China and the allies, vol. 1 (of 2)

By Arnold Henry Savage Landor

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Title: China and the allies, vol. 1 (of 2)

Author: Arnold Henry Savage Landor

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CHINA AND THE ALLIES, VOL. 1 (OF 2) ***

CHINA
AND THE ALLIES

_By the same Author._

=IN THE FORBIDDEN LAND=.
+An Account of a Journey in Tibet+;

Capture by the Tibetan Authorities;
Imprisonment, Torture, and
Ultimate Release.

By A. HENRY SAVAGE-LANDOR.

With a Map and 250 Illustrations. Popular
Edition, in one Volume. Price 7s. 6d. net.

=COREA, OR CHO-SEN=,
+The Land of the Morning Calm+.

By A. HENRY SAVAGE-LANDOR.

With 38 Illustrations from Drawings by the
Author, and a Portrait, demy 8vo, 18s.

+London+: WILLIAM HEINEMANN,
21 +Bedford Street+, W.C.

[Illustration: A BUDDHIST PRIEST.]

CHINA
AND THE ALLIES

BY
A. HENRY SAVAGE-LANDOR

AUTHOR OF

“_IN THE FORBIDDEN LAND_,” “_ALONE WITH THE
HAIRY AINU_,” “_COREA, THE LAND OF
THE MORNING CALM_,” _ETC._

WITH ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS BY THE AUTHOR

IN TWO VOLUMES

VOL. I

LONDON
WILLIAM HEINEMANN
1901

_This Edition enjoys copyright in
all countries signatory to the
Berne Treaty, and is not to be
imported into the United States
of America_

I DEDICATE THIS BOOK
TO
MY SISTER ELFRIDA

PREFACE

The aim of this book has been to give a record of events as they
occurred, and to avoid national or personal prejudice.

A. HENRY SAVAGE-LANDOR.

_April 1901._

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I

The Boxers or Volunteer United Fists--Their origin--The Big
Sword Society--Unlawful societies--The Jesuits and secret
societies--A crusade against “foreign devils”--Evil influence
of Buddhist priests--Their enmity towards strangers--Premature
outbreak--Grasping dealings of Europeans--Extent of the Boxer
movement Pp. 1-6

CHAPTER II

Kwang-Hsu’s reform edicts--A Boxer proclamation--The Loo or
Assembly halls--Boxers’ distinguishing colours--How the Boxers
were armed--Invulnerability--Occult powers--Boxer war song and
initiation Pp. 7-14

CHAPTER III

A Boxer rhyme--A bit of prose--Roman Catholics and the
Boxers--Mistaken beliefs of the Boxers and their origin--Malicious
placards--Buddhist priests and hypnotism--Massacred Europeans--The
magic mirror Pp. 15-20

CHAPTER IV

Boxer wedding--Special god of the Boxers--Boxer altars--Incriminating
documents in the Viceroy’s yamên--Sacred edict issued by the Lord
of Wealth and Happiness--A divine prescription--The real leader of
the Boxers--His descent--The active leader of the Boxers and his
influence over the fanatics--Political and religious movement
Pp. 21-25

CHAPTER V

The official correspondence of Sir Claude MacDonald with Lord
Salisbury--The murder of Mr. Brooks--Useless representations
to the Tsung-li-Yamên--Misrepresentations of the Chinese
ambassador in London--The disturbed Shantung province--Danger of
missionaries--Details of Brooks’s murder--The British Minister’s
apologies for Chinese murderers--The natural result of travelling
in a wheelbarrow--Yu-H’sien, Governor of Shantung--The Boxer
movement spreading--Serious trouble expected--A naval demonstration
in North Chinese waters deemed advisable--The French Minister the
only one well informed Pp. 26-31

CHAPTER VI

Anti-foreign Yu-H’sien appointed Governor of Shansi--A slap in the
face for England and America--An alarming telegram--Imperial
decree satisfactory as far as it went, in Sir Claude MacDonald’s
opinion--The decree Pp. 32-36

CHAPTER VII

The Boxer movement spreads in the Chili province--Ships requested
to proceed to Taku--Brooks’s murderers punished and compensation
paid--The request to suppress the Boxer and Big Sword
societies--The special Imperial audience regarding the succession
to the Throne--The young Prince Yu-Chun elected heir--His
tutors--Decree by the Emperor’s own pen Pp. 37-43

CHAPTER VIII

The difficulty in obtaining the publication of an Imperial edict in
the _Pekin Gazette_--Temporising--An important and stormy meeting
at the Yamên--Absence of the Russian Minister--Baron von Ketteler’s
accusations and merriment of the Yamên Ministers--Excuses--An
international naval demonstration deemed necessary--Yu H’sien’s
appointment--A flat refusal Pp. 44-48

CHAPTER IX

A crisis approaching--Destruction of villages and mission-houses by
the Boxers--Roman Catholic missionaries killed--A marine guard
retained in Tientsin--Troubles in Kung-tsun--A meeting of the
foreign Ministers in Pekin--Their disinclination to bring up
guards--Rain better than Maxim guns--Sham displays of the Chinese
to suppress the insurgents--Baron von Ketteler suspicious of the
Chinese Government’s promises--Guards to be sent for to protect the
Legations Pp. 49-53

CHAPTER X

Bishop Favier and his knowledge of China--His historical letter--The
contrast to our Minister’s information Pp. 54-58

CHAPTER XI

Pekin-Tientsin railway destroyed--Foresight of French and Russian
Ministers--Their guards on their way to Pekin--Pekin in extreme
danger--Imperial troops unite with the Boxers--Imperial favour
shown to the rebels--How the Chinese regard our civilisation--Their
dream of revenge--H.M.S. flag-ship _Centurion_ and the _Whiting_,
_Endymion_, and _Fame_ proceed to Taku Pp. 59-62

CHAPTER XII

The escape of the Belgian and Italian railway engineers from the
town of Pao-ting-fu--Attempt to reach Tientsin by boat--M. Ketels’
relief expedition--The first refugees--In a sad plight--The journey
by water--Terrible experiences--A fatal attempt to retreat to
Pao-ting-fu--A junk attacked by Boxers--A fearful night Pp. 63-66

CHAPTER XIII

A disastrous journey on foot--Chased by Boxers--Hand-to-hand
fights--Dissension among the refugees--Separation--The last
night--Hiding in a marsh--The capture of a Chinese gun--Safe
at last--M. Ketels and his volunteers--Cossacks and their
pluck--Lieutenant Blonsky the most wounded officer of the Allies
Pp. 67-71

CHAPTER XIV

A _coup d’état_ feared--Situation in Pekin grave--Messrs. Robinson
and Norman murdered--Chinese Christians in serious straits--An
interview with Prince Ching--Refusal of the Chinese Government to
deal firmly with the Boxers--Difficulties in obtaining an Imperial
audience--Hampering formalities--A conference on the flag-ship
_Centurion_--Sir Claude MacDonald’s discretion left unfettered by
his Government--Evil effects of the Chinese decree in the _Pekin
Gazette_ Pp. 72-76

CHAPTER XV

Imperial Decree from the _Pekin Gazette_, June 6--Western Churches
and men of evil character--Boxers the patriots and champions
of peace--The children of the Throne--Official neglect of
duties--Riots--Disbandment of societies--The Generalissimo Jung-lu
to pursue and punish the rebels--Secret investigations--No mercy
Pp. 77-80

CHAPTER XVI

The situation in Pekin critical--Boxer placard posted
in the West City Pekin--Boxer altars--Drilling of
Boxers--Foreigners mobbed--Cataleptic subjects exhibited by
Buddhist priests--Vice-Admiral Seymour in command of Relief
Expedition--Rear-Admiral Bruce in command of British Squadron--An
alarming message--Force landed Pp. 81-84

CHAPTER XVII

A meeting of Consuls and Naval Commandants in Tientsin--More alarming
news from the Capital--French and Russian advice--The usual
formalities--Four trains proceed to the Relief of Pekin--Imperial
troops at Yangtsun--The first troubles of the Expedition--Railway
line damaged--Approaching enemy--The first engagement with
Boxers--Great bravery of the fanatics--Reinforcements for the
Allies--At Lanfang--Railway torn up Pp. 85-91

CHAPTER XVIII

Head-quarters at Lanfang--Entry of troops into Pekin to
be opposed--Murder of the Chancellor of the Japanese
Legation--Conciliatory visits and orders to slaughter--Customs
buildings wrecked--European graveyard desecrated--A specified
date--Danger of the relief force being cut off--The advisability
of capturing the Taku forts--On June 13--A skirmish of Americans
and Boxers--An attempt to destroy the armoured trains--An Italian
picket cut off--Chinese vitality--Rushing quick-firing guns
Pp. 92-95

CHAPTER XIX

A second attack--Report of a scouting party--Matters in Tientsin
reach a crisis--Imperial soldiers destroying the railway line at
Yangtsun--The return of the Expedition--Villages burnt--Germans
capture junks--An attack on the trains by Boxers and Imperial
troops--Enemy well armed--Casualties of the Allies--Critical
situation for the Relief Expedition--The trains abandoned--On
the march--The enemy attacked and driven away from a strong
position--Attack on a village in possession of Boxers and
soldiers--The British Consul and the Viceroy of Tientsin--Mr.
Carles’ telegram--Lord Salisbury’s generous offer Pp. 96-101

CHAPTER XX

Firing in the direction of Tientsin--The Pei-tsang fight--Under
heavy fire--Captain Jellicoe mortally wounded--Four hours’ hard
fighting--Tientsin hard pressed--Hampered by wounded--Short of
ammunition and food--A Chinese feint--The Allies in a trap--The
storming of a fort and arsenal--An unsuccessful attempt to open
communication with Tientsin--The Chinese gallantly endeavour to
recapture their lost position--Captain McCalla--The death of
Captain Beyts Pp. 102-106

CHAPTER XXI

Two quiet days--Harassing the enemy--A dust storm--Signals of
distress--The use of newly-acquired guns--Foreign troops
sighted--The relief force relieved by Colonel Shirinsky--Removing
the wounded--International brotherly feeling--An appalling number
of wounded--Back in Tientsin--What the men thought of Admiral
Seymour--Seymour’s tribute to his men Pp. 107-111

CHAPTER XXII

Developments at Taku and Tientsin--A strong Chinese force
advancing on Taku--A council of Admirals convened on board the
_Rossia_--Mines and torpedoes laid at the mouth of the Pei-ho--A
defensive attitude to be adopted by the Allies--The Taku forts
the key of the position--Japanese to guard the railway station--A
second council on the _Rossia_--Prince Tuan--Chinese friendliness
regarded with distrust by naval commanders--Remonstrances--The
Governor of Chili commanded to hand over the Taku and Tong-ku
forts--Chinese refusal--Plans for an attack--Big ships of the
Allies--Gunboats up-stream--Mines laid across the bar--The U.S.S.
_Monocacy_ Pp. 112-117

CHAPTER XXIII

Shifting the moorings--The _Koreetz_ suffers heavily--Commander
Wise--A position of absolutely safety--The _Whiting_ and _Fame_
capture four Chinese torpedo-destroyers and convey them to
Tong-ku--A 5-inch shell--Gunboats fare badly--The United States at
peace with China--Admiral Kempff refuses to join in the attack of
forts--A strange coincidence Pp. 118-123

CHAPTER XXIV

A fierce cannonade--The range--Chinese magazine blown up--The
storming party--Advance in parallel columns--Skirmishing
order--Smartness of the Japanese--The gallant Captain Hattori
killed--A pathetic incident--The first to enter--The North-West
Fort--The capture of the North Fort--The British flag first--The
South Forts holding out--Every fort in the hands of the Allies--The
Russian flag--The humours of war Pp. 124-128

CHAPTER XXV

Captain Stewart of the _Algerine_--Lieutenant-Commanders McKenzie
and Keyes--Commander Lanz of the _Iltis_--German shells for
German ships--Excellent practice of Chinese gunners--Inside the
forts--A characteristic letter--The journey by water from Taku to
Tientsin--At Tong-ku--Cossacks--Columns of black smoke Pp. 129-133

CHAPTER XXVI

The walled native city and the foreign concessions--The Railway
Station--The mud wall, or “Sankolin’s Folly”--Detring and
Dickinson’s houses and the racecourse--The North Fort--The
East Arsenal and the Military College--Mounds of salt--The
Viceroy’s Yamên--The West Arsenal--The Hsiku “or Siku”
Arsenal--Landmarks--The Gordon Hall--The arrival of Russians--A
failed attempt to communicate with Seymour--The native city in the
hands of Boxers--A threatening moment Pp. 134-140

CHAPTER XXVII

An interesting letter--Mormon habits--Chinese prophecies--Proffered
hospitality declined--An armed train to proceed to
Yangtsun--Shelling of the Settlement by the Chinese--The enemy
repulsed--Attack on the Military College--A gratifying despatch
Pp. 141-145

CHAPTER XXVIII

A heavy attack on the Station--Chinese daring--A joint movement
of British and Russians--A gallant attempt to seize two
Chinese guns--Captain Beattie’s bravery--To the relief of
Tientsin--A stubborn resistance--Held in check--Mutilated
Americans--Casualties--Tientsin relieved--The force
landed--Unfounded statements--At Taku--Captain Warrender and the
transport arrangements--A protocol on board the _Rossia_--Captain
Wise in control at Tong-ku--Captain Bayly in command in
Tientsin--The Admirals and the Shanghai Consuls Pp. 146-151

CHAPTER XXIX

The assurances of the Viceroys and Governors of the Southern
Provinces--A memorial--Denouncing the Boxers--In the interest of
the Empire--Stringent measures needed--On the verge of a great
calamity--Worried and alarmed Pp. 152-155

CHAPTER XXX

A satisfactory proclamation--For the preservation of order--A
tangible agreement with foreign consuls--Confidence in provincial
governments--Manufacturers of news and insurgents--Merchants and
peaceful people to be protected Pp. 156-160

CHAPTER XXXI

More Russian reinforcements--Much shelling and little damage--Chinese
segment-shells--To the relief of Seymour--Disastrous to
furniture--An interesting collection--The Wei-hai-wei Chinese
regiment--A note from Sir Robert Hart--Lieutenant-Colonel Shirinsky
the liberator of the Seymour Expedition--The capture of the
Pei-Yang Arsenal--The arrival of Japanese troops--Junks seized--A
laconic message from Sir Robert Hart--An extraordinary consular
advice--The answer it deserved--The arrival of Vice-Admiral
Alexieff--International forces landed--Field and machine guns--The
projected advance on Pekin--A proposal to Japan--Germany--The
situation discussed--The Maxims in action Pp. 161-166

CHAPTER XXXII

Haphazard shooting--Mr. Campbell wounded--A lake of sugar--French
troops--Refugees--Chinese shells--Attempting to seize the
pontoon bridge--Russian gallantry--Women and children--A
reconnaissance--The enemy’s Krupp guns--Two 12-pounder guns--A
serious attack on the Railway Station--The Settlement heavily
shelled--Exodus of refugees--Accurate Chinese fire--Arrival of
Japanese troops and two 4-inch British guns--Artillery available
in Tientsin--Temperance Hall the chief target--A reconnoitring
party--The Wei-hai-wei regiment under fire--More guns arrive
Pp. 167-173

CHAPTER XXXIII

The 4-inch naval gun--Captain Bayly Provost-Marshal--The West
Arsenal--British refugees uncared for--Operations against the
West Arsenal--A British naval 4-inch gun mounted--Guns on the
Mud-wall--The enemy’s artillery--Marvellous shooting--Lyddite
shells--Another determinate attack on the Station--The
exact range--The wounded of the Pekin brigade--Lieutenant
Blonsky--Admiral Seymour returns to Taku Pp. 174-180

CHAPTER XXXIV

The attack on the native city--Troops taking part in the operations
and their respective positions--Chinese quick-firing guns and
modern rifles--_Gingals_--The defenders of the city--Swampy
ground and lack of cover--Plucky Pathans--The death of Colonel
Liscum--A difficult position--A reported conversation--The plucky
Japanese--At the South Gate--Blowing up the gates--Scaling the
wall--The gate opened--The fall of the city--Town set fire to--The
devotion of a practical son--The Arsenal and Armoury Pp. 181-188

CHAPTER XXXV

The looting of Tientsin--The residents--A special case--A day’s free
hand--The only punishment--A study of the looters--Tommy Atkins and
Jack Tar--The friends at home--Good-hearted devils Pp. 189-195

CHAPTER XXXVI

The Japanese soldier--His dignified demeanour--His artistic
taste--Delicate touch--Appreciation of art--Watches for preference
Pp. 196-199

CHAPTER XXXVII

The American soldier--No worse and no better than others--His good
qualities--The delights of smashing china vases--A first-class
fellow--His topic of conversation--Art and lump silver--His
popularity among the Allies--Guarding the Armoury--In the Yamên of
the Commissioner of Salt--A diabolical picture--Several million
dollars--A mountain of silver Pp. 200-205

CHAPTER XXXVIII

The French soldier--Clothes and eatables--A touching incident--The
Russian troops--Not quite so black as they are painted--A fancy
for jewellery and perfumery--The manner of the Russian soldier--An
untidy looter--Musical boxes spared--Italian opera selections
refreshing but out of place--A marvellous work of art--Evil spirits
and their ways Pp. 206-210

CHAPTER XXXIX

Chinese looters--Soldiers and Boxers in disguise--Disgusting
greed--Buddhist priests--In official palaces--Digging for
treasure--The less daring Chinamen--Flags of truce--Appealing
inscriptions--A prevailing impression Pp. 211-215

CHAPTER XL

A walk through the town--Still alive--The Red Cross--A
pandemonium--Dividing loot--A pawnshop--Furs, gold and silk
embroideries Pp. 216-220

CHAPTER XLI

The ramparts of the city wall--Modern rifles and obsolete weapons--A
defiant Manchu--The looting of the looters--Handy polyglot
abilities--A few plain truths--Three chapters of a story in a
nutshell--Fortunes made and lost Pp. 221-224

CHAPTER XLII

Across the Grand Canal--The Viceroy’s Yamên--Important
documents--Arms destroyed--The Viceroy’s apartments--The War
Office--Drill-books--Scientific books--The Foreign Office--Foreign
treaties--Documents referring to the Boxer movement--The
Female Boxer Society--Captured guns--The value of two heads of
foreigners--Rewards for facing the enemy--Fighting in the day and
cash payments at night--Articles supplied to the Boxers by the
Government--A much-rewarded lieutenant--Receipts growing bigger as
the Allies advanced--By the Viceroy’s command--Rewards to Boxers
and their families--The last entry in the Viceroy’s day-book
Pp. 225-234

CHAPTER XLIII

Yu-lu’s doings--A proclamation--Banishment and blows--Fencing
and Boxing--Children of the Government--Pardon for past
faults--Christians and missionaries--Emperor’s sarcasm--A message
to Queen Victoria--England and China Pp. 235-239

CHAPTER XLIV

Missionaries--Good and bad--Christianity at the point of the
sword--Under a terrific strain--Missionaries and the Boxer
movement--A political as well as a religious movement against
all foreigners alike--Providence and machine guns--Practical
missionaries wanted--Timothy Richards--A power in
himself--Missionary refugees--In fancy dress--Undisguised merriment
of the Chinese Pp. 240-245

CHAPTER XLV

A more important error--A painful sight--Chinese clothes without
the appropriate etiquette--The historical Japanese lady and her
misfortunes--The question of general capacity--Christian work in
the East--The crime of sending unprotected young women in the
interior--Money wasted Pp. 246-249

CHAPTER XLVI

Protestant missionaries massacred--The missionaries at
Pao-ting-fu--In the Governor’s Yamên--The Governor’s
consideration--Anti-foreign Yu-Hsien--An attack on the Roman
Catholic and the American Presbyterian Missions--Sacrificed
on the grave of a Boxer leader--Before her mother’s eyes--An
offering to the Red-faced God of War--Women Boxers--Reward
for their services--The China Inland missionaries--A terrible
end--Words and facts--American citizens--A general massacre--“New
hands”--Pao-ting-fu the centre of the Boxer movement Pp. 250-254

CHAPTER XLVII

Mr. McConnell’s party--The Governor of Che-Kiang--A friendly
magistrate--The cruelty of a Taotai--Tragic end of two ladies--The
staff of the American Board Mission at Tai-ku and Fen-chow-fu
assassinated Pp. 255-258

CHAPTER XLVIII

The escape from Ping-yuo--The Empress-Dowager’s edict--A
stout resistance in the Baptist Mission--Persecution and
extortion--Mobbed and stripped of everything--Driven before
a yelling crowd--Led to the execution ground--Interesting
resemblance--Shocking death--The sad end of two American young
ladies--Carried before the Temple oracle--A fearful ordeal--A
wit--Treated as common criminals Pp. 259-264

CHAPTER XLIX

The evil deeds of Yu-Hsien--Exceptional atrocity--The first
riot--Driven to the Yamên--Slaughtered in the Governor’s
presence--Adding insult to injury--A general massacre of foreigners
and converts--£5000 reward offered for Mr. and Mrs. Piggott’s
release--A mistake Pp. 265-268

CHAPTER L

Massacred Protestant missionaries--Boxer consideration--The
war-like qualities of Roman Catholics--Martyrs--Barricaded at
Ch’ing-Ting-fu--A gallant defence--Catholics and their converts
Pp. 269-272

CHAPTER LI

Thousands killed--Mr. Gammon’s staff of colporteurs--The American
Bible store in Pekin and the Emperor--Chinese translations of
religious and scientific books--Prosperous days of the Reform
party--Demand for foreign books--Mr. Gammon’s ability--A historical
wife Pp. 273-276

CHAPTER LII

A journey in the interior--Trappists and
Buddhists--Preparations--Money--Men and baggage--The start--A
quaint village--A wayside inn--A Christian cook--Interesting
Mahommedan inscriptions--An open-air theatre--Steep
incline--Miao-fung-shan mountains--A Christian village--A slippery
road--Personal interest--When to marry Pp. 277-281

CHAPTER LIII

Tai-han-ling Pass--Two tablets--A clean village--Catholics--Lacking
repose--A great commotion--Destroyed by the Boxers--A picturesque
Buddhist priest--A strange notion--The sitter’s soul--Obnoxious
women--Restitution of the missing soul--Infallible remedies and how
to administer them Pp. 282-286

CHAPTER LIV

Magnificent scenery--The Great Wall--The towers of Tung-an-tzu--The
Trappist monastery--A secluded valley--Father Maurus--Silence--No
converts--A vegetable lunch--Simplicity and happiness--Adopted
customs--Accused of concealing firearms--Novices and Fathers--All
thoughts to the Lord--A Manchu Father Pp. 287-292

CHAPTER LV

Latin and cookery--Shepherds--The Manchu’s new creed and cooking
utensils--Salad, honey and jujubes--Wild animals--The Trappist and
the leopard--A saintly life--Gentle Christians--Hostility towards
the Trappists--The chief of the village--Suggestive pictures
Pp. 293-297

CHAPTER LVI

The fathers at dinner--The dormitory--Trappists’ dress--My
bedroom--The Great Wall of China--Towers--On Trinity Day--Man and
speech--A sad story Pp. 298-301

CHAPTER LVII

A narrow valley--Mud villages--The “Eighteen Terraces”--Devout
muleteers--A tablet--Pure Mongol type--Incomprehensible dialect--A
perforated mountain--Sheu-men-tzu--Not a paradise of comfort--The
“kan”--The walled courtyard--Chinese food--A panic--The magic
rubber band--A wind storm--A strange phenomenon--A ghost-like
dance--Blinding dust Pp. 303-307

CHAPTER LVIII

At the foot of the sacred mountain--The temple grounds--My Mongol
guide--A south-west track--A treacherous stone--A violent
shock--Anxious moments Pp. 308-311

CHAPTER LIX

The right trail--The summit of the mountain--The altitude--A
wooden shrine--Images of Buddha--“Wishes”--The panorama--Mount
Show-ho-ling and its giant neighbour--Overhanging a precipice--On
a wooden platform--An unsteady path--A hard jump--The Mongol guide
and the gods--Gilt Buddhas--Another difficulty surmounted--An
attempt to blackmail--Armed bonzes--Parting friends Pp. 312-318

CHAPTER LX

Stoned--Thirteen hours in my saddle--Marshy country--A comfortable
separate room--Sickening smell--“Only” dead of smallpox--In a
drenching rain--Women in all their finery--Deformed feet--A
miserable hamlet--The obstinate donkey and the hole-man--The
highway from Pekin to Kalgan--A fine stone bridge--Numerous
towers--Fire signalling--The Great Wall at Cha-tao--The gate of
Tziun-kuan--Stockinged pigs--Caravans--The Nankao Pass--The Ming
tombs--The avenue of gigantic animals--Our last halt--Unsanitary
regulations--A festive village--Fishing Pp. 319-324

CHAPTER LXI

A good rest--The prevalent idea--The Generals of the Allies and
their opinion--Unnecessary accusations--Reinforcements--Prominent
features in Tientsin--Bathing not a luxury--The Russian and
American bands--News of the Legations--Sir Claude MacDonald’s
pathetic letter--A message to the American Consul and one to the
Japanese Consul Pp. 325-333

CHAPTER LXII

Preparing for the advance--A conference of Generals--An immediate
start--A reconnaissance--On August 4--A guard for Tientsin--The
number of troops marching on Pekin--At the Siku Arsenal--The
position of the Allies--Pei-tsang--Enemy in great force--The
Americans--The magazine--The first line of Chinese trenches
Pp. 334-340

CHAPTER LXIII

The battle of Pei-tsang--Drawing the enemy’s fire--The Japanese
artillery--Occasional jokes--A Chinese shell--A spot of comparative
safety--Japanese wounded--A narrow escape--Japanese humour--The
Royal Artillery--Chinese fire slackening--The British cavalry--The
41st Japanese--Photographs under fire--Capturing enemy’s
trenches--Heavy casualties--A touching scene--The enemy driven from
his trenches Pp. 341-346

CHAPTER LXIV

Chinese guns--The Japanese cavalry--Ten guns captured--Success
after success--Maxims--An amusing incident--In the Chinese
trenches--A ghastly spectacle--The Russian and French--The Japanese
engineers--Sharp fighting--To pursue the enemy--A report--The
Chinese troops--A severe blow--A great battle--The pontoon
bridge--Japanese Red Cross Pp. 347-353

CHAPTER LXV

The enemy in strong force--On the east bank of the Pei-ho--Transport
troubles--Chinese mules and their ways--The Bengal Lancers--Enemy
commanding a wedge-shaped position--The railway embankment--The
line of battle--Slow advance under heavy fire--The 1st Sikhs and
American infantry--Russian artillery--Brave Lieut. Murphy, Capt.
Scott and Capt. Martin--Two single lines--Severe orders--Chinese
withdraw in good order--Chinese trenches--Enemy protecting
their retreat--Chinese mistaken for French--Americans taken for
Chinese--Pursuing the enemy--Casualties--An American funeral
Pp. 354-363

CHAPTER LXVI

A day’s rest--Disgusting cruelty--Japanese in touch with the enemy--A
Conference of Allied Generals--The Allied line of march--The
French troops and their Commissariat--The Allied cavalry--The
advance-guard fighting enemy’s cavalry--General Ma’s cook--Half-way
to Pekin--Skirmish at Ho-si-wu--The Tskamoto brigade--Storming
Matao--A surprise at Chang-chia-wan--Under cover--Intelligence of
horses--A halt--Mahommedans Pp. 364-370

CHAPTER LXVII

Selection of camps--Cornfields--Maps--The way to Pekin--A
picturesque temple--The red and the black-faced God of
War--A pale-faced god--Stifling heat--Japanese and the
water-melons--British--Indian--The Russian soldier--Kitchen on
wheels--Prayers Pp. 371-376

CHAPTER LXVIII

Nearing Tung-chow--Japanese artillery--A cut in the river
bank--A midnight attack--Home-made guns--Gate blown up--A
deputation--Suicides--The British naval guns--Business as usual--An
unlucky beggar--Severed heads--A faithful little dog--A well-earned
rest--The advance-guard on a reconnaissance--A conference of the
Allied Generals--To march at once on Pekin Pp. 377-382

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

COLOURED PLATES

_A Buddhist Priest_ _Frontispiece_

_“Strike towards Heaven and its Gates will be opened”_ } _To face 12
_“Strike Earth and its Gates will give way”_ } page_

FULL-PAGE PLATES

_Lightning, Thunder and Wind_ ” 36

_Pagoda in Centre of Tientsin Native City_ ” 64

_The U.S.S. “Monocacy” and the Coal Heaps, Tong-Ku_ ” 128

_The Railway Station and Wharf at Tong-Ku_ ” 150

_The North Fort, Tientsin_ ” 170

_The Devotion of a Practical Son_ ” 188

_In the Armoury_ ” 202

_Digging for Treasure_ ” 212

_Europeans conveying Loot into the Settlement_ ” 224

_In the Viceroy’s Yamên_ ” 234

_A Fire and Fuse of Mine near Railway Station, Tientsin_ ” 254

_Junks on the Pei-ho_ ” 272

_Effect of the Shells of the Allies on the South Wall of ” 324
Tientsin City_

_The Capture of a Chinese Trench_ ” 344

_With the Japanese_ ” 346

_One of the Author’s Pekin Carts with Three-mule Team_ ” 356

_Russian Artillery_ ” 362

_Russian Infantry on the March to Pekin_ ” 376

TEXT ILLUSTRATIONS

_Page_
_A Buddhist Priest, a Leader of Boxers_ 1

_A Boxer and his Pony_ 5

_A Chinese Soldier_ 7

_A Prisoner Buddhist Priest waiting to be shot_ 10

_“Strike towards Heaven and its Gates will be opened”_ 13

_China from Behind_ 17

_A Monk objecting to be photographed_ 19

_A Prayer on Yellow Paper_ 22

_Gods in a Buddhist Temple_ 23

_A Boxer Standard captured by Pathans in Tientsin_ 24

_Junks with Refugees_ 27

_A French Man-of-war_ 30

_Junk on the Pei-ho River_ 33

_Chefoo Harbour_ 38

_The Taku Forts and the Pei-ho River_ 45

_Russian Marines_ 49

_Russians landing at Tong-ku_ 60

_Cossacks in Tientsin_ 69

_A Russian Officer_ 85

_The Yangtsun Railway Bridge_ 87

_Lieut. Sirianni, Sub.-Lieut. Premoli, and Italian Marines 95
from the “Calabria” and “Elba,” who accompanied the
Seymour Expedition_

_The Wrecked Cathedral, Tientsin_ 100

_Dead Boxers and Soldiers_ 103

_The Taku South Forts_ 114

_The Allied Fleets outside the Taku Bar_ 116

_Commander Wise, U.S.S. “Monocacy”_ 119

_A Captured Chinese Destroyer_ 121

_Tong-Ku Native Town_ 127

_The Tientsin Settlement_ 139

_The South-East Fort, Tientsin_ 144

_Tientsin Railway Station shelled_ 147

_Captain Warrender_ 149

_Chinese Prisoners, Tientsin_ 157

_The Effects of a Shell on a Chest of Drawers_ 162

_Shells, Missiles, etc., collected in Mr. Gammon’s House_ 163

_A Lake of Burnt Sugar_ 168

_The Salt Mounds in Tientsin_ 169

_A Soldier of the Wei-hai-wei Regiment_ 172

_The Joss Hoss or West Arsenal_ 175

_The 4-inch Naval Gun from H.M.S. “Phœnix”_ 177

_A 6-pounder Quick-firing Gun on the Mud Wall_ 178

_The Wounded of the “Pekin Brigade” towed down river by the 179
“Heron”_

_A 6-pounder Gun on the Mud Wall_ 182

_The South Gate scaled by the Japanese_ 185

_A Chinese Flag and Lances_ 187

_British Bluejackets returning into the Settlement after the 189
Battle of Tientsin_

_A Gate of Tientsin--Looters and Flag of Truce_ 191

_Entrance to the Arsenal and Armoury--City Wall from inside_ 193

_The Wei-hai-wei Regiment returning from the Attack on the Native 195
City_

_American and Japanese wounded returning into the Settlement_ 197

_Japanese conveying wounded into the Settlement after the Battle 198
of Tientsin_

_Americans conveying a Japanese wounded into the Settlement after 201
the Battle of Tientsin_

_In the Armoury--Chinese confiscated Guns_ 203

_A Mountain of Silver_ 204

_A Charred Body_ 208

_Chinese Looters_ 212

_A Flag of Truce_ 214

_An Imperial Defender of the City_ 217

_A Common Sight_ 221

_In the “War Office”_ 227

_Receipt found in Viceroy’s Yamên_ 229

_Document found in Viceroy’s Yamên_ 233

_Road leading to the West Arsenal_ 236

_On the Wall of Tientsin Native City the day it was captured by 241
the Allies_

_Missionaries in Chinese Attire_ 247

_The Taotai of Shanghai going to pay an official Visit_ 251

_Chinese Refugees eating a hearty Meal on board a British Vessel_ 256

_Colporteurs of the American Bible Society murdered by Boxers_ 273

_Boxer Leader captured by Mr. Gammon recognising the Head of his 275
decapitated Brother_

_The Wall of China at Tung-an-tzu_ 300

_The Summit of Siao-ou-tai-shan_ 313

_A Difficult Jump_ 315

_An American Poet and Newspaper Correspondent_ 327

_Indian Troops bathing--Tientsin_ 328

_The Author’s Indian and Chinese Servants bringing artillery 335
pack-saddles on a wheelbarrow_

_Americans preparing to start for the advance on Pekin_ 336

_Japanese advancing under fire_ 343

_Japanese Soldiers photographed as they were being killed_ 344

_Chinese Soldier killed_ 345

_Captured Position of Chinese Gun_ 348

_Chinese Soldier with left leg blown off by a shell_ 349

_The captured Pontoon-bridge_ 351

_Japanese Red Cross collecting wounded under fire_ 352

_Enemy’s Guns captured by the Japanese, and first man who reached 353
them_

_Japanese crossing the River after the battle of Pei-tsang_ 355

_Chinese Position on railway at Yangtsun_ 357

_The Battle-field of Yangtsun_ 358

_Lieut. Murphy, 14th U.S. Infantry_ 361

_Japanese storming Matao_ 367

_Japanese Advance Guard shelled by the Chinese_ 368

_Russian Kitchen on wheels_ 375

_Japanese Sappers repairing cut in river bank_ 378

_Japanese entering the walled town of Tung-chow_ 380

_A faithful little Dog_ 381

MAPS AND PLANS

_Page_
_Sketch map of country traversed by the Seymour Expedition_ 88

_The Operations of the Allies at Taku_ 121

_Sketch Map of Tientsin_ 135

_Attack of the Allies on Tientsin Native City_ 183

_Sketch Plan of the Attack on Pei-tsang_ 337

_Plan of the Yangtsun Battle_ 359

_From Tientsin to Tung-chow_ 372

NOTE

_The cover of this book is
symbolic of the Ih-hwo-Ch’uan,
or Boxer Society, clenched and
supported by the five-clawed
Imperial dragons._

_The end-papers are facsimile
reproductions of pages in Chinese
Army Drill-Books._

[Illustration: A BUDDHIST PRIEST--A LEADER OF BOXERS]

CHAPTER I

The Boxers or Volunteer United Fists--Their origin--The Big Sword
Society--Unlawful societies--The Jesuits and secret societies--A
crusade against “foreign devils”--Evil influence of Buddhist
priests--Their enmity towards strangers--Premature outbreak--Grasping
dealings of Europeans--Extent of the Boxer movement.

I do not know who invented the name “Boxers” as a translation of the
words _Ih-hwo-Ch’uan_, by which the anti-foreign societies in China
call themselves, but whoever did so was wrong.

To make matters clear, the Chinese characters _Ih-hwo-Ch’uan_,
which, translated literally, mean _Volunteer United Fists_, are here
reproduced. The word “_fists_” is not used in the sense of “boxing,”
but is merely symbolic of “being strongly clenched together.” In fact,
in the rhymes which these revolutionaries chant while assembled, or
when attacking the enemy, they allude to their organisation as the
_Ih-hwo-t’wan_ instead of _Ch’uan_, thus altering the meaning into
“Volunteer United Trained Bands.” As everybody knows, in China the
dialects are numerous, and in the Pekin dialect the word is pronounced
_Ih-ho-tun_, although naturally the characters in writing are the same.

[Illustration: 義合拳]

[Illustration: 義合團]

This was undoubtedly the old name secretly used in former times by the
so-called “Boxers,” and would identify them with the secret society
suppressed at the beginning of the century, in 1809.

[Illustration: 義和會]

The organisation went in those days by the name of Ih-Hwa-Hwei
(Volunteer Harmony Society), a now obsolete meaning, but still
recognised by the Chinese in that combination of characters, whereas
the usual meaning of the particular character “Hwa” in other
combinations is “_justice_” or “_righteousness_.” The Empress-Dowager,
in one of her messages approving of the so-called Boxers, gave severe
instructions never to mention the word (Hwa), = _Harmony_, in the
presence of strangers, so the character 和 was changed to that of 合
(Hwo), which means _United_, and which her Majesty fully approved. The
character _Hwei_ was dropped altogether, being forbidden by law, as
it applied only to secret and unlawful societies. It was replaced by
the two alternative characters given above, viz., _Ih-hwo-chuan_ and
_Ih-hwo-t’uan_.

[Sidenote: A WELL-PLANNED CRUSADE]

[Illustration: 義和團

RIGHTEOUS AND UNANIMOUS SOCIETY]

As early as 1747, during the reign of the Emperor Kien-lung, we find
that the Jesuits were expelled owing to the workings and machinations
of this secret society, and in the following reign of Kia-King, as I
have already mentioned, it became absolutely necessary to suppress it.

The Society has since at different times given trouble, its attacks
being principally directed on missionaries and converts, but not
until the year 1900 did the movement, under the protection of the
Throne, assume such gigantic proportions that all the great nations
of the world together found at first some difficulty in coping with
it. Contrary to what people in Europe and America have been led to
believe, this movement was no local rising against missionaries, but
was a well-planned crusade against all “foreign devils.” It spread
more or less all over the Chinese Empire, and was backed to its utmost
limit by the greatest and most powerful organisation in China, the
Buddhist monks, the Lamas. With civilisation slowly finding its way
to the remotest corners of the Heavenly Empire, and with the prospect
before them of losing in the near future that power of oppression which
the ignorance of superstitious masses had hitherto rendered possible,
these monks now attempted a desperate and final stand against all that
threatened their livelihood. The combination was greatly strengthened
by princes of the Imperial blood throwing in their lot with this
crusade against foreigners and foreign civilisation, and formally
proclaiming their leadership, as well as by all corrupt societies in
China joining in to support the movement. The suppressed _Ih-hwa-Hwei_
had developed secretly into the _Big Sword Society_ (Ta-tao-Hwo), and
at its head stood an old Buddhist monk. Its associates were referred to
by the better Chinese of the Reform party as _Chu-fe_, or rebels.

[Illustration: 權非]

[Illustration: 大刀會]

With Pao-ting-fu as a starting-point for the parent outbreak, and
upon the murder of Messrs. Norman and Robinson, S.P.G., things were
precipitated beyond the control of those at the head of the movement.
Matters unexpectedly came to a crisis.

According to instructions received in different localities, the
outbreak was not to take place till the Ninth Moon (about October).
Tientsin and Taku would be frozen shortly after that time, so that, had
events occurred as they had been planned, it would have been impossible
for the Allied forces to capture the Taku forts and relieve Tientsin
and Pekin till the spring or summer of 1901, if even then. It was
fortunate for Europeans that the alarm was sounded before the Chinese
were ready in all parts of the Empire, or we might have fared worse
than we did in the present instance. Indeed, with Pekin as a centre for
the crusade, the Buddhist monks had been promulgating their diabolical
propaganda far and wide in every direction all over the Empire. It
has only now been ascertained that for over two years they had been
particularly active. The outcome of their efforts showed itself plainly
in places far apart, such as the Shansi province and Canton city, the
Shantung province, Chefoo, Newchuang. Placards were posted at Nanking
and all over Sze-chuan, while at Yunan-fu things were made unpleasant
for the French residents. There were serious riots at Woo-chow, and
from Swatow the existence of a mysterious society was reported
which had suddenly sprung up, and was religious and political in its
aims. Its particular objects were the promotion of Buddhism and the
subversion of Roman Catholicism.

[Sidenote: A MYSTERIOUS SOCIETY]

It may be explained that the Roman Catholics were singled out, not on
account of any partiality for other forms of Christianity, but because
they managed to make themselves very unpopular; the reason will be
understood later.

[Illustration: A BOXER AND HIS PONY]

This new secret society, said to number 70,000 adherents,
with thousands joining it daily, was no doubt a branch of the
_Ih-hwo-Ch’uan_ of the north. Incidentally it is well to mention
that in Canton alone, during the two months preceding the outbreak
of hostilities, over 2000 executions took place of Chinese belonging
to the Reform party, or who had pro-foreign tendencies. Hardly any
member of the _bonâ-fide_ Reform party is a Buddhist. They are mostly
Confucianists, whereas the so-called Boxers are nearly all Buddhists.

Knowing what I do know of Buddhist monks and their exclusiveness, their
violent hatred for all and everything foreign--of which we have an
instance in the Tibetan Lamas in their purely Buddhist country, the
only land that has succeeded to this day in remaining forbidden to all
strangers--I maintain that, no matter what other theories are brought
forward regarding the present trouble in China, it cannot be better
defined than as a fanatical Buddhist movement, mixed to a certain
extent with Shamonism.

The grasping dealings of European nations have also, no doubt,
contributed indirectly to bring on a crisis which might otherwise have
been delayed indefinitely. The original cause, however, is that given
above. The fire, half smothered, was there all the time, and, had it
not flared up at the instigation of foreign influence, it would at
some later day have flared up of its own accord, and very likely with
consequences more terrible to Europeans.

According to the natives, the movement in the north of China alone
extended 330 miles on either side of Pekin.

The Russians had considerable trouble in putting down riots in
Manchuria, where hordes of Buddhist fanatics caused much uneasiness and
some fighting even in Moukden, the capital.

In the hermit kingdom of Corea, too, the movement spread, but only in
the suburbs of towns, for the King, well knowing what mischief-brewers
Buddhist priests are, has for many years past forbidden them to enter
within the city wall of the capital and principal cities.

CHAPTER II

Kwang-Hsu’s reform edicts--A Boxer proclamation--The Loo or
Assembly halls--Boxers’ distinguishing colours--How the Boxers were
armed--Invulnerability--Occult powers--Boxer war song and initiation.

Two years ago the Emperor Kwang-Hsu’s reform edicts alarmed corrupt
officials, whose rights of extortion over the superstitious and
ignorant classes they to a certain extent limited. These edicts were
probably the principal cause that gave a sudden impetus to the present
movement. The monks, who in former times had all over China brought
about the assassination of hundreds of Catholic converts, were now
taking advantage of the opportunity and attempting a similar game on a
more gigantic scale.

[Illustration: A CHINESE SOLDIER]

Here is a Boxer Proclamation, a translation of which appeared in the
_Japan Mail_:--

“The Chinese Empire has been celebrated for its sacred teaching. It
explained heavenly truth and taught human duties, and its civilising
influence spread as an ornament over river and hill.

“But all this has been changed in an unaccountable manner. For the past
five or six generations bad officials have been in trust, bureaus have
been opened for the sale of offices, and only those who had money to
pay for it have been allowed to hold positions in the Government. The
graduation of scholars has become useless, and members of the College
of Literature and scholars of the Third Degree are in obscurity at
home. An official position can only be obtained as the price of silver.
The Emperor covets the riches of his ministers, these again extort from
the lower ranks of the mandarinate, and the lower mandarins in turn (by
the necessity of their position) must extort from the people. The whole
populace is sunk in wretchedness, and all the officials are spoilers
of their food. The condition of the Yamêns is unspeakable. In every
market and in every guild nothing can be done unless money be spent.
The officials must be bribed. All sorts of exactions are made. These
officials are full of schemes, none of which are in accordance with the
three principles. Having forfeited their heaven-derived disposition,
they are unreasonable and unregulated. They are all alike; ill-gotten
wealth is their one object. Right has disappeared from the world. There
is nothing but squabbling and extortion on all hands, and lawsuits
are unnumbered. In the Yamêns it is of no avail to have a clear case;
unless you bribe you will lose the day. There is no one to whom the
aggrieved may appeal; the simple multitudes are killed with oppression,
and their cry goes up to heaven itself and is heard of God. Though
spiritual beings and sages were sent down to teach right principles, to
issue good books, and to instruct the multitude, few, alas! heeded.
Who is there that understands? The evil go on their course rejoicing,
while the spiritual powers are conscious that their teaching has been
vain.

[Sidenote: THE LIGHT OF THE RED LAMP]

“Now in anger the heavenly powers are sending down multitudes of
spirits to earth to make inquiry of all, both high and low. The
Emperor himself, the chief offender, has had his succession cut off
and is childless. The whole court, both civil and military, is in an
unspeakable condition. They indulge blindly in mere amusement and
disregard the widow’s cry, repenting of nothing and learning nothing
good.

“Greater calamities still have overtaken the nation. Foreign devils
come with their teaching, and converts to Christianity, Roman Catholic
and Protestant, have become numerous. These (Churches) are without
human relations, but, being most cunning, they have attracted all the
greedy and covetous as converts, and to an unlimited degree they have
practised oppression until every good official has been corrupted, and,
covetous of foreign wealth, has become their servant. So telegraphs
and railways have been established, foreign rifles and guns have been
manufactured, and machine-shops have been a delight to their evil
nature. Locomotives, balloons, electric lamps, the foreign devils think
excellent. Though these foreigners ride in sedans unbefitting their
rank, China yet regards them as barbarians of whom God disapproves,
and is sending down spirits and genii for their destruction. The first
of these powers which has already descended is the Light of the Red
Lamp, and the Volunteer Associated Fists, who will have a row with
the devils. They will burn down the foreign buildings and restore the
temples. Foreign goods of every kind they will destroy. They will
extirpate the evil demons and establish right teaching--the honour of
the spirits and the sages; they will cause to flourish their sacred
teaching. The purpose of Heaven is fixed, a clean sweep is to be made.
Within three years all will be accomplished. The bad will not escape
the net, and the goodness of God will be seen. The secrets of Heaven
are not to be lightly disclosed, but the days of peace to come are not
unknown. At least the Yiu Mao years (1902-1903). The song of the little
ones ends here in a promise of happiness to men, the joy of escape from
rapine. This last word is the summary of all.

“Scholars and gentlemen must by no means esteem this a light and idle
curse, and so disregard its warning.”

[Illustration: A PRISONER BUDDHIST PRIEST WAITING TO BE SHOT]

The proclamations of the secret societies were couched in very
plausible terms, and it is interesting to note how cunningly, while
rousing the passion of the populace against all reforms, and while
urging that foreigners should be driven out of the country, the leaders
themselves remained well under cover in their usual underhand way of
procedure. “Restore the temples,” they suggest, “... and establish
right teaching.”

At the beginning of the outbreak in the north there suddenly appeared
swarms of these priests sneaking about in all foreign settlements,
instigating servants to crime, and preaching the extermination of
foreigners. In more peaceable times these ruffians were seldom to
be seen in any foreign concession, for in any part of China these
monks are allowed to demand three days’ free board and lodging in any
monastery, and they manage to obtain a similar privilege in almost
every native household, so they must have had some special reason for
coming in such numbers into foreign settlements, where they got nothing
without paying for it.

[Sidenote: TO EXTERMINATE FOREIGNERS]

In their _Loo_, or assembly-halls where their meetings were held, the
favourite hour for the practice of the Ih-hwo-Ch’uan exercises was in
the Tiger Watch (the third watch). These _Loo_ were hearths or camps
where the so-called Boxers assembled. The Empress-Dowager bestowed on
these meeting-places the name of assembly-halls--a similar character in
Chinese writing to the one applied to the meeting-places of Buddhist
Lamas of Tibet and Mongolia.

[Illustration: 爐]

In small cities and villages these meetings were carried on in the
open air, and thousands of fanatics attended them. The Ih-hwo-Ch’uans’
distinguishing colours were red and yellow, the two Buddhist colours.
While fighting the members wore, according to rank, yellow or red
girdles, garters, and turbans or caps. Some also wore a kind of
insignia--a small apron, bright red in colour, and dipped in the blood
of the man who owned it. On their great red banners--one of which I was
lucky enough to secure--they had various inscriptions in black. One of
their favourite mottoes was: “Assist China to exterminate foreigners.”
Another, “Reverently, sincerely and heartily.”

In battle a number of the Boxers were armed with Mannlicher and
Mauser rifles provided them by the Government, but most of them used
old-fashioned flintlocks, muzzle-loaders, spears, tridents, and single
and two-handed swords with hilts bound in red cloth.

They rushed wildly into the field, imbued with the idea, suggested
to them by the monks, that he who fought for the Ih-hwo-Ch’uan was
invulnerable. “Rifle or cannon bullets or pieces of shell,” preached
the monks, “may strike a Boxer in any part of his anatomy, but
cannot penetrate the body of a sacred member of the Ih-hwo-Ch’uan.
When hit, the bullet will bounce back without injuring him in the
slightest degree.” Nevertheless, while urging their satellites to go
on bravely to the front under repeated assurances of being absolutely
bullet-proof, the monks themselves took good care to keep well in the
rear or under cover. In fact, in most cases they cleared well out of
bullet reach until the fight was over. This, they explained, was done,
not from cowardice, but in order to pray for those who fought for their
cause.

At the attack on Tientsin city, after various incantations and sundry
displays of occult powers, impressive to the minds of the ignorant and
superstitious, these hordes of fanatics were let go against the foreign
troops. They came running on like madmen, brandishing their swords,
some with wild yells, others chanting the Ih-hwo-Ch’uan war song, the
translation of which is as follows:--

Strike towards heaven and its gates will be opened,

(and here they raised the right arm and made pretence to strike the sky
with their swords.)

Strike towards the earth and its gates will give way!

[Illustration: “Strike toward Heaven, and its gates will be opened.”

“Strike Earth, and its gates will give way.”]

[Sidenote: STRIKE TOWARDS HEAVEN]

(A hard stamp on the ground with the right foot followed these words.)

You must practise the Ih-hwo-Ch’uan,
For the leaders will soon appear.

They rushed wildly forward, but, incantations or no incantations,
the bullets of the Allies went through them all the same. The fact
must have caused them some surprise. The machine guns did terrific
execution, and the Japanese cavalry, dashing to and fro, left the field
covered with dead and wounded.

[Illustration: “STRIKE TOWARDS HEAVEN AND ITS GATES WILL BE OPENED”]

It is said that the survivors called the monks to account for the heavy
losses, but the priests had a ready answer.

“It is not our fault,” said they. “Those men died because they were
not sufficiently initiated or because they did not have enough faith
in our cause. Those that gave up all for the Ih-hwo-Ch’uan came out of
the battle without a scratch.” Here they pointed at the few--mighty
few--that had come off the field, scared out of their wits, but still
alive.

CHAPTER III

An interesting rhyme was circulated among the members of the
Ih-hwo-Ch’uan, and I give here an almost literal version in English:

God assist the Ih-hwo-Ch’uan (Volunteer Unionists)
The Volunteer United trained bands (Ih-hwo-t’uan).
It is because the foreign devils disturb the Middle Kingdom,
Urging the people to join their religion,
To turn their backs to Heaven,
Venerate not the gods and forget the ancestors.
Men violate the human obligations,
Women commit adultery.
Foreign devils are not produced by mankind:
If you doubt this,
Look at them carefully.
The eyes of all foreign devils are bluish.
No rain falls,
The earth is getting dry.
This is because the Churches stop the heavens.
The gods are angry,
The genii are vexed;
Both are come down from the mountains
To deliver the doctrine.
This is not hearsay:
The practice will not be in vain,
To recite incantations and pronounce magic words,
Burn up the yellow written prayers,
Light the incense sticks,
To invite the gods and genii of all the grottoes (halls).
The gods will come out of the grottoes,
The genii will come down from the mountains,
And support the human bodies to practise the Ih-hwo-Ch’uan.
When all the military accomplishments or tactics
Are fully learned
It will not be difficult to exterminate the foreign devils then;
Push aside the railway tracks,
Pull out the telegraph poles;
Immediately after this destroy the steamers.
The great France
Will fall cold and down-hearted (be vanquished).
The English and Russian will certainly disperse.
Let the various foreign devils
All be killed.
May the whole elegant
Empire of the great
Ching dynasty be ever prosperous.

This curious rhyme, in which the Chinese seemed confident of making
short work of all the foreign devils, not only in China, but all over
the world, is followed by a bit of prose quite as extraordinary to
European minds, but absolutely in keeping with the ideas and beliefs of
the majority of uneducated Chinamen.

“The relations and friends of all around notice recently that members
of the Protestant and Roman Catholic religions poison the wells with
poisonous powder, and that all who drink the water leave their lungs
and intestines rotten within eighteen days. Two men have been arrested
by us at Lin-li-Chuang, and we find they have down (hair) all over
their bodies. They are silent when questioned and bold when tortured.
Those who smell the poison will die immediately. You must be very
cautious in drinking the water.

[Sidenote: COMMON BELIEFS]

“Those who see this notice must make it known. It will avert calamity
befalling the people. It must by all means be done.”

[Illustration: CHINA FROM BEHIND]

The causes of these beliefs among the Chinese are rather amusing to
analyse. Any resident in China will tell you that these are merely a
few of the more common opinions. The idea of the poison that kills when
you smell it originated from the presence of Chinamen in a mission
hospital when chloroform was administered to a patient before an
operation.

Roman Catholics have probably, though unconsciously, done more
towards producing ill-feeling than any other missionaries in China,
though it must be said for them, on the other hand, that they have
also accomplished ten times more good than all the others taken
together. Roman Catholic missionaries occupy an official position in
the Heavenly Empire, and they often exert their rights by unduly
protecting their converts (not the best class of Chinese by far) to an
extent that is somewhat vexatious to the non-Christian population. In
Roman Catholic villages, for instance, all persons of other creeds are
excluded, and the missionaries have not only the spiritual guidance
of the community, but become absolute rulers. The converts cherish
the belief that to pay the taxes to the nearest mandarin is about all
that is required to make them good citizens, the priests taking care
to protect them in case of any offence against the law of the country
other than non-payment of taxes.

Again, the Catholic priests, with their fatherly love for their
converts, constantly interfere in rows between their folks and
neighbouring villages, or between their people and officials. This is a
constant cause of friction.

It is believed by the ignorant Chinese that the consecrated wafer given
by Roman Catholic priests in communicating converts has the magic power
of taking away will from the person unwise enough to swallow it, and
that by this means the priests get natives absolutely at their mercy.
The holy water, too, the Chinese contend, is simply a magic medium by
which those who dip their fingers into it, and who are not Christians,
become possessed by demons.

Moreover, the usual malicious stories were circulated in Boxers’
placards of foreigners kidnapping children to turn them into soup or
pound them into jelly, which, as a medicine, became endowed, after it
had undergone the further process of drying in the sun, with marvellous
strengthening qualities. Foreign doctors were also accused of plucking
out the eyes of people unawares. Foreign devils, it was declared, then
ground these eyes into dust and used them in their occult arts. Most
of these absurd rumours were probably originated by natives who had
seen surgical operations performed in mission hospitals. The kidnapping
of children was invariably the first accusation brought against
foreigners, and whenever riots occurred against “white devils,” the
instigators maliciously did away with a number of little unfortunates,
and then held foreigners responsible for their disappearance. The
Buddhist monks, however, in the Boxer movement, had devised a slight
variation in this detail. They were very adept at hypnotism, and
availed themselves of this power to impress the masses. They hypnotised
young boys, and then at night left them in a state of catalepsy in
some thoroughfare. When a sufficient crowd had collected around these
insensible creatures, the monks duly appeared and pointed out “the
actual proof of the evil doings of foreigners.” The crowd having
been worked into a state of frenzy, the boy, apparently dead, would
be restored to life by the monks (they said “resuscitated”), and the
bystanders would be thus further convinced that, whatever devilry
foreigners might perpetrate, Buddhist monks had always the power to
make things good.

[Sidenote: FOREIGN DEVILRY]

[Illustration: A MONK OBJECTING TO BE PHOTOGRAPHED]

It was this simple hypnotic expedient, carried on on a large scale,
that induced Boxers to fling themselves in the field against modern
rifles, under the belief that the Buddhist monks had made them
bullet-proof.

Naturally, those that have suffered most in the Boxer movement have
been the native converts. Hundreds have been terribly tortured, burnt
alive, massacred. Many Europeans, too, in the interior, have suffered
atrocious tortures, such as the “death by the thousand cuts,” and “the
slow death.” European women have suffered shame, and have eventually
been impaled or beheaded. Their heads have been swung in cages, to
serve as an example to others.

In their hunt for native Christians, the Boxers adopted a singular mode
of identifying them. Over the head of the unfortunate captive a magic
mirror was held in which a cross (said the Boxers) was to be plainly
reflected were the prisoner a Christian. As the magic mirror was made
of silvered metal slightly convex, a luminous cross was invariably
visible in a powerful light, so that the poor devils arrested on
suspicion were always mercilessly put to death.

CHAPTER IV

Following the Buddhist fashion, Boxers became married to their
religion; in fact a Boxer, once initiated, occupied much the same
position as a novice in a Buddhist monastery.

[Illustration: 關啼]

The special god of the Ih-hwo-Ch’uan society was the Buddhist god of
war, the red-faced guardian of the west, _Kwai-fu-tze_ or _Kwan-ti_,
to be carefully distinguished from the second god of war, with a black
countenance. The image of Kwai-fu-tze could be seen in all its glory
on all the Boxer altars, in their assembly-halls (_Loo_), in the
residences of the principal leaders, and in Boxer camps. In Pekin the
Manchus had erected Boxer altars in various places, and the Empress
herself, when the Boxer movement was authorised and approved by her,
ordered Boxer altars (which were nothing else but Buddhist) to be
erected in her private apartment, as well as in other parts of the
Imperial Palace.

