludes to Brutus’ policy concerning Antony at the
time of the murder of Caesar: ‘tu lenius’ (Cic., ad Brut., 2, 5,
1).
26. [121] It is not elsewhere mentioned that Caesar intended to
make an expedition against the Indians.
[122] C. Calvisius Sabinus, consul in 39 B.C., was in the year
48 with Caesar (Caes., B. C., 3, 34). In 38 he held a command
in Octavian’s fleet, at that time engaged with Sextus Pompeius
(App. 5, 80-81), and in the year 36 he was superseded by Agrippa
because of his failure to prevent the desertion of one of his
subordinates (App. 5, 96). Marcius Censorinus, probably praetor
in 43 B.C., is spoken of as a Caesarian and an Antonian in Att.
14, 10, 2; Phil. 11, 36; 13, 2, but their attempt to defend
Caesar is mentioned only by Nicolaus.
[123] So also Appian 2, 118; Suetonius, Caes., 82.
26 b. [124] Compare Appian 2, 115; Dio 44, 16. The part played by
Decimus Brutus in engaging the services of the gladiators is
referred to by Appian 2, 122; Plutarch, Brut. 12.
[125] As has been seen (chap. 22, note 109) there were, in fact,
no guards. See also Appian 2, 118: ‘there was no detachment of
soldiers about Caesar, for he did not care for guards.’
[126] A slight lacuna exists here.
[127] The second speech of Brutus was delivered in the afternoon
of March 15. So also Plutarch, Brut., 18, 3-4. Plutarch, Caes.,
67, 3 seems to imply that this same address took place on the
following day: ‘μεθ’ ἡμέραν δὲ τῶν περὶ Βροῦτον κατελθόντων καὶ
ποιησαμένων λόγους.’ Appian 2, 122 states that Brutus descended
from the Capitoline, the wound in his hand still fresh, and,
together with Cassius, spoke in the forum. The rather unexpected
praise of Brutus may be an indication that Nicolaus is using
Pollio’s histories.
27. [128] This is the ‘contio Capitolina prima’ which was held on
March 15, late in the day, and at which Cicero was present.
He endeavored to secure a convocation of the senate, to be
summoned by Brutus and Cassius on their authority as praetors,
so that they might be legally confirmed as tyrannicides, thus
forestalling any attempt on the part of the Caesarians and the
Antonians to have them proclaimed murderers (Cic., Att. 14, 10,
1, ‘meministine me clamare illo ipso primo Capitolino die debere
senatum in Capitolium a praetoribus vocari,’ etc. Also Cic.,
Phil., 2, 89). This meeting on the Capitoline should not be
confused with a second ‘contio Capitolina’ referred to by Cicero
(Att., 15, 1 b, 2), and which seems to have been subsequent to
the meeting of the senate in the temple of Tellus on March 17,
when Cicero was able to secure only a rather unsatisfactory
compromise for the members of the republican faction. See the
note of Tyrrell and Purser, The Correspondence of Cicero, vol. 5,
p. 307.
[129] The temple of Jupiter Capitolinus is, of course, to be
understood.
[130] The despatch of messengers from the conspirators to Antony
and Lepidus is also told of by Appian 2, 123.
[131] Appian 2, 126 and Dio 44, 22 both make special note of the
fact that Lepidus had an armed force in the city before daybreak
on March 17. Appian, however, in the same passage asserts that
Antony did not bring in any troops, so as not to disturb the
city.
[132] Reading ἐκ νεωτερισμοῦ with E. Schwartz, Hermes 33, p. 184,
instead of δὲ καὶ.
[133] Dio 44, 34, says that Lepidus was only making a pretense
of advocating vengeance: ‘ὁ μὲν γὰρ Λέπιδος πρόσχημα τὴν τοῦ
Καίσαρος τιμωρίαν ποιούμενος’, etc., while Appian 2, 151-152,
states that Lepidus was employed as a tool both by those who
desired revenge and those who favored amnesty with the assassins.
[134] ἄλλος, codex. E. Schwartz, Hermes 33, p. 184 suggests the
emendation Βάλβος, which is very plausible.
