30,000 Locked Out: The Great Strike of the Building Trades in Chicago

By Beeks

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Title: 30,000 Locked Out.
       The Great Strike of the Building Trades in Chicago.

Author: James C. Beeks

Release Date: February 14, 2011 [EBook #35275]

Language: English


Produced by Odessa Paige Turner, Martin Pettit and the
Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
(This book was produced from scanned images of public
domain material from the Google Print project.)

30,000 LOCKED OUT.







The attention of the world has been called to the great strike and
lockout in the building trades in Chicago because it rested upon the
question of individual liberty--a question which is not only vital alike
to the employer and the employe, but which affects every industry, every
class of people, every city, state and country. It is a principle which
antagonizes no motive which has been honestly conceived, but upon which
rests--or should rest--the entire social, political and industrial
fabric of a nation. It underlies the very foundation of free
institutions. To antagonize it is to thrust at the beginning point of
that freedom for which brave men have laid down their lives in every
land since the formation of society. With this question prominently in
the fight, and considering the magnitude of the interests affected, it
is not at all surprising that the public has manifested interest in the
agitation of questions which have affected the pockets of thirty
thousand artisans and laborers, hundreds of employers, scores of
manufacturers and dealers in building materials, stopped the erection of
thousands of structures of all classes, and driven into the vaults of a
great city capital amounting to not less than $20,000,000.

The labor problem is not new. Neither is it without its perplexities and
its grievances. Its entanglements have puzzled the brightest intellects,
and its grievances have, on many occasions, called loudly for changes
which have been made for the purpose of removing fetters that have
bound men in a system of oppression that resembled the worst form of
slavery. These changes have come none too soon. And, no doubt, there yet
remain cases in which the oppressed should be speedily relieved of
burdens which have been put upon working men and women in every country
under the sun.

But, because these conditions exist with one class of people, it is no
justification for an unreasonable, or exacting demand by another class;
or, that they should be permitted to reverse the order of things and
inaugurate a system of oppression that partakes of a spirit of revenge,
and that one burden after another should be piled up until the exactions
of an element of labor become so oppressive that they are unbearable.
When this is the case, the individual who has been advocating the cause
of freedom--and who has been striving for the release and the elevation
of the laboring classes--becomes, in turn, an oppressor of the worst
kind. He stamps upon the very foundation on which he first rested his
cause. He tramples upon the great cause of individual liberty and
becomes a tyrant whose remorseless system of oppression would crush out
of existence not only the grand superstructure of freedom, but would
bury beneath his iron heel the very germ of his free existence.

The laborer is a necessity. If this is true the converse of the
proposition is equally true--the employer is a necessity. Without the
employer the laborer would be deprived of an opportunity to engage in
the avocation to which his faculties may have been directed. Without the
laborer the employer would be in no position to carry forward any
enterprise of greater or less magnitude.

All cannot be employers.

All cannot be employes.

There must be a directing hand as well as a hand to be directed. In
exercising the prerogative of a director the employer would be powerless
to carry to a successful termination any enterprise if liberty of
action should be entirely cut off, or his directing hand should be so
fettered that it could not exercise the necessary freedom of action to
direct. At the same time, if the employe should be so burdened that he
could not exercise his talents in a manner to compass the line of work
directed to be done, it would be unreasonable to expect from him the
accomplishment of the task to which he had been assigned. There is a
relation between the two around which such safeguards should be thrown
as will insure that free action on the part of both that will remove the
possibility of oppression, and at the same time retain, in its fullest
sense, the relation of employer and employe. The necessity of the one to
the other should not be forgotten.

That the employer should have the right to direct his business in a
manner that will make it successful, and for his interest, none should
have the right to question. The successful direction of an enterprise by
an employer results, necessarily, in the security of employment by the

A business which is unsuccessfully prosecuted, or which is fettered by
the employe in a manner which prevents its successful prosecution, must,
of necessity, result in displacing the most trusted servant, or the most
skilled artisan.

An employer, in the direction of his business, should not be denied the
right to decide for himself whom he shall employ, or to select those who
may be best fitted to accomplish his work.

An employe should expect employment according to his ability to perform
the work to be done.

A skillful artisan should not be expected to accept the reward of one
unskilled in the same trade.

An unskilled workman should not receive the same wages paid to a skilled

Had these rules been recognized by the bricklayers in Chicago there
would have been no strike, no lockout. The fight was against the right
of the employer to direct his own business. It was originated by a
class of men who claimed the right to demand that all bricklayers should
be paid the same rate per hour, regardless of their ability; that none
should be employed except those who were members of The United Order of
American Bricklayers and Stonemasons of Chicago; and that every edict
issued by this union should be obeyed by the Master Masons, including
the last one made viz: That the pay day should be changed from Monday,
or Tuesday, to Saturday.


The National Association of Builders convened in Chicago March 29th,
1887, and continued in session three days. This convention was composed
of representatives of the building trades from almost every section of
the country. They came together for the purpose of perfecting the
organization of a National Association in pursuance of a call which had
been made by a committee which met in Boston the previous January.
Delegates were present from twenty-seven cities, as follows:

     Cleveland, Ohio: Thos. Simmons, H. Kickheim, John T. Watterson, S.
     W. Watterson.

     Milwaukee, Wis.: Thos. Mason, Garrett Dunck, John Laugenberger,
     Richard Smith.

     Charleston, S. C.: D. A. J. Sullivan, Henry Oliver.

     Nashville, Tenn.: Daniel S. Wright.

     Detroit, Mich.: Thos. Fairbairn, W. E. Avery, W. J. Stapleton, Jas.
     Roche, W. G. Vinton.

     Minneapolis, Minn.: Thos. Downs, F. B. Long, H. N. Leighton, Geo.
     W. Libby, Herbert Chalker, F. S. Morton.

     Baltimore Md.: John Trainor, John J. Purcell, Geo. W. Hetzell, Wm.
     H. Anderson, Wm. Ferguson, Philip Walsh, Geo. Mann.

     Chicago, Ill.: Geo. Tapper, P. B. Wight, Geo. C. Prussing, W. E.
     Frost, F. V. Gindele, A. W. Murray, J. B. Sullivan.

     St. Paul, Minn.: Edward E. Scribner, J. B. Chapman, E. F. Osborne,
     G. J. Grant, J. H. Donahue, J. S. Burris, J. W. Gregg.

     Buffalo, N. Y.: Chas. Berrick, John Feist, Chas. A. Rupp.

     Cincinnati, Ohio: J. Milton Blair, L. H. McCammon, I. Graveson,
     Jas. Allison, H. L. Thornton, J. C. Harwood, Wm. Schuberth, Jr.

     Philadelphia, Pa.: John S. Stevens, Chas. H. Reeves, D. A.
     Woelpper, Geo. Watson, Wm. Harkness, Jr., Geo. W. Roydhouse, Wm.

     Columbus, Ohio: Geo. B. Parmelee.

     St. Louis Mo.: Andrew Kerr, H. C. Lindsley, John R. Ahrens, John H.
     Dunlap, Anton Wind, Richard Walsh, Wm. Gahl.

     Indianapolis, Ind.: John Martin, J. C. Adams, Fred Mack, G. Weaver,
     C. Bender, Wm. P. Jungclaus, Peter Rautier.

     New Orleans, La.: A. J. Muir, H. Hofield, F. H. West.

     Boston, Mass.: Leander Greely, Ira G. Hersey, John A. Emery, Wm.
     Lumb, J. Arthur Jacobs, Francis Hayden, Wm. H. Sayward.

     New York City: A. J. Campbell, A. G. Bogert, John Byrns, John
     McGlensey, Marc Eidlitz, John J. Tucker.

     Troy, N. Y.: C. A. Meeker.

     Albany, N. Y.: David M. Alexander

     Worcester, Mass.: E. B. Crane, O. W. Norcross, Henry Mellen, O. S.
     Kendall, Robt. S. Griffin, Geo. H. Cutting.

     Grand Rapids, Mich.: John Rawson, James Curtis, H. E. Doren, J. D.
     Boland, C. H. Pelton, W. C. Weatherly, C. A. Sathren.

     Sioux City, Iowa.: Fred F. Beck.

     Pittsburgh and Allegheny City, Pa.: Geo. A. Cochran, Saml. Francis,
     Alex. Hall, R. C. Miller, Geo. S. Fulmer.

     Providence, R. I.: Geo. R. Phillips, Richard Hayward. Geo. S. Ross.

     Rochester, N. Y.: Chas. W. Voshell.

     Washington, D. C.: Thos. J. King.

George C. Prussing, of Chicago, presided, and William H. Sayward, of
Boston, was secretary of the convention. Mr. Sayward appointed as his
assistants J. Arthur Jacobs, of Boston, and W. Harkness, Jr., of

In adopting a constitution the objects of the organization were set
forth in the following article:

Article II. The fundamental objects of this association shall be to
foster and protect the interests of contractors, manual workmen, and
all others concerned in the erection and construction of buildings; to
promote mechanical and industrial interests; to acquire, preserve and
disseminate valuable information connected with the building trades; to
devise and suggest plans for the preservation of mechanical skill
through a more complete and practical apprenticeship system, and to
establish uniformity and harmony of action among builders throughout the
country. The better to accomplish these objects, this association shall
encourage the establishment of builders' exchanges in every city or town
of importance throughout the country, and shall aid them to organize
upon some general system that will not conflict with local customs and
interests, in order that through these filial associations the
resolutions and recommendations of this National Association may be
promulgated and adopted in all localities.

Not content with setting out the objects of the association in a short
section of a constitution, the convention deemed it advisable that its
objects should be defined in a manner that could not be misunderstood.
The members were aware of the fact that the convention was being watched
by builders everywhere, and that the eye of the public was upon every
movement made. But they more fully understood that the artisans and
laborers connected with the building trades throughout the country would
criticise their every act, and unless their position was definitely and
clearly set out they might be misunderstood. To avoid this, and to place
the objects fairly before the public, the convention unanimously adopted
the following:


     1. This association affirms that absolute personal independence of
     the individual to work or not to work, to employ or not to employ,
     is a fundamental principle which should never be questioned or
     assailed; that upon it depends the security of our whole social
     fabric and business prosperity, and that employers and workmen
     should be equally interested in its defense and preservation.

     While upholding this principle as an essential safeguard for all
     concerned, this association would appeal to employers in the
     building trades to recognize that there are many opportunities for
     good in associations of workmen, and while condemning and opposing
     improper action upon their part, they should aid and assist them in
     all just and honorable purposes; that while upon fundamental
     principles it would be useless to confer or arbitrate, there are
     still many points upon which conferences and arbitrations are
     perfectly right and proper, and that upon such points it is a
     manifest duty to take advantage of the opportunities afforded by
     associations to confer together to the end that strikes, lockouts,
     and other disturbances may be prevented.

     When such conferences are entered into, care should be taken to
     state clearly in advance that this fundamental principle must be
     maintained, and that such conferences should only be competent to
     report results in the form of resolutions of recommendation to the
     individuals composing the various organizations participating,
     avoiding all forms of dictatorial authority.

     2. That a uniform system of apprenticeship should be adopted by the
     various mechanical trades; that manual training schools should be
     established as a part of the public school system; and, that trade
     night schools should be organized by the various local trade
     organizations for the benefit and improvement of apprentices.

     3. This association earnestly recommends all its affiliated
     associations to secure, as soon as possible, the adoption of a
     system of payment "by the hour" for all labor performed, other than
     "piece work" or "salary work," and to obtain the co-operation of
     associations of workmen in this just and equitable arrangement.

     4. That all blank forms of contracts for buildings should be
     uniform throughout the United States. That such forms of contract,
     with the conditions thereof, should be such as will give the
     builder, as well as the owner, the protection of his rights, such
     as justice demands. That whenever a proper form has been approved
     by this association, after consultation with the American Institute
     of Architects, and the Western Association of Architects, we
     recommend its use by every builder and contractor.

     5. The legislatures of the various states should be petitioned to
     formulate and adopt uniform lien laws and every organization
     represented in this association is recommended to use its best
     endeavors to secure the passage of the same.

     6. Architects and builders should be required to adopt more
     effectual safeguards in buildings in process of construction, so as
     to lessen the danger of injury to workmen and others.

     7. We recommend the adoption of a system of insurance against
     injuries by accident to workmen in the employ of builders, wherein
     the employer may participate in the payment of premiums for the
     benefit of his employes. Also in securing the payment of annuities
     to workmen who may become permanently disabled, through injuries
     received by accident or the infirmities of old age.

When this declaration was sent out it set the laborer to thinking, and
the public generally to reflecting upon the relation between the
employer and the employe, especially in the building trades.

The first paragraph affirming "that absolute personal independence of
the individual to work or not to work, to employ or not to employ, is a
fundamental principle which should never be questioned or assailed," was
regarded as a declaration of right, justice and liberty that ought to be
universally accepted. And yet it has not been so accepted. It is utterly
rejected in practice, if not in so many words, in almost every case of
strike. In one way or another the strikers prevent others from
exercising that right to work and to employ, or attempt to do so, thus
assuming for themselves superior rights and despotic powers.

While the builders emphatically affirmed the fundamental principle of
right and liberty, they did not condemn associations of workmen. On the
contrary, they recognized the fact that there were "many opportunities
for good" in such associations, and appealed to employers in the
building trades to assist them in all just and honorable purposes. This
was certainly liberal, in view of the fact that labor organizations are
continually used as agencies for interfering with men in the exercise of
their rights.

The convention declared that upon fundamental principles it would be
useless to confer, or arbitrate. The members did not even stoop to
notice the nonsensical notion of compulsory arbitration, or arbitration
under the forms of law, which has found expression in one or two state
laws and in one or two bills that have been introduced in congress, and
which is not arbitration at all. But, while upon fundamental principles
they perceived the uselessness of arbitration, yet they declared that
there were many points upon which conferences and arbitration were
perfectly right and proper, and that upon such points it was a manifest
duty to take advantage of the opportunities afforded by associations to
confer together, to the end that strikes, lockouts, and other
disturbances might be prevented. They did not, however, lose sight of
the fundamental principle first affirmed, but held that the results of
conferences should take the form of resolutions of recommendation, and
that all forms of dictatorial authority should be avoided. They are
evidently willing to meet the men half way when there is really anything
to confer about.

As a whole, the platform of principles upon which the convention planted
itself is unassailable by the most critical objector among the
disturbing element of labor. It was to be hoped that they would be fully
accepted and thoughtfully regarded by the workmen in the building

But, such was not, generally, the case. The leading element in the labor
organizations has cultivated an antagonistic spirit that rebels against
every proposition or suggestion from any association that is not in
strict accord with their own distorted views. This element watched the
National Association of Builders very closely, and to them the fact that
the constitution and the declaration of principles were eminently just
and fair to the workingman, was the greater reason why they should
exercise toward the whole a spirit of bitter antagonism. Otherwise, that
element of labor which permits others to do their thinking, could not be
moulded in the hand of the leader whose leadership depends upon the
ability to make every act of the employer to appear in a hideous light.
The fairness of the convention, and the justness of the principles
enunciated, stimulated the leaders to renewed efforts to widen the
breach between the employes and the employers in the building trades.
They saw that unless the rebellious, revengeful spirit was nurtured, the
thinking better, more reasonable element, might break away and follow
the "master." New demands were made upon the employer with a full
knowledge that they would not be acceded to, for the purpose of
precipitating a general strike, and it came.


The immediate cause of the great lockout dated to a proposition for
Saturday as a pay-day, which was made April 11th, 1887, by the passage
of a resolution by the United Order of American Bricklayers and
Stonemasons of Chicago, declaring that from and after that date the
contracting masons should pay their employes on Saturday. The
contractors were not asked to change the time of payment--from Monday or
Tuesday, as had been the custom for many years--the union simply
resolved that they should do so. No official notice of the passage of
the resolution was sent to the Master Masons' association. They were not
conferred with to see if it would be convenient, nor were they
_requested_ to change the time. The resolution itself proposed to do the
work for the employer without consulting him in reference to the change.
The first intimation the Master Masons had of the passage of the
resolution came in the shape of a demand of the foreman on each job to
know if they were to be paid on Saturday. This demand was coupled with a
statement that they would not work if they were not paid on that day,
_as the union had changed the pay-day_.

With some employers such a demand would have been a great surprise. It
was not so with the Master Masons of Chicago. They had endured so much
of an arbitrary character from the Bricklayers' union that they were not
surprised at anything, unless it might have been the absence of a demand
upon them for a change of some kind. This demand--had it come in the
form of a request, or had a conference been invited to consider the
proposition for a change of the pay-day--might have been conceded. But
the manner in which it was presented gave notice to the Master Masons
that the time had arrived for them to assert a little manhood, and to
show to the great public that they had some "rights" which should be

This--apparently minor--proposition dates back to "a long and
distinguished line of ancestors," whose exactions have been of a
character bordering upon oppression. They had their beginning with the
strike of the bricklayers in the spring of 1883, when there was a
stoppage of building for nine weeks on account of what were believed to
be unreasonable demands of the Bricklayers' union.

Jan. 1, 1883, the Union passed a resolution fixing the rate of wages at
$4 a day, and another that they would not work with "Scabs." Previous to
this the wages had been $3 and $3.50 per day. An attempt was made to put
these resolutions in force the first week in April. The contractors had
not been considered in arranging these questions, and for this reason
they rebelled against what they regarded as arbitrary action. After a
struggle which lasted nine weeks, three prominent architects, Messrs. D.
Alder, W. W. Boyington and Julius Bauer, addressed communications to the
Master Masons and the Union, requesting them to appoint committees to
arbitrate their differences. The request was promptly acceded to by both
sides, and on the 29th of May, 1883, the joint committee made the
following award:

     In order to end the strike of the United Order of American
     Bricklayers and Stonemasons of Chicago (hereinafter designated as
     the union), who quit their work on March 31, 1883, and in the
     belief that, by the establishment of a standing committee of
     arbitration, all differences may be settled satisfactorily, and
     strikes and lockouts prevented in the future, and that this will
     lay the foundation for a better understanding and amicable
     relations such as should exist between employer and employe; now,

     We, the undersigned, Joseph J. Rince, William Ray and Peter Nelson,
     being a committee appointed for this purpose in special meeting of
     the United Order of American Bricklayers and Stonemasons, held on
     Monday evening, May 28, at Greenebaum's hall, and empowered to act
     for and in behalf of said organization, and to bind its members by
     our action, on the one part, and Messrs. George Tapper, George C.
     Prussing and E. F. Gobel, being the executive committee of the
     Chicago Master Masons' and Builders' Association, and who are fully
     authorized to act for the said organization in the premises, on the
     other part, have, and do agree that from and after this 29th day of
     May, 1883:

     1. Foremen shall not be members of the journeymen's union, and when
     a member is made foreman he shall be suspended from active
     membership while employed in that capacity. Foremen may work on the

     2. Competent journeymen bricklayers and stonemasons working in the
     city may join the union in the regular way, should they so desire,
     by paying $10 as an initiation fee, but they shall not be compelled
     or forced to join in any way until July 1, 1883, and then only as
     provided in section 3 of article 4 of the by-laws of the union.

     3. Former members of the union who returned to their work on or
     before May 26, 1883, and are for that act expelled, shall be
     regarded and treated in all respects like other outsiders. The
     members who returned to their work on and after May 28, 1883, are
     hereby declared in good standing.

     4. The wages of competent journeymen are hereby declared to be 40
     cents per hour. To such of the members of the union who can not
     earn the wages hereby established, their employer shall certify,
     upon application, this fact and the rate paid them, and the
     presentation of such certificate at the union shall entitle them to
     an "instruction card," and they shall be enrolled as "working
     under instructions" until they produce proof of being full and
     competent journeymen.

     5. In January of each year a joint committee of conference and
     arbitration, consisting of five members of each--the Union and the
     Chicago Master Masons' and Builders' Association--shall be
     appointed and serve for one year. To this joint committee shall be
     referred all questions of wages and any other subject in which both
     bodies are interested, and all grievances existing between members
     of one body and members of the other, or between a member of one
     body and a member of the other. This committee, properly
     constituted and assembled, shall have full power to decide all
     questions referred to them, and such decision shall be final and
     binding on all members of either organization. A majority vote
     shall decide. In case of a tie vote on any question, which
     consequently can not be decided by the committee as constituted, a
     judge of a United States court, or any disinterested person on whom
     the members thereof may agree, shall be elected umpire, who shall
     preside at a subsequent meeting of the committee and have the
     casting vote on the question at issue. All members of the union
     shall remain at their work continuously while said committee of
     arbitration is in session, subject to the decision of said

     6. Journeymen shall be paid by the hour for work actually rendered,
     with this exception: From April 1 to Nov. 1 work will be suspended
     at 5 o'clock on Saturdays, and all employes who have worked up to
     this hour on that day will receive pay for an extra hour. And we
     also agree and declare that the article of the constitution and
     by-laws of the union which refers to apprentices is wrong, and
     shall be referred to the joint committee of arbitration hereby
     provided in January next, for amendment, revision, or repeal.

     In witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands and seals this
     29th day of May, 1883.


     Committee of the United Order of American Bricklayers and
     Stonemasons of Chicago.

     E. F. GOBEL,

     Committee of the Chicago Master Masons' and Builders' Association.

The bricklayers met May 31, and repudiated the action of the joint
committee. William Ray made the remarkable announcement to the Union
that section four--relating to journeymen under "instructions"--was not
in the original draft, and that he never would have signed the agreement
if it had been. He charged Mr. Prussing with slipping that section in
after the agreement had been signed. On motion of Mr. Mulrany the
agreement, or award, was referred back to the joint committee. In view
of the fact that it was the award of a committee which the Union had
created, its repudiation was a startling act. But, under threats of
violence to the union members of the committee, this action had to be
taken as a precaution of safety.

The Master Masons met the same day and unanimously approved the action
of the joint committee. While they were in session information was
received of the charge made against Mr. Prussing. The charge was not
only denied by Mr. Prussing, but he at once procured affidavits from
William E. Mortimer and two others, who had heard the original draft of
the agreement read, all of whom swore that the document had not been
tampered with, but contained section 4 when the committee signed it.

Even this did not satisfy the Union. They met again June 1, and again
repudiated the action of the joint committee by adopting the following,
which they addressed to George Tapper, president of the Master Masons'
and Builders' association:

     In view of the present difficulties which have arisen from the
     action of a committee appointed May 28 from this Union in acting
     contrary to their instructions, we offer the following for your

     1. On April 1, this year, we asked $4 per day from April 1, 1883,
     to Nov. 1, 1883, and 40 cents per hour from Nov. 1, 1883, to April
     1, 1884, as the minimum wages for all members of this Union, and
     this we strictly adhere to.

     2. We accept the situation as it is, take back all deserters from
     our Union, and deal with all strangers according to article 4,
     section 3, contained in our constitution and by-laws.

     3. We believe in arbitration, and will agree to appoint a committee
     of five for one year to meet a like committee from your
     association, to which joint committee will be referred all
     grievances which may hereafter arise, and for the purpose of
     preventing strikes in the future.

Instead of showing a disposition to confer and adjust differences, the
Union passed upon all question and notified the employers that the
ultimatum must be accepted, as the Union would "strictly adhere to" the
action of April 1, notwithstanding the fact that all differences had
been adjusted by arbitration. In the face of the act of repudiation the
Union made this amendment: "We believe in arbitration" ... "for the
purpose of preventing strikes in the future."

Two days later, June 3, the Union held another meeting which was
enlivened by charging the arbitration committee with treason, and
threatening to lynch them. William Ray, one of the committee, made the
announcement that he had done right in signing the award, and if it was
to do over he would do the same thing again. This statement inflamed the
crowd to such an extent that Ray was attacked and severely beaten. The
other members of the committee escaped without injury. On June 5, at
another meeting of the bricklayers, President Rince was deposed, the
open charge being made that he had "sold them out." A resolution was
then passed directing the men to go to work at $4 a day wherever they
pleased, provided they did not work under a non-union foreman. This
section had the effect of settling the strike. It was a drawn battle.
The men were only too glad to go to work, and took advantage of the
first order made on the subject. They worked by the side of non-union
men for a time, but gradually drove them out of the city or took them
into the Union for the purpose of increasing their strength. They then
cut loose from the International association, made the initiation fee
$25, and shut out every bricklayer who would not join their Union. As
has been frequently remarked, "they built a wall around the city," and
then demanded everything and got it, because the "bosses" were powerless
to refuse their demands.

While the result of the strike of 1883 was referred to as a drawn
battle, it was a defeat for the Master Masons, because they then laid
the groundwork for other demands and strikes, the fruits of which they
have been forced to eat when they were bitter as gall. The battle should
have been won then, and the troubles which have since come might have
been unknown.

During the strike the International union had assisted the Chicago
bricklayers to the extent of $13,000, which had enabled them to hold out
longer than they otherwise could have done. After they recovered from
the effects of the strike they were assessed $4,600 to aid the
Pittsburgh strikers, which sum they repudiated, and then withdrew from
the Internationals, claiming that they were independent of any other
organization, and would pay tribute to no other trade. Their base
ingratitude made them objects of scorn among the honest laborers. Their
assessment to aid Pittsburgh was never adjusted.

Following the strike of 1883 demands were made from time to time by the
union, as follows:

     That the hours of labor be reduced while the pay remained

     That the wages be increased.

     Cutting down the number of apprentices.

     An apprentice over eighteen years of age must be the son of a

     Foremen must be members of the Union, "but shall not work on a

     No non-union bricklayer shall be employed in Chicago.

     An acknowledgment of the potency of the "Walking Delegate."

     Payment of uniform wages to all, irrespective of their

     Full pay for all delays, however unavoidable.

     Pay for a discharged employe on a job, or for his time while
     waiting for his pay to be taken to him.

     Time and a half for all work in excess of eight hours.

     Double pay for work on Sunday.

     Establishment of the "Walking Delegate."

These are a few of the more important exactions which have been made,
and to avoid strikes had been granted. There were many others, and they
presented themselves from time to time when least expected.

It was supposed that the entire vocabulary of demands had been
exhausted, and that the season of 1887 would pass without a strike, when
the Saturday pay-day bobbed up as a warning to the contractor that the
striker was not without resources, and that there were more to come.

The demands of the bricklayers had been met from time to time by the
Master Masons, and they were generally met in a weak way. Some were
conceded without question, and others were agreed to, after a mild
protest, in order to prevent the stoppage of some important work. The
striker had always been possessed of the knowledge _when to strike_, and
this had been one of the secrets of his success. The rule has been to
make a demand at a time when it was believed the employer would make the
concession, because he could not afford to do otherwise--that the
interest of the pocket of the employer would move him when his sympathy
could not be enlisted.

In the last strike the strikers were disappointed. They inaugurated
their movement upon the contractors at the opening of the building
season and went at it in the old way, assuming that the bosses, who had
so generally conceded everything, would not dare to refuse a simple
proposition like that which contemplated changing the pay-day. But they
struck a snag which grew to immense proportions, especially when the
manufacturers of and dealers in building material stepped up and said
they would quit manufacturing, and would stop selling material until
there was a settlement of the trouble and the principle of "individual
liberty" was recognized. They became an important and strengthening root
to the old snag. They held the key to the situation, and asserted the
right to handle it. They turned it and thirty thousand employes were
locked out.


The strikes of 1887 originated with the carpenters. In January steps
were taken which contemplated getting every carpenter in Chicago into a
union. Notice was given by publication that on and after April 4th,
1887, eight hours should constitute a day, and 35 cents an hour should
be the minimum wages for a carpenter. When the time came for the new
order of things to go into effect the Master Carpenters were expected to
meet the demands without objection. They had not been requested to grant
the concessions, and no official notice was sent to the Master
Carpenters' association of the fact that the carpenters had decided to
change the working hours and the rate of pay per hour. On Saturday,
April 2d, 1887, the carpenters made individual demands upon their
several employers for eight hours a day instead of ten hours, and 35
cents an hour instead of 25 and 30 cents an hour, which had been the
rule. Not receiving favorable answers to their demands a meeting was
called for Sunday, April 3d, at Battery D. At this meeting four thousand
carpenters assembled. Reports were made from one hundred and twenty
"bosses," of whom but twenty favored the proposed changes. Seventy-nine
had positively refused to grant any concession. After a lengthy
discussion of the situation in secret session the question of ordering
a general strike was submitted to a vote, and it was carried by what
was said to have been an overwhelming majority. This was the manner in
which the strike was ordered.

After the meeting adjourned the cool announcement was made that if the
Master Carpenters had any propositions to submit, or desired to
communicate with the striking carpenters, they "would be received" at
room 8, No. 76 Fifth avenue.

An order was issued to the effect that no carpenter should be allowed to
work for any contractor, no matter what wages might be offered, until
permission was obtained from the executive board of the Carpenters'
Council, or the strike had been declared off.

On Monday morning there were six thousand idle carpenters in the city,
and the threat was made by the strikers that if the "bosses" did not
accede to their demands all workmen engaged in the building trades would
be called out, and there would be a general strike.

Before 6 o'clock Monday morning, the following notice was sent out to
every carpenter in the city, it being the intention to officially notify
each one of the action taken before they could reach their work:

     DEAR SIR: The decision of the executive board of the United
     Carpenters' Council, ratified by mass-meeting held April 3d, is
     that no union carpenter be allowed to work on any job whatever
     until the demand is acceded to by the bosses as a body. The
     committee is open to conference with the bosses as a body at their
     earliest convenience.

     J. M. STERLING,

There were hundreds who were willing to work, but they were forced to
obey the mandate of the union. They were receiving good wages, and were
satisfied; but, because every "wood-butcher" would not be paid the wages
which a good carpenter could command, they were forced to leave their
work and suffer the consequences of idleness. If they attempted to work
their lives were in danger.

There were three hundred contracting carpenters in the city who employed
from fifteen to two hundred men each. The number of carpenters in the
city working on buildings was about 7,500, and 5,800 of these belonged
to the union. The wages paid ranged from $2.50 to $3.50 a day. Those who
were receiving the smaller amounts were not satisfied, and the strike
was originated for the ostensible purpose of bringing the so-called
"wood-butcher" up to the standard of a carpenter on the question of

On Monday, April 7th, the Carpenters' Union met and adopted the
following as their ultimatum:

     These are the conditions upon which we will settle this strike:
     That contractors conduct their work under the eight-hour system and
     pay the regular scale of wages--35 cents per hour, subject to
     discharge for incompetency, said conditions to remain in force
     until April 1, 1888, subject, however, to arbitration in case of
     grievances of any kind on either side.


On the same day the Carpenters and Builders held a mass-meeting at the
Builders' and Traders' exchange. The first action taken was to agree to
stand together on the questions of wages and hours. A resolution was
adopted that eight hours should constitute a day's work, fixing 30 cents
an hour as the minimum price, and to grade the wages from that price up,
according to the worth of the employe.

The executive board of the United Carpenters' Council made the following

     In view of the fact that no communication has been received from
     the bosses, it is ordered that no union carpenter be allowed to go
     to work until further notified. The board will be in session at 8
     A. M., April 7, at room 8, Nos. 76 and 78 Fifth avenue. All
     carpenters not on committees are requested to report at 10 A. M.

The strike of the carpenters had begun to affect labor of all kinds on
buildings. Many walls were advanced as far as they could be without the
intervention of the carpenter. No man, other than a union carpenter,
would be allowed to even set a joist. Any attempt to infringe a union
rule was sure to precipitate a strike in another trade. A nervous
feeling pervaded the building interests generally. Every other trade was
in a state of apprehension. The Master Masons were among these. In order
to guard against complications with the bricklayers and stonemasons the
Master Masons' association had a meeting April 7th and adopted the
following resolution:

     _Resolved_, That a committee of three be appointed with full power
     to represent this body in all matters relating to the Bricklayers'
     union, and with instructions to pave the way for the appointment of
     a standing committee of arbitration, to which all questions and
     controversies shall be referred for settlement, in order to prevent
     pecuniary losses to both sides in the future and foster a friendly
     feeling among the members of both bodies.