A curious thing in the Boxer movement was that, although inflammatory
placards and bills had been posted in Manchuria and Southern and
Western China, comparatively few of these placards appeared in Tientsin
city itself. Perhaps they were not needed, the majority of the
population having joined the movement.

Documents, as we shall see, were found in the Viceroy’s Yamên, and
showed too well how the Government provided these hordes with arms,
ammunition, food, generous pensions to the wounded in battle, and ample
rewards to the families of those that died in the field or in defending
the city.

[Illustration: ‏方靈祖吕‎

第九十四籤

願心宜急繳

牡蠣各一錢

知母貝母炒

煎服即時好

A PRAYER ON YELLOW PAPER]

Here is, nevertheless, the translation of a placard, 200,000 copies of
which are said to have been distributed in Tientsin native city on June
4.

SACRED EDICT.

ISSUED BY THE LORD OF WEALTH AND HAPPINESS.

“The Catholic and Protestant religions being insolent to the gods
and extinguishing sanctity, rendering no obedience to Buddhism and
enraging both Heaven and earth, the rain-clouds no longer visit us;
but 8,000,000 spirit soldiers will descend from heaven and sweep the
Empire clean of all foreigners. Then will the gentle showers once
more water our lands, and when the tread of soldiers and the clash
of steel are heard, heralding woes to all our people, then the
Buddhists’ Patriotic League of Boxers will be able to protect the
Empire and bring peace to all its people.

[Sidenote: A DIVINE PRESCRIPTION]

[Illustration: GODS IN A BUDDHIST TEMPLE]

“Hasten, then, to spread this doctrine far and wide; for, if you gain
one adherent to the faith, your own person will be absolved from all
future misfortunes. If you gain five adherents to the faith, your
whole family will be absolved from all evils; and if you gain ten
adherents to the faith, your whole village will be absolved from
all calamities. Those who gain no adherents to the cause shall be
decapitated, for, until all foreigners have been exterminated, the
rain can never visit us. Those who have been so unfortunate as to
have drunk water from wells poisoned by foreigners should at once
make use of the following divine prescription, the ingredients of
which are to be decocted and swallowed, when the poisoned patient
will recover:

Dried black plums half an ounce.
Solanum dulcamara half an ounce.
Liquorice root half an ounce.”

Everybody knows that the real leader of the Boxers was Prince Tuan, the
Heir-Apparent’s father, Minister and General in Command of the Pekin
Field Force. According to some accounts, he actually sat for some time
on the Imperial throne. The Chinese assert that he is not a member of
the Imperial family at all. He is said to be the son of Prince Tun, the
fifth son of the Emperor Tao-Kuang and uncle of the Emperor Kwang Hsu,
but it is well known in Pekin that he is a mere morganatic son, his
mother being a nurse in the Tun’s family, and not of Imperial blood.
It was nevertheless agreed with Prince Tun’s wife that the baby (now
Prince Tuan) should be adopted as her son, and he thus became a member
of the Imperial family. He is a Manchu, and an unscrupulous intriguer
of the very first order.

[Illustration: A BOXER STANDARD CAPTURED BY PATHANS IN TIENTSIN]

The most active leader, after Prince Tuan, was a man of great
influence, energy, and ability, a native Buddhist of Shensi, by name
Li-Lai-Chung. His lieutenants and agents were the Buddhist monks, the
Lamas, a lazy class of parasites, criminals who, by hiding under the
cloak of religion, escaped from the claws of justice, and who were the
riff-raff of the country.

[Sidenote: THE PRINCIPAL AGITATORS]

The principal agitators undoubtedly came from the north, but all alike
met with protection and support, financial and otherwise, from the
corrupt class of officials all over the Empire.

It was thus that this religious and political movement for the
extermination of foreigners and their influence assumed such alarming
proportions. No doubt when that nest of immorality and disgraceful
corruption, the Buddhist monks, have been wiped out, not only in China,
but in all Asia, Western civilisation will have no difficulty in
penetrating to the remotest nooks of that immense continent, and peace
will be for ever assured.

CHAPTER V

The official correspondence of Sir Claude MacDonald with Lord
Salisbury[1]--The murder of Mr. Brooks--Useless representations
to the Tsung-li-Yamên--Misrepresentations of the Chinese
ambassador in London--The disturbed Shantung province--Danger of
missionaries--Details of Brooks’ murder--The British Minister’s
apologies for Chinese murderers--The natural result of travelling in
a wheelbarrow--Yu-H’sien, Governor of Shantung--The Boxer movement
spreading--Serious trouble expected--A naval demonstration in North
Chinese waters deemed advisable--The French Minister the only one
well informed.

[1] Correspondence respecting the Insurrectionary Movement in China.
H.M. Stationery Office (Harrison & Sons).

It was probably with the murder of Mr. Brooks near the town of
Fei-ch’eng, in Shantung province, where he was travelling, that
the work of the anti-foreign movement in China came for the first
time under the notice of the British Minister in Pekin. In a
telegraphic despatch to the Marquis of Salisbury, dated January 4,
1900, he reported the murder as having been perpetrated by a band
of anti-foreign rebels, and added that “the part of China where the
murder took place is very disturbed, and I and my French, American,
and German colleagues have been making strong representations” (to the
Tsung-li-Yamên).

These “strong representations,” however, were treated in the usual
Chinese fashion. A message of regret from the Empress-Dowager and
Emperor, and a cleverly-worded letter from Sir Chichen Lofengluh
(Chinese Ambassador in London), in which he misrepresented the
assassins of the English missionary as “brigands,” whereas they were
members of the Ih-hwo-Ch’uan, or Boxer society for the extirpation
of foreigners in China. As usual, the empty words “No efforts will
be spared to bring the parties concerned in the murder to condign
punishment” closed the letter of the Chinese Ambassador.

[Sidenote: FOREIGNERS IN DANGER]

[Illustration: JUNKS WITH REFUGEES]

Sir Claude MacDonald, writing from Pekin on January 5, informed the
Government for the first time that the northern part of Shantung had
for several months been disturbed by bands of rebels connected with
various secret societies, which had been defying the authorities and
pillaging the people. “An organisation known as the Boxers,” he wrote
to Lord Salisbury, “has attained special notoriety, and their ravages
recently spread over a large portion of Southern Chili, where the
native Christians appear to have suffered, even more than the rest of
the inhabitants, from the lawlessness of these marauders. The danger to
which, in both provinces, foreign missionary establishments have thus
been exposed has been the subject of repeated representations to the
Chinese Government by other foreign Representatives, especially by the
German and United States Ministers and myself.”

He reports, by the way as it were, full particulars of Mr. Brooks’s
murder on December 31, the day after his capture, by thirty Boxers, and
how the unfortunate man, having been tied and wounded, had subsequently
been beheaded and his body flung into a ditch. He goes on to say that
he has “taken occasion to remind the Yamên Ministers that there were
other British missionaries in the district where Mr. Brooks was killed,
and to impress upon their Excellencies the necessity of securing
sufficient protection to these. I do not, however, entertain serious
apprehensions as to their safety, because guards of soldiers have
been for some time past stationed to protect the various missionary
residences.”

Eventually Sir Claude ends his letter, in a kind of apologetic way for
the Chinese murderers, by saying that the “unfortunate man [Mr. Brooks]
who was murdered was seized when he was travelling by wheelbarrow,
without escort, through the country infested by rebels.”

Why did Sir Claude omit to mention that such means of travel are those
of all people of moderate wealth in that country, and possibly in some
parts the only way by which one can travel at all? In fact, if Mr.
Brooks travelled in a wheelbarrow it was, in all probability, chiefly
in order to attract less notice and give no offence to the natives. Sir
Claude, however, seemed so much flattered at having received a visit
from the Ministers of the Tsung-li-Yamên and other high officials that
he accepted wholesale the fine promises and assurances of the Chinese.

Early in December 1899 Yu-H’sien, Governor of Shantung, was ordered
to vacate his post, and General Yuan-Shih-K’ai was appointed in his
place. The General was said to have pro-foreign tendencies, and was
at the head of the foreign-drilled troops, of which he had some eight
thousand men.

[Sidenote: TOO LATE!]

He naturally arrived too late to save Mr. Brooks, whom he regretted
to report murdered by red-turbaned Boxers at Mao-chia-pu, to which
place they had led him. He also reported that rebels had collected and
made disturbances in the two districts of P’ing Yin and Fei-Ch’eng, in
Shantung.

Telegraphing to Lord Salisbury on March 10, Sir Claude MacDonald laid
great stress on the spreading of the Boxer disturbances and on the
enlisting of recruits, whose drilling was proceeding in the environs
of Pekin and Tientsin, notwithstanding the fact that he (Sir Claude)
and his American, French, German and Italian colleagues had, on January
27 and February 27, addressed a report to the Tsung-li-Yamên, and
had urged that an Imperial decree should be published declaring the
suppression of the two anti-foreign secret societies that were causing
disturbances in Shantung and Chili. On March 2 the five Representatives
paid a personal visit to the Yamên, but the Ministers declined to
publish the decree.

What more proof could have been given that the Government was, even at
that time, protecting and encouraging the Boxer movement? for, if not,
what plausible reason could there be for not suppressing a rebellious
agitation which, besides pillaging and destroying the property of
Christians and non-Christians alike, would in all probability soon lead
the Chinese Emperor into war with all European nations?

Sir Claude, apparently concerned at the serious turn affairs were
taking, recommended that, in case the Chinese Government still
refused to publish the decree asked for, and in case the state of
affairs did not materially improve, a few ships of war of each
nationality should make a naval demonstration in North Chinese waters.
Identical recommendations, he telegraphed, were cabled home by his
four colleagues, viz., the American, French, German and Italian
Representatives. Naturally enough, Lord Salisbury and the Home
Government, who had until that time been led to believe that there was
nothing to fear from the Boxers, duly cabled back on March 11: “It
will be desirable to resort to naval action only when other means of
pressure are exhausted.”

[Illustration: A FRENCH MAN-OF-WAR]

Other nations (America excepted) viewed the situation in a different
light. The French Minister of Foreign Affairs, interviewed by Sir E.
Monson (British Ambassador in Paris), did not, on opening the despatch,
hesitate for a moment to express his opinion that if the Pekin
Ministers had all agreed in telegraphing so strongly, the affair must
be urgent, and that the French Government could not properly refuse to
authorise the naval demonstration in order to protect its own subjects.

[Sidenote: REPRESENTATIONS]

This attitude was apparently viewed with jealousy and concern by the
Anglo-Saxon Governments, for repeated representations were made on
behalf of the British Government to M. Delcassé, the French Minister of
Foreign Affairs, in order to make him clearly understand that neither
England nor the United States of America would associate themselves
with any such action, and that they would severally protect their
respective subjects. In fact, Sir E. Monson went out of his way to
show his gladness when he was informed that France would wait for more
precise information before acting.

CHAPTER VI

Anti-foreign Yu-H’sien appointed Governor of Shansi--A slap in
the face for England and America--An alarming telegram--Imperial
decree satisfactory as far as it went, in Sir Claude MacDonald’s
opinion--The decree.

Another slap in the face from the Chinese was reported on March 15,
when the late Governor of Shantung, Yu-H’sien--who was the main
instigator of the outrages in that province, concerning whom the
United States Minister had formally demanded that he should never be
re-employed, and upon whose punishment for the murder of Mr. Brooks the
British Minister had insisted--was with great pomp appointed Governor
of Shansi.

If a man of the stamp of Sir Harry Parkes, instead of one of the stamp
of Sir Claude MacDonald, had been in Pekin at this juncture, he might
have thought that the time had come to set his foot firmly down and
seriously to demand what the Chinese Government meant by this open
encouragement of the anti-foreign movement. Sir Claude, however, seemed
satisfied to let the Chinese temporise, and accepted their usual
far-fetched excuses as plausible.

The telegram of the missionaries from P’ing Yin and T’ai An: “Outlook
very black, daily marauding; constant danger; edict suppressing
(Boxers) published; troops present but useless; officials’
complete inaction, T’ai An prefect blocks; secret orders from
Throne to encourage,” was represented by Sir Claude as exaggerated,
notwithstanding that every non-official person in China knew it to be
but too correct.

[Sidenote: AN INFLAMMATORY DECREE]

Sir Claude asked the Yamên Ministers to telegraph to the new Governor,
Yuan, that he had called at the Yamên that day (January 11) to complain
of the conduct of the prefect, T’ai An.

A wonderful feat of strength of character, equalled by the following
threat, which Sir Claude MacDonald no doubt believed made the Chinese
tremble in their shoes, whereas they, more likely, smiled behind his
back.

[Illustration: JUNK ON THE PEI-HO RIVER]

“I requested,” he writes, “that my words might be carefully recorded
for submission to the Throne....” and continues: “Whether these
negotiations take a friendly line or the reverse depends entirely on
the behaviour of the local authorities, and the manner in which they
carry out the commands of the Emperor as expressed in the edict.”

The Imperial decree, so much desired, was at last issued, and was
approved by Sir Claude, who reported it to be “satisfactory as far as
it went.”

It is sufficient to read the edict itself to be aghast at the attitude
of our Representative in Pekin. Never was a more openly revolutionary
and inflammatory decree published in more hypocritical words. Sir
Claude does not appear to have seen through the veil. He innocently
hints, in a letter to Lord Salisbury, that the decree is regarded in
some quarters with misgivings, but he had not thought it expedient as
yet to make any remarks on the subject to the Tsung-li-Yamên.

In justice to Sir Claude MacDonald, and to prove my words, it will be
well to give the Imperial decree itself, dated January 11, 1900:

[_Translation_]:

“Of late in all the provinces brigandage has been daily more
prevalent, and missionary cases have recurred with frequency. Most
critics point to seditious societies as the cause, and ask for
vigorous suppression and punishment of these. But reflection shows
that societies are of different kinds. When worthless vagabonds
form themselves into bands and sworn confederacies, and, relying on
their numbers, create disturbances, the law can show absolutely no
leniency to them. On the other hand, when peaceful and _law-abiding
people practise their skill in mechanical arts for the preservation
of themselves and their families_, or when they combine in village
communities for the mutual protection of their rural population, this
is in accordance with the public-spirited principle (enjoined by
Mencius) of ‘_keeping mutual watch and giving mutual help_.’[2]

[2] The italics are my own.

“Some local authorities, when a case arises, do not regard this
distinction, but, listening to false and idle rumours, regard all
alike as seditious societies, and involve all in one indiscriminate
slaughter. The result is that, no distinction being made between the
good and the evil, men’s minds are thrown into fear and doubt. This
is, indeed, ‘adding fuel to stop a fire,’ ‘driving fish to the deep
part of the pool to catch them.’ It means, not that the people are
disorderly, but that the administration is bad.

[Sidenote: CRITICAL TIMES]

“The profound compassion and favour of our dynasty have blessed the
country for over two hundred years; the people eat our produce and
tread our soil; they have natural goodness implanted in them; how can
they of their own free will come to adopt bandit ways, and bring down
punishment upon themselves?

“The essential thing is that the Viceroys and Governors of the
provinces should select officers worthy of confidence, who should
rule their districts well, and give rest to their people. When
litigation arises between converts and people, it should be dealt
with according to justice, without the slightest partiality for
either side. Such conduct serves as a matter of course to fulfil
the people’s trustful hopes and to quiet popular feeling in time of
trouble, changing serious affairs to trifles, and causing trifling
ones to disappear. The stability of the country’s institutions, and
the consolidation of international relations, alike depend on this.

“The Viceroys and Governors of the provinces have received the
fullest and weightiest marks of our favour. If they offer their
united services in these critical times, they must be able to carry
into effect the determination of the Throne to treat the matter with
paternal kindness, and to regard all men with equal benevolence. Let
them give strict orders to the local authorities that in dealing
with cases of this kind they should only inquire whether so-and-so
is or is not guilty of rebellion, whether he has or has not stirred
up strife, and should not consider whether he belong to a society or
not, whether he is or is not an adherent of a religion.

“As for our common people, let them give thought to the protection
and security of their native places, their persons and their homes.
Let them not give ear to those who would unsettle their minds, and
so bring upon themselves calamities and military operations. Nor let
them on the other hand presume upon influence and authority to oppose
their fellow villagers.

“It is our earnest hope that in this way the hamlets will be at
peace, and that thus we may be relieved of our anxious care by day
and night.

“Let this decree be published abroad.”

It is not difficult, even for one not versed in Chinese affairs, to
read plainly between the lines of this hypocritical decree, and to
see by many of its allusions that, far from being a decree to spread
peace and quiet among the masses, this was an inflammatory placard
spread abroad to instigate citizens against foreigners. In fact, it
begins by showing the Imperial approval of “the law-abiding people who
practise their skill in mechanical arts for their self-preservation,”
&c. These people were merely the Boxers, and their mechanical arts
the manufacture of spears, swords, and guns. It even goes so far as
admonishing them to keep mutual watch and give mutual help.

It is curious that our Minister should approve of such a decree
as satisfactory, even “as far as it went.” Indeed, it would seem
sufficiently plain that the publication of such a decree could only
produce an effect contrary to that of the decree demanded of the
Emperor by the foreign Ministers, and by Sir Claude MacDonald in
particular. But possibly Sir Claude was a person easily pleased.

[Illustration: 念彼觀音力

雲雷鼓拆閃

LIGHTNING, THUNDER, AND WIND

(_From a Chinese painting_)]

CHAPTER VII

The Boxer movement spreads in the Chili province--Ships requested
to proceed to Taku--Brooks’s murderers punished and compensation
paid--The request to suppress the Boxer and Big Sword societies--The
special Imperial audience regarding the succession to the Throne--The
young Prince Yu-Chun elected heir--His tutors--Decree by the
Emperor’s own pen.

Meanwhile Boxer disturbances spread in the neighbouring province of
Chili, and Christian converts were being persecuted by them in such a
cruel manner that his Excellency the British Minister paid “a personal
visit to the Viceroy at Tientsin,” which visit, in his own estimation
and words, he “believed would put a stop to a state of affairs which,
if allowed to continue, would lead to the gravest results.”

The same petty excuses, the same promises for future punishment of
evil-doers, again satisfied the Minister, who writes (January 19) that
“the Viceroy is very earnest in his desire to restore order and punish
the evil-doers.”

As regards the spread of the Boxer movement in the Chili province, he
seems to discover that “the state of affairs is improving, and the
local officials are acting with commendable energy.”

What did other foreign Governments do in the meantime? The German
Minister was allowed the use of the entire squadron at Kiao-Chau, the
Italian the disposal of two men-of-war, and the United States one ship
to proceed at once to Taku. Sir Claude at this point “respectfully
requests that two of her Majesty’s ships be sent to Taku.”

The two ships _Hermione_ and _Brisk_ were ordered to Taku on March 25.

The murderers of Brooks--five of them--were found guilty after a four
days’ trial before Consul Campbell and two missionaries.

[Illustration: CHEFOO HARBOUR]

“One of the convicted,” writes Sir Claude, on March 29, “was shown to
have beheaded and killed (_sic_) the victim, while the other four were
accessories.” Two of the prisoners were sentenced to death, the third
to imprisonment for life, another to imprisonment for ten years, and
the fifth to banishment.

A sum of 7500 taels was paid for the cost of building a memorial
chapel, 1500 taels for a memorial at the college of Canterbury, to
which Brooks belonged, and 500 taels for the erection of a tablet on
the scene of the murder.

[Sidenote: UNSATISFACTORY TRIAL]

Fei Ch’eng, the magistrate in whose district the murder was committed,
was dismissed and denounced to the Throne, but the Yamên refused to
punish the two neighbouring magistrates, who were equally culpable. Sir
Claude, very wisely this time, recommended that Yu H’sien, the late
Governor of the province (newly appointed Governor of Shansi)--the
principal culprit--should be the first to be punished, before minor
officials. He therefore declared the trial unsatisfactory.

As was to be expected, the Imperial decree of July 11 soon bore fruit.
The Tsung-li-Yamên was asked to issue another decree suppressing the
offending societies by name, viz., “The Fist of Righteous Harmony” and
the “Big Sword Society.”

Hereunder is the note addressed by the American, British, French,
German, and Italian Ministers to the Tsung-li-Yamên.

“+Pekin+, _January 27, 1900_.

“+MM. les Ministres+,--

“Within the last few weeks I have had occasion to address your
Highness and your Excellencies, both by letter and personally, with
regard to the deplorable state of affairs which exists in northern
Shantung and in the centre and south of Chili.

“This state of affairs, which is a disgrace to any civilised
country, has been brought about by the riotous and lawless behaviour
of certain ruffians who have banded themselves together into two
societies, termed respectively the ‘Fist of Righteous Harmony’ and
the ‘Big Sword Society,’ and by the apathy and, in some instances,
actual connivance and encouragement of these societies by the local
officials.

“The members of these societies go about pillaging the homes of
Christian converts, breaking down their chapels, robbing and
ill-treating inoffensive women and children, and it is a fact,
to which I would draw the special attention of your Highness and
your Excellencies, that on the banners which are carried by these
riotous and lawless people are inscribed the words ‘Exterminate the
foreigners.’

“On January 11 an Imperial decree was issued drawing a distinction
between good and bad societies. The wording of this decree has
unfortunately given rise to a widespread impression that such
associations as the ‘Fist of Righteous Harmony’ and the ‘Big Sword
Society’ are regarded with favour by the Chinese Government, and
their members have openly expressed their gratification and have
been encouraged by the decree to continue to carry on their outrages
against the Christian converts.

“I cannot for a moment suppose that such was the intention of this
decree. These societies are, as I have shown, of a most pernicious
and rebellious character.

“I earnestly beg to draw the serious attention of the Throne to the
circumstances above described. The disorders have not reached such
a stage that they cannot be stamped out by prompt and energetic
action; but if such action be not immediately taken the rioters will
be encouraged to think they have the support of the Government, and
proceed to graver crimes, thereby seriously endangering international
relations.

“As a preliminary measure, and one to which I attach the greatest
importance, I have to beg that an Imperial decree be published and
promulgated, ordering by name the complete suppression and abolition
of the ‘Fist of Righteous Harmony’ and the ‘Big Sword’ societies,
and I request that it may be distinctly stated in the decree that
to belong to either of these societies, or to harbour any of its
members, is a criminal offence against the laws of China.

“I avail,” &c.

[Sidenote: FROM THE EMPEROR’S OWN PEN]

A special audience of all high metropolitan officials was summoned in
the Palace on January 24, to consider the succession to the Throne.
The Empress-Dowager, at the request of the Emperor, who, owing to
ill-health, could have no children of his own, had appointed young
Prince Pu-Chun, a grandson of Prince Tun, the fifth son of the Emperor
whose reign was styled Tao-Kuang (1821-51) (son of Tsai Yi, Prince
Tuan, the present leader of the Boxers). He is first cousin once
removed of the present Emperor, and is fourteen years old. An Imperial
decree in the _Pekin Gazette_ directed that he should represent the
Emperor at the ceremonies of the New Year (January 31) in the three
Palace halls. And two further decrees appointed Ch’ung-Yi (a Manchu)
and Hsu Tung (a Chinese banner-man) as tutors to superintend his
education.

Both these tutors are well known for their hatred of foreigners and
foreign customs. Prince Ch’ung (President of the Tsung-li-Yamên)
together with a Mongol prince called Na, was, on January 27, nominated
_anta_,[3] or supervisor of the prince’s household.

[3] Manchu word = supervisor of children.

In the _Pekin Gazette_ of January 24, 1900, was published the following
Imperial decree from the Emperor’s own pen:

[_Translation_]:

“When, at a tender age, we entered into the succession to the Throne,
her Majesty the Empress-Dowager graciously undertook the rule of the
country as Regent, taught and guided us with diligence, and managed
all things, great and small, with unremitting care until we ourself
assumed the government. Thereafter the times again became critical.
We bent all our thoughts and energies to the task of ruling rightly,
striving to requite her Majesty’s loving kindness, that so we might
fulfil the weighty duties entrusted to us by the late Emperor Mu
Tsung Yi (T’ung Chih).

“But since last year we have suffered from ill-health, affairs of
State have increased in magnitude and perplexity, and we have lived
in constant dread of going wrong.

“Reflecting on the supreme importance of the worship of our
ancestors and of the spirits of the land, we therefore implored the
Empress-Dowager to advise us in the government. This was more than a
year ago, but we have never been restored to health, and we have not
the strength to perform in person the great sacrifices at the altar
of Heaven and in the temples of the spirits of the land.

“And now the times are full of difficulties. We see her gracious
Majesty’s anxious toil by day and by night, never laid aside for rest
or leisure, and with troubled mind we examine ourself, taking no
comfort in sleep or food, but ever dwelling in thought on the labours
of our ancestors in founding the dynasty, and ever fearful lest our
strength be not equal to our task.

“Moreover, we call to mind how, when we first succeeded to the
Throne, we reverently received the Empress-Dowager’s decree that as
soon as a Prince should be born to us he should become the heir by
adoption to the late Emperor Mu Tsung Yi (T’ung Chih). This is known
to all the officials and people throughout the Empire.

[Sidenote: HEIR TO THE THRONE]

“But we suffer from an incurable disease, and it is impossible for
us to beget a son, so that the Emperor Mu Tsung Yi has no posterity,
and the consequences to the lines of succession are of the utmost
gravity. Sorrowfully thinking on this, and feeling that there is no
place to hide ourself for shame, how can we look forward to recovery
from all our ailments?

“We have therefore humbly implored her Sacred Majesty carefully to
select from among the near branches of our family a good and worthy
member, who should found a line of posterity for the Emperor Mu Tsung
Yi (T’ung Chih), and to whom the Throne should revert hereafter.
After repeated entreaties, her Majesty has now deigned to grant her
consent that P’u Chun, son of Tsai Yi, Prince Tuan, should be adopted
as the son of the late Emperor Mu Tsung Yi (T’ung Chih). We have
received her Majesty’s decree with unspeakable joy, and in reverent
obedience to her gracious instruction we appoint P’u Chun, son of
Tsai Yi, as Imperial Prince, to carry on the dynastic succession.

“Let this decree be made known to all men.”

CHAPTER VIII

Lord Salisbury, echoing Sir Claude MacDonald’s information, duly
informed Sir Chihchen Lofengluh, in answer to a communication from
him, that the settlement of the Brooks case could not be considered as
wholly satisfactory.

The representations made to the Yamên on January 27 by Sir Claude, as
well as by the American, French, German, and Italian Ministers, asking
for a decree specifically denouncing the anti-Christian societies in
Shantung and Chili, received at first no answer, but upon a further
demand on February 21, the Legations concerned received a note from the
Yamên stating that a decree had been issued ordering the Governors of
the two provinces to put an end to the disturbances.

Sir Claude and the other four Ministers further insisted that the
decree must be published in the _Pekin Gazette_, and that it must
not only suppress the Ih-hwo-Ch’uan Society, but also the Big Sword
Society, a demand which the Yamên did not seem at all willing to
satisfy. They, as usual, temporised, but eventually framed the
proclamation of the Governor-General of Chili, the terms of which
strictly prohibited the Boxer movement. It said, among other things:
“The converts and the ordinary people are all the subjects of the
throne, and are regarded by the Government with impartial benevolence.
No distinction is made between them. Should they have lawsuits they
must bow to the judgments of the officials. The ordinary people must
not give way to rage, and by violent acts create feuds and trouble.
The converts, on the other hand, must not stir up strife and oppress
the people, or incite the missionaries to screen them and help them to
obtain the upper hand.

[Sidenote: HOODWINKING THE POPULACE]

[Illustration: THE TAKU FORTS AND THE PEI-HO RIVER]

“Those so-styled professors who practise boxing, and play with clubs,
and teach people their arts, those also who learn from these men, and
those who march about and parade the villages and marts, flourishing
tridents, and playing with sticks, hoodwinking the populace to make
a profit for themselves, are strictly forbidden to carry on such
practices. Should any disobey, on arrest the principals will receive
a hundred blows with a heavy bamboo and be banished to a distance
of a thousand miles. The pupils will receive the same beating and be
banished to another province for three years, and on expiration of
that period and return to their native place be subjected to strict
surveillance.

“Should any inn, temple, or house harbour these people without report
to the officials, or should the police and others not search them out
and arrest them, the delinquents will be sentenced to eighty blows with
the heavy bamboo for improper conduct in the higher degree.”

Sir Claude now very properly pressed to have this decree published
in the _Pekin Gazette_, and eventually a meeting took place on March
2 at the Yamên, where Prince Ch’ang Wang, Wen-Shao, Chao Shu-ch’iao,
Hsu-Jung-I, Hsu Ching-ch’eng, Wu T’ing-fen, Knei-Ch’un, and Lien Yuan
received Sir Claude MacDonald, accompanied by Mr. Ker and Mr. Fulford,
Mr. Conger (United States Minister), with Mr. Cheshire, Baron von
Ketteler (German Minister), with Baron von der Goltz; Marquis Salvago
(Italian Minister), with Dr. Merklinghaus, Baron d’Anthouard (French
chargé d’affaires), with M. Morisse.

It will be noted that the Russian Minister was not represented.

Sir Claude recapitulated the circumstances regarding the two secret
societies, and the Imperial decree published on January 11, which had
spread the impression that the Throne recognised the Ih-hwo-Ch’uan and
the Ta Tao Hwo, and stated that the Representatives of the Powers were
present further to request the publication of a decree suppressing by
name the two societies in the _Pekin Gazette_. Nothing short of this
would satisfy them.

Baron von Ketteler pointed out that in the decree already communicated
to the Representatives, the omission of the Ta Tao Hwo (society) had
been made, and that the head of the society was then in Pekin, where he
had received a special mark of favour from the Throne, instead of being
sent, as he should have been, to the Board of Punishments. This man was
the ex-Governor of Shantung, Yu H’sien, whom, with his society, the
Baron again denounced.

[Sidenote: UNDISGUISED MERRIMENT]

This statement was received with “undisguised merriment” by the Prince
and Ministers, who nevertheless had to admit that Yu H’sien was to
blame for not suppressing the disturbances. He was further accused of
inspiring the original edict that had caused so much trouble, an idea
which the Yamên pronounced entirely erroneous.

Explanations and excuses were attempted by the Yamên in order to evade
the publication of the further decree. This was probably to “save their
face”--an ever-important question with Celestials.

As a matter of fact, they barefacedly declared that the Yamên’s
memorial _did_ mention the Ta Tao Hwo (Big Sword Society), for this had
now amalgamated with the Ih-hwo-ch’uan, and therefore was included in
the denunciation of the latter society!

Baron d’Anthouard complained that no protection was afforded to
missionaries in Chili and Shantung, and said that he now wanted deeds
and not mere words to reassure him. The Yamên, as usual, said they
would consider the matter and reply. Identical notes were handed in by
all the Representatives present.

The Boxers in the meantime were fast and openly recruiting and drilling
in both disturbed provinces, and even in the neighbourhood of Tientsin
and Pekin. Of this Sir Claude was fully aware, and, alive to the sense
of danger, recommended to his Government an international naval
demonstration in the waters of North China. He watched with evident
concern the peculiar attitude of the Chinese Government--who seemed to
take no notice whatever of the representations and threats made. In
fact, a deliberate snub from the Chinese Government had to be supported
in the appointment of Yu-H’sien as Governor of Shansi.

“Altogether,” pointed out Sir Claude MacDonald to Lord Salisbury on
March 16, “Yu’s appointment to even so important a post cannot fail to
be regarded as showing an extraordinary lack of consideration on the
part of the Chinese Government for the opinions and representations of
foreign Powers.”

The Yamên at this point seem to have taken a more determined course of
aggression and bluff towards the foreign Ministers, mixed, of course,
with the customary hypocrisy and falsehood. They flatly refused to
publish in the _Pekin Gazette_ the Imperial decree, as requested by
the foreign Powers. Their plea was that it was a _T’ing-chi_ (message
from the Throne), and not a _Shang-Yu_, or Imperial decree. The rule,
they stated, is that a special Imperial message is not delivered to
the Grand Secretariat for publication in the _Gazette_. “This was an
established rule of public business in China, which it was impossible
to alter.”

CHAPTER IX

A crisis approaching--Destruction of villages and mission-houses
by the Boxers--Roman Catholic missionaries killed--A marine guard
retained in Tientsin--Troubles in Kung-tsun--A meeting of the foreign
Ministers in Pekin--Their disinclination to bring up guards--Rain
better than Maxim guns--Sham displays of the Chinese to suppress the
insurgents--Baron von Ketteler suspicious of the Chinese Government’s
promises--Guards to be sent for to protect the Legations.

Towards the middle of May a crisis was fast approaching. Much disorder
prevailed around Pekin and Tientsin. The Boxers destroyed three
villages, killing 61 Roman Catholic converts, some 90 miles from Pekin,
near Paoting-fu.

[Illustration: RUSSIAN MARINES]

This was reported to the Government on May 17 by Sir Claude, who on the
same date requested the Admiral to retain the marine guard which was
under orders to leave Tientsin.

On May 18 Sir Claude further telegraphed that the Boxers had destroyed
the London Mission Chapel at Kung-tsun and killed the Chinese preacher.
Kung-tsun is 40 miles south-west of Pekin. On the same day Sir
Claude called at the Yamên to complain of the apathy of the Chinese
Government. He was curtly informed that the previous day an Imperial
decree had been issued whereby specified metropolitan and provincial
authorities were directed to suppress the Boxers.

Although the Yamên believed this decree would be sufficient to pacify
the crowds, rumours were current that French and British missionaries
were in great danger at Yunnan-fu.

The Yamên maliciously went out of their way to lead Sir Claude to
believe that the disturbance was mostly caused by the importation of
arms by the French Consul.

Matters were coming to such a point that the eleven Representatives of
foreign nations held a meeting in Pekin on May 20 at the instance of
the French Minister. The _doyen_ was empowered to write a note to the
Yamên, in the name of all foreign Representatives, demanding that, as
a sequel to the decrees already issued suppressing the Boxer movement,
all individuals who should publish or disseminate placards, or should
aid or harbour Boxers, should be arrested, while those guilty of arson,
murder, or outrages, and their accomplices, should be executed. It
was furthermore demanded that a decree to the above effect should be
published in Pekin and the north provinces. It was resolved that if the
disturbances continued, and if a favourable answer was not received
within five days, further measures should be taken.

“The meeting,” telegraphed Sir Claude, “_did not_ decide what measures
should be taken, but the Representatives were generally _averse_ to
bringing guards to Pekin, and what found most favour was as follows:

[Sidenote: SUFFICIENTLY ALARMED]

“With the exception of Holland, which has no ships in Chinese waters,
it was proposed that all the maritime Powers represented should make
a naval demonstration, either at Shan-hai-kwan or at the new port,
Ching-wang-tao, while in case of necessity guards were to be held
_ready on board ship_.

“My colleagues will, I think, send these proposals as they stand to
their Governments. As the Chinese Government themselves seem to be
sufficiently alarmed, _I do not think that the above means will be
necessary_, but should the occasion arise I trust that her Majesty’s
Government will see fit to support it.”

This extraordinary advice on the part of the British Minister was
telegraphed as late as May 21, and seemed somewhat in contrast to the
alarming news which Sir Claude had been previously sending. There was
at that date hardly a foreigner in China who was not aware of the
terrible storm which was threatening, yet our Minister seemed to think
that the Chinese being “sufficiently _alarmed_” was an ample guarantee
for the safety of foreigners and their property!

The Russian Minister appears to have had an interview with Sir Claude,
in which he stated that only two countries have very serious interests
in China--viz., England and Russia. He admitted that matters were
grave, and at once agreed to the joint note of the Powers.

The British Government, on May 22, agreed to support their Minister in
case of emergency. It was none too early.

Sham displays were made by the Chinese of sending troops to suppress
the Boxers, and the soldiers and officers were captured by the
insurgents--probably a prearranged affair. When other parties were sent
out with severe instructions, they were in such small numbers as to be
easily defeated by the Boxers.

The French Minister, it must be said to his credit, was almost the
only one of the foreign Representatives in Pekin who had reliable
information and attached the right importance to it, while others
discarded and treated with contempt the warnings of men who, though
not holding official positions, nevertheless knew China and the
Chinese intimately. M. Pichon, in fact, predicted a serious outbreak,
which would endanger the lives, not only of missionaries, but of all
foreigners, even in Pekin. The Italian Minister, too, who derived his
information from similar sound sources, confirmed the French Minister’s
prediction.

The French Minister urged, at a meeting of the diplomatic corps, that
unless the Chinese took immediate action, guards should be sent for at
once, before it became too late. Unnecessary civility and patience were
nevertheless shown towards the Celestials, who naturally misconstrued
this conduct, which they attributed to weakness, and a further demand
was formulated to the Yamên, asking for a precise statement of the
measures taken by the Chinese Government to suppress the movement, and
again requesting an Imperial edict.

Baron von Ketteler, the German Minister, a man of great force of will,
declared that he had no faith whatever either in the promises or in the
efficacious protection of the Chinese Government, which was crumbling
to pieces. This was on May 27, and Sir Claude on the same day called
at the Yamên, where Prince Ching and the Minister had no difficulty in
persuading him that energetic measures were being taken by the Chinese
Government to resist the progress of the Boxer movement. The movement,
Sir Claude telegraphed, had thoroughly alarmed the Chinese Government.

[Sidenote: REQUESTING AN IMPERIAL EDICT]

In fact, incredible as it may seem, it appears that our Representative
in Pekin always believed and concurred in the views of the last person
who spoke to him, especially when he was being misinformed. Indeed, it
is to be doubted whether on that date (May 27) there was any foreigner
of any intelligence in China, other than officials, who was not fully
aware that the Boxer movement was protected and supported by the
Government.

Twenty-four hours more had to elapse before the guards would be sent
for. It was thought well to wait for further developments. Sir E.
Seymour, the Commander-in-Chief of the China Squadron, seeing the
unsettled state of affairs in the north, deemed it advisable to send
H.M.S. _Orlando_ and _Algerine_ to Taku, in case guards should be
required in Pekin.

CHAPTER X

Bishop Favier and his knowledge of China--His historical letter--The
contrast to our Minister’s information.

The now historical letter of the French Bishop Favier to the
Minister of France is sufficient proof that there were foreigners in
China--outside of the Legations--who knew the exact gravity of the
situation. By way of contrast and comment, part of a letter from Sir
Claude MacDonald written two days later is here also appended:

_Copy of letter from_

+Bishop Favier+ _to_ +M. Pichon+.

Vicariat Apostolique de Pékin et Tche-ly Nord,
Pékin, le 19 Mai, 1900.

“+M. le Ministre+,--

“De jour en jour la situation devient plus grave et plus menaçante.
Dans la Préfecture de Paoting-fu, plus de soixante-dix Chrétiens ont
été massacrés, trois autres néophytes ont été coupés en morceaux.
Plusieurs villages ont été pillés et livrés aux flammes; un plus
grand nombre d’autres ont été complètement abandonnés. Plus de 2000
Chrétiens sont en fuite, sans pain, sans vêtements, et sans abri; à
Pékin seulement, environ 400 réfugiés, hommes, femmes et enfants,
sont déjà logés chez nous et chez les sœurs; avant huit jours nous en
aurons probablement plusieurs milliers; nous allons être obligés de
licencier les écoles, les collèges, et tous les hôpitaux, pour faire
place à ces malheureux.

[Sidenote: PILLAGE AND FIRE]

“Du côté de l’est le pillage et l’incendie sont imminents; nous
recevons à chaque heure les nouvelles les plus alarmantes. Pékin
est cerné de tous côtés; les Boxeurs se rapprochent chaque jour
de la capitale, retardés seulement par l’anéantissement qu’ils
font des Chrétientés. Croyez-moi, je vous prie, M. le Ministre, je
suis bien informé, et je n’avance rien à la légère. La persécution
religieuse n’est qu’un rideau; le but principal est l’extermination
des Européens, but qui est clairement indiqué et écrit sur les
étendards des Boxeurs. Leurs affiliés les attendent à Pékin; on doit
commencer par l’attaque des églises et finir par celle des Légations.
Pour nous, ici au Pe-tang, le jour est même fixé; toute la ville le
connaît, tout le monde en parle, et l’effervescence populaire est
manifeste. Hier soir encore, quarante-trois pauvres femmes, avec
leurs enfants, fuyant le massacre, sont arrivées chez les sœurs; plus
de 500 personnes les accompagnaient, en leur disant que, si elles ont
échappé une fois, elles y passeront bientôt ici avec les autres.

“Je ne vous parle pas, M. le Ministre, des placards sans nombre qui
sont affichés dans la ville contre les Européens en général; chaque
jour il en paraît de nouveaux, plus clairs les uns que les autres.

“Les personnes qui ont assisté, il y a trente ans, aux massacres de
Tientsin, sont frappées de la ressemblance de la situation d’alors
avec celle d’aujourd’hui; mêmes placards, mêmes menaces, mêmes
avertissements, et même aveuglement. Alors aussi, comme aujourd’hui,
les missionnaires ont écrit, supplié, prévoyant l’horrible réveil.

“Dans ces circonstances, M. le Ministre, je crois de mon devoir
de vous prier de vouloir bien nous envoyer, au moins au Pe-tang,
quarante ou cinquante marins pour protéger nos personnes et nos
biens. Cela s’est fait déjà dans des circonstances beaucoup moins
critiques, et j’espère que vous prendrez en considération mon humble
supplique.

“Veuillez, &c.,

“(Signé) +Alph. Favier+, Év., Vic. Ap. de Pékin.

“---- ----, Év.-Coadjuteur.

“+C. M. Guillaume+, Vic.-Gén.”

[_Translation_]:

Apostolic Mission of Peking and North Chih-li,
+Peking+, May 19, 1900.

“+M. Le Ministre+,--

“The situation is becoming daily more and more serious and
threatening. In the Prefecture of Paoting-fu more than seventy
Christians have been massacred, three other neophytes have been
cut to pieces. Several villages have been looted and burnt, a yet
greater number of others have been completely deserted. Over 2,000
Christians are fugitives, without food, clothes, or shelter; in Pekin
alone about 400 refugees--men, women, and children--have already been
given shelter by us and the Sisters; in another week’s time we shall
probably have several thousands to look after; we shall be obliged to
disband the schools, colleges, and all the hospitals, to make room
for these unfortunate people.

[Sidenote: BISHOP FAVIER’S LETTER]

“On the east, pillage and incendiarism are imminent; we receive more
and more alarming news every hour. Pekin is surrounded on all sides;
the Boxers are daily approaching the capital, being only delayed
by the measures they are taking for destroying all the Christian
settlements. I beg you will be assured, M. le Ministre, that I am
well informed, and am making no statements at random. The religious
persecution is only a blind; the main object is to exterminate the
Europeans, and this object is clearly indicated and written on the
Boxers’ standards. Their accomplices in Pekin are awaiting them; they
are to begin by an attack on the churches, and are finally to assault
the Legations. For us, indeed, here at Pe-tang, the day of attack has
actually been fixed; the whole town knows it, everybody is talking
about it, and the popular excitement is clearly manifest. Last night,
again, forty-three poor women, with their children, flying from
massacre, arrived at the Sisters’ home; over 500 people accompanied
them, telling them that, although they had succeeded in escaping
once, they would soon all perish here with the rest.

“I will not speak of the numberless placards, M. le Ministre, which
are posted in the town against Europeans in general; new notices
appear daily, each more clearly expressed than the last.

“People who were present at the massacres in Tientsin 30 years ago
are struck by the similarity of the situation then with that of
to-day; there are the same placards, the same threats, the same
notices, and the same want of foresight. Then also, as to-day, the
missionaries wrote and begged, foreseeing the horrible awakening.

“In these circumstances, M. le Ministre, I think it is my duty to
request you to send us, at least to Pe-tang, 40 or 50 sailors,
to protect us and our belongings. This has been done on much less
critical occasions, and I trust you will favourably consider my
humble application.

“I have, &c.,

“(Signed) +Alph. Favier+, Bp., Vic. Ap. of Pekin.

“---- ----, Bp.-Coadjutor.

“+C. M. Guillaume+, Vic.-Gen.”

+Sir Claude MacDonald’s+ Letter to +Lord Salisbury+,
_May 21._

“As regards my own opinion as to the danger to which Europeans in
Pekin are exposed, I confess that little has come to my knowledge to
confirm the gloomy anticipations of the French Fathers. The demeanour
of the inhabitants of the city continues to be quiet and civil
towards foreigners.... I am convinced that a few days’ heavy rainfall
to terminate the long-continued drought would do more to restore
tranquillity than any measures which either the Chinese Government or
foreign Governments could take.”

Comments on these two letters are superfluous.

CHAPTER XI

The developments expected quickly came. The railway between Pekin and
Tientsin was torn up in many places, and several station sheds, machine
houses, and dwellings of Europeans--especially at Yeng-tai, six miles
from Pekin--were destroyed by the Boxers.

The traffic and passenger service were necessarily interrupted; the
supposed rebels were not interfered with by the authorities, and the
Legations, missionaries, and other residents in Pekin found themselves,
all of a sudden, in a somewhat precarious position. Fortunately the
telegraph was still working.

The French Minister, who had received from his Government full
authority to act on his own judgment, and to call for troops whenever
he deemed them urgent, had not waited, like the other foreign
Representatives, “twenty-four hours more for further developments.” He
had acted quickly and wisely. So had the Russian Minister; and these
two nations, which have, after all, not so many subjects to protect in
Northern China as has England or America, had at once sent for guards
of 100 men each to be despatched to Pekin. Sir Claude and the American
Minister only telegraphed for Legation guards on May 29, or nearly two
days later.

The situation in Pekin was one of extreme danger; the anti-foreign
feeling showing itself suddenly in all its virulence, murderous
placards being posted everywhere, and Boxer instigators, such as
Buddhist bonzes and preachers, collecting large crowds all over the
city undisturbed, and proposing the destruction of foreigners and their
property. The Imperial troops were demoralised and apparently on good
terms with the Boxers, while the Government openly supplied food, arms,
ammunition and clothes to the presumably “rebel” mob.

[Illustration: RUSSIANS LANDING AT TONG KU]

The Tsung-li-Yamên refused permission to the guards to come to Pekin,
but a day later, May 31, allowed thirty marines of each nationality for
the protection of the Legations.

The French and Russians, who were already on their way to Tientsin by
river, were compelled to turn back, as they were not in sufficient
numbers to face a Chinese Imperial force which threatened to fire on
them should they continue their journey. Reinforced by the British,
Americans, Italians, and Japanese, they all started again together.
On May 31, at 4.15 in the afternoon by special train there arrived
in Pekin the following foreign troops: Three British officers and 75
men, seven American officers and 50 men, three Italian officers and 47
men, two Japanese officers and 23 men, three French officers and 72
men, and four Russian officers and 71 men. The troops took with them
five quick-firing guns. The appearance of foreign troops--even in such
small numbers--had for a few days a salutary effect on the Chinese, who
quieted down temporarily, while much relief was felt in the Legations
at the arrival of these guards, since, although scanty, they would, in
case of a crisis, afford some protection to the women and children,
whereas there had before been absolutely none.

[Sidenote: IMPERIAL ENCOURAGEMENT]

The city of Pekin itself was not much disturbed, but in its immediate
neighbourhood Christian converts were assassinated daily, and chapels,
churches, and houses of missionaries were being looted, burnt, or
destroyed.

In the Imperial Palace--although Sir Claude reported to the
contrary--there existed, even before that time, not fear of, but
encouragement and friendliness towards the Boxers, the Empress-Dowager,
with Prince Tuan and a number of foreigner-hating Manchu princes,
believing firmly that the moment had come when the Chinese could at
last either kill or drive into the sea every foreign devil. It must
ever be borne in mind that this notion is and will always be firmly
rooted in every Chinaman’s mind. The higher he is in official position
the deeper is his feeling of contempt and hatred for foreigners. One
hears reports that the Chinaman admires our civilisation, that he is
in amazement at our inventions, that he will one day be as civilised as
we are, that is to say when he has learned enough. And so the Chinese
will be. He will strive to purchase machinery, guns, and ammunition,
he will gradually learn how to work them, and when he does he will do
it well; but this will only be in order to learn how to fight us, and
to have his revenge for what he considers, probably with justice, as
our offences. He will never rest content until, no matter at what cost
to his nation in human life, in money, suffering, and humiliation; no
matter what blows may have been dealt him, he can one day stand up
fiercer than ever and strike back a harder blow at us than any he has
received.

“Revenge! Revenge!” is the smothered cry of the Chinese. “The day will
come when we will fight these foreign devils with their own weapons,
driving them out of our country, and with them their corrupt ways,
their machines, their reforms. Then shall we once again return to our
old doctrines and rites, and happiness will reign for ever over our
country.”

This is the dream of the Chinaman. Perhaps we shall help him to turn it
into reality.

Admiral Seymour, who was at Wei-hai-wei with the fleet, seeing that
matters grew worse than had at first been expected, proceeded to Taku
with the flag-ship _Centurion_ and H.M.S. _Whiting_, _Endymion_, and
_Fame_.

CHAPTER XII

An interesting chapter in the history of the Chinese War of 1900 was
the escape of the Belgian and Italian railway engineers from the town
of Pao-ting-fu.

Towards the end of May, the Belgian Consul in Tientsin received
news that the railway between Shang-sin-tien and Pao-ting-fu had
been utterly destroyed, and that, moreover, the engineers and their
families were besieged by Boxers in Shang-sin-tien. A hurriedly-got up
expedition of nine or ten men, British, Belgian, and German, started at
once from Tientsin to their rescue, but when, after some considerable
opposition, they reached Shang-sin-tien, they found the place
absolutely destroyed, and learned that the people had fled towards
Pekin.

Of those Europeans employed in the railway at Pao-ting-fu, news reached
Pekin that they had obtained some boats, on which they were attempting
to reach Tientsin by river. They were anxiously awaited, but days went
by, and much concern was felt over their fate by the residents in
Tientsin. On Friday, June 8, three Chinese who were interpreters to the
engineers came weeping into the Belgian Consulate, saying the Boxers
had attacked their masters, and that if immediate relief were not sent
they feared all would be massacred.

M. Ketels, the Belgian Consul, who had the welfare of his countrymen
much at heart, there and then organised an expedition of volunteers to
go to their rescue, but time was short, and the relief party counted
altogether no more than thirty horsemen and ten men on foot, armed
with Winchester, Mannlicher and Martini rifles. Among these men were
Britishers, Belgians, French and Germans. They were divided into two
columns, a party of horsemen ahead acting as scouts, the other horsemen
and those on foot behind, carrying with them several cartloads of
provisions and clothes for the people to be rescued, as well as for
themselves.

Insulted and yelled at by a threatening mob of Chinese, they traversed
Tientsin native city. One of the Chinese interpreters had volunteered
to return with them to the rescue of his superiors and to act as guide.

[Illustration: THE PAGODA IN THE CENTRE OF TIENTSIN NATIVE CITY]

Soon after leaving the city wall, however, the first batch of engineers
were found straggling in a pitiable condition towards the settlement.
They were three Belgians, who, hardly able to speak from weakness and
starvation, pointed out that more were coming behind. In fact, there
presently arrived quite a number--about thirty in all--of men, women,
and children, barefooted and bleeding, their clothes torn and ragged,
and some of the women with nothing more than a shirt or a rag to cover
them. Everything had been torn from their backs. There were ten women
among the refugees, of whom two were in the family way--one of them
seven months. Another woman, half-naked, carried tight to her breast
a little baby three years old. After the severe strain, many of them,
finding that they were now practically safe, collapsed with nervous
prostration. They were fed and clothed and brought into the concession.

[Sidenote: ATTACK ON THE BOATS]

The escaping party had left Pao-ting-fu in several junks, with Mr. Sun,
the Chinese director of the railways, at their head. They were not
bodily hurt in Pao-ting-fu itself, where a crowd of over ten thousand
people had assembled to witness their departure, merely showering
insults upon them. As they proceeded down river, repeated signs of
hostility on the part of the natives were encountered, stones were
thrown at them, and shots fired.

Sun and Mr. Ossant’s interpreter, another Chinese, fearing that the
worst had not yet come, tried to screen the Europeans by closing the
sides of the cabin in the junk. It was an anxious time for those boxed
inside, for they could see nothing, but they heard the yells of the
angry mob following the junks on both sides of the narrow river, and
stones and bullets were pelting on the roof and sides of the cabin.
Having rounded a bend in the river, they were now approaching a
village. The roaring sound of a gong was fast collecting a threatening
crowd of villagers, who rushed towards the river bank as the junk
drifted down with the current. A terrific fusillade was opened on the
first boats that arrived, and even old cannon firing mitraille were
used by the Chinese in order to sink the boats. The Europeans, many
of them badly wounded, were compelled to rush out of the cabins, and
desperate endeavours were made to land on the opposite side of the
river. Only one junk--the last, occupied by the engineer-in-chief,
Mr. Ossant, his sister, and the two Italian engineers, Cadei and
Penzaro--turned back, and strove to steer towards Pao-ting-fu. The
attempt was fatal. The junk went some little distance, a fanatical
crowd of Boxers following, brandishing their tridents, swords and guns,
and firing from close quarters. Those who had landed, regardless of the
danger to themselves, were watching with swollen hearts the desperate
attempts of the crew that was going up stream. The junk stopped; it
must have become stuck in the mud. The Chinese rushed into the water.
In a moment there were swarms of them all round the boat, kept at bay
by the brave men inside, but the number of assailants grew and grew.
The Europeans who had landed endeavoured to go to the assistance of
their friends, but they too were hard pressed and could do nothing.

Night came. The distant yells of the Boxers attacking the boat ceased.
Some of the Europeans, screened by the darkness of the night, crept
along the river bank and went to look for their friends. The junk was
no more, and they feared--doubtless with but too much truth, since
nothing was heard of them later--that Ossant and all the others had
perished, massacred by the merciless Chinese. The body of a European
woman, swollen and ripped open, was seen floating down the river--and
was presumably that of Ossant’s sister.

CHAPTER XIII

The next morning the small party of survivors tried to proceed on foot
to Tientsin. The boats, with provisions and clothes, had been abandoned
or sunk.

Marching incessantly day and night, followed by a swarm of Boxers, whom
they just managed to keep at bay, with no food except grass and the
water of marshes, they pushed on and on, exhausted, panting, footsore
and bleeding, chased by the angry mob of human vampires behind them.

When they became half dead with fatigue, or when they were waiting for
the women and children to rest awhile, the Boxers grew bold, and on six
occasions made fierce attacks on them. But these brave men were armed
with old Chinese Mauser rifles, and each attack was repulsed. Over
seventy Boxers were killed by them.

They found their way by following the line of telegraph poles. In some
instances the Boxers came to such close quarters that a hand-to-hand
fight arose, in which the women took part with the men.

Their sufferings were appalling, and their strength had almost
altogether vanished, yet, clinging to life to the last minute, they
dragged themselves nearer and nearer to the place where they would be
safe. Only two more days and nights of marching, and Tientsin would be
reached!

The party, already small and weak, broke up, for even in such straits,
when their one very faint chance seemed to lie in keeping together,
there were some who thought they might have a better opportunity of
safely escaping if alone.

Six left the rest to shift for themselves. Of these six, two, Baillau,
a Belgian, and Dillon, a Frenchman, were never heard of again. What
with the heat, fatigue, wounds and hunger, Dillon had completely gone
out of his mind. During the last few days he behaved like a madman, and
caused additional anxiety to the party.

The main body of the party, now thinned out, and at the stage when only
a few more hours’ journey divided them from the arms of their friends,
were slowly marching on, the last night before reaching Tientsin. The
Boxers, some 4000 in number, who, not unlike famished ravens waiting
for the last breath of their prey, had been hunting these poor wretches
all along, evidently made up their minds not to let them escape at the
last moment. In the middle of the night they surrounded the Europeans
on all sides and kept up a heavy fire on them. The poor wretches were
driven from the shelter they had found, and only escaped by plunging
into a marsh, where they spent the remainder of the night in muddy
water right up to their nostrils. They kept close together in a bunch
to keep warm. No pen is adequate to describe their sufferings. The
night never seemed to end.

In the morning they came out, and with the hot sun some of their
strength and a faint ray of hope came back to them. The Boxers, who had
withdrawn, returned to the attack, this time with two old-fashioned
cannon, which fired shot after shot, without, indeed, doing any
execution, but which barred the way and made it impossible for the
party to proceed.

[Sidenote: BRAVE MEN]

[Illustration: COSSACKS IN TIENTSIN]

Six men volunteered to sacrifice themselves for the sake of the
others. They rushed, rifles in hand, towards the Chinese gunners,
who, incredible as it may seem to people not acquainted with Chinese
cowardice, abandoned the guns and stampeded in every direction. This
victory gave the poor wretches renewed courage, and Tientsin city was
now in full sight.

They pushed on faster than they had previously done. The miles seemed
short as compared to those of preceding days. The wounded--and nearly
all were more or less seriously injured--supported one another as they
stumbled along. Nearly every man carried a rifle and a few rounds of
ammunition, probably an average of sixty or seventy cartridges each.
Everything else except these weapons of defence had been discarded. It
was only at very close quarters that they ever fired on the Boxers, and
these invariably showed contemptible cowardice. When a few of them fell
dead the others bolted away.

The journey from Pao-ting-fu occupied some six days of continuous
marching--slow, naturally, on account of the women, children, and
wounded. Half naked, these heroes were met, as we have seen, by the
relief party, who led them back into Tientsin.