[135] Between the sections 27 and 28 the excerptor has perhaps
omitted a portion of his original material. Much of what is told
by Nicolaus in section 27 is given in far greater detail than is
the case with the other historians. The events related in this
chapter, especially the interchange of messengers between Antony
and Lepidus and Brutus and Cassius, have been thought to have had
a very close connection with the circumstances which occasioned
the writing of Cic., Fam., 11, 1, a letter from D. Brutus to M.
Brutus and Cassius. O. E. Schmidt, Neue Jahrb. für Philol. und
Paed., 129, wishes therefore to date the letter in the morning
of March 17; P. Gröbe, Drumann-Gröbe Geschichte Roms, 1^2, p.
411 ff., would place the letter still earlier, on March 16. E.
T. Merrill, Class. Philol. 10, p. 241 ff., has now shown that D.
Brutus’ allusions to the disposition of Antony and Hirtius toward
him may well have been relevant to a later period, and hence
he would set the date of the letter as late as April 10, thus
approximating Schmidt’s original view, which gave April 5 as the
probable time of writing (Die Correspondenz Ciceros in den Jahren
44 und 43, Marburg 1883). It follows therefore that chapter 27
of Nicolaus should not be employed as a criterion on the date of
Cic., Fam., 11, 1.
28. [136] Lacuna, which is apparently quite long, for the affairs
mentioned in the following belong to June and July, whereas the
story of Octavian told before chapter 19 was only of his return
to Rome in April.
[137] The aedile Critonius is probably referred to (compare
App. 3, 28). The proper name may have been lost in the lacuna
immediately above.
[138] Compare Appian 3, 28; Dio 45, 6; Suetonius, Caes., 88;
Plutarch, Ant., 16; Pliny, N. H., 2, 23. Since both Appian and
Nicolaus refer to two controversies between Octavian and Antony,
of which the second was at the time of the festival of Venus
Genetrix in July, the question has arisen as to what the earlier
occasion could have been. The ‘ludi Cereales’ are precluded, for
Octavian was in Campania during the period in which they were
held, April 12-19 (Cic., Att., 14, 12, 2). The ‘ludi Florales’
were given April 28-May 3, and since Cicero on May 22 referred to
the episode of the throne (Att. 15, 3, 2) these must have been
the games at which Octavian experienced his difficulty for the
first time, unless it can be shown that the ‘ludi Cereales’ were
postponed for a month, in which event they would have also been
completed just prior to Cicero’s letter of May 22.
[139] See Appian 3, 21; 3, 23; Dio 45, 7. According to Appian’s
account, Octavian liquidated not only the residuary estate which
he received from Caesar, but also some of his own property in
order to pay the specific legacies to the people. This would
naturally make them feel indebted to him as well as to his late
uncle, and was a particularly shrewd bit of strategy on his part
in winning popular opinion away from Antony.
[140] Antony and Dolabella.
[141] Antony is accused of having made away with 700,000,000
sesterces (approximately $30,000,000) (Cic., Phil., 1, 17; 2, 35;
2, 93; 4, 14; 5, 11; Att. 14, 14, 5; Fam. 12, 2, 2; Vell. 2, 60,
4). Antony’s obvious defense was that the Caesarian treasury, the
temple of Ops, had been left exhausted by Caesar (App. 3, 20).
[142] During April and May Antony was corresponding with Brutus
and Cassius, both verbally and by letter. The general impression
given by Cicero is that a friendly compromise was not improbable:
‘Antoni colloquium cum heroibus nostris pro re nata non
incommodum.’ (Cic., Att., 14, 6, 1, written April 12) ‘Epistula
brevis quae postea a te scripta est sane mihi fuit iucunda, de
Bruti ad Antonium ... litteris’ (Cic., Att., 14, 14, postscript).
The appeal of Brutus and Cassius to Antony (Cic., Fam., 11, 2),
as to what their chance for safety would be in Rome, was sent
from Lanuvium toward the end of May.
[143] Lacuna.