There had been a few slight differences between employers and employes
which were not readily adjusted, because there seemed to be nobody with
whom an adjustment could be made. A copy of this resolution was sent to
the Bricklayers' union.

April 8th a few boss carpenters called on President Campbell, of the
carpenters' union, and asked for men in order to finish a little
pressing work. They were refused, the president of the union saying:
"Not a man will be allowed to go to work until the bosses recognize the
union and the demands that have been made."

The announcement was made that two hundred and sixty non-association
bosses had signified their willingness to accede to all the union had
asked, and that they would meet at 3 o'clock in Greenebaum's hall to
organize a new association. None of them arrived until long after the
hour, and at 4 o'clock nineteen of the two hundred and sixty got into
the large hall and were comparatively lost. They adjourned to a small
room where they remained but a few minutes and then dispersed. They
acknowledged they had been misled by the strikers, some of whom had
arranged the meeting for the purpose of ascertaining how much
disaffection there was in the ranks of the employers.

The small attendance was a great disappointment to those in charge of
the strike. But they determined to secure an organization among the
"outside bosses," believing it would weaken the effort of the "bosses"
who were standing out against the demands which had been made.

The United Carpenters' Council held a meeting and adopted a resolution
that no terms should be accepted looking toward a settlement of the
difficulty other than a full recognition of the union and every demand
that had been made.

The Bricklayers met and decided to take a hand in the strike of the
carpenters. They adopted a resolution providing that members of their
union should set no window frames, handle no joists, nor do similar work
on buildings in course of construction until the pending trouble was
adjusted. The carpenters were delighted when they were officially
notified of this action, and once more reaffirmed their determination to
stand out. Similar action was taken by the Hodcarriers' union.

Eight union carpenters were arrested for intimidating non-union men
employed on a building on Canal street. They became so violent that the
patrol wagon was called and they were taken to the Desplaines street
station. They were heavily fined.

Prominent Knights of Labor were of the opinion that the offer of the
Master Carpenters of eight hours and 30 cents an hour should have been
accepted. Believing this, they called a meeting of the Knights of Labor
at Uhlich's hall for the purpose of ordering the carpenters to return to
work. This meeting was held April 10th. The hall was packed by a crowd
that was opposed to conceding anything. Those who called the meeting
soon discovered that they would be mobbed if they presented any
proposition to order the carpenters to go to work. A. Beaudry, who was
one of those who called the meeting, and who strongly favored accepting
the offer of the bosses, presided at the meeting, but he dared not
present such a proposition. Instead of the meeting accomplishing the
object for which it had been called, it reversed the expected order and
advocated unity of action, expressing its sentiments by adopting the
following resolution:

     _Resolved_, That this meeting sustains the action of the United
     Carpenters Council and pledges our individual support in their
     future efforts during the struggle.

The result of this attempt to restore harmony was enough to satisfy
fair-minded men that the demands were not those of reason, but were
backed by an element which was composed of the rule-or-ruin class, and
they were satisfied that it was uncontrollable.

A feeble attempt was made to hold a meeting of the "consulting" bosses
at No. 106 Randolph street for the purpose of settling the strike, but
less than a half-dozen appeared on the scene, and the meeting was not

In the evening the Carpenters' and Builders' association met at the
Builders' and Traders' exchange. Vice-President William Hearson
presided. A delegation of sixty representatives of the Carpenters
council invaded the corridors of the exchange. A committee composed of
Messrs. Frost and Woodard, was sent out to see what they wanted, and
returned with the statement that the carpenters were very pleasant, but
full of fight and disposed to stand out all summer.

William Mavor read a communication from the United Carpenters' Council,
stating that it would stand by its original proposition for 35 cents an
hour, and that the union must be recognized. Mr. Mavor stated that the
latter proposition was the sticker, and a great many voices said that
they would never consent. They were willing to treat with the men as
individuals. The report of the committee was received and laid on the
table by a unanimous vote.

S. H. Dempsey presented the following resolution, which was adopted by a
unanimous vote, followed by loud applause:

     _Resolved_, That the secretary of this association be instructed to
     notify through the newspapers all carpenters who are willing to go
     to work on Monday morning at the rate of wages offered by this
     association to appear at their respective places of work, and that
     they will be protected. Otherwise the Master Carpenters will
     advertise for outside workmen.

The following committee was appointed to look after the general
interests of the association:

Francisco Blair, S. H. Dempsey, J. W. Woodard, Jonathan Clark and John

Monday, April 10th. The executive committee met and organized by
electing officers as follows: J. W. Woodard, chairman; Jonathan Clark,
secretary; John Ramcke, treasurer. The committee issued the following
notice to the public:

     As a notice has been circulated to-day among the master carpenters
     of this city, calling a meeting of the master carpenters for this
     afternoon, we would respectfully ask you to publish the fact that
     this meeting is in no way authorized by the Master Carpenters'
     association, and we will not in any way voice its sentiments or
     recognize its action. Also, that this association will hold no
     meetings, except those authorized by the president or secretary of
     the executive committee. We would also like to make public the fact
     that there are now 175 members in this association, and they
     represent about seven eights of the carpenters in the city. Because
     incorrect reports are apt to be published, and the public interests
     will suffer if this occurs, we would be glad to receive reporters
     at all meetings and place all information in our possession at
     their disposal.

     An erroneous idea of the present situation, or cause of
     disagreement exists, not through the fault of the press, but rather
     through an inaccuracy in presenting the matter. What we would lay
     down as our statement of principles is the following, which were
     formulated as a part of those adopted by the National Association
     of Builders:

     This association affirms that absolute personal independence of the
     individual to work or not to work, to employ or not to employ, is a
     fundamental principle which should never be questioned or assailed;
     that upon it depends the security of our whole social fabric and
     business prosperity, and that employers and workmen are equally
     interested in its defense and preservation.

     While upholding this principle as an essential safeguard for all
     concerned, this association would appeal to all employers in the
     building trades to recognize that there are many opportunities for
     good in associations of workmen, and, while condemning and opposing
     improper action upon their part, they should aid and assist them in
     all just and honorable purposes; that while upon fundamental
     principles it would be useless to confer and arbitrate, there are
     still many points upon which conferences and arbitrations are
     perfectly right and proper, and that upon such points it is a
     manifest duty to take advantage of the opportunities afforded by
     associations to confer together, to the end that strikes, lockouts,
     and other disturbances may be prevented.

     When such conferences are entered into, care should be taken to
     state clearly in advance that this fundamental principle must be
     maintained, and that such conferences should only be competent to
     report results in the form of resolutions of recommendation to the
     individuals composing the various organizations participating,
     avoiding all forms of dictatorial authority.

     The present question is not one of wages or hours, but is solely
     upon our recognition of the union and our acceptance of the
     conditions proposed by the letter received from the Carpenters'
     Union at the meeting of this association Saturday night and printed
     last week. As our code of principles state, we do not oppose
     unions, as we affirm the right of all individuals to form
     associations. This body has received but one communication--that
     referred to--and that a week after all the carpenters in the union
     had struck work. This communication purported to be from the
     executive committee of the Carpenters' Union, but there was neither
     seal nor letter press on the stationery, and there were no names
     representing the executive committee. This association means to
     treat the present disagreement with all fairness, recognizing the
     entire rights of the journeymen, but claiming that we, as
     contractors, have rights as well. Very respectfully,

     Secretary Executive Committee Carpenters' and Builders'

About thirty carpenters met at No. 106 Randolph street and organized an
independent Master Carpenters' Association. Among them were several
members of the union who were bosses in a small way. The new association
at once agreed to the terms demanded by the carpenters, and a list of
the members was sent to the United Carpenters' Council, after which an
order was issued by the council, permitting the employes of the members
of the new association to return to work. This action, it was claimed,
would compel the members of the Carpenters' and Builders' Association to
yield every point demanded, but it had no such effect.

The agitation was kept up, and a mass-meeting was held by the strikers
at No. 311 Larrabee street, at which they were urged to stand out. They
were also told they never could win if the bricklayers did not support

The council expected its action would meet the wishes of the men, but it
did not. They saw that only a very few would be given work, and demanded
that all remain out until the success of the strike was assured. A
mass-meeting was held April 13th, at Twelfth street Turner Hall, at
which the action of the council was severely criticised, and a
resolution was adopted that all should remain out until their demands
were recognized by every master carpenter in Chicago.

The members of the new association of bosses were disappointed at the
reflex action of the carpenters. They regarded it as a breach of faith,
and were on the eve of breaking up their organization, but concluded to
obey the mandates of the union and held together a few days longer.

In the meantime a number of the carpenters had gone to work. These were
immediately taken off by walking delegates, and the little bosses
became satisfied that the fight was all on one side. But, as many of
their members belonged to the union as well, they were forced to remain
in the association and be laughed at.

Many of the workmen were incensed at the breaking of the agreement and
threatened to leave the union and return to their old employers. Some of
them did so, and they took others with them afterwards. They lost
confidence in the council and in the leaders of the strike.

On Thursday, April 14th, the executive committee of the Carpenters'
Council thought to heal all defection by the issuance of the following
form of agreement, which, they said, they would require all master
carpenters to sign before they would settle the strike:

     We, the undersigned contracting carpenters, agree to the following
     terms of settlement, and pledge ourselves to the following
     propositions, which shall be in force and binding upon us from this
     date until the 1st day of April, 1888, with the understanding that
     the carpenters' council pledges that there shall not be another
     demand for increase of wages or reduction of hours before said
     date--April 1, 1888.

     1. We agree to pay as the minimum rate of wages to carpenters 35
     cents per hour.

     2. We agree that eight hours shall constitute a day's work.

     3. We reserve the right to employ men of our own selection and to
     discharge anyone for reasons of incompetency, intemperance, or
     disorderly conduct, and we will co-operate with the carpenters'
     council in all their efforts to elevate the mechanical and moral
     standard of the craft.

     4. We indorse the principle of arbitration as preferable to
     strikes, and will co-operate with the carpenters' council for the
     establishment of a board of arbitration.

     5. The probable number of men each of us will require, at once on
     resumption of work is set opposite our respective names.

Two hundred members of the Carpenters' and Builders' association met
April 14th. William Hearson presided. Seventy new members were
admitted. The executive committee submitted a basis upon which it was
proposed to settle the strike. It was unanimously adopted, as follows:

     _Resolved_, That the Master Carpenters will, as a preliminary to
     any negotiations with the carpenters now on strike, require that
     the men now on strike without notice to their employers agree to
     resume work at the following scale of wages, to be agreed to by
     employer and employes--viz.: eight hours to constitute a day's
     labor, the wages to be 30 cents an hour and upward.

     _Resolved_, That the Master Carpenters lay down the following rules
     as a declaration of principles as the unquestionable rights of
     employers and employes, upon which there can be no arbitration or
     question. These rights to be conceded by both parties before any
     further action is taken looking toward a final settlement of
     differences for the future:

     Rule 1. The right of the employer to employ and discharge employes
     whether belonging to carpenters' unions or not.

     Rule 2. The right of the employe to work or not to work with
     non-union men.

     Rule 3. The right of the employer to hire unskilled labor that will
     best suit his purpose at any price at which he can get it.

     Rule 4: The right of the employe to get the wages he demands or not
     to work.

     Rule 5. The right of individuals to associate for all honorable

After the meeting adjourned, the executive committee delivered a copy of
the report to the Executive Council of the carpenters. The document was
respectfully received, Mr. Parks remarking that the Master Carpenters
would have to "come again," but the communication would be carefully

The resolutions and rules were also sent to the new carpenters'
association. A motion was made to fully endorse them, especially in view
of the recent action of the union in repudiating their agreement. The
proposition was unanimously voted down.

On Friday, April 15th, the Executive Council prepared a lengthy reply
to the action of the Carpenters and Builders. It contained an extended
statement of the situation, concluding as follows:

     In conclusion, we will agree with rule No. 1 in your document if
     the words "the right to discharge rests in and is confined to the
     individual employer and not the associated employers," were added.
     And you understand that under your own rule, No. 2, union men would
     have a right to refuse to work with non-union men, and to quit any
     job where such were employed, unless they were discharged when the
     request was made.

     Rule No. 3 must have the words: "But no unskilled man shall be
     allowed to do work which properly belongs to the trade of
     carpentering, or which necessitates the use of carpenter's tools,"
     before we can accept it.

     The other rules in your document are immaterial and do not need

     Now, for a few words. We will state the terms upon which the
     journeyman carpenters of this city will return at once to work.

     There must be an agreement made and signed by the contractors,
     individually or collectively, through an authorized committee, and
     signed by the executive committee of the United Carpenters council
     on the part of the journeymen, and in addition to the two rules
     given as amended the following:

     The minimum rate of wages paid to journeymen carpenters shall be 35
     cents per hour.

     Eight hours shall constitute a working day; overtime shall be paid
     as time and a half and double time for Sunday work.

     There shall be an arbitration board for the settling of grievances.

     The agreement shall be in force until the 1st day of April, 1888,
     and notices of desired changes at that time must be given by the
     party so desiring to the other party to the agreement on or before
     March 15, 1888.

     Hoping you will look at this communication from a business as well
     as humanitarian standpoint, and that you will keep in mind the fact
     that we are as desirous as you can possibly be of ending the
     strike, and that nothing is here set down in malice, every word
     being uttered in the spirit of harmony and justice.

The statement was signed by J. B. Parks, Ed. Bates, Alfred A. Campbell,
M. S. Moss, William Kliver, John H. McCune and William Ward, Executive
Committee of the United Carpenters' council.

The Executive Committee of the Carpenters' and Builders' association
carefully considered the document and at once formulated and transmitted
to the headquarters of the striking carpenters the following reply:

     _Gentlemen_: Your communication has been respectfully received and
     carefully considered by the executive committee of the Master
     Carpenters' association. We respectfully inform you that we can not
     in any manner deviate from the action of the association of
     Thursday night, which was embraced in the report delivered to you,
     and there is nothing in your communication which in the opinion of
     this committee justifies the calling of a meeting of the Master
     Carpenters' association. Very respectfully yours,

     J. W. WOODARD,
     S. H. DEMPSEY,
     Executive Committee Carpenters' and Builders' Association of

The new association of bosses became exasperated at the action of the
Carpenters' Council with regard to their agreement, and sent the council
notice that unless the proposition for a settlement of the strike was
agreed to by noon of April 16th, the association would not consider
itself bound to pay 35 cents an hour, recognize the union, or make eight
hours a day's work. They demanded that their employes be directed to
return to work on Monday, April 18th.

Early Saturday morning, April 16th, the executive committee of the
Carpenters' and Builders' Association issued an address, as follows:

     Believing that the great majority of you are fair and honorable,
     the executive committee of the master carpenters take this means to
     address an appeal to you, as we believe you can not be reached in
     any other way, plainly, calmly, and without a coating of
     socialistic ideas being spread over by your so-called leaders,
     whose business it is to be agitators and disturbers of our mutual
     interests, and whose occupation would be gone if they could not
     find a constituency gullible enough to listen to and support them.
     It is impossible to say how much farther we would be advanced in
     material prosperity in this free country if we were free from the
     antagonistic feeling caused by this class of agitators, who are
     really out of their element here, and should be confined to the
     source of the oppression of labor, on the ground and among the
     institutions which support class distinction. Now we are all
     workers with you, our business is not speaking or writing, and we
     venture to say that nineteen-twentieths of the men who employ you
     started in from your body, and did not get where they are by
     listening to or following these imported ideas, but did the work
     they found to do, made the most of their opportunities, and we hope
     the same course will be left open to yourselves, and that the same
     spring will furnish more of the same stock, and that
     notwithstanding the foothold these perverted maxims (each for all
     and all for each) have gained among us, in the long run our plain
     judgment will lead us away from them and each will make his own
     endeavor to rise as high as his opportunities will allow him, and
     by doing so will stimulate his brother to follow in his footsteps.
     Is not this better than "each for all and all for each," which will
     load you down heavier than you can bear, so that none can rise, and
     a class will have to be furnished from some source to employ you
     who will surely not have your interests more at heart, and, in that
     event, we would be back again to whence we sprung from, or some
     other, where we can not tell. You surely will not be improved in
     your condition by wasting your time in contending with your
     employer for more than there is in existence to give you, for he
     can not give you what he has not got, nor can he give you wasted
     time nor the advance he has offered without risking a present loss
     in the hope of being able in the future to gradually increase the
     cost of production to cover his outlay.

     Men, go to work; form associations if you will; better your
     condition by that means if you can, but do not risk the driving
     away from this fair city that which supports you, nor listen,
     except to learn, to those born contenders who have no other gifts
     than "gab."

     Think of the $20,000 at least you are losing every day in wages,
     besides what you are spending, and think of those who are likely to
     suffer most by it. The wife and children, who have no voice in the
     matter, and also believe that your employers are not doing any

     Boys, this advice is from a committee of five who got every penny
     they possess from hard knocks and the work of their own hands and

     J. W. WOODARD,
     S. H. DEMPSEY,
     Executive Committee Carpenters' and Builders' Association of

The firmness of the employers and the disaffection among the carpenters,
after two weeks of fruitless agitation, had produced no good results. No
agreement was reached between the bosses and the strikers. The strike
was simply declared off by what was regarded by the carpenters as
competent authority. The edict which settled the strike was as follows:

     TO ALL ORGANIZED CARPENTERS--_Brothers_: You are ordered to report
     to your various jobs Monday at 8 A. M., and if your employer
     accedes to your demands for eight hours a day and 35 cents an hour,
     go to work, but on no account are you to work if your demands are
     not granted, neither will you work with scabs.

     You will make it your duty to see that every man has the working
     card issued by the United Carpenters' council for the months of
     April, May and June, and consider as a scab anyone who is not in
     possession of one.

     If your employer objects to the conditions do not stop to argue the
     question, but immediately report to headquarters.

     Some of you may not work the first nor the second day, but we will
     without fail win this battle if you follow instructions.

     Every brother in distress shall be assisted, and we pledge
     ourselves that not one of you shall want if only brought to our

     Carefully take note of all jobs working more than eight hours, or
     employing scabs, and report to your headquarters. Also, any boss
     who defrauds brothers of their pay, with evidence necessary for

     It shall be the duty of every man, especially foremen, to bring all
     influence they can to bear on their employers to induce them to
     join the new Builders' association.

     Now, brothers, with joy we say to you, go to work. You will get
     your demands. And we beseech you not to work for less. If you do,
     you will be found out. There are enough to watch those who will not
     do their duty, and you must be subject to a call when it is


When the news of the collapse of the strike reached the executive
committee of the contracting carpenters at the Builders' and Traders'
exchange it was at first discredited. When it was confirmed Chairman
Woodard said he was glad such action had been taken, and that he knew
the bosses would put the men to work Monday. "But," said he, "the
members of the Carpenters' and Builders' association will not deviate
from the action of Saturday night. We recognize eight hours as a day,
but reserve the right to employ union or non-union men, and will pay
from 30 cents an hour upward. We shall not hesitate to pay 35 cents, or
more, to carpenters who are sufficiently skilled to earn such sums, but
we must not be expected to employ men who are not able to earn more than
25 or 30 cents an hour. Our association has a membership that employs
fully seven-eighths of the working carpenters, and we shall claim the
right to employ competent men at fair wages and to discharge incompetent
men at any time. I think it will be but a short time until nearly all of
the carpenters will be at work, but not at 35 cents an hour."

Francisco Blair said it would be unjust to require the bosses to
discharge competent non-union men who had stood by them during the
strike. He was satisfied that no member of the association would do so.
There were plenty of bosses who would pay skilled workmen 35 cents an
hour--a few men would receive 40 cents, as they had before the strike.

Many of the assemblies of the carpenters met Saturday afternoon and
evening and heartily endorsed the order directing them to return to
work. They were tired of enforced idleness which had lasted sixteen
days, and were ready to go to work on almost any terms.

The following Monday--April 18th--four thousand of the striking
carpenters returned to work, many of them secretly accepting the terms
of the Carpenters and Builders, working for 30 cents an hour and upward,
and pushing a plane or a saw by the side of a non-union carpenter who
had not seen an idle day.


Trade organizations of almost every character had experienced difficulty
in securing all they demanded from time to time, because of a want of
co-operation--in their semi-tyrannical efforts--from kindred
organizations. If the carpenters made a demand which was refused by the
bosses, and non-union men should thereafter be employed on a building,
they wanted the union employes in all other trades, working on the same
job, to lay down their tools and walk out--a boycott must at once be
established. If an employer assumed the right to carry on his own
business in a manner which was distasteful to one or more employes in
one trade, he must be forced to quit business until he was ready to obey
the mandate of the trade affected. If he interposed an objection to such
interference, he should be taught a severe lesson under the tyrannical,
barbarous rule of the boycott.

In order to lay the foundation for joint action in the direction
indicated, a meeting was held April 10th, at which a plan of
organization of the building trades was discussed. It was then deemed
advisable to secure the consent of the various trade organizations in
the city to the creation of a council for what was called "mutual
protection." The proposition met with most hearty approval by ten trade
organizations, the members of which saw at once how much more tightly
the rein of tyranny could be drawn over a contractor who might be able
to successfully vanquish one trade, but would have to accede to anything
when employes in ten building trades were arrayed against him.

Delegates were appointed to what it was proposed to call "The
Amalgamated Council of the Building Trades of Chicago," from the
following trade and labor organizations: Carpenters, Painters,
Derrickmen, Hod-carriers, Steam-fitters, Lathers, Gas-fitters,
Galvanized-iron and Cornice workers, Slaters and Stair-builders.

A meeting was held at Greenebaum's hall on Sunday, April 17th. A
constitution and by-laws were adopted and officers were elected as
follows: President, J. H. Glenn; Vice-President, P. A. Hogan; Secretary,
Ed. Bates; Financial Secretary, J. Burns; Treasurer, V. Carroll;
Sergeant-at-Arms, J. Woodman.

As soon as the organization was perfected it affected dictatorial
powers, assuming the right to regulate nearly everything of any
consequence for the unions which were represented. The objects of the
Council were declared to be "to centralize the efforts and experience of
the various organizations engaged in the erection and alteration of
buildings, and, with common interest, prevent that which may be
injurious, and also to properly perfect and carry into effect that which
they deem advantageous to themselves. When any organization represented
in the Council is desirous of making a demand for either an advance in
wages or an abridgement of the hours of labor, it is required to make a
report thereon to the Council, through its delegates, prior to the
demand being made, when, if the action is concurred in by a two-thirds
vote, it is to be declared binding."

In effect, the Council became an offensive and defensive body, the
principal business of which was to take advantage of every employer in
the building trades. If one should refuse to yield a point demanded by
one trade, however unjust the demand might be, it was the business of
this boycott Council to "carry into effect that which they deemed
advantageous to themselves," which, on ordinary occasions, would result
in a stoppage of work of every kind upon a building until the employer
should yield. They also expected to be in a position to compel all
non-union men to obey the mandates of the organization.

At a meeting of the Council, April 23d, the constitution was amended by
adding the following section:

     It shall be the special duty of this Council to use the united
     strength of the organizations represented therein to compel all
     non-union men to conform to and obey the laws of the organizations
     to which they should properly belong.

This stroke at personal liberty was strictly in furtherance of the
"advantage" sought to be taken of the employer. The same power was to be
brought to bear upon the workmen, who assumed the right to be
independent, by seeking to "compel" them to "obey laws of the
organizations to which they should properly belong." Not content with
boycotting the employer, they must arrange a boycott upon a
fellow-workman, because he might decline to join one of their unions. As
if to "compel" a free man to do that against which his manhood revolts!


There was comparative quiet for a week, during which time the carpenters
were pushing their work rapidly. But the smooth order was soon broken.
The first week in April the Hodcarriers' union had passed a resolution
changing their pay from 25 to 30 cents an hour, and that of laborers
from 22 to 25 cents an hour, and demanding recognition of their union.
This order--for it was nothing less--was directed to take effect the
first Monday in May. On Saturday, April 30th, the Hodcarriers and
Laborers were instructed to make their demands, and report to a meeting
to be held on Sunday, in order that the union might determine whether a
strike should be ordered and the men called off on Monday.

The bosses decided that under no circumstances would they recognize the
Hodcarriers' union, maintaining that they were fully justified in so
doing because the Bricklayers' union had refused to aid any proposition
on the part of the Hodcarriers and Laborers to strike. The employers
expected nothing less than a strike, as they universally refused the
demands, claiming they could at once fill the places made vacant from
the ranks of idle men in the city. In order to make their cause appear
stronger the laborers claimed that numbers of bosses had acceded to
their demands, but this was not true.

Laborers in the stone yards took up the cause, concluding it was an
opportune time to make some demands. They insisted upon eight hours a
day, and two gangs of men when required to work overtime.

The Stone-Cutters association met at once and put an end to the
proposition for a strike by adopting the eight-hour day, resolving to
work overtime and pay one-fourth extra for it--but not work two gangs of
men--and at the same time refused to obey the dictation of the union by
resolving that they would "employ men whether they belong to a union or
not." This prompt action ended the strike of the laborers so far as the
Stone-Cutters were concerned.

The Bricklayers union met Friday night, April 29th, and discussed the
proposed strike of the Hodcarriers and Laborers, and in a very peculiar
manner lent assistance to their weak brethren. They passed a magnanimous
resolution that "in the event of a strike no bricklayer should consent
to do a hodcarrier's work." But further than this no action was taken.

On the afternoon of Sunday, May 1st, four thousand hodcarriers and
laborers assembled in the vicinity of Taylor street hall, near Canal
street. At 3 o'clock the proposed meeting was held, but not more than
one-half of those present could gain admission to the hall. The men
inside and outside of the hall were discussing their grievances and
"rushing the can" in a manner that promised a famine in beer on the
following day. Patrick Sharkey presided at the meeting, at which there
was a decided sentiment in favor of a strike. Speeches in English,
German, Polish, and Bohemian were made to this effect, and a resolution
was passed for a committee to wait on the contractors to see what they
would do in answer to the demands that had been made. It was decided to
allow men to work where the bosses acceded to the union demands, but no
union man should work where there was one man employed who was not
receiving the full scale of wages.

It was decided that no man who could get the union wages should be
asked to leave his work, but he would be asked to aid in supporting
those who were compelled to take part in the strike. It was claimed,
before the close of the meeting, that four thousand of the seven
thousand Hodcarriers and Laborers in the city would remain at work,
while the other three thousand would "be forced to strike."

On Monday morning, May 2d, the promised strike of the Hodcarriers and
Laborers began. More than four thousand quit work because their demands
for 25 and 30 cents an hour, and recognition of their union, were not
met. The men had reported at their respective jobs where they made their
demands. When they were refused they were grievously disappointed, and
sat and stood around waiting for the arrival of the "Walking Delegate,"
or for orders from the bosses to go to work at the increased rate of
wages. In many instances they had to stand aside and see their places
taken by non-union men. This was galling, but they remained, almost
universally, quite orderly. What irritated them more than anything else
was the fact that union Bricklayers offered no objection to working with
non-union laborers. They had confidently expected that one union would
support another, but the Bricklayers refused to recognize them as
members of a union. They appeared to be too common for an aristocratic

Eight Walking Delegates paraded the city and endeavored to persuade
non-union men to quit work and join the union. They were successful in
but few instances. Non-union Laborers who had secured a good job were
disposed to stick to it, and it seemed to require more than persuasion
to draw them away from their work.

In the treasury of the Hodcarriers' union there was the sum of $12,000,
but that amount would not reach very far in a general lockout of five
thousand members, each of whom was entitled to receive $5 a week while
unemployed. They could expect no assistance from the Bricklayers, who
had snubbed them; or the Carpenters, who had exhausted their treasury
while on a strike lasting sixteen days; or the plasterers, who were not
strong in numbers or finances, and had business of their own to look
after. Their cause was helpless from the start, especially in view of
the fact that there were thousands of idle laborers who were only too
glad to step into the places made vacant without asking any questions
about wages.

On Tuesday the places of the four thousand strikers had been so nearly
filled that but three hundred vacancies were reported. This was a hard
blow to the union, but they stubbornly refused to yield a single point.

A special meeting of the Master Masons' and Builders' association was
held Tuesday night, May 3d, at the Builders' and Traders' exchange, at
which a resolution was unanimously adopted to not accede to the demands
of the Hodcarriers' and Laborers' Union for an increase in wages. There
were eighty-seven of the members present, only thirty being absent.
Expressions were taken from those present in regard to the course that
should be pursued in reference to the strike, and there was not a
dissenting voice on the proposition to refuse the demands made. The
absentees were all heard from, and the president of the association said
they were all of the same opinion. It was a quiet, earnest meeting, at
which the members exhibited their determination to stand together, no
matter what the result might be. On inquiry as to the number of Master
Masons who needed laborers it was ascertained that there were but six
members of the association who were without laborers, while less than a
dozen others needed a few men. It was agreed that the members who had
laborers to spare should lend some of them to those who most needed them
until they could secure as many as they required. An executive committee
was appointed, composed of Joseph Downey, Thomas E. Courtney, and Herman
Mueller. This committee was instructed to hold daily sessions at the
Builders' and Traders' exchange for the purpose of hearing complaints
from members and supplying them with laborers, and to have a general
supervision of the labor question pending a final settlement of the
strike. They had no difficulty in securing all the men they wanted, the
laborers being perfectly satisfied with the wages paid.

On Thursday, May 5th, the Master Masons' association learned that a
number of cases of intimidation had been attempted with their non-union
laborers, but they passed them over because the battle had already been


On Friday, May 6th, Joseph Downey, President of the Master Masons'
Association, sent the following communication to D. Adler, President of
the Illinois Association of Architects. It was sent for the purpose of
endeavoring to secure the co-operation of the Architects of the city--in
view of a general strike in the building trades, which it was plain to
be seen was impending:

     TO THE ARCHITECTS OF CHICAGO--_Gentlemen_: Owing to incessant and
     unreasonable demands being made upon us from time to time by our
     employes, causing incalculable delays, which mean disaster to those
     signing time contracts, the members of this association have,
     therefore, unanimously agreed to sign no contracts after May 1,
     unless the words "except in case of strikes or epidemics" are
     inserted in the time clause.

     Very respectfully,
     JOSEPH DOWNEY, President.


The Master Masons' Association unofficially received information that
the Bricklayers' union had passed a resolution fixing Saturday as
pay-day, instead of Monday, or Tuesday, which had been the rule for many
years. This action was not taken by the union because it was believed
greater good could be accomplished, or because it was a necessary
change; but was for the purpose of further testing the temper of the
employers and notifying them that they were subject to the dictation of
the union.

On Friday Mr. Downey sent the following unofficial communication to A.
E. Vorkeller, President of the Bricklayers' union, hoping to secure a
rescinding of the Saturday pay-day resolution, and avoid a strike:

     _Gentlemen_: It has come to the knowledge of the Master Masons' and
     Builders' association that at your last meeting you passed a
     resolution that the members of your union should hereafter be paid
     on Saturday, instead of Monday and Tuesday, as is now and has been
     the custom.

     There has been no official action by the Master Masons' and
     Builders' association, but I have conferred with a number of them,
     and am impelled to write this letter to notify you of the fact that
     while we might prefer to comply with your request, we find it will
     be impossible to make up our pay-rolls in time to pay on Saturday,
     especially in the busy season, when some of us have from two
     hundred to three hundred men employed.