M. Ketels, the Belgian Consul, showed much energy and consideration in
proceeding to their rescue the moment he heard of their predicament,
and it was by his doing that they received every necessary care and
medical treatment when in Tientsin.

He, on the other hand, who gave me these interesting details, expressed
his high admiration and gratitude to those British, French, German, and
all other volunteers, who, without a moment’s hesitation, accompanied
him on their charitable and plucky work of rescue.

When all the refugees arrived were mustered there were six still
missing, but no one could tell what had become of them, nor where they
had been lost.

There were at that moment, waiting in Tientsin for orders, twenty-five
Cossacks, who had been destined to make part of the Legation guard
in Pekin. M. Ketels obtained permission from the Russians, which was
readily and graciously granted, to send these mounted men in search
of the missing engineers. They were despatched at once, and were out
three whole days scouring the country all round. On the second day
they met with a large force of Boxers, and pluckily charged them; but,
unfortunately, in this encounter the Russian Lieutenant Blonsky, who
behaved with extraordinary bravery, received no less than fourteen
wounds from spears, swords, and bullets, his horse having died under
him. A Cossack had his nose cut clean off by a sword. The most
unfortunate part was that the doctor-surgeon of the expedition was
badly wounded in the arms, and was unable to render assistance to those
who needed it. Nearly all the Cossacks received some wound or other
in this engagement, and, fearing that a delay in attending to their
leader might cause his death, the expedition was compelled to return to
Tientsin.

[Sidenote: WITH TWENTY WOUNDS]

A strange coincidence: Lieutenant Blonsky, who was endowed with an
iron constitution, was cared for in the hospital, and gradually became
better. He was eventually allowed out, and when he had barely regained
sufficient strength was one day, during the siege of Tientsin, riding
a bicycle on the Victoria road, to convey an important message for his
superior officer. A shell burst above his head and inflicted on him six
more wounds. One piece of the shell tore off the greater part of his
left arm.

With twenty wounds, received within a space of a few weeks, Lieutenant
Blonsky was certainly entitled to be called the most wounded officer of
the Allies in the Chinese war.

Strange to say, although crippled, he recovered from these last wounds
as well as from the first, and regained good health.

The circumstance speaks volumes for the toughness of the Russian
soldiers in general, and their officers in particular.

CHAPTER XIV

A _coup d’état_ feared--Situation in Pekin grave--Messrs. Robinson
and Norman murdered--Chinese Christians in serious straits--An
interview with Prince Ching--Refusal of the Chinese Government to
deal firmly with the Boxers--Difficulties in obtaining an Imperial
audience--Hampering formalities--A conference on the flag-ship
_Centurion_--Sir Claude MacDonald’s discretion left unfettered by his
Government--Evil effects of the Chinese decree in the _Pekin Gazette_.

A _coup d’état_ being seriously feared, upon the flight of the
Empress-Dowager, the Russian and British Ministers were both instructed
by their respective Governments to support any form of reliable
authority which would maintain peace in China.

The situation in Pekin was getting extremely grave, and the French
Minister, who was kept well informed, notified his colleagues, and
urged them to take steps. Even then, on June 4, Sir Claude was
uncertain whether there was any gravity or not in the situation,
notwithstanding that another missionary, Mr. Robinson, had been
murdered in a most shocking manner, and yet another, Mr. Norman, was
captured and detained prisoner by Boxers. These things happened at
Lanfang, nearly half way up the line between Pekin and Tientsin, where
the Church of England Mission houses had been attacked by the mob.

[Sidenote: ROBINSON AND NORMAN]

The native Christians were in serious straits, as nothing short of
wholesale slaughter seemed to satisfy the Boxers. It is probable that
had Messrs. Robinson and Norman abandoned the Christians to their fate
at the beginning of the trouble, they--the two Englishmen--might have
escaped with their lives. But they were men of honour. They would not
leave their post of duty in moments of danger, and, although massacre
stared them in the face, they stood like men to protect those whom they
had brought up in the faith of Christ.

An escaped native convert conveyed the news that Mr. Robinson, with
five Christians, had been battered to death, and that Mr. Norman,
wounded, had been made a prisoner by a man called Li, who had once
suffered punishment for expounding anti-Christian ideas. Li was the
headman of a small town close by, and he had not got over the loss of a
beloved son killed in a fight between Boxers and native Christians. He
prayed for revenge, and he obtained it by the murder at his own hands
of the Rev. H. V. Norman.

Mr. Robinson was an intimate friend--in fact they had come to China
together--of Mr. Brooks, whose murder first called attention in Europe
to the seriousness of the Boxer movement.

Sir Claude, believing that Mr. Norman was still alive, called in person
at the Yamên to ascertain what steps the Chinese Government proposed
to take to punish the offenders and to obtain the immediate release
of the captive missionary. The responsibility of the whole affair, he
was impudently informed, fell on the Viceroy; a telegraphic message
had been sent bidding him take what steps were necessary, and no more
would be done. They did not express regret, or show the least anxiety
to effect the relief of the imprisoned man, and exhibited the greatest
indifference during the interview. This was probably because, as the
Yamên no doubt knew, Norman had already been murdered.

Sir Claude refused to discuss matters further with the Yamên, and
demanded an interview with Prince Ching, which was fixed for June 6.

The interview with Prince Ching and the Ministers of the Yamên was of a
more satisfactory character, deep regret being expressed by the Chinese
at what had happened. Prince Ching did not conceal the fact that the
Government were not prepared to deal firmly with the Boxer movement,
which, owing to its extreme anti-foreign character, was popular. He
gave Sir Claude to understand that he could not guarantee the safety
of foreigners in Pekin, nor anywhere in China, although he fully
understood that this failure on the part of the Chinese Government
to suppress the anti-foreign movement might bring about foreign
intervention. The Tientsin-Pekin railway was guarded by some six
thousand Imperial soldiers, of whom he doubted whether they would carry
out instructions to fire on the Boxers for the protection of foreigners.

Indirectly, Prince Ching explained how he had failed to impress the
Court with the danger of inaction on the part of the Government. The
Empress-Dowager was being ill advised, and he was powerless to remedy
the evil.

Sir Claude MacDonald fully explained to the Prince and Ministers that,
however much friendly Powers might regret intervention, it would become
necessary if the Government failed to suppress the Boxer movement, by
which the lives of foreigners in China were endangered.

Sir Claude MacDonald and the other Ministers of foreign Powers
certainly did not leave a stone unturned to impress upon the Chinese
the gravity of the situation, and to warn them of the consequences. Now
that all other means had practically failed, it was decided to demand
an audience at Court, in order to make direct representations to the
Empress-Dowager and the Emperor. This, however, involved some delay,
as none of the Ministers in Pekin had Ambassadors’ privileges, and the
audience would in all probability be at first refused.

[Sidenote: HAMPERING FORMALITIES]

Sir Claude rightly expressed his opinion that the demands for the
audience should be enforced, and Lord Salisbury concurred in his views.
It was agreed to represent strongly to the Throne that unless law and
order were immediately re-established, and the Boxers suppressed, the
foreign Powers would be obliged to take measures to suppress that
movement themselves, the present state of affairs in North China
being looked upon as one of grave danger to life and damaging to the
interests of foreigners.

Owing to the hampering formalities in diplomatic circles, there
was some delay in demanding the audience, but in the meantime Lord
Salisbury took all precautions to be ready for any emergency.

“The wire to Tientsin may be cut at any moment; please send immediate
instructions to the Admiral,” Sir Claude telegraphed on the 5th.

Vice-Admiral Sir Edward Seymour, judging the situation of extreme
gravity, had ordered the _Phœnix_ and _Aurora_ from Wei-Hai-Wei to Taku
and the _Humber_ to Shan-hai-Kuan. On June 6 the Senior Naval Officers
of the British, Russian, German, French, Italian, Austrian, American
and Japanese warships at Taku held a conference on H.M. flagship
_Centurion_, in order to prepare, if necessary, for a combined action.
The British Government left a wide discretion to the Commander-in-Chief
of the squadron as to the measures to be taken, and the Governments
of other Powers represented had adopted a similar course, so that
matters proceeded without a hitch, the greatest harmony reigning in the
relations of the officers of the several nations.

Lord Salisbury and the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
instructed Sir Claude that his discretion must be quite unfettered, and
that he could take what measures he thought expedient.

The Chinese Government was still wavering, and published a decree in
the _Pekin Gazette_ which was supposed to please everybody, Boxers and
foreigners alike, but which, not unlike previous edicts, had exactly
the opposite effect.

CHAPTER XV

Imperial Decree from the _Pekin Gazette_, June 6--Western Churches
and men of evil character--Boxers the patriots and champions
of peace--The children of the throne--Official neglect of
duties--Riots--Disbandment of societies--The Generalissimo Jung-lu to
pursue and punish the rebels--Secret investigations--No mercy.

IMPERIAL DECREE.

(From the _Pekin Gazette, June 6_.)

The Western religion has existed and been disseminated throughout
China for many years, while those who disseminated it have done
nothing except to exhort people to do good. Moreover, converts to
the religion have never, under the protection of religion, raised
up disturbances; hence converts and the people at large have always
remained at peace with one another, each going his own way without
let or hindrance. Of late years, however, with the constant increase
of Western churches throughout the country and the consequent
overwhelming numbers of converts joining them, men of evil character
have stealthily gained a footing in their ranks, making it difficult,
in the circumstances, for missionaries to distinguish the good from
the bad amongst the converts. Taking advantage of this, these evil
characters have accordingly, under the guise of being Christians,
harassed the common people and bullied the country-side. We are of
opinion, however, that perhaps such a condition of affairs cannot
have been viewed with favour by the missionaries themselves. As to
the Ih-hwo-Ch’uan (Patriots and Champions of Peace) Society, this
organisation was first prohibited during the reign of the Emperor
Chia Ch’ing (1795-1820). Owing, however, to the fact that of late the
members of this society simply trained themselves for purposes of
self-protection and to defend their homes and villages from attack,
and, moreover, because they had abstained from creating trouble,
we did not issue our ban of prohibition according to precedent,
but merely sent repeated instructions to the local authorities
concerned to keep a proper restraint on the movements of the society.
We pointed out to the said authorities that the present was not a
question of whether these people were society men or not, but that
the point was whether, being banded together, their object was to
create trouble in the country or not. If, then, the society men
should indeed rise up and break the peace, it should be the duty of
the authorities to make a strict search for the law-breakers and
punish them according to law. Whoever these parties may be, whether
Christians or society men, the Throne makes no difference in its
treatment of them, for they are all the subjects (children) of the
Empire. Moreover, even in cases of litigation between Christians
and the common people, our instructions have ever been that the
authorities should settle them according to the rights of the matter,
no favour being allowed to be shown to either party. It transpires,
however, that our commands have of late years never been obeyed. The
officials of the various prefectures, sub-prefectures, departments,
and districts have been proved to have neglected their duties. They
have neither acted in friendly conjunction with the missionaries,
sympathised with the people under them in their difficulties, nor
settled litigation in the spirit of impartiality, and the consequence
has been that those concerned began to hate one another, the enmity
becoming deeper and deeper as occasions for ill-will multiplied.
On account of this, therefore, we now find the members of the
Ih-hwo-Ch’uan Society banding themselves together as village militia
and declaring war against the Christians. In the meantime, we find
discontented spirits, in conjunction with lawless ruffians, joining
in the movement for their own ends.

[Sidenote: OPPOSED TO GOVERNMENT]

Riots are the order of the day, railways are destroyed, and churches
are burnt down. Now, the railways were constructed by, and are the
property of, the Government, whilst churches were built by the
missionaries and their converts for their own occupation.

Do these society men and others, then, think that they will be
allowed to destroy and burn at their own sweet will? In thus running
riot these people are simply opposing themselves to the Government.
This is really beyond reason. We therefore appointed Chao Shu-ch’iao,
Grand Councillor and Governor Adjunct of Pekin, to proceed yesterday
as our Imperial Commissioner to restore peace, and to call upon the
people and society men immediately to disband and return each man to
his own avocations and daily work. Should traitors and revolutionary
society men try to stir up the people to rise up and pillage and
destroy the country-side, we hereby call upon the Ih-hwo-Ch’uan
people to hand over to the authorities the ringleaders for punishment
according to the laws of the land. Should any be so misguided as to
persist in disobeying these our commands, they shall be treated as
rebels, and we hereby warn them that when the grand army arrives
their fathers, mothers, wives and children will be separated
from one another and scattered, their homes destroyed, and they
themselves slain. They will also bring upon themselves the stigma of
disloyalty and of being false to their country; for it will then be
too late to repent. Our heart is filled with pity when we think of
the retribution that will then overwhelm our people. We therefore
hereby declare that if, after this warning, there should still be
any who refuse to obey our commands, we will immediately order the
Generalissimo, Jung Lu, to send Generals Tung-Fu-Hsiang (Kansu
corps), Sang Ch’ing and Ma Yu-k’un (Szech’uan corps), with their
commands, to punish these rebels and to disperse them. Finally, in
sending out troops the primary purpose is to protect the law-abiding
people; but we now hear that those sent out by the Chili provincial
authorities have not only failed in affording such protection and
restraining evil characters, but, on the contrary, have themselves
been guilty of preying upon the country-side. We now hereby command
Yu Lu, viceroy of Chili, to investigate this matter at once, and
also to send trusty deputies to make secret investigations. If it
be found that these military officials have indeed been guilty of
encouraging their men to loot and pillage, such guilty officers are
to be summarily executed. There must be no leniency or mercy shown to
such.

Let this our decree be copied out on yellow paper and posted
throughout the country as a warning to people and army, and that all
may know our commands.[4]

[4] Translation, _North China Daily News_.

CHAPTER XVI

The situation in Pekin and the surrounding country was critical. In
the city the Boxers assembled undisturbed in the streets, and official
placards for the protection of foreigners were torn down by the mob the
moment they were put up, while Boxer placards, such as the one here
reproduced, were left on the walls, circulated, and eagerly read by
thousands of people.

+Placard posted in West City, Pekin.+

[_Translation_]:

“In a certain street in Pekin some worshippers of the Ih-hwo-Ch’uan
at midnight suddenly saw a spirit descend in their midst. The spirit
was silent for a long time, and all the congregation fell upon their
knees and prayed. Then a terrible voice was heard saying:

“‘I am none other than the Great Yü Ti [god of the unseen world]
come down in person. Well knowing that you are all of devout mind, I
have just now descended to make known to you that these are times
of trouble in the world, and that it is impossible to set aside the
decrees of fate. Disturbances are to be dreaded from the foreign
devils; everywhere they are starting missions, erecting telegraphs,
and building railways; they do not believe in the sacred doctrine,
and they speak evil of the gods. Their sins are numberless as the
hairs of the head. Therefore am I wroth, and my thunders have pealed
forth. By night and by day have I thought of these things. Should I
command my generals to come down to earth, even they would not have
strength to change the course of fate. For this reason I have given
forth my decree that I shall descend to earth at the head of all the
saints and spirits, and that wherever the Ih-hwo Ch’uan are gathered
together, there shall the gods be in the midst of them. I have also
to make known to all the righteous in the three worlds that they must
be of one mind, and all practise the Ih-hwo-Ch’uan, that so the wrath
of Heaven may be appeased.

“‘So soon as the practice of the Ih-hwo-Ch’uan has been brought to
perfection--wait for three times three or nine times nine, nine times
nine or three times three[5]--then shall the devils meet their doom.
The will of Heaven is that the telegraph wires be first cut, then the
railways torn up, and then shall the foreign devils be decapitated.
In that day shall the hour of their calamities come. The time for
rain to fall is yet afar off, and all on account of the devils.

[5] Meaning obscure.

“‘I hereby make known these commands to all you righteous folk, that
you may strive with one accord to exterminate all foreign devils, and
so turn aside the wrath of Heaven. This shall be accounted unto you
for well doing; and on the day when it is done, the wind and rain
shall be according to your desire.

[Sidenote: A UNANIMOUS APPOINTMENT]

“‘Therefore I expressly command you make this known in every place.’

“This I saw with my own eyes, and therefore I make bold to take my
pen and write what happened. They who believe it shall have merit;
they who do not believe it shall have guilt. The wrath of the spirit
was because of the destruction of the Temple of Yu Ti. He sees that
the men of the Ih-hwo-Ch’uan are devout worshippers and pray to him.

“If my tidings are false, may I be destroyed by the five thunderbolts.

“_4th moon, 1st day_ [_April 29, 1900_].”

Boxer altars had been erected in the streets and in nearly every house.
Drilling of the Ih-hwo-Ch’uan’s members went on even in the houses of
Chinese officials, and young boys in a cataleptic state were exhibited
by Buddhist priests in various parts of the town as a palpable example
of the “white devils’” infamy. Foreigners and native Christians were
threatened and mobbed in the streets. It was unsafe for Europeans to
venture out of their houses.

It was evident that the continuance of communication with the capital
was only a matter of days, possibly only of hours, and the question
now arose who, in case of a relief expedition being sent to the aid
of the Legations, should take command of the International force.
The unanimous appointment to this honoured post of Vice-Admiral Sir
Edward Seymour not only received the approval of Lord Salisbury and
the Admiralty, but was pleasing to the whole British nation. It was
gratifying to see that he had for Chief of Staff a Russian colonel. The
command of the British squadron off Taku, at the mouth of the Pei-ho,
was left to Rear-Admiral Bruce.

In order to avoid unduly depleting the ships of men, Sir Edward
requested, and obtained, that troops from Hong-Kong and Singapore
should be kept at his disposal.

On June 10 the following alarming message was received by the Admiral
from Sir Claude MacDonald:

“Situation extremely grave. Unless arrangements are made for immediate
advance on Pekin, it will be too late.”

A force of all available men was landed at once, and officers of all
nationalities present at Taku co-operated in getting together as many
men as possible to be despatched to the relief of the Legations.

The Chinese Government informed the various Legations in Pekin that
should the force not exceed 1200 men their march to the capital would
not be opposed.

CHAPTER XVII

A meeting of Consuls and Naval Commandants in Tientsin--More
alarming news from the Capital--French and Russian advice--The usual
formalities--Four trains proceed to the Relief of Pekin--Imperial
troops at Yangtsun--The first troubles of the Expedition--Railway
line damaged--Approaching enemy--The first engagement with
Boxers--Great bravery of the fanatics--Reinforcements for the
Allies--At Lanfang--Railway torn up.

On the evening of June 9 a meeting of Consuls and Naval Commandants
was held in the French Consulate at Tientsin, to consider the urgent
request of the Ministers in Pekin for the despatch to that city of a
second contingent of guards.

The British, Italian, Japanese, Austrian, and American leaders agreed
to send all men available as quickly as possible for the purpose of
restoring the railway to the capital, and of releasing the Legations as
soon as the line was in working order.

[Illustration: A RUSSIAN OFFICER]

More alarming news continued to come from Pekin, and the country
between Pekin and Tientsin was reported infested by Boxers. It was
suggested by the Russians and French at this conference that it would
be inadvisable and useless under the circumstances to despatch a
force of less than 1500 men, as the railway had been torn up in many
places. Troops were coming from Port Arthur, and their arrival might
be awaited. Nevertheless, if it were decided to despatch detachments,
both Russia and France, although recognising the inutility of such an
expedition, would gladly take part.

Sir Claude MacDonald’s telegram of the 9th: “Situation extremely grave;
unless arrangements are made for immediate advance to Pekin it will be
too late,” spoke too plainly to allow of any delay, but the haste to
rescue their fellow creatures from danger brought disastrous results to
a brave and noble group of men.

The usual formalities were not done away with even in such a pressing
emergency, and it was stipulated at the Consuls’ meeting that the
Viceroy should be requested to furnish train accommodation for the
detachments to leave on the morning of the 10th. In fact, three trains
started on that date to convey the relief column to Pekin, and they
were composed as follows:

No. 1 train.--Eight carriages, three uncovered trucks, one waggon
with rails and sleepers.

No. 2 train.--Eleven carriages, eleven uncovered trucks, and one
waggon with rails and sleepers. Three carriages were loaded with
stores.

No. 3 train.--Three carriages, eight uncovered trucks, and five
waggons loaded with sleepers.

A fourth and similar train to No. 3 was despatched the following day,
the 11th. The uncovered trucks were directly behind the engine. They
were armoured, and had Hotchkiss machine guns mounted on them.

[Sidenote: CHINESE TROOPS]

The trains left Tientsin at 9.30 +A.M.+ on June 10. The Allied forces
carried on them were: 915 British, 450 Germans, 300 Russians, 158
French, 100 Americans, 52 Japanese, 40 Italians, 25 Austrians. One
hundred coolies were also taken to repair the line where necessary.

The force was under the supreme command of Vice-Admiral Sir Edward
Seymour, who proceeded in the first train with the British contingent.
The Japanese, with Captain Mori, were in train No. 2.

[Illustration: THE YANGTSUN RAILWAY BRIDGE]

The station of Yangtsun, 30 miles from Tientsin, was reached at 1
+P.M.+ the same day, and so far the railway line was in good condition,
nor were any traces of the Boxers or of their destructive work
noticeable. At Yangtsun, near the station, Chinese Imperial troops,
under General Nieh, were encamped, and had mounted four guns commanding
the station platform and railway line. The iron bridge was intact.

No hostile demonstration took place on the part of the Chinese, and
after stopping for water the trains proceeded. There were Chinese
soldiers posted all along the railway line.

Some three and a half miles beyond the Yangtsun bridge the troubles of
the expedition began. The trains came to a dead stop, for the railway
had been badly damaged, the rails torn up, the sleepers burnt, and the
bridges partly destroyed. A halt was consequently called in order to
repair the line, and the night was spent at that place.

Early the next morning the work was commenced, and before noon, with
the materials conveyed in the trucks, the line was patched up enough
for the trains to continue slowly towards the next station of Lappa.

[Illustration:
_SKETCH MAP
+OF+ COUNTRY
TRAVERSED
+BY+ SEYMOUR EXPEDITION_

_Drawn by
A. H. Savage Landor._
]

Late in the afternoon, at about six, the train stopped and the alarm
was given that the enemy was approaching. Major Johnstone and six
marines, followed by Midshipman Davies and ten marines, were marching
some distance ahead of the train along the line to examine its
condition, when a body of Boxers was noticed leaving the village, in
order, apparently, to cut them off from the trains. Retreating in due
haste towards the main body of the force, the small party kept up an
exciting running fight with the enemy. When only a few hundred yards
from the train the bluejackets poured a hot fire from the railway
embankment into the Boxers, and drove them towards the main British
force. The enemy was then exposed to a severe cross fire from the
Maxims and rifles of the _Centurion’s_ men. The marines had alighted
from the trucks to repel the attack of this horde of fanatics, who ran
close under the guns, waving their swords, pitchforks and clubs. As
they actually came within a range of two or three hundred yards, their
red turbans and sashes could plainly be seen, showing that they were
Boxers, and not regular troops. They carried no firearms to speak of,
except old-fashioned matchlocks. Some of the enemy were mounted, but
the majority were on foot, young boys, apparently in a state of
hysterical frenzy, running wildly in front of the mad crowd. Their
number in all was estimated at close upon 1500. They showed astounding
bravery, dashing upon the British and exposing themselves with bare
chests to the bullets of foreign rifles.

[Sidenote: A MAD CROWD]

For an hour the fusillade was kept up--on one side only--with Maxims
and rifles while these fanatics dashed to the attack time after time
with their primitive weapons. They were repulsed, and were believed
to have suffered heavily. According to Sir E. Seymour, thirty-five
were killed, but whether, during the night, they removed their dead
and wounded, or for some other reason, only very few bodies of men and
horses were found the following day on the battlefield. There were no
casualties on the side of the Allies.

The trains, with the Allies, reinforced by two hundred more Russians
and fifty-eight French (arrived on the 11th) and now, altogether 2000
strong, resumed their slow journey the following morning towards
Lanfang, taking every precaution against a sudden attack.

Lanfang was reached at noon without further mishap, but north of this
place the rails had been torn up, badly twisted or destroyed. In places
the rails had been carried away bodily for several hundred yards of
line, and thrown into the river, so that they could not be found.
Reparation of the line was commenced at once, and with alacrity, but
unfortunately a sufficient quantity of rails and sleepers were not at
hand, and it became evident that several days must pass before the
trains could go any further. Three hundred more Russians proceeded to
the assistance of the expedition (June 12), bringing the total number
of men under Sir Edward Seymour to 2300.

CHAPTER XVIII

Head-quarters at Lanfang--Entry of troops into Pekin to
be opposed--Murder of the Chancellor of the Japanese
Legation--Conciliatory visits and orders to slaughter--Customs
buildings wrecked--European graveyard desecrated--A specified
date--Danger of the relief force being cut off--The advisability of
capturing the Taku forts--On June 13--A skirmish of Americans and
Boxers--An attempt to destroy the armoured trains--An Italian picket
cut off--Chinese vitality--Rushing quick-firing guns.

Head-quarters were made at Lanfang for the night, and on the 13th the
railway was found to be so broken up that in the next twenty-four
hours, although there was no fighting, an advance of only three miles
was made by the relieving force. The Boxers were reported in great
numbers two miles ahead of the Allies, and a courier arrived from the
capital reporting that hostile preparations were being made by the
population and Imperial troops, with General Tung-Fu-Hsiang at their
head, to oppose the entry of the foreign troops into the city, and that
Mr. Sogiyama, Chancellor of the Japanese Legation, had been barbarously
murdered by the soldiers of General Tung’s cavalry when on his way to
the station, while European Legation Students had had narrow escapes in
several parts of the Tartar and Chinese city, being obliged to defend
themselves with their revolvers.

[Sidenote: BODIES DISINTERRED]

There was no doubt that the lives of all foreigners in Pekin were
in great danger, notwithstanding the assurances given by the Yamên
that if no more than 1200 men were sent, the Chinese Government would
not oppose their march to Pekin. When these conciliatory visits of
the Yamên Ministers to Sir Claude MacDonald took place (on June 12),
it was already well known by the Chinese all over the country that
the Empress-Dowager had issued orders to the Boxers to destroy the
Legations and murder all foreigners. The British Summer Legation on the
hills some 12 miles from Pekin had already been burned (June 13), and
on that same evening the old Custom-House buildings, the grand stand of
the Race-Course, and various mission schools and residences had been
entered by Boxers, looted, and burnt to the ground, many defenceless
servants of Europeans, converts, and Chinese Christians being
mercilessly massacred. Even the European graveyard was desecrated, the
bodies disinterred, and the tombstones smashed. The date specified for
the destruction of the Legations was June 16.

When this alarming news came from the capital, Sir Edward Seymour and
his plucky force made superhuman efforts to restore rail communication
with the Tartar city as speedily as possible, little knowing that
behind them, in Tientsin itself, the situation was becoming serious.
The force was in imminent danger of being cut off by the Chinese, who
were concentrating their Imperial troops in such great numbers in the
surrounding country of Tientsin and Taku, that the Admirals deemed it
advisable to take immediate possession of the Taku and Tong-ku forts
before a complete and formidable concentration was allowed to take
place.

In America and Europe the Admirals were much blamed for coming to this
conclusion; in fact, they have been even accused of unduly treating the
Chinese without tact or respect. But few people seem to consider that
had the Chinese been able to concentrate a great force of well-armed
men, whom they had ready, at these forts--the key, as it were, of the
Pei-ho river--not only the Legations in Pekin but the large settlement
of Tientsin itself would have been at the absolute mercy of the
Celestials.

On June 13 the relief party was still hard at work on the railroad
beyond Lanfang, half-way to Pekin. A party of Americans had a skirmish
with a hundred Boxers and killed a number of them, while some
British marines of the advance were fiercely attacked six miles from
headquarters by a horde of fanatics armed with knives and waving large
banners. The marines duly repulsed them, killing over one hundred.

On June 14, the Boxers made a most determined attempt to seize and
destroy the armoured trains. It was at about 10 +A.M.+ and some of
the Allies were resting, or washing their clothes, while others were
working on the line. The Boxers managed to conceal themselves until
they were about two hundred yards from the trains, when they sprang out
yelling their war cry, and rushed on the Allies. Our men emptied their
magazines upon them, but still they rushed on with astounding bravery,
fully exposed to the fire of the Allies, careless of their lives, and
waving their swords and knives. A Maxim gun was turned on them when
they were but sixty or seventy yards away and the execution it did
was terrific as its thousands of shots rattled into the solid mass of
human beings rushing on towards the Allies under this murderous fire.
Notwithstanding this bravery--due, no doubt, to the more or less firm
belief in their own invulnerability--when the rows of fanatics behind
trod on the rows of dead and bleeding fallen in front, their courage
failed them, and dropping pitchforks, swords, and matchlocks, they
bolted for dear life.

[Sidenote: CHINESE VITALITY]

[Illustration: LIEUT. SIRIANNI, SUB-LIEUT. PREMOLI AND ITALIAN MARINES
FROM THE “CALABRIA” AND “ELBA” WHO ACCOMPANIED THE SEYMOUR EXPEDITION]

Several chasing parties were sent out to pursue them in all directions,
and to clear the nearest villages of the enemy. Unfortunately, a picket
of Italians was cut off and surrounded by the Chinese, and one petty
officer and four marines were killed. Their bodies were found fearfully
mutilated.

The vitality of the Chinese when wounded by small-bore bullets was
remarkable. Some struck by one or two projectiles would continue
running towards the Maxims, and on examination several dead had no
less than four or five wounds. The bodies of a few of their braver men
were found only forty yards from the position of the Allies, and fully
150 of their men lay dead around the battlefield, victims of their
foolhardy attempts to rush our quick-firing guns.

CHAPTER XIX

A second attack--Report of a scouting party--Matters in Tientsin
reach a crisis--Imperial soldiers destroying the railway line at
Yangtsun--The return of the Expedition--Villages burnt--Germans
capture junks--An attack on the trains by Boxers and Imperial
troops--Enemy well-armed--Casualties of the Allies--Critical
situation for the Relief Expedition--The trains abandoned--On
the march--The enemy attacked and driven away from a strong
position--Attack on a village in possession of Boxers and
soldiers--The British Consul and the Viceroy of Tientsin--Mr. Carles’
telegram--Lord Salisbury’s generous offer.

The same afternoon a second attack, by a force of Boxers estimated at
2000, was made on the Lofa station. They were again repulsed, leaving
50 or 60 dead, while the Allies had no serious casualties. A scouting
party, under Major Johnstone, reported that the railway further up the
line was in a dreadful condition, the rails having been torn up and
carried away for several miles. Furthermore, things in Tientsin were
coming to a crisis. The native city was at the mercy of the Boxers, and
chapels and houses of Christians had been burnt down. The railway, too,
between Tientsin and Lofa was torn up in several places and the bridges
wrecked. Near Yangtsun particularly, where, as we have seen, large
numbers of Imperial soldiers were encamped, the damage to the line was
greatest, and had in all probability been carried out by those very
same soldiers who were sent ostensibly to protect the railway. The work
of destruction had, it is now ascertained, been carried on by direct
order, and under the supervision of Chinese officers.

[Sidenote: FIRING AT RANDOM]

Unable to keep open the communication, running short of ammunition
and provisions, the water of the wells poisoned by corpses of men and
animals thrown into them, and advance being absolutely impossible--to
say nothing of the probability of being cut off--it was decided that,
in the circumstances, it would be wise for the expedition to return to
Tientsin.

Nothing of importance happened on June 15, 16, and 17, the time being
spent in foraging and clearing villages of Boxers. The villages were
burnt down, wherever the attitude of the natives was hostile.

The following day (18th), at Yangtsun, the Germans captured a number
of Imperial junks carrying off railway materials. The trains that were
up at Lanfang were on their way back to Yangtsun, when, shortly before
three in the afternoon, they were attacked by Boxers, who, for the
first time, were supported by some 6000 Imperial troops.

The fight was a very hard one, the Chinese soldiers being armed with
modern Mauser and Mannlicher rifles, with which, however, they merely
fired at random, or the Allies would have suffered more than they
did. The Boxers, too, on this occasion had been armed (evidently by
the Government) with similar rifles of precision, which, fortunately,
they did not know how to use. They all fired too high, evidently
unaccustomed to the use of our sights when elevated, and when they drew
nearer forgot to lower their sights, firing consequently much too high
to inflict serious damage on the Allies. Had the troops, too, been
drilled in as efficient a way as they were armed escape would have
been impossible for the armoured trains of the Allies. The regular
troops, it is true, fired considerably better than the Boxers, but to
the Boxers must be given the credit of bearing the brunt of the battle,
for they were made to advance first. The fighting continued sharp till
5 +P.M.+, when the Chinese retreated in confusion. Their loss was
stated to amount to some 500 killed.

The casualties of the Allies were 6 killed (2 British, 3 Russian, 1
German) and 60 wounded, of whom 30 were British, 20 German, and the
rest Russian.

The situation was getting critical for the Relief Expedition, as it was
impossible to proceed; communication was altogether cut with Tientsin,
and the railway was now destroyed on either side of the force. There
remained but one thing to do, and that was to abandon the trains and
march back to Tientsin along the river bank, conveying provisions by
water. It was not possible to take more than three days’ half-rations.

The morning of the 19th and the greater part of the afternoon were
employed in preparing for the march back, and at 4 +P.M.+ the
British force, with three 9-pounder field guns and several Maxims
and machine-guns, followed by the Austrian and Japanese, also with
field guns, headed the column on the return march. Lieutenants Colomb
and Farie were with the 9-pounder guns, and the _Centurion_ and
_Endymion’s_ contingents had charge of the machine guns.

The march was at first without incident, and the night passed quietly.
The next evening (20th) it was not till towards eight that the Chinese
Imperial troops were signalled as approaching--others, either Boxers or
Regulars, were entrenched in a position commanding the river and in a
village.

[Sidenote: TOO HOT FOR THE ENEMY]

The British 9-pounders and the American 3-inch guns opened a
well-directed fire with shrapnel at close range. It seemed to prove too
hot for the enemy. After a few minutes’ accurate firing their volleys
became wild and careless, and they retired from their trenches and
village, so that an hour later the Allies were able to continue their
march. Sniping caused the Allies some slight casualties.

Another village, reached shortly after ten o’clock, and expected to
be full of Chinese troops, was attacked by the Allies, the French and
Americans occupying the advance, and the British proceeding under
cover of the river bank. The British 9-pounders poured shrapnel into
the village from the first, but it was not till four o’clock in the
afternoon that the enemy retreated, leaving behind a handsome Hotchkiss
1-pounder, with which their gunners had made quite creditable practice.
From under cover they continued firing upon the Allies until these were
well within the village.

From the 14th to the 20th, while these developments were taking
place up the line, Tientsin itself, notwithstanding the promises of
protection given by Chinese officials, was in a sorry plight. It seems
incredible, but is nevertheless true, that, even at this critical
moment, the British Consul in Tientsin had apparently not yet realised
the farce that was being played by the Viceroy of Tientsin and other
Chinese officials. He seemed to have taken seriously all that they
chose to tell him, and even sent to Lord Salisbury the following
telegram, comments on which are not needed:

“Tientsin, June 15. The native city is practically in the hands of the
Boxers and the mob, _who have burnt down the chapels_, and compelled
Chinese officials to get out of their chairs in the streets.

“_The action of the Viceroy has been very correct_ (_sic_).
Communication with the Admiral is cut off. The situation is more
serious than he is aware of. A portion of the Russian troops still
remains in this place.”

It is evident from the Consul’s own words, that if the Russians deemed
it necessary to detain their troops in Tientsin--and we shall see
later what a godsend it was that they did so--there must have been a
reason for it. Russian officials knew better than to report to their
respective Governments in such eulogistic terms of the Viceroy’s
conduct. It will also be interesting in a later chapter to glance at
the documents found after the fall of Tientsin, in the Viceroy’s Yamên,
which do not bear out the British Consul’s information.

[Illustration: THE WRECKED CATHEDRAL, TIENTSIN]

The comedy is completed by Lord Salisbury’s reply to our Consul in
Tientsin:

“You should inform the Viceroy that it is open to him to take refuge on
one of her Majesty’s ships in the event of his considering himself in
danger”!

[Sidenote: MISPLACED CONSIDERATION]

Lord Salisbury, nevertheless, was not the person to blame in the
affair, for he acted on the information of servants of the nation,
whom it was his duty to trust. Indeed, he showed a noble heart and
much thoughtful consideration for the official whom he supposed
pro-foreign--a consideration which could not have been more misplaced.

CHAPTER XX

The anxiety of those in command of the Relief Expedition was not
lessened by the fact that for the last two days constant firing had
been heard in the direction of Tientsin, particularly early in the
morning and in the afternoon.

On June 21, shortly after the Allies had started on the march, the
Imperial troops were seen to convey their guns to the village of
Pei-tsang, which is intersected by the road to Tientsin. Then, at a
quarter-past eight in the morning, a mass of Nieh’s cavalry came into
action, while the Chinese from Pei-tsang began to shell the position
of the Allies. The enemy had apparently measured the range beforehand,
and made very good practice, especially when firing at the junks, which
were easy targets. The Chinese fire was the most severe to which the
expedition had so far been subjected, and the behaviour of all the men
alike, whether British, Russian, Japanese, Italian, French, German or
Austrian, was admirable in every possible way. The 9-pounder guns
were placed in position, and kept up an accurate fire on the enemy. An
advance was made on the village under the rattling fire of the Maxims
from the _Endymion_ and the American 3-inch gun, using shrapnel. The
enemy was driven away, and retired to the next village of Pei-tsang
proper, a short distance off, where the Chinese had made trenches,
which they held with dogged resolution.

[Sidenote: DOGGED RESOLUTION]

[Illustration: DEAD BOXERS AND SOLDIERS]

In the advance, while the Russians and Germans were marching at the
extreme left on the opposite bank of the stream, the Allies were
exposed to a heavy fire. Unhappily the brave Flag-Captain Jellicoe,
of the _Centurion_, was mortally wounded, while Lieut. Bamber, two
midshipmen, and ten men sustained more or less serious injuries. It
took the Allies four hours’ hard fighting to enter the village of
Pei-tsang, the ground having to be conquered inch by inch. The Chinese
were in the meantime heavily shelling the Allies as they passed through
the village, and as, with one or two exceptions, they used smokeless
powder, our gunners could not succeed in placing and silencing the
enemy’s field pieces. When darkness began to set in, the actual
fighting ceased, but firing continued spasmodically from the Chinese
all through the evening.

Hampered by the many wounded, depressed at the news that Tientsin
settlement was hard pressed and unable to despatch help; with
ammunition running short, and the enemy getting more formidable every
hour; tired and hungry, the Allies left camp soon after twelve, under
cover of the night.

June 22.--Matters went fairly well until sunrise, when several volleys
were fired at the expedition by the Chinese from the left bank of the
Pei-ho. This was no doubt an expedient on their part to mask their
actual position, and the Allies, who had been unable to carry on a
successful system of scouting, walked unawares into a trap laid by the
enemy. The advance guard and main body of the expedition marched gaily
into the ambush, and were suddenly confronted by a deadly rifle and
artillery fire from four guns.

Two parties, one of German marines, the other British, crossed the
river almost simultaneously to occupy a position commanding the
Chinese forts, and at half-past six a bayonet charge, led by Major
Johnstone, was made upon the fort which had fired on the Allies. The
marines and their leader showed great pluck in carrying the fort and
seizing five most excellent modern guns, with plenty of ammunition. The
Chinese soldiers, who had fought quite well under cover, fled at the
approach of the marines, and at close range made no kind of stand. With
considerable smartness the British and German marines turned the newly
acquired guns upon the retreating enemy, and inflicted much damage on
them.

[Sidenote: RESOLUTE FIGHTING]

In the Arsenal were found quantities of Mauser and Mannlicher rifles
and Winchester carbines, with masses of ammunition of German, American,
and Chinese manufacture.

An endeavour was made to open the line of communication with Tientsin
by sending a force of 120 marines, under Captains Beyts and Doig,
guided by Currie, the Allies in the meantime holding the forts, which
afforded good protection, and in which there was ample ammunition to
make an effective defence against attack. The small party started in
the morning.

The Chinese, 6000 strong, returned early in the afternoon, and made
a fierce attempt to recapture the position which they had lost in
the morning. They rushed the forts and Arsenal with astounding and
unexpected determination, and poured a heavy shell-fire into the forts
with their artillery--one well-manned gun, in particular, mounted on
the railway line, only a mile off, causing the Allies much discomfort
and some damage.

After two hours’ resolute and really business-like fighting, the
Chinese, who had made several gallant rushes to recapture the forts,
were repulsed, routed, and hotly pursued. The Allies, who killed many,
set on fire the neighbouring villages, which might have afforded
protection to the enemy.

Much comment was, as usual, aroused among critics at home by the
exaggerated report that in this engagement the Allies had killed the
Chinese wounded “wholesale.” Some of the wounded were, in fact,
killed, but only in cases of absolute necessity. For instance, men,
seemingly dead, suddenly rose treacherously to stab officers and men
from behind, and naturally had to be shot in self-defence.

Among the many wounded on the Allied side was the American Captain
McCalla, of the _Newark_. Captain Bucholtz, of the _Kaiserin Augusta_,
was killed.

From sunset to sunrise nothing happened, but with the first rays of
light the Chinese opened a well-directed fire on the forts. Along the
defences of the Allies men were constantly falling. During the night
the party that had started for Tientsin returned, having met with
severe opposition from Boxers and troops in overwhelming numbers.
Captain Beyts, to whose gallantry no sufficient tribute can be paid,
and three men, had been killed, while two others were wounded.

CHAPTER XXI

Two quiet days--Harassing the enemy--A dust storm--Signals
of distress--The use of newly acquired guns--Foreign troops
sighted--The relief force relieved by Colonel Shirinsky--Removing
the wounded--International brotherly feeling--An appalling number
of wounded--Back in Tientsin--What the men thought of Admiral
Seymour--Seymour’s tribute to his men.

June 23 and 24 were two quiet days, which the Allies employed in
fortifying their defences and harassing the enemy by means of
the 4-inch guns and a one-pounder captured in the arsenal, while
the Germans worked the splendid Krupp guns--ex-property of the
Chinese--which had now been mounted on the earthworks of the forts.

An attack on the part of the Chinese was feared, but never came off.
Hardly a shot was fired by the Allies on the 24th, and no Chinese were
seen. The heat was intense, and a dust-storm blew fiercely during the
whole day; thanks, however, to quantities of rice and other provisions
which had been found in the stores of the arsenal, and to the fresh
supply of excellent weapons and ammunition of the latest and most
perfected pattern, the force could now have held out for several days.
One thing only hampered the plucky defenders in the Wuku Arsenal, and
that was the great number of wounded, for whom but scanty medical aid
could be procured. Part of the arsenal, in the most protected spot, had
been cleared to be turned into a hospital, but naturally there were no
beds and no sufficient medicaments; bandages, &c., were sadly wanting,
the demand having been much greater than could at first have been
anticipated.

Partly by signals of distress, consisting of coloured lights at
night, and by means of a messenger who managed to reach Tientsin,
reinforcements were asked for to relieve the distressed expedition.

On June 25, after another reposeful night, the Germans shelled the
enemy’s position with one of the newly acquired 8.7 centimetre guns.
Soon after 7 o’clock, two thousand Chinese were seen to advance along
the line, but did not attempt an attack on the fort. On the contrary,
they seemed to be retreating in good order before an approaching enemy.
In fact, foreign troops were sighted at 7.40, and in the Wuku fort
every heart bounded with joy as the news spread like wildfire that
relief was at hand.

An hour or so later the two forces joined, amid the frantic hurrahs of
relievers and relieved.

The Relief column was commanded by one of the bravest of Russian
officers--every inch a hero--Lieutenant-Colonel Shirinsky, and
consisted of four Russian companies and an equal number of marines and
soldiers of other nationalities, including three companies of Welsh
Fusiliers.

This force, which liberated Seymour and his magnificent men, had
started in the middle of the night on receiving the messages of
distress. They entered the Wuku fort at 9.30 +A.M.+

The day was taken up in removing the wounded across the Pei-ho,
disabling the guns that could not be carried away, smashing rifles,
and destroying by fire the several buildings in the fort, with the
stores and ammunition therein accumulated.

[Sidenote: APPALLING CASUALTIES]

It was deemed advisable to camp on the opposite bank of the stream, and
proceed to Tientsin early the next morning. The evening, comparatively
speaking, was a joyous one, and soldiers and sailors of all nations
chummed together in a most friendly way. If such brotherly feelings
could be maintained between soldiers of the various great Powers, the
long-wished-for ideal--the peace of the world--would doubtless be
assured for ever.

The combined force, conveying the wounded, moved at sunrise of the 26th
towards Tientsin, where they arrived the same morning before noon.
Sir Edward Seymour and his brave men, whose fate had caused no small
anxiety to the foreign residents, were, as well as their liberators,
frantically greeted on entering the Tientsin settlement in safety;
but the enthusiasm changed into gloom and sadness at the sight of the
appalling number of wounded--238 in all--who were being carried into
the town.

Yes, indeed, the casualties had been enormous. Here is an accurate list:

Killed: British, 27; American, 4; French, 1; German, 12; Italian, 5;
Japanese, 2; Austrian, 1; Russian, 10.

Wounded: British, 97; American, 25; French, 10; German, 62; Italian,
3; Japanese, 3; Austrian, 1; Russian, 27; or in all 62 killed and 238
wounded.

I asked several officers and men of all nations, who were with Seymour,
what was their opinion of the Commander-in-Chief on that unfortunate
expedition. I never found one man who was not proud to have served
under him. Whether Russian, French, Italian, German, or British, they
all spoke with admiration and almost veneration of the Admiral, whose
courage, astounding coolness in moments of danger, perspicacity, and
kindly manner towards his subordinates, made him esteemed and revered
by one and all alike who had the privilege of serving and fighting
under him. From first to last he enjoyed the absolute confidence of all
his officers and men. No better compliment could be paid him.

On the other hand, the following note which he wrote to the men of the
ill-fated expedition shows his personal feelings towards them:--

“+Tientsin+, _July 3, 1900_.

“I desire to express to the officers, seamen, and marines comprising
the late expeditionary force towards Pekin my high sense of
satisfaction with their general conduct therein, during a time which
comprised much discomfort, hard work, and want of food and water,
with little rest and decided anxiety, in addition to the dangers of
war.

“The above were encountered with a zeal, patience, courage, and
cheerfulness worthy of the noble service to which we belong. Similar
trials may be before us, but will, I know, be borne as the above were.

“At the same time I wish to express to the officers and men lately
employed in the defence of Tientsin, and to those engaged in the
operations about Taku, including the capture of those forts, my
thorough satisfaction with all concerned.

“The defence of Tientsin has been carried out with much risk and
fatigue, constantly harassing those employed, but met with the true
naval spirit.

“The capture of the Taku forts was a brilliant affair, well planned
and well carried out; success, as not unusually, crowned very
gallant and daring efforts. I congratulate all concerned therein.

[Sidenote: ZEAL, PATIENCE AND COURAGE]

“It is my pleasing duty, and that of the Rear-Admiral in my absence,
to convey the above to their lordships at the Admiralty, and it will
be known generally in England.

“To me, personally, the fine conduct of those belonging to the
British China Squadron is a matter of special pride and pleasure, and
I have no misgivings but that, whatever is before us, we shall if
possible do better rather than otherwise, and uphold the traditions
of the British navy.

“+E. H. Seymour+,
Vice-Admiral.”

CHAPTER XXII

Developments at Taku and Tientsin--A strong Chinese force advancing
on Taku--A council of Admirals convened on board the _Rossia_--Mines
and torpedoes laid at the mouth of the Pei-ho--A defensive
attitude to be adopted by the Allies--The Taku forts the key of
the position--Japanese to guard the railway station--A second
council on the _Rossia_--Prince Tuan--Chinese friendliness regarded
with distrust by naval commanders--Remonstrances--The Governor of
Chili commanded to hand over the Taku and Tongku forts--Chinese
refusal--Plans for an attack--Big ships of the Allies--Gunboats
up-stream--Mines laid across the bar--The U.S.S. _Monocacy_.

While the Seymour expedition was being checked up country in their
attempt to reach Pekin, other important developments were taking place,
both at the mouth of the river Pei-ho and in Tientsin.

A force of Chinese Imperial troops, about 2000 strong, was advancing
on the Taku forts, and it was reported that Imperial troops were
concentrating in the neighbourhood of this stronghold of the Chinese,
evidently with the object of offering a stout resistance to the landing
of any more Europeans--a resistance which, if successful, would place
foreigners in Pekin and Tientsin in a very precarious position. In
view of the serious events of the murder of the Japanese Chancellor
of Legation, and of the appointment of Prince Tuan, the leader of
the Boxers, as Commander-in-chief of the Chinese troops in China, and
of three other Manchus, equally strong in their anti-foreign views as
Ministers of the Yamên, a council was convened (on June 15) by the
Senior Naval Officer, Vice-Admiral Hildebrant, on board the first-class
cruiser _Rossia_, to consider the situation.

[Sidenote: THE KEY OF THE PEI-HO]

Evidence was produced at this council, not only that the Chinese were
preparing for a hostile demonstration towards the Allies, but also that
they were already attempting to destroy the railway between Tientsin
and Taku, and had been observed to lay torpedoes and mines at the mouth
of the Pei-ho. It was resolved that in order to preserve communication
with Tientsin, prompt steps must be taken to safeguard the railway and
to protect Europeans in the settlement. It was further resolved that a
strictly defensive attitude must be adopted by the Allies in carrying
out the above resolution, and that they should refrain to the last from
taking the offensive, unless absolutely compelled to do so by an attack
on the part of the Chinese, in which contingency an endeavour would be
made to seize the forts, and render the enemy incapable of inflicting
any damage upon our ships.

The Taku forts were the key of the position, if hostilities should
break out in North China.

It was also decided that 300 Japanese marines should be at once
conveyed to Tong-ku, to guard the railway station.

Matters were getting worse every moment, and another council on board
the _Rossia_ was summoned the following morning (the 16th) at eleven
o’clock. It was fully demonstrated that, as far as words went, the
Chinese Government gave ample assurance that order and law should
be maintained in the country, and the lives of foreigners and their
property protected; but that when it came to facts foreigners were
murdered in various parts of the country and their houses looted and
burned. Even foreign officials in the capital itself were actually
assassinated by soldiers of the Imperial army, while chapels, churches,
mission-houses, and the property of Europeans had been or were in
danger of being destroyed, even in Tientsin.

[Illustration: THE TAKU SOUTH FORTS]

The Chinese Government had nominally raised no objection to the
co-operation of foreign Powers in suppressing the Boxer movement,
but, practically, every help and assistance in the shape of arms,
ammunition, food, and clothes were given to the supposed rebels.

The very fact that the principal supporter of the Boxers, Prince Tuan,
and three other anti-foreign Manchus, had now been placed at the head
of affairs was significant enough, and quite justified the distrust
with which the Naval Commanders regarded the ostensibly friendly
dealings of the Chinese.

[Sidenote: AN ATTACK PLANNED]

No doubt upon this point could be left in the minds of the Allies
when Imperial soldiers were observed laying torpedoes to obstruct
the mouth of the river. Remonstrances were made, with no result. No
alternative was left to the Admirals but to request the Governor of
Chili and General Lo Yung Kwang, who commanded the Taku and Tong-ku
forts, to hand over the stronghold to the Allies. Owing to the warlike
preparations of the Chinese, only a limited time was allowed the
Chinese General to evacuate the forts, and he was warned that, failing
his compliance with their request by 2 +A.M.+ the next day (the 17th),
the Allies would make a combined attack on his position.

Some officers, accompanied by a skilful interpreter, called on the
Chinese General and fully explained to him how matters stood, but the
Chinese held fast and refused to evacuate the forts. In the meantime
thousands of soldiers coming from Shan-hai Kuan were seen entering the
forts.

A council was held on board the Russian gunboat _Bobr_, at which the
plans for an attack on the forts were carefully studied, and that same
afternoon (the 16th), at three o’clock parties from the various ships
were landed, in order to storm the forts from the land if necessary.

There were 350 British bluejackets and marines under Commander Cradock,
of the _Alacrity_; 150 Russian soldiers of the _Siberian_ and _Orient_
Regiments; 130 German sailors, commanded by Captain Pohl; 50 Austrian
sailors; 25 Italian sailors, commanded by Lieutenant Tanca; and 230
Japanese sailors, led by Captain Hattori.

The big ships of the Allies were some miles outside the Taku bar,
while H.M.S. _Algerine_, _Fame_, and _Whiting_ (the _Algerine_ flying
the Admiral’s flag), had previously proceeded up the river and taken up
a position off the North fort.

The two Russian gunboats, _Bobr_ and _Giliak_, were near the dockyard
in the bend of the river, and the German gunboat, _Iltis_, the French
gunboat, _Lion_, and a Japanese gunboat were at Tong-ku.

[Illustration: THE ALLIED FLEETS OUTSIDE THE TAKU BAR]

These six gunboats had gone up-stream and had landed a party of
Russians and Germans on the south bank of the river, while a party of
British and Japanese had been landed on the opposite bank. Four Chinese
torpedo-destroyers (built in Germany) were lying alongside the Taku
government dockyard.

All these gunboats had steamed up the river in the morning and
afternoon of the 16th, a curious incident taking place before they were
despatched to their destination.

A number of junks came from the Taku fort and unconcernedly laid mines
across the bar. The _Whiting_ (a twin screw torpedo-destroyer of 360
tons), in fact, in getting over the bar, touched one of these mines,
which, however, did not explode.

[Sidenote: QUITE SAFE]

There was no disguising the fact that the Chinese were preparing for
a fight, so at 6 in the afternoon the residents and refugees in Taku
and Tong-ku received orders that within one hour they must embark for
safety on the U.S.S. _Monocacy_. She was lying, well sheltered, near
the coal-heaps of the railway wharf, and probably the forts would
be bombarded during the night. The position of this old, rickety,
paddle-wheel, wooden American gunboat was considered quite safe, and
she could not be struck, in a direct line, from any of the Chinese
positions--at least, so everybody believed.

CHAPTER XXIII

Shifting the moorings--The _Koreetz_ suffers heavily--Commander
Wise--A position of absolute safety--The _Whiting_ and _Fame_
capture four Chinese torpedo-destroyers and convey them to Tongku--A
5-inch shell--Gunboats fare badly--The United States at peace with
China--Admiral Kempff refuses to join in the attack of forts--A
strange coincidence.

After dark, the several gunboats up river, except the Russian, took the
precaution of shifting their moorings. At 10 +P.M.+ the _Algerine_,
_Fame_, and _Whiting_ steamed up the river to just below the Russian
gunboat. This was fortunate, for at a quarter to 1 +A.M.+ of the 17th,
the forts having during the day carefully trained their guns on the
gunboats up river, opened a terrific fire on their presumed positions,
the only boat suffering heavily being the Russian _Koreetz_, which
had disregarded the precaution taken by the others. She received the
full fire of one of the Chinese batteries at a range of 400 yards,
and in the bombardment her crew lost sixteen killed--including four
officers--and forty-five wounded.

On the bridge of the _Monocacy_ stood her Commander, Wise, cheering
and encouraging the women and children swarming the decks, and who
all the same felt some apprehension at the hissing and bursting of
shells--fortunately high over head. He and his officers reassured the
refugees and convinced them that the ship lay in a position of absolute
safety, when, much to everybody’s surprise, and for some unaccountable
reason, she was hit by a shell that cut right through her bows.

[Sidenote: TORPEDO DESTROYERS CAPTURED]

The _Whiting_ and _Fame_, at the beginning of the engagement, steamed
down to the Taku dockyard, each towing down a whaler with ten men.
The French _Lion_ and the German _Iltis_ also went down the river to
support the other gunboats and the _Algerine_. The _Whiting_ and _Fame_
did very smart work, and captured the four Chinese torpedo-destroyers.
The Chinese crews made a weak-hearted sort of defence, firing a few
pistol and rifle shots while bolting on to the wharf and running
for their lives. Once under cover in the dockyard, and supported by
soldiers, they opened a rapid fire on the British crews of conquering
and conquered vessels. A few shots from the destroyer’s guns put a stop
to the annoyance.

[Illustration: COMMANDER WISE, U.S.S. “MONOCACY”]

The _Whiting_ and _Fame_ conveyed the captured destroyers to Tong-ku,
and it was there that the _Whiting_ was badly hit by a 5-inch shell,
which penetrated her coal-bunker and did considerable damage to
No. 4 boiler and tubes. The damage, nevertheless, did not prevent
her steaming up river, to shell the forts, and protect with her
quick-firing guns--of which she had six--a steamer with provisions
bound for Tientsin.

The other gunboats of the Allies also fared badly. The _Iltis_ was
struck by eight shells. Her Commander, Lanz, lost one leg. One officer
and six men were killed, nine wounded. The _Lion_ was struck once and
set on fire. She had one man killed and forty-six wounded. The _Giliak_
was hit four times, once below the water-mark, and had to be run
aground; eight men were killed, including two officers, and forty-six
wounded. The _Koreetz_ received five shells, one of which set her on
fire, and had five killed and twenty-one wounded. The _Bobr_ had one
man wounded. The Japanese _Atago_ did not take part in the fighting
as she was laden with ammunition and provision for the Allies, while
the _Kagero_, also flying the flag with the Rising Sun, steamed round
(outside the bar) and kept a sharp watch upon the Chinese second-class
cruiser _Hai-yuen_, flying the Admiral’s flag. The Chinese cruiser,
however, showed no inclination nor desire to participate in the
hostilities. She was detained by the Allies.

The U.S.S. _Monocacy_ took no part in the fighting, nor did the
Americans take any active part in the attack on the forts. Rear-Admiral
Kempff, of the U.S. Navy, informed Rear-Admiral Bruce that he was not
authorised to initiate any act of war with a country with whom his
country was at peace; both by regulations and under recent instructions
from both the department and from the Commander-in-Chief of the U.S.
Naval force on the Asiatic station, he was confined to protecting
American interests.