[144] These men seem to belong to the ‘middle group’ just
mentioned before the Lacuna. Nicolaus assumes that they are not
genuine friends of Octavian but egg him on against Antony for
purposes of their own. That they did so as Cicero certainly
did for the sake of preserving the constitution he neglects to
say. ‘Vibius’ is of course C. Vibius Pansa, one of the consuls
designated for 43, who though formerly a friend of Antony was
induced by Cicero to support the senate in view of his coming
consulship. He was friendly to Octavian but would hardly have
supported Octavian’s ambitions to the full. Lucius may well be
L. Julius Caesar, consul of 64 B.C., and Antony’s uncle; see
Pauly-Wiss. _Julius_ 145. He opposed his nephew Antony in 44 and
supported the senate, though he also tried to restrain the senate
from declaring open war on Antony in 43. We are not told what
his attitude toward Octavian was, but his opposition to Antony,
his frequent support of Cicero, his desire for peace, and his
friendship for conservatives like L. Piso, P. Servilius Vatia,
Servius Sulpicius, and Philippus make it probable that he favored
Octavian’s opposition of Antony without supporting Octavian’s
extreme ambitions. E. Schwartz (Hermes 33, p. 184) suggests that
L. Piso is here referred to. This is possible, but in view of the
fact that L. Julius Caesar was proscribed by the triumvirs in 43,
it is more likely that he is the one attacked by Nicolaus.
The Publius referred to is probably P. Servilius Vatia. He was
a man of little force of character, who half-heartedly supported
the senate against Antony in 44 and 43. The fact that Lucius
Caesar, against Cicero’s advice, nominated him in 43 as proconsul
to oppose Dolabella, proves that he belongs to the moderate group
which did not wish to offend Caesar’s soldiers or Octavian by
giving open support to Brutus and Cassius (Cic., Phil., 11, 19).
Brutus (Cic., ad Brut., 1, 16) as early as May, 43, took Cicero
to task for commending his own safety to Octavian; in ad Brut. 1,
17, 5, he alludes to the terms to which Octavian had come with
Cicero, in that the youth addressed the elder man as ‘pater’.
[145] Gallia Narbonensis (compare Dio 43, 51). Lepidus became
triumvir with Antony and Octavian in 43.
[146] See Cic., Phil., 5, 6; Fam. 10, 1, ff. Plancus had been
nominated consul for the year 42 by Caesar. He held Gallia
Comata under the provisions of the ‘lex Julia,’ concerning the
assignment of provinces. Antony endeavored to displace him
through the ‘lex tribunicia de provinciis,’ enacted in the early
part of June, 44, but his position was confirmed by a ‘senatus
consultum’ of December 20, which provided that the provincial
governors should retain their tenures until the senate itself
should appoint successors (Cic., Phil., 3, 38).
[147] Compare Dio 45, 10; App. 4, 84. Pollio was already in his
province when Caesar was murdered, according to his reference to
the Ides of March in Cic., Fam., 10, 31, 4.
[148] See App. 3, 2; Cic., Att., 14, 13, 2. D. Brutus had gone to
his province in April 44 B.C.
[149] Brutus’ official name was Q. Servilius Caepio after his
adoption by his uncle, though he continued to be called M. Junius
Brutus by his friends. ‘Gaius’ is probably an error of the
excerptor.
[150] For the year 44, the lawful praetor for Macedonia was Q.
Hortensius (Cic., Phil., 10, 11; 10, 13; 10, 26).
[151] Syria was under L. Staius Murcus, followed by Q. Marcius
Crispus (App. 3, 77) until the advent of Cassius (Dio 47, 27-28;
Cic., Fam., 12, 11, 1; 12, 12, 3). There is confusion among
the historians as to what provinces were actually assigned to
Brutus and Cassius for the year 43. Appian 3, 2; 3, 7-8; 3, 12;
3, 16; 3, 24; 3, 36; 4, 37, states that Brutus and Cassius were
appointed for Macedonia and Syria. Florus 2, 17, 4 says also that
Caesar had given them Macedonia and Syria. Plutarch, Caes., 57;
Ant. 14; Cic. 42; Brut. 19, as consistently state that Brutus and
Cassius received no provinces until after Caesar’s death; the
senate ultimately assigned Crete and ‘Libya’ (Plut., Brut., 19).