     We trust, gentlemen, that you will reconsider the action taken
     which resulted in the adoption of the resolution mentioned, as we
     are particularly anxious that the good feeling which has prevailed
     between your union and our association shall be continued without
     interruption. Very respectfully yours,



The evening of the same day a meeting of the Hodcarriers was held at
West Twelfth street Turner Hall, at which a resolution was passed
declaring it to be the duty of all employes in the building trades to go
out in a body in order to support the strike which they had inaugurated,
and in which they had been unsuccessful.


A result of the strikes and unsettled state of affairs was to be seen in
the disposition of contractors to go slow in bidding for new work,
fearing they might be stopped by a strike and prevented from completing
a building after the work had gotten well under way. Similar experience
in past years had made them wary.


Saturday, May 7th, was the first pay-day after the passage of the
resolution by the Bricklayers' union fixing that day for payment. When
the hour arrived for quitting work demand was made of the foreman on
each job for payment in accordance with the resolution. It was refused,
the Master Masons having determined that if the men were to strike
because their demand was not conceded, they should be given an
opportunity to do so at once. This general demand was taken as official
notification that the resolution had passed. There was a universal
expression of opinion among the Master Masons that they would refuse the
demand--because of the spirit and manner in which it was made--and that
they would stand firmly together upon the question.

On Monday, May 9th, about two hundred bricklayers quit work because they
had not been paid on the previous Saturday, but they were returned to
work by President Vorkeller, of the union, because, he said, the rule
for Saturday pay-day did not take effect until May 14th. Mr. Vorkeller
called on President Downey and asked that a conference be held on the
question of Saturday pay-day. In view of the action of the union in
first resolving that the pay-day should be changed, this request was
looked upon as very strange. But Mr. Downey notified him that he would
present the question to the Master Masons' association.

In referring to the situation Mr. Thomas Courtney voiced the sentiments
of the builders when he said the only way to settle the prevailing
uneasiness would be to stop all building at once and let it remain
stopped until the strikers were tired of it. This seemed like a harsh
measure, but it was the only sure way to success. All were tired of this
labor agitation, and as the building of residence property especially
was overdone, it was the best time he ever saw for a lockout. The
workmen were not only fixing their own hours for work and their own pay,
but now they wanted to fix their own pay-day. With so much labor
disturbance it was a marvel to him that there was any disposition to
erect a building in Chicago.

A committee from the Amalgamated Trades Council called at the Builders'
and Traders' exchange to see the executive committee of the Master
Masons' association for the purpose of talking about the strike of the
Hodcarriers. The committee was composed of Messrs. Brennock of the
Carpenters, Carroll of the Stonecutters, and McBrearty of the
Hodcarriers. They found President Downey, to whom they stated that they
had called to see if the differences could be adjusted. Mr. Downey
stated that the members of the executive committee were out paying their
employes, and that another time would have to be fixed for the
conference. He hoped the result of the conference would be satisfactory
to all, and that at its conclusion they could say the strike was ended.
The committee said that was what they wanted. Mr. Downey wanted to know
what authority the committee had in the matter, and was told that they
represented twelve of the building trades, and had the power to order
every union man in those trades off a building where the union scale of
wages was not paid or where non-union men were employed. But, they did
not desire to exercise that power, as it was more the business of the
Council to arbitrate and effect settlements than to encourage strikes.
It was agreed that a conference should be had Tuesday morning, at which
time the entire situation with reference to the Hodcarriers would be

In order to exhibit the venomous spirit of some of the strikers an
effort was made by the union Hodcarriers and Laborers to make the life
of non-union Laborers a burden. A scheme was started for dropping mortar
and pouring water on them in order to drive them away from any job where
union men were at work.

On Tuesday evening, May 10th, the Master Masons' association met.
President Downey read a letter from the Bricklayers' Union which
contained an unqualified statement that the union would not rescind the
resolution making Saturday the pay-day.

Mr. George C. Prussing submitted the draft of a communication to be sent
to the Bricklayers' Union, and stated that he thought it was highly
proper to send it, in the hope that by courteous treatment the
differences would be settled with less difficulty. The proposition to
send the communication was unanimously adopted. The communication was as

     _Gentlemen_: Notice of your resolution fixing pay-day every
     Saturday two weeks has been laid before this association.

     We submit to your consideration that a subject of this kind can
     hardly be "fixed" by a resolution in a meeting of employes, but
     should be referred to and properly discussed by a joint committee
     of both employers and employes before action is taken.

     Thus far the rule has been to pay up to and including Saturday on
     the following Tuesday among the members of this association, and as
     far as heard from no complaint of any irregularity in paying
     workmen has been made. In a city as large as this, covering such
     immense area, and where it is not infrequent for the same firm to
     be engaged upon work on the North, South, and West sides at the
     same time, two days at least are necessary to make up pay-rolls
     and envelope money properly. If, therefore, the change of pay-day
     from Tuesday to Saturday should be adopted, it would necessitate
     the closing of pay-day on Thursday night preceding. This, we
     submit, would not serve either you or us as well as to pay to the
     end of the previous week. You have not given us any reasons for
     your arbitrary demand for a change, and we have failed to find any
     in our judgment good and sufficient. If any such reasons exist we
     shall be pleased to know them. Until then we shall continue to pay
     as before, regularly every second Tuesday, up to the preceding
     Saturday night.

     By order of the

The communication was at once taken to the Bricklayers' Union by C. P.
Wakeman, it having been stated that the union was in session and would
receive any communication that should be sent. In about thirty minutes
Mr. Wakeman returned from his visit to the Bricklayers, and reported
that he had been received in grand shape. The hall was packed full, and
when he took his place on the platform to read the communication he was
loudly cheered. He asked the Bricklayers to lay the question of pay-day
over and appoint a committee to see if the matter could not be settled.
He was satisfied that two-thirds of those present were in favor of a
compromise. They agreed to telephone the Builders' and Traders' exchange
as soon as a conclusion was reached.

The telephone was not used, but a committee from the Bricklayers' union
called at 10:30 o'clock and notified Mr. Wakeman that the union had
unanimously passed a resolution making Saturday the pay-day, and that it
would not recede from it, but was willing to allow two days in which to
make up the pay-roll, closing it on Thursday night. The report was
received, after which a motion was made to lay the report on the table,
but it was withdrawn.

William O'Brien said the demand for pay on Saturday, if acceded to,
would result in another demand for pay at noon on Saturday and give the
men the afternoon, and then the contractors would have "blue Monday" in
fact. He was in favor of acting like men and standing firmly by their
principles, and they would command the respect of everybody. [Applause.]

Mr. Charles W. Gindele said if the bricklayers had done the fair thing
they would have conferred with the contractors before passing the
resolutions, but they had made the demand arbitrarily. The community and
the material men were watching the action of the association, and were
ready to stand by it if it stood by its members. It was only a matter of
time until the strike would have to burst, and he was in favor of
bursting it then. If it was not done the community could not be expected
to stand by them. If all building was stopped there were enough vacant
buildings in the city to house everybody. [Applause.]

A motion to not concur in the report of the committee was unanimously
adopted, which was equivalent to a refusal to accede to the demands of
the bricklayers in regard to making Saturday the pay-day.

A resolution was then adopted refusing to comply with the demands of the
bricklayers in regard to Saturday as a pay-day, fixing Monday or Tuesday
of every other week as the day of payment, and agreeing to shut down all
work if the bricklayers should strike on account of this action. There
was but one opposing vote.

President Downey submitted an agreement which had already been signed by
a large majority of the members of the association. It embraced a
proposition to stand together upon the question of pay-day, and to all
stop work, if it should be necessary, in order to maintain their rights
against unjust exactions of the laboring men. After the agreement was
read an opportunity was given for members to sign it who had not done
so, and twenty names were added to the list. The association then voted
to approve the sentiments expressed in the agreement, the vote being

The Executive Committee submitted a report of the doings of its members
in regard to the labor troubles. It was as follows:

     executive committee does respectfully report that a committee of
     three, claiming to be appointed by and to represent the Amalgamated
     Trades council, and to be clothed by it with power to settle the
     existing laborers' strike, did call by appointment this morning at
     the exchange and met us, together with a number of members of this
     association whom we asked to join us for this particular purpose.
     After quite a lengthy and exhaustive discussion of the situation
     said committee of three insisted:

     Firstly, on the establishment of a minimum rate of wages for all
     masons' laborers at 23½ cents per hour.

     Secondly, one time and one-half to be granted for all work done
     over and above eight hours per day, no matter during which hours
     such work may be performed.

     Thirdly, for double pay for Sunday work, and,

     Lastly, on the recognition of their union.

     The first three propositions are debatable and might have been
     acceded to by your committee and this body, and if the fourth had
     been understood to mean an acknowledgement of the fact that a union
     of masons' laborers more or less numerous has been formed, and is
     now in existence, your committee would have been ready to go to
     that length. But the gentlemen wanted more--far more. They informed
     us that a recognition of their union means that the members of this
     association pledge themselves to employ henceforth none but
     laborers belonging to their union, to grant to it the practical
     control of the labor market, and to drive every laborer now
     employed from our buildings, and in reality out of the city all who
     have not now, or do not in near future, join the ranks of their
     union. In other words, to make ourselves the whippers-in of said
     union. It means that we sanction and support the aim and object of
     said union, which is that none shall work in Chicago at their
     calling except upon surrender of his manhood into its keeping and
     at its beck and call. It means that we sanction the employment of
     brute force to coerce men into their ranks. It means that we
     sanction and approve of the outrages committed daily against men
     now at work upon terms mutually satisfactory to themselves and
     their employers.

     We, the members of this association, must plead guilty, in common
     with the entire community, to suffering the fundamental principles
     underlying the very fabric of our government, and guaranteed by our
     constitution--principles called inalienable rights of man--to be
     overridden and practically abrogated by lawless bodies throughout
     the land.

     Thus far are we equally guilty with all other citizens in
     neglecting our duty as such. To uphold this government and
     constitution is the duty of all citizens. We are part of this
     community, and comparatively a small fraction.

     This community will awake from its lethargy and to its duty when
     that time comes, and God speed the coming. The voice of this
     association will give no uncertain sound. In the meantime, let us
     never voluntary do or sanction wrong. We may suffer, but we can not
     cope against it without the active support of the community. But
     never let it be said that we approved of the methods employed
     recently by trades-unions.

     Your committee would not make you liable to such charge by its act,
     and reports the whole matter to you for final action.

     H. MUELLER,
     Executive Committee.

     We, the undersigned members, who were present at the committee
     meeting this morning do join in the report.

     G. C. PRUSSING,
     C. P. WAKEMAN.

The report was adopted by a rising vote, followed by prolonged applause.

President Downey stated that he had recently seen a great many of the
brick manufacturers and the officers of the stone pool in regard to
selling materials in case of a lockout, and they had assured him that
they would stand by the contractors in case of a general strike, and not
sell a dollars' worth of building material while the strike lasted.

The pulse of the manufacturers of and dealers in building materials was
felt, and it was ascertained that they fully realized they were standing
on a volcano that was likely to burst at any time and stop them. One of
them covered the case fully when he said they were practically dependent
upon the contractors, and if it became necessary for the Master Masons
to shut down, the brick manufacturers and stone men would support them
by shutting down their yards and stopping the manufacture of brick and
the production of building stone. They were on the eve of a strike among
their own employes, instances of discontent cropping out almost every
day, and if the producers of building materials should elect to stand by
the contractors he was satisfied the strike questions would not only be
settled for the season, but for all time.

The committee from the Amalgamated Building Trades Council, composed of
Messrs. Brennock, Carroll and McBrearty again met the executive
committee of the Master Masons' association and made its demand for the
Hodcarriers. The Master Masons were asked to recognize the union, pay 25
cents an hour and agree to employ none but union hodcarriers and
laborers. The executive committee of the Master Masons, composed of
Messrs. Downey, Courtney and Mueller, with Mr. Prussing added, told the
council committee that they would not accede to the demand. They
insisted that they could not pay 25 cents an hour to laborers, and under
no circumstances would they discharge the army of non-union laborers, as
it would be an injustice to poor men who were dependent upon their labor
for support. Mr. Courtney told them these men were not able, if
inclined, to join the union, and it would be almost inhuman to throw
them out of employment when they were faithful employes. Mr. Carroll
admitted that the Council was not ready to order the union laborers to
stop work, as there were too many non-union hodcarriers and laborers in
the city, and until these were brought into the union a general strike
would not accomplish what was wanted. He also remarked that the Council
had decided to call off all union men on jobs where non-union men were
employed, but he could not say whether it would carry out the
declaration. The hodcarriers had inaugurated the strike, and might
conclude to drop it until they were in better shape by having more
non-union men in their assemblies.


On Monday, May 11th, the strike of the Bricklayers materialized. Two
thousand members of the union dropped their trowels because the
employers refused to recognize their edict in regard to Saturday
pay-day. This act threw out of employment an equal number of Hodcarriers
and Laborers, many of whom were not in sympathy with the movement of the
Bricklayers. President Vorkeller of the Bricklayers' union, insisted
that no strike had been ordered, but the men would not work unless the
Saturday pay-day was granted. No "strike had been ordered," but the men
were striking as fast as they could. Upon being informed that the
pay-day would not be changed they stopped at once, all understanding
that they must quit. Yet, according to the president of the union,
"there was no strike ordered." They were simply "standing by the
resolution." Some of the men quit work very reluctantly, remarking that
it was the height of nonsense to strike on such a frivolous proposition.
But they had to obey orders, and did so with military precision. The
Walking Delegate was promptly on hand to see that every man obeyed
orders, and the snap of his finger did its work on a great many jobs
where the men were in no hurry to quit work.

The president of the union claimed that they could endure a long
lockout, as they had real estate and cash representing $75,000, and
could make it $100,000 by assessments. But the Bricklayers were not
Knights of Labor, and were not amalgamated with any other labor
organization, and consequently were not in a position to give to or
receive assistance from any other labor union.

At the Builders' and Traders' exchange there was considerable bustle
among the contractors. They realized that the strike for which they had
been looking had commenced, and they put their heads together as if they
were preparing for a long and hard fight. There was not a dissenting
voice to be heard in regard to the question. Everyone who entered the
exchange wore an earnest look, and expressed determination to not yield
on the question of pay-day if the building business of the city was to
stop a whole year. They had wrestled with the strike problem in almost
every aspect in which it could be placed, until it had become a burden
too heavy to bear. A period had been reached when the trouble could be
settled for all time, and they were determined to settle it in a manner
that would be effective. They realized that they might lose thousands of
dollars while engaged in the effort, but with the co-operation of the
material men they could reach a conclusion that would be lasting.

It was not a question of hours or wages, as those had been conceded with
many other exactions. It had become a question whether the contractor
was to allow his employes to domineer over him and dictate everything,
or whether he should have a little to do with the management of his own
affairs. The building interests had been hampered for years by demand
after demand, nearly all of which had been of an arbitrary character. It
was more convenient for the contractors, and better for the men, that
they should be paid on Monday or Tuesday. A majority of the Bricklayers
did not object to the pay-day, but the leaders demanded the change, and
they were forced to submit. Labor unions are generally managed by the
leaders for their own interests.

The Bricklayers were the best organized body in the city. They had no
affiliations with other unions. If a Bricklayer entered Chicago with a
card from another union in his hand he would not be permitted to work
until he paid the Chicago Union $25. The result was that Bricklayers
were driven from the city and the United Order of American Bricklayers
and Stonemasons dictated for years rules, not only for their own
government, but for the control of every Master Mason that attempted to
fill a contract.

Among the contractors the fight had become one for principle, and every
element that was in sympathy with the maintenance of the right was
invited to unite with the contracting Masons in their effort put forth
to attain that object.

In furtherance of the movement a committee was appointed by the Master
Masons' association to confer with dealers in building materials and
procure their signature to an agreement that they would not sell and
deliver building material to any one pending a settlement of the labor
troubles, except upon the authority of Joseph Downey, president of the
Master Masons' associations. The agreement was as follows:

     _Whereas_, We believe the position taken by the Chicago Master
     Masons' association in the present building trade strike to be
     correct; and,

     _Whereas_, We believe that the more complete the cessation of all
     building work during the strike can be made, the shorter will be
     the interference with business.

     _Now_, _therefore_, Do we, the undersigned, hereby agree with and
     among one another not to sell or deliver materials to any building
     in Chicago or suburbs during the continuance of this strike, except
     as may be allowed or requested by the executive committee appointed
     by the Chicago Master Masons' association in charge of the strike.

The committee was composed of Joseph Downey, president; Thomas Courtney,
treasurer, (who went to Europe June 1st, and his place was filled by E.
Earnshaw); Herman Mueller, secretary. A sub-committee was appointed,
composed of C. W. Gindele, Daniel Freeman and E. S. Moss. The three
divisions of the city were created "districts," and were put in charge
of the following members: South side, William O'Brien; North side, John
Mountain; West side, William Iliff. Visitors were then appointed and the
city was thoroughly canvassed and patrolled in order to secure full
co-operation of the material dealers, and to protect the interests of
the members generally.

Dealers in stone, brick, lime, cement, sand, architectural iron, tile,
and every other class of building material, flocked to the exchange and
appended their signatures to the agreement. They were only too glad to
lend their assistance to break the backbone of a species of tyranny
under which they had been oppressed for years. The committee reported
that nearly every important dealer had signed the agreement. Backed by
this element the contractors were relieved. They felt assured of

There was joy in the camp of the Hodcarriers when it was announced that
the Bricklayers had gone out. Their joy was not on account of the
strike, but because it would result in throwing out of employment the
non-union Hodcarriers and Laborers who had stepped into their places
when they struck for an advance in pay, and were locked out. The idle
men who were needy drew on the treasury of the Hodcarriers' union and
took out of it nearly every dollar it contained.

The Amalgamated Building Trades' Council met and attempted to order a
general strike of all building trades, but discovered that they were
powerless to do so, because the delegates had not been given "power to
act" by their respective unions. The desire to order the general strike
was present, but the authority was absent. There was no lack of
willingness on the part of the leaders. They are always ready and
willing to keep their positions at the sacrifice of anything and

The leaders of the striking bricklayers were quietly, but actively
engaged in laying plans for the future. They claimed to be ready to meet
any emergency that might come. At the same time the contractors claimed
to hold the key to the situation, and said they would never give up
until they could have a little to say in the management of their own

The executive committee of the Master Masons' association decided that
there should be a general shutting down of all work on which bricklayers
and stonemasons were engaged, and in pursuance of this decision the
following notice was issued May 10th.

     Notice.--The members of the Master Masons' association now working
     men are hereby requested to stop work Friday night, May 13th, and
     to report to the executive committee.


On Friday, May 13th, the idle army was largely increased. Of
bricklayers, stonemasons, hodcarriers, laborers, teamsters, helpers,
carpenters, and a few in other trades, there were fifteen thousand out
of employment. Many of these were willing to work, but they were forced
to be idle because of the strike of the bricklayers.

The strikers threatened to bring into the city building material from
Michigan, thinking by such a proceeding they could force the bosses to
give in. The proposition was laughed at.

In support of the Master Masons the North and Northwest Brick
Manufacturers' association met and resolved that from May 14th no brick
should be delivered from any of the yards in the association until the
strike was ended, and that the yards would stop manufacturing brick May
18th. The association yards had a capacity of 1,250,000 brick per day,
and employed 1,300 men.

The bricklayers attempted to hold a meeting at Greenebaum's hall Friday
night to discuss what they termed "the bosses' lockout." Every member
of the union was on hand, and at least half of them were prepared to
express their views on the subject. Over five hundred men were unable to
gain entrance to the hall owing to its crowded condition, and finding
themselves thus cut off from debate proceeded to interrupt those who
were inside, so that it was impossible for anyone to hear what was said.
A good many who were on the floor were determined to express
disapprobation at the trivial demand that had precipitated the trouble,
and to request that something be done to settle the dispute, but finding
that the malcontents outside were bent on stopping all discussion it was
determined to close the meeting. Upon a motion to this effect another
noisy faction began to oppose it, and the shouting and stamping of feet
became deafening. The floor quivered under the tumultuous mob, and many
left the hall for fear it would give way. President Vorkeller could not
control the men, and after two hours' labor to bring order out of chaos
he made a proposition that battery D, or the cavalry armory, be secured,
and thus obtain room for all. This met with favor, and the meeting
adjourned with the understanding that the men assemble at battery D at
10 o'clock Saturday morning, May 14th.


In order to inflame the strikers and keep them together they were
frequently regaled by such poisonous talk as the following:

     "In a week the men will begin to get uneasy. They will assemble on
     the streets. The Internationalists [red-flag bandits] will be among
     them, notwithstanding the fact that they are alleged to have
     disbanded. Do you suppose that 50,000 or 100,000 men are going to
     starve and allow their families to die before their eyes without
     lifting a hand? It is against human nature. I am going to leave
     Chicago. It is not safe for men of my views to be around in times
     like these. If the lockout is continued, the people will arise and
     overthrow a system which permits a few men to starve the vast
     majority into slavery."

It was of little use to point out to angry and ignorant men the
absurdity of these revolutionary predictions of their worst enemies. It
availed nothing to tell them that Capital had not refused to give them
employment; that Capital was ready and more than willing to employ them,
and was suffering loss every day and hour of their idleness; that
Capital was the best friend they have in the world, a friend that
respected their rights and required of them only that they should have
equal respect for its rights; and that to maintain its rights against
their annoying and persistent attacks was its sole aim in meeting them
on their own ground and fighting them in their own fashion. Their
blatant demagogues asserted the contrary, and they continued to listen
to their blatant demagogues.


The Bricklayers' union was such a close corporation that it not only
failed and refused to affiliate with bricklayers who were members of the
International union, but proposed to debar every other mechanic from
earning a living and force them to assist in securing a benefit for its
own members. It was attempting to oust from employment all other
building trades in order to carry a trivial point for its own benefit. A
meeting of the Amalgamated Trades' Council was held May 14th, at which
the action of the Bricklayers was discussed. Expressions of sympathy
were made for the Hodcarriers--who were represented in the Council--and
condemnation of the Bricklayers,--who were not represented,--and the
following resolution was unanimously adopted:

     _Resolved_, That the Bricklayers' union be requested to send a
     delegation to this Council and take part in its work, and failing
     so to do that this Council consider itself purposely ignored, and
     at liberty to support such members of the International Union of
     Bricklayers as may seek work in Chicago, and that the hodcarriers
     may supply said International men.

A committee was appointed to convey the resolution to the president of
the Bricklayers' union.

When asked if he had received the resolution President Vorkeller at
first emphatically denied it. But when James Brennock, Secretary of the
Council, exhibited a reply to it from Vorkeller, he changed his manner
of expression, and admitted that he had decided to send a committee to
meet the members of the Council, but the union would not send delegates.
He said he would have nothing to do with amalgamation, as the union was
independent, and able to take care of itself. He afterwards changed his
mind, however, and the Bricklayers' union, which was so independent, so
powerful, so well organized--under a threat by the Hodcarriers to bring
International bricklayers to Chicago--sent delegates to the Council and


The executive committee of the Master Masons' association busied itself
in securing signatures to the agreement to not sell or deliver any
building material pending the strike, and they were eminently
successful. It divided the city into districts and appointed
sub-committees to visit each job to see who were working and if any
disposition was shown to violate the agreement. They daily added
signatures to the document, fully realizing that by procuring a hearty
co-operation from the material men they could build a wall so high that
there would be no question of success in combatting the tyrannical acts
of the union. The question of individual liberty was brought home to
them in such a manner that they could not ignore it.


Saturday, May 14th, a large meeting of representatives of the building
trades met at the Builders' and Traders' exchange. The spacious rooms
were crowded to their full capacity. George Tapper presided. The
sentiments of the meeting were fully expressed in the following
statement and resolutions, which were unanimously adopted:

     The members of the Builders' and Traders' exchange of Chicago, in
     special meeting assembled, in their capacity as citizens and as
     employers of labor, believe the time ripe to protest against the
     arrogant interference of labor organizations with business and the
     rights of man as guaranteed by the constitution of the United
     States. From year to year this evil of foreign importation has
     grown worse and worse, because the people, whose duty as citizens
     it is to uphold and enforce the laws, have not taken the time to
     oppose actively the aggressions and outrages committed in the name
     and by the instigation of the various labor organizations. We have
     seen this evil brought to and planted in our soil; we have allowed
     it to sprout and grow, and put forth new and stronger shoots every
     year, until now it is plain that it must either be stamped out by
     the active co-operation of all law-abiding citizens or it will
     overwhelm and destroy our very form of government. The dividing
     line between the permissible and objectionable, between right and
     wrong, should be clearly and unmistakably drawn, and the voice of
     the community should be heard with proper earnestness and
     determination, saying to the ignorant as well as the vicious, "thus
     far shall you go, but go no farther." We believe that the large
     majority sin from ignorance. Others have seen the wrong exist and
     tolerated, and wrong-doers prosper, until their moral perceptions
     are dulled and blunted. Those who know better, whose opportunity
     and education is superior, have neglected their duty to their
     misled fellow-citizens full long enough. A crusade must be
     inaugurated, and should be participated in by each and all who love
     and desire the perpetuation of this government, founded, in the
     words of the immortal Lincoln, "of the people, for the people, by
     the people." Let all unite and stand shoulder to shoulder in solid
     phalanx for the right and frown down the spirit of anarchy now
     rampant, and ere long the rights of the individual shall again be
     respected, and this country shall again and in fact become the
     "home of the free."

     _Whereas_, We recognize that the Master Masons' and Builders'
     association has taken a proper stand in its opposition to the
     arbitrary dictates of organized labor, and that its battle is our
     battle, and in the belief that the more complete the cessation of
     all building work during the present strike the shorter will be the
     interference with business; now, therefore, be it

     _Resolved_, That we indorse the action of said Master Masons'
     association and make its position our own, and will actively aid
     and assist it in and during this strike.

     _Resolved_, That while we condemn and oppose improper actions by
     trades unions, we still recognize that there are many opportunities
     for good in associations of workmen, and shall aid and assist them
     in all just and honorable purposes; that while upon fundamental
     principles it would be useless to confer or arbitrate, there are
     still many points upon which conference and arbitration are
     perfectly right and proper, and that upon such points it is a
     manifest duty to take advantage of the opportunities afforded by
     associations to confer together to the end that strikes, lockouts,
     and other disturbances may be prevented.

     _Resolved_, That this exchange do, and it does hereby, call upon
     all contractors and builders, be they members of this exchange or
     not, for co-operation and active assistance; it calls upon all
     architects; upon the owners of buildings in course of construction
     or about to be started; upon the press and pulpit; upon each and
     every citizen, and particularly upon all mechanics and laborers who
     believe that absolute personal independence of the individual to
     work or not to work, to employ or not to employ, is a fundamental
     principle which should never be questioned or assailed; that upon
     it depends the security of our whole social fabric and business
     prosperity, and that employer and workman should be equally
     interested in its defense and preservation.

     Each association in the building trades, and the Illinois State
     Association of Architects, and the Chicago Real Estate board were
     requested to appoint three delegates to be present at a conference
     of building trades on Monday, May 19th.

Mr. Prussing was asked to state the position of the Master Masons. In
doing so he said: "It is no more walking delegate! [Cheers.] No more
interference with the boy who wishes to learn a trade that he may earn
an honest living. [Cheers.] But why ask for particulars? We ask that the
wrongs and outrages perpetrated by the trades unions be wiped out, and
we ask every minister in his pulpit and every editor in his chair to aid
us. If we present a solid and united front the victory will soon be won.
* * * * The spirit of anarchy is rampant and must be put down, or it
will put you down." [Applause.]

Just as the meeting adjourned a telegram was received from Boston,
signed by William H. Sayward, secretary of the National Association of
Builders. The assembly waited to hear it. It read as follows:

We are watching your course with great sympathy and interest. Individual
liberty must be preserved at any cost.

It was received with a burst of applause, followed by three cheers and a


A meeting of the directors of the Chicago stone pool was held, at which
there was a full attendance. The building situation was carefully and
thoroughly discussed, and without a dissenting voice it was agreed to
sustain the Master Masons in the action taken relative to the strike. A
resolution was adopted not to sell or deliver stone to anybody pending a
settlement of the labor troubles. It was also agreed to stop work at the
twenty-two quarries controlled by the pool if it should become

The key to the situation was held by the stone pool, and when this
action was taken the cause of the Master Masons was strengthened in a
manner that caused a feeling of relief. Without stone building could not
go on for any great length of time.


There was some work under contract which had to be done in order to
protect it, or to avoid violating an agreement, and in such cases
President Downey arranged for the issuance of permits for the sale of
such material as was needed to complete the work.

The Architects met and expressed approval of the course of the Master
Masons, and the following resolution, presented by W. L. B. Jenney, was
unanimously adopted:

     _Resolved_, That the secretary be and he is hereby instructed to
     send to the Builders' and Traders' exchange, through its president,
     the announcement of our sincere co-operation.


A mass meeting of the Bricklayers was held on the same day at Battery D,
ostensibly for the purpose of discussing the strike, but really for the
purpose of anathematizing the employers and forcing into line the
dissatisfied and discontented Germans who had been forced to strike
against their will. There was a majority of the Germans present, and if
they had not been frightened into following the leaders, they could have
rescinded the resolution making Saturday the pay-day. But they were
timid and unorganized. Mr. Richter spoke in favor of rescinding the
resolution, but his own German friends were not brave enough to accord
him a cheer, while the opposition howled him down.

When the orators thought they had the meeting in proper temper the
following resolution was presented by George Childs:

     _Resolved._ That we strictly abide by the resolution that was
     passed by our Union as to a Saturday pay-day every two weeks, and
     refuse to work on any other terms.

It was read in six different languages that it might be understood by
the "congress of nations." President Vorkeller then requested those who
favored its adoption to take a position on the right of the hall. A rush
was made and but one man voted against the resolution. The objecting
Germans had been intimidated to such an extent on that and previous
occasions that they feared to vote against the edict of the leaders. A
viva voce vote was then taken and the resolution was adopted without a
dissenting voice.

When the result of the meeting at Battery D was announced in the
committee-room of the Master Masons there was a significant smile on the
faces of those present. President Downey stated that a rescinding of the
Saturday pay-day resolution by the bricklayers was not expected, and if
it had been done it would not have restored the building interests to
their normal condition. The contractors had been forced into a fight
which they had staved off for years by making concessions, but now that
they were in it they would not stop short of a permanent settlement of
every grievance which had been borne until they were no longer to be

On Monday, May 16th, there were 18,000 mechanics locked out, and 1,100
laborers were being supported by the Hodcarriers' union. Four hundred
bricklayers left the city to look for work.


Tuesday evening, May 17th, the Master Masons' association met and
unanimously adopted the following platform of principles:

     Your committee does respectfully report in favor of the
     reaffirmation of the following planks from the platform of the
     National Association of Builders as fundamental principles upon
     which must be based any and all efforts at settlement of the now
     existing lockout in building trades:

     We affirm that absolute personal independence of the individual to
     work or not to work, to employ or not to employ, is a fundamental
     principle which should never be questioned or assailed; that upon
     it depends the security of our whole social fabric and business
     prosperity, and that employers and workmen should be equally
     interested in its defense and preservation.

     We recognize that there are many opportunities for good in
     associations of workmen, and, while condemning and opposing
     improper action upon their part, we will aid and assist them in all
     just and honorable purposes; that while upon fundamental principles
     it would be useless to confer or arbitrate, there are still many
     points on which conference and arbitrations are perfectly right and
     proper, and that upon such points it is a manifest duty to take
     advantage of the opportunities afforded by associations to confer
     together to the end that strikes, lockouts, and other disturbances
     may be prevented; or, in other language, that "the walking delegate
     must go;" that the laws of the state shall prevail in regard to
     apprentices and not the dictates of labor organizations; that
     "stewards" in control of the men employed at buildings will not be
     recognized, and that "foremen," as the agents of employers, shall
     not be under the control of the union while serving in that

     We report in favor of the above, and believe that no time should be
     wasted now in the discussion of details which can readily be
     adjusted by arbitration when an association of workmen shall be in
     existence which acknowledges the justice of the above principles.