[Illustration: THE OPERATIONS OF THE ALLIES AT TAKU]

Consulted by officers of the Allies regarding the decision to hold the
railway station at Tong-ku (in order to keep open the communication
with Tientsin), in case any Chinese Government force acted against
the force of any foreign nation, so that all should be involved and
act unitedly; Admiral Kempff refused to agree to it without special
authority, as the railway was under Chinese Government control. The
Admiral would therefore not join in the attack on the forts. Commander
Wise, of the _Monocacy_, had orders to protect American interests,
based upon department orders, but he was to consider any attack by the
Chinese Government forces as a declaration of war, and act accordingly.

[Sidenote: AMERICA AND CHINA]

[Illustration: A CAPTURED CHINESE DESTROYER]

Although Commander Wise attended the council meeting on the 16th, on
the _Bobr_, he did not sign the protocol and ultimatum to the Chinese
Commandant of the forts and to the Viceroy of Tientsin, therefore the
_Monocacy_ was left out of the plans and places for vessels of the
attacking forces.

Curiously enough, although well out of the line of fire, between the
forts and attacking vessels, the American ship was almost the first
to be hit by a Chinese shell! Commander Wise, in his official report,
attributes the passing of shells near him, or bursting about or beyond,
to “wild firing by the forts.” Possibly the _Monocacy_ was hit for the
same reason.

CHAPTER XXIV

A fierce cannonade--The range--Chinese magazine blown up--The
storming party--Advance in parallel columns--Skirmishing
order--Smartness of the Japanese--The gallant Captain Hattori
killed--A pathetic incident--The first to enter--The north-west
fort--The capture of the north fort--The British flag first--The
South Forts holding out--Every fort in the hands of the Allies--The
Russian flag--The humours of war.

A fierce cannonade was kept up on both sides, the gunboats having moved
during the bombardment to the bend of the river, which was considered
the best position from which to shell the forts. The ranges at which
the gunboats fired were from four hundred yards to two and a half
miles, according to the positions occupied during the bombardment. The
firing continued without intermission till half-past four, when there
was a terrific explosion, by which even the most distant of the ships
was shaken and sent rattling. A shell had blown up one of the Chinese
magazines.

It had been pre-arranged that shortly before daybreak the storming
party was to meet on the river bank opposite the _Algerine_ at the last
bend of the river. A further number of men were landed from several
ships, and at dawn the force was ready and comprised 200 Russians and
Austrians, forming the advance, 380 British and Italians, the main
body, and 300 Japanese the reserve and support in the rear.

[Sidenote: PLUCKY JAPANESE]

The advance was in the first instance begun in parallel columns,
but the Chinese fire was well directed, and so hot, that it became
impracticable to proceed in that formation. Skirmishing order was then
adopted.

Towards dawn the guns of the North-West Fort were sufficiently silenced
to permit the approach of a storming party. The British and Italians
fought side by side, leading the attack, and supported by contingents
from other nations; but it appears that this advance was somewhat
impeded by the heavy ground.

The Russians, who were under the heavy fire of the Chinese, progressed
slowly. The Japanese, occupying the rear, now came up with two field
pieces, and joined in the final charge, Captain Hattori leading his
men with remarkable bravery. Indeed, the little fellows were now at
the head of the attacking force, having come up by the road giving
access to the fort instead of by the swampy ground. The Chinese were
still holding on with great tenacity, and keeping up a heavy fusillade.
A bayonet charge was necessary to drive them out of their position.
Captain Hattori, at the head of his men, rushed the fort, followed
by the British and Italians. Captain Hattori himself, a most gallant
officer, was shot dead when only a few yards from the parapet; but
Lieutenant Shiraishi, a young man of equal pluck and determination,
took immediate command, and led the men on.

The Chinese were driven off. A pathetic incident took place. A Japanese
sailor had climbed to the top of a flagstaff to put up the flag of the
Rising Sun, when, unluckily, a Chinese bullet brought him down and
killed him. Had it not been for this mishap, the Japanese flag would
have been the first to fly on the fort; as it was, the British was
hoisted immediately by the single halyard of the flagstaff.

There can be no doubt, however, that the Japanese, immediately followed
by the British and Italians, were the first to enter the fort, and
sufficient praise cannot be given them for their bravery and military
skill.

The North-West Fort was now used by the Allies against the North and
South Forts, the Japanese remaining in charge of it, while the British
and Italians, under heavy shell fire, proceeded to capture the North
Fort. The Germans took part in this attack, and occupied the right of
the advance, while the British, Italians, and Austrians were on the
left, the British leading. The two parties charged simultaneously, and
carried the fort. The British flag was hoisted first.

There now remained the forts on the south side of the river, which
were still holding out with determination, and the most northern of
these South Forts, directly at the mouth of the river, was the next
point of attack. The captured Chinese guns in the North Fort (on the
north side of the river) were immediately trained by the British and
Austrians on the Chinese position opposite. The shelling from this
fort, combined with that of the gunboats in the river, seemed to have
a discouraging effect on the Chinese officers and soldiers, who had
so far manned their guns with extraordinary ability and coolness.
In the forts already in possession of the Allies a great number of
Chinese soldiers had been found killed round the guns, others having
evidently immediately taken the places of such gunners as were killed.
The well-directed shells of the gunboats did great execution upon the
garrisons--armless, legless, and headless bodies being found everywhere
in the forts. Under such appalling fire from the Allies, there remained
nothing for the Chinese to do but run. Their big guns were soon
silenced by those of the British, Germans, and Japanese.

[Sidenote: CHINA’S STRONGHOLD]

At the appointed time the gunboats came up to ferry the various
attacking contingents across the Pei-ho. Unfortunately, the Germans
stuck in mid-stream, but the British and Italians crossed over and
charged the forts, the British marines leading. A gun was worked upon
the retreating enemy, who were now utterly demoralised.

[Illustration: TONG KU NATIVE TOWN]

The flag of Great Britain, with that of Italy, flew gaily over these
forts too, and by 6.30 +A.M.+ the stronghold of China, “the impregnable
Taku forts,” was in the hands of the Allies, after a fight of five
hours and three-quarters.

When the forts had all been captured it was decided that, to avoid
confusion, the Japanese should hold the North Fort by themselves, while
the British and Italians should occupy the North-West Fort, and the
Russians and Germans the extensive South Forts. The Russian flag was
flying with the German on the South Forts, and in the Navy Yard and
Docks.

War is not without its humorous side. A party of Russians and Germans
had landed on the south side on a reconnaissance. The Germans, on
foot, were left to guard a bridge, while the Russians, on horseback,
continued their reconnoitring expedition. The Germans waited for some
hours, faithfully holding the bridge, but, not perceiving the Russians,
concluded that they were not coming back, so duly proceeded to blow up
the bridge previous to retiring.

During the night, the Russians, overwhelmed by a superior force of
Chinese, fell back on the bridge--or rather on its absence--and had to
swim with their horses across the stream under the pelting bullets of
the Chinese.

“Why the deuce did you destroy the bridge?” was the angry query put by
the Russian to the German officer when he next met him.

“Why not?” calmly replied the German. “I thought that you Russians all
knew how to swim.”

“And how to swear too!” retorted the witty Russian.

It all ended in a hearty laugh, and no one seemed any the worse for a
good ducking.

The Russian casualties during the attack were probably heavier than
those of any other nation--eighteen killed and forty wounded. The
Japanese reported five killed and four wounded, out of a contingent of
one hundred men more than the Russians. Captain Hattori, as we have
seen, was among the slain.

The British had only a few men slightly wounded.

The Allies lost that night forty-six killed in all--six of whom were
officers--and had one hundred and seventy wounded.

[Illustration: THE U.S.S. _MONOCACY_ AND THE COAL HEAPS, TONG-KU]

CHAPTER XXV

Captain Stewart of the _Algerine_--Lieutenant-Commanders McKenzie
and Keyes--Commander Lanz of the _Iltis_--German shells for German
ships--Excellent practice of Chinese gunners--Inside the forts--A
characteristic letter--The journey by water from Taku to Tientsin--At
Tong-ku--Cossacks--Columns of black smoke.

The behaviour of Captain Stewart, of the _Algerine_, and
Lieutenant-Commanders McKenzie and Keyes, all three of the British
Navy, was magnificent, and elicited admiration from all sides.

Commander Lanz, too, of the German gunboat _Iltis_, behaved heroically
at the attack, receiving a severe wound in the leg, and twenty-five
other small wounds from splinters of shell and wood. The _Iltis_
herself, a gunboat of 900 tons, was hit by seventeen shells and one
shrapnel. It was evident, from the number of shots which struck her
funnel, that the Chinese were striving hard to send a shell through her
boilers. This they also tried to do with other gunboats, as we have
seen in the case of the _Whiting_. Curiously enough, according to an
interview with Captain Lanz, published in Japan, it appears that all
the shells that hit the _Iltis_ had been made in Germany, and were
fired from Krupp guns, of course of German manufacture.

The Chinese soldiers made excellent practice with their guns,
especially at the beginning of the fight, and their rifle fire was
also accurate, until the Allies got to close quarters. Possibly they
had previously measured the distances along the river, a course which
greatly helped them in obtaining the accurate range.

The outward appearance of the forts was not much changed by the
battle, for the effect of the shells on the earthworks could not be
distinguished except on close inspection. On entering the forts,
the case was somewhat different; the various buildings, sheds,
cannon--everything was wrecked and smashed, and every place was filled
by the mutilated bodies of men and horses, gashed in a fearful manner.
Rifles, spears, swords and drums, and thousands of cartridges, full and
empty, lay about on the ground. The dead bodies were invariably found
thickest near the big guns.

The effect of the shelling from the gunboats was appalling. Although
the forts fell in a few hours, the officers present in the fight were
unanimous in their praise of the unexpected way in which the Chinese
had defended themselves.

It is only fair to publish part of the official report written by
Commander Wise, of the _Monocacy_, to the United States Admiral Kempff.

The letter is perhaps somewhat vague in its construction, and
thoroughly characteristic in its American save-time style. It is
pleasant to notice that, whatever the orders from their Government in
the matter of co-operating in the engagement at Taku, the feelings of
the United States officers themselves on the gunboat did not differ
from those of all the other officers of the Allies.

[Sidenote: COMMANDER WISE’S LETTER]

“I was able to render the following assistance:

“First. A party of thirty-seven ladies and children, refugees from
the mission at Taku, who had fled hurriedly on the notification of
the bombardment. They came aboard last night at 9 +P.M.+, and are
still with me.

“Secondly. Also came two officers of H.M.S. _Barfleur_, who had come
down from Tientsin too late to get any English ship.

“Thirdly. As I was coming down river at 6 +A.M.+, an English
torpedo-boat towing a Chinese boat prize. I had not a small boat
to make a landing, so I sent the launch to run her line ashore,
for which thanks have been returned. I have taken on board and had
surgical attendance for the following: a Japanese soldier, with a
gunshot wound; a Chinese coolie, found close to the ship with arm
torn off by fragment of shell; a Russian soldier, with wound in the
hand.

“This place is deserted by every one; no trains, no telegraphic
communication on shore; but I had a ’phone from Mr. Pottengill, who
reports all quiet since first disturbance. I know nothing of the
fight, except that the forts were taken. I feel a natural regret,
shared no doubt by the officers, that duty and orders prevented the
old _Monocacy_ from giving her ancient smooth-bores a last chance.

“Very respectfully,

“+F. M. Wise+,

“Commander U.S. Navy, commanding.

“To the Second in Command,
U.S. Naval Forces on Asiatic Station.”

The journey by water from Taku to Tientsin was safe enough, except
that the people along the banks were continually sniping at the tugs,
and that on nearing Tientsin occasional shells burst on board. On one
occasion a shell burst in the stomach of a poor bluejacket, who was
peacefully talking to a friend, with the result that, when the smoke
vanished, there was not much left of the stomach nor of the friend.

The steam tugs plying between the two places were furnished with a
Maxim or a Colt automatic gun, which was freely used on the Chinamen
when any came in sight.

The trip up the Pei-ho was at no time a pleasant one between the
uninteresting, flat, muddy banks, of something in colour between a
ghastly raw sienna and a dirty grey. To the lack of beauty in the
scenery was now added the profusion of dead bodies, swollen to double
their normal proportions, and in a state of advanced decomposition,
which were floating down the river or had stuck in the mud close to the
banks. Dogs were tearing away at them, fighting among themselves over
the human meal. It was not a pretty sight, and made some people quite
sick.

At Tong-ku itself, the Pei-ho was alive with craft of all
kinds--gunboats, torpedo-boats, tugs, confiscated lighters and
junks--while the banks of the river swarmed with soldiers and sailors
of all nations. The Japanese, the British and Americans presented a
very smart and business-like appearance, the little fellows of Nippon
being fitted out in the most perfect manner. The Russians had landed in
great numbers. One could not help being struck at first sight by the
excellent condition of these extraordinarily sturdy men. Both officers
and men impressed one as being fellows with whom it would be preferable
to be at peace rather than at war, but in good manners and politeness,
too, they were second to none.

All the way up to Tientsin one saw squads of Cossacks riding their
ponies with characteristic long-stirruped saddles, and they seemed to
take special delight in setting villages on fire, especially when the
Chinese deserved it, as in one particular case which came under my
observation.

[Sidenote: DESOLATION]

The Chinese, who were being kindly treated, were cowardly enough
to murder two Russian officers who were purchasing food from them,
and whose bodies they afterwards mutilated. A party of Cossacks was
sent out at once to raze the village to the ground, a proceeding
which cannot fairly be blamed. The Russian knows only too well that
diplomatic representations to the Chinese are mere nonsense, as indeed
is the case with regard to almost all Asiatics. Force and fear are the
only things that count.

As we steamed up the river, high columns of black smoke rose
everywhere, on the right bank of the stream especially, whole villages
flaring up, set in flames by the Chinese or the Allies. It was a sight
of heartbreaking desolation, yet it was nothing to the spectacle that
lay before us when we reached Tientsin settlement.

What a sight! Houses destroyed by fire, others still burning, others
again in ruins. Walls and roofs pierced by shells; doors and windows
shattered; every street along the Bund and the Bund itself barricaded
with sand-bags, bales of cotton and wool, and furniture piled up high
to serve as cover.

There was no Chinese coolie to help one on with one’s luggage on
landing, and the new-comers, while struggling to land their heavy
baggage, had the additional excitement of being sniped at by Chinese
from the other side of the stream. I do not think the Chinese were ever
known to hit anybody in the course of this particular amusement of
theirs.

CHAPTER XXVI

The walled native city and the foreign concessions--The railway
station--The mud wall or “Sankolin’s Folly”--Detring and Dickinson’s
house’s and the racecourse--The North Fort--The East Arsenal and
the Military College--Mounds of salt--The Viceroy’s Yamên--The
West Arsenal--The Hsiku “or Siku” Arsenal--Landmarks--The Gordon
Hall--The arrival of Russians--A failed attempt to communicate with
Seymour--The native city in the hands of Boxers--A threatening moment.

Let us see now what took place in Tientsin at the same period.

A short description of the place, and of the position of its various
parts which will be referred to in the narrative, may help the reader
to understand what occurred.

The walled native city was of a rectangular shape, the sides of the
rectangle running respectively from north to south and east to west.
The Foreign Settlements and Concessions were about two miles south-east
of the native city, and consisted of a large French Concession along
the south bank of the Pei-ho River, with the British Settlement
south-east of it, still along the west of the river, and the Extra
British Concession south of the French Settlement.

[Illustration:
_SKETCH MAP
OF
TIENTSIN._

_By A. Henry Savage Landor._
]

To the east and north, on the opposite side of the stream, were a
number of native houses and some large and important buildings.
Principal of all was the Railway Station, with its commodious
engine-house and workshops.

[Sidenote: SANKOLIN’S FOLLY]

The German Settlement adjoined the British.

There was an almost continuous succession of native houses between the
native city and the Foreign Settlements, especially on the south-east
and nearer the river; while on the west there was much open ground and
large patches of water, even within the famous mud wall, or Sankolin’s
Folly, which in an irregular fashion surrounded the native city, all
the Settlements, the Railway Station, the North Fort, and also a long
stretch of the Pei-ho River, with the Grand Canal stretching west and
the Lutai Canal to the east of the Pei-ho.

This mud wall, about 10 feet high, 10 feet broad on the top, and 30 at
the base, was built by the Chinese to protect the city and Settlements
during the time of the Tae-ping rebellion. As will be seen by the
adjoining sketch-map, the mud wall at its nearest point was only a
few yards from the Settlements, and on that side extended almost
in a straight line, the direction of which was roughly north-west.
The American Consulate, almost the last house in the Extra British
Concession, was situated only about 350 yards from the wall, where the
naval guns were subsequently mounted for the defence of the Settlement.

Messrs. Detring and Dickinson’s houses, as well as the Racecourse
itself--which will often be mentioned at the beginning of the
siege--were outside the mud wall.

The North Fort, built by Li-hung-chang, was outside the native city, on
the north bank of the Pei-ho, near its junction with the Grand Canal,
and the next fort still further north, at the point where the Pei-ho
feeds the Lutai Canal. The East Arsenal was two miles outside the mud
wall, and the Military College was also immediately beyond the wall,
to the south of the Foreign Settlements.

One of the most curious features of Tientsin was furnished by the huge
mounds of salt along the water, which were under the control of the
Salt Commissioner, and were used with much success by the Chinese as
cover.

Near the North Fort, directly outside the city, but separated from it
by the canal, was the Viceroy’s Yamên, reached by a quaint bridge, like
those familiar to us on china plates.

The West Arsenal, or Joss-House Arsenal, lay west of the Settlement,
and due south of the native city. Between the Arsenal and the city were
a great number of Chinese graves and earth mounds, of which the Chinese
took advantage, digging trenches in addition for further protection;
and the extensive graveyards north of the Railway Station, on the
opposite side of the stream, were used by them in the same way.

The Hsiku Arsenal, partly destroyed, as we have seen, by Admiral
Seymour, was north of the city, and some distance outside Sankolin’s
Wall.

To the south and west of the Settlement were large tracts of
comparatively open country. I say comparatively, for there were Chinese
houses scattered here and there, and a few miserable villages, which
afforded good shelter.

The gasometer, the Water-Tower, and the Cathedral were landmarks to the
visitor in Tientsin, as well as to the Chinese artillerymen; and in
the Settlement itself, on the Victoria Road, one could not help being
impressed with the massiveness--if not the beauty--of the Gordon Hall,
erected in memory of the great and beloved General. It was the tallest
building in Tientsin, and, like the gasometer and the church, made, as
we shall see, a capital target for the Chinese guns.

[Sidenote: AN ATTEMPT THAT FAILED]

The streets in the British Settlement ran at right angles across the
Victoria Road, the course of which was parallel to the Bund along the
Pei-ho.

Let us now go back a few days, to see what took place in Tientsin while
the Seymour Relief Expedition was fighting up country, and the Taku
Forts were being captured by the combined forces of the Allies.

[Illustration: THE TIENTSIN SETTLEMENT]

On June 11, 12, and 13, everything was quiet enough in Tientsin.
The tug _Pennace_ arrived with two Maxims, and on the 14th a guard
with these two guns was placed on Temperance Hall. Seventeen hundred
Russians with field guns came up by train the same day, and a patrol
train was run to Tongku and back by the Russians to safeguard the
railway line.

An attempt, which failed, was made to communicate with Admiral Seymour,
and great concern was felt at the serious turn matters were taking.
A rumour was current in Tientsin that the Empress had ordered the
Legations in Pekin to be burned on the 16th, and the inmates to be
massacred.

It was not, however, till Friday, the 15th, that things became lively.
The native city was practically in the hands of the Boxers, who were
destroying chapels and killing Christians, while the Government was
causing additional alarm by concentrating large numbers of Imperial
troops near Tientsin and Taku.

The Russians, who were to join Seymour, were requested, since the
moment was so threatening, to remain in Tientsin to protect the
Settlement. It was lucky that they did so.

CHAPTER XXVII

An interesting letter--Mormon habits--Chinese prophecies--Proffered
hospitality declined--An armed train to proceed to Yangtsun--Shelling
of the Settlement by the Chinese--The enemy repulsed--Attack on the
Military College--A gratifying despatch.

At 3.30 +A.M.+ the alarm was given, and what happened afterwards is
told in the quaint and interesting letter here appended, written by a
Chinaman who had apparently been educated in Europe or America. His
education had evidently not included the suppression of Mormon customs.

The letter was found lying on the floor of a deserted house, and had
not been posted:

+Tientsin+, May 20 (Chinese).

“+My dear Wife+,

“If you were here last night you would have been scared to death.
At about eleven o’clock last night the Boxers set fire to several
different places, four of which are small chapels, and at the same
time they attacked the Tientsin railway station. Fortunately the
Russian troops went across the river opposite the Railway Station and
fought with them. Their fight caused the Boxers forty-five killed
and many wounded. The dead bodies are still lying about the Tientsin
Station. At about half-past one +A.M.+ this morning the Boxers gave
another fight to the foreign troops very near my house, but the
troops drove them off after firing several big guns at them. It is
said by the troops that more than four hundred Boxers had been killed
last night and this morning. Sixteen of the Boxers have been caught
alive and are now in the Russian camp opposite the railway yard. I
expect another fight to-night. All are frightened to-day, and nearly
all of my neighbours have moved to-day to ---- for safety, where
there are enough English soldiers for protection.

“My Canton wife has gone there too, with others. I do not know
whether they have space enough or not for sleeping, as I see the
rooms in ---- are already overcrowded. Our woman-servant went home at
two o’clock this afternoon, and ---- and myself are at home to look
after my things. Nearly all the natives have run away. All the shops
in Tze-Chu-Cin stopped business, and their doors are closed. Cooks
ran away, and many foreigners have to suffer hunger because no native
boys are willing to stay in the settlement. A tub of water costs ten
cents, and a rickshaw from here to the Railway Station costs half a
dollar!

“The Tientsin Station is safe, but only special trains run to Tong-ku
and back to-day. It makes one sorry to see the sudden change of
Tientsin. The market is totally stopped, and it is very hard to find
a coolie to carry things. I am glad I have not the least fear, as the
troops are fully prepared to fight with the Boxers. I do not know yet
how the change will be to-morrow, but I can almost assure you that
the foreign settlement is safe. I shall write you again to-morrow
night about what may happen. Don’t be anxious about me, as I am O.K.
here and will do what is safe. Some one tried to go down to Shanghai
to-day, but no train could take them down to Tong-ku, and there are
only steamers outside the bar, as all the merchant ships have been
ordered to leave the wharves. I shall do my best, and if possible go
to Shanghai; but I think the affairs will be quiet in a few days. Be
careful of your health, and do not worry about me.

[Sidenote: A REPAIRING PARTY]

“Your loving husband,

“+Y. F. Hg.+

“Written 8.40 +P.M.+, 20th May, 26th year of Kwang Su.”

(Corresponding to June 15, 1900.)[6]

[6] The dashes in the text represent names of places and people written
in Chinese characters in the original letter.

Our Mormon Chinese friend was not absolutely right in his prophecies,
although quite correct in his account of past events. Perhaps he
purposely understated the truth so as to avoid unnecessarily alarming
his unspecified wife.

As we have already seen, Mr. Carles, the British Consul in Tientsin,
had cabled to Lord Salisbury that the Viceroy’s conduct had been very
correct, and much telegraphing took place from London to offer shelter
on board a British man-of-war to the Viceroy in token of gratitude, if
he deemed his life in danger. Whether of his own will or by compulsion,
he abstained from accepting the proffered hospitality.

On the 17th, at six o’clock, an armed train with a repairing party,
unaware of Seymour’s plight, proceeded towards Yangtsun in order to
repair the line. They were first engaged by the Boxers, then fired
upon by Imperial troops, and eventually had to beat a retreat. In the
afternoon, at three o’clock, began the shelling of the Settlement by
the Chinese, who did considerable damage.

Attacks were made from different points, but the enemy was repulsed.
It may be noted that in the morning of the same day (at 2 +A.M.+) the
Taku and Tongku forts had been taken by the Allies.

An attack on the Military College was successfully carried out by 175
men (British, Germans, Italians, and Austrians), who made short work
of the defenders, and destroyed the premises, with its rich store of
ammunition, rifles, and guns.

[Illustration: THE SOUTH-EAST FORT, TIENTSIN]

It is most gratifying to find in Mr. Carles’ despatch to Lord Salisbury
of June 21 the following passage:

“The behaviour of the Russians, who were throughout the day engaged in
various quarters, was splendid, and their large force and heavy field
guns, of which they had four, saved the situation. During the day (June
17) all (nationalities) were engaged on their respective sections. The
following is the list of casualties: Russians, 7 killed, 5 wounded;
British, 1 killed, 5 wounded; Italians, 2 wounded; Germans, 1 killed.”

[Sidenote: A BOLD ATTACK]

In the evening the Chinese made another bold but unsuccessful attack,
with the object of seizing the pontoon bridge leading to the station.
They lost heavily. One of their Generals was reported killed in this
engagement.

CHAPTER XXVIII

A heavy attack on the Station--Chinese daring--A joint
movement of British and Russians--A gallant attempt to seize
two Chinese guns--Captain Beattie’s bravery--To the relief
of Tientsin--A stubborn resistance--Held in check--Mutilated
Americans--Casualties--Tientsin relieved--The force landed--Unfounded
statements--At Taku--Captain Warrender and the transport
arrangements--A protocol on board the _Rossia_--Captain Wise in
control at Tongku--Captain Bayly in command in Tientsin--The Admirals
and the Shanghai Consuls.

Another armed train was being got ready to start on the 18th, with 600
Russians and one 6-pounder. There was a heavy attack upon the Station,
which was held by the Russians, and it was not till 3 +P.M.+ that an
advance from it was possible. The Chinese, who were eventually driven
back, had showed great daring, forcing their way under the trucks, and
holding their own with surprising tenacity. The French took part in
this operation, but were at first unable to cope with the enemy, and
had to retire till reinforced.

The Allies lost three killed and twenty-two wounded.

In the forenoon of Tuesday, the 19th, the British went across the river
in a joint movement with the Russians.

Captain Beattie of the _Barfleur_ and 200 bluejackets made a gallant
attempt to seize two Chinese guns which had been placed at the two
white houses, where the mud wall is crossed by the railway to Tongku.
These guns did no end of damage to the Settlement. The British, with
their plucky leader, got ahead of the Russians, and reached within
a short distance of the Chinese guns, when they were met by a most
appalling cross-fire which forced them to retire; but on the arrival
of reinforcements the position was triumphantly carried, and the enemy
with their guns driven back.

[Sidenote: A BRAVE LEADER]

[Illustration: TIENTSIN RAILWAY STATION SHELLED]

Captain Beattie, although twice wounded, continued with great bravery
to lead his men to the last, but the day cost the British five officers
and thirteen men wounded. Among them, besides Captain Beattie, were
Lieutenant Sterling, Midshipman Donaldson (since dead), Lieutenant
Wright of the _Orlando_, and Lieutenant Powell.

On the 20th the Chinese amused themselves by throwing shells into the
Settlement and sniping across the river. Their firing was unpleasantly
accurate.

June 21.--Heavy shelling and sniping all day, otherwise very quiet.

While the Settlement was intermittently shelled, several large
detachments left Taku, on the 22nd, to relieve Tientsin. They pushed on
by rail as far as possible, nearly half-way, and then marched on foot,
the British and Americans on the right, the Russians and Germans to the
left.

On nearing Tientsin they met with a stubborn resistance from the
Chinese, and the Russians and Germans, who tried to force their way
with great determination, lost heavily. One company alone had ten
killed and twenty wounded, including Lieutenant Friedrich. The Allies
were held in check the whole night, being exposed to a well-directed
fire from the yet uncaptured arsenal, north-east of the Settlement.

Two Americans who were killed were shockingly mutilated by the Chinese,
and an American gun was captured. In a future chapter will be seen how
the Chinese soldiers were specially rewarded for this by the Viceroy of
Tientsin.

The killed and wounded of the Allies amounted to 224. Whether because
the Chinese had concentrated their forces on the east in order to
impede the advance of a relieving force, or for some other reason,
the Settlement was fairly quiet on the 23rd. There was practically no
shelling, and very little sniping.

The force reached the Settlement in the morning, and relieved Tientsin.

The British contingent, 570 strong, consisted of bluejackets and
marines, under Commander Cradock, and Royal Welsh Fusiliers, under
Major F. Morris. Seventy men were sent in two companies to occupy the
Chinese College, but on arriving there found it in flames, and the
force returned to barracks. This event practically marked the relief of
Tientsin Foreign Settlement, but the Chinese troops and Boxers remained
in possession of their walled native city and forts, whence they
continued to shell the European Concessions.

[Sidenote: UNFOUNDED STATEMENTS]

The force which had been landed was: Americans, 335; Austrians, 26;
British, 570; French, 421; Germans, 1340; Italians, 138; Japanese Naval
Brigade, 602; troops, 1050; Russian Naval Brigade, 235, troops, 3500.
Two thousand one hundred more Japanese and one French battalion of
infantry, with one battery of artillery, were expected to arrive at
Taku on the 25th and 26th.

The Russians had previously to this landed about 4000 men in all, and
Germany 1300.

It is a great satisfaction to be able to denounce as unfounded the
statements constantly circulated that friction and jealousy were
rampant among the various Admirals and Commanders of the Allies. There
existed absolutely nothing of the kind, the Allied Admirals working
in most perfect accord, as officially reported to the Admiralty by
Rear-Admiral Bruce on June 23. The Russian Vice-Admiral was Senior
Officer, and the council of Admirals had control over all the
operations.

[Illustration: CAPTAIN WARRENDER]

On land at Taku, a Russian Major-General, with a German second in
command, and Captain Warrender, of H.M.S. _Barfleur_, were in charge
of the operations from Taku for the relief of Tientsin. The general
control of the operations was entrusted to a Russian Major-General,
while the mail and telegraph were organised by J. E. Sainsbury, of the
U.S.S. _Monocacy_.

Captain Warrender was subsequently entrusted--and no better man
could have been selected--with all the transport arrangements by
river from Taku. In this he was assisted by William F. Cullman,
assistant-paymaster of the _Terrible_.

At a meeting of all the Admirals on board the Imperial cruiser
_Rossia_, a protocol was signed, under the presidency of the Senior
Vice-Admiral Hildebrant, by which:

1. Admiral Wesselago was placed in command of the Taku forts, with
the assistance of Commodore Kirshoff and the naval forces.

2. Captain Wise, of the U.S.S. _Monocacy_, was given control, in the
town of Tongku, of all the buildings, the Railway Station, the water
supply, rolling-stock, &c. In this charge he was to be assisted by an
officer from every nation for the purpose of transmitting orders to
whatever detachment might be using the Station.

In case of attack it was stipulated that the forces present at Taku
should support one another, and all should be under the orders of
Admiral Wesselago.

Pilot Webster was to be paid the sum of 200 dollars a day and expenses
for his services, which were found indispensable to vessels crossing
the bar and others moving up river.

The protocol was signed by the following Admirals and
Vice-Admirals:--J. Hildebrant, Bendeman, H. Togo, Cour Jolles, Kempff,
James Bruce, C. Casella.

In Tientsin, Captain Bayly, of the _Aurora_, was the Commander of the
defence of the Settlement, assisted by Captain Burke, of the _Orlando_.

[Illustration: THE RAILWAY STATION AND WHARF AT TONG-KU]

The _doyen_ of the Consuls in Shanghai had wired to the Admirals to
send down at least four men-of-war for the protection of foreigners.
The British Admiral, at a meeting, remarked that the presence of five
Chinese cruisers did not naturally mean that a warlike demonstration
was intended there any more than at Chefoo, where Chinese men-of-war
were peaceably moored.

[Sidenote: A COMFORTING NOTE]

The Admirals then decided that it was not possible to satisfy the wish
of the Shanghai Consuls. Each Admiral undertook, however, to write to
the Consul of his own country the following comforting letter, which,
to the minds of these plucky sailors, was no doubt calculated to quiet
all apprehension, if any existed:--

“After attending a meeting of the Admirals I answer your request.

“We will send some ships when we can. In the meantime take all possible
precautions, so that if danger arises your families and yourselves may
not be taken by surprise.”[7]

[7] “Après la réunion des amiraux je réponds à votre demande. Nous
enverrons des navires dès que nous le pourrons. En attendant prenez
toutes les précautions possibles pour que le danger, s’il éclate, ne
surprenne ni vos familles ni vous.”

CHAPTER XXIX

More reassuring to the Consuls and the foreign community than the
message of the Admirals must have been the assurances given by the
Viceroys and Governors of the southern provinces, as well as the
Imperial High Commissioner of the Yangtze valley, in the following
memorial wired by them to the Throne[8] on June 22. It is significant
that Li-hung-chang’s name does not appear among the memorialists.

[8] Specially translated for the _Shanghai Mercury_.

The memorialists are Li Pingheng, High Commissioner of the Yangtze;
Liu Kunyi, Viceroy of the Liang Kiang; Chang Chih-tung, Viceroy of the
Liang Hu; Lu Chuanlin, Governor of Kiangsu; Wang Chihchun, Governor of
Anhui; Sung Shou, Governor of Kiangsi; Yu Yin-liu, Governor of Hupeh;
and Yu Liensan, Governor of Hunan.

[Sidenote: FORBIDDEN PRACTICES]

“Telegrams from various countries show that the cruel massacres
committed by the Boxers will surely call down vengeance upon China.
If they are not quickly put down the Powers will certainly be angry.
Advices from Japan show that if this is done quickly there is still
time. We are deeply grieved at the reports that the capital is in
danger. The Boxers, under the pretence of exercising magic, are
inciting the people to join them in rebelling against the Government.
In reality their claims are nonsense, as it is impossible to resist
firearms. Practices of this sort were forbidden in the thirteenth year
of the reign of the Emperor Kia-Ching [1796-1809]. Then, if these men
were really patriotic people of Chihli, how is it that their leader,
Li Laichung, is a native of Shensi? This proves that they are but
seditious people, and that they ought to be suppressed. They have
disobeyed the Imperial orders to disperse, and have instead murdered
Chinese and foreigners outside of Pekin, and forced the Imperial High
Commissioner to kill the magistrates of Lai-sui and Hsin-ching. As
they pay no attention to the laws, they are rebels, and therefore
should be suppressed. The characters which they place on their flags,
saying ‘Assist China to exterminate foreigners,’ are but pretences,
such as have been used by the secret societies in different provinces
in times past. If they really claim to assist the Government, how is
it that they disobey the Imperial orders? Now, to the north, east,
south, and west of Pekin, for nearly a thousand _li_ [330 miles],
there are thousands of these people, who are forcing the inhabitants
to supply them with food. The people in these districts are not all
Christians, yet hundreds of them have had their homes burnt, and have
themselves been maltreated or killed. There is famine and drought in
the districts about Pekin this year, and yet the people are forced to
keep these hordes. Therefore they ought to be suppressed. They have
damaged and destroyed the Government telegraphs and railways to the
value of several million taels. They have obstructed the transmission
of Imperial decrees and memorials. They have delayed the movements of
the Imperial troops, they have destroyed countless native and foreign
houses outside Pekin, and in many other ways they have shown that they
are but robbers, and should be suppressed. They are not content with
having forced the country into war with the foreign Powers, but they
must damage foreign property, and even kill the Chancellor of the
Japanese Legation. In every respect they deserve suppression.

“Now, in consequence of all this, Taku has been taken by the foreign
Powers, thousands of foreign troops have been landed at Tientsin, on
the road to the capital, and more are pouring in daily. This shows that
the danger is very pressing, so much so that the time for words is but
short. It must be borne in mind that no country which is in the hands
of rebels has been able to stand as a country, nor does history give us
an example of a country which has been able to preserve its status when
it has gone to war with several nations at the same time without just
cause. The Boxers are unarmed and undisciplined, and have repeatedly
been defeated by the Imperial troops, both in Shantung and Chihli.
Recently they have been defeated by the foreign soldiers in Lofa and in
Tientsin Settlement, and many of them killed. It will be seen that they
can never stand against firearms and shells. It is impossible for such
undrilled, unarmed, and unled mobs to face foreign troops for a moment.

“Therefore we humbly pray your Majesties, the Empress-Dowager and the
Emperor, to bear in mind the interests of the Empire and vigorously
to decide to do what is right, regardless of the unmeaning words
which may be spoken by designing persons, and immediately to issue
edicts ordering the severe punishment and extinction of the Boxers,
to prevent the Imperial troops from making further trouble, and to
relieve the anxiety of those residing in the Legations by informing
them that there is no intention of going on with these troubles.
Inform them that Li-hung-chang has been ordered up to settle matters
with their respective Governments, and request them to order that
hostilities cease; then it will be possible to turn to the Boxers
and put them down. We also pray that Imperial edicts be sent by wire
to the Ministers of China in various countries, apologising for the
past troubles; and let it be known that a large gratuity will be
bestowed for the murder of the Japanese official. Then issue edicts
informing the people that the Government takes all responsibility for
the protection of foreign lives and property, and order the officials
throughout the Empire to take stringent measures for the protection
of foreign merchants and missionaries. This will appease the anger of
the foreign countries. We shall then be able to put affairs in the
Empire upon a good footing. At present the country is on the verge of a
great calamity, and a few days’ delay may mean the breaking up of the
country, and then it will be too late. On account of this we are all
much worried and alarmed.

[Sidenote: ON THE VERGE OF CALAMITY]

“Presented by the joint memorialists, who are all of the same mind,
with the utmost respect and submission, praying that it may receive
your august sanction without delay.”

(This was sent by the memorialists to General Jung Lu, with the request
that he would deliver it, and transmit the answer to the signatories.)

CHAPTER XXX

A few days later, on July 3, the satisfactory Proclamation hereunder
was further issued by their Excellencies Chang-chih-tung, Viceroy of
the Hukuang, and Yu-Yin-Liu, Governor of Hupeh.

“Chang, Viceroy of Hukuang, and Yu, Governor of Hupeh, hereby issue
the following joint proclamation, in obedience to an Imperial decree
commanding all Governors and Viceroys of provinces to take measures
for the safety and good order of our several jurisdictions.

“The disturbances of outlaws in the north have brought about war with
the various foreign Powers, causing the hearts of the people to be
excited and endangering the public peace.

“The Viceroy and Governor therefore desire it to be known to all
that they have since received Imperial decrees dated respectively
June 25 and 26, saying that the Imperial Government will continue
its best endeavours to protect the Legations of the various Powers
in Pekin, while the various Viceroys and Governors of provinces are
required to co-operate together and as opportunity offers safeguard
the territories under their respective jurisdictions. The Viceroy and
Governor have therefore decided to obey the above decrees in this
instance, and have co-operated with his Excellency Lu, the Viceroy
of the Liang Kiang provinces, with regard to the protection and
preservation of order in our respective territories.

[Sidenote: MUTUAL CO-OPERATION]

[Illustration: CHINESE PRISONERS, TIENTSIN]

“We have all agreed upon a carefully worked-out plan of mutual
co-operation for the complete protection of all the eastern and
southern provinces, and have moreover mutually arranged with the
Consuls of the various foreign Powers that while the Admirals of the
various Powers do not enter the Yangtze River with their fleets, we
will guarantee the safety of all foreigners and foreign property in
the inland provinces, all of whom and their belongings will be under
the special care and protection of the local authorities, who will
use their best efforts to preserve the peace. This has since been
telegraphed to the Throne and entered in the records. It must be
further understood that these arrangements have been entered into and
mutually agreed upon with the special object of safeguarding the land
and the protection of the lives and properties of the masses.

“There is no better plan than the above.

“Apprehending, however, that all this is not known to our people, and
that opportunities may be sought for by local outlaws and evil-minded
people amongst our subjects to create riots and disturbances, thereby
endangering our peaceable relations with foreign countries and the
general order of affairs, we hereby hasten to issue this special
proclamation for the information of everybody. And be it further
known to all, both soldiers and common people, that the present
disturbances and fighting were really beyond the calculation of
the Throne, as may be seen in the Imperial decree above quoted,
commanding the officials of Pekin to protect as usual, by every
means in their power, the foreign Legations in the capital, while
the Viceroys and Governors of provinces are required to observe as
well the current treaties and protect all foreign settlements and
churches. All these have as their special object the preservation of
the usual order of things.

“Now, as the various Powers are willing to confide the safety of
their subjects and their various properties to the provincial
governments, and foreign fleets will not disturb the peace of the
Yangtze, it follows that all the inhabitants and merchants living in
the vicinity thereof can continue as usual their daily avocations in
perfect peace and quiet without fear of being touched or disturbed,
while on the other hand local outlaws and ruffians will not be
afforded the opportunity of taking advantage of power, &c., in
breaking the peace. The benefits to be derived from the arrangements
of the high provincial authorities for the protection of the riverine
and inland cities, and the safeguarding of the lives and property of
all our people, are so great that we feel sure that nobody will be
so foolish as lightly to seek occasion for breaking the peace, and
people will then also be able to act in accordance with the wishes
of the Throne in preserving the present order of affairs. It should
be all the more the duty of the gentry and the elders of the cities,
towns and villages, to impress all this on the minds of the people
under them, for in it alone lies the safety of the lives and property
of all, and the preservation of the integrity of our country.

[Sidenote: NO MERCY]

“We therefore hereby declare that after the posting of this
proclamation, should any one be found (and we have devised means to
make strict inquiry into it hereafter) manufacturing news, thereby
exciting the masses to collect into mobs for the purpose of attacking
any foreign settlement or church, such offenders will be dealt with
and sentenced to suffer the same penalties as await insurgents and
members of revolutionary societies. Should it be discovered that
outlaws are gathering for the purpose of creating disturbances and
rebellions, we have ready for such great masses of troops who will
instantly attack such outlaws and show no mercy to them. Finally,
if soldiers or yamên runners be found creating any disturbance and
oppressing the people, complaints should be made to the authorities,
who will see to it that the disturbers of the peace be dealt with
to the full extent of the law. We are determined to protect our
merchants and people from harm, so that they may pursue their daily
avocations as usual, that the land may enjoy peace and quiet, that
the commands of the Throne may be obeyed and the integrity of the
Empire preserved. Let all tremblingly obey our proclamation. Beware
how you disobey.

“+Chang+, Viceroy of Hukuang Province.

“+Yu+, Governor of Hupeh Province.

“Kuchang, July 3, 1900.”

No news was reaching Tientsin from Taku, in spite of all the efforts
made to communicate with the fleets. The anxiety was necessarily very
great, and messengers could not be obtained for love or money to bring
messages down. Some that had gone had never come back. They had been
seized by the Chinese and killed. Mr. James Watts, a young Englishman,
volunteered to ride down to Taku with despatches, and having a thorough
knowledge of the country started at night with three Cossacks. By
making a long _détour_ the small party reached their destination in
safety, occupying some twelve hours on their way. The bravery of this
act and the service which he rendered to the community cannot be
over-estimated, and it is to be hoped that the Government will see its
way to reward Mr. Watts as other foreign Governments have long since
done.

CHAPTER XXXI

More Russian reinforcements--Much shelling and little damage--Chinese
segment-shells--To the relief of Seymour--Disastrous to furniture--An
interesting collection--The Wei-hai-wei Chinese regiment--A note from
Sir Robert Hart--Lieutenant-Colonel Shirinsky the liberator of the
Seymour Expedition--The capture of the Pei-Yang Arsenal--The arrival
of Japanese troops--Junks seized--A laconic message from Sir Robert
Hart--An extraordinary consular advice--The answer it deserved--The
arrival of Vice-Admiral Alexieff--International forces landed--Field
and machine guns--The projected advance on Pekin--A proposal to
Japan--Germany--The situation discussed--The Maxims in action.

More Russian reinforcements arrived in Tientsin on June 25 with
General Stessels, who effected a junction with Anisimoff. Although the
Settlement had been continually shelled by the Chinese, comparatively
little damage had been done, except in the French Concession, which was
a mass of ruins. The British and American Consulates suffered slightly,
only a few shells finding their way through the walls or the roof. It
was noticed that only about 25 per cent. of the Chinese segment shells
exploded. The rest were fired without being charged.

At half-past eleven in the evening, all the bluejackets available,
of every nationality (except, of course, barrack guards and guns’
crews), together with the marines and four companies of Russians,
commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Shirinsky, set out to relieve the
Commander-in-Chief, who had been reported hard pressed in the Arsenal
at Wuku, which he had captured.

The 25th passed quietly. Only a few shells dropped into the Settlement,
and were disastrous to furniture, if not to human life, as may be
judged by the effect of one of them on a chest of drawers in the house
of Mr. Gammon, of the American Bible Society. The other photograph
shows the variety of shells, whole and in pieces, bullets, cartridges,
and weapons, collected by Mr. Gammon in and around his house during the
siege.

[Illustration: THE EFFECTS OF A SHELL ON A CHEST OF DRAWERS]

The Wei-hai-wei Chinese Regiment arrived, a smart, business-like lot of
men, doing great credit to Colonel Bower, who raised the regiment, and
to the able officers who assisted him.

A note from Sir Robert Hart was received by Mr. Drew, the Commissioner
of Customs, saying that the Legations had been notified to leave Pekin
within twenty-four hours. The letter was dated June 19, at 4 +P.M.+

On Tuesday, the 26th, Lieutenant-Colonel Shirinsky returned, escorting
back to Tientsin the Seymour force, which he had liberated. Their many
wounded, their sufferings and heavy fighting, have been recorded in
previous chapters.

[Sidenote: SEIZING JUNKS]

The British marines and 1st Chinese Regiment went out on the 27th to
support the Russians in taking the Pei-Yang Arsenal, north-east of
Tientsin. Chinese shells kept dropping into the Settlement, and some
excitement was caused by the arrival of a number of Japanese troops.

[Illustration: SHELLS, MISSILES, ETC., COLLECTED IN MR. GAMMON’S HOUSE]

During the four days following, June 28, 29, 30, and July 1, nothing of
great importance happened. The wounded from the _Endymion_ were sent
down to Taku, and the _Alacrity’s_ men returned to their ship, while
800 more Japanese arrived.

Some time and much energy were spent in seizing and clearing out junks
to be used for transport purposes, and in organising means to supply
the necessary wants of the community, both military and civil.

By this time the people had got so much accustomed to the spasmodic
bombardment that they hardly took any notice of the shelling, which
none the less caused daily damage.

Many strange things occurred on June 29. First, a laconic message from
Sir Robert Hart was brought in by a messenger from Pekin, addressed “To
the officer commanding any European troops.

“Besieged in British Legation. Situation desperate. Make haste. Sunday,
4 +P.M.+, +R. Hart+.”

The last two words were doubly underlined, and followed by notes of
exclamation. The preceding words were underlined once. The courier who
brought the message stated that the date referred to Sunday, June 24.

More extraordinary than the above message, but probably caused by
it, was the decision taken at a Consular meeting, when the Consuls
unanimously agreed to suggest to their respective countries that the
Chinese Government should be informed that, in case the persons of
the foreign Ministers were touched (in Pekin), the mausoleum of the
(Manchu) dynasty would be destroyed by the European troops.[9]

[9] See telegraphic despatch, Consul Carles to Marquis of Salisbury,
Tientsin, June 29, 1900. Correspondence respecting Insurrectionary
Movement in China. H.M. Stationery Office. (Harrison & Sons.)

When such suggestions are seriously made by our Representatives,
sensible people cannot wonder that the Chinese hold us in absolute
contempt. Lord Salisbury promptly replied that the threat appeared very
unlikely to have any effect upon mutinous soldiery or a riotous mob,
and that the British Government felt unable to sanction a measure which
would be so offensive to European opinion.

On the following morning, the 30th, Vice-Admiral Alexieff,
Governor-General of Port Arthur and Liao-tung province,
Commander-in-Chief of all Russian forces in the East, arrived at Taku,
and proceeded at once to Tientsin, where he made his headquarters in
the beautiful house of Mr. Batoueff, next to the American Consulate.

[Sidenote: THE STRENGTH OF THE ALLIES]

The International forces landed up to June 30 were:

Officers. Men.
American 20 329
Austrian 12 127
British 184 1,700
French 17 387
German 44 1,300
Italian 7 131
Japanese 119 3,709
Russian 117 5,817
--- ------
Total 520 13,500

The Allies had in all fifty-three field guns and thirty-six machine
guns. The desirability of sending a second and stronger column to
relieve Pekin was felt in many quarters, but, with all the possible
reinforcement expected, the force would scarcely reach 20,000 men,
and this number was hardly sufficient to hold the base from Taku to
Tientsin. An advance on Pekin could not be effected until further
contingents were sent for, and it was calculated that at least a month
would pass before it could be possible to start to the relief of the
besieged Legations in Pekin.

Besides, there still remained Tientsin native city to be captured
before the Allies could proceed further.

The Japanese Government was sounded at this point as to its willingness
to despatch at once a force of twenty or thirty thousand men which they
had ready, but the Japanese behaved with great caution and diplomatic
skill in the matter, evidently not wishing to be involved in any
complications with Russia, Germany, or any other nation interested.

Eventually such an expedition ceased to be required, England having
decided to despatch 10,000 men from India, and Germany to despatch a
force consisting of a horse field battery, a detachment of pioneers,
and the 1st and 2nd Marine battalions, while two reserve battalions
were to be kept in readiness at Kiel and Wilhelmshaven. The commander
of the expeditionary force was to have the authority of a Commander of
a division.

An extraordinary brigade, 7000 strong, made up of soldiers who
volunteered, was also to be formed and despatched to China.

Martial law had been duly proclaimed in Tientsin by Captain Bayly,
under the direction of Admiral Seymour.

At a Consular meeting, at which Admiral Seymour presided and General
Dorward was present, it was decided that the military authorities
should from that date (June 29) assume absolute control of affairs,
and take such measures as they deemed necessary. An attack on the
Settlement might be expected at any moment.

The situation was fully discussed. General Dorward pointed out that
the Russian position on the left bank of the river, held by about
4000 men, was considered strong; the German Settlement, with only
a few buildings, not an unfavourable position for defence; but the
other positions, held by 2500 men--Americans, British, Italians
and Japanese--were not particularly defensible in case the French
Settlement, which was deemed absolutely untenable if severely attacked,
should fall.

Admiral Alexieff and General Fukushima being shortly expected, the
meeting was postponed, and steps were at once taken to strengthen the
French and British positions of defence, which particularly needed to
be made stronger.

On June 30, at 10.15 +P.M.+, there was heavy firing upon the
Settlements, and bullets were pelting freely on the Victoria Road.

The Maxims were brought into action, and on July 1, in the morning,
the Chinese sent a number of shells into the French and British
Concessions, while the Russians pounded away in return with their
artillery.

CHAPTER XXXII

Haphazard shooting--Mr. Campbell wounded--A lake of sugar--French
troops--Refugees--Chinese shells--Attempting to seize the pontoon
bridge--Russian gallantry--Women and children--A reconnaissance--The
enemy’s Krupp guns--Two 12-pounder guns--A serious attack on
the railway station--The Settlement heavily shelled--Exodus of
refugees--Accurate Chinese fire--Arrival of Japanese troops and two
4-inch British guns--Artillery available in Tientsin--Temperance Hall
the chief target--A reconnoitring party--The Wei-hai-wei regiment
under fire--More guns arrive.

July 2 was a fairly quiet day but for haphazard shooting upon the
Settlements by the Chinese entrenched some seven or eight hundred yards
north-west of Temperance Hall. They were reported to be 3500 strong,
and to belong to General Ma. Only a few shots were fired from the
Chinese big guns.

Unfortunately these bullets, although aimed at no one in particular,
were a constant danger to any one who ventured out of the house. Mr.
C. Campbell, of the Consular Service, a great Chinese scholar, who had
rendered valuable assistance with the Seymour Expedition, received
quite a serious wound in the ankle on that day, while walking about the
Settlement.

An exciting fire broke out in the sugar go-down adjoining the barracks
of the _Barfleur_, and great concern was felt until the considerable
stores of ammunition and explosives were removed out of reach of
the flames, and taken to a place of safety. The fire was eventually
overcome, but the several thousand pounds of sugar that were in the
building all melted, and flowed in a boiling torrent along the Bund
and into the lanes and back-yards. It was quite a unique sight to
have before one a regular lake of burnt sugar some sixty yards in
circumference and five or six inches deep, and to tread on its surface
was worse than troublesome. The photograph here reproduced gives a fair
idea of its size.

[Illustration: A LAKE OF BURNT SUGAR]

About 350 Frenchmen and a number of picturesque Annamites, with their
peculiar flat hats, were welcomed into the Settlements, having marched
seven and a half miles from the terminus of the railway, to which the
trains were still running from Tong-ku.

[Sidenote: SHELLS]

The tug-boat _Fawan_ took down the river a lot of refugee women and
children, and the Cossacks started upon a reconnaissance, from which
they did not return in the evening.

The rainy season having now arrived, there were heavy showers in the
afternoon, and a gloom was cast over British naval circles by the death
of Midshipman A. P. Donaldson from a severe wound.

[Illustration: THE SALT MOUNDS IN TIENTSIN]

As usual, on the morning of the 3rd the residents were awakened by the
rumbling report of heavy artillery all round them. Shells were whizzing
in every direction, and causing considerable damage to the houses of
foreigners. Shells would very easily penetrate a single wall, but
seldom passed through two.

During the night a fearful fusillade had been opened on the Russians
and the French, especially near the Railway Station. The Chinese made
an attempt to seize the pontoon bridge. The Russians behaved not only
with gallantry, but also with amazing coolness, and drove away the
enemy, who took cover behind the numerous salt hills on the opposite
bank of the river, and blazed away at the French for some two hours.
The French held their own, notwithstanding that the Chinese had brought
their two largest guns, which had been located in the city fort, down
to the banks of the stream.

These guns caused much annoyance, segment-shells being poured into the
Settlement in uncomfortable quantities.

A thunderstorm increased the pleasures of life in Tientsin on that
particular afternoon. An order was issued by the Admiral, Sir E.
Seymour, that all women and children, some 300 in all, must be sent
down river at the earliest opportunity, and that, while the Settlement
was being shelled, the cellars of the Gordon Hall were to be used as
shelters by those who had no cellars of their own.

The Japanese relieved the British and Germans at their pickets to the
south and west of the defences.

A reconnaissance cost the Russians and Japanese 50 men, 16 killed and
34 wounded.

Sniping went on all through the night, and by the morning of the 4th
the enemy had mounted a number of modern Krupp guns, nine of which were
plainly visible, on the south wall of the city. The enemy had been
strongly reinforced, and in the afternoon came out of the South Gate in
great numbers, apparently meaning to attack the Settlement.

Two 12-pounder guns had just arrived with eighty marines from the
_Terrible_, and two more of these guns were placed in position and
opened fire on the Chinese, while the Japanese infantry kept up a smart
fusillade, and poured in lead from Maxims and from their old-fashioned
pieces of artillery.

[Illustration: THE NORTH FORT, TIENTSIN]

[Sidenote: A CHINESE FEINT]

This move was only a feint on the part of the Chinese to draw the
attention of the enemy while a more serious attack was being made
on the Railway Station. The Chinese had shown great anxiety to take
possession of the Railway Station, and having been unable to do so, had
shelled it heavily, wrecking the greater part of the principal building
and destroying several engines and a quantity of rolling-stock.

The men of the _Barfleur_ were not strong enough to cope with the
determined attack of the enemy, and were so hard pressed that strong
reinforcements were sent for. The Russians, under the brave Colonel
Shirinsky, and the French, immediately went to their assistance, as
well as the Hong Kong and the Wei-hai-wei Chinese Regiments. The
fighting was unflagging on both sides, and the casualties many--over
sixty on the side of the Allies. A violent storm of hail and rain
eventually put an end to the fight.

Early the next morning (July 5) the Settlement was heavily shelled,
the French Concession suffering more severely than the British. There
was an exodus of 160 refugees, mostly women and children, on the tug
_Fawan_, with a lighter in tow. They were accompanied down the river by
British and German volunteers, and by some German sailors--in all 100
rifles.

The Chinese fire was extremely accurate, and their guns so well
concealed that, although they were believed to shell the Settlement
from the city fort (Shui-tze-ying) and to have mounted fresh guns on
the Lutai canal, it was really beyond the power of the Allies to locate
the guns with precision and silence them. Many attempts were made
unsuccessfully.

A thousand Japanese infantry and 200 cavalry arrived, as well as two
4-inch quick-firing guns from H.M.S. _Algerine_. Besides these four
large guns, there were now in Tientsin, altogether, a third 12-pounder,
on Captain Scott’s mountings, 28 field-pieces of more or less
antiquated patterns, and some Gatlings, Colt Automatics, and Maxims,
quick-firers of small calibre.

[Illustration: A SOLDIER OF THE WEI-HAI-WEI REGIMENT]

Things became hot in the Settlement on the 6th, when shells poured in
like hail the whole day, especially on Temperance Hall, which appeared
to be the chief target--probably because General Dorward had his
headquarters there.

A reconnoitring party went out to try and find the position of the
Chinese 3-pounder guns, two of which were shelling the Settlement.
The Chinese were cleverly trying to outflank the defenders from the
south-west and west, where they had brought up a battery of Krupp guns
near the Racecourse. The Wei-hai-wei Regiment, with Major Bruce in
command, was sent out twice into a Chinese village on the Taku road,
with A and B companies of the _Barfleur_ as supports, but unfortunately
the enemy, well under cover, kept up such a hot fire on them--and
they were fully exposed to it--that their gallant efforts met with no
success. Alas! they even had to retire with a heavy list of casualties,
Major Bruce himself receiving a serious wound in the abdomen, and
Midshipman Esdale, who behaved with great pluck, being also severely
injured.