Dio 47, 21 explicitly states that Macedonia and Syria never were
given to Brutus and Cassius, but that Crete and Bithynia were.
Appian 3, 8 mentions Cyrenaica and Crete, and as an alternative
report, Cyrenaica and Crete for Cassius and Bithynia for Brutus.
The sequel is, of course, well known. Brutus and Cassius seized
Macedonia and Syria forcibly. W. Sternkopf, Hermes 47, pp.
340-347, has shown that the versions of Appian and Florus, that
Caesar had given Macedonia and Syria to Brutus and Cassius for
the year 43, are incorrect. Perhaps his most cogent point is that
Cicero nowhere condemns Antony and Dolabella for having diverted
from Brutus and Cassius provinces originally ordained for them.
In fact Cicero (Phil. 11, 27-30) endorses Brutus and Cassius
for having appropriated provinces which belonged, according to
written law (legibus scriptis) to others (Macedoniam alienam;
Syriam, alienam provinciam). It should be noticed that the phrase
of Nicolaus regarding Brutus, ‘Μακεδονίᾳ δὲ Γ. Βροῦτος ἔφεδρος
ἦν’ is not entirely clear. It is just possible that Appian’s
grave error is due to a misunderstanding of Nicolaus or of
Nicolaus’ source if that also contained some ambiguous expression
like ἔφεδρος.
[152] Caesar had not bequeathed his position in the state to
Octavian, though he had doubtless intended, should he live long
enough, to be able eventually to name his successor. This passage
is interesting in revealing the point of view of Octavian, whose
memoirs Nicolaus used.
29. [153] According to App. 3, 28, Octavian himself, accompanied by
a following of civilians, canvassed the plebeians, endeavoring to
excite their anger against Antony.
[154] In Appian’s account (3, 29-30, 39) Antony is said to have
been in need of Octavian’s assistance in order to procure the
exchange of provinces.
[155] A lacuna here intervenes, so that the account of the
actual reconciliation is wanting. Appian, 3, 29-30, 39, agrees
in the main with Nicolaus; Antony is influenced by his military
tribunes, former soldiers of Caesar. In Dio 45, 8 Octavian and
Antony are said to have made mutual concessions. According to
Plutarch, Ant., 16, Antony became apprehensive on finding that
Octavian had joined forces with his more powerful foes, among
whom was Cicero.
30. [156] For a commentary on the swing of public opinion from
Antony to Octavian, see App. 3; 12, 21, 23, 24, 29; Dio 45, 8;
Plut., Ant., 16. R. Duttlinger, op. cit., pp. 77-78, directs
attention to the fact that Appian presents Antony in a fairer
light in this connection than do Nicolaus, Dio, or Plutarch, thus
indicating a probable diversity of sources.
[157] On the authority of the ‘lex de permutatione provinciarum’
of June 1-2, 44 B.C. W. Sternkopf, Hermes 47, p. 357 ff. and
Ciceros ausgewählte Reden, vol. 8, p. 9 and note, declares that
this act is identical with the ‘lex tribunicia de provinciis,’
both having been ratified at the same meeting. The former term
is employed by Livy, Epit., 117; the latter by Cicero, Phil.,
5, 7. The combined result was that Antony should have part or
all of Gaul in place of Macedonia, and that both consuls should
enjoy an imperium extended for five years. In the historians the
references to the exchange of provinces are: Dio 45; 9, 20, 25;
46; 23, 24; Appian 3; 27, 29, 30, 31, 37, 38, 52, 55, 63.
[158] Antony left Rome October 9: ‘Antonius autem ... a.d. VII
Id. Oct. Brundisium erat profectus’ (Cic., Fam., 12, 23, 2). Also
App. 3, 40.
[159] This is the only occurrence of the spelling ‘Atia’ in the
excerpt. Elsewhere the name is given ‘Antia’.