     With such association, questions of detail or policy, such as
     minimum rate of wages to be paid, the hours of work per day, or any
     complaints or grievances now existing or hereafter arising, can
     readily be settled by a joint committee of arbitration, and we hold
     ourselves ready and willing to do so.

     The need of the day is a firm stand upon the question at
     issue--namely, the constitution-guaranteed rights of the

     In our efforts to maintain these we have received the unanimous and
     hearty co-operation of the community, and we are sure of its
     continued support. All other questions are trivial in comparison,
     and the consideration thereof may well be postponed. And in this
     connection we take pleasure in acknowledging the receipt of
     sympathy and co-operation of the architects of this city, the
     active support of the manufacturers of and dealers in building
     materials, the uniform and readily-granted assistance of the
     building public and the many letters of sympathy with the cause
     received from people entirely disconnected with building interests,
     who feel with us that it is the duty of the American people to
     oppose this form of tyranny and crush it out now and forever.

     It is time, indeed, that the men in charge of unions should learn
     that they are not fighting this association, but run counter to the
     sentiments of the entire people and the institutions of this free

     They must learn to distinguish between liberty and license, between
     right and wrong. All who aid in this work deserve well by their

     In conclusion, we recommend the appointment of a committee of three
     by the president to represent this association at a conference to
     be held by representatives of all building trades at the Builders'
     Exchange to-morrow, and until the present lockout is finally


When that portion was read stating that the "walking delegate must go"
there was loud applause, and every section of the platform was cheered.


A special meeting of the Real Estate board was held at which the labor
question was fully discussed by Messrs. W. D. Kerfoot, H. L. Turner, M.
R. Barnard, E. S. Dreyer, Bryan Lathrop, W. L. Pierce and others. The
following resolution was presented by M. R. Barnard and adopted by the

     _Resolved_, That the Chicago Real Estate Board is in full sympathy
     with the Builders' and Traders' exchange, the contractors,
     architects, and owners in their efforts to check the evils of the
     labor troubles, and that the Real Estate Board expresses a
     willingness to co-operate with them in their efforts to devise such
     means as will result in an equitable and final settlement of the


The Amalgamated Trades' Council held a meeting--which was attended by
delegates from the Bricklayers' union--at which threats were made to
prosecute Messrs. Downey, Prussing and other builders for "conspiracy"
because they had been prominent in securing the co-operation of the
dealers in building material, and a refusal to sell and deliver pending
the strike. This movement had struck its mark. It hurt.

In the meantime the poor Hodcarriers and Laborers were lost sight of.
They had exhausted their treasury and were assessing members at work $1
a week to partially defray expenses of those who were idle. Very few
were engaged in building, but were shoving lumber, working in ditches
and sewers, and performing labor of any kind they could find to do.
Their cause was lost.


The conference of Building Trades, which had been called by the
Builders' and Traders' exchange, met Wednesday, May 18th. The various
organizations were represented as follows:

     Architectural Iron-Work--Robert Vierling, A. Vanderkloof, M.

     Plumbers--Robert Griffith, William Sims, J. J. Wade.

     Steam-Fitters--H. G. Savage, L. H. Prentice, P. S. Hudson.

     Stone-Cutters--F. V. Gindele, T. C. Diener, John Rawle.

     Plasterers--J. N. Glover, A. Zander, John Sutton.

     Roofers--M. W. Powell.

     Master Masons--George C. Prussing, George Tapper, George H. Fox.

     Painters--J. B. Sullivan, H. J. Milligan, J. G. McCarthy.

     Galvanized-Iron-Work--Edward Kirk, Jr., F. A. E. Wolcott, W. B.

     Carpenters--William Hearson, William Mavor, W. T. Waddell.

     North Side Brick Manufacturers--A. J. Weckler, F. Zapell, A. Hahne.

     Non-Union Stone-Cutters--C. B. Kimbell.

     Real Estate Board--Henry L. Turner, W. L. Pierce, E. S. Dreyer.

     Builders' and Traders' Exchange--F. E. Spooner, H. C. Hoyt, B. J.

     Architects--F. Bauman, J. W. Root, M. Pierce.

     Hollow-Tile Manufacturers--P. B. Wight.

George Tapper was made president and F. C. Schoenthaler secretary.

The members discussed the situation, all agreeing that it was necessary
to stand together, and that prompt action should be taken to settle the
strike. On motion of F. E. Spooner the two sections of the platform of
the Master Masons, which were taken from the declaration of principles
of the National Association of Builders, were read and adopted without a
dissenting voice.

The following committee was appointed to submit a plan for future

George C. Prussing, Henry L. Turner, William Hearson, J. B. Sullivan and
Edward Kirk, Jr.


Wednesday, May 18th, nearly all of the brick manufacturers in and
adjacent to the city shut down their yards to not resume the manufacture
of brick until there was a settlement of the labor troubles. Their
action threw out of employment six thousand brickmakers, helpers,
yardmen, and teamsters. This action was precipitated by the fact that
there was a supply of brick on hand which could not be delivered until
building operations were resumed, and the manufacturers saw nothing in
the situation that made it necessary for them to make brick when their
product could not find a market. They did not desire to invest large
sums of money in making brick to store at a large expense, and few of
them had an outside demand for their product. In nearly every yard in
the vicinity of Chicago there had been strikes, and others were
threatened. The feeling of uncertainty and insecurity was so prevalent
that the brick manufacturers were more ready than ever to co-operate
with the movement of the Master Masons in order to be placed in a
position to begin anew on whatever basis might be adopted for a
settlement of the labor question. They wanted to run full time when they
did run, and not be regulated by the "gang" rule as to what should
constitute a day's work for a machine and the attendant man. When a
machine was guaranteed to make 50,000 brick in a day they objected to
shutting it off at 35,000, and calling that number a day's work. Such
rules were regarded as too arbitrary, and as the brickmaking season was
limited to from 120 to 150 days it necessarily shortened the crop and
prevented a fair income on the capital invested in machinery and


Thursday, May 19th, the conference of the Building Trades held a second
meeting, and the committee on platform submitted a report which was
discussed by the members and slightly amended. As adopted it was as

     In order to carry into effect the platform adopted by us, your
     committee recommend:

     1. That from this time forth the signature to the following code of
     principles by the employe be made a universal condition of
     employment by all building interests of Chicago, viz:

     I recognize the right of every man to decide for himself, without
     dictation or interference, when he shall work or cease to work,
     where he shall work, for whom he shall work, how many hours he
     shall work, and for what wages he shall work.

     I recognize the absolute right of the employer to decide for
     himself, without interference from any source, whom he shall employ
     or cease to employ; to regulate and manage his business with
     perfect independence and freedom, provided, only, that he deal
     lawfully, justly and honorable with all men.

     I recognize the right of every father to have his son taught, and
     of every son to learn, any lawful trade as on a plane with his
     right to a knowledge of reading, writing, or any other branch of
     learning, and should be subject to regulation only by the laws of
     the land.

     I hereby pledge myself, in all my relations and intercourse with my
     employers and fellow-workmen, to maintain and live up to these

     Your committee recommend, second, that the same code of principles
     be presented for signature to every employer with the pledge
     therein changed as follows:

     I hereby pledge myself to maintain and live up to these principles
     in the prosecution of my business, and to lend my aid to the full
     extent of my influence and power for their maintenance and
     protection among my fellow employers. I further pledge myself not
     to employ any workmen except upon his signature of this code of

     Your committee recommend, third, that this conference recommend to
     our respective organizations to request of each of its members to
     employ such workmen only who recognize the inalienable rights as
     above set forth, and evidence their position by subscribing their
     names thereto.

     Your committee recommend, fourth, that public announcement be made
     at once that business will be resumed on or before June 1, with
     this code of principles as a basis.

     Your committee recommend, fifth, that a standing committee of one
     member from each of the building trades, Real-Estate Board, and the
     Illinois State Association of Architects, to be known as the
     central council of the building interests of Chicago be appointed,
     whose duty it shall be to see to the carrying out of these
     principles; that it shall have a sub-committee of safety, whose
     province it shall be to see that ample protection to all is
     afforded; with sub-committees on grievances, strikes, arbitrations,
     and such as may be found necessary, but that it work always and
     solely for the maintenance and protection of the principles herein
     laid down.

     Your committee recommend, sixth, that an address to the workingmen
     of the building trades and to the general public be prepared,
     setting forth your action and your reasons therefor; that fifty
     thousand copies be printed and immediately distributed.

     Your committee recommend, seventh, that the declaration of
     principles be printed at once and circulated for signatures.

     Your committee recommend, eighth, that a fund be created to defray
     the expenses of this central council, and that we request each
     association here represented to transmit to the order of George
     Tapper, chairman, the sum of 25 cents for each of their members,
     and that individual contributions of people interested in this work
     be accepted.

The committee was instructed to have the report printed in six
different languages for general distribution.

A meeting of the Master Masons' association was held the same day at
which objections were made to that portion of the platform which require
the employe to _sign_ an agreement to abide by what had been laid down
as the principles of the employers. It was regarded as impracticable and
the association refused to approve it, deferring action until there was
a full meeting.

The Carpenters' and Builders' association met in the evening and
unanimously approved the platform presented by the Conference of
Builders, although some objection was offered to the clause requiring
the employe to sign his name.


At the rooms of the Builders' and Traders' exchange the members
congregated in large number and earnestly discussed the situation and
platform of principles adopted by the conference committee of the
building trades. Everyone seemed to be loaded with an opinion which he
wanted to shoot off at everybody else. The burden of the discussion was
upon the proposition to require employers and employes to append their
signatures to the declaration of principles. There was no disagreement
as to the correctness of the principles, but a great many questioned the
ability of the employers to put the first section into practice--
requiring the employe to sign before going to work. It was generally
stated that this proposition was impracticable with the building trades,
because many of the men were constantly moving about from one job to
another, and unless they were known to have previously signed a new
signature would be required on each job, to which the men would object.
Masons generally favored a proposition to require the employes to assent
to the principles enunciated, and if they did not want to work then they
could remain idle. Some of the bosses, however, insisted that they would
not only vote against the signing clause, but would refuse to put it
into execution if it should be indorsed by a full meeting. It was
suggested that an arrangement could be made for opening the doors and
inviting the men to go to work. Each applicant for a job could be asked
if he knew the principles which had been adopted, and under which work
was to be resumed. If not, he could have a copy delivered to him to
read, or have them read to him, and if he was then willing to resume
work, all right. If not, he could reconsign himself to idleness. It was
thought this would not antagonize the unions, and that a large majority
of the men would return to work within a week.


Notice having been received by the president of the Builders' and
Traders' exchange that the officers of the National Association of
Builders were to be in Chicago, the board of directors of the exchange
met and appointed the following committee to receive them: George
Tapper, Joseph Downey, George II. Fox, James John, M. Benner, Charles A.
Moses, William E. Frost, F. C. Schoenthaler, and James C. Beeks.

The officials were met and were fully informed by the committee of what
had occurred in Chicago from the inception of the labor trouble which
had paralyzed the building trades, and were furnished with a copy of the
platform of principles adopted by the Conference committee of the
building trades. The situation was informally discussed by the officers
of the National Association and the reception committee, in order to put
the visitors in a position to fully understand the ground upon which
action had been taken. They were apprised of the demands which had been
made from time to time for years, and of the fact that these demands had
been generally acceded to until they had become almost unbearable, and
that the builders of Chicago thought the time had arrived when decisive
action should be taken in order to insure a permanent settlement of the
troubles which had disrupted the employers and the employes.

Referring to the situation William H. Sayward said it was not alone
Chicago builders who were affected by the movement, but the whole
country was interested in it. The builders of Chicago and those of other
cities could see the benefits which were expected to be derived from a
national association. Before that, when there had been a strike of any
magnitude in any city, the builders engaged in the complications
received not even a word of sympathy from their associates in other
parts of the country. In their troubles the Chicago builders had
received messages of sympathy and approval from almost every part of the
country, because all felt and had a common interest in the questions at


The Central Labor union men met Sunday, May 22d, and compassed the
situation by the passage of the following sympathetic resolution:

     _Resolved_, That the present lockout of the bosses is in every way
     unjustified; that the Central Labor union declares that it is a
     conspiracy against the rights of the working people, and extends to
     the locked out workmen hearty sympathy and financial as well as
     moral aid.


The Trade and Labor assembly met the same day and threatened to
prosecute the Master Masons for "conspiracy" and agreed that they should
be boycotted. The proposition to prosecute the bosses did not
materialize, as wiser counsel prevailed, and showed that there was no
foundation upon which to build the charge.


Telegrams were received as follows:

     BOSTON, Mass., May 19, 1887.

     GEORGE TAPPER, President Builders' and Traders' exchange--The
     executive board of the National Association of Builders to
     Builders' and Traders' exchange of Chicago, Greeting: We have
     carefully examined the position you have taken, and the conditions
     which have led to your action, and hereby extend to you our most
     hearty approval and indorsement. Your position is entirely in
     accord with the principles of the National association. Opportunity
     should always be given for amicable settlement of differences that
     come within the rightful province of associations on either side.
     But when the line of right and justice is crossed, the prerogative
     of employers disregarded, and attempts made to coerce and force
     them from the exercise of their rights in the conduct of their
     business, then all lovers of law and order, all believers in
     individual liberty, will stand together with unbroken ranks until
     the recognition of this fundamental principle is thoroughly

     J. MILTON BLAIR, President.
     WILLIAM H. SAYWARD, Secretary.

     BOSTON, Mass., May 19, 1887.

     GEORGE TAPPER, President of the Builders' and Traders' exchange of
     Chicago: The Master Builders' association of Boston, in convention
     assembled, have unanimously adopted the following resolutions, and
     have ordered them sent to the Builders' and Traders' exchange of
     Chicago, as follows:

     While we acknowledge that in Boston the situation is fortunately
     harmonious between the employers and employes in the building
     trades, owing to the fact that reason has prevailed, the proper
     rights of the workmen having been recognized and the distinctive
     rights of the employers recognized by the workmen, and as a result
     thereof no organized attempt has been made in this city to overstep
     the bounds of proper jurisdiction by either party, we can not
     ignore the fact that our brother builders in Chicago have had
     forced upon them a problem which can only be solved by a firm
     denial of the assumed right of voluntary associations to disregard
     the rights of others, trample upon individual liberty, and blockade
     the progress of business thereby. We therefore hereby approve of
     the course taken by the Builders' and Traders' exchange, and assure
     them of our constant support upon that line. Let the principles for
     which we are all fighting be clearly defined, then stand. We are
     with you in behalf of right and justice for all and for the
     untrammeled liberty of every American citizen.

     WILLIAM H. SAYWARD, Secretary.

     CINCINNATI, May 19, 1887.

     GEORGE TAPPER, President Builders' and Traders' exchange: The
     Cincinnati Builders' exchange has just passed strong resolutions
     heartily commending your action and guaranteeing practical support.
     Stand by your colors.

     JAMES H. FINNEGAN, President.

     CINCINNATI, O., May 20.

     BUILDERS' AND TRADERS' EXCHANGE, Chicago: The Builders' exchange of
     Cincinnati again indorse you, and if necessary will follow suit.
     Stand by your colors. Your cause is right.

     J. H. FINNEGAN, President.

     PHILADELPHIA, May 20.

     BUILDERS' AND TRADERS' EXCHANGE, Chicago: At a special meeting of
     the corporation held this day at noon the preamble and resolution
     adopted by the Builders' and Traders' exchange of Chicago, together
     with the code of principles, was unanimously approved.

     F. M. HARRIS,

     NEW YORK, May 20.

     BUILDERS' AND TRADERS' EXCHANGE, Chicago: At a special meeting of
     the Mechanics' and Traders' exchange it was resolved that we tender
     you our sympathy in your present difficulties and assure you of our
     cordial support in the position assumed.

     D. C. WEEKS, President.
     E. A. VAUGHAN, Secretary.

     WORCESTER, Mass., May 20.

     BUILDERS' AND TRADERS' EXCHANGE, Chicago: We heartily indorse your
     efforts to crush out unwarrantable dictation and exalt labor to
     that position of dignity to which it belongs and which is truly
     expressed only in individual and personal liberty.

     E. B. CRANE,
     President Worcester Mechanics' Exchange.

     PROVIDENCE, R. I., May 20.

     TO BUILDERS' AND TRADERS' EXCHANGE, Chicago: The Mechanics'
     exchange heartily approve your action, and are in full sympathy
     with you.

     WILLIAM F. CADY, Secretary.

     ST. PAUL, Minn., May 20.

     MR. F. C. SCHOENTHALER, Secretary Builders' and Traders' Exchange,
     Chicago: At a meeting of the board, held yesterday, the following
     resolution was unanimously adopted:

     _Resolved_, That the Contractors' and Builders' Board of Trade of
     St. Paul, Minn., heartily and unreservedly approve of the stand
     taken by the Builders' and Traders' exchange of Chicago in
     determining to transact their business in their own way and time.

     J. H. HANSON, Secretary.

     Chicago: The Master Builders' exchange, of Albany, N. Y., in
     meeting assembled, heartily endorse the action taken by you and
     trust you will manfully stand together.


     BALTIMORE, Md., May 21, 1887.--GEORGE C. PRUSSING: Maryland Trades
     exchange express their formal approval of your position in present
     labor troubles, and wish you success.


     INDIANAPOLIS, Ind., May 21.

     BUILDERS' AND TRADERS' EXCHANGE, Chicago: The Builders' exchange of
     Indianapolis at its meeting to-night endorses and approves of the
     action of the Chicago Builders' and Traders' exchange in their
     existing difficulty.


     CINCINNATI, Ohio, May 21.

     GEORGE TAPPER, President Builders' and Traders' exchange, Chicago:
     Every true American will indorse the sentiments promulgated in your
     code of principles.

     President National Association Master Plumbers.

     MILWAUKEE, Wis., May 23.

     GEORGE C. PRUSSING: The Milwaukee association wishes to convey to
     the Chicago exchange the fact of its full concurrent sympathy in
     the position it has assumed, as it believes the battle must be
     fought just on this line.

     O. H. ULBRICHT,

These telegrams were read in the exchange and were received with rounds
of applause.


On Monday, May 23d, the Conference of the Building Trades met and
modified the platform of principles which had been adopted May 19th. The
principle change was in eliminating the clause requiring employes to
_sign_ the code of principles, and making it necessary only for them to
"_assent to_" them. The platform as amended was as follows:

     1. From this time forth the assent to the following code of
     principles by the employe be made a universal condition of
     employment by all building interests of Chicago--viz.:

     I recognize the right of every man to decide for himself, when he
     shall work or cease to work, where he shall work, for whom he shall
     work, how many hours he shall work, and for what wages he shall

     I recognize the right of every employer to decide for himself, whom
     he shall employ or cease to employ; to regulate and manage his
     business with perfect independence, provided only that he deal
     lawfully, justly and honorably with all men.

     I recognize the right of every father to have his son taught, and
     of every son to learn, any lawful trade, to be the same as his
     right to a knowledge of reading, writing, or any other branch of
     learning, which should be subject to regulation only by the laws of
     the land.

     By accepting of employment I agree in all my relations and
     intercourse with my employers and fellow workmen, to maintain and
     live up to these principles.

     2. That this conference recommend to our respective organizations
     to request each of its members to employ such workmen only who
     recognize the inalienable rights as above set forth.

     3. That public announcement be made at once that business will be
     resumed on or before June 1, 1887, with this code of principles as
     a basis.

     4. That a standing committee of one member from each of the
     building trades, the Chicago Real Estate board, and the Illinois
     State Association of Architects, to be known as the Central Council
     of the Building Interests of Chicago, be appointed, whose duty it
     shall be to see to the carrying out of these principles; that it
     shall have a sub-committee of safety, whose province it shall be to
     see that ample protection to all is afforded; with sub-committees
     on grievances, strikes, arbitrations and such as may be found
     necessary, but that it work always and solely for the maintenance
     and protection of the principles herein laid down.

     5. That an address to the working men of the building trades and to
     the general public be prepared, setting forth your action and your
     reasons therefor; that fifty thousand copies be printed and
     immediately distributed.

     6. That a fund be created to defray the expenses of this Central
     Council, and that we request each association here represented to
     transmit to the order of George Tapper, chairman, the sum of 25
     cents for each of their members, and that individual contributions
     of people interested in this work be accepted.

The officers of the National Association of Builders were present, and
through Mr. Sayward congratulated the builders of Chicago for the noble
stand that had been taken in the cause of individual liberty, adding
that the whole country was looking to Chicago for a solution of the
question of labor.


In the evening the Master Masons met and by a rising vote unanimously
adopted the amended code of principles. Working rules were adopted as

     The following shall be the working rules for workmen employed by
     members of this association:

     Nine hours to constitute a day's work, except on Saturdays, when
     all work shall be suspended at 12 o'clock noon.

     Work to start at 7 o'clock A. M. Minimum wages for bricklayers and
     stonemasons to be 45 cents per hour.

     Pay-day to be regularly every two weeks on either Monday or


The officers of the National Association of Builders invited the
Bricklayers to meet them and to state their grievances. The invitation
was accepted, and on Monday, May 23d, A. E. Vorkeller, president, and
William Householder, C. J. Lindgren, James Sedlak and John Pierson,
called upon the officials. After a session of three hours, during which
the committee ventilated its opinions on almost every subject of
grievance known to mortar-spreading humanity, the issue was finally
reduced to the vexed question of a Saturday pay-day. Interrogated upon
all subjects, the protesting committee acknowledged itself perfectly
satisfied with every existing condition except that of being paid on
Monday or Tuesday, instead of Saturday. This the committee claimed was
an encroachment upon their Sabbatarian rights which no honest and
industrious bricklayer would submit to with obedience or patient

Bankers, merchants, architects, builders, and all classes of citizens
responded to an invitation to confer with the officers of the National
Association, and offered suggestions in regard to the troubles which
were prostrating business and unnecessarily causing losses to employer
and employe which could never be recovered. After carefully considering
the situation the Executive Board of the National Association made a
comprehensive report, which is as follows:

     CHICAGO, May 24th, 1887.

     _To the Builders' and Traders' Exchange of Chicago and all filial
     bodies of the National Association of Builders, and to the general

     In view of the serious disturbance to building interests in the
     City of Chicago, and the widespread influence likely to flow from
     it to other localities, affecting not only the building trades, but
     all branches of industry in the United States, it has been thought
     wise to call the Executive Board of the National Association of
     Builders to this city, to carefully examine the situation,
     investigate the causes which have produced the existing conditions,
     and report thereon to all filial bodies for their information,
     together with such suggestions for their future action as may seem
     wise and best. All interested parties (and every business has
     interests more or less directly involved in this question) should
     thoroughly understand that the National Association of Builders
     assumes no powers of a dictatorial character; it simply acts as an
     advisory body, and communicates its conclusions only in the form of
     recommendations, which its affiliated associations may or may not
     adopt or follow, as the circumstances by which they are surrounded
     demand. But it should also be borne in mind that the National
     Association endeavors to confine its expressions of advice and
     recommendation to the general principles that underlie and affect
     conditions in all localities, and in this especial issue and crisis
     which has arrived in one of the most important business centers in
     this country, the Executive Board intends to be particularly
     careful, while considering the facts that exist in this city, to
     avoid as much as possible in its advice or recommendations, all
     local or superficial issues, and deal largely with the problem that
     is rapidly demanding solution in every city and town in the land.

     It is one of the purposes of the National Association to keep
     watchful guard over the interests of builders everywhere throughout
     the country, giving its advice and assistance to all its members
     when difficulties arise, using its influence with them to secure
     and maintain just relations either in their contact with each other
     or in their relations to owners, architects or workmen, and prevent
     the encroachment of other interests upon ground that belongs to

     The exact circumstances that have brought about the present
     blockade of business in Chicago may not be absolutely identical
     with the issues that have caused similar disturbances in other
     cities, and they may not be exactly reproduced in the future in any
     other locality; but the root from which they spring has been
     planted everywhere, and while the plant may be good and worthy, it
     is a matter of the greatest concern to all that the growth from it
     be carefully watched and held in check, lest it assume such rank
     and oppressive proportions that other interests, equally valuable
     and necessary, be overgrown and choked. It is sometimes necessary
     to prune a vine of rank and unhealthy growth, in order that it may
     bear good fruit. We apprehend that the experience of the builders
     of Chicago in this crisis will be of great importance to builders
     in other cities, and we hope to utilize their experience in such a
     way that general business interests will be better protected and
     preserved in the future, the proper purposes, opportunities and
     interests of organizations of workmen maintained and encouraged,
     and that the individual workman himself, whether he be connected
     with organizations or independent of them, may be placed in a
     position where he may exercise unquestioned his rights as an
     American citizen.

     In this endeavor we ask the co-operation of all business men,
     particularly those whose affairs bring them into direct contact
     with the difficult and perplexing questions incident to the
     employment of labor, and the community generally, for the public as
     a whole has an immense stake in this question of individual
     liberty. We have endeavored to make our inquiries in a
     disinterested spirit, and, in pursuance of this purpose, have given
     hearings to the employing builders, the Bricklayers' Union,
     non-union workmen, manufacturers, merchants, bankers, architects
     and business men generally, believing that we could only consider
     the question fairly by listening to all sides and opinions.

     The result of our investigation leads us to report as follows:

     The demand for pay-day on Saturday by the Bricklayers' Union, which
     precipitated the present blockade of business in the building
     trades in Chicago, was in itself inconsequent and trivial, and a
     concession or denial of it, on its merits, would have been
     immaterial; but it was presented in such a manner, at a time when
     the hodcarriers' strike, in progress, had been supported by the
     Amalgamated Building Trades, and had been preceded by such
     concessions on the part of the employers, that they felt this to
     be the "last straw," and that their duty to themselves and others
     compelled them to make a stand and demand a surrender of the rights
     which had been previously abrogated. In this course, and in the
     manner in which the builders have presented their convictions and
     method of future action, we believe that nothing has been done
     beyond what the situation imperatively demanded, and the safe and
     proper conduct of business required; we are only astonished that
     the crisis has not been sooner reached. It seems to us that this
     strike or lockout was not caused by a demand that it was impossible
     to grant, but was the direct result of the assumption by
     organizations of workmen, for a number of years, of rights not
     properly within their jurisdiction, and the demand coming, as it
     did, under such aggravating circumstances, occasion was properly
     taken, in our opinion, for a complete cessation of business, in
     order that it might finally be decided and settled whether the
     employer should for the future be free from further encroachments,
     and that he might recover those rights and prerogatives which
     properly belong to him. It is worthy of note that this issue or
     demand was not made in the dull season, when it might have been
     more easily arranged, or at least considered, but after the busy
     season was reached, and in addition to and in support of existing
     strikes. The Union making it did not seek to consult the employers
     in regard to its feasibility, although after it was promulgated
     (the employers requesting a re-consideration), a slight alteration
     was made in one of the details.

     It appears, according to the testimony of the Bricklayers' Union,
     that there has been no general strike in their trade for the last
     four years, but they admit that during that period they have been
     successful in enforcing certain rules and regulations in regard to
     control of journeyman and apprentices (which are set forth in their
     printed Constitution and By-laws), and that the enforcement of
     these rules has caused strikes or stoppages of work in many cases,
     upon certain jobs.

     It is in the rules or regulations referred to that conditions are
     imposed which the builders claim are an encroachment on their
     peculiar rights as well as the rights of independent workmen, and
     that in submitting to them they have made concessions which they
     can no longer endure.

     In this opinion we entirely and heartily concur.

     We will cite a few of these rules, calling attention to the fact
     that although the employers have at least an equal interest in the
     matters treated, they have never been even consulted in their
     formulation, but have been expected to comply with them as
     presented, and have so complied, for the reason, as they claim,
     that they could not help themselves.

     The first rule, or regulation, or custom, which demands notice is
     that which prevents workmen, not members of the Union, from
     obtaining work. This is excused by the declaration of the Union
     that they do not claim that the non-union man shall not work--they
     simply will not work with him; but this explanation is purely a
     clever evasion of the point at issue, for the workman is by force
     of circumstances deprived of opportunity to labor, and the position
     taken by the Union is manifestly a conspiracy against the rights of
     the individual.

     It may truly be considered the first step towards setting up an
     oligarchy in the midst of a free people.

     This assumed right is most tenaciously held and is one of the most
     dangerous expedients ever adopted by a voluntary association. We
     believe it to be a direct attack upon individual liberty, and an
     evil that will re-act upon those who attempt to establish it. We
     also believe it to be entirely unnecessary for the welfare of
     Unions--that all the ends they wish to gain can be secured by
     legitimate measures, and that not until they cut out this cancer
     will harmony be restored and reforms established. This custom
     should be constantly and absolutely denied.

     The next rule which we wish to consider is that establishing a
     "walking delegate."

     Some of the functions of this officer (if he may be so designated),
     as explained by members of the Union, are perfectly harmless, and
     possibly quite a convenience; but if proper relations were
     permitted to exist between employer and workman these functions
     could be equally well sustained by the foreman on the job. There
     are other powers, however, with which he is invested, which are so
     arbitrary in their character, which deprive the employer so
     completely of that control of workmen necessary to the prosecution
     of his work, that it is simply ridiculous to submit to it. For
     instance, "He shall be empowered to use his personal judgment on
     all points of disagreement between employer and employe, between
     regular meetings."--ARTICLE V., SEC 4.

     The simplest mind can readily see how little control the employer
     has left him, when a man not in his employ is permitted to come
     upon his work and "use his personal judgment" in questions of
     disagreement, the workman being obliged to then obey his orders.
     The employer seems to be a mere cipher under this arrangement, and
     can only fold his hands and wait till the "regular meeting" (at
     which he has no opportunity to be heard) settles whether the
     "personal judgment" exercised be just and fair. The result can be
     imagined. In the hands of an exceptionally honest and discreet
     person such a power would be dangerous enough, but in the control
     of a man who may not possess these qualities, or possess one of
     them without the other, the chances of stoppage of work under his
     orders, the constant annoyances to which employers, architects and
     owners may be subjected, makes this infliction too grievous to be
     borne. The thousands of unnecessary strikes, stoppages and
     obstructions to work for every conceivable cause, or no cause,
     which have occurred in all parts of the country in the name of
     justice and the walking delegate, are evidence enough that to
     owner, architect, employer and workman, he is an abomination not to
     be tolerated. As an adjunct to the walking delegate comes the
     "steward," who, like him, has some functions perfectly
     unobjectionable, but who in other ways is empowered to assume
     certain direction and control which surely is not consistent with
     the duties of a workman, that is, if the workman is considered to
     have any duty to his employer. It is noticeable that in the
     description of the duties of these two gentlemen, it is the
     "interests of the Union" only that they are directed to observe; it
     is true that the walking delegate is not an employe, but he is to
     have free access to the work, can interfere and obstruct as he
     pleases, but the interest of the employer seems to have been
     omitted in the recital of his duties. When it is considered how
     much is taken off the hands of the employer by these two persons,
     it is somewhat a matter of surprise that owner and architect burden
     themselves with the useless middle man, the nominal employer, when
     they can have the whole matter handled by the Union and its agents.

     The rules in relation to apprentices are peculiarly restrictive and
     leave nothing whatever that is worth possessing in the hands of the
     employer. We cannot imagine why any contractor would care to have
     apprentices at all, if their direction and control is to be so
     completely out of his hands.