The guns, as was discovered some days later, were on the opposite side
of the canal.

The Wei-hai-wei Regiment is said to have behaved with considerable
coolness and courage on this trying occasion, and it speaks volumes for
the officers who have in so short a time succeeded in training such
excellent soldiers. There had been much speculation beforehand as to
the probable conduct of this new regiment, and it was felt with some
apprehension that to make them fight against their own kith and kin was
rather unfair and hard on them. However, whether against kin or no, it
cannot be doubted that they fought well whenever they had a chance.

[Sidenote: THE CHINESE REGIMENT]

On the same day a tug brought up two more 4-inch guns and a 6-pounder,
with plenty of ammunition, and positions were assigned to these upon
the “mud wall,” at a spot just skirting the British Extra Concession,
and commanding the plain towards the Racecourse. An attack was feared
from that side (south-west and west), and on the 6th the unprotected
houses of Messrs. Detring and Dickinson, which had so far miraculously
escaped destruction, were looted by Chinese soldiers and burnt to the
ground.

CHAPTER XXXIII

The 4-inch naval gun--Captain Bayly Provost-Marshal--The West
Arsenal--British refugees uncared for--Operations against the
West Arsenal--A British naval 4-inch gun mounted--Guns on the
Mud-wall--The enemy’s artillery--Marvellous shooting--Lyddite
shells--Another determinate attack on the Station--The exact
range--The wounded of the Pekin brigade--Lieutenant Blonsky--Admiral
Seymour returns to Taku.

It was not till July 7 that preparations could be made for mounting a
4-inch naval gun, and a party was sent out to the East Arsenal to get
timber, while the 12-pounder was used to shell the city. In return
the Chinese Krupp guns made excellent practice upon the Tientsin
Settlement, and knocked houses about very successfully. The shells were
mostly directed upon the various barracks, an undeniable evidence that
the Chinese had spies in the Settlement who kept them well informed of
what the foreigners were doing.

Captain S. Bayly, R.N., of the _Aurora_, was elected Provost Marshal,
with Lieutenant Leonard, of the United States Marines, as Deputy. A
strict injunction was posted that all suspicious characters should be
made prisoners.

Midshipman Esdale died from his wounds.

On July 8 the Chinese shelled the 12-pounder guns heavily, in the hope
of silencing them, and also endeavoured to blow up the gasworks.

[Sidenote: THE WEST ARSENAL]

The mounting of the 4-inch guns was proceeding fast, and the gunners
manning our 12-pounders tried their best to disable the enemy’s Krupp
guns placed on either side of the Hai-kwang-Sze Arsenal, usually
called by our men the West Arsenal, and also known as the Joss-House
Arsenal. It was in this building that, in 1873, the Treaty of Tientsin
was concluded and signed by Lord Elgin. The capture of the Arsenal
was deemed necessary, as the Chinese had four guns here, which they
constantly trained on the Settlement; moreover, once in the hands of
the Allied forces, the causeway would be practically free from shelling
in the rear, and an attack on the native city could then be undertaken
with greater safety.

[Illustration: THE JOSS HOUSE OR WEST ARSENAL]

The other and larger arsenal, three miles east of the city, and the
same distance north-east of the Military College, had previously been
captured by the Russians, with British marines from the _Terrible_ and
other ships.

While the women and children of other nationalities received every
protection and care from their own compatriots, the British were
shockingly abandoned to their fate in Tongku, and left at the mercy of
enterprising speculators. The persons mostly to blame for this neglect
were those in authority in Tientsin, who never notified the Tong-ku
officials that they had been despatched down the river. This would have
involved very little extra trouble, and the poor things would have been
spared much suffering and anxiety.

At twenty minutes to three +A.M.+ on Monday, July 9, 1000 Japanese,
400 Russians, and 1000 British soldiers, including native troops, took
part in the operations against the Hai-kwan-Sze Arsenal. The Japanese
formed the attacking line, with the Royal Welsh Fusiliers on their
right. The remainder of the troops engaged were supports and reserve.
The advance was made along the Taku road as far as Tum-Tui, where the
force wheeled to the right and formed for attack against the Racecourse
and the remains of the houses of Detring and Dickinson, in which large
numbers of Boxers were concentrated. The Japanese cavalry dashed into
these, charging to and fro several times and doing great execution.
They left hundreds of the enemy dead on the field, and captured three
standards, while the infantry seized four guns. The entire Allied force
then moved on the Arsenal, which had been evacuated by the enemy, and
was found deserted. The casualties of the Allies were few--ten dead and
sixty-five wounded.

The operations were over by half-past 12 +P.M.+, and the troops
returned to barracks. During the whole forenoon of that day the
Settlement was heavily shelled by the Chinese, but the capture of the
arsenal was undoubtedly the first step towards the capitulation of
Tientsin city.

On the 10th a British naval 4-inch gun from H.M.S. _Phœnix_ was mounted
near the mud wall in the British Extra Concession by Lieutenant
Drummond, of H.M.S. _Terrible_, and Engineer Cockey of the _Centurion_.
Upon the mud wall itself three 12-pounders from the _Terrible_ were now
placed in position, pointing towards the Racecourse, whence another
attack was feared, while five 6-pounders from different ships were
brought to bear on the native city, principally on the South Gate. A
4.7 gun was brought close to the 4-inch gun, but was never required,
and was not even placed on its mount. The other 4-inch British gun was
placed on the road to the Arsenal, and next to it a 12-pounder playing
on those two forts, north-east of the city, which had caused most
trouble to the Settlements and Railway Station.

[Sidenote: FOREIGN GUNS]

[Illustration: THE 4-INCH NAVAL GUN FROM H.M.S. “PHŒNIX”]

The enemy turned their guns on our 4-inch gun by the Arsenal and on
the Russian guns, and shelled them with extraordinary precision. The
enemy, under the command of General Nieh, was reported to be over
20,000 strong. Great credit was given to their gunners for their
marvellous shooting. The men of the _Terrible_ said that the shelling
of Ladysmith, from which they had come, was mere child’s play compared
with the hot and well-directed fire of the Chinese artillerymen.

From half-past three to half-past seven +A.M.+ on the 11th, the Chinese
shelling was terrific. The 4-inch guns of the _Algerine_, mounted on
the mud wall, were pouring lyddite shells into Tientsin city, while
the Chinese were trying hard to silence the British guns with their
excellent Krupps.

[Illustration: A 6-POUNDER QUICK-FIRING GUN ON THE MUD WALL]

As was expected, the Chinese made another determined attack upon the
Station. A British company was sent out as a reinforcement. There was
fierce fighting at 4 +A.M.+, the Chinese actually charging the Allies
with their bayonets fixed, and even succeeding in breaking through
between the French and the British lines. They captured a number of
trucks, which they used as cover, and from which they kept up a smart
fire, principally on the Hong Kong regiment of Pathans. The Hong Kongs
eventually succeeded in driving them from their position, but the
Chinese showed astounding pluck and tenacity, as well as a considerable
amount of strategy on the part of their officers.

The casualties of the Allies were heavy--about 100, mostly wounded. A
few were killed.

[Sidenote: LYDDITE SHELLS]

The Hotchkiss and 12-pounder guns of the Allies were hard at work on
the enemy till nearly seven o’clock.

One hundred and eighty American marines arrived, and a second 4.7 gun
was brought up and landed by the steam-tug _Fawan_.

[Illustration: THE WOUNDED OF THE “PEKIN BRIGADE” TOWED DOWN RIVER BY
THE “HERON”]

In the afternoon, from 1.30 to 3.30, the Chinese having found the exact
range of the 4-inch gun by the Arsenal, shelled it heavily, while the
two British 4-inch replied in a vigorous and destructive manner with
their lyddite shells. One of these proved disastrous to the high pagoda
used as a watch tower near the city fort. The building flared up and
collapsed.

July 12 was an unbearably hot day. There was no fighting and no
shelling till late in the afternoon, except some stray missile to
remind people that war was going on.

The remainder of the “Pekin Brigade,” with four wounded, were sent
down to Taku in a lighter towed by the tug _Heron_.

I saw one brave marine, whose arm had just been amputated at the
shoulder, smoking his pipe and laughing over his misfortune. Another,
shot through the foot, thought he was lucky, since he might have fared
worse. A curious incident was related to me. A bullet having gone
through a soldier’s hat, he absent-mindedly carried his headgear under
his arm till the end of the battle, to save it from further perforation.

It was on the 12th that Lieutenant Blonsky, who, as we have seen,
behaved so bravely in the search for the Belgian and Italian railway
engineers, was dangerously wounded in several places by a shell, when
he had only just come out of the hospital cured of the many spear
thrusts and sword cuts received in his encounter with the Boxers.

Vice-Admiral Seymour and a number of men from the _Centurion_,
_Orlando_, and _Aurora_, returned to Taku.

CHAPTER XXXIV

The attack on the native city--Troops taking part in the operations
and their respective positions--Chinese quick-firing guns and modern
rifles--_Gingals_--The defenders of the city--Swampy ground and lack
of cover--Plucky Pathans--The death of Colonel Liscum--A difficult
position--A reported conversation--The plucky Japanese--At the South
Gate--Blowing up the gates--Scaling the wall--The gate opened--The
fall of the city--Town set fire to--The devotion of a practical
son--The Arsenal and Armoury.

An attack on the native city was to take place early in the morning of
the 13th. A well-concerted bombardment began at sunrise from all the
available pieces of artillery in the possession of the Allies.

As we have seen, there were the two 4-inch rapid-fire naval guns, one
mounted on the road to the Arsenal with a 12-pounder next to it, the
other near the mud wall; while three more 12-pounders were on the wall
itself, with five 6-pounder Hotchkiss quick-firing guns. A number of
9-pounders, and about twenty-eight or thirty field-pieces, were also
brought to bear on the city wall. The 4.7 was still unmounted, as it
was not required.

In the forenoon of the 13th the Allied forces, numbering 4300, viz.:
2000 Japanese, 800 British, 600 French, 900 Americans, 100 Germans and
Austrians (the latter not taking part until night), made an attack on
the walled city from the south, under the protection of our guns on the
mud wall.

[Illustration: A 6-POUNDER GUN ON THE MUD WALL]

The American marines were on the extreme left wing; next to them came
the Welsh Fusiliers. The Japanese occupied the centre, and the French
marched along the Taku road as reserves and support. The British
bluejackets and marines were on the right of the Japanese force, and
the 9th United States Infantry on the extreme right wing. It will be
seen that the Americans thus occupied the two extreme wings.

On the first day the Chinese kept up a terrific fire from quick-firing
machine guns, Mauser, Mannlicher, and Winchester rifles, and
gingals. These gingals are a purely Chinese adaptation of the modern
breech-loading stock to a barrel about seven feet in length. Three men
are required to fire one of these weapons, which can do much execution,
and are greatly favoured by the Chinese. They can be sighted very
accurately to a very long range, and, compared with small-bore weapons,
the bullet undoubtedly has considerable stopping power, especially
when the cartridge has a split-nosed projectile, a wound from which is
terrific.

[Illustration: ATTACK OF THE ALLIES ON TIENTSIN NATIVE CITY

_SKETCH MAP
by
A. Hy. Savage Landor._
]

The wall of the native city was well manned by artillerymen of the
Imperial Chinese army, in addition to a mob of Boxers firing with
old-fashioned matchlocks and other obsolete weapons. In the suburbs
outside the South Gate great numbers of Boxers had been employed to
snipe from their mud houses at the Allies.

[Sidenote: SWAMPY GROUND]

Considerable difficulty was encountered in advancing towards the city,
owing to the swampy nature of the ground and the lack of shelter from
Chinese bullets. In fact, the loss of the Allies was great--708 in all,
without counting the losses of the Germans and Russians, who moved on
the city from the north-east, and carried everything before them.

[Illustration: THE SOUTH GATE SCALED BY THE JAPANESE]

The Wei-hai-wei Regiment and more marines were sent as reinforcements,
but were mostly employed in carrying away the wounded, while the
Pathans conveyed ammunition to the front.

Four of these plucky fellows, with a convoy of mules, were despatched
to the front. One was shot; his companions went on; two more fell
dead, and the only one remaining to lead the convoy faced the bullets.
Alas! he, too, was hit in the head and fell bravely. The mules
stampeded, and the ammunition never reached its destination.

The Americans on the right were proceeding under shelter of the dykes.
In getting over one of these dykes their much-honoured Commander,
Colonel Liscum, was killed while performing a gallant and patriotic
deed. It appears that in the hail of bullets his standard-bearer was
shot. Colonel Liscum, who was near him, would not see the Stars and
Stripes precipitated in the mud, but seized the flag, and, waving it,
ordered his men to storm the dyke, he running ahead. Unhappily he was
struck by a bullet, and died shortly after.

The position occupied by the Americans was a very difficult one, as the
distance from the two Chinese guns across the canal to the dyke was
only seventy-five yards. Moreover, the Chinese, strongly entrenched
in the German flour mill, kept up a deadly fusillade. By sunset the
Americans had 120 killed and wounded, ninety of the 9th Infantry and
thirty marines.

Besides Colonel Liscum, Captain Davies was killed, and Captain Long,
Captain Lemly, Lieutenant Leonard and Lieutenant Butler were wounded.
Lieutenant Leonard’s arm required amputation. The Americans found it
impossible to hold their position, and after dark retired.

The story goes that at nightfall a Commander of the Allies approached
the Japanese General Fukushima and proposed to give the order to retire.

“If I give an order at all,” the Japanese replied firmly, “it will be
to go still further forward.” So all stayed and conquered their way
inch by inch under cover of the night. In this engagement the British
marines had five killed and forty wounded.

[Sidenote: THE SOUTH GATE BLOWN]

The plucky Japanese, who always led during the engagement, at last
reached the South Gate, which was already much battered by the 4-inch
gun and by the 6-pounders on the mud wall.

[Illustration: A CHINESE FLAG AND LANCES

The property of the Author]

At twenty minutes past three +A.M.+ on July 14, the South Gate was
blown up by the Japanese. As, however, the city gates were double, yet
another effort was made to blow up the second gate. While this was
being done a number of Japanese soldiers climbed the wall, hand over
fist, and as quick as lightning were on the other side. They opened
the gate amid the hurrahs of their companions, and a flood of foreign
troops, Japanese, British and French, poured into the town, bayoneting
and shooting the Chinese, who still sniped from inside their houses,
and made a desperate resistance. Too high praise cannot be given to the
Japanese officers and soldiers. They proved themselves perfect soldiers
in every way.

The actual losses in entering the city on the 14th were about ten
wounded--a small loss indeed when compared to that of the previous day.

The greater portion of the town was set on fire, and the rush of
foreign soldiers and of stampeding Chinese hustling in the narrow
streets and along the wall was a curious sight.

One of the snapshots here reproduced shows a number of natives bolting
at our approach upon the day that Tientsin fell, as well as the
pathetic and humorous picture of a young man carrying his decrepit and
paralysed mother in a contrivance of double baskets, her weight being
accurately balanced on the opposite side by a number of bricks, a few
cucumbers, and some cabbages.

Dead men lay about in the streets and piled along the wall; others,
wounded, lay quietly, and, if you approached, simulated death for fear
of being killed. Every now and then a revolver or rifle shot came from
a sniper inside a house, and when discovered, short work was made of
him there and then. The Americans took possession of the Arsenal by
nightfall, fort after fort had fallen, and the flags of all the Allies
floated victorious all along the battered wall of Tientsin Chinese city.

The troops who defended the city were General Ma’s soldiers, ten camps
infantry (5000 men) and three camps cavalry (750 men); Viceroy’s
soldiers, 1000; the Lien-Chün and Hwai-Chün (troops with artillery
raised by Li Hung Chang); General Nieh’s army; 1000 Salt Commissioner’s
soldiers. The latter behaved with extraordinary bravery.

[Illustration: THE DEVOTION OF A PRACTICAL SON]

CHAPTER XXXV

The looting of Tientsin--The residents--A special case--A day’s free
hand--The only punishment--A study of the looters--Tommy Atkins and
Jack Tar--The friends at home--Good-hearted devils.

Tientsin native city had fallen; next came the looting! What an amazing
sight!

[Illustration: BRITISH BLUEJACKETS RETURNING INTO THE SETTLEMENT AFTER
THE BATTLE OF TIENTSIN]

Hardly had the gates been thrown open and the Allied troops found
their way into every nook of the town, than Chinese portable property
that had any value began to change hands. American, Russian, British,
Japanese and French soldiers ran here and there, poking their noses
into every doorway, the door, if not open already, being soon kicked
open. The foreign residents of Tientsin, knowing the town well, had
an unfair advantage over Tommy Atkins and the American boys, who had
to feel their way about, whereas the residents, especially those who
had not distinguished themselves in the fighting line, lost no time
in making for the Mint, the Salt Commissioner’s palace, the Viceroy’s
Yamên, or the nearest silk or jewellery store, where they knew that
wealth was accumulated, and where they helped themselves to anything
that took their fancy. _Sycee_, lump silver, and bar gold were
preferred.

It is difficult to decide whether looting is at any time right or
wrong, but in all fairness it must be kept in mind that the case of
Tientsin was a special one. The main portion of the city was already on
fire, most of the houses had already been broken into and looted by the
Boxers and Chinese soldiers, and presently every thing that remained
would be destroyed by the flames. It certainly seemed a pity to let
so much beautiful and valuable property be wasted. Was it not, then,
the lesser evil to allow these men, who had fought hard, to reap what
benefit they could from the misfortune of others, especially since “the
others” were doomed to misfortune in any case? To prevent looting was
impossible. The authorities, therefore, seem to have followed the only
sensible line, by giving the soldiers and marines a day’s free hand.

The accounts of the looting published in England and America were not
accurate, and seemed to be mostly written by persons who had some
ulterior motive in showing the soldiers of some one nation or another
at their worst. I maintain that, if looting is to be looked upon as a
crime, the soldiers of all nations, none excepted, disgraced themselves
alike. The Russian, the British, the American, the Japanese, the
French, all looted alike. They one and all were looters of the very
first water. I say it and I maintain it. But, on the other hand, I
cannot see that in this particular case of the Chinese war looting was
a criminal offence. On the contrary, it was the only way by which the
natives could be punished for their outrages on our men, women and
children; and, degrading as it may seem to those who had no chance of
taking part in it, there is no doubt that the only portion of this war
which will cause the Chinese some future reflection will be the burning
and looting of Tientsin.

[Sidenote: A STUDY OF LOOTERS]

[Illustration: A GATE OF TIENTSIN--LOOTERS AND FLAG OF TRUCE]

Personally, a study of the looters was extremely interesting, and
afforded me more pleasure than anything I could have carried away.
It brought out the characteristics of each nationality and of each
individual in a most extraordinary manner. Considering things
generally, and barring exceptional instances, the looting was done in
a most pathetic way. Naturally, there were cases of violence, murder,
and assault, but they were only few and far apart. Let us take, for
instance, the British Tommy and the bluejacket. The first thing they
did on entering the city was to start on a wild chase after fowls
and ducks in the backyards and side lanes. Tame humming-birds were
not always spared. This done, and the prospect of chicken for supper
assured, Tommy Atkins laid his hands principally on embroidered silk
gowns and articles of jewellery. The native application of the latter
he did not quite seem to understand, but with the help of his naval
mate, who had been about the world, generally managed to decipher the
puzzle.

“My! Won’t my girl be happy when she sees all this!” was the very first
thought of Tommy and Jack about the loot. “She’ll know right enough
what to do with it all.” And the pockets of Tommy and Jack were soon
stuffed to bursting with silver-gilt combs, small carvings, hairpins,
elaborate ornaments for the hair, and silver charms of all kinds and
sizes, of which Chinese chests of drawers were brimful. “These ’ere
silks are rather awkward to carry,” remarks Jack, scratching his head,
after trying in vain to bring together the two ends of a cloth on
which he had piled enough silk garments to clothe a whole army. But
Jack had made up his mind that he was going to present the gown most
handsomely embroidered to his sweetheart, the next best to his old
mother, since in her old age her sight is getting bad and she will not
see the difference, another, the one lined with fur, to his brother
John’s wife, and one, all of brocade and gold, to old Mr. Smith, who
once lent him five shillings (which, by the bye, he never repaid, but
which he does not deny that he still owes). In fact Jack, overcome by
his sudden wealth, entertains a fixed idea that on his return to his
native land he is going to give some memento or other to any one that
likes to have one, “for people at home,” says he, “value these ’ere
China curios more than anything in the world.” In his mind’s eye he
can already see the barren walls of his humble home decorated with the
costliest brocades cut into small pieces and squeezed into a sort of
butterfly shape, or forming rosettes over the ends of the mantelpiece,
round the looking-glass, and draped on corners of blurred photographic
enlargements of deceased relations.

[Sidenote: A FIXED IDEA]

[Illustration: ENTRANCE TO THE ARSENAL AND ARMOURY--CITY WALL SEEN FROM
INSIDE.]

At home much abuse has been showered on poor Jack and Tom, and it has
not always been remembered that in fighting the Chinese our men ran
by no means a slight risk of being skinned alive, or decapitated, or
boiled in oil, or receiving a touch of the death of a thousand cuts.
Indeed, many a white man and woman had been found brutally mutilated or
beheaded, and it is well to recollect that those unfortunate soldiers
of the Allies who fell prisoners to the Chinese were invariably
tortured in the most infamous fashion, their bodies when eventually
recovered being headless and bearing marks of brutal treatment.

It seems hard, in the face of privations bravely endured, that Tom and
Jack should be so much blamed for taking property which practically
belonged to nobody, since it had been abandoned by the rightful owners
and was about to be destroyed. In war between civilised nations,
looting is without doubt a crime to be severely condemned and punished,
but in the case of a nation like the Chinese, who have no national
pride, no respect for any government or law, nor for the life of others
or of themselves, there seemed no way of punishing them except by
touching their pocket. This the Allied soldiers certainly succeeded in
doing extremely well.

To return to the British soldiers and marines, it was interesting to
watch them, the younger ones especially, loot, loot, loot, not for
themselves, but for the friends and relations at home. One could almost
safely say that 75 per cent. of the looting by individual soldiers was
not done for the sake of lucre, but merely to obtain mementoes. There
was much good-nature shown, even generosity, if the term can be applied
to the giving away of stolen goods, by looters to spectators. If one
happened to admire any particular article in the bundle of a soldier,
he usually begged you to accept it as a present. Several times I have
seen payment refused for curios in the possession of soldiers. “Yes,
take it,” they would say persuasively. “Take it; I know where to get
more.” There seemed to be no alternative.

[Sidenote: NO ALTERNATIVE]

[Illustration: THE WEI-HAI-WEI REGIMENT RETURNING FROM THE ATTACK ON
THE NATIVE CITY (SEVERAL HOURS AFTER THE FALL OF THE CITY)]

Tommy or Jack on the loot was extremely communicative. He was under
the impression that all round him were his friends, while no doubt
could be entertained that he was the friend of everybody all round. His
manner may have lacked polish, but there is no denying the fact that
Tommy and Jack were good-hearted devils. They may have had their little
faults--no man ever lived who had none--but, looting or no looting,
there was something very agreeable about both of them, and in regard
to character they were as fine fellows as ever wore a soldier’s or a
sailor’s uniform.

CHAPTER XXXVI

The Japanese soldier--His dignified demeanour--His artistic
taste--Delicate touch--Appreciation of art--Watches for preference.

The Japanese soldier in many respects resembled the British, but was
more reserved, and less anxious to be everybody’s friend. The innocent
and frank simplicity of the Briton was replaced in the Oriental by a
more graceful, yet a stolid and dignified demeanour. But at heart both
were alike, both dare-devils, yet gentle enough if treated the right
way. The point where a marked difference lay between the two was in the
true and keen artistic sense of the beautiful inborn in the sons of
the Mikado’s Empire, and altogether absent in the British Tommy. All
that was ancient, refined in line and taste, or pleasing to the eye in
colour, had for a Japanese more fascination than anything of ten times
its intrinsic value. In other words, an old cup, a bowl, a rolled-up
painting yellow with age, a scroll done with a dash of the brush,
offered more temptation to the Japanese than a costly roll of silk, for
which he would not seem to care at all. I went into a house which had
been entered by a number of Japanese privates. They had found a cabinet
of old china, and each soldier was revolving in his supple fingers a
cup or a vase or dish, and carefully examining the design.

[Sidenote: ARTISTIC TASTE]

[Illustration: AMERICAN AND JAPANESE WOUNDED RETURNING INTO THE
SETTLEMENT SEVERAL HOURS AFTER THE ENGAGEMENT]

“_Kekko neh!_” (“How lovely!”) exclaimed one soldier, looking into the
work with the eye of a connoisseur.

“_Sajo deska. Taihen joso!_” (“Yes, indeed. First rate!”) announced
his neighbour, drawing in his breath in sign of admiration, while he
tried to decipher the mark on the bottom of each cup. And here a long
conversation began on the age of the crockery, how graceful in shape,
how fine in texture and make each piece was, and how skilful the artist
that painted it. Great regret, accompanied by considerable nodding of
the head to the right and left, was expressed at the impossibility
of carrying away such artistic ware, owing to its brittleness and
size. And here comes the principal point of my story. Such was their
admiration for the wares they had handled that, instead of smashing
them, as less artistic troops did those objects that could not be
carried away, these Japanese soldiers carefully replaced each article
on its shelf.

[Illustration: JAPANESE CONVEYING WOUNDED INTO THE SETTLEMENT SEVERAL
HOURS AFTER THE BATTLE OF TIENTSIN]

One could not help being struck, especially when small, delicate
articles were handled, by the dainty, artistic touch of the Japanese
soldiers as compared with the clumsy, sausage-like fingers of the
American, Russian, French or British soldier. The Japanese picked up
and laid down the smallest and most minute articles with such neatness
and grace that it was a real pleasure to see them, whereas the Yankee,
or the French or the British or Russian, not to mention the German,
could touch nothing that was not solid bronze or stone without breakage
or twisting or soil or injury of some sort. In another house, a group
of Japanese soldiers were discussing the merits of an old picture which
they had just unrolled. They came to the conclusion that it was at
least 300 years old. An officer entered. They showed it to him and he
said that it was a very fine painting. They begged him to accept it.
One of the soldiers rolled it up again and wrapped it in a piece of
silk as neatly as if he had been a picture-dealer all his life.

[Sidenote: A PRACTICAL MIND]

The Japanese--I am talking of the common soldiers, not of the
officers--were the only soldiers in the field who showed any natural
and thorough appreciation of art and of things artistic. They like
everybody else, of course--looted, but they did it in a quiet, silent
and graceful way, with no throwing about of things, no smashing, no
confusion, no undue vandalism. They helped themselves to what they
fancied, but it was done so nicely that it did not seem like looting
at all--at least, not like looting as understood by people at home.
Small ivory or jade carvings were much cherished by the Japanese, but,
curious as it may sound, with all their artistic taste, when it came
to actual carrying away, their minds ran to the practical, and the
principal things for which the little fellows looked were watches of
foreign make, which were plentiful in China. Silver repeaters striking
the hours, quarters and minutes, made many a Japanese soldier happy,
and next to these there was nothing that a Japanese soldier loved
better than musical instruments or portable music-boxes. He could
almost outdo the Russian in this.

CHAPTER XXXVII

The American soldier--No worse and no better than others--His good
qualities--The delights of smashing China vases--A first-class
fellow--His topic of conversation--Art and lump silver--His
popularity among the Allies--Guarding the Armoury--In the Yamên of
the Commissioner of Salt--A diabolical picture--Several million
dollars--A mountain of silver.

The American soldier is an interesting study. I have seen it reported
in American papers that the American soldiers in China were the only
ones who did absolutely no looting, and this was adduced as an example
showing the superiority of their morals to those of soldiers belonging
to other nationalities. No doubt newspapers of other nations concerned
in the war have written in the same manner about their compatriots,
and it would be very pleasant to believe that the news one reads in
newspapers was always true. In this case the report was particularly
false. In regard to looting the American soldier was no worse, indeed,
but decidedly no better, than any other soldier present, nor was
there any reason why he should have been. Possibly he lacked some
of the feeling and artistic taste to be found in some of the other
nationalities, and as a rule he displayed much determined business
capacity. It must be borne in mind that these remarks are not made in
disparagement, but are merely observations on the characteristics of
the American soldier in general in his capacity as a looter. He is curt
and blunt with strangers at first, but jolly and warm-hearted upon
acquaintance. He does not particularly care for artistic embroideries,
nor for rare bronzes and china ware, nor can he understand why anybody
else does. He will pick up a costly vase which has been preserved for
centuries in the house of a high official, and to save himself the
trouble of putting it gently down in the place from which it came will
drop it on the floor. Its companion piece at the other end of the
sideboard meets a similar fate, the noise of smashing crockery giving
more wild delight to his unmusical ears than the beautiful design, the
patient work of years, on the vase, before it was broken, gave pleasure
to his artistically untrained eye. The visit of the American soldiers
had about the same result on the interior of a Chinaman’s house as a
severe shock of earthquake. The contempt of the American soldier for
art has a redeeming point. His dry if somewhat coarse sense of humour,
his extraordinary remarks on the things he touched and saw, and his
composite oaths, in which no nation in the world except the Chinese
can rival or equal him, made him an amusing study. His manner and
his language may not always fulfil the ideals of European training,
but once accustomed to his “bluff,” most of which is assumed to show
his independence, which he thinks he has no other way of showing, we
shall find him a first-class fellow. From my own observation I can
speak highly of the American as a soldier. He generally impressed one,
nevertheless, as being a person disappointed in life and always on the
look-out for a fortune. When he talked, money was his only topic, and
when he could not talk of money he kept silent.

[Sidenote: WILD DELIGHT]

[Illustration: AMERICANS CONVEYING A JAPANESE WOUNDED INTO THE
SETTLEMENT AFTER THE BATTLE OF TIENTSIN]

What did he care for works of art? He had heard that some of the
porcelain was worth large sums, but he really could not tell a
five-cent teapot from a thousand-dollar one. To use his expression, all
the works of art in the world were not worth “a cent,” and, anyhow,
they had no sound marketable value. All that he looked for in the
houses of rich “Chinos,” as he conveniently called the Chinese, was
gold bar, or silver, the latter for choice in four and a quarter pound
lumps (sycee). If he could not get gold or silver he preferred to
have nothing, but he looked and looked until he generally found what
he wanted. When once he had it, he was willing, in order to convert
it at once into cash, to sell each four and a quarter pound lump
(or seventy dollars worth in weight) for five, ten, fifteen or twenty
dollars local currency!

[Illustration: IN THE ARMOURY]

[Sidenote: A POPULAR SOLDIER]

[Illustration: IN THE ARMOURY--CHINESE CONFISCATED GUNS]

The American soldier, when acclimatised, became extremely popular
with all the other nations, and it was pleasant to see him chum,
particularly with the British Tommy. He was generous in his dealings
with other soldiers, and when he got to know the people was quite
affable, and had a pleasant word for everybody. He occasionally
referred to “his girl at home,” but hardly ever mentioned any other
relative, although no doubt he loved them all dearly. Next to his
attention to business, which he transacts as we have seen above,
comes his intense interest in firearms. It was therefore lucky that
it fell to the lot of the Americans to be set on guard at the large
Arsenal inside the city wall, close to the South Gate. Forty beautiful
Krupp and Nordenfeldt guns of the latest pattern were captured, with
quantities of small arms and ammunition, including shells of all
patterns and sizes. A detachment of the 9th Infantry was placed in
charge of the premises, and the men were quartered there until the
order came to march on Pekin.

[Illustration: A MOUNTAIN OF SILVER]

The most fortunate of all were those fellows who were stationed in the
burnt-down Yamên of the Commissioner of Salt.

Hardly ever have I seen a sadder and more impressive sight than
this beautiful palace, with its fine decorations, being mercilessly
destroyed by a terrific fire. Through the large, picturesque gate, at
the sides of which sat, impassive, two magnificently-carved lions of
red and green stone, with round eyes and curly tails and manes, I gazed
upon a sight that brought vividly to mind Dante’s Inferno. The waves of
heat were almost blinding if one ventured too near, and, half choked by
the smoke, one gazed in awe at the tongues of flame bursting through
on all sides, devouring everything within their reach, and shooting
up into the air, where they became lost in clouds of black smoke. The
crash of collapsing ceilings, the crackling of furniture, and every
now and then fearful explosions of cartridges--there were thousands
and thousands of rounds in the palace--filled one’s ears. A few dead
Chinamen in the foreground completed the picture, a picture as
diabolical as one may ever wish to see. Except for their main walls of
masonry, houses in China are mostly of wood, so that in a comparatively
short time the rich palace was in ashes.

[Sidenote: TREASURE]

Before the palace was set on fire the Japanese had taken from it
large quantities of sycee silver amounting to several million Mexican
dollars. Great wealth, nevertheless, was known to still have remained
there. An American guard was placed on the ruins with instructions to
dig out the treasure. Some forty Chinese prisoners were set to work,
and in four days unearthed several million more dollars, all in sycee
silver. A photograph which I took one day in the place shows a high
mountain, about thirty feet long, thirty broad, and four high, of solid
silver, the result of only one morning’s digging among the ruins. Each
lump weighed from four and a quarter pounds to seven pounds, and was of
the purest silver. Some lumps were blackened by fire, but their value
was undiminished. Each day the silver was conveyed from the palace into
the foreign settlement by the American mule teams, and deposited in
the headquarters of the 9th Infantry. The British and Japanese carried
away similar sums from other official palaces, and, if I understood
rightly, a part of the amount collected was to be divided among all the
officers and men who took part in the capture of the city, a tangible
and sensible way of rewarding the brave fellows of all nations whose
splendid work had saved the Tientsin foreign settlement from massacre.

CHAPTER XXXVIII

The French soldier--Clothes and eatables--A touching incident--The
Russian troops--Not quite so black as they are painted--A fancy for
jewellery and perfumery--The manner of the Russian soldier--An untidy
looter--Musical boxes spared--Italian opera selections refreshing but
out of place--A marvellous work of art--Evil spirits and their ways.

A contrast to the business capabilities of the American soldier, and
the enterprise of the British and Japanese in the appropriation of
other people’s goods, was furnished by the apparent reluctance of
the French to take any article of value. They occasionally selected
some small trifle, in a sort of half-apologetic way, and their taste
seemed to run particularly towards valueless old clothing, which they
evidently proposed to adapt to their own wear. Cheap Chinese cotton
pyjamas were carried away in preference to more precious fabrics, while
eatables of all kinds, and tobacco, were in great demand.

On the day when Tientsin fell, I happened to be in the centre of the
town when I perceived some Frenchmen in a state of great agitation.
In my best Parisian I asked them what was the matter. Whereupon with
hoarse voices they shouted, waving their arms dangerously over my
head:--

“_Mais vas donc, vas donc en prendre là, il y en a tant!_” (“But go
on, go and take some over there, there is such a lot of it!”)

[Sidenote: HAMS AND HAPPINESS]

“_Mais tant de quoi?_” (“But such a lot of what?”) queried I,
circumspectly, led to presume by their excitement that they had struck
silver or gold bar.

“_Mais vas donc; je te dis. C’est du jambon, du jambon, comprends-tu?
et il est excellent!_” (“But go, I tell you, there is ham, ham, do you
understand? and it is delicious!”) So saying, the Frenchman who had
talked loudest smacked his lips and his companions did the same. With
apologies I said that I intended travelling in the opposite direction,
but they shoved me towards the place of the ham. Down a lane we came
upon another crowd of Frenchmen who were enraptured over the find, and
exclamations of complacency poured forth on all sides as ham after
ham was passed out of the shop and laid on the pile in the middle of
the road. Two or three of the younger folks gazed in ecstasy at the
ever-growing mountain of cured pork, and the joy was little short of
delirious when, the pile outside having grown to colossal proportions,
the news came from within the shop that there were as many more hams
still hanging in a newly discovered room! A discussion arose on the
difficulty of transport, and among deafening howls they decided that
they could not carry more than they had already taken. Here came the
nicest part of the story, which touched me greatly. Knowing that there
were a number of British soldiers close by, they sent one of their men
to tell them of their discovery, and to ask them whether they wanted to
partake of the booty.

“_Je crois qu’ils en mangent aussi, les Anglais, du jambon!_” (“I think
the English eat ham too,”) remarked one of the soldiers, “_ça leur fera
plaisir d’en avoir_” (“they will probably be glad to have it”), he
added good-naturedly.

As provisions had been very scarce in Tientsin, this was indeed a
gracious thought, and goes to show that, notwithstanding the animosity
supposed to exist between British and French, none was felt by soldiers
in the field.

[Illustration: A CHARRED BODY]

[Sidenote: MUSICAL BOXES]

The Russian troops, being mostly drawn from Siberia, were somewhat more
brusque and wild than the rest, most of the men having strong Mongolian
features and general characteristics. But even they were not half as
bad as they have been represented. The accounts one hears of them in
America and Europe are indeed too ludicrous, and it is astonishing to
find so many people who believe them. Like the American, the Russian
smashes what he cannot carry away. He particularly fancies jewellery;
rings and bracelets he keeps for personal ornament. He has a great
objection to the inside works of a clock, and never seems satisfied
until he hears the mainspring give way and jump out of the case. His
happiness is complete when on his looting expeditions he strikes a
perfumery shop; then, with nostrils wide open, he rejoices in pouring
bottle after bottle of scent on his coat and trousers. He is silent,
serious, and yet very polite, courteous, and full of humour. With a
mad craving for destroying china vases as well as clocks, the Russian
is probably the most untidy of all the Allied looters, throwing about
everything that is of no use to him. He too values nothing except
silver, gold, and furs. There is one thing, nevertheless, that he will
respect. That is a musical box. He will wind it carefully, sit down
quietly, listen attentively to its entire list of selections, keeping
time with his foot, and when he has done with it and his musical ear
is satisfied, he dusts it carefully, packs it in the handsomest piece
of brocade within reach, and carries it triumphantly to camp, where
he makes a present of it to one of his officers. In their homes the
richer Chinese had quantities of musical boxes of all sizes and shapes.
Some played Chinese popular airs, others gave selections from European
operas and favourite songs. It often seemed strange to hear the soft
melody of the old “Traviata” or “Trovatore” go on at full speed, wound
out by the muscular arm of a Cossack, in the midst of heaps of silk
garments piled together, pigskin trunks with their picturesque brass
locks smashed open, cabinets torn down, windows smashed, furniture
broken, fragments of what was once invaluable pottery strewn on the
floor; cloisonné pieces and enamel dishes battered about and trodden
upon; a few dead bodies scattered in the courtyard of the house.
Inadequate as a musical box may be in reproducing the beauty of any
opera, people have no idea what pleasure it gave, and how restful it
was to hear some sweet familiar tune which in a fashion brought back
to the senses everything pleasant, artistic, and refreshing, and for a
moment--only a moment--made the hearer forget the horrors of war, and
even the extra horrors of this particular war.

A marvellous work of art was found by a Cossack in the house of
a mandarin. It was an ivory box no larger than a cigarette case.
On touching a spring the lid sprang open and a nightingale--most
beautifully proportioned and no bigger than a fly--leaped out and stood
perched on the edge of the box, where it whistled most beautifully like
a real bird. The beak opened and closed as it sang, the tail wagged,
and the wings flapped. Even the neck and legs were articulated. The
miniature bird had been made in Switzerland. An inscription on the
outside cover of the box stated that it had been in various well-known
European collections, large sums having been paid for it. Probably the
mandarin had disbursed, I dare say, two or three hundred pounds for it,
as the Chinese are great admirers of works of patience and skill, and
will pay very large sums to obtain them.

Looking-glasses, large and small, played a very important part in the
internal decoration of the larger and better houses, but the prettiest
part of all of a Chinese house was generally the court, with its front
door screen to prevent evil spirits from entering the precinct. Evil
spirits, according to Chinese notions, always travel in a straight
line, and are unable to turn corners. In that court, generally paved
with slabs of stone, are pots of rare plants and gracefully distorted
trees. A large earthenware receptacle full of water is never absent,
and stands generally in front of the screen at the front door, or in
the centre of the courtyard. Long poles are to be seen everywhere, and
are used in summer-time, when mats are put up to shade the plants and
people from the broiling sun.

CHAPTER XXXIX

Taking things all round, there is no doubt that those who mostly
benefited by the looting of Tientsin were the Chinese themselves.
There were crowds of them outside every house where looting went on,
and they sneaked in and out, carrying away valuable things. They had
the advantage of knowing where to find them. Even Boxers and Imperial
soldiers had hastily thrown off their uniform coats, and returned to
the city disguised as coolies or peaceful citizens. Their greed was
disgusting, and among themselves they acted like wild beasts. When
one of them came out of a house with some loot, others sprang on him
_en masse_, overcame him, knocked him down, and his loot was divided
among the bystanders, who in their turn were attacked by others behind,
until in the _mêlée_ many were injured, and the smarter ones got away
with the goods. The Chinese whom one saw in Tientsin soon after its
fall were ruffians of the very first water. Their faces alone were
a sufficient certificate. What ghastly, murderous expressions were
concealed under the servile, submissive manner towards every European
that went by!

Then, again, numbers of Buddhist priests prowled suspiciously in the
crowd. They were to be seen everywhere, but especially near official
residences and where treasure was to be obtained. These fellows, these
chief instigators of the Boxer trouble, had evidently crept back into
the city under the mask of religion for the double purpose of looting
and spying.

[Illustration: CHINESE LOOTERS]

When I visited the palace of the Commissioner of Salt, held by the
Americans, I took a walk round the site with an officer. We discovered,
in a secluded part of the palace, one of these priests and a mate
digging among the hot ashes. They had already dug out a quantity of
silver and all the official Commissioner’s seals, which the monk
quickly proceeded to hide in his sleeve when he saw us. The American
officer pointed his revolver at him and called for a guard, while I
confined myself to taking a snapshot of him with my camera, as he
tremblingly went down on his knees and begged for mercy. The guard
arrived and the looters were made prisoners.

[Illustration: DIGGING FOR TREASURE]

[Sidenote: RESPECTFUL NATIVES]

For days and days after the fall of the city one saw crowds of men,
women, and children, half naked, digging for treasure among the ruins
of burnt houses. There they were, dozens of them, scraping off the
ashes and _débris_ as fast as they could with their fingers, until
their nails and finger-tips were worn and bleeding. Occasionally they
struck a few strings of cash or a piece of silver, and then there was a
scuffle and a row, with mutual blows administered in profusion.

The less daring Chinamen whom one saw, peeping out of their houses or
standing tremblingly in their doorways, seemed scared out of their
senses every time that a European came in sight. For additional safety
they each flew one, or even two, flags of truce made of paper or cloth.
Specially careful individuals, who valued their lives, had sewn a
white flag to their coats in front and another behind, lest the flags
carried in the hands should perchance not be sufficient protection. It
was a constant remark among the Allied officers that China would be a
paradise if one could keep the Chinese in the same behaviour that they
displayed after their defeat. They bowed and “chin-chinned” to every
“foreign devil” that went by, those sitting down springing up on their
feet each time that a soldier passed. Tea and cold water were served
out to anybody who wanted it, and the stolid, blunt Chinaman behaved
to everybody with a civility never before shown by the sons of the
Heavenly Empire.

[Illustration: THE FLAG OF TRUCE]

The appealing inscriptions in English, German, and French, on the
doorways and on their flags of truce, were amusing beyond words.
They were written in trembling handwriting, mostly by Chinese who
had an imperfect knowledge of English or French: “I am poor man,
allies officer please not rob me;” “Great Japan spare me;” “Inside
belong friend England, please do not kill.” A common one was “French
protection” or “Vive la France,” and appeals to the German Emperor
were also frequent. The majority of inscribed entreaties were to the
Japanese, probably because the Chinese could write them in their own
characters, which read the same in both languages, but also because
Japan was at first regarded by the Chinese populace as the leading
nation in the war, and the one most to be feared. Even in their little
flags of truce, always decorated with the colours of the favourite
country, one hardly met with any British or American flags. Out of a
hundred people, ninety carried a diminutive Japanese emblem, four the
French flag, four the German, one the British, and one the American
flag. The reason of this was not only the difficulty of depicting
the flags of America and England, but also, in no small degree, the
impression prevailing among the ignorant Chinese population that the
British had been badly beaten in Africa, and would not be able to
fight nor send soldiers.

[Sidenote: FLAGS OF TRUCE]

Any Chinese found in the settlement or neighbourhood without a flag or
a pass was instantly made prisoner or shot.

CHAPTER XL

A walk through the town--Still alive--The Red Cross--A
pandemonium--Dividing loot--A pawnshop--Furs, gold and silk
embroideries.

I took a stroll through the town. The streets were narrow, and
everywhere you could smell dead bodies decomposing in the fearful heat.
You saw plenty of them about. Here you stumbled over a dead Boxer,
there, two or three Imperial soldiers lay in a heap, fearfully gashed
by a shell. Did you not hear a moan? Listen! Yes! That fat Chinaman
lying in a pool of blood was still alive. As I stooped over him to
ask him if he wanted some water--the only assistance one could render
him--he closed his eyes. He did not answer, and held his breath,
pretending to be dead. Many were the poor devils that were left about
to die for want of assistance, as the Red Cross did not extend its work
to the Chinese.

Avoiding the streets where all the houses were on fire, and peeping
into every door--where one saw sights of all kinds--here we were
at last before a large gateway, into and out of which a crowd of
Europeans, Pathans, Americans, and Chinese were madly rushing. The
fellows who violently forced their way in had nothing, those who
were shot out by the people pushing behind them were balancing
with difficulty, on their heads or upstretched arms, large boxes
overflowing with goods, or large bundles, or handfuls of jewellery
or furs. This promised to be an interesting sight. I went in. The
pressure of the crowd was extreme. One ran short of breath almost to
suffocation. Going through the door--the narrowest point, where every
one was trying to get in at once--one felt one’s ribs were giving way
to the pressure in front, behind, and sideways, but at last, when once
inside the building, a large, dark hall, one could breathe freely
again, wipe the copious perspiration running down forehead, cheeks, and
neck, and sit down on the floor for a while to take the needed rest.

[Sidenote: MORE LOOTING]

[Illustration: AN IMPERIAL DEFENDER OF THE CITY]

But what a noise! the buzzing of the crowd fighting its way in and
out, and running through this hall and out into the next portion of
the building, the din of metal being tested on the stone floor, the
wild cries and yells of looters who in their turn were looted by
neighbouring looters, crossed and mingled with one another. Coming from
the brilliant sun, your eyes needed to become accustomed to the light
of this first hall; then you saw to your right a number of European
soldiers squatting down, counting silver coins, of which they had a
pile, sorting out jewellery, of which they had another pile, and big
lumps of silver, of which they had a third pile. There were about
eight of them, and according to the general idea I suppose they ought
to have quarrelled, even fought with revolvers in hand, over the fair
division of the stolen property, but they did not. They were as quiet,
as well-behaved, as matter-of-fact over their employment as so many
honest men! One might have thought that they were carrying on a legal
brotherly trade, of which they were now sharing the due profits.

Once in the human current, one pushed his way through the next door.
One was lifted right off one’s feet, and, if one was fortunate enough
to avoid being jammed against either pillar of the door, one found
oneself in a spacious courtyard crammed with people, empty trunks,
boxes, baskets, clothes, hats, broken furniture and china, pewter
candlesticks, bronzes and goods of every description scattered
pell-mell everywhere. Apparently the chief point of interest was
yet further on. All the people were forcing their way into the next
building. Gradually working one’s way, one succeeded in penetrating
into a huge room, but so dark that it took some time before one could
see anything at all, though there was plenty to hear!

What pandemonium! and how the eyes smarted and ached from the dust
and dirt with which the air seemed thick, while throats were dry and
coughing. Eventually, when my eyes got accustomed to the dim light, I
stooped to see where I was putting my feet, for priceless brocades,
bronze candlesticks, furs, and other such things, were underfoot. A
large box dropped from close to the ceiling, some thirty feet above,
and came within an inch of striking me on the head. I say that it came
from near the ceiling, for on looking up to remonstrate I perceived
a Pathan, who had climbed to the top of the bamboo scaffolding that
served as shelves, into which the room had been divided, leaving
narrow passages between scaffold and scaffold. This man, regardless
of the safety of his fellow beings standing below, dropped another
large box, no less than four feet square and two deep, which, like the
preceding one, burst right open on striking the ground. Here a dozen
arms outstretched from all sides pulled at valuable furs, such as
silver fox, otter, white wolf, seal, squirrel, all lining gaudy coats
of magnificent brocade or silk. Some were embroidered in gold, others
in delicate silks, and were the patient work of years.

[Sidenote: EMBROIDERIES, FURS, ETC.]

The Pathan, climbing down with the agility of a monkey from his
high point of vantage, was just in time to snatch out of the box a
bundle containing silver coins, a gold comb, several gold rings, two
bracelets, and various other trinkets. He now threw the empty box aside
and proceeded to inspect the contents of the first box, which was below.

I never saw such lovely furs. Here were two most beautiful long coats
of yellow brocade, lined with white Persian unborn lamb, and yet
another coat of the best Tibetan goat. As the Mahommedan dived further
and further into the box, out came more sealskin, more silver fox,
astrachan, more magnificent embroideries.

“They are beautiful,” I remarked in Hindustani to the Pathan.

“_Neh, Sahib, bura crab!_” (“No, sir, they are very bad!”) he answered,
with a disappointed air. He, too, cared for nothing but gold and
silver. Everything else was of no value to him. He threw all aside and
proceeded to undo the numberless bundles that were stacked on the tall
shelves to his right. These too, to his disgust, contained only silks
and brocades, or rolls of silk crape.

The noise, dust, and heat inside the room were unbearable, and when to
all this was added the sight of several prominent Tientsin residents,
of no mean rotund proportions, climbing overhead to the top shelves
(the lower ones having already been looted), I thought it was high
time for me to depart. I forced my way out of the pawnshop--for it was
a pawnshop--and when I got out into the open the stifling air seemed
quite cool and refreshing by comparison with the foul temperature
indoors. It is well known that pawnshops in China do not exactly
correspond to ours, but are used more as storehouses by all the
natives, rich and poor alike. In winter all the summer clothes, jewels,
&c., are stored in them for safe keeping and preservation, and in
summer all the furs and warm clothing. Money and valuables not needed
are also left in safe keeping of these pawnshops, which are under
Government supervision.

CHAPTER XLI

[Illustration: A COMMON SIGHT]

While all this went on in the streets, the ramparts of the wall were
strewn with dead bodies of soldiers and Boxers. Many who had been
killed several days before the capitulation of the city had been
pitched down into the street below. The bodies were partly eaten
up by dogs, and what remained of them was in a fearful state of
decomposition. The majority of soldiers had been wounded in the head
when peeping over the wall to snipe at our men. By the side of those
last fallen near the loopholes on the top of the wall lay stacks of
gingals, Mannlicher carbines, Winchesters, swords, spears, tridents,
and thousands of rounds of ammunition. In addition to these modern
weapons, a great number of muzzle-loading guns were found that had been
used in the defence of Tientsin, and near these one picked up small
cane and cardboard tubes used by the Chinese to measure the gunpowder
charge when loading them. Pouches filled with lead bullets were
scattered about on the ground, also quantities of nails, pebbles, and
other such articles, which were added in the charge to the bullet to
cause additional damage to the enemy.

Roaming along, attracted at every turn by some extraordinary sight, one
came again to the South Gate of the city.

The striking feature of a tall, defiant Manchu soldier stared me in the
face. He sat motionless by the guard-house near the familiar rack, on
which stood a number of old, rusty spears and tridents, the shattered
remains of ancient Chinese protection. His hands were tied behind his
back--for he was a prisoner--and his torn coat exposed in the middle
of his chest a deep gash several inches long, caused by a bayonet or a
sword. The remains of his coat and his trousers were soaked in blood,
and the wound, very recent, was still bleeding profusely, and must have
caused him intense suffering. But not a plea for mercy, not a groan of
pain, came from his lips. He sat there stolidly and perfectly upright,
with a terrible look of pride mingled with contempt on his otherwise
impassive face. His jaws were tightly closed, his eyes, which never
winked, slowly moved their piercing pupils from one figure to the other
of the noisy crowd of foreigners who were rushing with their loot out
of the city. Further on, outside the same gate, two heads of Chinese
swung on the wall, strung by their pigtails. Evidently two Boxer
traitors.

But enough of these horrible sights. In one hour, going through
Tientsin city, one could that day see enough disgusting scenes to last
one a lifetime.

As I have said, the authorities, with Captain Bayly at their head,
allowed free loot the first day; but on the second day, when people,
encouraged by the impunity of the day before, came to convey their
booty into the foreign Concessions, they found to their surprise that
it was duly seized by officers of the various nationalities. A looting
of the looter, as it were.

[Sidenote: USEFUL POLYGLOT ABILITIES]

The amusing part of all this was that, to avoid unnecessary friction,
officers were allowed to confiscate the presumed loot brought into
the Settlement by their respective countrymen only, and at this point
a knowledge of several languages came in handy for looters. When
rickshaws and coolies carrying the plunder were stopped by French
officers the plunderers would reply in German, on which the Frenchmen
would politely salute and declare that they did not understand German,
nor had they any power to interfere with German subjects. The British
officer, who next challenged the looter, would be met by a jabber of
French, and he too would bow courteously and acknowledge that subjects
of the much-respected French Republic were not under his jurisdiction.
Thus with regretful eyes each would beg the pillager to continue his
journey--with his spoils--until, if he knew languages enough to carry
him through, he would eventually reach home in safety.

So folks--not military--who were fortunate enough to speak various
foreign tongues brought home quite a nice collection of things,
whereas others, of less polyglot abilities, had to endure the hardship
of compulsory separation from their much-valued pickings. If they
remonstrated, a few plain truths were told them in addition; their
names--usually somebody else’s--were taken down, and many a rash
_paterfamilias_ was made to feel pretty uncomfortable for days to come
by such cool remarks of the officers as: “We do not know yet what
punishment will be meted out to you, but you will hear;” “Martial law
condemns all looters to be shot without trial,” or some such comforting
words, which were enough to eradicate, even in the most enthusiastic,
the dangerous mania of collecting Chinese curios without paying for
them.

Many amusing tricks were nevertheless played on the officers in charge.
Two marines had found 15,000 dollars in silver and gold. They deposited
the precious load in the bottom of a water-cart, filled it with dirty
water, and, without arousing the slightest suspicion, wheeled it
safely into the settlement. Chapter two of the same story saw the two
_nouveaux riches_ hopelessly intoxicated, standing drinks all round,
and confiding in everybody how they had acquired the large fortune and
brought the treasure in without being detected. Chapter three: the
silver and gold, less what had been spent in drinks, was duly seized by
the authorities, and the men were placed in irons pending court-martial.

Others made and lost similar and even greater fortunes within a few
hours, but as the confiscated loot was divided among the brave soldiers
who captured the city, no one (after getting over the first shock)
thought the treatment unfair. On the contrary, one and all were glad
that the troops should have all, and no one grudged that they should be
rewarded to the fullest extent.

[Illustration: EUROPEANS CONVEYING LOOT INTO THE SETTLEMENT]

CHAPTER XLII

Across the Grand Canal--The Viceroy’s Yamên--Important
documents--Arms destroyed--The Viceroy’s apartments--The War
Office--Drill-books--Scientific books--The Foreign Office--Foreign
treaties--Documents referring to the Boxer movement--The Female Boxer
Society--Captured guns--The value of two heads of foreigners--Rewards
for facing the enemy--Fighting in the day and cash payments at
night--Articles supplied to the Boxers by the Government--A
much-rewarded lieutenant--Receipts growing bigger as the Allies
advanced--By the Viceroy’s command--Rewards to Boxers and their
families--The last entry in the Viceroy’s day-book.

Across the Grand Canal, outside the city wall, on the north-east
corner, a bridge led to the Viceroy’s Yamên. One would have thought
that, as the military operations of the Chinese were directed
mainly from this point--the “War Office,” as it were, of China--our
Intelligence Department, with the aid of interpreters, who were
plentiful, might have paid a visit to this place, where documents of
no mean importance might have been discovered, and much information
obtained which might have proved useful. But no. On the contrary. They
seemed to experience difficulty in distinguishing between what was
really important and what was not. Here is an instance.

A missionary gentleman, who was as conversant with Chinese as he
was with English, having prowled into the Viceroy’s buildings and
discovered some papers of great value, immediately went to notify the
British authorities, to whom he generously offered all the documents
with the annexed translations. He was in return treated far from
civilly.

Previous to the occupation of the Palace by the Russians, the Chinese
mob was allowed to do all the looting it liked inside, and at last
orders were given to clear out all the papers in the offices, as the
buildings were to be used for barracks. Some eighty coolies with as
many brooms were despatched with instructions to sweep out into the
canal all that there was in the Yamên.

I thought it might prove interesting to go and see the place before the
order was entirely carried out.

The Yamên was approached by a short, narrow road along the canal,
upon which some four or five bomb-proof shelters, well sandbagged,
had been constructed. The entrance was through a court with the usual
wide-open-mouthed, curly-tailed sea-lions at either side of the gate,
and in one corner one’s attention was at once drawn to a heap of
Mannlicher, Mauser and Winchester rifles, which had been captured and
rendered useless by the Russians. A pretty cannon with its breech
broken lay on one side, and close by another heap of single and
two-handed swords, spears, and tridents, as used by the Boxers. The
Russians were in temporary possession of the premises, and they readily
gave me permission to enter and inspect anything I chose.

Court after court was entered, the apartments and offices of the
Viceroy and officers standing around the various courts, which were
handsomely ornamented with quaint plants, bronze vases, high lanterns,
and incense-burners.