[160] Appian 3, 39, and Plutarch, Ant., 16, both seem to
discredit the report that Octavian made an attempt against
Antony’s life, though they do not endeavor to deny it so
vigorously as does Nicolaus. Suetonius, Aug. 10; Velleius 2, 60,
and Seneca, de Clem., 1, 9, 1, all indicate that the attempt was
really made. Cicero, Fam., 12, 23, 2, both believes and approves
of it, though it is possible that he was carried away by his own
desire rather than that he weighed conclusive contemporaneous
evidence. He remarks, however, that the populace did not believe
it, and that Antony never gave a report on the prisoners he was
supposed to have seized. In Phil. 3, 19, he goes so far as to
take upon himself the credit for having urged Octavian to the
deed. The circumstantial refutation of Nicolaus comes doubtless
from Augustus’ memoirs.
31. [161] Lacuna. Octavian’s exploit in securing enlistments
in Campania is referred to by the following: App. 3; 40, 58;
Dio 45; 12, 38; Suet., Aug., 10; Vell. 2, 61; Plut., Ant., 16;
Cic. 44; Tac., Ann., 1, 10; Cic., Phil., 3, 3; 4, 3; 5, 23, 44.
Nicolaus is unique in stating that Octavian first approached
the Seventh and Eighth Legions. Both of these were composed of
veterans (Cic., Phil., 14, 27; CIL 10, 4786). Beside the fact
that Octavian offered an inducement toward enlisting to the
extent of 500 denarii ($80) to each man, the veterans were glad
to aid him oppose Antony because of a new colony established by
the latter near Casilinum (Cic., Phil., 2, 100-102) which served
to make Antony unpopular with the Caesarian veterans who had
a prior claim to the ground. (M. Cary, Journal of Philology,
70, pp. 174-190, treats of the land legislation of Caesar in
regard to Campania. He is of the opinion that Casilinum and
Calatia, being settled by veterans of the Civil War, must have
been founded under a later statute than the ‘lex Campana’ of
59 B.C.) Octavian’s levy was not authorized; it was therefore
a revolutionary measure. Nicolaus takes pains to show that
Octavian reached his decision only after Antony proved that he
was destined upon war. In this Nicolaus apparently makes a good
case: Antony left for Brundisium on October 9, and Octavian is
represented as forming his decision and departing for Campania a
few days later. Confirmation comes from Cicero, who on November
2 wrote significantly to Atticus (16, 8), ‘On the afternoon of
the first I had a letter from Octavian. He is making a great
undertaking. The veterans at Casilinum and Calatia he has won
over to his side. Nor is this strange; he gives 500 denarii
apiece. Evidently he means to wage war with Antony. And so I
see that in a few days we shall be in arms. But whom are we to
follow? Consider his name and his age.’
[162] Q. Juventius and M. Modialius are unknown. L. Maecenas is
incorrectly written for C. Maecenas, of whom this seems to be the
earliest mention. M. Agrippa had been a companion of Octavian at
Apollonia. ‘Lucius’ may be L. Cocceius Nerva, great-grandfather
of the emperor Nerva. He is mentioned as a trusted friend of
Octavian in 41, and thence throughout his life.
[163] The several references to his mother could only have come
from Augustus’ own memoirs.
[164] Appian 3, 24, incorrectly states that Brutus and Cassius
left Italy shortly after the ‘ludi Apollinares’ in July. Dio 47,
20, is more accurate in saying that they delayed in Campania for
a time. Cic., Fam. 11, 3, was sent from Naples August 4 by Brutus
and Cassius to Antony; and Cicero addressed Cassius at Puteoli
in the early part of October (Cic., Fam., 12, 2; 12, 3). Brutus
and Cassius would scarcely have been concerned over the news of
the young Octavian’s preparations; their departure, though it
coincided in time with Octavian’s levy was not caused by this.
[165] Calatia was apparently the home of the Seventh Legion,
since he had decided to approach this first. His effort was
successful, for the Seventh Legion took part in the battle of
Forum Gallorum (Cic., Phil., 14, 10, 27).
[166] The next colony was apparently Casilinum, where was the
Eighth Legion.
[167] According to Cicero (Fam., 12, 23, 2) Octavian went in
person to Brundisium to win over the four legions just arrived
from Macedonia.
[168] Appian mentions this means of propaganda in 3; 31, 39,
44. His first reference to it in 3, 31 antedates his account
of Octavian’s alleged attempt against Antony’s life; this
anticipation is of course incorrect.