     These rules declare that "no contractor shall be allowed to have
     more than two apprentices at a time;" "he will not be allowed to
     have any more until their time is completed;" "he may then replace

     The contractor must sign such indentures as are prepared by the
     Union without consultation with him. "No contractor will be allowed
     to have an apprentice over eighteen years of age unless he be the
     son of a journeyman who is a member of the Union." Apprentices must
     also be members. The contractor is thus debarred from putting his
     own son at apprenticeship if he happens to be eighteen years of
     age. This appears to be most emphatic special legislation. In fact
     the whole management and control of apprentices is virtually in the
     hands of the Union, and we submit again that such action as this is
     most indefensive and pernicious. It has already caused a tremendous
     reduction in the number of young men learning the trade, and, if
     practiced in other branches of business, would create a state of
     revolt among the people, and would be denounced throughout the
     length and breadth of the land as a violation of rights heretofore
     supposed to be secured when this country became a Republic.

     Foremen upon the work must be members of the Union. Inspectors upon
     public buildings must be practical bricklayers in the opinion of
     the Union, and members of it; in fact there are so many points that
     demonstrate the development of this one-sided power of the Union,
     and showing abuse of their place and mission that we cannot take
     time or space to enlarge upon them.

     To our mind the Constitution of this Union, and many others, is
     framed upon the assumption that all employers are dishonest and bad
     men, so all are to suffer alike.

     The Union seem to have come to the conclusion that the laws of the
     land are not sufficient, and they propose to be not only a law unto
     themselves but a law unto all others who come in contact with them.

     This assumption, if permitted to stand and grow, will tend to
     disintegrate the whole social and political fabric upon which
     citizens of this country depend for protection; and we believe it
     to be our duty to call upon all good citizens to deny it in
     unequivocal terms.

     We submit that these "rules" which we have quoted, and other
     customs which have naturally grown from such development of power
     (which are neither written or admitted by the Union, but which
     nevertheless exist), are distinctly an encroachment upon the
     province of the employer; that under them he is robbed of that
     control and authority absolutely essential to the proper conduct of
     his business.

     Submission to such dictation as this simply opens the door wider
     for interference, and the employer is not secure from day to day
     from new and harassing demands, so that eventually he will have
     practically nothing left to him but the "privilege" of paying the

     The crisis here in Chicago is of tremendous importance and
     significance to every builder and every business man, not alone in
     this great and rapidly growing city, but in every city of the
     country, for here is seen a demonstration of the tyranny which
     becomes possible when improper methods are submitted to; a tyranny
     which holds the workman in its grasp quite as surely as the
     employer, and this experience and demonstration should be a timely
     warning to all.

     Labor Unions have gone too far.

     They have mistaken their functions and over-stepped their

     The time has come to "call a halt," and to demand a surrender of
     that which has been improperly obtained.

     To do this will require some patience and some sacrifice, but the
     end to be gained is but justice and right, and worth all that it
     may cost.

     Better that not another brick be laid or another nail be driven in
     Chicago for a year than this opportunity be lost to regain the
     rights and prerogatives which make it possible for employer and
     workman to be independent and successful.

     Let nothing be done to injure the Union in the prosecution of their
     rightful purposes; they have a most important mission and a great
     field for usefulness. Aid and assist them in these things by every
     means in your power, but for their own good, as well as your own
     safety, stand constantly and steadfastly opposed to any and every
     attempt to take away that which makes you an employer, or from the
     workman himself the right to work.

     Trade Unionism in theory, and as it may be consistently and
     intelligently carried out, can be a most useful aid to all
     concerned; but, as at present managed, clinging fast as it does to
     the cardinal principle of the right to prevent any and every man
     from working who does not happen to belong to the order, it is a
     bane to society and a curse to its members. We approve of the
     position taken by the builders of Chicago in this emergency, and we
     congratulate them that other branches of business, whose interests
     are so closely interwoven with theirs, have had the courage and
     willingness to make common cause with them, recognizing, as they
     evidently do, that if this sort of dictation is permitted to grow,
     that their own position will become undermined and security vanish.
     We congratulate them also that general business interests have
     given them such hearty co-operation and support, and we feel
     assured that will continue until the victory is won.

     We recommend all filial associations of this body to assume the
     same attitude in the event of an issue being forced upon them by
     further encroachments, and we suggest to them, as well as to the
     Builders' and Traders' exchange of Chicago, that, in order to
     encourage all workmen who wish to have an opportunity to freely
     work, untrammelled by the improper requirements and rules of
     voluntary associations (membership in which, as far as most workmen
     are concerned, have become involuntary), and be protected in their
     work, it will be wise to create and establish at once a Bureau of
     Record in connection with their associations, where any and all
     workmen may put themselves on record as assenting to the principles
     of individual liberty, announced here in Chicago, and by and
     through which the workmen so assenting will be kept at work, and
     protected in it, in preference to those who deny these principles.

     Let steps be taken, after a certain time given to develop the
     honest purpose, good character, skill and ability of the workmen,
     to make them members of your own associations, and so institute,
     for the first time, a union wherein employer and employe shall be
     joined, and their interests considered in common, as they properly
     should be. We believe this would be a step in the right direction,
     and the dawn of the day when the two branches of workmen--the
     directing workman and the manual workman--will not be arrayed
     against each other, but will consider and act in concert for their
     mutual benefit.

     Closing now our report to filial associations, we wish to address a
     few words to the public at large, whose servants we are.

     We believe that the builders of this country stand to-day in a
     position which commands the attention of all kinds and classes of
     business men everywhere.

     We wish to do only that which is right and in accordance with the
     principles upon which this Republic was founded.

     Individual liberty is the dearest possession of the American
     people; we intend to stand by it and protect it in every emergency,
     and, to our mind, there has never been before presented an occasion
     more significant and decisive than the present, and in doing all we
     can to sustain it we feel that we are fighting not for our selfish
     ends alone, but for the welfare and protection of every individual
     in the land.

     Individual liberty is not incompatible with associations, and
     associations are not incompatible with individual liberty; on the
     contrary, they should go hand in hand.

     We call upon all to sustain us in maintaining all that is good and
     in defeating all that is bad in this difficult problem of labor.

     Liberty is our watchword, and this struggle is but a continuation
     of that endeavor which began a hundred years ago, when a little
     band of patriots, at Concord Bridge, "fired that shot heard round
     the world," which was the first blow in establishing American

     J. M. BLAIR,
     WM. H. SAYWARD,
     Executive Board of the National Association of Builders.


It having been decided by the conference of building trades that work
might be resumed by any contractor on or before June 1st, and the Master
Masons' association having approved of the platform of principles and
adopted rules for the government of its members, the executive committee
of the Master Masons' association adopted the following form of
notification for its members of their readiness to resume work and their
willingness to adhere to the principles approved by the association at
its last meeting:

     JOSEPH DOWNEY, President Master Masons' Association
     --_Sir:_ We are ready to start work, and hereby agree on our
     honor to abide by the rules and platform adopted by the Master
     Masons' association.


In pursuance of this action a number of contracting masons notified
President Downey of their readiness to resume work, and they were given
permits for the purchase of building material, the following form being

    PERMIT, No. ______       |       PERMIT.
                             | EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE,
    _Granted_ ______________ |
                             | Master Masons' and Builders' Association,
    _to deliver_ ___________ |______________________
    _to_ ___________________ |           _You are hereby requested_
                             | _to deliver to_ ____________________
    _at No._ _______________ | ____________________________________
    _Purpose_ ______________ |                _No_ ________________
    _________________________| _for the purpose of_ _______________
                             |               ______________________

This form of permit was continued in use to contractors who were not
members of the Master Masons' association. A different course was
pursued with members, who were required to sign a request for a general
permit, the form of the request being as follows:

     Chicago, May 24th, 1887.

     _Gents_:--I hereby make application for permit to resume work, and
     I agree on my honor to adopt the rules and platform as passed by
     the Master Masons' and Builders' Association, May 23d, 1887.


Upon the presentation of such an application to the executive committee
a general permit was issued, which was in form as follows:

     Chicago, May 24th, 1887.

     HERMANN MUELLER.--In consideration of your signing an agreement to
     adhere to the Platform and Code of Working Principles adopted by
     the Master Masons' and Builders' Association May 23d, 1887, you are
     hereby granted a permit to resume work.

     JOSEPH DOWNEY, President.

In attempting to resume work the mason contractors were disposed to give
preference to such bricklayers and stonemasons as had been working in
Chicago, and who evinced a willingness to return to work under the code
of principles and the rules of the association which had been adopted. A
few workmen took advantage of the proposition at once, and went to work,
but fear of fines by the union and assaults from the members of the
union, deterred a great many from going to work who were perfectly
willing to subscribe to the principles enunciated. The leaders of the
strikers announced that under no conditions would the union accept the
offer of 45 cents an hour and nine hours a day.

By May 25th more than one thousand of the union bricklayers had left the
city and were working in outside towns ten hours a day for $2.50 to $3
pay, rather than accept the offer of the Master Masons.

Not being able to secure a large number of the home workmen the Master
Masons' caused to be published in important towns in Illinois, Indiana,
Wisconsin, Michigan, Ohio and Missouri, a notice that there were wanted
in Chicago one thousand bricklayers who would be given steady work at 45
cents an hour and would be guaranteed protection. They did not expect
that the whole number would be secured, as it was the busy season for
building everywhere, but they looked for a sufficient number of
responses to meet the immediate demand.

In this they were disappointed. The experience of outside bricklayers in
Chicago had been of an unsavory character, and they respectfully
declined to advance upon the city in a body. A few bold fellows made
their appearance, but they numbered less than one hundred. Many of those
who went to work were put under police protection in order to keep the
strikers from committing depredations.


The Hodcarriers became disgusted. Their feeling against the Bricklayers
was very strong, and they said if the Bricklayers were possessed of more
sense all the employes in the building trades would be at work at good
wages and the Hodcarriers would be getting all they asked for. They were
out of work and out of means, and the funds of the union were so low
that little or no relief could be obtained from that source. The union
funds had been exhausted for some time, and the weekly assessments upon
men employed did not average over $200, while there was a demand for
more than $10,000 per week to pay the $5 weekly, which was guaranteed to
every member of the Hodcarriers' union who was on strike and in need.
The outcome to the most of the men looked bad, and serious trouble was
expected. Men with starving families and no prospect of getting work
were not likely to long keep quiet. Only a few men showed themselves at
headquarters, but there was an undercurrent of discontent that could not
be kept down. Fears were entertained that it might lead to riot, and
efforts were put forth to keep the rougher element out of the way. There
were good grounds for apprehension, and it required careful manipulation
to keep the dangerous element subdued.


On Friday, May 27th, the executive committee of the Master Masons'
association appointed a sub-committee to make a list of jobs in the city
giving the names of all the contractors, the location of the work, the
number of bricklayers, stonemasons and laborers required, and the number
at work, and this sub-committee rapidly got its work in shape. It also
kept a memoranda of the character of material needed, and the quantity
supplied from time to time, with the names of the dealers from whom it
was procured. It was empowered to designate members of the association
to visit jobs as often as necessary for the purpose of rendering any
service that would facilitate the work, and contractors who were
resuming business were requested to report to the committee what
progress was being made. The executive committee realized that it would
take no little time to get the business in good running order, and the
organization was put in such shape as to make it effective in a long or
short campaign.


In order to create a break in the ranks of the material dealers, who
were bravely supporting the Master Masons, the strikers circulated a
report that permits for the purchase of building materials would only be
issued to members of the Master Masons' association. When the attention
of President Downey was called to the fact he said with considerable

     "It is not so. I can not understand how such an impression got out,
     as there has been no thought of making or enforcing such a rule.
     There is no disposition on the part of the executive committee to
     take such action and there never has been. The fact is that more
     permits for material have been issued to builders who are not
     members of the Master Masons' association than have been issued to
     members. All that is required of an applicant for a permit is that
     he will agree to abide by the code of principles and the rules
     adopted and sign the card which has been prepared setting forth
     these facts."

The only discrimination made by the executive committee was in its
positive refusal to issue permits to small contractors or jobbers who
were members of the Bricklayers' and Stonemasons' union. They were told
that when they resigned from the union and brought evidence of the fact,
and agreed to the code of principles and the rules, they could have all
the material they wanted.


The following telegram was received at the Builders' and Traders'

     ROCHESTER, N. Y., May 27.

     JOSEPH DOWNEY, President Master Masons' Association, Chicago: On
     behalf of the New York State Masons' association I wish you
     Godspeed in your code of principles.

     H. GORSLINE, President.


On Saturday, May 29th, the Master Masons' association met and talked
over the situation, congratulating each other on the promised success of
their movement for freedom.

At the request of Mr. Tapper Mr. Victor Falkenau made a statement to
show the corrupt methods of the walking delegate. He said that in
October, 1886, he was erecting a building on Astor street for Mr. Post,
when Walking Delegate Healy appeared on the scene and objected to some
pressed brick being put into arches that had been cut at the
manufactory, insisting that they should be cut on the job. Healy
insisted on calling the men off the job, but in consideration of $5,
which was then paid to him, he let the work proceed. A committee from
the Bricklayers' union had called on him to ascertain what had been
done, and he had put it in possession of the facts in the case. The
money was paid to Healy Oct. 21st. In the face of this statement, which
was backed by ample proof, the walking delegate was not removed from his
high position. Other members referred to similar cases in which walking
delegates had shown themselves to be walking blackmailers.

When Delegate Healy heard of the statement of Mr. Falkenau he threatened
to bring suit against him for $10,000 damages. Mr. Falkenau remarked
that he was glad he was to be sued as a hearing of the cause in a court
would bring out the facts under oath in a manner that would satisfy
anyone as to the truth or falsity of the charge. A contractor who was
familiar with the facts in the case said the statement of Mr. Falkenau
would be supported by other testimony when the time came, but he was
satisfied there would be no libel suit. And there was none.


The Association of Manufacturers in Metals met Saturday, May 28th, and
unanimously adopted the following resolutions:

     _Whereas_, We know there are organizations existing which deny the
     rights of the individual as guaranteed by the constitution of the
     United States; and

     _Whereas_, We believe it our duty as citizens to range ourselves
     with others in the assertion and defense of the rights of man, be
     he employer or workman; now, therefore,

     We affirm that absolute personal independence of the individual to
     work or not to work, to employ or not to employ, is a fundamental
     principle which should never be questioned or assailed; that upon
     it depends the security of our whole social fabric and business
     prosperity, and that employers and workmen should be equally
     interested in its defense and preservation.

     We recognize that there are many opportunities for good in
     associations of workmen, and we will aid and assist them in all
     just and honorable purposes; that while upon fundamental principles
     it would be useless to confer or arbitrate, there are still many
     points upon which conferences and arbitrations are perfectly right
     and proper, and that upon such points it is a manifest duty to
     avail ourselves of the opportunities afforded by associations to
     confer together to the end that strikes, lockouts, and other
     disturbances may be prevented.

     We recognize that permanent harmony between employer and workman
     can only exist when both agree on the justice and right of the
     principles set forth. Now, therefore, be it

     _Resolved_, That all members of the Association of Manufacturers
     in Metals be, and they are hereby requested to display in office
     and workshop, the above declaration and the following code of

     "I recognize the right of every man to decide for himself, with
     employers, without dictation or interference, when he shall work or
     cease to work, where he shall work, how many hours he shall work,
     and for what wages he shall work.

     "I recognize the right of the employer to decide for himself whom
     he shall employ or cease to employ, and regulate and manage his
     business with perfect independence, provided only that he deal
     lawfully, justly and honorably with all men.

     "I recognize the right of every father to have his son taught, and
     of every son to learn any lawful trade, to be the same as his right
     to a knowledge of reading and writing, or any other branch of
     learning, which should be subject to regulations only by the laws
     of the land.

     "By accepting employment I agree in all my relations and
     intercourse with my employers and fellow-workmen to maintain and
     live up to these principles."

     _Resolved_, That full powers be and they are hereby granted to the
     executive committee to take all steps by them deemed necessary to
     carry into effect the principles heretofore set forth and to
     express the concurrence of this association with the position taken
     by the Master Masons' and Builders' Association.

This action, it was stated during the discussion of the resolutions, was
not the outgrowth of sympathy only, but caused by the fact that Metal
men were suffering just as much as anybody under the then existing
trouble in the building trades. There were not cast seventy-five tons of
building ironwork a day in the city when there ought to have been three
hundred tons at least. The depression of trade was so marked that two
foundries shut down, throwing 250 men out of work, and all the
establishments were glad to have a pretext for closing.


At the headquarters of the Bricklayers the statement was made that there
had been an important meeting of the dealers in Building material, May
30th, at the Builders' and Traders' exchange, at which it was agreed
that the material men would not wait longer than June 1st for the Master
Masons to get to work, as their agreement to not sell and deliver
building material only extended to that date. When asked about the
meeting, Mr. Mulrany, of the Union, could not say how many attended, or
give the names of any who were present. He insisted that the Bricklayers
would break the backs of the Master Masons, and would make them give up
for good. He was sure the lockout would not last long, because there was
so much disaffection among the bosses. Diligent inquiry was made at the
Exchange to learn if such a meeting had been held as the one mentioned
by Mr. Mulrany, but assurance was given that none had been. A dozen
dealers in building material protested that such a meeting had not been
held and would not be. The agreement to not sell or deliver material was
limited only by the duration of the strike. The statement was on a par
with many that emanated from the strikers.


The Hodcarriers' Union, as a body, seemed to have entirely collapsed.
The funds of the Union having entirely run out, the men found no
attraction to the headquarters on West Taylor street. A great portion of
the men found work in other quarters, and those still out were ready to
go to work at the first opportunity which might offer, regardless of the
demands which were made when the men struck six weeks previously.


May 31st the Chicago Master Plumbers' association met and adopted the
following resolution, which was sent to the Council of Building

     _Resolved_, That we, the Chicago Master Plumbers' association of
     Chicago, recognizing the right of employers heretofore jeopardized
     by the arbitrary interference of trades unions, do hereby tender
     our hearty sympathy and support to the Master Masons in their
     present struggle for the individual rights of employers.

     ROBERT GRIFFITH, President.
     J. R. ALCOCK, Secretary.


The Chicago Brickmakers' association, which represents all brick yards
in the South and West Divisions of the city, met May 31st and adopted
the following rules:

     We the brick manufacturers of the South and West divisions, believe
     the adoption of the following rules will tend to establish a system
     that strikes may be avoided in the manufacturing of brick in our
     divisions of the city:

     1. By the appointment of a committee of three members from the
     Brick Manufacturers' association and three from the Brick Laborers'
     union, with full power to act in all matters pertaining to the
     interests of those they represent.

     2. To hold regular meetings on the second and fourth Tuesdays of
     each month for the transaction of any business that may come before

     3. No member of the organization represented shall strike or cease
     operation of their work for any individual grievance pending a
     meeting of any committee.

     4. Any question said committee fails to agree upon they shall call
     in outside assistance and use all honorable means for a settlement
     before ordering a strike or lockout.

     5. When said committee, after due care, fails to agree, they shall,
     before ordering a strike or lockout, give one week's notice.

     6. All brick manufactured up to date of said strike or lockout
     shall be cared for by the men before abandoning their work.

     7. The committee shall in no way interfere in any difficulty
     arising between the brick manufacturers and any other organization
     other than the one from which they were appointed.


June 1st. The executive committee of the Master Masons' association
issued an address to their former employes, as follows:

     those of you who have families to support; who, by frugal saving,
     have laid by a store for rainy days; who, perhaps, have invested
     surplus earnings in a house and lot or made partial payments on a
     piece of land for a future homestead, and thereby have acquired an
     interest in Chicago--to you we speak.

     To those of you who have joined the now existing union under
     compulsion, and are to-day afraid of personal injury, should you in
     any way assert your independence; to those of you who feel the
     abuses practiced, who are not in accord with the ruling clique, who
     have informed us time and again that you are not granted a hearing
     when your opinion is not in harmony with that of "the gang," and
     that you consequently do not attend the meeting of said "union"--to
     you we appeal.

     To those of you who believe in arbitration as a better mode of
     redressing grievances or adjusting differences than the strike or
     lockout; to those of you who are old enough to remember that the
     members of our organization have all been journeymen bricklayers
     and stonemasons, that there are none among us who may not be
     compelled to take up tools again, nor any among you who may not at
     any time become employers, and that, consequently, there are no
     questions concerning one branch which are not of interest to the
     other--to you we address ourselves.

     This association, together with other associations of builders, has
     issued a platform affirming our adherence to the fundamental
     principle of individual liberty. Read it, discuss it, digest it. It
     is right. It is guaranteed by the constitution of the United
     States, and he who denies the rights of man is not an American
     citizen, and by his denial affirms that he does not intend to
     become such, although he may have gone through the form of
     acquiring citizenship.

     We are not opposed to all unions.

     In the second paragraph of our platform we recognize the right of
     organization among workmen for all just and honorable purposes. But
     we are opposed to the methods employed by the present union. Brute
     force is used in all directions to compel fellow-workmen to join
     and keep them in line in support of any action taken, no matter how
     unreasonable; to enforce the assumed control of the business of
     employers; to arbitrarily keep boys from learning the trade; to
     deny the right of mechanics to support their families by working at
     their trade in this city, etc. In all directions brute force is the
     foundation of the present union. This is wrong. Brute force can
     only be opposed by brute force, the strike on the one hand opposed
     by the lockout on the other, resulting in loss and suffering to
     both, and without any permanent results, for no matter which side
     is successful, the only thing proven is that it had the strongest
     organization, not that its position is right. Strikes and lockouts,
     with all the train of resulting evils, can only be prevented by
     organizations among both workmen and employers, both recognizing
     the same fundamental principles and agreeing to refer any question
     of temporary policy, such as the amount of wages to be paid, number
     of hours to be worked, pay-day, and others, or any grievances or
     differences arising in the future, to a joint committee of
     arbitration--work to continue without interruption, and questions
     at issue to be decided definitely by the committee.

     The "walking delegate" has proved himself an unmitigated nuisance.
     To give into the hands of one man power so absolute will always be
     dangerous and sure to be abused. Nor will the necessity exist for a
     "walking delegate." His place will be filled by the arbitration
     committee. That the laws of the state shall prevail in regard to
     apprentices, as well as on other subjects by them covered, needs no

     All must recognize that foremen are hired to be the agents and
     representatives of the employer for the faithful and economic
     performance of the work, and, as such, should be under his
     exclusive control.

     Of "stewards" we not treat here. Acting for an organization which
     acknowledges as right and just the principles contained in our
     platform, their duties can not interfere with the proper
     prosecution of the work.

     To sum up, form a union on the same platform we uphold and men will
     join it because of the benefits to be derived--brute force will not
     be necessary in any direction,--and whenever one hundred, yes,
     fifty, members shall have enrolled themselves we will gladly
     recognize it and appoint members to serve on a joint committee of
     arbitration to have charge of all matters of mutual interests.

     We mean what we say.

     Fault has been found with the "working rules" adopted. These will
     be subject to joint discussion and adjustment when a joint
     committee of arbitration shall be in existence. Until then we have
     agreed to nine hours as a working day, because that is the rule
     adopted by other large cities, and Chicago should not be at a
     disadvantage as a point for investment in comparison with them. We
     believe the Saturday half-holiday has come to stay with us as one
     of the recognized institutions of the country, and we have adopted
     it freely and voluntarily. By agreeing to 45 cents per hour as a
     minimum rate of wages we trust to have proved that we do not
     desire to lower rates. A regular fortnightly pay-day has been

     These are our conditions. Discuss them as to their fairness, and if
     you find them just come to work, and we shall be glad to employ you
     as far as still in our power, for it is true that each day of
     continued strike does lessen the chance for a busy season.

     The situation in brief is as follows: The general public recognizes
     the present necessity of coming to a fair understanding between
     employer and workman--and thereby laying the foundation for future
     harmonious action--by refusing to build under present
     circumstances. Some work must be done, no matter what the
     conditions. But there is not one-fourth of the work on hand now
     there was last year at this time.

     For its future growth and prosperity Chicago needs manufacturing
     enterprises. In the selection of a site for such people with money
     to invest look for security from violent and arbitrary interruption
     to their business. Abolish the "walking delegates;" show that you
     have profited by the lessons of the past, and establish
     arbitration; lay the foundation for peace and harmony between
     employer and workmen, and Chicago will be the place selected;
     business, now dull and dragging, will revive, and steady employment
     will reward both you and us for sense and moderation shown.
     Fraternally yours,

     By Executive Committee.


A final meeting of the Conference Committee of the Building Trades was
held June 1st. Reports were made showing that every organization
represented had unqualifiedly endorsed the platform of principles which
had been enunciated.

The cut-stone contractors, through Mr. T. C. Diener, made the following
report, premising it by saying that the members of the association were
in accord with the principles which had been enunciated by the
conference committee:

     Contractors' association has carefully considered the code of
     principles adopted by your committee, and, although approving of
     the principles laid down, we could not adopt them as a whole, and
     therefore deem it not advisable to ask the assent of our employes
     as a condition of further employment after June 1st for the reasons
     hereafter mentioned:

     Fully endorsing the right of an employe to work for whom he
     chooses, we do not concede that individually he can regulate the
     number of hours he desires to work, but in that respect must comply
     with the established rule of number of hours per day.

     In our trade eight hours per day for stone-cutters has been the
     system for the last twenty years. It has been a success in every
     respect, for to-day, with improved machinery, cut-stone is fully 50
     to 100 per cent cheaper than during the ten hour time.

     Conceding the right to each man for what wages he will work--we
     maintain that it is to the interest of the building trade generally
     that a rate of wages be adopted at the opening of the season, thus
     making it a standard basis for contractors to estimate by.

     In the matter of apprenticeship we also maintain that it is to the
     interest of the boy and the employer of the same. For by employing
     too many boys in our trade a foreman would not have the opportunity
     to train the boy, and he would turn out a poor mechanic.

     It is a rule and regulation similar to educational institutions. To
     make these rules has been the motive which has prompted employes
     and employers to organize. In the cut-stone trade we have an
     association of stone-cutters and an association of cut-stone
     contractors. These two bodies recognize each other, and at the
     beginning of the season, as has been done heretofore for years,
     they have agreed on a rate of wages, number of hours per day, and
     number of apprentices to a yard (which is about one to six men),
     and, therefore, we are in duty bound to abide by the same.

     We have, furthermore, a written agreement between our two
     organizations, of which article 1 is as follows:

     "All disputes or misunderstandings of any kind that may arise shall
     be submitted to committees, who shall report to their respective
     associations before final action shall be taken."

     And article 6 is as follows:

     "These rules not to be changed or altered except by the consent of
     each association, and in that case a thirty days' notice to be
     given by the party desiring to terminate said agreement."

     In our discussions and conclusions we have also been guided to a
     certain extent by the press, to avoid, if possible, a general
     lockout, and by that part of the platform of the National
     Association of Builders, "that good may be derived from proper
     organizations," and it is our aim that our associations shall not
     only be a benefit to themselves, but to the general public.
     Respectfully submitted.

     T. C. DIENER, Secretary.

The conference then adjourned sine die.


Immediately after the adjournment of the Conference Committee the
Central Council of Builders--which had been recommended by the
Conference Committee--met, the various interests being represented as

     Metal-Workers, Robert Vierling.

     Steam-Fitters, H. G. Savage.

     Cut-Stone Contractors, T. C. Diener.

     Master Plasterers, John Sutton.

     Gravel Roofers, M. W. Powell.

     Master Masons, George Tapper.

     Master Painters, J. B. Sullivan.

     Galvanized-Iron Cornice, Edward Kirk, Jr.

     Carpenters and Builders, William Hearson.

     North-Side Brick Manufacturers, A. J. Weckler.

     Fire-Proofers, P. B. Wight.

     Non-Union Stone-Cutters, C. B. Kimbell.

     Builders' and Traders' Exchange, F. C. Schoenthaler.

     Real Estate Board, Henry L. Turner.

A delegate from the Master Plumbers was not present, because none had
yet been appointed.

On motion of William Hearson, George Tapper was elected chairman and F.
C. Schoenthaler secretary. At the suggestion of Mr. Vierling a committee
of three was appointed to prepare a plan of organization, with
instructions to report at the next meeting. The committee was as
follows: H. G. Savage, Edward Kirk, Jr., William Hearson.


A union bricklayer appeared in the corridor of the exchange and was
boasting that he could buy all the brick he wanted of A. J. Weckler, a
north-side manufacturer. The statement was denied by a contractor. About
that time Mr. Weckler appeared on the scene and was informed of the
statement that had been made. His reply was: "The only price I have had
brick at my yard since the strike began was $1 a brick, and I think Mr.
Downey would give a permit for me to sell every brick in the yard at
that price. But, if a man thinks he can get any brick from me at the
regular price, or for less than $1 a brick at present, he is very much
mistaken." The bricklayer subsided and had no more statements to make.


Groups of idle bricklayers gathered in and around their headquarters, at
Greenebaum's Hall, discussing the situation, and sometimes branching off
into earnest conversation on the natural outcome of the labor movement.
They claimed that they were a conservative body, seeking all reforms
through the ballot, and all demands by legal and peaceful organization;
yet it was plain that socialistic ideas were not uncommon to many of the
talkers. All of them were determined to hold to their position to the
end, and seemed confident that the bosses would have to give way, and
that their combination was weakening and disintegrating. When it became
known among them that the union had been called in to complete a large
building at the corner of Chicago and Milwaukee avenues, and a
four-story structure near the corner of Madison and Union streets, they
became very jubilant and pointed them out as evidences that contractors
were powerless. "They must come to our terms," was the general comment,
"for they can not get men from abroad to fill our places." The opinion
prevailed among them that they were the only bricklayers in the country
that could work on a Chicago building.


The Carpenters' and Builders' association met June 2d and adopted the
following working rules:

     We agree to begin on the 13th day of June to work nine hours in
     each working day, beginning at 7 o'clock A. M. and ending at 5
     o'clock P. M., with the usual hour at noon for dinner; under
     payment by the hour.

     All work done before 7 o'clock A. M. and after 5 o'clock P. M. to
     be paid for as overtime at such price as may be agreed upon by the
     workman and employer.

     The above number of working hours per day applies only to workmen
     engaged at buildings in course of construction or repair.


The consistency of the union bricklayers was exhibited in a case where a
building was taken from a contractor and given to bricklayers to
complete. The moment they became "bosses" they showed their regard for
union principles by employing non-union hodcarriers and laborers. This
action incensed the hodcarriers, and they forced the "union" bosses to
discharge their non-union helpers and employ members of the laborers'


June 3d the Bricklayers' union met at Berry's hall. An attempt was made
to read a proposition to return to work, leaving the question of pay-day
and hours to arbitration; but the proposition was howled down, and not
even permitted to be read. The following resolutions were adopted:

     _Whereas_, The Bricklayers' and Stonemasons' union of Chicago, on
     May 11th, in special meeting assembled, adopted Saturday as their
     regular pay-day, and

     _Whereas_, The so-called Master Masons' union of this city have
     refused to grant our reasonable request, and have entered into a
     conspiracy with the Builders' and Traders' exchange, the object of
     which is to disrupt our organization; therefore, be it

     _Resolved_, That we, United Order of American Bricklayers and
     Stonemasons, in regular meeting assembled, pledge our honor to
     stand firmly by the resolutions adopted May 11th.

     _Resolved_, That we condemn the Builders' and Traders' exchange for
     their cowardly action in locking up the building materials and
     forcing a lockout, thereby paralyzing the business interests of
     this city, and causing loss and suffering among thousands of our
     citizens who are in no way responsible for the differences existing
     between our organization and the master masons, so-called.