Let us enter the part of the building which was used as the War
Office. A pile of large books thrown on the floor caught my sight. I
opened them. They were drill-books for the Chinese army, some for the
artillery, some for the infantry, others for the cavalry. The various
exercises and drills were fully demonstrated in coloured pictures, a
few of which I have reproduced on the fly-leaves of this book.

[Sidenote: SCIENTIFIC BOOKS]

[Illustration: IN THE “WAR OFFICE”]

Further on was another neat pile of smaller volumes. They were the
log-books of the various men-of-war, kept in the most accurate fashion
day by day, according to European fashion, and up to the day of the
capture of Taku.

There were also foreign scientific books on explosives, on navigation,
on gunnery, on chemistry, on machinery of all kinds, and endless
photographs of big guns, rifles and projectiles of every possible
pattern. Maps and charts in Chinese were lying pell-mell everywhere,
and beautiful models of warships were smashed and thrown into one
corner.

I passed on through court after court into the Foreign Office. The
confusion here was even greater than in the previous department, as
all the papers of minutes, mainly consisting of correspondence, in
long white and red envelopes sprinkled with gold, were here. These
envelopes lay about a foot deep all over the floor. Coming from the
brilliant sunlight, I had not seen what I was treading on. Under my
feet were some handsomely bound books. I stooped and opened one. It was
nothing less than the original treaty between the Chinese and British
Governments, and bore the signature of Li-hung-chang and Sir Thomas
Wade.

I picked up the next. The treaty of Tonkin between the French and
Chinese. A third. A treaty between Japan and China. And so on.

A number of coolies entered and began to sweep all these valuable
papers into the canal.

In the Viceroy’s rooms were found the most astonishing documents
referring to the Boxer movement.

We have seen how Mr. Carles telegraphed to Lord Salisbury that the
Viceroy’s conduct had been very correct, and how thereupon instructions
were at once sent out to afford the worthy gentleman all help and
protection. It is possible that he may have been dragged into infamy
by others, and by Imperial orders; but here let me give you the
translations and one or two photographs of documents which speak for
themselves.

Probably more curious and the most revolting of all was the receipt by
which it appeared that the “Female Boxer Society” had presented the
head of a foreigner to the authorities, for which gift the Viceroy had
handed over 50 taels.

This receipt was written on a yellow paper slip, and had been given by
some old medicine woman--a kind of witch--who lived in a junk on the
river.

[Sidenote: TWO HEADS OF FOREIGNERS]

Captured guns were each apparently reckoned at half the value of
foreign devils’ heads.

[Illustration: RECEIPT FOUND IN VICEROY’S YAMÊN]

“June 19. Reward to Major Cheng-kuo-Chun for capturing two guns
(American), 50 taels.”

“June 19. Reward to Lien Chun for fighting at Tientsin. Three ying,
forty-six officers, 10 taels each; 1455 men, 4 taels each. Total, 6280
taels.”

Here is another document showing that the decapitation of foreigners
was encouraged:

“June 21. (5th moon, 25th day.) Document written on red paper. Receipt
given by Colonel Wan-Yi-T’sai, of the Lien Chün Chili field forces, for
two heads of foreigners (American marines), 100 taels.”

The largest rewards were paid for any trifling victory scored by the
Chinese, or even for the display of courage enough to meet the enemy.
Many of these rewards, it will be noticed, were paid to officers in the
Imperial army.

“Reward to Lieutenant Hu-Tien-Chia (7 yings) for their victory over the
enemy for three successive days, June 21, 3500 taels.”

“June 22. Reward to Colonel Han, 500 taels.”

“Reward to one of Nieh’s men for capturing a foreign rifle, 6 taels.
Paid on June 23, by order of General Hsü.”

“June 23. Receipt from General Nieh, dated 5th moon, 27th day. Taels
8000.”

This document, like many others, had several drops of candle-grease on
it, and by its date fully proved that fighting was done in the day, and
immediate cash payment made at night.

“June 24. Reward to Lien-Yang-Liang-Hui, 210 taels.”

“June 24. 5000 dragon dollars borrowed by Hu-Tien-Chia (General in
General Nieh’s army), of the Wu-Wei-Chün.”

“June. Paid to the transport agent, U-Kui-Ch’a (2 ying, 1020 men), 400
taels.”

“June 29. Receipt from General Nieh for 60,000 taels to pay the
allowance for the 5th moon to the Wu-Wei-Chün (name of the corps).”

A list of articles supplied to the Boxers by the Government and paid
for by General Chü:

“Yellow and red silk, 60 pieces; red foreign cloth, 22 pieces; best
satin for jackets, 10 pieces; red crape, 4 pieces; white crape, 1
piece. Dated 6th moon, 3rd day (or June 29).”

This was a white document with a red strip on the right corner, and
stated that money had already been received for the above goods to the
sum of 600 taels.

Judging by the amount of cash that passed through his hands, Lieutenant
Hu-Tien-Chia seemed to have distinguished himself on many occasions.
Two further large payments were registered in his name.

[Sidenote: REWARDS]

“July 1. Reward to Lieutenant Hu-Tien-Chia, of the Wu-Wei-Chün (5
yings), for a victory over the foreigners, 2500 taels.”

“July 2. Reward to Lieutenant Hu-Tien-Chia, of the Wu-Wei-Chün, 5 yings
(a camp of 500 men), 10,000 taels.”

This document, too, had several drops of candle-grease on it, showing
that these transactions were carried on at night, when ready money was
paid.

Such receipts as the following could leave little doubt in the minds,
even of the most sceptical, that Boxers were from the beginning
supported by the Government.

“Receipt from the Prefect of Tientsin given to the Viceroy for 24,066
katties of best white flour supplied in 26th year of Kwang-su, 6th
moon (July 1900), to Wang-Cheng-Teh, the general leader of the Boxers
(_Tung-dai_), _a military organisation_ of volunteers.”

“July. Receipt from General Chou-Ting-Ch’en for pacifying money to the
Viceroy, 7000 taels.”

A receipt from General Ma for an unspecified sum to reward soldiers who
had fought in Tientsin.

Also another receipt from the same General for 40,000 taels for rations
for soldiers.

“July. Reward to General Chi’s men (artillery), 200 taels.”

“Reward to the police at the Viceroy’s Yamên, also spies, &c., 50
taels.”

“Reward to Lien Chün cavalry, 2 ying; 9 officers, 11 taels each; 206
sergeants and men, 5 taels each.”

“Receipt for the money to be paid to 210 men (70 to be added to each
ying) of the Lien Chün for carrying communications, despatches, &c.,
and for artillery work, 609 taels.”

“Reward for digging trenches outside the South Gate, 300 taels.”

“July 4. Reward to Major Chiang-Shun-Tah’s men, 500 taels.”

“July 4. Reward for bravery in facing the enemy to the ever-victorious
General Pien, 500 taels.”

“Also to two subordinates, Huai Lien (belonging to Huai Lien army), 200
taels.”

“July 4. Reward for bravery in facing the enemy to General
Chou-T’ing-Ch’en, commanding three yings, 1500 taels.”

It is to be remarked that rewards grew bigger as time went on and the
Allies were gaining ground.

“July 4. Reward for bravery in facing the enemy at Ma-Chia-k’ou (a
place near Tientsin), to Major Wan-Yi-T’sai (Lien Chün), 500 taels.”

This is the same man who, in June, received a reward for the heads of
two American marines.

Then I saw a most interesting record of orders issued by the Viceroy.
The document ran:

“The Viceroy has verbally commanded that the following Generals are
to rewarded for courage in meeting the enemy: General Pien (ever
victorious), 500 taels; Major Jang, 500 taels; Major Joe, Major Wang,
and Major Lu, 500 taels each; General Doh (in charge of three camps,
1500 men), 500 taels for each camp, or 1500 taels in all; Major Jih,
200 taels; 7th moon (July), 8th day.”

A list was found of Boxers killed and wounded in their encounters
with foreigners. This document was on red paper, and appended was the
receipt for 3550 taels paid by the Government as a reward to those
injured, and to the families of the deceased--100 taels for each man
killed, and 30 for each wounded. This document bore the date of the 6th
moon (July), 15th day, or three days before Tientsin was taken. Other
documents found showed that the sum of 100 taels for each man killed,
and 30 for each man wounded, was the recognised reward paid by the
Government, through the Viceroy, to the Boxers.

[Sidenote: DOCUMENTS]

A great many similar documents were found, bearing the date of the 11th
of the same moon.

“July 9. Reward to General Chi-Ying-Shan’s men (artillery), 200 taels
and 50 taels.”

All these orders were recorded in the Viceroy’s book as having been
verbally given during the night by the Viceroy himself to his Military
Secretary.

[Illustration:
頃奉
帥即面諭前派各營具賞

卞統領 長… 賞銀伍百兩
蔣營官 …… 賞銀伍百兩
周營官 行超 賞銀伍百兩
王營官 …才 賞銀伍百兩
劉營官 昌… 賞銀伍百兩
周統領 昆白 每營賞銀伍百
李鶴山 丙作 賞銀…百兩

營務處備知
六月初八日

DOCUMENT FOUND IN VICEROY’S YAMÊN]

Another document showed that, on petition, a sum of 100 taels was
granted to the families of two men killed by British shells while
guarding the armoury in the city, and 30 taels each to three men who
were wounded on the same occasion. (This document was dated 6th moon,
14th day, or four days before Tientsin was taken.)

It would take too long to reproduce here the hundreds of such papers
found. I have limited myself to giving a selection of representative
ones.

Interesting was the last entry in the Viceroy’s day-book, showing that
the last payment made by him--the handsome sum of 10,000 taels, to the
head Boxer, Chang-Teh-Cheng--occurred only on the day before the city
of Tientsin was captured by the Allies. The entry bore the date 6th
moon, 16th day (July 12).

Evidently matters were getting desperate, and there was no more time to
keep accurate accounts of moneys disbursed on behalf of the Government.

[Illustration: IN THE VICEROY’S YAMÊN]

CHAPTER XLIII

Yu-lu’s doings--A Proclamation--Banishment and blows--Fencing
and boxing--Children of the Government--Pardon for past
faults--Christians and Missionaries--Emperor’s sarcasm--A message to
Queen Victoria--England and China.

Whether acting on his own initiative or under secret instructions from
the Throne--it matters little to the reader which--the fact is proved
that Yu-lu, the Viceroy of Chili, was providing arms, ammunition, and
food to the Boxers, while issuing edicts and proclamations, such as the
one here appended, which were calculated to put foreigners off their
guard.

To do him no injustice, I reproduce one of his last proclamations in
full. It may be noticed that the punishment of one hundred blows,
usually inflicted for petty theft, was hardly adequate for what was
then regarded as the crime of rebellion; nor, probably, would any one
else in Tientsin, except the British Consul, have found the behaviour
of the Viceroy “quite correct” in offering to pardon men guilty of
wholesale murder and theft for past faults.

The Viceroy’s proclamation, after setting forth an Imperial edict
issued early in the year, went on to say:

[Illustration: ROAD LEADING TO THE WEST ARSENAL]

“It appears by the law that all idle persons who, instead of
attending to their duties, devote themselves to teaching people
fencing and boxing, and all who go to them for such instruction,
or those who give public exhibitions of fencing to make money and
thereby excite the imagination of the people, are acting contrary to
the law and render themselves liable to it. Such teachers are liable
to arrest and banishment to 1000 li (333 miles), after receiving one
hundred blows; while those who go to them for instruction are liable
to one hundred blows and three years’ banishment, and at the end of
that time to be escorted by a guard to their native place and kept
under observation. If shops, or inns, or monasteries shelter such
persons without reporting the same, or if the ti paos fail to arrest
them, the law commands that they shall receive eighty blows. Thus, to
teach fencing and boxing is punishable by law, and much more so is
the ignorant misconduct of the people who become excited by ruffians
from other provinces. Their teaching consists of making charms and
reciting spells _by which the people become possessed of power to
resist firearms_. They believe this, and organise the Ih-hwo Ch’uan,
and practise boxing and fencing, thereby extending their influence
in all directions. They are known to oppose religions, make trouble
and disturb the peace, and when the Government troops go to disperse
them they dare to resist them. They have been warned by both civil
and military authorities. Some appear to comply in the face of the
officials, but continue their evil practices behind their backs. We
regard all people, whether Christians or not, as children of the
Government, and all disputes among them should be laid before the
officials and left to their judgment. But the people do just the
contrary. They collect mobs and burn down property, exact ransom, and
injure others, while resisting the Imperial troops. Their actions are
those of robbers and bandits. You all have lives and property; what
profit is it to you to be excited to this foolishness and wilfully
to violate the law? Strict orders are now given to local authorities
to arrest such foolish fellows, and I hereby notify the gentry and
every class in every district that all who gather people together
and organise secret societies are breaking the law, and those who
disturb the peace and rob violently cannot be excused by the law.
All who erect sheds for boxing instruction or act in such a way as
to cause a rising, are to be arrested by authority and severely
punished. All ignorant persons who have been tempted to join the
society and practise boxing should repent at once, and discontinue
their evil habits and become loyal subjects. If they repent _they
will be pardoned_ for past fault, and if they do not, and still
continue their evil practices, the local authorities will punish
them severely without leniency. The common people and Christians are
all subjects, and are to be treated with fatherly sympathy without
distinction, but when disputes arise among them they ought to be
submitted to the authorities. They should not presumptuously act
on the dictates of angry feeling and give cause for offence. The
Christians also should not make trouble nor oppress the people, nor
persuade the missionaries to give them protection in order to get the
best of a suit. The local authorities should judge the cases without
distinction and according to law. Both our people and Christians
should occupy themselves with their own duties and avoid jealousy and
suspicions, and give due weight to public harmony and peace. All of
you respect this; tremble and obey.”

[Sidenote: EVIL PRACTICES]

A quaint document was the telegram sent by the Emperor of China to Her
Majesty Queen Victoria.

A subtle tone of sarcasm runs through it from beginning to end, but
especially in regard to the aims of foreign nations who “might be
tempted to exploit or _despoil_” his Empire.

(_Telegraphic._)

“+Pekin+, _July 3, 1900_.

“The Emperor of China to Her Majesty the Queen of England, Empress of
India, sendeth greetings:

“Since the opening of commercial intercourse between foreign nations
and China, the aspirations of Great Britain have always been after
commercial extension, and not territorial aggrandisement.

“Recently, dissensions having arisen between the Christians and the
people of Chili and Shantung, certain evilly-disposed persons availed
themselves of the occasion to make disturbances, and these having
extended so rapidly, the treaty Powers, suspecting that the rioters
might have been encouraged by the Imperial Government, attacked and
captured the Taku forts. The sufferings arising from this act of
hostility have been great, and the situation has been much involved.

[Sidenote: A FRANK EXPOSURE]

“In consideration of the facts that of the foreign commerce of China
more than 70 per cent. belongs to England, that the Chinese tariff
is lower than that of any other country, and that the restrictions
on it are fewer, British merchants have during the last few decades
maintained relations with Chinese merchants at the ports as
harmonious as if they had both been members of the same family. But
now complications have arisen, mutual mistrust has been engendered,
and the situation having thus changed for the worse, it is felt that,
if China cannot be supported in maintaining her position, foreign
nations, looking on so large and populous a country, so rich in
natural resources, might be tempted to exploit or despoil it, and
perhaps differ among themselves with respect to their conflicting
interests.

“It is evident that this would create a state of matters which would
not be advantageous to Great Britain, a country which views commerce
as her greatest interest.

“China is now engaged in raising men and means to cope with these
eventualities, but she feels that if left to herself she might be
unequal to the occasion should it ever arrive, and therefore turns to
England in the hope of procuring her good offices in bringing about
a settlement of the difficulties which have arisen with the other
treaty Powers.

“The Emperor makes this frank exposure of what is nearest to his
heart, and hopes that this appeal to Her Majesty the Queen-Empress
may be graciously taken into Her consideration, and an answer
vouchsafed to it at the earliest possible moment.”

CHAPTER XLIV

Missionaries--Good and bad--Christianity at the point of the
sword--Under a terrific strain--Missionaries and the Boxer
movement--A political as well as a religions movement against all
foreigners alike--Providence and machine guns--Practical missionaries
wanted--Timothy Richards--A power in himself--Missionary refugees--In
fancy dress--Undisguised merriment of the Chinese.

It is the general impression that, during the recent war, the Chinese
have been treated with unnecessary harshness by the Allies, “for, after
all,” I have often heard people exclaim, “the Chinese did no further
harm than murder the German Minister, and that might have happened
anywhere.” Again, people who know slightly better will argue that, if
one or two missionaries have been killed, that is their own fault, for
it is no business of theirs to go to foreign countries to worry the
natives. This is all very well, but whatever one’s personal feelings
may be towards tactless and incompetent heralds of the faith of Christ
in distant lands, one cannot help being shocked and revolted at the
barbarity with which men, women, and children of one’s own blood have
been treated by the Chinese. Besides, there were among these martyrs
many--indeed, the majority--who were far from tactless and incompetent,
and were even held in great esteem for the good they had done to the
natives, whether converts or otherwise, by supplying them with food,
medicines, and medical advice.

[Sidenote: GOOD AND BAD MISSIONARIES]

There are in China, as in every other heathen country, good
missionaries and bad ones. The bad ones generally seem to escape
unhurt. Nor would there be much ground of complaint if the heathens,
in their desire to settle disputed points of religion, would limit
themselves to killing outright the male portion of those who try to
convert them, after the fashion which I have heard advocated on several
occasions during the present war by missionaries who declare that
Christianity should be spread through China at the point of the sword.
In fact, in a lecture given by a distinguished missionary, he expressed
his opinion that every Chinaman should be seized, and should have the
choice given him of becoming a Christian or having his head cut off.

[Illustration: ON THE WALL OF TIENTSIN NATIVE CITY THE DAY IT WAS
CAPTURED BY THE ALLIES]

It must be admitted, however, that when the eminent missionary spoke
in these terms he was speaking under a terrific strain, for, after
giving up forty years of his life to educate, to help, to defend the
Chinese, and after being their devoted friend and protector in the most
trying circumstances, he had now been abandoned by them, his house
and property destroyed, and even the graves of his dearest belongings
had been desecrated and the bones scattered to the winds. In such
circumstances one could hardly blame him for expressing such strong
views; and, indeed, those who knew what prompted the feelings of the
much-respected orator felt that those particular Chinese who could
perpetrate such outrages should not even have the option of becoming
Christians left them.

But, on the other hand, as there are missionaries and missionaries,
there are also Chinese and Chinese, and, as in the case of
missionaries, it is usually the good ones that suffer, while the bad
ones get away unpunished. This was certainly the case in the Chinese
War.

People go too far when they declare that the Boxer movement was brought
about entirely by missionaries. It was a political and religious
movement, directed against all white men and their civilisation, their
books, their railways, their telegraphs, their ships, and everything
belonging to them. The missionaries were not attacked because they were
missionaries, but because they were foreigners. Railway engineers and
their wives, traders and merchants, were similarly attacked, regardless
of their position. The missionaries suffered more in the present
war because there were swarms of them all over the Chinese Empire,
in places in the interior, difficult of access, where they lived
defenceless and helpless, trusting in God for protection in case of
danger. A machine-gun would be a further security, and in the future
the various large mission-houses, hundreds of miles inland, should not
be without one.

[Sidenote: TIMOTHY RICHARDS]

There is plenty of good work to be done in China by sensible, practical
missionaries, not so much in Christianising the natives as in teaching
them what is of most consequence in our civilisation, science, art,
industries, medicine and agriculture. There are a few men of this stamp
already in China, such as that really great and noble man, Timothy
Richards, who is beloved and revered in all China. He is a simple,
good-humoured, tactful, and absolutely sensible man, of exquisite
intelligence, and he has done more practical good in China than
probably any other missionary in the country. He is a power in himself.
To him the Chinese owe the translation and publication in their own
tongue of our greatest literary, religious, and scientific works,
which have been faithfully rendered, and are now studied by hundreds
of thousands of Chinese. It is extraordinary how the younger Chinese
have taken to reading these publications, all leading to the moral and
intellectual improvement of the race; and, indirectly, it has been this
great desire among the younger generations to know more, to know all
that “foreign devils” know, which has alarmed and aroused the Buddhist
Lamas, who exist only through the degradation and ignorance of the
country. It is the fear that these books, eagerly bought and circulated
among the Chinese, should gradually open the eyes of the better classes
to the trickery, bigotry, and corruption of the bonzes, that has driven
these to make one supreme effort to drag the whole Empire back into its
former state of hermit seclusion, in order that they themselves might
once more prosper, like parasites thriving on helpless victims.

It is men like Richards who are needed in China--men who have the
courage of their opinions, men who can speak and write Chinese as
well as their own tongue, and have brains and tact enough to discuss
and forcibly argue on any subject with the natives--who, it must be
remembered, can, when it comes to arguing with real sound sense, give
points to most Europeans.

It is by impressing them with his theories--not by asking them to
accept them--that Richards gains his power over the Chinese; he shows
them what is good in our civilisation, where we are more advanced than
they, with their long-established but obsolete culture; and he proves
to them that he is right, not by aggressive methods, too often used
by missionaries, or by demanding that his statements must be taken
for granted, but by bringing forward parallels and examples that they
cannot refute.

But Timothy Richards is a highly cultured man; he is a man of the
world, and, above all, he is humane. There are indeed few, if any,
missionaries like him.

In these moments of distress the treaty ports were swarming with
missionary refugees. Take Shanghai, for instance. It almost made
one’s heart bleed to see the number of overgrown, round-backed,
anæmic, long-toothed, weak-chinned men and women masquerading in
Chinese clothes up and down the Bund, with swarms of children round
them, in perambulators, on bicycles, on wheeled horses, or carried in
arms--usually by a meek-looking male parent. The majority of British
and American missionaries of the stronger sex seem to possess fair
or red hair, which they match more or less accurately by a long, fat
pigtail of a bright golden or glowing auburn tinge, according to
circumstances, which hangs (from a seam in the cap, instead of from the
scalp, as it should do according to the laws of nature) down the back
to the heels over their silk disguise. This fancy-dress costume is now
very largely adopted by British and American missionaries, for we are
told that, in assimilating themselves to the natives (to whom nothing
could be more unlike), the missionaries gain much influence over the
latter. Personally, I have noticed only undisguised merriment among the
Chinese as the disguised foreigners went by.

[Sidenote: UNDISGUISED MERRIMENT]

The missionary women in Chinese clothes, fortunately, look less
ridiculous than their men, probably because they are generally smaller;
yet it seems incomprehensible that, in going to a country to convert
people, they should themselves adopt customs and costumes which in
others they condemn as barbarous.

CHAPTER XLV

The matter of clothes, however, would be a small one. It is to a
further and more important error that I wish to refer. This is a
criminal error, made, not only by missionaries, but by those good
people at home who employ them and send them out. I mean the criminal
error of despatching to dangerous and lonely places in the interior of
China, without protection or assistance, young, inexperienced girls,
who have a most imperfect knowledge of the country, the language, and
the customs and manners of the natives.

It has so far been the impression among supporters of missions in the
East that, to spread the gospel--and with it civilisation--among the
heathen, anybody is good enough. Thereupon, and presumably infatuated
by the good they imagine they can accomplish, and partly attracted by
the apparently handsome salary offered, a great number of unattractive
young women with suburban ideas and education have found their way to
the remotest corners of China. There, while faithfully preserving their
characteristic Anglo-Saxon stride and stiffness of body, they parade
about in ungracefully-worn Chinese robes, quite as inappropriate and
unbecoming to them as European clothes to Chinese or Japanese women.
One would suppose it obvious that one should never begin serious work
by turning the laugh on oneself, and it is with sorrow, even with pain,
that one sees these poor girls of one’s own nationality driven to make
themselves ridiculous. Not only are they made ridiculous, they are also
looked down upon by the natives, for, with Chinese clothes, Chinese
etiquette needs to be adopted to cover endless misunderstandings and
avoid insult; for as we ourselves wear clothes appropriate to various
seasons and to special occasions, and as we wear our garments in
certain recognised ways only--not the wrong way up or inside out--so do
the Chinese, and the breach of these complicated rules, very difficult
to master in their infinitesimal details, invariably leads to
unpleasantness, offence and contempt--just the three things, one would
suppose, that missionaries ought to avoid in trying to earn the respect
of the natives.

[Sidenote: ETIQUETTE]

[Illustration: MISSIONARIES IN CHINESE ATTIRE--NOTICE CHINAMEN LAUGHING]

Much innocent fun has been made in the East over the historical
Japanese lady who, meaning to be like a European dame, ordered a
complete outfit in Paris, instructing the dressmaker to pack the
various garments in the order in which they were to be worn. The case
arrived in Tokyo just as the lady was to go to some grand function.
The case was hurriedly opened--unluckily, at the wrong end--and the
lady consequently appeared at the function wearing her chemise, like a
mantilla, on the top of everything else, and causing no small commotion
among the European guests.

Well, we laugh at this unfortunate lady, and, in fact, at all Japanese
or other natives who have adopted our clothes, which they seldom know
how to wear properly; but our missionaries do exactly the same thing in
China, and are looked upon with the same scorn by the natives there.

The question of general capacity is even more important. A brain
sufficient for the reading of family prayers and the organisation
of village charity bazaars, an intelligence not extending beyond
the collection of unshapely woollen socks and Tam-o’-Shanter caps,
whenever a calamity, no matter of what kind, afflicts the nation,
may be an invaluable acquisition in local society, where socks and
Tam-o’-Shanters and bazaars and prayers have a recognised place. It is
a different matter when this poor brain is sent out to distant lands to
preach, instruct, improve, and civilise, to carry a great religion to
men frequently of superior social standing, men who understand Nature,
know how to reason, and can read us as we could an open book. It makes
all the difference whether we are swimming in a rapid stream with the
current or against it. Any weak person can travel speedily in the first
instance, whereas in the second it takes a powerful swimmer to make any
progress at all.

[Sidenote: MISSIONARY WOMEN]

The same with Christian work in the East. It is great men and women
with powerful brains--the greatest we have, if any at all--that ought
to be sent out, not those for whom we can find no use at home. One or
two highly refined and intelligent men will do more good than twenty
incompetent ones.

As for women, the wives of missionaries might be allowed to accompany
their husbands, but I maintain that it is criminal to send young women
into the interior, where they can do little good, and are absolutely
helpless in case of danger. There can be no doubt that there has been
danger, and for many years to come there will be, far inland from
the coast. In the neighbourhood of foreign treaty ports the question
is less important; some kind of pastime must presumably be provided
for ladies bent on Christianising, and here protection can always be
afforded them.

Shocking outrages, such as have occurred in the Boxer trouble, would
be prevented or greatly minimised; huge sums of money, now absolutely
wasted, could be spared to do good at home, where it is more needed
than in China, and much unnecessary friction could be prevented, making
the relations of heathens and foreign devils infinitely pleasanter.

CHAPTER XLVI

Protestant missionaries massacred--The missionaries at
Pao-ting-fu--In the Governor’s Yamên--The Governor’s
consideration--Anti-foreign Yu-Hsien--An attack on the Roman Catholic
and the American Presbyterian Missions--Sacrificed on the grave of a
Boxer leader--Before her mother’s eyes--An offering to the Red-faced
God of War--Women Boxers--Reward for their services--The China inland
missionaries--A terrible end--Words and facts--American citizens--A
general massacre--“New hands”--Pao-ting-fu the centre of the Boxer
movement.

It would not be fair to speak so plainly as I have spoken if one had
not before one’s eyes such horrible examples of what has been endured
by some of these unfortunate creatures directly previous to and during
the war of 1900. Besides information which I have myself collected, I
was furnished by the China Association with a list of the Protestant
missionaries known to have been massacred from the beginning of the
Boxer movement to the 11th of September, and a list of those (up to
September 26) unaccounted for, as well as of those who were then
supposed to be on their way to the coast from the western provinces.

The greatest care was taken in compiling this list, which was verified
in every possible way (by the compiler), both by correspondence and
interviews with those escaped from the interior, as well as by
information supplied from the heads of the large missionary societies.

[Sidenote: IN THE GOVERNOR’S YAMÊN]

From letters written as late as June 20, it was understood that the
missionaries at Pao-ting-fu had assembled in the Yamên of the Governor,
and that they expected to receive protection. They had faith in the
willingness and ability of that high official, and did not deem
themselves in danger. Within five days of that date, however, when the
Boxers and Imperial army had openly joined against foreigners, the
Governor ordered the missionaries out of the Yamên. They did not go,
it is believed, without protest, for they knew that, once out of the
Yamên gate, all would be over with them. They were forced to return to
their homes, where they were attacked by the mob, and most of them were
cruelly massacred, undoubtedly by order of the high official, whose
duty, under the treaties, it was to protect them, and who, indeed,
showed some consideration in not wishing to have them butchered in the
Yamên.

[Illustration: THE TAOTAI OF SHANGHAI GOING TO PAY AN OFFICIAL VISIT]

Matters were different in the case of the bitterly anti-foreign Yu
Hsien, the Governor of the adjoining province of Shansi, whose name
has often appeared in preceding chapters, in the correspondence of the
British Minister in Pekin.

On June 30 the Boxers attacked the Roman Catholic and the American
Presbyterian missions, destroying the premises of both missions by
fire. It is not clearly known how many Catholic missionaries were
slaughtered, but of the Americans, Mr. and Mrs. Simcox and three
children, Dr. and Mrs. Hodges, and Dr. Taylor, were brutally murdered.
All the native Christians that fell into the hands of the mob shared
the same fate. Mr. and Mrs. Simcox bravely defended themselves and
their children until they were overpowered. They were then bound and
dragged three miles away to the grave of a Boxer leader, where they
were sacrificed. One of the ladies had been so injured that she could
not walk. They carried her. When the ghastly preparations were made
for putting them to death, one lady made a most touching appeal to the
brutes round her to spare the life of her child, and with sobs and
tears implored them to take her life willingly in exchange, but to save
her little one. But neither tears, nor sobs, nor prayers moved these
ruffians to compassion--on the contrary. Cowardice and cruelty are
always found together. The poor innocent little mite was seized and cut
down before her mother’s eyes.

Dr. Taylor, who had been of much assistance to natives of all creeds
in the neighbourhood, attended faithfully and steadily to the patients
in his infirmary until the very last moment, when the mob seized him,
dragged him out, and beheaded him. Being well known for the wonderful
cures he had made, his head was placed as a sacrifice before the
red-faced God of War (the Boxer god) in the Buddhist temple.

Similar occurrences were not uncommon during the Boxer trouble. In
fact, in the Viceroy’s yamên in Tientsin we have seen how receipts
were found for money paid to women for placing the heads of foreigners
before the idols in the temples. These women had formed themselves into
a properly constituted and approved society, the object of which was to
allure and then murder and mutilate foreigners, and also to mutilate
corpses after battles. For this revolting service the stipulated reward
was thirty Tientsin taels, or about four pounds sterling. I have seen
with my own eyes the receipts for money paid by the Viceroy from the
Government account, and have already given a translation of them in a
previous chapter.

[Sidenote: COWARDLY PERSECUTORS]

The Catholic and Presbyterian missions wrecked, and the missionaries
nearly exterminated, there yet remained a few “foreign devils” to be
slain, but a heavy rain put a temporary stop to the work of the slayers.

The next morning (July 1) Mr. Bagnall, of the China Inland Mission,
was assassinated in a temple in the town, and Mr. Pitkin, who behaved
heroically, was shot on the terrace in front of the chapel while
defending the two ladies of the mission. His head was at once severed
from his body. The fate of Mr. Cooper, of the China Inland Mission,
is not exactly known, nor have any details transpired of the death of
Mrs. Bagnall and her child. A terrible end, however, awaited the two
unfortunate ladies (Miss G---- and Miss M----) of the American Board
mission, whom Mr. Pitkin had so bravely defended. They were bound and
dragged to the Boxer headquarters. It is not certain how long they
remained prisoners nor what they were made to endure at the hands of
their cowardly persecutors. But from the accounts of other ladies who
found themselves in a similar plight, it is not difficult to imagine
what they must have been subjected to and suffered at the hands of
these inhuman devils.

When returning from China through America in December, I found that
there seemed to be a feeling prevailing in the United States Republic
that American citizens had, on every possible occasion, been spared
and respected by the Boxers and Chinese officials. Great publicity
was given to this statement, and credit was taken accordingly for the
prestige of United States citizenship in every other nation on the face
of the globe.

Those were words. Here are a few facts.

Of the fifteen people brutally murdered on that particular occasion,
eleven were American citizens. As we have seen, they had been safe
in the yamên of the Governor at Pao-ting-fu until the 20th, and had
he wished he could have prevented their massacre; but the very fact
that they were driven from his residence to their homes was naturally
interpreted by the mob as a sign that they were left at its mercy.
The massacre extended over two whole days, but no effort whatever was
made by the authorities at any sort of repression, nor at saving or
protecting those that had escaped the first day’s slaughter.

The Boxers, according to a telegram which is said to have been sent
to his Excellency Sheng of Shanghai, announced that the massacre had
been carried out by “Boxers--not many of them--who were principally new
hands.” It will be remembered that it was in escaping from this town
that a number of the engineers of the Luhan railway, and their wives
and children, were attacked by Boxers. Those that fell into their hands
were murdered, and their bodies horribly mutilated. In the case of
ladies, the bodies were opened from the lower to the upper part of the
trunk. Whether this was done before or after death is not known.

Pao-ting-fu and the vicinity have, through the whole trouble, been the
centre of the Boxer movement, and, except for the murder of Mr. Brooks
in Shantung, it was in this province that the first outrage occurred.

[Illustration: A FIRE AND FUSE OF MINE NEAR RAILWAY STATION, TIENTSIN]

CHAPTER XLVII

Very few particulars of the massacre of Mr. McConnell’s party have been
allowed to reach the public, but it is proved that, in this case too,
the men and children were killed first; married women came after, and
lastly, young ladies, who were kept back in carts, and executed some
time later.

Two men, six women, and three children, belonging to the China Inland
Mission at H’u Cheo, in the province of Che Kiang, were killed. Two of
the ladies, Miss Drummond and Miss Manchester, were American citizens.

The Governor of Che Kiang was bitterly anti-foreign. When he received
the Empress-Dowager’s edict of June 20, ordering the extermination of
all foreigners in China, he lost no time in promulgating it over his
province. H’u Cheo is in the extreme south of the province, near the
Fuk-kien border.

When the foreign Consuls in Shanghai entered, on behalf of their
respective Governments, into an agreement with the southern Viceroys
and Governors to maintain law and order in the central and southern
provinces and to confine war to the northern part of China, the
Governor of Che Kiang at first refused to join in it. He stated that
the Empress’s edict had already been published, and that he would only
obey orders from the Court. Eventually, however, hearing that the
Boxers were faring unsatisfactorily in the north, he was advised by
the southern Viceroys to come over to their side and disobey Imperial
orders, which might lead him to disaster.

[Illustration: CHINESE REFUGEES EATING A HEARTY MEAL ON BOARD A BRITISH
VESSEL]

The edict was recalled, but it was too late. In H’u Cheo, the Chinese
magistrate, who was friendly towards foreigners, especially to Mr.
Thompson, paid dearly for the little protection he attempted to give
them. He, his wife, and children were put to death, and even his yamên
was destroyed.

The Taotai, the highest official in the town, was bitterly
anti-foreign, so that when orders came from his superior to
exterminate all “white devils,” he asked for nothing better. A mob
of ruffians was assembled without much difficulty, and the helpless
missionaries were dragged to the presence of the Taotai, who informed
the crowd that they could do with them what they chose.

[Sidenote: A LONG LIST]

Mr. Thompson died from a spear wound, and his wife and children were
beheaded. Mr. Ward, his wife, child, and two ladies were also killed.

Tragic beyond words is the end of two ladies belonging to Mr.
Thompson’s station. They were conveyed to a temple, where they were
kept for two days and two nights, no details being known of what
occurred during that time. They were then killed by having bamboos
forced through their bodies, the stick in one case coming out at the
mouth.

My informer states that this was related to him as an evidence of the
reluctance of the mob to murder them!

A native Christian, escaped from H’u Cheo, reported that he had seen
the body of a lady missionary lying under a heap of dirt in the street.
He recognised it by a protruding foot with a European shoe on.

Were one to mention all--each case separately--it would make a long
list; but it is perhaps well to quote a few more examples of martyrs,
and show definitely that the massacres of Europeans were by no means
trifling nor unimportant, nor due to some personal spite against
particular individuals. The attacks were directed against everybody
foreign, regardless of age, sex, and condition.

At Hsia Yi two single ladies were murdered, and at Taiku, in Shansi,
three men and three ladies--the entire mission staff of the American
Board--were assassinated on the last day of July. The Rev. J. H. Clapp,
Mrs. Clapp, Rev. G. L. Williams, Rev. J. W. Davis, Miss R. Bird, and
Miss M. L. Partridge were among the killed.

All the members of the American Board Mission at Fen-Chow-fu, in
Shansi, together with three members of the China Inland Mission who
were visiting at that station, were killed. They had barricaded
themselves in the house of Mr. Price, where the first riot occurred,
but were apparently unable to hold out. They attempted to escape. In a
party of three men, four women, and three children, they left the city
under an escort offered them of Chinese soldiers whom they trusted.
Once out in the open the soldiers of the guard fired on them, and they
were all killed.

Other missionaries, including several ladies and children visiting
friends in that same town, shared a similar fate. They also belonged to
the American Board Mission.

There can be no doubt that the soldiers of the guard acted under direct
orders from their officers.

CHAPTER XLVIII

The escape from Ping-yuo--The Empress-Dowager’s edict--A stout
resistance in the Baptist Mission--Persecution and extortion--Mobbed
and stripped of everything--Driven before a yelling crowd--Led to the
execution ground--Interesting resemblance--Shocking death--The sad
end of two American young ladies--Carried before the Temple oracle--A
fearful ordeal--A wit--Treated as common criminals.

Perhaps even more harrowing in its details is the account of the
experiences of Mr. E. J. Cooper’s party of missionaries in their
attempt to escape from Ping-yuo, in the province of Shansi. There were
in the party Mr. and Mrs. A. B. Saunders and four children; Mr. A.
Jennings and Miss Guthrie, residents of Ping-yuo; Mr. and Mrs. E. J.
Cooper and two children; Miss ---- and Miss ----,[10] from Luchang; and
Mr. and Mrs. A. E. Glover and two children, and Miss Gates, from Lu-an.

[10] N.B.--These two names are not published, as it was the wish of the
two ladies before their death that they should not be.

On June 25 a friendly magistrate, who had received orders from
the terrible Governor Yu-Hsien to carry out to the letter the
Empress-Dowager’s edict, sent a word of warning to the missionaries,
advising them to escape at once, or it would be too late. They fled
towards Tai-yuen-fu. When only half a dozen miles from this town, they
luckily met a native Christian making his escape towards the south. He
entreated them not to enter the town, from which he warned them they
could never come out alive.

The Inland Mission and the Roman Catholic premises had already been
destroyed by fire, and the Protestant missionaries had taken refuge in
the enclosure of the Baptist Mission, where they were making a stout
resistance against a savage mob that was now preparing to set on fire
the buildings sheltering the defenders. The servants and coolies who
were with the escaping party of missionaries were seized by fear and
abandoned them, and nothing remained for the party but to return whence
they had come. In their hasty departure they had left unprovided with
money, and what little they had was extorted from them under various
pretexts by fierce natives, who followed them about like hungry hyænas,
threatening at every moment to kill them unless they gave up all they
possessed. Even for permission to walk along the high road, clothes
and some valued personal jewellery were demanded of them. Stripped of
everything, half-naked, worn, hungry, and terrified, this party of
refugees eventually reached a town called Lu-cheng. Here they were
received by Mr. Cooper and the other missionary-residents, who had so
far been undisturbed.

Only two days elapsed when this town also became too dangerous for
Europeans. They were obliged to make an escape at midnight, with only
such clothes and blankets as in their hurried start could be collected
together. A donkey close at hand was loaded with the impedimenta, and
the party, further increased by the Lu-cheng refugees, hastily steered
its way south, meaning to proceed towards the distant Hankow, on the
Yangtze River.

Early in the morning, when only thirteen miles off, they were mobbed,
in going through a large village, by some 200 roughs, who demanded
money. Enough could not be collected to satisfy them, and the Europeans
were attacked, and their bedding and clothes scattered about the road
and torn to pieces. Even the clothes and boots that they wore were
taken away from them, and men, women, and children were left with
nothing more than a loin-cloth or a pair of native drawers. In this
appalling condition the unfortunates were driven like sheep before a
yelling crowd, their tender skin and flesh getting scorched in the hot
sun. Their feet were sore and cut and bleeding, but no mercy could be
expected from the horde of bloodthirsty ruffians behind, who showered
all sorts of insults upon them, beat them, stoned them, and cursed
them. Running on and on along miles of road before their pursuers, they
passed through several villages, and as each mob left them another took
them in hand.

[Sidenote: STONED AND CURSED]

A more pitiful spectacle can hardly be imagined than that of these
frail, half-clothed men and women, bruised and wounded, supporting one
another on their aching, bleeding feet, and dragging along after them
the crying, frightened children. Food they had none, nor could any be
procured, for they were hunted from place to place like wild beasts,
their only support for several days being the muddy water of puddles
along the road, and the weeds and grass plucked by the roadside.

As if this were not enough, the mob on more than one occasion led
them to the execution ground, to be found in every town. The swords
with which they were to be beheaded were sharpened before their
eyes, and all other preparations for the decapitation were got ready
in their presence. The Chinese well know that the mental suffering
endured in witnessing the preparations is infinitely greater than
the physical pain of the head being severed. Many people, indeed, die
under the severe shock before the executioner has time to accomplish
his work. Having personally undergone a similar experience to that of
these missionaries, which was, however, carried even further, I can
well appreciate what these poor creatures must have undergone during
this terrible ordeal. It may be interesting to note the remarkable
resemblance of their methods with those of my captors, the Buddhist
Lamas of Tibet.[11]

[11] See “In the Forbidden Land,” by A. H. Savage Landor.

It is said by some that the escort furnished at Haoping fled before the
arrival of this unfortunate party at Chi-ches-fu; others state that the
soldiers led in the attack.

The terrific heat of the sun so blistered Mrs. Cooper’s breast and
shoulders that great ulcers formed, which became filled with maggots
before death came to her relief.

Miss ---- and Miss ----, owing to the wretched condition in which
they were, could not keep up with the rest, and became separated. The
mission authorities maintain a strict secret as to the exact date when
this occurred, but according to the account furnished by one of the
members of the unfortunate party, Miss ---- was in the hands of the mob
at least seven days for certain, but in her account, given before her
death, Miss ---- is reported to have said that she had been a captive
for a fortnight. This would agree better with the evidence collected,
and Miss ----, the second young lady, must in that case have been a
week in the hands of the mob. It is stated that Miss ---- was outraged
by five men and left for dead, while Miss ---- had a stick forced up
her body, but survived several days. When dying, the latter made an
appeal that her name might not be made public in connection with this
horrible maltreatment. Both ladies were American.

[Sidenote: WIT OUT OF PLACE]

These outrages appear to have taken place in the street of a village,
and a heavy cart was driven backwards and forwards over Miss ----’s
body in order to crush out her life. It is evident that both ladies
were supposed to be dead, for their bodies were plastered over with mud
as a sanitary precaution, and this is generally done over the nude body.

A mandarin ordered the body of Miss ---- to be burnt, but Miss ----,
who still showed signs of life was carried to a great temple inside the
Fu city. She regained consciousness, and after a whole night spent in
incantations the head priests reported to the city magistrate that the
oracle, seeing that the gashes on her skull (the brain was exposed) had
not proved fatal, had decreed that she was to be spared the finishing
stroke. This may have also been an expedient to cause the unfortunate
lady more suffering before her death.

Of this party three women and three children died.

After undergoing this fearful ordeal, the survivors eventually
reached a city in Honan, and they were immediately brought before the
magistrate, who was somewhat of a wit--though his wit was out of place
on this particular occasion--and who certainly did not relieve their
anxiety by his frank declaration that he was extremely sorry they had
not arrived the day before, when he would have had the pleasure of
killing them all. He regretted to say that a further Imperial edict
had just come, in which former orders were countermanded, and the
Empress-Dowager had now decided to spare the lives of foreigners. Sad
as it seemed, he must obey.

By order of the Governor of Honan, a brother of the Governor of Chili,
the wretched refugees were treated (as was the case with other parties
that passed through the province) as low criminals. They were lodged in
the common jail, and fed on prison food.

The Governor was evidently determined to humiliate these white people
to the last degree, and to show the ignorant masses that he had power
of life and death over them. He impressed upon the crowd the idea that
foreigners were nothing better than criminals, and that he would treat
them as such.

CHAPTER XLIX

We now come to some of the evil deeds of Yu Hsien, the Governor of
Shansi, who was probably the most bitter of anti-foreign Chinese
officials, and who, on receipt of the Imperial edict, made haste
to carry out the instructions for the extermination of foreigners.
He telegraphed the Empress’s orders to all the subordinates in his
province, and sent instructions to guard the fords of the Yellow
River night and day in order that none might escape, so great was his
eagerness that every foreigner within his boundary should be massacred.

It is not, therefore, a marvel that the murders of missionaries at
Tai-yuen-fu, this official’s capital in Shansi, took place under
circumstances of exceptional atrocity.

The first riot occurred on June 27, when Miss Coombs was killed and Dr.
Edwards’ hospital destroyed. A messenger brought this information in a
letter written by Dr. Miller Wilson, and sewn into the sole of one of
the messenger’s shoes.

On July 9 the Governor, Yu-Hsien, having taken the precaution to have
the gates of the city closed and carefully watched, commanded all the
foreigners in the city to appear before him, sending armed soldiers to
enforce his orders.

The Europeans, driven to the yamên, were received in audience by
Yu-Hsien, who had by his side the Prefect and Sub-Prefect of the
province, while a number of servants, five hundred soldiers, and a
crowd of murderous individuals, surrounded the foreigners.

When all had been brought up, Yu-Hsien enjoined the Europeans to
prostrate themselves at his feet, accusing them of bringing vice, evil,
and unhappiness in the Empire of Heaven. There was only one remedy for
such evil, and that was to behead them all. The order was to be carried
out in his presence.

Two Roman Catholic Bishops and three other missionaries were then
led out, and were the first to be decapitated on the spot. Then one
and all--men, women, and children--were mercilessly beheaded in
the courtyard of the yamên, in front of the hall in which they had
been received in audience, and well in sight of the bloodthirsty
official. The two children of the American Atwater, whose parents we
have followed in their disastrous journey to Honan, were among the
victims of this tragedy. According to the statements of soldiers who
were present, but who deserted later, these martyrs went to death
with astounding courage. To satisfy their superstitious curiosity,
the soldiers are said to have pounced on some of the bodies, still
throbbing, of these unfortunates, and cut their hearts out for
inspection by the bonzes and other learned men.

Insult--no greater could be given in China--was added to injury by
taking the bodies outside the city walls and leaving them to the dogs
instead of burying them. Great credit should be given to the local
native Christians, who, with admirable pluck and faithfulness, to say
nothing of the danger to themselves, surreptitiously secured the bodies
by night and buried them. Partly on account of this charitable deed two
hundred native Christians were put to death five days later (July 14).

[Sidenote: A MISTAKE]

In despatches sent by the local officials to various yamêns it is
stated that 37 foreigners and 30 native converts were massacred on
July 9; but it is not known for certain whether that figure includes
children, or only adults. A report from a city in the neighbourhood
of Tai-yuen-fu places the number at 550, quite a number of Yu-Hsien’s
officers being so horrified at the Governor’s orders that they sent
the foreigners under their charge to him, that he might carry out his
vengeance personally.

In the long list of martyrs, Mr. and Mrs. Piggott were presumed to have
been murdered at Sheo-yang in July. Their friends in England offered
a reward of £5000 sterling for their lives, but although everything
possible that might lead to their rescue was done they had not, when
I left China, been heard of. The news from Sheo-yang did not mention
their names, but merely announced that two foreigners had been killed.
As they were probably the only foreigners in the station, the gravest
fears were entertained.

In connection with the large reward offered for Mr. and Mrs. Piggott,
it was reported that Mr. and Mrs. Duncan Hay were being held for ransom
by the Boxers. It was believed that the Boxers, hearing of the large
sum of money offered for Mr. and Mrs. Piggott, had mistaken the Duncan
Hay couple for them. A most unpleasant error! How otherwise can the
fact be explained that the three companions who were in hiding with Mr.
and Mrs. Hay (Mr. M’Kie, Miss Chapman, and Miss May) were released, and
were reported, towards the beginning of October, as being _en route_
for the coast?[12]

[12] They reached Hankow on February 13, 1901.

CHAPTER L

Massacred Protestant missionaries--Boxer consideration--The
warlike qualities of Roman Catholics--Martyrs--Barricaded at
Ch’ing-Ting-fu--A gallant defence--Catholics and their converts.

The number of Protestant missionaries massacred by the Chinese in the
three months following Mr. Brooks’s murder is put down at 93, or 28
men, 40 women (20 married and 20 single), and 25 children.

Twenty-eight of these were Americans--9 men, 13 women (5 married and 8
single), and 6 children.

As many as 125 people (56 men, 50 women, and 19 children), of whom 54
were American, were still in the interior at the beginning of October,
beside 100 more persons in the provinces of Shansi and Chili, about
whose welfare considerable anxiety was felt by their friends. None
of these people had been heard from (on September 29) since June 13,
that is since before the massacres had taken place in Tai-yuen-fu, the
capital of the province.

There are instances in which the Boxers, either through fear or because
they were held in check by influential people, behaved with less
cruelty, and even with consideration and kindness, but these cases were
few and far apart.

A Mr. and Mrs. Greene, two children, and Miss Gugg were known to be
in the hands of the Boxers at Hsin-an-Hsien, a town eighty miles
from Tientsin. After the relief of Pekin an intimation was at once
sent to the officials that, should the lives of these captives be
spared, the city would escape destruction at the hands of the punitive
expedition, while in the contrary case no quarter would be given to
the inhabitants, and their houses would be destroyed without mercy. It
was pleasant to hear that the Europeans were still alive on September
1, and that the merchants and leading people in the town had joined
in supplying the captives with food and clothes, although they were
held prisoners and closely watched by armed Boxers, inside a temple,
presumably Buddhist.

The Roman Catholics all over China seem to have displayed warlike
qualities quite unexpected in people so religious. As they took up arms
solely in self-defence and for their own preservation, the circumstance
is much to their credit. It may be that, being more conversant than the
English and American Protestant missionaries with the Chinese language,
and being more thrown together with the natives of all classes of
society, no matter of what creed, the Catholics knew better what was
coming and how they would fare in the hands of the Boxers, soldiers, or
officials. Therefore, in many cases, instead of trusting blindly to the
protection of treacherous officials or soldiers, they preferred from
the beginning to make a brave stand for their lives. To those who know
the contemptible cowardice of the Chinese and kindred races, it seems
possible that many lives might have been saved had the missionaries
in every station all joined in a determined fight to keep Boxers and
soldiers at bay, as was successfully done in the remarkable defence of
the Legations and Pe-tang mission in Pekin.

It is, however, not fair to express an opinion; even a comparison is
hardly just, since it is possible that the Protestant missionaries had
no arms or ammunition with which to make a stand, in which case the
chances of success of such a defence would be but very small.

[Sidenote: LAW-ABIDING CITIZENS]

Missionaries ought to be law-abiding people, and undoubtedly those
who were victims believed they were acting rightly in obeying the
hypocritical orders of the various bloodthirsty Governors and
magistrates who led them into death-traps. No blame, therefore, can
attach to those poor martyrs--for there is no other name for them--who
were killed. Considered as peaceful and law-abiding citizens, the
missionaries could not have acted better, or in a more conciliatory
manner. All the heavier should be the punishment inflicted on the
Chinese authorities for their barbarous and infamous behaviour towards
men, women, and children of our race.

At Ch’ing-Ting-fu, for instance, all the missionaries--some twenty, all
counted--barricaded themselves in the Roman Catholic church, where they
made a most gallant defence against the besieging Boxers. They had kept
the Boxers and soldiers at bay, but, when last heard of, were running
short of food and ammunition, and were begging urgently for relief.
Mr. and Mrs. Griffith and Mr. Brown, of the China Inland Mission, were
among the besieged. The rest were all Catholics.

Considerable anxiety was felt regarding some twenty-five missionaries,
travelling in various directions from Kansul, Yumsan and Kweicheo to
places deemed safe; but, although long overdue, it was hoped that all
three parties might eventually reach some foreign settlement in safety.

My informant had not the same facilities for getting news about the
Catholics, but thirty-five of their missionaries had certainly been
reported massacred, of whom five were bishops, twenty-eight priests,
and two Sisters of Charity. Twenty more were massacred in Shen-si, and
Shan-si alone, the hotbed of Boxerdom. Painful beyond words was the
news that practically all their converts, the result of the patient
work of centuries, and of untold hardships and privations, had been
murdered. No less than fifteen to twenty thousand native Catholics
had been massacred, and whole villages and small towns of Christians
exterminated by the Boxers, in the northern provinces and in Manchuria,
where Roman Catholicism had made great strides.

[Illustration: JUNKS ON THE PEI-HO]

CHAPTER LI

Thousands killed--Mr. Gammon’s staff of colporteurs--The American
Bible store in Pekin and the Emperor--Chinese translations of
religious and scientific books--Prosperous days of the reform
party--Demand for foreign books--Mr. Gammon’s ability--A historical
wife.

It has not yet been ascertained how many native Protestant Christians
and converts were killed during the Boxer movement, but although not
quite so numerous as the Roman Catholics, there is no doubt that
thousands were massacred.

[Illustration: COLPORTEURS OF THE AMERICAN BIBLE SOCIETY MURDERED BY
BOXERS]

Take, for instance, Mr. Gammon’s staff of sixteen colporteurs of the
American Bible Society store in Pekin, some of whom are represented
in front of their premises in the illustration. Fourteen of them were
killed. The keeper of the store escaped by taking timely refuge in the
Legations.

Mr. Gammon’s store was probably one of the first places to be attacked
by the mob in Pekin, as it was widely known and had quite an historical
interest. It was from this shop that in 1898, during the period of
reform, the Emperor ordered 140 scientific and religious books, of
which 129 were supplied to him, including 89 published in Chinese by
the “Society for the Diffusion of Christian and General Knowledge among
the Chinese.” Prominent among the translators of these books into
Chinese are Timothy Richards, Drs. Williamson, Muirhead, and Faber, and
Messrs. Moody and Young Allen. These volumes dealt principally with
Christianity. The other forty were scientific books.

The Imperial order was sent direct from the Palace, and great
impatience was shown even at the short delay required to send the
volumes from Shanghai. A eunuch was sent to inquire every day when the
books would arrive, as the Emperor was very anxious to read them, and
on reaching Pekin the books were taken immediately to the Palace by a
number of eunuchs despatched to the store for the purpose. The Emperor,
curiously enough, ordered of the store a classical and a mandarin
Bible, and he is said to have studied these books with great interest
and care, expressing admiration for the Christian religion.

There is no doubt that, about that epoch, the Emperor assumed a
favourable attitude towards Christians and their civilisation, and the
reform party then saw its most prosperous days.

There was a great demand for foreign books at that time, and Mr. Gammon
himself told me that, in the four northern provinces alone, he and
his colporteurs had been selling an average of 47,000 books a year.
The influence of the reform party was swiftly spreading, owing to the
Emperor’s attitude, and with it Christianity itself; for although not
all reformers were Christians, all Christians belonged to the reform
party.

[Sidenote: MR. GAMMON]

Mr. Gammon, himself a gentleman of considerable ability and
enterprise, has been of no mean assistance to the society in the
furtherance of their civilising work. He was a good Chinese scholar,
and was for three years instructor and drill-master in the Imperial
University in Tientsin. His work as superintendent of colporteurs for
Northern China kept him constantly travelling all over the provinces
in which the Boxer disturbances occurred, and he was among the first
to call attention in the American Press to the rapidly-growing
importance of the Boxer movement. Having returned late in May from a
long journey beyond the Great Wall, he called the attention of the
United States Minister to the grave state of affairs prevailing in the
region he had visited, and to the insulting and threatening attitude
of the natives everywhere towards foreigners and native Christians.
It is reported--not by Mr. Gammon, but from other sources--that this
information, as well as much more, was received with patronising
hilarity, because it had not been collected by employees of the
Legation.

[Illustration: BOXER LEADER CAPTURED BY MR. GAMMON RECOGNISING THE HEAD
OF HIS DECAPITATED BROTHER]

The grim illustration shows the heads of two Boxers beheaded at the
West Gate in Tientsin. To the right stands a noted Boxer leader whom
Mr. Gammon assisted in capturing and photographing. He was known to
have murdered thirty-two people. Some information was needed from him
regarding one of the beheaded, and he was led to the execution ground.
He was quite calm and composed until he recognised that one of the
heads swinging to the left pole was that of his brother. Seized with
horror, he trembled and shook, and cried with pain and fear, but a few
moments later regained absolute control over himself and said he was
now ready to have his own head cut off. It was.

It is due to Mr. Gammon to mention that, during the Tientsin siege, he,
with fifty native Christians, served with one of the British 12-pounder
guns. Moreover, Mr. Gammon, besides the historical Bible store,
possesses a “historical” wife, not that his delightful life-partner
is old--on the contrary--but that she was fortunate enough to have
escaped, when a child, from the massacre of Tientsin in 1870, and has
now escaped from the bombardment of the settlement in 1900.

CHAPTER LII

A journey in the interior--Trappists and
Buddhists--Preparations--Money--Men and baggage--The start--A quaint
village--A wayside inn--A Christian cook--Interesting Mahommedan
inscriptions--An open-air theatre--Steep incline--Miao-fung-shan
mountains--A Christian village--A slippery road--Personal
interest--When to marry.