VITA
Clayton Morris Hall was born at Ruxton, Maryland, September 24,
1896. From 1908 to 1914 he was prepared for college at the Boys’ Latin
School, Baltimore. In the autumn of 1914 he entered the College of
Arts and Sciences of the Johns Hopkins University, whence he received
the degree of Bachelor of Arts in 1918. During 1918-1919 he was in
the United States Army. In the autumn of 1919 he began graduate work
in Latin, Classical Archaeology, and Greek in the Johns Hopkins
University, and held, from 1920 to 1922, a Johns Hopkins Scholarship.
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES
New original cover art included with this eBook is granted to the
public domain.
Underlined text in the original has been converted to italic.
Footnotes have been renumbered in one series, rather than by chapter.
Chapter 17 footnote 9 (new number 65) has no anchor in the original
text; this has been added after “leave Rome safely and go to Antium”
on page 20.
Page numbering in the original is inconsistent, so page 38 is followed
directly by page 40.
“B.C.” with no space between the letters is used for dates only; all
other abbreviations have a space, for example, “B. C.” meaning
“Bellum Civile” (Civil War).
A number of changes were made for consistency:
. Changed “stepfather” to “step-father” in “His step-father Philippus
sent him a letter” on page 21.
. Changed “long standing” to “long-standing” in “their long-standing
friendship” on page 26.
. Changed “Forum” to “forum” in “through the forum up to the
Capitoline” on page 43.
. Changed “good-will” to “good will” in “eagerly and with good will”
on page 66.
. Changed “class.” to “Class.” in “Jahrb. für Class. Philol.” on
page 99.
. Changed “n.” to “note” in “(chap. 8, note 36)” on page 80 and in
“(see chap. 20, note 96)” on page 103.
. Changed “Juppiter” to “Jupiter” in “into the temple of Jupiter”
on page 56 and in “temple of Jupiter Capitolinus” on page 108.
Handwritten corrections made to the text have been incorporated as
follows:
. Changed “Achara” to “Achaea” in “Brutus went to Achaea” on page 66.
. Changed “Servilus” to “Servilius” in “this was Servilius Isauricus”
on page 73.
. The word “is” has been added in “the reference is to the battle”
on page 74.
. Changed “Lacua” to “Lacuna” in “Lacuna of 2 pages” on page 78.
. The word “Sup.” has been added in “Jahrb. für Class. Philol.
Sup. 13” on page 82 and in “Jahrb. für Class. Philol. Sup. 13”
on page 99.
. Changed “monarchial” to “monarchical” in “Caesar’s monarchical
aspirations” on page 93.
A number of other corrections were made:
. Changed “preceived” to “perceived” in “but soon he perceived” on
page 61.
. Changed “exorting” to “escorting” in “escorting him under arms”
on page 67.
. Changed “distrubance” to “disturbance” in “involved in the African
disturbance” on page 75.
. Changed “Catalpeton” to “Catalepton” in “Aeneid 5 and Catalepton
14” on page 77.
. Changed “Vel.” to “Vell.” in “Suet., Aug., 94; Vell. 2, 59, 5” on
page 82.
. Changed “Real-Encyl.” to “Real-Encycl.” in “Real-Encycl., 1, p. 25”
on page 83 and in “Real-Encycl. 10, p. 255” on page 89.
. Changed “use Augustus’” to “use of Augustus’” in “the use of
Augustus’ memoirs” on page 83.
. Changed “Eutropus” to “Eutropius” in “Eutropius 6, 25” on page 100.
. Changed “ὑπατων” to “ὑπάτων” in “προσιόντων δὲ τῶν ὑπάτων” on
page 100.
. Changed “superceded” to “superseded” in “he was superseded by
Agrippa” on page 106.
. Changed “βροῦτον” to “Βροῦτον” in “μεθ’ ἡμέραν δὲ τῶν περὶ Βροῦτον”
on page 107.
. Changed “Μακεδονίᾳ δὲ Γ. Βροῦτος ἔφεδρος ὤν” to “Μακεδονίᾳ δὲ Γ.
Βροῦτος ἔφεδρος ἦν” on page 116.
Various minor punctuation changes were also made.
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