The Central Council of the Building Interests of Chicago met Friday,
June 3d, for the purpose of hearing a report from the committee
appointed to prepare a working plan for the Council. Mr. H. G. Savage,
of the committee, submitted the report, which was considered by sections
and adopted as follows:

     1. This body shall be known as the Central Council of the Building
     Interests of Chicago.

     2. The object of this Council shall be to promote the building
     interests of Chicago, harmonize the different branches, and adopt
     such measures as from time to time may be found beneficial,
     carrying out the following platform of principles, which has been
     adopted by the various associations herein represented:

     We affirm that absolute personal independence of the individual to
     work or not to work, to employ or not to employ, is a fundamental
     principle which should never be questioned or assailed; that upon
     it depends the security of our whole social fabric and business
     prosperity, and that employers and workmen should be equally
     interested in its defense and preservation.

     We recognize that there are many opportunities for good in
     associations of workmen, and, while condemning and opposing
     improper action on their part, we will aid and assist them in all
     just and honorable purposes; that while upon fundamental principles
     it would be useless to confer or arbitrate, there are still many
     points upon which conferences and arbitrations are perfectly right
     and proper, and that upon such points it is a manifest duty to take
     advantage of the opportunities afforded by associations to confer
     together, to the end that strikes, lockouts, and other disturbances
     may be prevented.

     3. All associations of building-trade employers, the Real Estate
     board, the Illinois Association of Architects, and the Builders'
     and Traders' exchange shall be entitled to one representative each.

     4. The officers shall be elected at the annual meeting, and shall
     consist of a president, vice-president, and financial secretary, to
     hold office for one year, or until their successors are duly

     5. Regular meetings shall be held the first Friday of each month at
     2 o'clock P. M.

     The first regular meeting in June shall be the annual meeting.
     Special meetings may be called by the president or any three
     members of the Council.

     6. The following standing committees, consisting of three members
     each, shall be appointed by the president at the annual meeting, to
     hold office for one year, or until their successors are appointed:

     Credentials--To whom shall be referred all applications for

     Safety--Whose duty it shall be to see that ample protection to all
     is afforded against unlawful interference.

     Strikes and Grievances--Whose duty it shall be to investigate all
     strikes and grievances and to report to the Council fully in regard
     to the same, with such recommendations as they may deem necessary.

     Arbitration--To whom shall be referred all questions of differences
     between employers and employes.

     7. Annual dues shall be 25 cents for each member of the various
     associations belonging to the Council, and assessments may be made
     upon the same basis of representation.

Officers were elected as follows:

President, George Tapper; Vice President, H. G. Savage; Financial
Secretary, F. C. Schoenthaler.

Standing committees were appointed by the president as follows:

Credentials--J. B. Sullivan, T. C. Diener, A. J. Weckler.

Safety--H. L. Turner, C. B. Kimbell, Robert Vierling.

Strikes and Grievances--P. B. Wight, H. G. Savage, M. W. Powell.

Arbitration--Edward Kirk, Jr., William Hearson, John Sutton.


Saturday, June 4th, the Illinois State Association of Architects met. In
calling the meeting to order President D. Adler read a letter from the
executive committee of the Builders' and Traders' exchange thanking the
Association for the stand it had taken upon the labor troubles. He said
that those present knew the demoralized condition of the building trades
and the low character that they were drifting to in regard to the
workmanship of mechanics engaged therein. It was becoming almost
impossible to replace good men, because the trades-unions arbitrarily
prevented the education of a sufficient number of apprentices to replace
the good and competent mechanics, who appeared to be rapidly dying out.
The difficulty was staring them in the face that soon they would not be
able to secure competent mechanical skill at all. It was the architects'
duty to assert the right of every American citizen to work at any trade
he pleased, without interference from the walking delegate. It was the
architects' duty to assist every young man who desired to learn a trade.
There was more at stake in the contest than their own immediate interest
as architects--more than the mere stoppage of work. The architects
should strengthen the hands of those who were battling for the freedom
of American citizens.

Mr. John W. Root offered the following resolution, which was adopted:

     _Resolved_, That the Illinois State Association of Architects
     heartily indorse the general principles set forth in the recently
     published "platform and code of principles" adopted by the
     Builders' association and the Real Estate board of Chicago, and
     that we will use our utmost endeavors to see that these principles
     prevail in all building operations in Chicago.


The committee of safety of the Central Council of Building Interests met
June 4th and issued the following document:

     The Central Council of the Building Interests of Chicago having
     appointed, among other committees, a committee of safety, whose
     duty it is to "see that ample protection to all is afforded against
     unlawful interference," the committee desires to announce to all
     concerned in the building interests of the city that they are
     prepared to follow up and prosecute all offenders unlawfully
     interfering with or intimidating any workman or employer in the
     legitimate performance of his business. This announcement is
     hastened by the publication in the morning papers of an unlawful
     and unprovoked attack upon peaceable workmen at a job at the corner
     of Harrison street and Western avenue on Friday, June 3d. The
     committee will promptly investigate any such case when reported to
     Secretary Schoenthaler at the Builders' and Traders' exchange,
     where the committee will be in daily session at 2 o'clock P. M.


Monday, June 6th, a mass meeting of carpenters was held to receive P. J.
McGuire, of Philadelphia, grand secretary of the Brotherhood of
Carpenters and Joiners of America. Mr. McGuire made an inflammatory
speech, in which he said he came to Chicago to throw down the gauntlet
to the master builders and was ready to make Chicago the battle ground
for the fight on the nine-hour question. He came to stand by the
carpenters. J. Milton Blair, of Cincinnati; William H. Sayward, of
Boston; George C. Prussing, of Chicago, and other leaders in the
Carpenters' and Builders' association were attempting to stamp out the
carpenters' organizations, but they would find they had a bigger job on
hand than any contractor in this country ever undertook. The master
builders combined for mutual protection, and yet they denied the
carpenters the same right. The speaker then took occasion to abuse the
master builders for assuming the title of "masters." The contractors, he
asserted, had not brains enough to carry out their work without the
assistance of the foreman, who did the actual work, and yet the master
builders assumed to dictate to their employes in such a manner as to
place them on the same level with the slaves who were freed by Abraham
Lincoln. Workingmen in 1887 ought to receive some of the benefits which
machinery had brought. They did not believe in socialistic theories, or
that the property of railroad companies, for instance, should be divided
up and each man given a tie; but workingmen wanted to be given some of
the benefits which they produced but which were appropriated entirely by
the employers. Every carpenter who applied for work in Chicago after
Monday, June 13th, should ask for 35 cents an hour and an eight-hour
day, and if that was refused he ought not to go to work.


Tuesday, June 7th, the Central Council of the Building Interests met,
and the committee on strikes and grievances, through P. B. Wight, its
chairman, submitted a lengthy report. It defined strikes of two
kinds--general and special. The general strike, which was more frequent,
was a demand by a number of employes, acting in concert, for an increase
in wages, or a change in working rules, or methods of conducting
business, followed by a united refusal to work. A special strike was
concerted refusal to work on a particular job, or for a particular
employer, based on the assumption of a contract between employer and
employe which never existed, and a pretense of a violation of a
contract. A general strike was legitimate, in a business sense. A
special was based on false premises, and was practically an attempt to
regulate an employer's way of doing business by visiting upon him
embarrassment in a temporary stoppage of his business. It was often
settled by the employers paying a "fine" to the offended "union" as a
condition of the men returning to work in a body. This was nothing less
than blackmail, and a receipt of the fine was a criminal act. It was in
the nature of conspiracy. It might be an attempt on the part of the
strikers to obtain some advantage, which might occasion great annoyance
or damage to the employers. Such was the demand of the United Order of
American Bricklayers and Stonemasons on the 29th of April last for a
Saturday pay-day, which was resisted and refused by many employers. The
report then gave a detailed account of the immediate and consequent
results of the strike, with a statement of action taken by all building
organizations to date, showing the manner in which the question affected
all building trades, and resulting in locking out thousands of
well-trained and well-behaved artisans, who obeyed the dictates of the
handful of officials, committeemen, and a small army of walking
delegates, who were to be seen daily at the union headquarters and who
were paid by contributions from men whose dues were really filched from
their wives and children. The report concluded as follows:

     We believe that the Master Masons' association has acted with the
     purest motives toward their employes, and in the spirit of
     self-sacrifice with regard to their own interest. They have gone so
     far as to encourage their men to form a union devoted to higher
     principles than the rule-or-ruin policy which actuates the present
     organization. This may all be well in the future, but it does not
     help to do away with the objection of the men to taking up their
     tools. A contract for labor differs from a contract for anything
     else only in that the confidence of him who disposes of his labor
     must be unqualified to the last degree. If the employer appeals to
     the man as an individual he must inspire him with confidence in his
     representations. If the Master Masons' association intends never
     again to recognize the union rules, let it say so in terms so
     unqualified that no one can misunderstand it. If the individual
     workman fully believes it, he will be only too glad to come out
     like a man, and there will be a scramble to see who gets there
     first. If the master mason intends to live up to his profession,
     let him guarantee his employe work for a stated time--long enough
     to convince him that it is more to his interest to go to work than
     to cling to his union and stand still. If no one mason feels
     confident that he can guarantee steady work, say, for six months,
     let the master masons agree among themselves to provide work, so
     that, if a man is laid off on one job he can be sure of work on
     another where he will not meet with any interference. If the
     employer expects his men to work he must guarantee them full
     protection in case of interference. But more than all things he
     must guarantee his employe that he will never be displaced in
     consequence of any future compromise with any labor organization.
     If the master masons have faith in the stand they have taken, and
     mean to maintain it at all hazards, they will get all the help they
     want. If they have any idea that a strike is on their hands to be
     settled by compromise with any body of men, they may as well
     surrender to the union at once. We do not believe that this
     weakness exists among them, but the public and their unemployed
     mechanics must be convinced by their acts that they are thoroughly
     in earnest--as we believe they are--and that guarantees, such as
     have been suggested, will be carried out in good faith to the very
     letter, and at all hazards.

     The public, which must sustain us or we fall, will then be
     convinced that there is no strike, except a strike for right and
     justice. And if needs be that the employers must be responsible for
     it, let them glory in it as our forefathers did.

     There was a strike, as we admit. A strike did we say, for a
     Saturday pay-day? It was so called. It was resisted, and the men
     who were expected to pay on Saturday have not done so. It was a
     strike aimed at the Master Masons' association. It was not for any
     great benefit that Saturday pay-day should confer. It was a strike
     to show the power of the striker. It was an exhibition of strength
     from those whose strength has not been resisted or questioned for
     four years; a power which knew no resistance, but which must be
     periodically exhibited to make its presence felt. It is that same
     power which is still so strong that it makes your mechanics blind
     to all your heaven-born principles and deaf to all your promises.

     You, gentlemen of the Master Masons' association, and all you who
     have nailed our banner of liberty upon your walls, have strength
     also. In a battle of endurance you can win, but if you do win by
     extermination, then your sin will be greater than the fruit of your
     victory. But remember that those who live by the sword, if they die
     so living, shall also die by the sword. Your weapon is the olive
     branch. Your principles are just. Let your faith be strong, and in
     the end you will find your best friends in the camp of your enemy.

The report was signed by P. B. Wight, H. G. Savage and M. W. Powell, who
composed the committee. It was unanimously approved, and a copy was
directed to be sent to the Master Masons' association.


The Amalgamated Building Trades Council decided to call a national
convention to form a federation of journeymen builders in the United
States. An "Important Call" was issued which recited the fact that there
was a national organization of employers in the building industry which
proposed to regulate all matters relative to that interest, and that to
successfully defend their rights the wage-workers in the building
industry must be thoroughly organized and ever on the alert. The
following two reasons were given why a national federation of the
building trades should be at once perfected:

     1. It has been proved beyond all doubt that the interests of a
     craft can be best protected by the complete unification of those
     engaged therein; and so we have formed our unions and
     trades-assemblies of Knights of Labor. It is also an undeviating
     fact that the closer those whose interests are identical are drawn
     together the easier and more satisfactory is the management of
     those interests. And realizing the identity of the interests of the
     building trades we, therefore, necessarily believe in their
     thorough federation upon such basis as will not interfere with the
     complete autonomy of each distinctive trade. [There are scores of
     reasons why such a move would be beneficial, which are apparent to
     all men of experience in labor organizations, and they need not be
     enumerated here.]

     2. Because it being a recognized idea that all large industries
     shall be regulated by organizations of the employers on the one
     hand and the employes upon the other hand, and there already being
     in existence a national organization of the employers, or
     contractors, under the name of the National Builders' association,
     we believe that further delay in perfecting a national organization
     upon our side would be suicidal to the best interests of the men of
     the building trades, and fraught with danger to our separate trade

     We believe that steps should at once be taken to bring about this
     greatly-desired amalgamation, and that a convention looking to that
     end should be called together in this city as soon as practicable.

The date for the convention was fixed upon Tuesday, June 28th.


June 9th the Carpenters' and Builders' association appointed a committee
to take charge of all matters of the association, to furnish men,
protect them, and look after the interests of the members. The chairman
appointed the following on the committee: North side, Messrs. J. L.
Diez, John Ramcke and M. Bender; South side, Messrs. Wm. Goldie, Wm.
Jackson and S. H. Dempsey; West side, Messrs. M. Campbell, J. F. Tregay
and Peter Kauff. The committee retired and elected Mr. Goldie chairman,
and agreed to meet daily at the Builders' and Traders' exchange.


June 9th a special meeting of the Bricklayers union, was held, at which
an attempt was again made to have the code of principles of the Master
Masons approved, but it was unsuccessful. The most that could be done
was to secure the appointment of a committee to take steps looking to a
settlement of the strike. This committee was composed of A. E.
Vorkeller, John Pierson, C. J. Lindgren, P. J. Miniter and Fred Rebush.

On Friday, June 10th, this committee met, after which Mr. Vorkeller,
president of the union, called upon Mr. Downey, president of the Master
Masons' association, and asked him when he would have a committee ready
to meet his committee. Mr. Downey notified him that if he had any
communication to make it should be presented in writing, in order that
he might be able to submit it to his association. Mr. Vorkeller returned
to his office and prepared a letter, which he delivered in person to Mr.
Downey in the afternoon.

Shortly after the delivery of the letter the Master Masons' association
met in special session, with George Tapper in the chair. Five new
members were admitted, which occasioned a remark from a member that it
did not look like the association was falling to pieces, or that the
members were weakening. The report of the committee on strikes and
grievances of the Central Council of the Building Interests, adopted on
Tuesday, June 7th, was read. It was received with applause.

Mr. Downey then announced that he had received a letter from the
president of the Bricklayers' Union, but before it was read he desired
to make a statement in order that his position and the letter might be
better understood. He said that on Monday evening, June 6th, Mr. A. E.
Vorkeller, president of the Union, had called at his house, where they
had a friendly chat. Mr. Vorkeller had then asked him how the strike
could be settled, and he had informed Mr. Vorkeller that when the Union
indorsed the platform of principles adopted by the builders they could
arbitrate all questions of difference that were subjects of arbitration.
On the following morning Mr. Vorkeller had called on him and suggested
that he would bring with him four Union men to meet a like number of the
Master Masons at 2 o'clock in the afternoon, to have an unofficial talk
on the subject, it being agreed that no members of either executive
committee should be present. Finding that he could not have one person
present at that hour he had sent Mr. Vorkeller the following note:

     FRIEND VORKELLER: It will be impossible for me to meet you before
     3:30, owing to one of the men I appointed not being able to meet
     before that time. I trust this will not inconvenience you in any
     way. Yours, respectfully,


They met at 3:30 o'clock Tuesday afternoon, there being present the
following representatives:

     Master Masons--Joseph Downey, George Tapper, George H. Fox, C. W.
     Hellman, William O'Brien and Charles W. Gindele.

     Bricklayers--A. E. Vorkeller and Messrs. Taylor, Charles,
     Householder and Kraus.

At the conference it was distinctly understood that the code of
principles was to be first adopted and then they would arbitrate other
questions. The whole talk was agreed and understood to be unofficial.
Mr. Vorkeller then stated that he would call a special meeting of the
union and see what could be done. Mr. Downey then read the following
letter, which he had received from President Vorkeller:

     CHICAGO, June 10, 1887.

     MR. JOSEPH DOWNEY, President Master Masons' Association--_Dear
     Sir_: In accordance with interview with you on the 7th inst. in
     relation to appointing a committee with power to act, for the
     purpose of arbitration, and, if possible, end the differences which
     exist between our associations, and which are causing increased
     uneasiness, not only to those on both sides who are immediately
     concerned, but also to the public at large, who have been patient
     witnesses to this uncalled for and unnecessary lockout, so far as
     we are concerned we court the fullest investigation from the public
     of our side of the case without having the least fear of the
     result; but we are willing, and have agreed in special meeting, to
     send a committee to settle this difficulty honorably to ourselves
     as well as to you, according to the aforesaid interview. If this
     suits your convenience you will please notify us immediately, if
     possible, and oblige yours respectfully,

     A. E. VORKELLER, President.

Mr. Charles W. Gindele remarked that when he entered the room where the
meeting was held he made the announcement that the talk should be
unofficial, which all acceded to. After a long conference they were led
to conclude that the bricklayers would concede nearly everything but
nine hours a day. The bricklayers were informed that they must adopt the
platform of principles before there could be any arbitration.

Mr. George H. Fox said Mr. Gindele's statement was correct, and it was
distinctly understood that the representatives of the bricklayers should
go before their own people and adopt the platform of principles.

Mr. George Tapper, who was also at the meeting, said his impression of
the conference was decidedly unfavorable. He had then called the
attention of Mr. Vorkeller to the clause in the constitution of the
Union in regard to apprentices, and told him that if he (Tapper) had a
son who did not get his schooling before he was 18 years of age he would
be debarred from learning the trade of a bricklayer. In reply to this
Vorkeller had made the astounding statement that there was no trouble in
such a case. All the boy had to do was to say he was 18 years old and he
was all right, as they had boys come to them with long mustaches and had
fixed them all right. Mr. Tapper said he replied by saying that was
teaching boys to lie, and gave them the first steps toward the
penitentiary, and if that was their way of doing business he wanted
nothing more to do with them. He also said that Vorkeller had agreed
that the section of the platform of principles providing for the free
right to employ or to work was right, but when asked if his men would
work alongside a non-union man he had said: "No; they would quit and
carry off their tools." Mr. Tapper said he was disgusted with the whole

Mr. C. P. Wakeman thought it would be no harm to appoint a committee to
confer with the Union committee. He thought also that the appointment of
the committee by the Union was an acknowledgment of the code of
principles. If the Master Masons demanded more than partial justice they
would lose.

Mr. A. J. Hageman said if the Bricklayers' Union had not acknowledged
the principles of the Master Masons there was nothing yet to arbitrate.

Mr. C. W. Gindele said he understood the Bricklayers were to submit what
they wanted to arbitrate, but they had not done so.

Mr. E. Earnshaw said from the reading of the letter the Union had
nothing to concede. It was endeavoring to lead the Masons into a trap in
order to make capital out of it. By saying they "court the fullest
investigation" the unionists emphatically claimed that they were right
and the Master Masons were all wrong.

Mr. Downey stated that Mr. Vorkeller had frequently stated to him that
he was in favor of the code of principles, but would have to "shin
around" to induce the union to recognize them, fearing he would not be

Mr. George C. Prussing said the arbitration movement had been instituted
to keep the Union men together, as many of them were leaving, and an
effort was being made to make these men understand that if a settlement
should be reached they would be shut out. No arbitration should be had
which meant only partial justice. There were principles that could not
be arbitrated. When the Union amended its constitution so as to conform
to their principles the Builders would be ready to join hands with them.
Or, if a new Union should be organized on such a basis, it would be met
with open hands. Compromise they would not. It would be stultification.

The vote on the motion to appoint the committee was lost, only eight
voting in favor of it.

A motion was made to lay the communication on the table, which
prevailed, only ten voting against it.

Mr. G. C. Prussing submitted the following, which was adopted as the
sense of the meeting, with but one dissenting vote:

     The position of this Association can hardly be misunderstood at
     this late day. It has been laid down in our platform in
     unmistakable language, and is further contained in an address to
     the Bricklayers and Stonemasons of Chicago and published by the
     public press.

     We have addressed them as individuals, and shall continue to treat
     them as individuals, not an organization. Principles can never be
     subject to arbitration. And such matters as can properly be
     arbitrated--such as hours of work, wages, or other working
     rules--can not be discussed with any committee until an
     organization is in existence which has adopted the principle of
     individual liberty freely and fully, and is governed by
     constitution and by-laws based thereon.

     This community has suffered too often and too long, and the
     sacrifices brought have been too great to listen to any hint of a
     possible arbitration or compromise. We owe it to ourselves; to the
     other building trades who have taken the position held by us, we
     owe it to the entire community to settle the present troubles
     right. That is, on a basis that promises security against future
     arbitrary interruptions of business.

     To individuals we are ready to give work; we guarantee them steady
     employment as far as in our power, and will protect them in every
     way, and if the men who now take up their tools should choose to
     form an organization for mutual protection and any other honorable
     and lawful purposes, based on the principles we acknowledge, we
     will aid and assist them in perfecting such organization, and will
     treat with them, and arbitrate any and all questions properly
     subject to arbitration.

After the meeting adjourned Mr. Downey sent a communication to Mr.
Vorkeller in reply to his letter, of which the following is a copy:

     A. E. VORKELLER, President, etc.--_Dear Sir_: Your letter of this
     day contained more than a surprise for me. Any and all interviews
     held with you by me and other members of our Association were at
     your seeking and request, and with the distinct understanding that
     we were acting in our own individual capacity, without any
     authority from any organized body, and that I, as president of the
     Master Masons' association, have no authority to appoint any
     committee for purposes set forth in your communication. Nor is your
     letter written in the spirit you proposed, or your position as
     given by yourself in interviews with me. You certainly must have
     understood, for it was repeated over and over again, that I would
     not consent to any effort at arbitration until your body shall have
     adopted, plainly and fairly, the principles held by us as an
     Association. I refer to principles as stated in our platform. Nor
     can such agreement be expressed by a simple vote, but must be shown
     by eliminating all sections of your constitution and by-laws in
     conflict therewith.

     Your letter has been placed before our Association, and by it was
     laid on the table. Our position is again outlined by resolution
     adopted, and will be found in the daily papers.

     Very respectfully yours,
     JOSEPH DOWNEY, President.


Monday, June 13th, the rule of the Carpenter bosses for a nine-hour day
was put into effect. It occasioned no such break with the men as had
been promised. Nearly all acceded to the rule, and those who quit had
their places filled at once by non-union men who were only too anxious
to get a job.


Tuesday evening, June 14th, a special meeting of the Bricklayers' Union
was held, at which the depleted condition of the treasury was made
known. The men working were asked to divide their earnings with the idle
men, which they flatly refused to do. A resolution was passed requiring
the men to work alternate weeks. This occasioned trouble, the men
refusing to obey the order. They were willing to pay the regular
assessment of $1 a week, but no more. The executive committee was
authorized to sell a lot owned by the Union at the corner of Monroe and
Peoria streets, to raise funds to meet the demands of the idlers. In
order to keep up a show with the men the officers continued to claim
that money was plenty, and more could be had; yet their demands for a
few dollars were not met in cash--only promises.


The following invitation was sent to fifty prominent citizens of

     UNION LEAGUE CLUB, CHICAGO, June 11th, 1887.

     _Dear Sir_:--You are requested to meet a number of gentlemen in the
     parlors of the Union League club, next Monday evening, June 13th,
     at 8 o'clock, P. M., sharp, to consider the present labor
     troubles, in our city and elsewhere, and to discuss the propriety
     of inaugurating a movement, the object and aim of which will be to
     harmonize existing and imaginary differences between employers and
     employes, and to restore and re-establish every and all rights of
     citizenship guaranteed by the constitution of the United States,
     and to maintain the supremacy of the law throughout the length and
     breadth of the land. The vital questions of the day must be met,
     calmly considered and settled.

     You are earnestly invited to respond to this call.
     By order of

The guests assembled in the parlors of the club and were escorted to the
library, where Mr. G. F. Bissell presided during a lengthy discussion of
the labor question. At the close of the meeting resolutions were adopted
for the appointment of a committee of seven whose duty it was to procure
signatures of citizens to a paper endorsing the action of the Master
Masons and Builders in the stand they had taken against the tyranny of
the unions, and to request the press to keep the subject before the

On Tuesday the committee met and prepared a heading for signatures,
which contained extracts from the code of principles of the builders, in
regard to the right of every man to work or not to work, to employ or
not to employ, and the right of every boy to learn a trade. To these
extracts were appended the following:

     We, the undersigned, endorse the action of the Master Masons and
     other organizations of Builders and agree to use our best endeavors
     to bring about a resumption of building operations based on the
     Code of Principles at the head of this paper.

Signatures were procured to these papers in large numbers and were
presented to the Master Masons' association. They had a good effect, as
some of the weaker members needed just such endorsement to make them


Applications for the small stipend promised by the Union to men out of
employment grew to be more frequent. The demands were not met with the
promptitude which the idle men thought should characterize the occasion,
and some of them became loud and emphatic in their protestations against
what they said was unfair treatment. They became so earnest in their
expressions that they were called to one side and cautioned to not be so
bold as to give the Union away. Many of them heeded the caution for the
time being, but as they filed out of the office they were very angry
because they got no money, claiming that they were needy and had as much
right to assistance as anybody. One of them boldly and rather roughly
asserted that "the whole thing was bursted," and the managers were
"making a play to keep the men together," but he thought it would play
out in a few days.

One of them who was well posted on some historical facts, made the
following statement: "In 1883, at the time of the strike, the
Bricklayers of Chicago got $13,000 from the International union in aid
of the strikers. During the same year the Chicago union was assessed
$4,600 to assist the strikers in Pittsburgh, but the assessment was
never paid. The union then withdrew from the International union and
became an independent organization. The cash in the treasury of the
union has been exhausted, and if the lot is sold there will not be
enough money to pay up the claims for relief to date. The International
union has refused financial aid to the Chicago union until the
Pittsburgh assessment is paid, and all other assessments made since
then, amounting to about $17,000. President Darrow, of the International
union, has written a letter to the Chicago union notifying the officers
that if they will join the International union again and agree to make
good all back assessments, he will send the Chicago union $5,000. If
they do not accept this proposition and join now he will establish a
branch of the International union in Chicago as soon as the present
strike is over, if not sooner. The Chicago union will not accept the
offer, and where is it to get assistance from? If it kept faith with the
idle men it would require $10,000 a week to sustain itself. Under such
pressure the union can not be expected to hold out very long."


A mass meeting was called at Battery D by the Bricklayers' union for the
purpose of eliciting sympathy from the public. It was held Thursday
evening, June 16th, there being three thousand workingmen present. Revs.
Lorimer and Goss and Gen. Beem were invited to be present, but they were
not there. Persons who favored the builders' side of the question were
conspicuous by their absence. One builder who was bold enough to get as
far as the door was knocked down and driven away. Edward Mulrany, of the
Bricklayers' union, presided, and the exercises were conducted by
members of the union. The following lengthy preamble and resolutions
were read and adopted unanimously, followed by great applause and loud

     The United Order of American Bricklayers and Stonemasons of the
     city of Chicago, in mass-meeting assembled at the armory of battery
     D, June 16, 1887, do adopt and declare the following preamble and

     _Whereas_, Certain questions and matters of difference have arisen
     between us and the Master Masons' and Builders' association of
     Chicago, and the controversy over the same has resulted in a
     widespread suspension of building operations in this city, to the
     immense injury of both the employers and the employed, and to the
     great damage of the community at large; and

     _Whereas_, There is no adequate remedy for any such case under any
     existing law; and

     _Whereas_, The working people have often been admonished through
     the public press and otherwise that they should not resort to a
     strike or boycott to obtain their rights, but should appeal to the
     law for protection and relief, and in case the existing laws are
     insufficient to the lawmaking power for new and better enactments;

     _Whereas_, In pursuance of such admonitions they earnestly appealed
     to the legislature at the last session to provide an adequate
     remedy for conflicts of employers and the employed; and

     _Whereas_, The legislature nevertheless wholly neglected and
     refused to provide any such remedy, or even to consider and discuss
     the subject in any open and public manner; and

     _Whereas_, There is now no other mode in which relief can be sought
     than retaliation by strike or boycott on the one hand, or by
     voluntary arbitration on the other; and

     _Whereas_, The same legislature that refused to provide any remedy
     for such cases, has sought to make every participant in any strike
     or boycott punishable as a criminal, without extending the same
     penalties to the corresponding offense of a lockout, so far as we
     are yet informed; and

     _Whereas_, We have heretofore offered and proposed, and do now
     again and openly and publicly offer and propose, to submit to the
     full and final decision of arbitrators, to be chosen in the usual
     manner, every question and matter of difference or controversy
     pending between us and said Master Masons' and Builders'
     association, and to abide by and perform such decision, and would
     be willing to have one of the judges of Cook county chosen to act
     as umpire in case of disagreement of the arbitrators; and

     _Whereas_, The power of public opinion is the only force by which
     we can compel such submission to arbitration; and

     _Whereas_, The public at large are deeply interested in the matter,
     and would be greatly benefited by an early resumption of the
     suspended building operations; and

     _Whereas_, We are willing and desire that a decision by arbitration
     should extend over and include the entire residue of the building
     season of the present year, that any future difficulty may be
     avoided; now, therefore, be it

     _Resolved_, As follows: 1. That we condemn in strong terms the
     neglect of the legislature to provide any adequate legal remedy by
     a state board of labor and capital, or otherwise, for conflicts
     between employers and the employed, and that we will continue the
     agitation of this subject till proper laws have been enacted
     providing such a remedy.

     2. That we condemn in equally strong terms the refusal of said
     Master Masons' and Builders' association to submit to arbitration
     whatever claims, charges, questions, controversies, or differences
     they may have with or against us; and we appeal to the mighty power
     of public opinion to uphold our cause, and to compel the submission
     to the arbitration we desire.

     3. That we purposely abstain from attempting to argue in the
     present preamble and resolutions the justice of the points for
     which we contend with the Master Masons' and Builders' association,
     because that is the matter which should be discussed before and
     determined by the arbitrators whose appointment we desire.

     4. That we appeal to the two great organs of public opinion, the
     pulpit and the public press, to advocate the righteousness of our
     demands, or to point out to us if they can wherein the same are
     contrary to justice or offensive to law and order; and in that case
     to show us some other lawful way, if any exists, by which justice
     may be secured.

When Drs. Lorimer and Goss and Gen. Beem could not be found in the
assembly, the venerable Judge Booth, who has attended nearly every
public meeting in Chicago for half a century, delivered a brief address
in which he expressed himself in favor of arbitration.

Other speeches of the evening were made by M. L. Crawford, of the
typographical union; George Lang, a bricklayer; William Kliver,
president of the trades assembly; John Pierson, ex-president, and A. E.
Vorkeller, president of the Bricklayers' union; William Davidson and C.
R. Temple.


Friday, June 17th, the Chicago brick manufacturers met and agreed to
resume work in their yards Monday, June 20th, and to continue to work
until they made enough brick to fill their sheds. If by that time the
strike was not settled they were to close their yards for the season.


June 18th the Central Council of the Building Interests issued the
following address to the public:

     The Central Council of the Building Interests of Chicago, which now
     addresses you, was organized June 1st, 1887, under the following

     When, on the 29th of April last, the United Order of Bricklayers
     and Stonemasons of Chicago decided, without consultation with their
     employers, that they would only receive their pay every two weeks
     on Saturdays, the Master Masons' association refused to comply with
     the demand, and the union men struck on their work wherever it was
     refused. The Master Masons' association then resolved to suspend
     all work on and after the 13th of May, and did so unanimously. The
     fire-proofing companies which employed men of the same union took
     the same action. The strike was made inoperative for the time being
     by the lockout of the employers.