As reference will be made later to the Trappist monastery in China,
and the sad news was circulating that the “silent monks,” with their
proselytes, had all been cruelly massacred by the Boxers, and their
premises destroyed, it will not be out of place to reproduce from my
diary an account of a journey[13] which I took in 1891 from Pekin to
the interior, visiting the quaint monastery of La Trappe _en route_,
where I was the guest of the monks for several days.

[13] A portion of this account appeared in the _Fortnightly Review_,
1893.

A comparison between these Trappists and the Buddhist priests, with
whom I also had dealings further inland during the same journey, is
left to the reader, and may serve further to corroborate certain
statements which I have elsewhere made regarding the depravity of the
clean-shaven preachers of Buddha. Even in those days the hatred of the
bonzes towards foreigners was apparent, and their unscrupulous conduct
hardly less offensive than it is to-day.

I had been in Pekin some time making preparations for a journey to the
sacred mountain of Siao-ou-tai-shan, and on this particular occasion
these preparations were more elaborate than usual, for the double
reason that I was to be accompanied the greater part of the way by two
French gentlemen, and that I had not yet quite recovered from the rough
journey and accidents which had befallen me in the country of the hairy
aborigines of the Hokkaido Islands. In those days, more than now, one
of the principal difficulties when travelling in the interior of China
was the conveyance of one’s money. One had to carry it in lumps of
silver to be broken up and properly weighed for the larger payments--a
matter of endless argument and quarrel between buyer and seller--or
else one had to be burdened with an appalling weight of “cash,” the
small coin known to everybody. It is made of an alloy of copper and
tin, and, roughly, there are no less than from one thousand to two
thousand pieces to the English half-crown. The coins are perforated
in the centre and carried about strung together with cords of plaited
straw.

Men and baggage were to be carried on mules’ backs, as most of the
journey was to be through the mountainous districts of the Petchili
and Shansi provinces, but two donkeys were also taken to carry lighter
packages and cooking utensils. Two native muleteers were in charge of
the convoy.

On May 19 a start was made at six o’clock in the morning, moving almost
due west. Having left dusty Pekin, with its high wall and towers,
behind us, we rode gaily through the crowd of carts, beggars, pedlars,
horsemen, and bashful women escaping, and children frightened at the
sight of “foreign devils.” After winding our way through the squalid
habitations of the suburbs, our mules sinking knee-deep alternately
in mud or dust, stared at and remarked upon by everybody, our baggage
criticised, and all sorts of inquisitive questions upon its contents
put to my attendants, we eventually came into the open country. The
signs of careful cultivation nearer the town gradually faded away, and
after some miles we travelled mostly over barren stretches of flat land.

[Sidenote: A CHRISTIAN COOK]

We rode through quaint Pali-chuan, a little village encircled by a high
wall, and possessing a handsome temple to Tapei-tzu, on the right as
one enters the gate. The arrival of foreigners created an excitement
in the normally tomb-like quiet of the main street, and the natives
rushed to the doors and windows to have a peep at the strangers. A
remarkable ancient tower of great interest, staring us in the face,
was a marvellous bit of mason’s workmanship, and so was the west gate,
which we passed on going out of the village.

For the first six hours we had marched on level ground, but now on
reaching Yantia-chuan the ground became undulating, particularly
towards the south. At noon we halted at a small, dirty wayside inn
(there are no clean inns in China), and as my French companions did not
seem anxious to try a Chinese meal, we entrusted the preparation of a
frugal repast in foreign fashion to one of the muleteers, who, by the
way, professed to be not only a good Christian, but an excellent cook
as well. Fresh meat of dubious origin was purchased at the Frenchmen’s
request, and the Christian’s cooking abilities were put to a test. He
turned out quite a good meal, with the exception that he fried things
in vaseline instead of butter, and used Eno’s Fruit Salt when he should
have used common salt, which two fatal mistakes nearly led him to a
premature death at the hands of my two companions from across the
Channel.

“_Comment!_” shrieked one of the Frenchmen as he shook him by the
pigtail. “_Tu es un cuisinier Chrétien, et tu ne sais pas distinguer la
vaseline du beurre. Mais tu t’en blagues bien, toi, de la Chrétienté!_”

After lunch, and none the worse for what might have turned out a
disastrous meal, we set out again. We soon came to the first hills and
terraces. On a mound stood the pretty little temple of Che-ching-shan.
Further on, along the Hunho river, more generally called Yung-ting-ho,
we found some interesting Mahommedan inscriptions engraved on stone.
We rose higher and higher as we proceeded towards the village of
Men-ton-ko, where, on the bank of the river, a fascinating little
open-air theatre had been erected, an ideal spot for playgoers, for,
if bored by the performance on the stage, there still remained a fine
panorama of picturesque scenery all round, which was always pleasant to
gaze upon.

The incline was getting steeper and steeper; we passed a number of
small villages on the banks of the stream, and here and there, at long
intervals, ancient bridges of solid masonry spanned the river. Then
the road became tortuous, and wound its way up the hillside like an
uncoiling serpent. Our animals being very tired, we dismounted and
walked up, dragging them after us, until we reached the pass, where we
obtained a magnificent view of the underlying country. To the south
the chain of the Miao-fung-shan mountains stood resplendent in all its
beauty, with its peaks caressed by the last warm rays of the dying sun;
and, in the far distance, towards the south-west, the blue Pohowashan
made a lovely background to that beautiful picture of mountain scenery.

Nearly at eight in the evening we arrived at Lieun Shuan, where
the French Roman Catholic missionaries had established a small
apothecary’s shop for the use of the Catholic and other natives in the
village. As a privilege, we were allowed to sleep in the shop. Near
this village, I was told, there were valuable coal-beds, but I did not
visit them.

[Sidenote: FRIENDLY ADVICE]

Early the next morning we proceeded down a very slippery road paved
with round pebbles, and had great difficulty in keeping our mules and
ourselves from falling. The people we came across were very polite
and genial, always willing to give friendly advice as to which were
the best roads to travel by and the best inns to put up at. They
inquired most tenderly after all our relations, and seemed to be keenly
interested in our respective ages, nationality, condition in life,
state of health, and I do not know what else!

“Your wife,” said an old man to me, “must be very sorry that you are so
far away from her, and going through the dangers of travelling in these
distant provinces.”

“I have not got a wife,” I answered.

“So young,” he exclaimed in great astonishment, “and you have not a
wife!”

“No; in my country we do not marry very young; we marry when we are
older.”

“Oh, that is a mistake,” said the old man gravely. “It is a great
mistake; a man should always marry when he is young and strong.”

CHAPTER LIII

As we were thus entertained by native wayfarers and their curious
theories, we trotted along, went through the Tai-han-ling pass (3020
feet above sea level), and late in the afternoon crossed the summit of
the range, where a valuable library of sacred books--ancient and buried
in dust--lay forgotten in a small temple. Two tablets, one to Kanshi,
the other to Tan Kuang, and a curious small gateway, had also been
erected on the highest point of the pass. The descent on the other side
was less interesting, except that here and there we had pretty bits of
scenery to gaze upon.

Following the valley, we reached the village of San-lieu, a clean
little place, 1000 feet above sea level. The reason the village was
clean was probably because the inhabitants were all Roman Catholics.
With the aid and advice of the French missionaries in Pekin they had
built themselves a handsome church, in which they had mass and evening
prayers every day. Chinese Catholic priests officiated, and even the
harmonium was played by a Chinaman, who naturally played it somewhat _à
la Chinoise_, but still very well considering that the instrument and
the character of the music were absolutely foreign to him.

[Sidenote: CONVERTS]

In coming in contact with these Christians, although one must admire
them for what they had done, I could not help again remarking that
the converts, wherever one found them, lacked the repose and the
stolid, but at the same time gentle, manner of their pigtailed heathen
brethren. They always struck one as unsteady, morose, and at times even
ill-natured.

They had at first given us the best room in the principal house in the
village, but--for what reason I was never able to discover--during
the night there seemed to be a great commotion, and we were roughly
roused up and bundled into a dingy back room, where we had to spend the
remainder of the night. I suspected that possibly the fact that I was
not a Roman Catholic might have caused them to act so uncivilly; but it
seemed hard in that case that the two Frenchmen, who belonged to their
creed, should be so treated.

On my last visit to Pekin, I was sorry to learn that the whole village
had been destroyed by the Boxers, and a number of the Christians
horribly murdered. The church, I was told, was in ruins.

Following the stream, we halted, after another long day’s journey, at
Tu-thia-chuang.

The inn at this place was somewhat better than the usual accommodation
one gets in the smaller towns in the interior of the Celestial
Empire--which, indeed, only deserves that title to Celestials. Crowds
of people assembled when we arrived, just before sunset, and among
the swarm of curious onlookers I perceived the striking head of a
picturesque old Buddhist priest. After a long confabulation and a few
strings of cash which I deposited in his hands, I induced him to
sit for his portrait, and dashed off a sketch in oils before he had
time to change his mind. Unfortunately, as is always the case on such
occasions, failing a proper studio, the painting had to be done out
in the open, which caused a large crowd of loafers to collect round
model and artist, making a nuisance of themselves to both. The women
were particularly obnoxious, for they began to scold the old priest
for his rashness in sitting. There is a strange notion prevailing in
China, and, in fact, nearly all over the continent of Asia, that if
an image is reproduced in painting or sculpture, a soul (or, to use
their words, “life”) has to be given to it. The person portrayed has
to supply the soul by transferring his own into the image--a necessity
which, to any one who believes in it, must be distinctly uncomfortable.
But apparently the Buddhist priest, who approved these superstitious
ideas in others, knew better when he himself was concerned. Therefore
he sat tight, with a sly twinkle in his eye, and the strings of “cash”
jealously nursed on his lap.

On my side, I immortalised him with due speed on a wooden panel, and he
sat right through as motionless as a statue, deaf to the warnings of
the excited females around.

When the painting was pronounced finished the trouble began.

“You will die!” cried an old harpy to him. “I saw your soul come out of
you and go into the picture. Indeed, I saw it with my own eyes!”

“So did I!” yelled a hundred other voices in chorus.

By the time the poor priest had got up they had almost convinced
him that at least half his soul had really gone out of him. He was
feeling himself all over, and actually began to be conscious--or so
he said--that something had gone wrong with him. Being a sensible
man, however, whether his soul had gone or not, he first went home to
deposit the cash for safe keeping. A complaint for the restitution of
his missing soul might come after.

[Sidenote: A MAGIC CURE]

Well suspecting what was coming, I went into my room the moment the
bonze, followed by the crowd, had departed, and packed the sketch
safely, then took a second clean panel and smeared it with the
scrapings of my palette so that I might be able to play a trick should
the bonze return to have the picture destroyed.

Twenty minutes had hardly elapsed when he was back again, of course
without the “cash.” He held his stomach with both hands and complained
of internal agony.

“I am going to die,” he cried on getting near; “you have taken away
half my soul!”

“Certainly I have,” said I, sternly; “you did not expect me to give you
all that ‘cash’ for less than half your soul, did you?”

“Oh, no,” he retorted, meekly; “but I wish it back, as I now feel so
bad without it.”

“All right,” said I, “I shall go into the room to destroy the painting;
will you then be satisfied?”

“Yes.”

Here the second panel, smeared with palette scrapings, was produced,
after I had made pretence of destroying the presumed picture on it with
a knife.

The expression of relief on the priest’s face was well worth seeing. It
would be impossible to depict it. He may not have felt so clearly that
half his soul had passed out of him, but there was no doubt that he had
plainly felt it coming back. He was now perfectly well again.

This magic cure gave us all a very busy evening. It is fatal to
the prestige of a foreigner travelling in the interior of China not
to suggest some infallible remedy or other when asked. To pronounce
a malady incurable is to bring contempt on our inferiority to the
priesthood of the country, who are supposed to cure anything. All the
villagers who had complaints of any sort came to us to be restored to
sound health. A leper who had lost all his fingers wished us to make
them grow again. He was advised to dip them in water and salt for
fifteen days, when on the morning of the sixteenth day he would notice
a change. This he took to mean that they would begin to grow a second
time, while we expected that in sixteen days no less a distance than
400 miles would separate us from that village. A pitiful case of a
child, only a few months old, was also brought up, whose mother, while
busy stirring boiling water in a big cauldron, had dropped the child
in by mistake. He was so badly scalded that, although I attempted to
relieve his pain by smearing him all over with the vaseline that had
not been used in the cooking, I fear that he cannot have lived more
than a few hours.

CHAPTER LIV

Magnificent scenery--The great wall--The towers of Tung-an-tzu--The
Trappist monastery--A secluded valley--Father Maurus--Silence--No
converts--A vegetable lunch--Simplicity and happiness--Adopted
customs--Accused of concealing firearms--Novices and fathers--All
thoughts to the Lord--A Manchu father.

We made an early start the next day, and by ten o’clock we went through
Shan-lung-men. Going through the pass the scenery was magnificent. We
were following the river bed, and had high mountains on both sides.
Then we came in sight of a portion of the Great Wall. There was a huge
tower on one side of the river, and a long stretch of wall built on the
steep slope of the mountain; on the other side of the river was the
continuation of the wall.

From this point the incline became very steep, and we had some three
hours’ very stiff climbing to reach the summit of the mountain range.
We were travelling in a westerly direction. The view obtained from
the high point reached was superb. On one side chain after chain of
mountains of pure cobalt blue, on the other the high Hsi-ling-shan peak
and a fertile valley. A long distance away in a southerly direction
one could just discern against the bright sky-line the towers of
Tung-an-tzu and another portion of the wall, while below, in the
fertile valley, signs of agriculture and a large enclosure were
visible. On the nearest hills, landmarks in the shape of large crosses
had been put up, to show that the ground within the boundary belonged
to the Christian order of the Trappists.

The descent from our high point of vantage occupied two hours. It was
nevertheless quicker work than the ascent, and as we drew nearer the
walled enclosure we found ourselves among well-planned plantations
of apricot trees--a surprise refreshing to the eye in these almost
uninhabited and wild regions.

The valley, in the centre of which the Trappists have settled, is
divided in two by a limpid stream and surrounded on all sides by high
mountains. For picturesqueness of landscape and fertility of soil, the
silent monks could have selected no more delightful spot upon which to
build their abode, and they certainly do not lack seclusion, which is
the aim of their “existence” (I could not say “life”), and which they
had no difficulty in finding in these deserted regions.

The building was simple and solid, and a high encircling wall protected
the penitent fathers from robber neighbours, as well as from the
attacks of leopards and tigers, which are numerous in the district.

I went in and was received most kindly by Father Maurus, a Frenchman,
the only one of them who by the rules of their order is permitted to
speak.

“Everything is silence in the convent,” he said. “No one is allowed to
speak but myself.” And he certainly spoke enough for himself and for
all the others.

He took me round to see the different parts of the convent, and _en
route_ he told me that only four survived of the ten or more that
had come out from France. The others had succumbed to illness and
hardships. They had now been there ten years, and had only seen three
Europeans during that time.

[Sidenote: VEGETARIANS]

“But who built all these houses, the church, the porticoes, and wall?”
I inquired.

“We did,” he replied, “with the help of some Chinese and Mongols,
several of whom have now joined the order. We do not make converts, and
only bring ourselves forward as an example to others. Chinese are fond
of self-inflicted penance, and many apply and are willing to join us
in our great work. They find it difficult at first to keep perfectly
silent, but they soon get into the habit, and we are very much pleased
with them. They are good, obedient, and willing. We have about forty,
though only a few of them have been ordained fathers; in due time,
however, let us hope that they will be. At present most are novices
and boys. Won’t you come and eat something, as you must be very hungry
and tired? We have little to offer you, for we are poor and far from
civilisation, but will gladly give you what we have.”

He gave me a delicious lunch, consisting entirely of vegetables cooked
in different ways, and among other things he pressed me to drink some
white wine of their own make, which was rather pleasant to the taste.

“We are vegetarians,” Father Maurus added; “but we are allowed to
drink wine, and we do so, taking the small cup in both hands and then
swallowing the contents. We cannot smoke, for that is not a necessity
of life. We never speak, not even to each other, except in case of
serious illness, as we wish to give all our thoughts to God.

“We live simply, and are quite happy. We have given up all luxuries of
the world, and all our implements are of the commonest kind. We eat
with iron forks and spoons, and we have three meals a day, except on
fast days, when we only have one very light meal. Our lunch is the
largest meal we have, and consists of a bowl of soup and two small
dishes of vegetables; at dinner we have less. We rise at 2 +A.M.+
on week-days, when we hear the sound of the church bell. One of the
fathers is commissioned to ring this bell, and should he be even a few
minutes late he has to undergo a punishment; if it be not altogether
his fault, he has to eat his dinner kneeling down; but under other
circumstances he has to accuse himself before the ‘capitole,’ and kneel
_outside_ the dining-room and do without his meals that day. However,
this happens very seldom, as we all do our best to fulfil our duties
conscientiously.

“On Sundays the bell is rung at 1 +A.M.+, but we generally have one
hour and a half’s rest in the afternoon.

“We go to rest at 8 +P.M.+, and we sleep with our clothes on, as in
Easter week and on other holidays, for example, we rise many times
during the night, go to the chapel to say our prayers, and then return
to our cells. In winter, when the snow is deep, this is not so pleasant
as in summer, because we have to cross the large yard. We used to
wear sandals, like the Franciscans, but, owing to the severe climate,
we have adopted Chinese shoes, which we find answer our purpose much
better.

“As you see, we also grow a pigtail, like the Chinese, though mine has
never grown more than a few inches long,” he said apologetically.

“But, Father Maurus,” I said, “does it not strike you that instead of
the Chinese following your customs, _you_ fall in with those of the
Chinese?”

“Oh!” he retorted, “we do not make converts. We are not missionaries,
and if we have adopted some Chinese customs it is only because we find
that our neighbours respect us more.”

[Sidenote: THE LAST STEP]

“Have you much trouble with your neighbours?”

“Not now. We had when we first arrived, and even three or four years
ago. While we were building the wall round our garden and houses we
were accused of concealing guns and other firearms, which, our accusers
said, were to await the arrival of a large band of ‘white devils,’
who intended conquering a great part of China. The mandarin of the
province, with many soldiers and followers, unexpectedly arrived,
and searched every nook within the walls of our monastery, but found
nothing. Being thus convinced that we had no hostile intentions towards
him, nor any of his countrymen, and astonished at the kind manner in
which we received him, he left us, and we have never seen him since.

“_Il avait l’air d’être un très brave monsieur_,” added Father Maurus.
An astonishing fact for a Chinese mandarin.

“The villagers around us are very good, and most of them have become
Christians. Hu-tzia-ku, a village only a few miles from here, is
entirely Roman Catholic, and many of the younger folk mean to join us.
We take them as _boys_, and after some years they become _novices_;
when well prepared for the holy life which we strive to lead they are
made _fathers_. When, however, this last step is taken there is no
withdrawing from it, and you are a Trappist till it pleases the Lord to
call you back to Himself. _Novices_ and _boys_ can leave the convent
whenever they choose.

“Our great idea is to give all our thoughts to the Lord. We think of
Him when we eat, when we till the ground, and when we read. The only
books that we read are books of prayers. We have to cultivate the
ground or else we could not live. We grow potatoes principally, and we
have a plantation of apricot-trees. We have a Manchu cook, a father,
whom we have trained, and in a few minutes you will try his _cuisine_.
He is a clever man, and has learnt Latin since he has been with us,
while he was a novice.”

While this conversation was going on, a shortish man, with oblique
eyes, high cheek-bones, and slanting forehead, appeared on the scene,
carrying a huge bowl of soup in one hand and an enormous dish of fried
potatoes in the other.

“_Voilà votre dîner, monsieur_,” said Father Maurus, “and the Manchu
father will bring you nuts and honey when you have eaten this. Here are
also several bottles of the wine that we make, and let us hope that you
will like it. I must go now, as it is my prayer time.”

CHAPTER LV

Latin and cookery--Shepherds--The Manchu’s new creed and cooking
utensils--Salad, honey, and jujubes--Wild animals--The Trappist and
the leopard--A saintly life--Gentle Christians--Hostility towards the
Trappists--The Chief of the village--Suggestive pictures.

The Manchu father kept silent for some time, and stood watching every
movement I made. At last he could not resist the temptation, and,
breaking the vows he had sworn to obey, began a Latin conversation
with me, the subject being the quality, size, and cooking of the fried
potatoes, and the bad success of the soup, with consequent apologies. I
tried to console him, and said that I found everything delicious.

It was strange, indeed, to be talking of fried potatoes in the Latin
language, with a Manchu cook, in a French Trappist convent in Chinese
Mongolia!

I must confess, however, that the Manchu was better up in Latin than
I was. He could talk it as fluently as his own language. Only now
and then he would put in some Manchu word to fill up gaps. He was an
interesting man, and very talkative, now that he had once begun. He had
been wandering, poverty-stricken, all through Manchuria, and, coming
south, fate had led him to the monastery. He begged for shelter, which
was immediately accorded him. The proceedings of the fathers interested
him, and he asked to remain with them. For several years he was a
novice, but such was his goodwill, perseverance, and quiet demeanour
that he was ordained a father. He enjoyed doing the cooking, for, he
said, it was not such rough work as cultivating the ground, or looking
after goats and cows, of which the Trappists have quite a number.

“There, you see,” he said, pointing towards the hill-side, “there is
one of our shepherds, a novice. You can see him; he has a large straw
hat on.”

I ventured to ask him whether he liked his new religion better than his
former one, and he said he did. He was unaware before, that by leading
a saintly life (I should call it a lazy one), man could earn happiness
in the life to come. He felt a different creature since he had joined
the Trappists, and was happy with his new creed--and cooking utensils.

Like all Eastern people, he possessed a keen sense of humour, and
his conversation, in Latin and Manchu, was getting more and more
interesting, when we heard the sound of steps.

“Father Maurus is coming, I must keep silent; please do not say that I
spoke.” And, bowing to Father Maurus as he entered, he retired to his
kitchen.

Salad, honey, and dried “jujubes” were then placed on the table, and I
enjoyed them thoroughly.

“One of our little dogs is going to die,” began Father Maurus. “We have
two of them, and their mother was killed by a leopard a few months ago.
We are often troubled by wild animals, especially in winter. Panthers,
leopards and tigers are numerous in the neighbourhood, and they often
visit us, bearing away with them our goats, and even our dogs. One
beautiful moonlight night, when the ground was still covered with snow,
I heard strange noises in the garden. The dogs were barking furiously,
and one of them seemed in great distress, judging from his howling.
A window of the dormitory overlooks the garden, and creeping along
the wall I went to see what was the matter. My hair almost stood on
end when, close to the window, I saw, not many yards from me, a huge
leopard eating up one of our dogs. I did not dare to move or call for
help. I was nearly paralysed with fright. You will agree with me,”
added Father Maurus, “that a few panes of glass are not much protection
against visitors of that kind. As things turned out, and with the help
of our Lord, the leopard seemed satisfied with his meal, and, after
having taken a turn round our premises, gracefully jumped over the wall
and disappeared. So our lives were spared,” and he made the sign of the
cross while saying so.

[Sidenote: TRAPPIST AND LEOPARD]

The Trappists possessed 800 hectares of ground, which they purchased
from the Roman Catholic missionaries, who induced them to come out from
France to serve as an example to intending imitators. Though not making
converts directly, they were the means, as it were, of getting natives
converted to the faith of Christ, by showing them how to lead a saintly
life.

They had certainly been successful. They had been there at Yan-Kia-Ku
more than ten years, and during that time all the inhabitants of the
neighbouring village of Hu-tzia-Ku had accepted the Roman Catholic
religion, and their children were brought up in that faith. However,
this village only numbered about forty houses, and certainly not more
than one hundred people, so that at its best, when one compared these
hundred souls to four hundred millions (the population of China), most
people will agree that the success of the Trappists might have been
correctly described as a drop of water in a vast ocean.

I must say in their favour that their followers at Hu-tzia-Ku, though
not numerous, were certainly the nicest and gentlest Chinese converts
I have met in my wanderings through the Celestial Empire, and to all
appearance they seemed to be extremely good Christians. They spoke
well of their neighbours the Trappists, and in fact worshipped them.
They all were most honest, straightforward, and kind--qualities not
universal among converts in China.

I paid them several visits, and a few presents in the shape of needles
and cotton-reels were much appreciated by the weaker sex, while a few
small Japanese silver coins sent the men crazy with delight. They did
not even object to be sketched, which, for a Chinaman, is going a very
long way.

Hu-tzia-Ku was a pretty little village. Its name, translated into
English, meant the valley of the Hu family. It was situated on a high
bank on the left side of the river, south of the monastery. The other
two villages of Shang-wan-tzu and Shia-wan-tzu (meaning the upper and
lower turnings of the river) were at no great distance from it, but the
villagers had not followed the example of their brothers of Hu-tzia-Ku;
on the contrary, they had on different occasions shown themselves
decidedly hostile towards them and the Trappists.

[Sidenote: A CHAPEL]

At Hu-tzia-Ku I was received into the house of the chief of the
village, who was the catechist as well, and he showed me into a
room which had been turned into a chapel. It had an altar with a
few candles, a crucifix, and on each side of that a large coloured
chromo-lithograph of French production. The subjects of these works of
art were as suggestive as they were badly executed. In one of them a
young Chinaman who had not accepted the Christian creed was to be seen
roasting in the midst of huge flames of bright vermilion and chrome
yellow. In the other a Chinese Christian with a happy countenance was
led by an angel for a walk on the clouds. A full description both in
Chinese and French was printed on the margin of these _chefs d’œuvre_,
to enlighten persons who might entertain any doubt as to what the
pictures were meant to represent. A few benches and a couple of wooden
chairs were the remainder of the furniture in this humble place of
worship. All the villagers went to it in the morning and evening to say
their prayers, and on Sunday one of the Trappist fathers came over to
celebrate mass.

CHAPTER LVI

The Fathers at dinner--The dormitory--Trappists’ dress--My
bedroom--The Great Wall of China--Towers--On Trinity day--Man and
speech--A sad story.

On returning to the monastery, I found the fathers at dinner. One of
them was reading aloud while the others were eating, and Father Maurus
told me afterwards that that was done at all meals; the father reader
has his dinner later, when the others are at church praying.

Father Maurus took me to see the dormitory, a long rectangular room
with small cells on each side, each cell being about seven feet long
and four wide. A bunk with a rough mattress was all the furniture in
each cell, and few of them had blankets, as the monks usually slept in
their clothes.

Near the entrance door a pretty marble shell with holy water adorned
the wall as a stoup, and at its sides hung a clothes-brush and a pair
of scissors.

Fathers and novices dress entirely in white. Father Maurus, being the
superior, wears a leather belt, which ends in several knots, similar
in shape to the rope girdles worn by monks of the Franciscan and other
orders.

The Trappists are bareheaded, except shepherds, who wear hats of
enormous size. Each monk is, however, provided with a cowl, which is
very seldom used.

[Sidenote: THE WALL OF CHINA]

I was shown my bedroom--a cell like all the others--only in a separate
part of the building, not inhabited by the Trappists. There was a
wooden crucifix at the head of my bunk, and a hard mattress, but no
pillow; and I searched in vain for pegs, which plainly showed me that
Trappists are more religious than practical, although, on further
reflection, I may have been unjust in my hasty judgment, since they
themselves never undress. My paint-box, as usual, answered the purpose
of a pillow, and altogether I made myself fairly comfortable.

I was up early, having decided to go and see a portion of the Great
Wall and the famous towers of Tung-an-tzu, not many miles off. I passed
Hu-tzia-Ku, and the catechist insisted on accompanying me.

Having left my mules at the Tung-an-tzu temple, at the foot of the
mountain, I proceeded to climb to the summit, where the two towers are.

The Great Wall of China has always been a stumbling-block to Europeans.
Some imagine that it is an enormous structure, thousands of miles long,
and wide enough to allow four lines of carriages to drive on the top.
Others go so far as to assert that it is a myth. There is not only one
Great Wall of China, but many Great Walls, which in some places run
parallel to each other. But the Great Wall is not continuous, as is
very generally supposed; nor is it nearly as high, or as wide, as is
popularly believed. The only portion of the wall in Northern China that
is continuous for several hundred miles is that which runs west from
the sea (Petchili Gulf) to Kalgan, and this is not as solidly built as
that portion which runs from Chatao (NNW. of Pekin) in a south-westerly
direction.

[Illustration: THE WALL OF CHINA AT TUNG-AN-TZU]

The wall began from the first tower we reached, and went across
valleys and mountains; at intervals there were other similar towers,
with vaulted roofs, which, however, were generally tumbling down, the
arches having given way and the ceiling fallen in. The outside walls
were still in excellent preservation. In all the towers the walls
were double, and access to the upper floor was obtained by going up a
small staircase, similar to that of a ship, and nearly perpendicular.
The upper part of the tower was of bricks, but the lower part and the
foundations were made of enormous blocks of granite kept well together
by strong cement. Between stone and stone one could see numerous gun
bullets jammed in. A tablet, with the number of the tower engraved
on it, was placed over the door, and the windows were invariably of
a semi-circular shape. A wall, wide enough for several men to walk
abreast, from one tower to another, connected all these towers, and the
height of that portion of the wall at Tung-an-tzu was not more than
twenty-five feet. According to some Chinese authorities, this part of
the Great Wall is supposed to be much older than that farther north at
Chatao. That the wall is not continuous can be ascertained here, as no
traces can be seen of any connection between the tower and wall which
I saw at Sia-long-men and this part. One explanation of the problem
would be that these fragments of the wall have been built at different
epochs, to protect valleys through which an invading army could pass.
The theory that the wall was built with the object of keeping wild
beasts out of the country does not seem a plausible one, as nothing
could be easier to a tiger or a leopard than to climb over it in many
places.

[Sidenote: TRINITY DAY]

On Trinity Day, May 23, I was present at the benediction in the chapel
of the convent. All the fathers, novices, and boys were present, and it
was a good opportunity for me to see them all together. The church was
nicely decorated, and there was a grand display of candles. The service
was short and good, but what impressed me most were the different
expressions on the faces of these men and boys, who were to end their
days in these wild regions, giving up all duties and pleasures of life,
forgetting parents and friends, and forgotten by everybody; ignoring
the progress of art, science, and the world at large, giving up even
the greatest gift that God has given--speech--for the sake of thinking
exclusively of God.

Some, I presume, took it as a joke, some took it seriously, some looked
as if they felt the weight of it, others appeared quite happy.

When the service was over, Father Maurus came for a walk in the garden.
He was very communicative, and told me the story of his life. It was a
strange and sad story. Was he a weak-minded man to become a Trappist,
I wonder? or did he show a strong will in giving up everything in the
world to go and lead a silent life in that desolate spot?

Next day I left the convent to pursue my journey on to the sacred
mountain of Siao-ou-tai-shan.

CHAPTER LVII

I proceeded towards Tzie-tzia-pu-zu, on the right-hand side of the
stream as one faces the tower of Tung-an-tzu. Then, turning north-west,
I entered a narrow valley, the road all along being exceedingly
picturesque, winding among huge boulders and rocks on either side,
and at times forming beautiful gorges. We came across large and
interesting caves, but probably the most curious thing noticeable
in that neighbourhood was a hole pierced by Nature right through a
mountain, near its summit. Here and there quaint little mud villages
added life to the otherwise somewhat wild scenery. At noon the top of
the Sheu-pa-pan pass was reached, the name of which, being translated,
means “the eighteen terraces.” As usual, a shrine had been erected
on this pass, with five gods and a tablet in it. Two of these gods
were appropriately the protectors of passes, and the entrance of the
building faced the east. A few yards from it, in front, stood the
wall--ever to be found in China--to prevent evil spirits from entering
the temple. As we have seen, the builders of these temples and the
worshippers in them labour under the impression that evil spirits can
only travel in a straight line. Travelling in a roundabout manner they
believe impossible to them, a circumstance rather convenient for less
ethereal people, since all you have to do to keep, not only temples,
but even your own house, free from the visits of these objectionable
callers, is to erect a small wall in front of the doorway, and you can
thereafter live safe and undisturbed within the walls of your dwelling.

[Sidenote: DEVOUT TRAVELLERS]

The muleteers, who are about the only travellers on these lonely roads,
are extremely devout, and even the men in my employ never missed an
opportunity of paying their chin-chins to the gods inside the temples
and shrines we passed on the roadside.

The tablet in this particular temple was of the fifth moon of the
fifteenth year of Tzia-tziu; or, in other words, dated from the present
dynasty.

South-east of the pass, a long way off, the towers of Tung-an-tzu could
still be distinguished on the sky-line.

Descending on the other side of the pass, I was particularly struck by
the sudden and strongly-marked contrast in the type of the inhabitants.
They were now of an absolutely pure Mongol type; they had larger and
more slanting eyes, a flatter nose with wide nostrils, and appeared
less intelligent and quick than the natives we had so far encountered.
They spoke a dialect quite incomprehensible to us--even to my
muleteers. We had noticed variations from one village to another in the
pronunciation of the same words, but here, much to the concern of my
men, we could not understand a single word.

As we continued to descend, the valley grew wider. Late in the
afternoon the village of the Kau family, Kau-tzia-chuan, was reached,
and not very distant from it another quaint village, after which the
hills closed in again, the road being actually walled in between huge
rocks perpendicular to the ground.

A perforated and curiously-shaped mountain in the vicinity gives its
name, “Mao-mian-tzu,” to the next village we visited, and when we had
toiled through yet another small valley, a ravine and a narrow pass, we
left the region of the picturesque and solid granite, and came to one
where it is replaced by soft earth of a ghastly yellow colour.

Towards six in the evening we halted at Sheu-men-tzu (the stone door),
where we put up at the quaint little inn.

A Chinese inn at its best is not a paradise of comfort, nor, indeed, a
model of cleanliness or privacy. There are, of course, in China, inns
that are larger than others, but, no matter what their size, all are
equally and disgustingly dirty. Those in towns have separate small
rooms, no bigger than ship cabins, with paper windows. A portion of the
room, called the “kan,” raised a couple of feet above the floor, and
covered with a rough mat, is the part on which one sleeps at night and
sits in the daytime. This raised portion being of masonry, and vaulted,
a fire can be lighted under it in winter to keep one warm. There is
possibly, when the “kan” is lighted, the disadvantage of having one’s
body broiled on one side and frozen on the other, unless one keeps
turning over all the time, but that is only a trifle to travellers in
the Celestial Empire.

In villages where smaller inns--generally only one--are to be found,
the accommodation is even worse. There is only one barren shed, with
a “kan” running the whole length of the longer wall, or sometimes two
“kans,” one at each end of the room. On these, packed together like
sardines, travellers of all grades of society sleep at night in their
clothes, or wrapped up in blankets. The majority of guests at these
resting-places are usually muleteers or pedlars, for the better classes
in China are not much given to travelling.

[Sidenote: CHINESE INNS]

One of the principal features of a Chinese inn is the walled courtyard,
in which the carts, sedan chairs, mules, ponies, and donkeys are kept
at night, the animals making such a diabolical noise that it is not
easy to get much sleep.

Most of these inns provide you with sleeping accommodation, _pour façon
de parler_, and tea. Travellers have to bring their own bedding and
their own food. Something to eat can nevertheless always be obtained
at these hostelries by making a special arrangement, and to any one
not over fastidious there are several Chinese dishes that are quite
palatable. For instance, the “laopings” (a cross between an omelette
and a tart) are, to my taste, quite delicious.

Not many European travellers had been seen in these parts, and our
appearance generally caused a great commotion. The moment the news of
our arrival spread about, the room of the inn was invaded by swarms of
natives, and our baggage, clothes, and all we possessed, inspected with
ever-increasing curiosity. At this particular place, Sheu-men-tzu, I
caused a panic in the crowd by showing them an indiarubber band, the
expanding qualities of which made them bolt out of the room in terror.
How a “ribbon,” to use their expression, only a couple of inches long
could suddenly become a yard long and _vice-versa_ was a mystery quite
beyond them, and was looked upon as uncanny. They kept discussing it
all night--at a respectful distance, be it understood--and none of my
things were fingered again as long as we remained. It is superfluous
to say that, on my side, I never failed to produce the “magic rubber
band” whenever, on after occasions, the natives bothered us too much
with their inquisitiveness.

I made a very early start, as a long day’s journey was before me, and
by eight o’clock had already passed through To-cheng-pu and reached the
plateau-like stretch of yellow earth on the summit of the hill-range.
About an hour later, in a wind-storm, I began descending towards
an immense plain--a regular desert--which lay for miles and miles
stretched below me, losing itself in the sky on the horizon. We were
fortunate enough to witness a strange phenomenon. Dozens of gigantic
columns of dust, rising several hundred feet above the ground and
formed by so many whirlwinds, were revolving at a terrific pace upon
themselves, and moving about along the plain in a fantastic, ghost-like
dance. Every now and then one vanished in a cloud of dust, and others,
as if by magic, rose in a cone-like shape from the ground to join in
the weird game of Nature. With incredible rapidity these moving dust
cones assumed an immense height.

On crossing the plain, although we naturally took care to avoid these
whirlwinds, we were nearly caught in one of them, for they travel so
swiftly and in such an erratic fashion that it is not always easy
to get out of their way. The whizzing noise, as it swept by us, was
fearful, and the dust raised was for some minutes blinding. Even stones
of moderate size were lifted up several feet by the force of the
rotatory movement of the wind.

[Sidenote: BLINDING DUST]

As we went on across this table-land--at Tao-la-tsuei the altitude was
over 4000 feet--the wind increased during the afternoon, and, as it
blew in our faces, made travelling uncomfortable. At times such was its
fury that it was all we could do to hold on to our saddles. It raised a
fearful dust, and in the afternoon further thick masses of sand blew
over us. The latter probably came from the southern part of the desert.
It was like being in a dense yellow fog, and for some time we were at a
loss as to where we were going. We lost the track in the blinding dust,
and had considerable difficulty in finding it again.

CHAPTER LVIII

At the foot of the sacred mountain--The temple grounds--My
Mongol guide--A south-west track--A treacherous stone--A violent
shock--Anxious moments.

Finally we reached Tku-fo-pu, and later we came to the foot of the
sacred mountain which rejoices in the name of Siao-ou-tai-shan. We did
not put up in the village, as there were no inns, but continued up
the slope of the mountain to the temple of Tie-lin-tsen, and halted
in the temple grounds, where accommodation for pilgrims is provided,
similar to, and certainly no better than, that of the poorest inns. The
altitude of the temple above the sea was 4350 feet.

Even as low down as the temple there were still patches of snow and a
bridge of solid ice over a torrent. The majestic Siao towered against
the blue sky--now that the sand-storm was over--snow-clad here and
there on its slopes, yet with much less snow than I expected to find on
it at that time of the year.

I prayed for a bright morning the next day, when I intended to ascend
the highest peak, and my prayers were rewarded. The next morning came
crisp and clear, a lovely day for the ascent.

At 5 +A.M.+ I set out on the steep track, accompanied by a Mongol
guide, a man no longer very young, who took plenty of time over
everything he did, and who did nothing without stopping every few
moments to have a smoke. According to his ideas smoking could not
be enjoyed unless he squatted on his heels, a process which further
involved endless sighs and significant glances at the top of the
mountain when he had to get up again.

[Sidenote: A PRECIPICE]

Detesting guides at all times as I do, I soon left him behind and
proceeded by myself, sure that I could find my way without him.
Things went well until I had reached an altitude of over 9000 feet,
when the track which I had so far followed seemed to branch off in
two directions--one to the south-west, the other to the north-west,
apparently skirting one of the lower peaks.

I took the south-west track. It led me to a point where no human being
could go further. Even where I stood the slope of the mountain was
so steep that it required a steady foot not to slide down into the
underlying precipice. A little further, a long ice-field, extending
to the foot of the mountain, barred my way, so I decided to leave
the track, and attempted to climb the peak above me, in order to
see whether from that point of vantage I could perceive the right
trail. I was carrying a water-colour paint-box and a block slung on a
strong strap that crossed one shoulder and went under my arm. After
a considerable amount of toiling I managed to crawl to the top on my
hands and knees.

Although this was, as yet, merely one of the lower peaks, the view was
enchanting, and after all my hard work I was so hot that I sat on a
most inviting stone on the edge of the slope, and opened my paint-box
to take a sketch. Next came the sorting-out of the brushes, when
unexpectedly the treacherous stone on which I had comfortably settled
gave way with a sudden jerk, and began sliding--with me still sitting
on it--down the extremely steep slope.

No effort on my part to stop the involuntary tobogganing was of any
avail. I tried in vain to clutch the ground and seize any projecting
stone in hopes of stopping my precipitous descent, but at the speed I
was going it was no easy matter to hold on even to anything I managed
to clutch, especially as I was sliding with my back to the mountain,
and was unable to turn round. With some alarm I realised that another
hundred yards would bring me to the edge of the precipice. Over I
should have gone, taking a fatal leap of several hundred feet.

My hair stood on end as every second of my precipitate descent drew me
nearer and nearer the dreaded spot, and how well engraved on my mind
is the ghastly hollow sound of my heavy paint-box, which had preceded
me by long leaps and bounds in my disastrous descent, and as it banged
from boulder to boulder further down, the echo from mountain to
mountain magnified the sound a thousand times. Then there was a final
bang, far, far down below. The echo repeated it, and all was silence
once more, except for the stones rolling down with me.

Another half-minute.... What fearful anxiety!... I closed my eyes....

A violent shock, which seemed nearly to tear my body in two, made
me think that I had gone over. But no; as luck would have it, I had
suddenly stopped. I dared not move, for I was still in a precarious
position--only some ten or fifteen yards from the edge of the
precipice, and trembling all over with excitement. I was very young
in those days, and the prospect of the approaching leap had given me
quite a shock. I was half unconscious, and it took me some minutes
to realise where and how I was. I felt that I was suspended from
somewhere, but, as I hung from behind, I did not know to what I was
hanging, or for how long my tobogganing would be delayed.

[Sidenote: ANXIOUS MOMENTS]

One thing I grasped, and that was that only the greatest caution would
or could extricate me from the perilous position I occupied.

My terror was not lessened when, on getting my wits back, I discovered
that the weight of my body was supported by a portion of my coat and
the strong leather strap which was slung under my arm, both of which,
in dragging, had caught over a projecting stone. That had stopped me
from certain death, but the slightest movement on my part, or a jerk,
might still place me in great danger.

Slowly, and with my back resting on the steep slope, I managed to
get a footing, however slight. Then came the difficulty of turning
round. Several anxious minutes, which seemed ages, and this feat also
was successfully accomplished. Then I half lay with my body flat on
the ground, clutching with both hands the rock that had saved my
life, until my commotion had entirely passed away, and I crawled up
cat-fashion, as I had done before, until I reached the treacherous
trail again, following it back to where it parted. There I found the
old guide squatting on his heels and quietly smoking his pipe, for he
said he had seen that I had gone the wrong way, and should have to come
back to that point.

I never told him what had happened; he would have been too much amused.
I also pretended not to hear when he asked me what I had done with my
paint-box.

CHAPTER LIX

The right trail--The summit of the mountain--The altitude--A wooden
shrine--Images of Buddha--“Wishes”--The panorama--Mount Show-ho-ling
and its giant neighbour--Overhanging a precipice--On a wooden
platform--An unsteady path--A hard jump--The Mongol guide and the
gods--Gilt Buddhas--Another difficulty surmounted--An attempt to
blackmail--Armed bonzes--Parting friends.

This time the old Mongol put me on the right trail, and as he was
such a slow walker I again started off alone. I made him give me my
oil-colour paint-box, which he had been carrying for me; and with it,
following a comparatively easy but steep track, I first reached a small
but solidly built shed, and then, climbing up the steeper and fairly
dangerous part of the track, finally reached the summit of the highest
peak. I said “fairly dangerous,” for the last few yards before one
reached the top of the pinnacle were not more than a foot wide, and
on either side was a precipice, the bottom of which one could hardly
see. In other words, the performance for those few yards was not unlike
tight-rope walking, only with a drop of several thousand feet on both
sides of you had you missed your footing. The altitude of the mountain
was 12,000 feet.

The pinnacle of the great Siao-ou-tai-shan was a huge rock, on the top
of which, no larger than about ten feet in diameter, devout pilgrims
had erected a small wooden shrine, about four feet square and six or
seven feet high. In the interior, on shelves along the walls, there
were bronze images of Buddha, and each of them was stuffed inside,
through a hole provided for the purpose at the base of the image, with
bits of paper on which were written prayers, or “wishes” that pilgrims
were anxious to obtain.

[Sidenote: THE GREAT SIAO]

[Illustration: THE SUMMIT OF SIAO-OU-TAI-SHAN]

More interesting than the shrine was the exquisite panorama obtained
from the summit of Siao. On the south, south-east, and north-east sides
mountain-range after mountain-range of considerable height encircled
the sacred peak, blending from warm brownish tints in the foreground
into the pure cobalt blue of the more distant peaks.

Mount Show-ho-ling, 6582 feet above sea-level, seemed a mere dwarf
by the side of its giant neighbour. On the north and north-west side
stretched, as far as human eye could see, a barren, flat plain; and
far, far away beyond it, to the north, by the aid of a telescope,
one could distinguish, rising like a barrier, the mass of the
Huan-yan-shang mountain.

Overhanging a precipice, a short way below the summit, a temple had
been erected in a place as difficult of access as human mind could
devise. It is a very common thing for Buddhist fanatics to select
dangerous sites for their places of worship, and presumably they labour
under the impression that the greater the difficulty and danger to
be overcome in building these sacred places, the more the gods are
pleased. The construction of these temples is often attended with loss
of life, which the people willingly sacrifice for their faith.

The particular temple on Siao had been put up on an artificial wooden
platform, supported on crowbars thrust into the almost perpendicular
rock where part of the mountain had at some previous time collapsed,
leaving the rock exposed. One could only reach the temple by walking on
a path of unsteady narrow planks suspended by rotten ropes or resting
on shaky crowbars along the rocky wall of the mountain, while directly
under you was the precipice. There was no banister or protection of
any kind on the outside of this primitive suspension bridge, and on
the inside you could not cling to anything, for the rock had been worn
smooth by the ice, snow and rain.

As I intended seeing all that there was to be seen, after travelling so
far, I walked on the unsteady single planks, none of which were more
than a foot wide, and with a certain feeling of insecurity balanced
myself as well as I could from plank to plank until I had traversed
the precipice from one end to the other, and was at last near the
platform. What was my surprise when, on looking in front of me, I
discovered that the last plank of this primitive scaffolding had either
fallen or been removed, and that in order to reach the platform of the
temple a jump of over a yard was necessary--a short jump under ordinary
circumstances, but a very long one when you reflected that you had to
take your leap from a very unsteady point, and that if by chance you
missed the platform or slipped, you had below you a drop of three or
four hundred feet before you touched ground again.

[Sidenote: A PERILOUS LEAP]

[Illustration: A DIFFICULT JUMP]

The Mongol guide appeared on the scene, and walked, unconcerned, along
the shaky planks, as if he had been on the best and widest of high
roads. I pointed out to him the predicament in which I was, and asked
him if he would jump first to give me a hand, but he said he would not.
“The gods,” he said, “have removed that plank because they knew there
was a foreigner coming, and they did not wish him to see this sacred
spot. If I were to help you,” he added knowingly, “the gods would be
angry with me and I should suffer.”

His excuse was not half bad.

I took off my shoes as a precaution against slipping, and I leaped.

There was very little of interest to see in the temple, except long
rows of small images of Buddha, some gilt, some bronze colour, and
similar to those in the small shrine on the apex of the mountain. These
too, dozens of them in long rows, were the offerings of pilgrims, and
each was stuffed with “wishes” and prayers. These “wishes” were mostly
from sterile women praying for children, male in preference; from
sufferers, beseeching the gods to get rid of complaints duly specified
in the petition; or from less modest devotees, who asked for nothing
less than health, wealth, and happiness.

My curiosity satisfied, there now came the jump from the platform back
on to the narrow plank, which was a much more difficult and risky
performance than the reverse achievement. The slightest misjudgment in
the distance or speed as you leaped would carry you to your doom.

It required a great effort to make up one’s mind to the jump, but
eventually, with the assistance of the Mongol, who seized me firmly in
his arms as I landed on the plank, even this difficulty was surmounted,
and we gaily strode down the mountain towards the monastery.

There were patches of ice and snow in cavities and sheltered positions
both on the northern and southern slopes of the lofty peak, but the
parts more exposed to the sun were free from either. No incident or
accident marked the descent, and late in the afternoon I was back in
the monastery near the foot of the mountain, enjoying a well-deserved
rest.

During the night I heard noises of people running to and fro in the
courtyard, and early the following morning, much before sunrise, one
of my muleteers crept into my room and woke me up with the startling
news that the bonzes of the temple had just attempted with threats to
extort money from him. He had been commissioned by them to deliver the
following message to me:

[Sidenote: UNSUCCESSFUL EXTORTION]

“I must pay the bonzes a sum in taels equivalent to about £12 sterling
for accommodation in the temple compound, or they would kill me.”

“Tell them ‘yes,’” was my answer; “but not till sunrise,” and I
instructed the muleteer to have everything ready to start with the
first rays of light.

There was a great commotion in the temple compound. I noiselessly
made a hole in the paper window, and could distinguish the bonzes
running from one room into another, and could hear them confabulating
excitedly. I loaded the five chambers of my revolver, to be ready for
any emergency.

At dawn my traps were packed, and the mules, laden under my
supervision, were ready to start, while the bonzes had all collected
in front of the main gate, probably to prevent us going out. In fact,
one of them even attempted to close the heavy gate. I stopped him,
and setting one of the Frenchmen on guard with a rifle, I made mules,
muleteers, and baggage leave the temple enclosure amidst the violent
remonstrations of the bonzes, who now showed themselves in their true
colours. They were worse than wild beasts, fierce yet cowardly. Some of
them ran to their quarters, evidently in search of weapons. There was
no time to be lost. Once the mules and baggage out, and we also outside
the gate, the money due to them for two nights’ lodging, amounting to
some thirty shillings,[14] was handed to the chief bonze.

[14] This sum was about five times the amount that a native gentleman
would have had to pay for the same accommodation.

Seeing that a number of bonzes were now coming to his assistance with
knobbed mallets and pitchforks, the head bonze gave way to his temper,
and inveighed furiously against us, inciting the priests to attack
us. Arguing is not much in my line, particularly with scoundrels. I
set my revolver under his nose and requested him to bid us a polite
good-bye. Which he did, and he and the others suddenly turned into a
most affectedly civil assemblage.

Thus we parted friends!

CHAPTER LX

Stoned--Thirteen hours in my saddle--Marshy country--A comfortable
separate room--Sickening smell--“Only” dead of smallpox--In a
drenching rain--Women in all their finery--Deformed feet--A miserable
hamlet--The obstinate donkey and the hole-man--The highway from Pekin
to Kalgan--A fine stone bridge--Numerous towers--Fire signalling--The
Great Wall at Cha-tao--The gate of Tziun-kuan--Stockinged
pigs--Caravans--The Nankao Pass--The Ming tombs--The avenue of
gigantic animals--Our last halt--Unsanitary regulations--A festive
village--Fishing.

We quickly descended the hillside, and when we were some distance down
I perceived a young bonze come out of the monastery by a back way and
run by a short cut towards the village of Tkou-fo-pu, probably to
incite the natives against us. Half an hour later, in fact, when we
traversed the village, we were met by a very rowdy crowd and subjected
to all sorts of insults, stones being fired (with considerable
accuracy) at us.

We forced our way through without receiving any serious injury, and
by the same road we had followed on the outward journey reached
Sheu-men-tzu late that same night. From this point I deviated from
my former route, and travelled in a north-easterly instead of a
south-easterly direction. We covered great distances every day.
Thirteen hours in our saddles brought us from Sheu-meu-tzu to our next
halting-place, Fan-shan-pu, a somewhat tedious ride, with no exciting
incidents. We went through a curious gorge past Ouang-kia-yao, lined
all along with willow-trees. The villages of Tasie-yao, Mie-tchan, and
Tie-na were of no very great importance or interest, but Kiem-tsuen
was quite a large and handsome town. Then we passed the marshes of
Chang-chui-mo, which were picturesque enough, with willows growing to a
very great height, and further on the village of Chia-chonei-mo came in
sight.

We spent the night at Fan-shan-pu. The inn at this place was large,
and I was given a comfortable separate room. My two friends were in
the next. The stench which came in gusts was so appalling that I
became quite sick, and when I remonstrated with the innkeeper he said
something was wrong with my nose; he could not smell anything. Sleeping
outside was not possible, as it came on to rain heavily. All the other
rooms were occupied. During the night the odour became so unbearable
that I proceeded to investigate its origin. With a lighted candle I
went out, and, sniffing about, made sure that it came from the next
room to mine, on the opposite side to that where the Frenchmen were,
and which I had been told was occupied by three Chinese. I knocked at
the door, left half opened, and receiving no answer pushed the door
open with my knee while I held my nose tight with my hand. I raised
the candle, and behold! there were indeed three Chinese occupying it,
but they were dead, and had evidently been so for some days. They were
in the last stage of decomposition, their faces and hands black, and
a mass of moving worms. The landlord, summoned in due haste, quietly
replied that they had “only” died of smallpox, and had been there eight
days. He was waiting for an order from an absent mandarin to have them
removed.

[Sidenote: TRAP-HOLES]

Still traversing the country from south-west to north-east, in a
drenching rain, we visited the villages of Si-kou-ying, Hao-kwei-ying,
and Sang-yein. Here the women, dressed in all their finery, turned out
on their doorsteps to watch our arrival. Some looked quite attractive
with their vari-coloured silk jupons and trousers, only the deformity
of their stumpy feet, squeezed into tiny pointed shoes not longer
than three or four inches, detracted a good deal from their otherwise
graceful appearance.

Towards noon we reached Ya-lo-wan, on the banks of the Hung-ho River, a
miserable hamlet perched on a hill of yellow earth.

The river had to be waded. A Chinaman--a beggar, I thought--volunteered
to take animals and men safely across for a sum of money, for he warned
us that there were large holes in the river-bed, in which animals would
sink for certain should we cross without his aid. Well knowing the
trick these men have of digging large holes in the river-beds while
dry in summer, in order to extort money from timid travellers in other
seasons, I declined his services, and proceeded to lead my mules, not
right across the water to where the road began on the opposite side of
the stream--for these trap-holes are usually dug in places where unwary
travellers are likely to cross--but a few yards further up, landing
every one of my party safely on the other side, with the exception
of one donkey, who, like all the evil spirits of China, insisted on
crossing in a straight line in front of his nose. The result was that
when he was in mid-stream he sank into one of the holes, and, with the
weight of the load on his back, disappeared. Only the points of his
ears could be seen wagging out of the water. The hole-man, who had
eagerly been watching for this, sprang into the river to the rescue of
animal and load, for which he was duly rewarded.

We made the next halt at Houai-lai-shien, a fairly large town, 1653
feet above sea-level, and intersected by the highway from Pekin to
Kalgan, and thence to Siberia. A fine stone bridge is to be found just
beyond one of the gates. Three hours’ journey brought us to Yu-ling-pu,
and another hour to Paol-chan. Here we came to numerous towers similar
to those of the wall described at Tung-an-tzu, but no signs of a wall
joining these towers could be discerned, though in all probability even
these square structures were in olden days connected by an earthen
wall, or possibly even by a light stone wall. Many of these towers bore
the appearance of having been used for fire-signalling. Not far from
these we reached the Great Wall at Cha-tao, where walls and towers were
much larger than at any other place in China.

Cha-tao (1470 feet above sea-level) was situated on the semi-circle
described by the Great Wall between this point and Cha-san-ku. The
wall was double between these two points, and formed a kind of huge
semi-circular castle walled all round. The Great Wall of China was
extraordinarily well constructed, for, considering the centuries since
its erection, it was yet in marvellous preservation, except for the
roofs of towers that had fallen through. This particular portion of
the wall was enormously wide, and had a number of towers at short
intervals. It was quite an imposing sight, as it went up over the
barren slopes of the nearer hills and down on the other side, certainly
the most gigantic work of masonry in the world.

The gate of Tziun-kuan dates from the third moon of the first year of
Tzin-tai, but for actual beauty, to my mind, the Kin-youn-kuan gate
was superior. Its stone carvings, both under the archway and outside,
were magnificent.

[Sidenote: THE MING TOMBS]

As I was sketching the gate I saw a strange sight. A number of fat pigs
passed along the road, their feet clad in neat little socks to prevent
them getting sore while travelling long distances.

Through the above mentioned gates was the great highway from China
to Siberia. As we continued our journey we encountered thousands of
camels carrying tea to Siberia. Caravan after caravan went by, the
camel at the head of each dingling a monotonous bell, the drivers
perched on the hump, and now and then a quaint, long-legged baby camel
struggling along to keep up with its mother. It was curious to notice
how difficult it was for a camel to go up even a moderate hill. For
instance, ascending the Nankao Pass, a very gentle incline, seemed a
great effort for them.

We left the high road at Nankao, in order to visit the Ming tombs.
That of Yunloh was the handsomest; then the mausoleum to Chan-su-uen,
a simple but dignified structure in masonry and red lacquer, with
a double roof similar to a pagoda, was very attractive. The stone
gateway, surmounted by two animals, was graceful and simple. I must
confess disappointment with the “avenue” of gigantic stone animals
and figures, of which I had heard so much. To me they did not appear
gigantic at all; on the contrary, they seemed small, and sure enough
some of the animals, such as the elephant and camel, were smaller than
life-size.