     The Builders' and Traders' exchange met on the following day,
     resolved to sustain the Master Masons, and called upon each trade
     represented to send three representatives to a general conference
     to consider the situation. The conference was organized with a full
     representation, and on the 25th of May adopted the following
     platform and code of principles to be submitted and be ratified by
     all the building organizations:

     We affirm that absolute personal independence of the individual to
     work or not to work, to employ or not to employ, is a fundamental
     principle which should never be questioned or assailed; that upon
     it depends the security of our whole social fabric and business
     prosperity, and that employers and workmen should be equally
     interested in its defense and preservation.

     We recognize that there are many opportunities for good in
     associations of workmen, and while condemning and opposing improper
     action upon their part, we will aid and assist them in all just and
     honorable purposes; that while upon fundamental principles it would
     be useless to confer or arbitrate, there are still many points upon
     which conference and arbitration are perfectly right and proper,
     and that upon such points it is a manifest duty to take advantage
     of the opportunities afforded by associations to confer together to
     the end that strikes, lockouts, and other disturbances maybe

     Code of principles by the employe to be made a universal condition
     of employment by all building interests of Chicago, viz:

     I recognize the right of every man to decide for himself, without
     dictation or interference, when he shall work or cease to work,
     where he shall work, how many hours he shall work, and for what
     wages he shall work. I recognize the right of the employer to
     decide for himself whom he shall employ or cease to employ, and to
     regulate and manage his business with perfect independence,
     provided, only, that he deal lawfully, justly and honorably with
     all men.

     I recognize the right of every father to have his son taught, and
     of every son to learn any lawful trade, to be the same as his right
     to a knowledge of reading and writing, or any other branch of
     learning, which should be subject to regulation only by the laws of
     the land.

     By accepting employment I agree in all my relations and intercourse
     with my employers and fellow-workmen to maintain and live up to
     these principles.

     The conference also asked each organization to nominate one member
     to a Central Council of the Building Interests.

     The platform was adopted by the several organizations, and
     representatives were appointed to this body, which is now
     recognized by the trades as the representative of all the building
     interests collectively, and is permanently organized.

     At the same time the Master Masons' association resolved to resume
     business on or before June 1, and adopted a uniform set of working
     rules, defining the hours of labor and other conditions necessary
     to the prosecution of their business, etc., in accordance with the
     platform that had been adopted. The fire-proofing companies did the
     same thing. The action of these bodies broke the lockout, which was
     of but brief existence.

     It is naturally asked, therefore: Why this continued stoppage and
     stagnation in the building business? It may be briefly said, in
     reply, that the men have in large numbers refused the work offered
     to them in accordance with the dictates of the United Order of
     Bricklayers and Stonemasons, and upon that body rests the
     responsibility entirely.

     Whatever dispute the Master Masons have had with their employes'
     union, has been taken up by the whole body of trades here
     represented, while the employers of the associations of master
     masons, fire-proofers, and carpenters have officially decided to
     treat no more with unions as unions, but with men as reasoning

     With these facts before us it behooves us to look the question
     squarely in the face and see how we stand to-day. Some of the
     masons have small forces of bricklayers and stonemasons at work and
     all the laborers they want, for there is practically no strike
     among the laborers. The fire-proofers are well supplied and have
     practically resumed business. There are a few buildings in
     progress, on which we are informed that the owners have employed
     foremen and journeymen appointed by the union. There are others
     again, the contractors for which are "union bosses," or members of
     the union, who have become employers without severing their
     membership, and hence are strictly bound to all union rules.

     But we still see many deserted buildings where the sound of the
     trowel is not heard.

     Thousands of well-trained and to their credit, be it said,
     well-behaved artisans may be seen in the streets and about their
     homes. Many are Bricklayers, obeying the dictates of the handful of
     officials and committeemen and small army of walking delegates who
     may be seen daily at the union headquarters, placed there by their
     votes, or, at least, allowed to be there by their indifference, and
     certainly well paid by their contributions. The time of these
     officials is partly devoted to receiving contributions from men
     whose dues are now really filched from their wives and children,
     partly to having their vanity flattered by the obsequious prayers
     of so-called capitalists for help to satisfy their greed and
     avarice in getting their own buildings finished before their
     neighbors, and partly to giving out fulsome accounts of their
     victories over the bosses, in a supposed contest that really does
     not exist.

     In consequence of this we see the public misled by the daily press
     into a belief that nothing is going on but a strike between the
     boss Masons and the Bricklayers' union on the senseless question of
     a Saturday pay-day, characterized by nothing but the obstinacy on
     both sides, while in reality the united employers in all the
     building trades are contending simply for the natural rights of a
     man whether he be employer or employe, against a score of
     professional agitators who temporarily control the skilled
     mechanics of this country.

     Now, last of all, what do we see at the Master Masons'
     headquarters? A united body of men with large interests at stake,
     and great responsibilities, who have not attempted to enforce a
     long and exhausting lockout for bringing their misguided employes
     to terms through poverty and distress, but calmly and deliberately
     leaving to us, the representatives of the sister building trades,
     the arbitrament of their own interests. The principles that they
     have adopted are those which we formulated, and they have agreed to
     the broad doctrine of freedom and justice. They did not seek to
     prolong the contest with their employes which had arisen from such
     a slight pretext. But as soon as the conference advised they acted
     (and so have the Carpenters). They have offered immediate
     employment on a fair basis. Is it their fault that their employes
     do not all come back to them? They have used every means that they
     can with due regards to their own dignity and self-respect to bring
     their men back. If they do not come it is simply because of the
     authority which the Union holds over its members. They are more
     devoted to their Union, which says "no," restraining their
     individual acts, than to their employers, who say "come"--more even
     than to their wives and families. In other words, while
     individually they believe in the principles which we have
     enunciated, they hope for a reconciliation between the union and
     the bosses. From all past experience many of them believe that
     there will be a reconciliation or compromise, and they think their
     own safety is in waiting. We should remember that these men stand
     in a dilemma. Each one of them is in a state of mental perplexity
     trying to decide in his own mind which course to take for his own
     interest. Heretofore he has not exercised his own mind on these
     subjects. He has left all the details of the contract for his labor
     to the officials of his Union. It has become a second nature to him
     to look to his Union for protection in all things. He has
     voluntarily ceased to be a free agent.

     There has been much talk of late on the subject of arbitration. A
     proper understanding of the situation will show how impossible such
     a course is at present. The responsibility for the prevention of
     the men from working has been fixed where it belongs. It is useless
     to talk now of a settlement. There will be no solution until the
     idle men take up their tools and renounce their allegiance to the
     present Union. There will be no yielding until that is the case.
     The sister trades have and will continue to sustain the Masons and
     other trades affected by the encroachments of labor organizations
     until then.

     In the following resolutions, passed at the regular meeting held
     June 10, the Central Council thus expressed its views upon the
     importance of uniform working hours:

     _Whereas_, In the opening of this Council it is of the greatest
     interest to all of the trades here represented that the hours of
     work on buildings in course of erection should be uniform in all
     the trades.

     _Resolved_, That while we recognize the right of every trade to
     establish its own working hours, we think those established by a
     large majority, not only in Chicago but in other cities, should be
     considered as a precedent for others to follow.

     At the same meeting the stand taken by the Master Masons was thus

     _Resolved_, That the Association of Master Masons and Builders has
     the heartiest support of the building trades here represented in
     its battle against exactions of an unscrupulous and tyrannical
     trade union, which is the enemy alike to the building trades and
     the interests of its own members.

     The position they have taken under the principles adopted by the
     conference is a just one, they have held out the olive branch to
     their former employes, and it only remains to inspire them with
     confidence in its representations to the end that work may speedily
     be resumed.

     GEORGE TAPPER, President.
     F. C. SCHOENTHALER, Secretary.


Organized labor in Chicago had no sympathy for the Bricklayers' union.
Members of other unions entertained for it a feeling of bitterness which
was constantly being manifested. This was fully illustrated at a meeting
of the Amalgamated Building Trades Council held Saturday evening, June
18th, at which delegates stated that the Bricklayers' union had taken
contracts from Master Masons for the erection of buildings, and had then
hired non-union hod-carriers, carpenters, cornice-makers, lathers and
laborers of all classes. The Bricklayers' union was characterized as
"the meanest organization on God's green footstool," and it was remarked
that it would be a good thing for Chicago if it was wiped out of
existence. The union was bitterly denounced for its selfish, mercenary,
unjust, tyrannical conduct toward other labor organizations.

On Sunday, June 19th, at a meeting of the Trade and Labor Assembly,
Edward Mulrany, of the Bricklayers' union, made a vicious attack upon
James Brennock, of the Building Trades council, on account of the action
of the previous evening. Mr. Brennock, an old man, attempted to explain
the true situation, but his voice was drowned by Mulrany, who fairly
yelled: "Lies! lies! you're a liar!" and heaped abuse upon the old man
to such an extent that he was forced to subside.

The Bricklayers' union had for so long had everything its own way that
the leaders assumed the right to not only dictate to the bosses and
other unions, but they usurped the prerogative of trampling upon
anything and everything that attempted to question a single act of the
union. They had made servile tools of the members of every other
organization until all had grievances of such a character that they were
in a position to sympathize with even an employer, in a fight against
the oppression of the Bricklayers' union. The Hodcarriers went so far as
to threaten to take up trowels and lay brick for members of the Master
Masons' association in order to aid in breaking up the Union that had
been so abusive to all other labor organizations. Under these
circumstances it was but reasonable to expect that the tide of the
strike would turn in favor of the Master Masons.


A proposition was made for the organization of a new Union of the
Bricklayers' and Stonemasons' which should recognize the principles of
right and justice laid down in the platform of the National Association
of Builders, and approved by every organization of builders in Chicago.
Blanks were printed and placed in the hands of the members of the Master
Masons' association upon which to procure the signatures of their
respective employes. The blanks were in the following form:

     We believe in the right of workmen to organize for mutual
     protection and all just and honorable purposes, and assert our

     We recognize the right of every man to work or not to work, to
     employ or not to employ.

     We recognize the right of every boy to learn any lawful trade.

     We recognize that strikes and lockouts are baneful and may be
     prevented by arbitration.

     We believe that all matters of joint interest to employers and
     workmen should be discussed and acted on by joint committees,
     representing organizations of both employers and workmen.

     We believe that by organizing upon the principles set forth the
     foundation to future harmony is laid and the best interests of all

     Now, therefore, do we, the undersigned, agree to attend a meeting
     to be called at an early day, to form ourselves into the "Chicago
     Union of Bricklayers and Stonemasons."

This paper was circulated among the bricklayers and stonemasons who
were working under the rules of the Master Masons' association, and in
three days the signatures of two hundred and fifty men were procured.

On Tuesday, June 21st, a committee issued a call for a meeting for the
organization of a new union, which was as follows:

     MR. ............................

     _Dear Sir_: Wednesday evening has been set for forming the Chicago
     Bricklayers' and Stonemasons' Union. Meeting will be held at the
     Builders' and Traders' Exchange at 7:30 P. M. Your presence is
     desired, with all the bricklayers and stonemasons in your employ,
     and if your men have any friends who wish to join said Union, bring
     them with you, for the purpose of taking your first step for


The call had been signed by 284 bricklayers and stonemasons, 225 of
which met and took the first steps necessary to an organization. All but
30 of those present were ex-members of the old union. A committee was
appointed to draft a constitution and by-laws. Another meeting was held
on Friday evening, at which a number of new members were received.

On Wednesday, June 30th, the new union met and adopted a constitution
which embraced as its basis the code of principles of the Master Masons'
association and declared the objects to be as follows:

     The object of this Union is to carry into living effect the
     principles set forth; to do away with labor disturbances, such as
     strikes, lockouts, and boycotts; and to institute a practical mode
     of arbitration; to give all moral and material aid in its power to
     its members and those dependent upon them; to educate and elevate
     its members socially, morally, and intellectually; to establish and
     administer a fund for the relief of sick and distressed members,
     and for mortuary benefit.

Other provisions were as follows:

     "Members shall consist of active, passive, and honorary members.
     Any bricklayer or stonemason who has worked in Chicago one week at
     the minimum rate of wages for competent journeymen may become an
     active member, or any journeyman who presents evidence of
     membership in any other union in the United States or Canada, which
     is founded on the same principles, may be enrolled as a member."

     "Members employed as foremen shall not be subject to the union
     during such employment."

The initiation fee was fixed at $5 and the annual dues at the same
amount. Provision was made for committees on arbitration, house and
finance. The powers of the committee on arbitration were defined as

     The arbitration committee shall have full power to adjust all
     grievances and make a written award after a joint meeting with the
     arbitration committee of the Master Masons' association. This
     committee shall have power to determine for the year all working
     rules, including the minimum rate of wages per hour for all
     competent mechanics, and for all overtime and Sunday work.

The constitution also provided for rules for running the union, and for
benefits for injuries received, and for the payment of funeral expenses
of deceased members.

Officers were elected as follows: President, Lewis Meyer; secretary, T.
D. Price; treasurer, T. J. Fellows; sentinel, Henry Annes.

The officers were directed to procure a charter.


On Tuesday, June 28th, the first national convention of the Amalgamated
Building Trades was held in Chicago. There were sixty-eight delegates
present, of whom fifty were from Chicago. The others were from Detroit,
3; Washington, 1; Cincinnati, 2; New York, 3; Pennsylvania, 1; Bay City,
1; Brooklyn, 1; Denver, 1; Milwaukee, 1; Philadelphia, 2; Sioux City, 1;
Pittsburgh, 1. P. W. Birk, of Brooklyn, presided during the session
which lasted three days.

The objects of the council were defined as follows:

     The objects of the Council are to assist in the organization of the
     journeymen workers of the building trades, and the federation of
     such trade organizations into building trade councils and central
     bodies in each locality of the United States; to create a bond of
     unity between the wage-working builders, and to aid by counsel and
     support all legitimate efforts made for the betterment of the
     condition of members of the building trades.

The following appeal to the building trade organizations was adopted and
directed to be sent all over the country:

     TRADES IN THE UNITED STATES--_Greeting_: The time has come in the
     wisdom of the soundest thinkers and most experienced workers in the
     ranks of labor when it is not only proper, but necessary, that the
     journeymen workers of the building industry in the United States
     should be thoroughly organized and federated under a national
     council. Such an organization, by the conservative exercise of the
     control delegated to it by a constitution upon which all local
     organizations can unite, could do a great work in looking after the
     interests of the various crafts and callings engaged in the
     building industry; and, by a timely and wise supervision in cases
     of wage or other difficulties, exercise an incalculable influence
     in directing the course of events to a solution favorable to the
     workers, by keeping the craftsmen of the whole country fully
     informed of the situation and the necessities of the case. The
     contractors, or "Master Builders," have formed and are endeavoring
     to perfect a National Association with the declared purpose of
     opposing the efforts of the labor organizations to regulate wages
     and the hours of labor.

     Pursuant to a call issued by the Amalgamated Building Trades'
     Council of Chicago, a convention of delegates from building trades
     organizations of the country met in this city on Tuesday June 28,
     and in a three days' convention perfected a national organization
     with the objects as set forth in the preceding paragraph.
     Notwithstanding the short notice given, there were in the
     convention delegates from fourteen of the principal cities of the
     union, representing one-half million journeymen builders. The
     result is that the National Building Trades' Council of the United
     States is now an established fact, working under a temporary
     constitution, copies of which accompany this circular. We submit
     the action of the convention and the constitution to the building
     trades organizations of the United States, and ask their prompt and
     active support of the movement. The convention, after due
     deliberation, decided, as it was hardly more than preliminary, that
     the first regular session of the national council should be held as
     soon as possible; that the delay in bringing all the building
     organizations under one head should not be greater than the time
     necessary to disseminate the work of the convention and to allow
     sufficient time for the many organizations to act; it was therefore
     decided to name the third Tuesday in September, 1887, as the date
     for holding such session. The place selected for the next
     convention is Chicago.

     All organizations receiving a copy of this circular are urged to
     take action in accordance with the constitution, and at once to
     open correspondence with the general secretary of the council, who
     will furnish information to those desiring it.

     Brothers, in conclusion, we urge you to give your support at once
     to this movement and to aid in perfecting an organization which may
     be made a power second to nothing of its character in the world, as
     its field is as broad as this great land, and its opportunities as
     limitless as humanity.

On the last day the following resolutions were adopted:

     _Resolved_, That, in the event that the committee of the Chicago
     bricklayers do not succeed in making a satisfactory settlement with
     the Master Builders' association, the council declare the Chicago
     difficulty a national cause and appoint a committee on arbitration
     to meet the bosses, the power to appoint such committee resting in
     the hands of the president, in session or after adjournment.

     _Resolved_, That, in the event of failure of such committee to
     settle satisfactorily the trouble, the president, with the
     concurrence of the executive board, make an appeal to the building
     trades organizations of the United States, asking
     support--financial and moral--for the building-trades organizations
     of Chicago.

Officers were elected as follows: President, J. S. Robinson, Cincinnati;
Vice Presidents, George Keithly, Washington; William F. Abrams, Detroit;
Louis Hartman, Milwaukee; Secretary, Peter A. Hogan, Chicago; Treasurer,
L. C. Hutchinson, Detroit; Executive Board, W. H. Thomas, Philadelphia;
Edward Farrell, New York; George E. Gray, Denver.


On Tuesday, June 21st, three members of the old union met three Master
Masons and told them they were ready to concede anything to preserve
their union. They were advised to adopt the code of principles of the
Master Masons, and agreed to have the union do so. A special meeting of
the Bricklayers' union was called and held Thursday night for the
purpose of endeavoring to induce the members to take a sensible view of
the situation by adopting the code of principles. When the subject was
proposed it met with howls of disgust, and had to be withdrawn. The
members were not in proper temper to overturn their Union, even at the
request of one who had been a leader. Being unable to keep their
agreement in full with the contractors, the committee finally concluded
to accomplish something. They introduced the following resolution:

     _Resolved_, That we withdraw our demand for Saturday pay-day, and
     declare the strike off.

Even this ingenious little paper caused a bitter fight, the claim being
made that there was trickery in it, and that it meant a complete
"backdown" of the Union. But, with many assurances that the resolution
was a "square deal" it was finally adopted by a bare majority.

After the meeting it was stated that the stone pool--which held the key
to the lockout--would have no excuse for refusing to deliver building
material, as the strike was "declared off"; and that owners could compel
them to "come to time."

The action of the Bricklayers' union in rescinding the resolution in
regard to Saturday pay-day, and "declaring the strike off," did not
result in settling the differences between the two elements which had
been at variance for nearly two months. Among the contractors this
action was looked upon as a step taken toward a final settlement of the
existing differences, and it inspired them with a belief that more would
be done as soon as the arbitrary leaders of the union could be gotten in
a proper temper. More was intended to be done, but the conservative,
reasonable men in the union were not permitted to accomplish their whole
purpose at once, and were forced to accept that which the union was
willing at the time to concede. It was intended to fully recognize the
code of principles of the Master Masons and accept the situation for the
purpose of maintaining their union intact, but the temper of the men who
made the most noise prevented any such action being taken.

The feeling among the contractors generally was one of confidence in
their ultimate success, and they expressed themselves in a manner that
showed that they were as united as they had been at any time on the
questions at issue. They said there had been no union bricklayers
applying for work in consequence of the action rescinding the resolution
in regard to Saturday pay-day, and that the adoption of such a
resolution meant nothing unless the Bricklayers followed it up by going
to work under the scale which had been adopted by the Master Masons'

The executive committee of the Master Masons' association met Friday,
June 24th, and decided to issue the following document, which, they
said, might lead to an adjustment of the differences which had
occasioned and prolonged the strike and lockout in the building trades:

     TO THE PUBLIC: In order to permanently settle the differences
     existing between employers and employes in the building trades and
     to show to the public that the Master Masons' association is
     willing to go on record as ready to do what is fair and reasonable
     in the present difficulty, we, the executive committee of the
     Master Masons' association, hereby offer to submit the platform and
     code of principles adopted by our association--the Bricklayers' and
     Stonemasons' union to submit their constitution and by-laws--to
     four business men and a judge of the United States court, said
     judge to select the four business men, who shall have full power to
     act as a board of arbitration as between the Master Masons'
     association and the bricklayers and stonemasons, and we hereby
     agree to abide by the decision of a majority of said board of

     Executive Committee Master Masons' Association.

When a copy of this paper was shown to some members of the executive
committee of the Bricklayers' union, they grasped it eagerly, but
suggested that they were afraid the four business men might not do them
justice. One of them suggested that they might go so far as to agree to
let the Master Masons select two and the Union two, and have a judge of
the United States court for the fifth member, and then submit their
constitution and by-laws and the code of principles of the Masons to
them as proposed, and authorize the arbitrators to decide just what
should be done by each party to settle the whole trouble.

Saturday, June 25th, a committee from the Bricklayers' union, composed
of A. E. Vorkeller, C. C. Scouller and C. J. Lindgren, met a committee
of Master Masons, composed of C. A. Moses, Thomas Nicholson and E. S.
Moss. The Union committee asked for and received an official copy of the
proposition to allow a judge of the United States court to select four
business men to arbitrate the case. They objected to the manner of
selecting the arbitrators, and suggested that they be permitted to
select their representatives, and the Master Masons do the same, and
then select a judge as umpire. This action of the two committees was
entirely unofficial, but the Union committeemen said they would
officially present a proposition to the Master Masons on the subject.

Monday, June 27th, the executive committee of the Bricklayers' union
replied to the communication of President Downey, as follows:

     JOSEPH DOWNEY, President--_Dear Sir_: In reply to your
     communication of the 25th inst., submitting a proposition to settle
     permanently the differences existing between our union and your
     association, we beg leave to say that said proposition does not
     meet with our approval for the following reasons, viz: There is a
     want of confidence on the part of workingmen in such high officials
     as United States judges from the fact that they are not brought in
     close contact with workingmen in the settlement of their
     difficulties. Further, we believe a board of arbitration selected
     in the manner suggested by your committee would not be satisfactory
     to either side. Neither do we believe they would be as competent as
     a board selected from the employers and employes directly

     We, therefore, take this opportunity to remind your association
     that we, on the 9th inst., appointed a committee of five from our
     organization to meet a like committee from your association (the
     joint committee to select an umpire) with full power to permanently
     settle the differences existing between our union and your

     By order of the executive committee of the United Order of American
     Bricklayers and Stonemasons.

             A. E. VORKELLER,
             CHARLES J. LINDGREN,
     [Seal.] FRED RECKLING,
             JAMES SIDLAK,
             JOHN PEARSON.

The objection to the United States judge was amusing to those who fully
understood the situation. If he had been a judge whom they had helped to
elect, or was a politician, there might have been no objection on the
part of the executive committee of the union. But they would not submit
to a United States judge because, they said, he did not come in
"contact" with the laboring men. They wanted some one who did or had
come in "contact" with them, because they believed such a judge or
person would be afraid, for political reasons, to decide against the
power of the union. The union was also afraid to submit to fair-minded
men its constitution and by-laws in comparison with the code of
principles of the Master Masons, because its rulers well knew that a
decision would be against them, and their union would fall. It was well
known that if President Vorkeller could have had his way, or could have
controlled the union, a settlement would have been reached that would
have been satisfactory to every builder in the city. But he was
powerless, because every proposition he had made to adopt the code of
principles of the builders had been howled down, and he had been
threatened with violence if he persisted in his efforts to reach a
settlement in that way. On one occasion, when Mr. Vorkeller insisted
upon such a course, he was assaulted by an enthusiastic striker and was
"struck like a dog."

Wednesday, June 29th, the Master Masons' association held a meeting, and
by a vote of 41 to 30 decided to appoint a committee of arbitration, and
named George C. Prussing, Joseph Downey, George Tapper, William O'Brien
and Charles W. Gindele. After the committee was created it was
instructed to stand firmly by the code of principles of the Association
and to require their recognition by the Bricklayers before proceeding to
a settlement of differences.

The action of the meeting did not meet the views of all the members of
the Association, some of whom were fully determined that it was
impolitic to appoint an arbitration committee, even when its powers were
abridged by a demand for full recognition of the code of principles upon
which they had been standing for weeks.

The committee did not suit the Bricklayers. A dozen of them were
standing outside the Exchange to hear the decision of the meeting. When
they were informed that Mr. Prussing was on the committee they swore
they would never arbitrate anything with a committee of which he was a
member. What objection they had to Mr. Prussing they would not explain,
but insisted that "it was of no use to talk of such a thing as
arbitration with George C. Prussing." Some cooler heads among the party
finally concluded that it would be time enough to object to the
composition of the committee after they had received a communication
from President Downey, and knew what they were expected to arbitrate.
When it was suggested to them that they would be expected to subscribe
to the code of principles of the Master Masons' Association, one of them
said it made little difference who was on the committee, as that would
never be done by the Union Bricklayers. Other members of the Union said
this would make no difference, as the code of principles was just, but
it would be very difficult to get the Union to adopt them. The
conservative element on both sides of the question were encouraged by
the action of the Master Masons, and said a settlement would be reached
that would be satisfactory to everybody.

President Downey prepared and caused to be sent to President Vorkeller
official notification of the action of the association, as follows:

     A. E. VORKELLER, President United Order of American Bricklayers and
     Stonemasons. _Sir_:--Chicago Master Masons' and Builders'
     Association has this day appointed a standing committee of
     arbitration of five of its members with full power to act for and
     in behalf of this organization in settlement of any and all
     differences existing. You have been informed of the platform and
     code of principles adopted by this body. On these it stands. All
     other questions may properly be arbitrated. Please inform this body
     whether your committee has been appointed with full power to bind
     your organization by joint action with us. If so, our committee is
     ready and shall be pleased to meet your committee at the earliest
     time convenient for the selection of an umpire and arrangement of
     preliminaries. The arbitration committee appointed by this
     association consists of Messrs. George C. Prussing, George Tapper,
     William O'Brien, Charles W. Gindele and Joseph Downey.

     JOSEPH DOWNEY, President.
     H. MUELLER, Secretary.

In reply to this communication President Vorkeller sent to President
Downey an acceptance of the proposition, as follows:

     JOSEPH DOWNEY, President--_Dear Sir_: Your communication notifying
     me that your Association has appointed a committee of five to meet
     a like committee from our organization for the purpose of settling,
     if possible, the present lockout, is at hand. In reply will say
     that we await your convenience and will hold ourselves in readiness
     to meet your committee at any time and place you may appoint.

     Yours respectfully,
     A. E. VORKELLER, President.

The time and place of meeting was fixed by President Downey in a note to
President Vorkeller, as follows:

     A. E. VORKELLER, President.--_Sir_: Your communication received,
     and would say in reply that our committee will meet your committee
     at 10 o'clock to-morrow morning at the Grand Pacific hotel.

     JOSEPH DOWNEY, President.

Friday morning, July 1st, the joint arbitration met. The members were on
hand in full force, the opposing elements being represented as follows:
Master Masons' association--Joseph Downey, George Tapper, George C.
Prussing, Charles W. Gindele, William O'Brien. Bricklayers'
union--Albert E. Vorkeller, P. J. Miniter, John Pearson, C. J. Lindgren,
Fred Rebush. They pretended to be very glad to see each other, and
smiles were exchanged freely. When they entered the committee room,
President Downey introduced Mr. Prussing to President Vorkeller, and
requested him to introduce him to the other members of the committee
from the Union. This appeared to be an assumption that Mr. Prussing was
a comparative stranger to the members of the committee, but he had been
so well known that the bricklayers had repeatedly asserted that they
would not arbitrate if he was on the committee. It was amusing to
witness the cordiality with which John Pearson grasped Mr. Prussing's
hand, and to hear him say he was glad to see him, when the bitter words
of denunciation of the previous day had hardly got cold on Mr. Pearson's
lips. Mr. Prussing was introduced all around, after which he suggested
that they at once proceed to select a chairman and get down to the
business of adjusting their differences in a manner that would insure a
permanent settlement of their troubles and an assurance that for all
time the friendliest relations might be maintained between employer and
employe. "The first thing to do," said Mr. Prussing, "is to select a

Mr. Vorkeller, president of the Union, half elevated his wiry form, and,
looking toward four reporters in the room, said: "The first thing to do
is to put these outsiders on the outside." The reporters retired. They
had previously been advised that the Master Masons were in favor of an
open meeting, but a secret session having been demanded by the
bricklayers it was conceded by the masons. It was apparent that the
bricklayers had determined that the public should know nothing of their
deliberations, and as little as possible of the result.

At the morning session George Tapper was selected chairman. An effort
was then made to agree upon the eleventh member of the committee. The
bricklayers insisted upon the appointment of Richard Prendergast, Judge
of the County court of Cook county, and the master masons urged that
Walter Q. Gresham, Judge of the U. S. circuit court, should be the man.
The bricklayers strenuously opposed any United States officer, and the
names of both judges were dropped. An umpire was parleyed over for an
hour, and a general discussion of the situation occupied the remainder
of the morning session without reaching a conclusion upon anything
except a chairman.

The afternoon session lasted three hours. When the committee adjourned
it was announced that the members had done nothing for the public, and
had agreed to not make known their work until it was completed. However,
the deliberations of the afternoon were of a progressive character. Many
questions were discussed and some rules were agreed to, which meant that
there was a strong probability that the contending elements would get
close enough together to agree upon an award. During the afternoon the
names of many prominent citizens were suggested for the position of
umpire, but no selection was made. It seemed to be the desire of both
factions to secure someone who would not be prejudiced in favor of "the
other fellow." The sessions of the day were "perfectly harmonious," and
as the members of the committee became "better acquainted" with each
other, they gave stronger assurances of a permanent friendship, if
nothing else.

The members of the committee slept over the list of names of prominent
citizens, who had been suggested for the position of umpire, and on
Saturday when they got together Judge Tuley, of the Superior court of
Cook county, was unanimously chosen umpire. The judge was officially
notified of the action taken, advised of the questions at issue between
the contestants, and asked if he would accept the responsibility which
was sought to be put upon him.

A reply was received stating that from a sense of duty he would accept.
A short session of the committee was held in the afternoon to receive
the reply, and an adjournment was then taken until 9 o'clock Monday

The Fourth of July was celebrated by the joint committee sticking right
to business. They believed the questions at issue were more momentous
than a remembrance of the anniversary of the birth of the nation by a
display of fireworks. According to agreement the joint committee met at
9 o'clock, and Judge Tuley assumed the chair as umpire. The work began
by acquainting the umpire with the situation as it was viewed from both
sides, the differences and grievances being rehearsed in such a graphic
manner that the judge was profoundly impressed with the importance of
the questions which he had been called upon to settle, and he announced
his readiness to proceed to such a conclusion as would forever put at
rest all contention over the labor problem in Chicago, as far as it
related to the building interests. The entire morning session was taken
up in debates and the umpire discovered that he would be required to
call into requisition not only his knowledge of the law, but all the
parliamentary tactics with which he was familiar, with a possibility
that he would have to occasionally invent a ruling to suit the special
occasion. The code of principles of the Master Masons was submitted and
discussed at length. The code was not adopted as a whole, but was held
in abeyance in order that other questions should be submitted to
ascertain what bearing the code might have upon them. It was decided
that the real issue should be narrowed down to facts which directly bore
upon the foundation for differences between the contestants.

At the afternoon session the order of business was first defined and
then the struggle began over the items of difference, which were taken
up in the order agreed upon and discussed. These points embraced the
many hard questions which had occasioned strikes and lockouts for five
years. They included the various demands of the bricklayers, which had
been objected to or conceded from time to time, from the demand for an
increase of wages in 1883 to the unsatisfied insistence upon a Saturday

A sub-committee, composed of Messrs. Prussing, of the Master Masons, and
Miniter, of the Bricklayers, prepared a statement showing all points
upon which the contestants agreed and disagreed. Every disputed point
was then so thoroughly argued by both sides that Judge Tuley was fairly
saturated with facts and eloquence. The umpire was very cautious, and
asked a great many leading questions of both sides. He evinced a
disposition to become fully advised and enlightened, not only as to the
points of difference, but as to their effect upon the contestants. He
wanted to know it all, but he expressed few opinions, and made very few
decisions. His idea seemed to be to endeavor to lead the contestants up
to points at which they might possibly be able to agree without the
necessity for his casting a vote upon a disputed question, and in this
course he was upheld by both sides, because it had a strong tendency to
promote and preserve harmony between the two. In fact, the umpire
endeavored to show them how they could reach a conclusion without the
use of an umpire.

As the time for making the award drew near, the members of both
organizations, and in fact, of all trades, became very anxious to know
the result. They used every means within their power to obtain some
information from the committeemen in regard to the manner in which
points of difference had been or would be adjusted, but the mouths of
the arbitrators remained sealed. They simply said: "Wait for the
verdict, and you will be satisfied."

On Friday, July 8th, at 6 o'clock in the evening, the joint committee
concluded its labors and adjourned, after having adjusted the
differences between the Master Masons and the Bricklayers which had
caused a strike and lockout in the building trades lasting nine weeks.
The award was made and signed by the ten arbitrators and the umpire.

After the committee adjourned both factions acknowledged themselves
perfectly satisfied with the award, and congratulated each other upon a
result which, they said, they hoped and believed would forever settle
their differences, and in the future prevent strikes and lockouts in the
building trades represented by the Master Masons on the one part and he
Bricklayers and Stonemasons on the other part. The members of the
committee parted as friends, and seemed to understand each other so well
that if they could control the destinies of the two factions there would
never be an occasion for an arbitration committee between the two to
settle a strike. It was agreed that the award should be submitted to the
Bricklayers' union and the Master Masons' association for ratification,
and that building should be resumed on Monday, July 11th.

The award of the committee was as follows:

     CHICAGO: The joint committee of arbitration, composed of an
     arbitration committee of five from each of your organizations, with
     Judge M. F. Tuley unanimously selected as umpire, have concluded
     their labors and respectfully report:

     That, recognizing the fact that organizations of employes and
     employers, like these from which this committee originated, do
     exist and have become important factors in our industrial society,
     and that they will, in all probability, continue to exist, we do
     not attempt to determine whether the motive or basis of either
     organization was right or wrong. They appear to be a necessity
     arising out of the present conditions of society, and while such
     combinations keep "from violence or show of violence" no great
     danger need be apprehended. Nor did we attempt to determine which
     organization was to blame for the present paralyzed condition of
     the building industry of this great city. We recognized the fact
     that the two organizations between which there should be many
     "bonds of sympathy and good feeling" were carrying on a bitter war
     with each other, by which many thousands of men were deprived of
     work, much suffering and privation brought upon innocent parties,
     and immense pecuniary losses daily sustained; and we determined, if
     possible, to reconcile the differences and place the relations of
     the two organizations upon a basis by which strikes, lookouts, and
     other like disturbances might in future be avoided. We discussed
     the relations of the contractor and the workmen, and found much in
     which they had a common or joint interest, and were mutually
     concerned. We endeavored to discuss and settle each trouble and
     grievance in a conciliatory spirit, not in way of compromise, to
     give and take, but in a spirit of fair play and upon just and
     equitable principles.

     We found that the main cause of trouble was in the separate
     organizations endeavoring to lay down arbitrary rules for the
     regulation of matters which were of joint interest and concern, and
     which should be regulated only by both organizations by some
     species of joint action. We, therefore, determined upon and submit
     herewith a project for the institution of a joint standing
     committee for that purpose. The article herewith submitted,
     providing for such a joint standing committee, to be elected
     annually in the month of January, defining its powers and duties,
     we request shall be incorporated into the constitution of each

     This joint committee will be constructed of an arbitration
     committee of five members from each organization (the president of
     each being one of the five) and an umpire who is neither a working
     mechanic nor an employer of mechanics, to be chosen by the two
     committees. This joint committee is given power to hear and
     determine all grievances of the members of one organization against
     members of the other, and of one organization against the other. To
     determine and fix all working rules governing employer and
     employes, such as:

     1 The minimum rate of wages per hour.

     2 The number of hours of work per day.

     3. Uniform pay-day.

     4. The time of starting and quitting work.

     5. The rate to be paid for night and Sunday work, and questions of
     like nature.

     And it is also given power to determine what number of apprentices
     should be enrolled so as to afford all boys desiring to learn the
     trade an opportunity to do so without overcrowding, so as not to
     cause the coming workmen to be unskilled in his art or the supply
     of labor to grossly exceed the demand therefor. It is also given
     exclusive power to determine all subjects in which both
     organizations may be interested, and which may be brought before it
     by the action of either organization or the president thereof.

     It becomes necessary, in order that all questions and grievances
     which the committee has settled, and to make the constitution and
     by-laws of the organizations conform thereto, and to the powers
     given to future joint arbitration committees, that some changes
     should be made in such constitution and by-laws. The adoption by
     the Master Masons' and Builders' association of the article for the
     joint committee, as recommended, together with some slight changes
     in their constitution, will be sufficient. The United Order of
     American Bricklayers and Stonemasons will be necessitated to make
     changes in its constitution and by-laws to make the same consistent
     with and to conform to the spirit and intent of the powers and
     duties conferred on the joint committee; and among other things the
     officer heretofore known as the walking delegate is to be known
     hereafter as the collector, and all the objectionable duties and
     powers of the office have been done away with. The steward will
     remain guardian of the men's interests and mediator for them; his
     arbitrary powers are taken away. The interests of the members of
     the union are protected by the foreman being required to be a
     member of the union, but he is restored to his position as the
     employe of the contractor, and, while so employed, is not subject
     to the rules of the union. The eight-hour day has been conceded to
     the workmen. It is in accordance with the state and, we believe, in
     accord with the spirit and progress of the age. The question of
     pay-day, whether on Saturday or on Tuesday, was not considered a
     question of vital importance, but, it being one of the questions
     left to the umpire, he decided that inasmuch as Tuesday has been
     the pay-day with the principal contractors in the trade of this
     city for more than twenty years last past, and, as experience in
     other trades and occupations has demonstrated that the pay-day of
     Monday or Tuesday has worked more beneficially to the workmen and
     their families than the Saturday pay-day, and, inasmuch as
     contractors ought not to be required to change the pay-day in the
     midst of the working season, having presumably made their pecuniary
     arrangements to meet the Tuesday pay-day, he would name Tuesday as
     the regular pay-day until the same should, if desired hereafter, be
     changed by the joint committee on arbitration.

     We have settled the differences between the two organizations.
     While every inch of the ground has been fought over, yet, having
     the task assigned us, we in good faith determined to do everything
     that was fair, just and honorable to accomplish our object. We feel
     we have succeeded without compromising the honor, the rights, or
     the dignity of either organisation, and hope that we have succeeded
     in establishing a basis upon which all future troubles may be
     settled and probably be prevented. We respectfully ask your
     adoption of this report and the article as to the joint arbitration
     committee, by immediate action, to the end that work may be
     commenced on Monday, July 11th, it being agreed that neither
     organization shall be bound by its action if the other should
     refuse to take similar action.

     Arbitration Committee for the U. O. A. B. and S. M. Association.

     Arbitration Committee for the Master Masons' and Builders'

     M. F. TULEY, Umpire.

One of the troublesome questions which was considered by the arbitrators
was the one in relation to apprentices. On this question there was no
agreement by the joint committee, but Judge Tuley made the following
statement and recommendations, all of which met the approval of both

     A limitation upon the number of apprentices in a craft has always
     existed either by legislative action or by custom of the craft, and
     the number that should be taken must be affected to a large extent
     by the general principles of the demand and supply of labor.

     In France, in the seventeenth century, masters were limited to one
     apprentice. In England, in the beginning of the eighteenth century,
     apprentices became so numerous, and because of their numbers--when
     they became workmen--were so unskilled, that some crafts were for a
     time utterly ruined. Laws were passed from time to time limiting
     the number of apprentices in the trades and crafts; some to two
     apprentices, some to sons of master workmen and employes, and some
     to the sons of persons who had a £3 annual rental.

     It is a law of self-preservation to the craft, and also of equal
     interest to the responsible Master Mason, that there should be some
     limitation on the number of apprentices. If the number is
     unlimited, unscrupulous contractors may secure a large number of
     apprentices, and, with the help of a few journeymen, underbid all
     contractors who employ journeymen skilled in their craft, and also
     necessarily throw upon the journeymen large additions of unskilled
     workmen, thereby making the supply of labor largely in excess of
     the demand, and destroying the standard of the craft for good work.

     It is not a question whether everybody shall have the right to
     learn a trade, but whether the craft will teach every boy a trade,
     to its own destruction.

     It is a matter, however, that neither the journeymen nor the Master
     Masons' organizations should arbitrarily undertake to decide. It is
     a matter of joint interest, and should be decided from time to time
     by the joint arbitration committee in such a manner that the number
     of apprentices shall be sufficient to furnish the requisite number
     of journeymen to supply the demand, and also so as to prevent an
     abuse of the apprentice system and an injury to both employer and
     employe by a too large number of apprentices being secured to do
     work that should be done by the skilled journeymen.

     Three years, by common consent, is the period fixed for
     apprenticeship in these trades, and the Master Masons should be
     allowed, and if necessary required, to take one new apprentice each

     The number of apprentices can be increased from time to time as the
     interests of the crafts and their obligations to the youth of the
     country should demand.

     The apprentice should be allowed to join any organization of his
     craft, but in all respects be subject to the laws of the state and
     the contracts made in pursuance thereof.

The joint committee also agreed upon working rules, which were
established by being adopted by both organizations interested. They are
as follows:

     SECTION 1. The minimum rate of wages shall be 40 cents per hour.

     SEC. 2. Eight hours shall constitute a day's work throughout the
     year, work to begin at 8 A. M. and end at 5 P. M., but the noon
     hour may be curtailed by special agreement between the foreman and
     the majority of the workmen, but not in such a way as to permit
     more than eight hours' work between the hours named.

     No member will be allowed to work overtime except in case of actual
     necessity. For such overtime time and one-half shall be allowed.

     SEC. 3. Eight hours shall constitute a night's work. Night work
     shall not commence until 7 P. M., and shall be paid for at time and
     a half. Sunday work shall be paid for at double time.

     SEC 4. Any member of this Union working for a Mason Contractor
     shall be paid every two weeks on Tuesday before 5 P. M.

     _Resolved_, That all members of the United Order of American
     Bricklayers and Stonemasons who have, from actual necessity, taken
     up their work during the present strike, or lockout, and have
     thereby violated any rule of said organization, shall be reinstated
     within two weeks of the execution of the award of this arbitration
     committee, and shall not be fined or suffer any penalty for said
     violation of rules; and further

     _Resolved_, That all members of the Chicago Master Masons' and
     Builders' association who have, from actual necessity, started to
     work with union men, and in opposition to a resolution of such
     organization, shall not be fined or suffer any penalty for
     infraction of the rules, and shall be considered in good standing.

The working rules were signed by the joint committee and the umpire.

The following amendments to the constitution of the two organizations
were adopted, fixing a permanent board of arbitration:

     SECTION 1. This organization shall elect, at its annual meeting in
     January, a standing committee of arbitration, consisting of five
     members, to serve one year. The present standing committee shall
     continue in office until the election of its successor, in January,

     SEC. 2. The president shall be, ex-officio, one of said five
     members. He shall be chairman of committee, and in his absence the
     committee may designate one of its members to act in his place.

     SEC. 3. Within one week after the election the president of the
     United Order of American Bricklayers and Stonemasons shall certify
     to the Chicago Master Masons' and Builders' association, and the
     president of the Chicago Master Masons' and Builders' association
     shall certify to the United Order of American Bricklayers and
     Stonemasons, the fact that said committee has been regularly
     elected, and give the names of members thereof.

     SEC. 4. When notice of the selection of a committee of arbitration
     by the other association shall be received, or as soon thereafter
     as practicable, and within the month of January, the two committees
     shall meet and proceed to organize themselves in a joint committee
     of arbitration by electing an umpire, who is neither a working
     mechanic nor an employer of mechanics. The umpire, when present,
     shall preside at meetings of the joint committee, and have the
     casting vote on all questions.

     SEC. 5. Seven members, exclusive of the umpire, shall constitute a
     quorum of the joint arbitration committee, and in case of the
     absence of any member, the chairman of his committee shall cast the
     vote for such absent members.

     A majority vote shall decide all questions.

     SEC. 6. The joint committee of arbitration shall have all evidence
     in complaints and grievances of a member or members of one body
     against a member or members of the other, or of one organization
     against the other, referred to it by the president of either
     association, and shall finally decide all questions submitted, and
     shall certify by the umpire such decisions to the respective

     Work shall go on continuously, and all parties interested shall be
     governed by award made, or decisions rendered, provided, however,
     that work may be stopped by the joint order of the presidents of
     the respective associations until the decision of the joint
     committee is had.

     SEC. 7. The joint committee shall have exclusive power to determine
     and fix definitely from year to year all working rules. It shall
     also have all exclusive authority to discuss and determine all
     other subjects in which both organizations, or members of both
     organizations, may be jointly interested and concerned, which may
     be brought before the committee by either organization or the
     president thereof.

     SEC. 8. Working rules are rules governing employers and workmen at
     work, such as the establishment of a minimum rate of wages to be
     paid practical bricklayers and stonemasons per hour, and of a
     uniform pay-day, to determine the number of hours to be worked per
     day, the time of starting and quitting work, the remuneration to be
     paid for work done overtime and Sundays, and other questions of
     like nature.

     SEC. 9. The subject of apprentices being a matter of joint
     interest, and concern to both the union and the Master Masons' and
     Builders' association, the joint committee shall have power to
     decide from time to time the number of apprentices which master
     masons may take in service. Until further action by said committee
     all master masons shall be allowed a new apprentice each year, and
     the term of apprenticeship shall be three years, but any minor
     taken as apprentice shall be under 19 years of age. All apprentices
     shall be allowed to join any organization of their craft, but to be
     subject to the laws of this state and the contract of
     apprenticeship made in pursuance of such laws.

     SEC 10. This article having been agreed upon by the union of the
     United Order of American Bricklayers and Stonemasons, and the
     Master Masons' and Builders' association shall not be repealed or
     amended by either organization except upon six months' previous
     notice given to the other organization, and such notice shall not
     be given until after all honest efforts to settle the grievance or
     difficulty shall have been made.

In addition to the provisions for changing the constitutions of the two
organizations it was necessary for the Bricklayers' union to make a
number of changes in its constitution in relation to the walking
delegate, stewards, foremen, etc., but these could not be made at once,
as there was a provision in the constitution of the union by which it
could not be amended, except after two weeks' notice. This notice was
given, and the amendments were made at the proper time. In the meantime
the proposed changes were recognized and put into practice.

The Bricklayers' union and the Master Masons' association met and
ratified the action of the joint arbitration committee by unanimously
indorsing the award and all accompanying recommendations. This ended the
great strike and lockout.

In the settlement which was made the greatest accomplishment was the
securing of a standing committee on arbitration to adjust all grievances
before the employes are permitted to strike, or be locked out by the
employers. This is a hard blow to the agitators, whose thrift largely
depended upon their ability to create strife and contention between
capital and labor. The establishment of a joint council of employers and
workmen secures and protects free labor. Instead of the pernicious
strike, it was agreed that arbitration should be recognized as the first
move in the settlement of differences, and that it was the only true
solution of all misunderstandings. As nations never take up arms against
each other until they have exhausted the experiments of diplomacy, so
the workmen, or their leaders, were made to understand that arbitration
was the true course in the adjustment of differences between employer
and employe. Associations of employers, as well as associations of
employes, may well profit by the experience of the building trades in
Chicago. It was a hot struggle, which, after all, was brought to an end
by arbitration--an experiment which, however unsatisfactory to the
hot-heads, might as easily have been resorted to at the beginning.

The employer, and not the Walking Delegate of the union, was given
control over the employment of his own workmen. The declaration made at
the first meeting of the Master Masons' association, that "the Walking
Delegate must go," was put into force and effect by the award made. He
has walked his last walk, and his finger has snapped its last snap in
calling men off a job in Chicago. The tyrant's power was taken away. The
foreman was made the servant of the contractor, who pays his wages, and
is no longer the servant of the union, to which he pays taxes. The
rights of the employer were recognized and harmony was secured.


The losses to thirty thousand employes and seven hundred contractors
during the lockout aggregated more than $4,000,000. They are fairly
shown by the following statement:

     4,000 Carpenters, 16 days, @ $2.50                $160,000
     2,000 Carpenters, 30 days, @ $2.50                 150,000
     4,000 Hodcarriers and Laborers, 60 days, @ $2.00   480,000
     3,000 Bricklayers, 54 days, @ $3.60                583,200
     1,000 Brick Makers, 54 days, @ $5.00               270,000
     8,000 Brick Laborers, 54 days, @ $1.75             756,000
     1,000 Brick Teamsters, 54 days, @ $4.00            216,000
     1,000 Stonecutters, 30 days, @ $4.00               120,000
       500 Cornice men, 30 days, @ $3.00                 45,000
       500 Gravel Roofers, 30 days, @ $2.50              37,500
       700 Plasterers, 30 days, @ $4.00                  84,000
       250 Lathers, 30 days, @ $2.50                     18,750
       600 Painters, 30 days, @ $2.50                    45,000
     1,000 Mill men, 30 days, @ $2.50                    75,000
           Iron men                                      10,000
           Slate Roofers                                  5,000
           Stair Builders                                 5,000
           Lumber Yard Employes                           5,000
           Teamsters                                      5,000
           Boatmen                                        5,000
                  Total                              $3,075,450

The actual loss of the seven hundred contractors would average not less
than $25 per day for sixty days, which would make their loss--exclusive
of percentage on work delayed--$1,050,000. This sum, added to the loss
of the idle man, makes a total loss in the building trades alone of
$4,125,450. And this resulted from a demand for Saturday pay-day.

This calculation does not include the percentage of losses to the
builders upon work which was in hand, and which could have been pushed
to completion during the pendency of the strike. They would have
amounted at least to $1,000,000. These figures should be a warning to
projectors of strikes in the future, but when a strike is determined
upon, the results, in a financial way, are never considered. Nothing is
looked to but the present imaginary wrong, which reckless leaders insist
must be righted without reference to the effect upon their own pockets
or those of the employer upon whom their demands are made. It is about
time for the strike and boycott days to end, in order that prosperity
may be assured to both the employer and the employe--at least in the
building trades of this country.


From the beginning to the close of the strike there were many
difficulties to contend with, one of the most prominent of which was the
timidity of some contractors, who were constantly exhibiting their
weakness, and on the slightest pretext would have given up the battle
and sacrificed principle for the sake of making a few dollars. These men
were a constant care to the more earnest workers, who were compelled to
put forth efforts at all times to strengthen the weak brethren and keep
them in line. They believed in the correctness of the principles
involved, but were ever ready to say they could not be enforced against
the striking element, the strength of which at all times was made to
appear in the unanimity with which the workmen seemed to stand together.
If the strikers were weak they were so well drilled that they would not
admit it, or show it to the contractors, while the few weak members of
the Master Masons' association and material dealers who were disposed to
give up, were constantly parading their cowardice to not only their
associates, but to the strikers and to the public. But they were few in

Another source of annoyance was the exhibition of selfishness by a few
owners of buildings which had been projected. They would not consider
the principle involved; but, looking at the dollar in sight, took their
contracts from members of the Association and gave them into the hands
of the strikers, thus furnishing aid and comfort to the enemy of
liberty, and creating a feeling of discouragement in the ranks of the

All honor to the brave men who stood firm in the fight from the
beginning to the end; who sacrificed everything but principle to sustain
the proposition of individual liberty; who were early and late in the
front to do battle alike for the strong and weak; who shirked no duty,
no responsibility, but floated the banner of freedom on all occasions.
Their names are enrolled on the books of the haters of free labor for a
boycott in the future, but they are also enrolled in the deepest
recesses of the memory of every good and true citizen, and their manly
efforts for the establishment of the principle of individual liberty
will never be forgotten.


When the Master Masons adopted the nine-hour day the Carpenters' and
Builders' Association promptly backed them up by receding from the
eight-hour rule and making their hours of work correspond with those of
the Master Masons. The award of the arbitrators having restored to the
masons the eight-hour day, the carpenters considered themselves absolved
from any obligations to back up the masons, and said they would fix the
hours to suit themselves.

The satisfactory settlement of the strike of the bricklayers caused the
working carpenters to move in the direction of arbitration. An uneasy
feeling prevailed for some time among the employers and the workmen. On
several occasions agitators tried to induce the men to order a strike
for eight hours and 35 cents an hour as the minimum rate of wages, and
the conservative element had great difficulty in preventing it. They
succeeded in securing the appointment of an arbitration committee by the
workmen, which was composed of Messrs. W. White, H. T. Castle, R. L.
Hassell, Roscoe Palmer and A. S. F. Ballantine. This committee made
several attempts to secure recognition at the hands of the Carpenters'
and Builders' Association, but without success. The association met
Saturday evening, July 23rd, and laid on the table three communications
from the carpenters, all of which were in the direction of arbitration.
The association then passed a resolution authorizing its members to work
as they pleased during the remainder of the year, without reference to
any rule in regard to the number of hours which should constitute a
day's work, and almost universally work proceeded on the eight-hour



J. Milton Blair, President, Cincinnati, O.
John S. Stevens, First Vice President, Philadelphia, Pa.
E. E. Scribner, Second Vice President, St. Paul, Minn.
Wm. H. Sayward, Secretary, Boston, Mass.
John J. Tucker, Treasurer, New York, N. Y.


David M. Alexander, Albany, N. Y.
Wm. Ferguson, Baltimore, Md.
Leander Greely, Boston, Mass.
Charles Berrick, Buffalo, N. Y.
Henry Oliver, Charleston, S. C.
George C. Prussing, Chicago, Ills.
James Allison, Cincinnati, O.
Thomas Simmons, Cleveland, O.
Thomas Kanauss, Columbus, O.
W. G. Vinton, Detroit, Mich.
W. C. Weatherly, Grand Rapids, Mich.
W. P. Jungclaus, Indianapolis, Ind.
Thomas Mason, Milwaukee, Wis.
H. N. Leighton, Minneapolis, Minn.
J. N. Phillips, Nashville, Tenn.
F. H. West, New Orleans, La.
Mark Eidlitz, New York, N. Y.
Wm. Harkness, Jr., Philadelphia, Pa.
Samuel Francis, Pittsburgh, Pa.
George R. Phillips, Providence, R. I.
Charles W. Voshall, Rochester, N. Y.
E. F. Osborne, St. Paul, Minn.
F. F. Beck, Sioux City, Iowa.
C. A. Meeker, Troy, N. Y.
E. B. Crane, Worcester, Mass.


John Byrns, President, New York, N. Y.
John Trainor, First Vice President, Baltimore, Md.
H. G. Gabay, Recording Secretary, New York, N. Y.
Walter T. Hudson, Corresponding Secretary, Brooklyn, N. Y.
Enoch Remick, Financial Secretary, Philadelphia, Pa.
M. J. Lyons, Treasurer, Brooklyn, N. Y.
D. J. Collins, Sergeant at Arms, St. Louis, Mo.


George D. Scott, New York, N. Y.
E. J. Hannon, Washington, D. C.
J. J. Sheehan, St. Louis, Mo.
Wm. Harkness, Jr., Philadelphia, Pa.
Rupert Coleman, Chicago, Ills.


Alex. W. Murray, Chicago, Ills.
D. G. Finerty, Boston, Mass.
D. O. McEwan, Omaha, Neb.
Joseph C. Mitchell, Baltimore, Md.
Richard Murphy, Cincinnati, O.
T. J. White, Denver, Col.
John Cameron, Detroit, Mich.
John Madden, Fort Wayne, Ind.
Michael J. Moran, Jersey City, N. J.
Henry Goss, Kansas City, Mo.
John E. Ford, Newton, Kas.
Simon Shulbafer, Louisville, Ky.
Wm. E. Goodwin, Milwaukee, Wis.
John Shea, St. Paul, Minn.
Robert Morgan, New Haven, Conn.
W. E. Foster, Norfolk, Va.
James E. Weldon, Pittsburgh, Pa.
J. L. Park, Nashville, Tenn.
Wm. Whipple, Providence, R. I.
R. G. Campbell, Washington, D. C.
J. L. Furman, San Francisco, Cal.
Wm. Young, New York, N. Y.


Titus Berger, President, Pittsburgh, Pa.
Jesse Cornelius, Vice-President, St. Louis, Mo.
J. G. McCarthy, Secretary, Chicago, Ills.
Maurice Joy, Treasurer, Philadelphia, Pa.


Titus Berger, Chairman, Pittsburgh, Pa.
J. B. Sullivan, Chicago, Ills.
George B. Elmore, Brooklyn, N. Y.
John Patterson, Philadelphia, Pa.
J. B. Atkinson, Louisville, Ky.
M. H. Godfrey, Detroit, Mich.
George Howlett, Cleveland, Ohio.
Charles H. Sefton, Boston, Mass.
E. M. Gallagher, San Francisco, Cal.
B. T. Collingbourne, Milwaukee, Wis.
J. F. Van Brandt, Dubuque, Iowa.
R. L. Hutchins, Wilmington, N. C.
James S. Dowling, St. Louis, Mo.
B. C. Bushell, Martinsburg, W. Va.
James Marks, Bayonne, N. J.
F. P. Martin, Atchinson, Kas.
P. Coughlin, Bridgeport, Conn.
Thomas A. Brown, Washington, D. C.
A. T. Davis, Memphis, Tenn.
E. W. Pyle, Wilmington, Del.


J. Wilkes Ford, President, Chicago, Ill.
Samuel D. Warren, First Vice President, St. Louis, Mo.
H. M. Reynolds, Second Vice President, Grand Rapids, Mich.
William K. Thomas, Secretary, Chicago, Ills.
H. R. Shaffer, Treasurer, Chicago, Ills.


M. W. Powell, Chicago, Ills.
John M. Sellers, St. Louis, Mo.
E. S. Bortel, Philadelphia, Pa.
J. L. Jones, Chicago, Ills.
G. W. Getchell, Chicago, Ills.


John W. Root, President, Chicago, Ills.
J. F. Alexander, Secretary, LaFayette, Ind.
Samuel A. Treat, Treasurer, Chicago, Ills.
W. L. B. Jenney, Secretary Foreign Correspondence, Chicago, Ills.


D. W. Millard, St. Paul, Minn.
H. S. Josseyline, Cedar Rapids, Iowa.
D. Adler, Chicago, Ills.
J. J. McGrath, St. Louis, Mo.
J. G. Haskel, Topeka, Kan.
J. F. Alexander, LaFayette, Ind.
George W. Rapp, Cincinnati, O.
J. J. Kane, Fort Worth, Texas.


Dankmar Adler, Chairman, Chicago, Ills.
G. W. Rapp, Cincinnati, O.
Charles Crapsey, Cincinnati, O.
C. A. Curtin, Louisville, Ky.
G. M. Goodwin, St. Paul, Minn.


D. Adler, President.
S. A. Treat,  } Vice-Presidents.
M. S. Patton, }
S. M. Randolph, Treasurer.
C. L. Stiles, Secretary.


L. D. Cleveland,
C. M. Palmer,
John W. Root,
Wm. Halabird.



George Tapper, President.
Mat. Benner, First Vice-President.
Alex. W. Murray, Second Vice-President.
F. C. Schoenthaler, Secretary.
Joseph Downey, Treasurer.


Oliver Sollitt,
D. V. Purington,
Murdock Campbell,
E. A. Thomas,
F. W. H. Sundmacher,
Ph. Henne,
James John,
S. S. Kimbell,
Wm. Kinsella,
George H. Fox.


George Tapper, President
H. G. Savage, Vice-President.
F. C. Schoenthaler, Secretary.


Credentials--J. B. Sullivan, T. C. Diener, A. J. Weckler.
Safety--H. L. Turner, C. B. Kimbell, Robert Vierling.
Strikes and Grievances--P. B. Wight, H. G. Savage, M. W. Powell.
Arbitration--Edward Kirk, Jr., William Hearson, John Sutton.


Joseph Downey, President.
Thomas E. Courtney, Treasurer.
Hermann Mueller, Secretary.


William Grace, President.
William Hearson, Vice-President.
F. C. Schoenthaler, Secretary.
Peter Kauff, Treasurer.


C. G. Dixon,
William Mavor,
J. W. Woodard,
W. E. Frost,
John Ramcke,
J. W. Cassell.


B. J. Moore, President.
H. A. Sanger, Vice-President.
D. E. Corneau, Secretary.
E. F. Singer, Treasurer.
J. A. Pettigrew, Manager.


D. E. Corneau,
J. G. Bodenschatz,
B. J. Moore,
H. A. Sanger,
E. T. Singer,
H. L. Holland,
G. H. Monroe.


Gen. John McArthur, President.
John Rawle, Vice-President.
E. E. Worthington, Secretary.
C. B. McGenness, Treasurer.


E. T. Singer,
John Worthy,
M. B. Madden,
P. G. Hale,
W. Johnson.


F. V. Gindele, President.
T. C. Diener, Secretary and Treasurer.


John Tomlinson,
John Tait,
Henry Fürst.


R. T. Crane, President.
J. McGregor Adams, First Vice-President.
John T. Raffen, Second Vice President.
W. J. Chalmers, Third Vice President.
Robert Vierling, Secretary and Treasurer.


R. T. Crane,
W. J. Chalmers,
M. C. Bullock,
George Mason,
J. McGregor Adams,
Frank I. Pearce,
Louis Wolff,
John T. Raffen,
A. Plamondon.


H. Griffith, President.
J. J. Wade, First Vice President.
Wm. Sims, Second Vice President.
M. H. Reilly, Third Vice President.
Frank E. Rush, Fourth Vice President.
Wm. Wilson, Fifth Vice President.
J. R. Alcock, Recording Secretary.
Charles S. Wallace, Corresponding Secretary.
William Sims, Finance Secretary.
J. J. Hamblin, Treasurer.
P. L. O'Hara, Sergeant-at-Arms.


President, J. G. McCarthy.
Vice-President, H. J. Milligan.
Secretary, B. S. Mills.
Treasurer, N. S. Lepperr.


Henry G. Emmel,
Wm. H. Emerson,
James C. Burns.


H. R. Shaffer, President.
D. W. C. Gooding, Vice-President.
John L. Jones, Secretary.
S. E. Barrett, Treasurer.


M. W. Powell,
G. W. Getchell,
W. K. Thomas.


M. W. Powell, President.
A. L. Barsley, Vice-President.
J. J. Wheeler, Secretary.
S. E. Barrett, Treasurer.


C. W. Randolph,
J. W. Ford,
D. W. C. Gooding,
A. Burke,
L. Daley.


A. J. Weckler, President.
August Wehrheim, Vice-President.
F. W. Sundmacher, Secretary.
George Lill, Treasurer.


Thomas Moulding,
Fred. Zapell,
A. J. Weckler,
August Wehrheim,
John Labahn.


P. Lichtenstadt, President.
John McKenna, Secretary.
L. H. Harland, Treasurer.


William Piggott, President.
A. Zander, Vice President.
James John, Treasurer.
Andrew Corcoran, Secretary.


Edward Kirk, Jr., President.
James A. Miller, Secretary and Treasurer.


William D. Kerfoot, President.
M. R. Barnard, Vice President.
George P. Bay, Treasurer.
Edward F. Getchell, Secretary.
W. J. Gallup, Assistant Secretary.

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