Our last halt was made at Chang-ping-tchu. In the morning, as we left
the town under the city wall, we saw a number of bodies of men who
had died of starvation, and from the stench they had apparently been
left there some time. But the Chinese were never great at sanitary
regulations. Two or three were half buried under a pile of large
stones.

We crossed over the bridge to Cha-touen, a very festive village, where,
though early in the morning, a diabolical dramatic representation,
with accompaniment of excruciating music, was taking place in a large
outdoor theatre. The houses were decorated with paper flowers and
lanterns; undoubtedly one of the festivals of some kind, which are
innumerable in China, was going on.

As we followed the river course we were much interested in the skilful
way in which, by means of a small hand-net, the natives captured large
quantities of small fish, not unlike whitebait, and which my muleteer
pronounced delicious to eat.

Drawing nearer the capital the houses grew thicker, and the villages
and towns came in quick succession. The dusty highway was thronged
with people, camels, horses, mules, and donkeys, and now and then a
palanquin conveying a high official to or from the greatest centre of
the East. Coolies, with their huge conical hats, were running to and
fro with heavy loads of vegetables or merchandise, and everything was
life and business.

At sunset we entered Pekin by the north gate, thus ending my enjoyable
trip to the Trappists and the great Siao-ou-tai-shan.

[Illustration: EFFECT OF THE SHELLS OF THE ALLIES ON THE SOUTH WALL OF
TIENTSIN CITY]

CHAPTER LXI

A good rest--The prevalent idea--The Generals of the Allies and
their opinion--Unnecessary accusations--Reinforcements--Prominent
features in Tientsin--Bathing not a luxury--The Russian and American
bands--News of the Legations--Sir Claude MacDonald’s pathetic
letter--A message to the American Consul and one to the Japanese
Consul.

After the taking of Tientsin city, and the excitement of looting it, it
was felt by the Allies that a good rest was necessary before an attempt
to relieve the Pekin Legations could be made.

As a matter of fact, the idea was prevalent in Tientsin that the
Ministers and all foreigners in the capital could not have escaped
massacre. Certainly everything pointed in that direction, and if the
Imperial troops in Pekin were as well armed and drilled as those who
fought in Tientsin, we could but surmise that the Legations, with the
small guards and limited ammunition, could not have withstood a long
and severe siege.

Brigadier-General Dorward and the Generals of the other Allies were
of the opinion that, considering the strength of the enemy between
Tientsin and Pekin, at least 25,000 men were necessary for an advance.
Some suggested that 40,000 would be a figure at which a greater chance
of success might be expected.

Admiral Seymour himself thought that no less than 40,000 would be
necessary to fight and keep communications open. The rainy season,
which was late that year, would be coming shortly, and would render
the country almost impassable, as there were no roads to speak of,
and every inch of the railway had been destroyed. General Dorward’s
idea of travelling up by river was not looked upon favourably by most
commanders.

The Russians, who expected large reinforcements, seemed inclined to
wait till their men had arrived, which would be about the middle of
August or beginning of September, when a dash for the capital might
be made with comparative quickness and security, as the rains would
be over by that time. To start and have a second edition of Seymour’s
experience would be much worse than not to start at all.

There was method in their way of thinking, and more sense than appears
at first sight. Uselessly to sacrifice thousands of lives and yet not
attain the desired end seemed of no profit to any one. If an advance
were made at all, it must be made with every possible prospect of
victory.

Whispered, unnecessary accusations were made about the secret aims
of the Slavs, and absurd rumours were spread of machinations between
Russians and Chinese. Others went even so far as to believe that
Russian troops from Siberia were already in possession of Pekin, and
would try to keep the other Allies out! It would be interesting to know
who was originating these wild statements.

While all this talk was going on in the settlements, and while official
discussions and councils of war were taking place almost daily,
followed by genial dinners given by one General or another, nothing
whatever was being done.

Troops continued to arrive from Port Arthur, Japan Hong Kong, and
Manilla, and stores were now being brought up fast from Shanghai, Hong
Kong, and Nagasaki.

[Sidenote: PROMINENT FEATURES]

Several things impressed one in the settlements when matters grew
quieter.

Probably the most prominent feature were the American mule teams, with
their reckless drivers, which were greatly admired when one could avoid
being run over by them. Then the jovial, florid, naval face of Captain
Bayly, the Provost Marshal of Tientsin, who sat on a horse which he
rode up and down the Victoria Road at all hours of the day. On the
verandah of the principal hotel a swarm of Russian officers were at all
times to be seen drinking each other’s health, of which they seemed
to have already an exuberance, and making grand bows to one another,
while British officers sprawled disjointedly along the road with their
well-cut clothes, and an eyeglass often stuck over the eye, which did
not always add to their otherwise intelligent appearance.

[Illustration: AN AMERICAN POET AND NEWSPAPER CORRESPONDENT]

The British Tommy was nicely mannered and quiet, but bore an
absent-minded look about his face; while Jack Tar was free and easy, as
usual, and quite at home, as if the whole place belonged to him.

There was plenty of dash in the Americans, whose clothes,
nevertheless, appeared somewhat tight-fitting--a contrast to the
solemn, turbaned Indian troops, whose ample knickers made up for the
painful thinness of their legs.

[Illustration: INDIAN TROOPS BATHING, TIENTSIN]

Notwithstanding that the water of the river, canals, and ponds had been
polluted by dead bodies, the native troops were seen daily bathing
outside the mud wall, where the accompanying photograph was taken.
Europeans had given up washing long before, as the water supply was
limited, and a bath was indeed a luxury in which very few could indulge.

The little Japanese, silent, steady, and well-behaved, were like ants,
ever busy, carrying things here and there, moving guns, drilling,
foraging, grooming horses, washing clothes, cleaning rifles, or
polishing their swords and bayonets. They had established the most
reliable and well-conducted field post-office, although a Chinese
post-office had been reopened by the British, as well as one in the
German Consulate.

[Sidenote: A TELEGRAM]

The evenings were enlivened by the excellent Russian band, which played
selections from operas and well-known airs, and by the capital American
band, which went in for less classical but nevertheless captivating
music, such as “The Belle of New York,” “The Casino Girl,” &c.

Various unsuccessful attempts had been made to communicate with Pekin
by means of disguised messengers. Day after day passed, and we heard no
news of the besieged, which made us fear the worst.

A telegram had been received by his Excellency Director-General Sheng
on July 7, and we in Tientsin heard of it in due course of time. The
despatch contained news of the besieged, but although it purported to
come from his Excellency Yuan-Shih-Kai, Governor of Shantung, and had
been duly continued by Her Majesty’s Consul at Chinanfu, it was much
discussed, and little credence was attached to it in Tientsin. It ran:--

“A messenger has just arrived, having left Pekin on July 3. He states
that two Legations are still uncaptured. The troops and Boxers are much
disheartened. The former have lost over 2000 killed, and many of the
Boxer ringleaders have also been slain.

“They do not dare to approach the Legations, and the Boxers say that
their mystic powers have been broken by the foreigner.

“The messenger further says that if the foreigners have sufficient food
and ammunition they ought to be able to hold out for a long time.”

It was not till July 29 that the Allies woke up to the real state of
affairs, on the receipt by the British Consul of the following pathetic
letter from Sir Claude MacDonald:--

“British Legation,

“Pekin, July 4, 1900.

“We are here surrounded by Chinese Imperial troops who have fired
upon us continuously since June 20. We hold following line:--American
Legation and forty yards up south wall Tartar city above same,
Russian Legation, British ditto, also some part of the opposite (this
last held by Japanese), French legation and German ditto; all other
Legations outside this line and Customs buildings burned by enemy and
ruins held by them--their barricades close our lines on all sides.
Enemy are enterprising but cowardly. They have four or five cannon,
a 1-inch quick firer, two 3-inch ditto, and two 9 and 15-pounders,
used mostly for battering purposes. Our casualties are, up to date,
forty-four killed and about double that number wounded. We have
provisions for about two weeks, but are eating our ponies. If Chinese
do not press their attack we can hold out for some days--say ten, but
if they show determination it is a question of four or five, so no
time should be lost if a terrible massacre is to be avoided.

“The Chinese Government, if one exists, have done nothing whatever
to help us. We understand that all gates are held by enemy, but
they would not stand an attack by artillery. An easy entrance could
be effected by the sluice gate of the canal which runs past this
Legation through south wall of Tartar city.

(Signed) “+Claude MacDonald.+”

[Sidenote: A CYPHER MESSAGE]

Directly afterwards a second messenger brought to Mr. Ragsdale, the
American Consul, a small piece of tissue paper, on which was a cypher
message from Mr. Conger, the United States Minister. It was dated July
21, and said that the Chinese had ceased firing by agreement. The
Legations had sufficient provisions, but little ammunition. They could
hold out for some days. Fifty had been killed.

With much gentlemanly thoughtfulness Mr. Ragsdale immediately
communicated to all his colleagues the contents of the message, and
so, with excellent politeness, did the Japanese Consul, who received a
messenger a few days later from Colonel Shiba.

_August 1, 1900._

“+Circular.+

“The undersigned has the honour to present his compliments to his
colleagues, and to circulate for their information the accompanying
copy of the statement of a special messenger sent by his Imperial
Japanese Majesty’s Legation at Pekin, who has arrived here on July 31.

“+Nagamasa Sey.+

“His Imperial Japanese Majesty’s Consul.

“To the consul for France,
” ” ” Great Britain,
” ” ” Germany,
” ” ” Russia,
” ” ” the United States of America,
” ” ” Belgium.

“His Imperial Japanese Majesty’s Consul,
Tientsin.

“A special messenger who left Pekin July 23 arrived here July 31
after detention of four days by Chinese soldiers.

“He swallowed up a slip of letter from the Japanese Legation before
he was caught by Chinese soldiers at the time of his creeping out of
‘sluice’ at the south of British Legation.

“The following is substance of his statement:

“‘Mi-Tei, of the Japanese Legation, who handed me the letter,
had ordered me to proceed to Ho-hsi-Wu, or Yangtsun, where I
may find Japanese troops marching up towards Pekin. A few days
after armistice, the strict order was given by General Tung that
no provisions should be allowed to enter into the Legations. I
presume the object of armistice proposed by Chinese Government may
largely be attributed to the fact that a large portion of troops
under General Tung have left Pekin for Pei-tsang, to assist the
troops in checking the advance of foreign troops and also to gain
time in waiting for reinforcements from the south. I heard news
when released by Chinese soldiers that General Sung and Viceroy
Yu memorialised the throne that the Taku forts and Tientsin
must be recovered by them with the assistance of troops under
Yuan-Shih-Kai, Lo Ping Hong, and other Governor-Generals of the
south. This was duly sanctioned by the Emperor, who issued decree
to that effect on the 28th and 29th of sixth moon. All foreigners
are keeping up their spirits with daily expectation of speedy
arrival of foreign troops.’

“The following news reached at this Consulate in the morning of
August 1, 1900:--

[Sidenote: TWO BOXER LEADERS]

“‘Two principal leaders of Boxers, named Tsuao Fu Teu and Chang Te
Cheng, who were supported by and attached to the Viceroy Yu at the
beginning of the war, were killed. Soon after the fall of Tientsin
city the former was arrested and shot to death by Chinese, and the
latter was murdered three days ago by Chinese at Wan Cha Koa, about
100 li from Tientsin.

“‘+Mi Tei.+’”

CHAPTER LXII

Preparing for the advance--A conference of Generals--An immediate
start--A reconnaissance--On August 4--A guard for Tientsin--The
number of troops marching on Pekin--At the Siku Arsenal--The position
of the Allies--Pei-tsang--Enemy in great force--The Americans--The
magazine--The first line of Chinese trenches.

This news from Pekin, which came as a great surprise to everybody,
stirred the blood of the Allies. It was plain that, although still
alive, the besieged in the Legations were in a sorrowful plight. At
any cost, an attempt to relieve them must be made at once. It was
impossible to rest idle only eighty miles away, and let men, women, and
children of our blood be slaughtered by these barbarians.

For two or three days there was a great commotion in Tientsin to
prepare for the advance. Pekin carts were commandeered in all
directions, and saddles, ponies, mules, donkeys, and rickshaws. Ponies
and mules fetched high sums, and were very difficult to obtain. I
was fortunate enough to get some good mules and Chinese artillery
pack-saddles, which came in very handy to carry the heavy load of
photographic plates and cameras that I intended using on the way.

On August 3, at 10 +A.M.+, a conference of generals was held, at
which it was decided, at the instance of General Yamaguchi, that the
combined forces of the Allies now ready in Tientsin should make an
immediate start for Pekin, without waiting for the arrival of further
reinforcements. It was proposed that the movement should begin on
August 5, but afterwards agreed that the advance could be made on the
4th.

[Sidenote: ADVANCE ON PEKIN]

[Illustration: THE AUTHOR’S INDIAN AND CHINESE SERVANTS BRINGING
ARTILLERY PACK SADDLES ON A WHEELBARROW]

The Japanese division had arrived in Tientsin on July 21, and had since
made a reconnaissance to locate the enemy, and discover his strength.

It was not till the afternoon of the 4th that the troops began to move
out of the settlement, raising clouds of dust on the road, and rattling
the heavy gun carriages over the rickety wooden bridges outside
Tientsin native city.

Three battalions of Japanese infantry from all regiments, commanded by
Major Eguchi, were left as a guard in Tientsin, as well as some Indian
British troops, Russian and French soldiers, and Italian marines.

The troops that took part in the advance were about sixteen or eighteen
thousand in number, and consisted of--Japanese: one brigade of
infantry, and all the cavalry available; four companies of artillery;
one company of engineers.

[Illustration: AMERICANS PREPARING TO START FOR THE ADVANCE ON PEKIN]

British: Royal Welsh Fusiliers, Royal Artillery, 7th Bengal Infantry,
1st Bengal Lancers, 1st Sikhs, 24th Punjab Infantry.

American: 9th and 14th Infantry.

[Illustration:
_SKETCH PLAN
OF THE ATTACK ON
PEI-TSANG_

_BY A. H^y. SAVAGE LANDOR_
]

The Japanese, British and American were to work in a joint movement on
the west bank of the River Pei-ho, while the Russians (East Siberian
Regiment and Cossacks), French, and Austrians were to march on the east
bank. The Russians proposed to come over to the west bank, owing to the
great difficulty of getting through the country on the opposite side of
the stream, but this was not allowed, and they therefore remained on
the east bank with the Austrians, Germans, and Italians.

[Sidenote: PEI-TSANG]

The night of the 4th was spent by the Allies around the Siku, or Hsiku,
arsenal, the English and Russians acting as outposts, and the Japanese
being placed on the extreme left. The Russians occupied the Siku
arsenal itself, in the centre of the line, the British and Americans
the right and left centre, and the Japanese the extreme left.

From the Siku arsenal a double embankment, six feet high, ran along in
a north-westerly direction as far as a magazine, then turned almost
north beyond it. Two buildings, a gunpowder magazine, a small village,
and a few scattered houses and granaries, stood in the large triangular
stretch of flat country, now covered with crops (Indian corn) four
feet high, that was enclosed by the river on one side and the road
embankment on the other, the Siku arsenal being the point of the
triangle.

Pei-tsang, where the Chinese were reported in great force, was about
six thousand yards north-west of Siku. The Chinese were very strongly
entrenched behind several lines of earthworks stretching to the
south-west from Pei-tsang and to the south-east along a mud wall. There
were several miles of trenches, very skilfully laid out, and the enemy
had placed behind them six guns at their extreme right, nine field
guns in the centre of the line, three guns directly west of Pei-tsang,
and eight guns near the granaries south-east of the village. It was,
indeed, a formidable position to attack.

During the night the Allies took up a position to the south of the
embankment, the Japanese occupying the extreme left wing, close to the
magazine, where they brought up their artillery, under the command of
Major-General Tskamoto, with the 21st brigade of infantry, the 5th
regiment of cavalry, one company of engineers, the 5th regiment of
artillery, and ambulances.

To the right, under the command of Major-General Manabe, was the 9th
brigade, one company of cavalry, one battery of artillery, one company
of engineers, Red Cross ambulances, &c.

The reserve consisted of the 11th regiment, taken out of the 9th
brigade, and one company of engineers.

Next to the Japanese along the embankment were the British forces,
under cover, consisting of the Royal Welsh Fusiliers, 7th Bengal
Infantry, the Royal Artillery, the 1st Sikhs, and 24th Punjab Infantry.

The Americans, for some unaccountable reason, lost their way, and
therefore were not in the position assigned to them, nor did they take
any part in the engagement.

The 1st Bengal Lancers were on the open ground where high crops were
growing south of the embankment, and a few hundred yards away from it.

At 4 +A.M.+ on August 5, the Allies had taken up their positions, the
head portion of the Japanese 5th division excepted, which had moved
forward at 10 o’clock the previous evening (August 4). They had pushed
their way right up to the Chinese sentries near the magazine, and
with the first rays of light, at 4.20, got the first glimpse of the
enemy. Ten minutes later, at 4.30, the magazine was in the hands of
the Japanese. With this was also captured the first line of Chinese
trenches. Three thousand Chinese troops were reported to be guarding
the powder magazine, but they withdrew to their main defences, and a
Japanese battery was set to work at this spot.

CHAPTER LXIII

The battle of Pei-tsang--Drawing the enemy’s fire--The Japanese
artillery--Occasional jokes--A Chinese shell--A spot of comparative
safety--Japanese wounded--A narrow escape--Japanese humour--The Royal
Artillery--Chinese fire slackening--The British cavalry--The 41st
Japanese--Photographs under fire--Capturing enemy’s trenches--Heavy
casualties--A touching scene--The enemy driven from his trenches.

Shortly before any firing began I climbed with a friend over the
embankment to see whether the enemy was in sight, with the result
that we were ourselves placed in full sight of the enemy against the
sky-line, and three or four shells whizzed uncomfortably near us,
exploding, fortunately, a little way beyond. From this moment the
Chinese, suspecting the whereabouts of the Allies, began to send shell
after shell into our position with considerable accuracy, but did
comparatively little damage, as the shells burst twenty or thirty yards
beyond the embankment.

The Japanese artillery at this point of the advance was doing
splendidly, the officers calmly smoking their cigarettes as the shells
burst freely around them. The Chinese had found the exact range of the
Japanese guns, and were making their position very hot; the gunners and
their officers, however, were wonderfully cool and composed, cracking
occasional jokes when shells burst too near. The moment any one was
wounded he was bandaged up and carried away on an ambulance.

One soldier was standing under a tree, holding three horses, when a
Chinese shell dropped between him and the animals, and they were all
killed, and gashed about in a fearful manner.

Interesting as it all was, I thought that it was wiser for me to go and
see what the British artillery was doing a little further back along
the embankment. It had not yet come into action. Thinking this a spot
of comparative safety, as only occasional shells were bursting here,
instead of a regular hail of them, I was just talking to some soldiers,
when a shell exploded directly over our heads, wounding one man badly
in the neck, and another slightly.

There being no prospect of an immediate advance, and this artillery
duel continuing, I decided to go still farther back among the high
corn nearly to the place where the Bengal Lancers were in reserve. I
squatted down on the ground, and was writing up my notes, when some
Japanese Red Cross men approached, and asked me whether this was a safe
spot, as they wished to bring some wounded. On my answering in the
affirmative, off they went, and presently returned with two stretchers
on which were two Japanese severely wounded. I went to help them to lay
down the poor suffering creatures, when a solitary shell exploded just
above us, and again wounded one of the men on the stretchers.

There was some grim humour in the remark that the Japanese doctor made
to me. “I think,” said he, in his quaint English, “you make mistake
when you speak this place safe;” and he mimicked with his mouth the
noise of the bursting shell, and with his hands the way in which the
different pieces had whizzed past our ears. “May be not quite safe,
but you see I am Japanese! I may not know, you see.” And, with a
comical gesture, he looked up towards the sky to see if more missiles
were coming.

[Sidenote: ARTILLERY FIRE]

The Royal Artillery was now coming into action, the officers taking the
range from the embankment. It was interesting to see how smartly the
guns were brought up in position, but only a few shots were fired. Some
of our gunners were wounded.

[Illustration: JAPANESE ADVANCING UNDER FIRE]

The Chinese were gradually slackening their artillery fire, and
apparently withdrawing their guns, when General Fukushima sent word to
the British asking that the cavalry might immediately be despatched
to co-operate with the Japanese in the advance on the Chinese
position. Somehow or other, the British cavalry never arrived, and the
Japanese--only one regiment of artillery--marched forward alone.

The 41st Regiment led the advance with one battalion on the left wing.
The fighting was very severe, the Japanese suffering heavily, as can be
seen by the series of photographs here appended, which I took on the
spot.

[Illustration: JAPANESE SOLDIERS PHOTOGRAPHED AS THEY WERE BEING KILLED]

The Chinese were gradually driven away from their lines of trenches,
but made a stubborn resistance. The full-page photograph, which,
unfortunately, owing to the light at the moment it was taken, is not as
sharp as it might be, but which, being a document, I have left in its
original state, shows the plucky Japanese taking a short rest owing to
the fearful heat, after having captured one trench.

[Illustration: THE CAPTURE OF A CHINESE TRENCH]

The second full-page shows a Chinese old gun on the second line of
trenches firing on the Japanese. In the centre of the photograph a
detachment can be seen dashing across the corn to storm the position
while another detachment attacked the position from the left side.
Naturally the Chinese did not confine themselves to firing with a gun:
Mauser, Mannlicher, and gingal bullets were falling thickly. Moreover,
the Chinese were using Maxims with considerable success.

[Sidenote: SNAPSHOTS UNDER FIRE]

[Illustration: CHINESE SOLDIER KILLED]

As we advanced from one trench to the next under this heavy fire, the
plucky little Japanese dropped down, killed or wounded. Then a poor
corporal, whom I snapshotted, rolled down, a victim to a bullet; the
cross-page illustration is another snapshot which I took of the string
of soldiers, wounded and killed, that we left behind on the field. To
the left of the picture (page 344), in exaggerated proportions (as
they were close to me), are the haversack, water-bottle, and muzzle of
the rifle of the soldier just ahead of me, who was running and firing,
avoiding to tread on the bodies of the fallen. In the foreground lies
a man just killed, and, a yard or so further on, a couple more. A most
tragic scene had occurred in a few seconds. The one to the right
wavered ahead of us, apparently mortally wounded. His companion stopped
for a moment to support him, when he, too, fell dead by the side of his
friend. It may be noticed that the distance from these bodies--taken
just as they were falling--to myself was no more than three yards.

As the enemy was driven out of his positions and we came to their
trenches, we found the Chinese soldiers we had killed, one of whom is
represented in the next picture (page 345).

[Illustration: WITH THE JAPANESE

(Chinese gun-firing to be noticed to the left of picture, also, in the
centre of photograph, Japanese rushing the Chinese position)]

CHAPTER LXIV

Chinese guns--The Japanese cavalry--Ten guns captured--Success
after success--Maxims--An amusing incident--In the Chinese
trenches--A ghastly spectacle--The Russian and French--The Japanese
Engineers--Sharp fighting--To pursue the enemy--A report--The Chinese
troops--A severe blow--A great battle--The pontoon bridge--Japanese
Red Cross.

The Chinese guns were still giving considerable trouble, and the Royal
Artillery had taken up a second position near the granaries (north of
its first position), from which, as the Japanese were advancing so
rapidly, it soon shifted again, and occupied a third position still
further north.

In the meantime the Japanese cavalry, with a dash that could not be
equalled, also charged the enemy, now retreating towards Pei-tsang
village, and with great gallantry succeeded in capturing eight guns.
The Chinese had, however, withdrawn nearly all the artillery from their
central position.

The photograph shows a captured Chinese gun being taken away from its
position by Japanese cavalry.

When once the retreat began, it was rapid, success after success being
gained by the victorious army. One position after another fell, and the
main body of the enemy was retreating even from Pei-tsang itself, but
had left sufficient men to cover the retreat. Their heavy artillery
ceased to fire on us as we advanced, but they had some vicious Maxims
which still poured lead into us.

One of these weapons was trained on a small bridge over a brook which
we were bound to cross, and many a soldier was wounded in the hail
of bullets that could not be escaped. The first soldiers who came
unexpectedly into it fared badly. Fortunately I was not hit. Others
made a passage under the bridge.

[Illustration: CAPTURED POSITION OF CHINESE GUN]

A curious incident happened. I saw a number of Japanese coolies running
along, following the soldiers, and I had just time to shout to them
“_Abunai! Abunai!_” (“Look out! look out!”), and while the bullets
made a noise like hail on the wooden boards of the bridge the little
fellows covered their heads with their blankets, as they would do in a
hailstorm, and dashed across. One man was wounded in the leg.

When we reached the place where the road crossed the Chinese trench, a
commanding position, where the enemy had placed three guns, we found
interesting sights. The earthworks and trenches, several miles in
length, had been constructed with extraordinary skill, and in them
stood the picturesque tents and sheds of the soldiers, many of whom
now lay dead, mostly shot in the face. In the trenches themselves
were thousands of empty Mauser and Mannlicher cartridges and packages
of unused ammunition, while in the camp could be seen their cooking
utensils, big bowls and vessels, in which, apparently, rice was being
cooked when the attack began, as well as cups and swords and soldiers’
discarded clothes. By the roadside, where one gun had been, was a
horrible spectacle.

[Sidenote: IN THE CHINESE TRENCHES]

[Illustration: CHINESE SOLDIER WITH LEFT LEG BLOWN OFF BY A SHELL

(The missing limb to the extreme right of photograph)]

A Japanese or British shell had apparently dropped in the midst of a
group, and had frightfully mutilated one man; another, of whom I give
a photograph, was not so badly gashed. His left leg, however, had been
blown clean off. The missing portion of the limb can be seen to the
right of the photograph.

As the British cavalry was not forthcoming, the Japanese filled the
centre with their own infantry.

The enemy was now driven out of all his positions except Pei-tsang
village itself. The Russians and French, who, owing to inundations, had
found great difficulty in advancing on the opposite side of the stream,
were threatening them from the south-east, and the Japanese engineers
were working hard at cutting roads and trenches along the banks of the
river, notwithstanding the heavy fire of the enemy.

It was curious to note how many Chinese wounded had gone to hide in the
cornfields, preferring to die there rather than fall into the hands of
the Allies.

Sharp fighting took place near the village itself, but eventually the
Japanese entered it, and put the enemy to full retreat.

The right wing (Japanese) was ordered to pursue and cut off, if
possible, the flight of the Chinese, but the fighting had been very
hard for these brave men--nearly eight long hours of it--and the enemy
had a good start.

At Pei-tsang itself the fight was over at about noon. Sniping continued
for some time afterwards from the fields on the opposite side of the
Pei-ho. The Japanese and British, followed later by the others, pushed
on directly to the second village, finding no further resistance.

I was talking to Generals Yamaguchi and Fukushima, when up galloped a
cavalryman, who jumped off his horse, and, saluting, gave a report from
the party pursuing the enemy. The Chinese were well ahead, with twelve
flags and six guns. Their number was estimated at 6000, and they were
falling back on Yangtsun.

The Chinese troops which had been fighting at Pei-tsang had been
reported as 8000 in number, besides a great number of Boxers who had
joined in the fighting. These, like the soldiers, had been armed with
excellent rifles, and provided with lavish ammunition.

[Sidenote: THE MOST IMPORTANT BATTLE]

There is no doubt that at this, the most important battle fought in the
advance on Pekin, the Chinese troops received a blow from which they
never recovered. They ever after offered no determined resistance, and
although occasionally giving considerable trouble, were driven from
position to position with comparative ease.

[Illustration: THE CAPTURED PONTOON BRIDGE

(Soldier shot in the head by sniper)]

The battle of Pei-tsang was a great battle, well fought on both sides,
and will always remain a fine page in the history of Japan, for the
Japanese alone did practically all the work, and won the victory for
the Allies.

Some little distance beyond Pei-tsang the Japanese captured a pontoon
bridge, leading to a handsome but deserted Chinese camp on the other
side of the river. There were a number of huge, conical white tents
with flags. Here, too, several cauldrons were found full of boiled
rice, and large bowls with sundry vegetables--evident signs of an
interrupted meal. The quantity of cartridges found was very large.

In the illustration (page 351) the camp can just be perceived in the
distance, while almost in the centre, in the foreground, a man may be
seen falling, shot in the head by the stray bullet of a sniper.

[Illustration: JAPANESE RED CROSS COLLECTING WOUNDED UNDER FIRE]

The Japanese Red Cross workers did marvels that day, and were kept very
busy, for the Japanese losses were heavy. According to the official
list, they had one officer and forty-one soldiers killed, eight
missing, and twelve officers and two hundred and thirty-four soldiers
wounded.

In the photograph, the men with stretchers were taken collecting
wounded during the battle, under heavy fire. Their Red Cross men were
armed with rifles in battle, as can be seen in the illustration.

[Sidenote: CAPTURED GUNS]

[Illustration: ENEMY’S GUNS CAPTURED BY THE JAPANESE AND FIRST MAN WHO
REACHED THEM]

Eight guns were captured from the Chinese, and here I give a picture
of them, with a proud officer standing by their side. Seventy muskets,
a lot of ammunition, seventy-five swords and bayonets, and sixty-nine
tents, were also seized.

CHAPTER LXV

The enemy in strong force--On the east bank of the Pei-ho--Transport
troubles--Chinese mules and their ways--The Bengal Lancers--Enemy
commanding a wedge-shaped position--The railway embankment--The line
of battle--Slow advance under heavy fire--The 1st Sikhs and American
Infantry--Russian Artillery--Brave Lieut. Murphy, Capt. Scott and
Capt. Martin--Two single lines--Severe Orders--Chinese withdraw in
good order--Chinese trenches--Enemy protecting their retreat--Chinese
mistaken for French--Americans taken for Chinese--Pursuing the
enemy--Casualties--An American funeral.

It was decided to follow up the Chinese at once to Yangtsun, and to
give them no time to recover from the blow received at Pei-tsang.

The troops camped that night just beyond the pontoon bridge, and the
Russians, French, and Austrians, being unable to deploy on their side
of the river owing to the inundations, crossed over and joined the main
body of the force on the west side of the stream.

One squadron of the 1st Bengal Lancers made a reconnaissance towards
Yangtsun, discovered the enemy in strong force, and returned to camp
during the night.

The troops began to march forward again at 6 +A.M.+ on the 6th, and the
Japanese (the Manabe brigade), with the Russians, British, Americans,
French and Austrians, all marched this time on the east bank of the
river.

[Sidenote: TROUBLESOME MULES]

And here, with the rough roads, began the first and serious troubles
arising from hastily-made transport arrangements. The heavily-laden
carts sank deep into the road; the teams of Chinese mules, unaccustomed
to foreign drivers, stampeded, kicked, and smashed harness and
vehicles, and a considerable amount of strong language, in many
different tongues, was consequently used on all sides.

[Illustration: JAPANESE CROSSING THE RIVER AFTER THE BATTLE OF
PEI-TSANG]

Personally, I fared even worse. Having been unable to secure carts in
Tientsin, I felt very proud of the artillery saddles, on which I had
toiled for several hours, working like a saddler to make them fit my
mules. The saddles looked very handsome (at least, to me) when they
were finished; and when the moment came for starting we were able,
with the assistance of eight American soldiers, four Chinese servants,
and two Sikhs, to fix them on the backs of the mules, who, not being
accustomed to them, gave us no end of trouble. Although I have had
a great deal to do with mules, I have never found more vicious and
tiresome animals than those of North China. It is probably because they
are so ill-treated. The baggage was eventually properly fastened on
and duly balanced, and, barring a few mishaps, all went well the first
day.

When I was about to leave Pei-tsang I discovered, much to my sorrow,
that the mules had, during the night, kicked the saddles to pieces.
A short journey in the neighbourhood with my Indian servant led to
the happy discovery of an abandoned Chinese cart, and in less than no
time a young Christian Chinaman who was with me made a harness with
stray bits of rope and straps removed from the broken saddles. We then
proceeded triumphantly with a nice team of three mules, and I had a
spare splendid white mule to ride on.

Acting on the information collected by the Bengal Lancers the previous
night, the British and Americans led the advance, marching about ten
miles before coming into touch with the enemy.

The Cossack cavalry discovered the enemy commanding a strong
wedge-shaped position formed by the railway embankment and the river,
and intersected by a forked road. The Chinese left flank was protected
by three guns near a building, and four hundred cavalry some distance
beyond the railway embankment. There were also five guns to the north;
five more stood still further back on the opposite bank of the river,
commanding both sides of the road, directly across the iron railway
bridge, and three others on the south side of the railway.

The railway embankment, being very high, and provided with a long
platform near the station, furnished a commanding position, together
with most excellent protection.

[Illustration: ONE OF THE AUTHOR’S PEKIN CARTS WITH THREE MULE TEAM]

On the side of the Allies the line of battle was formed as follows:
On the left, along the river, were the Russian infantry and artillery
(4 guns); next to them, on the south, and to the right, came the
British Royal Artillery, the 1st Sikhs supported by the 14th United
States Infantry on their right on the west side of the track, and the
9th Infantry, supported by marines; Reilly’s battery, six guns, and the
Bengal Lancers, were on the east side. The Tskamoto Japanese brigade
was held in reserve, and occupied the extreme right of the advance;
while more Russians, with the 7th Bengal Infantry to their left, were
near the Hsiao-chieh houses, and the French infantry behind them.

[Sidenote: A WEDGE-SHAPED POSITION]

[Illustration: CHINESE POSITION ON RAILWAY AT YANGTSUN]

At about 1500 yards the line began to deploy with no very great
opposition and in comparative safety, as there was fair cover from
trees, undulations in the ground, and stray houses; but when only at
nine hundred yards the advance became very slow, and was made under a
terrific fire with no cover at all. As can be seen by a glance at the
map, the wedge formed by the embankment of the road and that of the
railway becomes gradually narrower, and eventually forms a point at
its northern portion. It was at this point that the 1st Sikhs and the
24th Punjab Infantry were forced forward in close formation, with K and
M companies of the 14th United States Infantry by their side.

[Illustration: THE BATTLEFIELD OF YANGTSUN

Taken from the Chinese position and showing depression occupied by
Sikhs and above it position occupied by Americans.]

The 1st Sikhs advanced well until they found themselves in the narrow
depression shown in the illustration, where they got penned in and were
exposed to very heavy fire. They held fast to their position, while the
Americans came along in skirmishing order. The 14th, which was ahead,
when coming round the bend in the road, came under the fire of the gun
which the Chinese had placed on the embankment near the water-tower,
and also from the rifles of the Chinese infantrymen in houses and
behind trees.

The Chinese, furthermore, were lining the whole parapet of the station
platform, whence they kept up a hot fusillade. Their forces consisted
of Imperial troops in the centre and well-armed Boxers at the sides.

[Illustration: PLAN OF THE BATTLE OF YANGTSUN]

[Sidenote: THREE BRAVE OFFICERS]

The Russians, advancing from the same direction, fired volley after
volley into the Chinese, and, having brought up their artillery,
shelled the enemy with great effect.

The Sikhs were for one moment under such heavy fire that they could not
advance. Those few of the Americans who were not exhausted by fatigue
and the terrible heat, were ordered by Colonel Daggett, when at eight
hundred yards, and under a withering fire from front and flank, to
rush the Chinese position. A handful of them, led by brave Lieutenant
Murphy, of the 14th, and a handful of plucky Sikhs, with Major Scott at
their head, stormed the embankment, the Chinese running for dear life
at their approach.

[Illustration: LIEUT. MURPHY

14th U. S. Infantry.]

Lieutenant Murphy was the first to reach the position where the Chinese
gun had been; then, a second later, came Scott with six Sikhs. Captain
Martin, with six men of Company M (United States Infantry) and one man
of Company I, arrived next. The Chinese were very smart, and dragged
away their battery when the enemy was only three hundred yards off.

It was very gratifying to hear Captain Martin speak in most glowing
terms of the behaviour of the Sikhs on this occasion, and one cannot
find words sufficient to express one’s admiration for such men as
Lieutenant Murphy, Captain Martin and Major Scott, whose feat on that
occasion spoke for itself.

So narrow was the wedge when the Americans passed the Sikhs that
they actually formed two single lines. When double time was ordered
the Americans were so much exhausted from the long march in the
morning--the attack began at 11 +A.M.+--and hunger and thirst, that
many dropped on all sides and became delirious, or went clean out of
their minds.

It was understood that, although wells had been passed, the American
General had given strict orders that the men must not be allowed drink.
Some of the fellows suffered agonies from the unbearable heat and dust,
and the broiling sun; one soldier particularly, who had become a raving
lunatic, with his tongue parched and frightfully distorted features,
was making gestures to his companions to shoot him, because he could
bear the pain no longer.

Once the enemy were dislodged from the high embankment the victory
became easy. Captain Taylor, of Company I, 14th United States Infantry,
was the first of the Allies to enter the village to the left, and
Colonel Daggett reached the platform just in time to see the Chinese
withdraw in good order up the river.

In their rear to the north the Chinese had one line of trenches on
the road, one line at the bank of the river, and two lines across
the plain. When the Allies had seized the top of the embankment, the
Chinese infantry, having occupied their first line of trenches almost
parallel with the embankment, and about eight hundred yards from it,
opened fire principally from their left, to protect the retreat of
their artillery.

They leisurely withdrew, gaily flying their standards. The American
9th, on the right flank, had a splendid opportunity of firing into
them at short range, and working great havoc; but as the Chinese were
dressed in blue, and flew white, red and blue flags, they were mistaken
for Frenchmen and so escaped. Later, the French mistook the Americans
for Chinese, and fired into them! Fortunately they did not hit anybody.
When the first error was discovered it was too late to pursue the enemy
effectively.

[Illustration: RUSSIAN ARTILLERY]

[Sidenote: PURSUING THE ENEMY]

A worse mistake happened. Either the Russian or the British gunners
(nobody seemed to know for certain) sent a few shells among E company
of the 14th United States Infantry, killing eight and wounding nine.

The first Chinese trench was taken by a regiment of “supports,” and the
others were evacuated.

Two squadrons, one being Hinde’s, of the 1st Bengal Lancers, went in
pursuit of the enemy in the evening, and succeeded in killing fifty.
One of General Ma’s flags was captured, and five standards, and so was
a trumpet, with the trumpeter. Two lancers were wounded, and one horse
shot.

The Japanese took no part in the engagement, the Yangtsun battle being
over by 2.30 +P.M.+, and only fired a few shots on the retreating
enemy. The Japanese command of the division had come up by the right
bank of the river, and only arrived at five o’clock in the afternoon,
having been delayed by the difficulty of making temporary bridges over
the river, which had overflown in many places.

The Americans and British, who had borne the brunt of the fighting,
had a heavy list of casualties. American: 21 killed and 54 dangerously
wounded. British: 46 killed and wounded.

The men were so much exhausted that a day’s rest was deemed necessary;
besides, there was the painful duty of burying the dead.

The American funeral was a most impressive sight.

Preceded by the brass band (the American was the only force among the
Allies which had a band on the march to Pekin), the killed were brought
up to a large grave, where a touching service was read, and then the
bodies were laid to rest side by side until they could be conveyed at
the expense of the State, back to America.

CHAPTER LXVI

A day’s rest--Disgusting cruelty--Japanese in touch with the enemy--A
Conference of Allied Generals--The Allied line of march--The French
troops and their Commissariat--The Allied Cavalry--The Advance-guard
fighting enemy’s cavalry--General Ma’s cook--Half-way to
Pekin--Skirmish at Ho-si-wu--The Tskamoto brigade--Storming Matao--A
surprise at Chang-chia-wan--Under cover--Intelligence of horses--A
halt--Mahommedans.

The day’s rest was partly spent in washing faces and hands (the water
of the river was not fit for bathing, owing to the number of corpses
and dead horses floating in it); and partly in lying about in camp,
trying to keep away tiresome flies, or devouring the contents of
“canned tomato” and “corned beef” tins. When one got tired of these
occupations, one went about to the different camps, where one was
invariably received with much jovial civility.

A disgusting bit of cruelty took place a few yards from the American
camp, owing to the misunderstanding of an order given by a superior
officer.

A crowd of soldiers took before him (the American officer) a Chinese
prisoner, with hands bound behind his back, who, they said, was a Boxer
spy.

“What are we to do with him, sir?” inquired the guard.

“Take him away,” was the reply, “and do with him what you d---- please.”

[Sidenote: CRUELTY]

The fellow was dragged off, knocked about, punched and kicked. They
took him under the railway bridge, and he was having a bad time, when a
French soldier appeared on the scene, and pulling out his revolver shot
him in the face. With his skull smashed, the man fell, and lay still
breathing and moaning, with a crowd of soldiers around him, gloating
over his sufferings. The same French soldier fired another shot at him
as he lay, and then a Japanese soldier stamped on him.

The poor devil, who showed amazing tenacity of life, afterwards had
all his clothes torn off him, the soldiers being bent on finding the
peculiar Boxer charm which all Boxers were supposed to possess. For
nearly an hour the fellow lay in this dreadful condition, with hundreds
of soldiers leaning over him to get a glimpse of his agony, and going
into roars of laughter as he made ghastly contortions in his delirium.

Although this was brought to the notice of the superior officer,
nothing was done to stop the unwarrantable barbarity, and the absence
of interference was of course taken as an encouragement. This was
particularly painful to most officers of the Americans, and to the
majority of the American boys, who were as a rule extremely humane,
even at times extravagantly gracious, towards the enemy.

While the others were resting on August 7, the 41st Japanese regiment,
commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Ohara, came again into touch with the
enemy, and had a skirmish near South Saison, which was occupied by the
Japanese at three o’clock in the afternoon.

At this place a conference of the Allied Generals was held, at which it
was decided that the Japanese, Russians Americans and British should
advance towards Pekin on the following day, August 8. The order of the
Allies in the line of march was to be: Japanese, Russians, Americans,
British.

It was also decided that the Japanese and Russian forces should
alternately send one battalion of infantry to the left bank of the
river. The various contingents would again collect at Tungchow for
further consultation, before making a rush on Pekin.

Owing to the unprepared state of their commissariat, which made it
almost impossible for them to continue their march, the French troops
were left at Yangtsun to guard the communications.

The Japanese, Russian and British cavalry were placed under the command
of the Japanese senior cavalry officer, Colonel Morioka.

August 8. The Japanese advance guard of General Yamaguchi’s division,
at the head of the Allies, and commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Ohara,
started at eight in the morning, followed by the main body of the army
under Major-General Manabe.

The advance guard had some fighting with the infantry and with 300
cavalry of the enemy. The Chinese, after firing a few shots at long
range, ran out of their position and retreated on Hu-chin-shien. The
Japanese lost three men in the brush with Ma’s horsemen, but succeeded
in capturing General Ma’s cook, who volunteered the information that
the Chinese troops were demoralised and fast breaking up, a portion of
the army moving towards Pekin, the other part returning to the southern
provinces, whence it had come.

On August 9 the Allies were half-way between Tientsin and Pekin.

The Japanese advance guard, when 2500 yards from the town of Ho-si-wu,
discovered the enemy in the south end of the village. The Chinese
opened fire, but the Japanese stormed the position, and the enemy ran
away in confusion. A number of them were killed, and some Japanese were
wounded in going through the town by treacherous snipers concealed
inside houses. The town had been ransacked by Boxers and Imperial
soldiers prior to our arrival, and this was the case with nearly every
village we passed through.

[Sidenote: HALF-HEARTED DEFENCE]

[Illustration: JAPANESE STORMING MATAO]

Ho-si-wu was captured at 8.50 +A.M.+, and from some of the inhabitants
made prisoners it was understood that the enemy was here ten thousand
strong, and under the supreme command of Generals Ma and Lü. They had
abandoned the position at the approach of the Allies, after making a
half-hearted defence.

After resting here awhile, the march was continued towards Matao, and
the enemy, who had retreated from Ho-si-wu, was now reported ready to
fight us at the walled town of Shan Matao.

I was then with the Japanese advance guard, composed of light cavalry.
We started the next morning, the 10th, at 3.30 +A.M.+, and at 4.30 the
Tskamoto brigade followed. At Matao itself we had a skirmish with the
enemy, and easily succeeded in putting them to flight.

The photograph given on page 367 shows the Japanese advance storming
Matao, and the ammunition boxes being taken to the front.

[Illustration: JAPANESE ADVANCE GUARD

Under cover while shelled by Chinese]

The right and left wing had come together again in one body, at
An-ping, and having passed Matao spent the night at Shan-Matao.

The Allied cavalry started again at 3.30 the next morning (the 11th),
followed by the Tskamoto brigade and the other Allies. When the advance
guard reached Kao-tchan, south of Chang-chia-wan, we suddenly came in
for a surprise. We were riding gaily through a narrowish street of the
suburbs, and had arrived at the bridge, when we were received with a
few well-aimed shells, which compelled us quickly to turn back and get
under cover of the houses.

[Sidenote: INTELLIGENCE OF HORSES]

The Chinese continued their shelling for some time, but fortunately the
shells passed over our heads, and exploded farther away.

It was most interesting to note the intelligence of horses on such
occasions. It seemed as if they knew the danger, and what was the best
way to protect themselves. As can be seen by the photograph which I
took at the time, the horses were leaning one against the other, packed
close against the wall that gave them cover.

Some Japanese infantry came up, and at the same time the left wing
reached the gate of Chang-chia-wan, while we galloped down the side of
the canal under a pretty thick fusillade and occasional shells. The
enemy, however, were very careful to withdraw their artillery in time,
covering the retreat of their guns with rifle fire. The enemy escaped
in two directions, some to the north-west and some directly north on
Tungchow.

A halt was called here that the Allies might make preparations for
an assault on the large town of Tung-chow, which they believed to be
strongly garrisoned.

Chang-chia-wan was an interesting place, mostly inhabited by
Mahommedans, who had a handsome mosque near the city wall. The priests,
with their pointed blue or whitish caps, were very intelligent and
good-natured--quite a contrast to the Buddhist bonzes. They were much
disturbed by seeing houses of Mahommedans flare up, as they professed
that the Mahommedans were friends of foreigners, not enemies.

The simplicity of their mosque and quarters as compared to the
elaborate, showy display in Buddhist establishments commended itself
to one. The Mahommedans had no good word for the Boxers, who, they
said, had looted the town and committed all sorts of atrocities on men,
women and children, while the Imperial troops, were no better than the
followers of the Ih-hwo-ch’uan. The greater part of the troops, they
said, had left the town the previous day, and only a small number of
soldiers had remained to defend the town. Asked whether they believed
foreigners in Pekin had been murdered, they pulled long faces, and
feared the worst. They seemed to have a perfect horror of the Boxers.

CHAPTER LXVII

Selection of camps--Corn-fields--Maps--The way to Pekin--A
picturesque temple--The red and the black-faced God of
War--A pale-faced god--Stifling heat--Japanese and the
water-melons--British--Indian--The Russian soldier--Kitchen on
wheels--Prayers.

In my moments of leisure, if one may call them so, and when there was
no fighting going on, I took special delight in going to visit the
various camps of the Allies, or in riding backwards and forwards to see
how the different troops were marching.

I was particularly impressed by seeing how clever and sensible the
British, the Russians and the Japanese were in selecting their
resting-grounds, and how shockingly unhappy was the American General in
the selection of a suitable camp for his men. In a suffocating climate
like the one in which we were, the main point in selecting a camp was
to get as much air as possible, besides, of course, water. The more
open the better, a hill being preferable to a hollow.

Whether by carelessness or otherwise, the poor American fellows,
who suffered terribly on the road to begin with, were invariably
made to settle down at night in fields of thick Indian corn, which
varied in height from four to six feet. Now, if there is one place
where no sensible person would ever settle for a night’s sleep, it
is a corn-field, for, besides the want of air, there are myriads of
mosquitoes, midges, and every other possible kind of plague such as one
generally tries to avoid.

[Illustration: From Tientsin to Tungchow]

From the time the Americans left Tientsin till they were in Pekin,
they were invariably given a camp of this kind, their General seeming
to have a great liking for Indian corn. On one or two occasions, when
there was unused, excellent camping ground only a few yards away, they
were made to settle in these places, and no end of discontent naturally
arose among the soldiers and officers.

The Americans, like the British, possessed inadequate maps, but somehow
or other the British seemed to have a knack of finding their way about
and taking care of themselves; whereas the Americans were constantly
losing their way, and, exhausted as they were, had often to march
several miles more than was necessary. When the soldiers did not lose
their way the mule teams did, and occasioned uncomfortable delays in
the feeding department.

All this could have been avoided with the greatest ease, and if I
mention it at all it is because of the great interest I take in the
American soldier. He is a splendid soldier, and there is no reason why
he should be made to suffer unnecessarily. The number that fell out
of the ranks on the march was appalling, and it was a common saying
that if you wanted to find your way--not the shortest--from Tientsin
to Pekin, all you had to do was to follow the trail of blankets,
water-bottles, haversacks, and other articles that the American boys
had thrown away on the march, as they had not sufficient strength to
carry them.

[Sidenote: RED-FACED GOD OF WAR]

One day, when everything seemed pretty quiet, I stopped at a
picturesque temple, in which was the red-faced god of war--the Boxer
god--with his luxuriant black moustache and whiskers, and his chest in
shining gold cuirasse, his legs wide apart, and his right arm raised in
a threatening attitude. The god of war was garbed in his long coat of
green, yellow and red, with sleeves and front adorned by dragons; his
complexion, as befits his name, was of the reddest red, and he wore a
helmet of gold, red and blue, with two horn-like arrangements behind.

To his right stood the black-faced god of war, with a fierce expression
on his features, holding a spear in a menacing way in his hand, while
the other hand rested defiantly on his hip. He too had a gold cuirasse
and over it a short, tight-fitting flowered coat, while a dragon in all
its length descended from his waist to his feet. The black-faced god
had a gold sash, and gold and green leggings. His headgear consisted of
a three-pointed hat.

On the left of these highly-coloured deities stood a pale-faced god, in
a well-cut red jacket that fitted like a glove, and a handsome cloak,
white, green and red. Although his expression was not pleasing--for he
had a snarling nose, bovine eyes, and Mephistophelean eyebrows--he
seemed less fierce in his manner than his companions, and carried with
great caution a box in a yellow wrapper. His boots were gaudy--all
gold--but simple in design.

The red-faced god was evidently the most worshipped of the three, for,
besides occupying the central position, an altar was placed before him
with burners for joss-sticks. The remains of hundreds of these lay at
his feet.

Some soldiers came in, and took special delight in punching the heads
of these fearsome images; and while their beards were pulled off,
and they were being knocked to pieces, I went out to see the troops
marching past.

It was an unbearably hot day, and the dust was choking. The Japanese
went steadily and well, but looked very much worn and overladen. They
had come across some water-melon patches, and were all biting away at
huge slices of melon. Some men dropped off every now and then, but the
little fellows had such indomitable wills that when their physical
strength failed their pride made them keep up with the rest.

The Britishers were taking things in a calm fashion, sprawling along in
a pretty easy way; they were well fed and properly looked after, and
did not seem to suffer quite so much as some of the other troops. They
generally marched in the cool of the morning and evening, which saved
the men considerably, instead of doing like the Americans, who marched
in the hottest hours of the day.

The thin-legged Indian troops stood the march very well. There was,
however, some fever and dysentery among them, and even more among the
British white troops. With the Americans, those who had not something
of the kind were the exceptions.

[Sidenote: THE STURDIEST SOLDIERS]

The Russians were the only soldiers who stood the march in a
magnificent manner. I never saw one single man fall out of the ranks,
and although, of course, they felt the heat, they undoubtedly proved
themselves to be, physically, by far the sturdiest soldiers of the
Allies.

[Illustration: A RUSSIAN KITCHEN ON WHEELS]

Their kitchens on wheels were very interesting, and proved of the
greatest use. The Russian soldier was a born musician and singer. Music
was his best friend, and he used it on every possible occasion. He
sang when he marched, which made the road seem short and light to him;
he sang when he was sad, when he was happy, when he was cooking, when
he was praying. Indeed, one of the most impressive scenes one could
imagine was presented on visiting a Russian camp in the evening.

Everything was bustle and noise; soldiers moving here and there; others
lying flat, half asleep. At a bugle-signal, all stopped, and every man
present sprang to his feet and humbly removed his cap. Then a chorus
of musical voices rose from the deep-sounding chests of the sturdy
Cossacks in a fervent prayer to the Father Almighty, the Saviour, and
the Virgin Mary. With the last appealing sound waves of the “Amen”
fading away, down went the soldiers to the ground, and in a few
moments, barring the sentries, the camp was asleep.

[Illustration: RUSSIAN INFANTRY ON THE MARCH TO PEKIN]

CHAPTER LXVIII

Nearing Tung-chow--Japanese artillery--A cut in the river
bank--A midnight attack--Home-made guns--Gate blown up--A
Deputation--Suicides--The British naval guns--Business as usual--An
unlucky beggar--Severed heads--A faithful little dog--A well-earned
rest--The advance-guard on a reconnaissance--A conference of the
Allied Generals--To march at once on Pekin.

While the other troops took advantage of the day’s rest at
Chang-chia-wan, the Japanese advance-guard pushed on ahead, and at 1
+P.M.+ was again fighting the enemy, with whom they had caught up, and
who was running before them. In this race they had reached within 3000
yards of Tung-chow, when they perceived with spy-glasses a great number
of Chinese soldiers on the city wall and outside the town. The Japanese
artillery was brought up 1000 yards from the city, and shelled the
enemy till four o’clock in the afternoon. There seemed, however, to be
no sign that an effective resistance would be offered.

On nearing Tung-chow we found that the Chinese had in one place cut a
ditch across the bank of the river, so as to inundate the country. They
had succeeded to a certain extent. In the photograph here reproduced
Japanese sappers can be seen hard at work to prevent the flow of
water. Their efforts, after some hours’ struggle, were rewarded with
success. When a sufficient number of troops had arrived at Tung-chow
and encamped some little way outside the wall, the Japanese commenced
an attack on the town at midnight. They were fired upon from the wall,
the Chinese actually using some of their home-made guns, over a hundred
years old. They had spread a quantity of these along the wall, and they
were the most primitive kind of guns I have ever seen. Most of them had
not even a gun-carriage, and were merely resting on the parapet of the
wall. In firing them, one or two of these guns fell over the wall!

[Illustration: JAPANESE SAPPERS REPAIRING CUT IN RIVER BANK]

At 3.30 +A.M.+ on August 12 the Japanese advance-guard reached the city
gate, while the other troops were deploying, but no resistance was
offered. One company of engineers blew up the gate with dynamite.

At 4.30 the whole army of the Allies entered the city by the south
gate, but a wing went in by the South-West entrance of the town. A
deputation had been received saying that no fighting would take place
if the lives and property of the people were safeguarded. In fact, in a
few moments nearly every house along the principal streets was guarded
by a Japanese soldier, and a Japanese flag of truce waved over every
door. The Americans and the British remained encamped outside the town
to the south, where good well-water was obtained and also some shade.

[Sidenote: SUICIDES]

In the advance since August 6, after the battle of Pei-tsang, the
Japanese had lost two killed and thirteen wounded.

Some women, in despair at having had their homes looted by Boxers and
Imperial soldiers previous to their abandonment of the city, committed
suicide by jumping from the city wall. Both soldiers and Boxers, of
whom this important town had been full, had fled by the paved road to
Pekin previous to our entry into the city.

As far as this point the Allies had naturally kept in constant touch
with their transport, the communication being to a considerable extent
by water. The British naval guns had also been brought up on boats,
but were never used. From Tung-chow, however, the Pei-ho had to be
abandoned, nor was the canal which joined Pekin to this town used in
any way.

[Illustration: JAPANESE ENTERING THE WALLED TOWN OF TUNG-CHOW]

Most of the inhabitants of Tung-chow had bolted, but the shops and
houses still remained in their original condition, and business was
carried on as usual. But not for long. After a few hours the Japanese
soldiers who were on guard were the first to break into the shops they
were guarding, and the soldiers of the other Allies lost no time in
imitating their example. It was, however, impossible for them to carry
away much. By the afternoon the main street and others were wrecked,
and before nightfall a good many dead Chinamen were lying about. An
unfortunate Chinese youth, a half-witted cripple, prowling about the
streets begging, found on the ground a brand-new coat discarded by
a runaway Imperial soldier. He joyfully garbed himself in it, and
walked unconcernedly up the main street, where he was pounced upon by
the Japanese, who mistook him for a soldier. He was roughly handled,
beaten, tied hand and foot, and exposed at the corner of the two
principal roads intersecting each other at right angles. The poor
fellow was in a pitiable condition, and several hours later he was
dead. As one rode about one saw strange sights. Carcases of horses
decomposing fast in the sun, a mass of moving maggots, houses burning,
natives in the farther streets--nearly all men--stampeding in every
direction at the approach of a foreigner, Chinese looting the houses
of their neighbours at every turn. Here and there along the road hung
to the wall, streaked and splashed with blood, heads severed from
their bodies, the work of Celestial justice. Perhaps some of these
poor devils were the messengers despatched from the Pekin Legations to
Tientsin. In a side street, where most of the houses were smashed in or
burnt down, a dear little dog stood, sad and restless, on the doorstep
of a burnt-down house. He kept constantly looking up and down the
street, evidently waiting for his missing master.

[Sidenote: A FAITHFUL DOG]

[Illustration: A FAITHFUL LITTLE DOG]

I rode down the same way several hours later, and there he was still,
straining his eyes to the right and left in expectation of one who
probably was no more. I tried to feed him with some biscuits I had in
my pocket, but he would not eat, nor would he touch some water that I
procured him. The poor thing looked starved and heart-broken. It was
quite pathetic. He positively refused to leave the door, or I would
have liked to have taken him with me. A more affectionate and faithful
little dog it would be difficult to find.

The greater part of the day (12th) was spent by the soldiers in
well-earned rest, but at night a battalion of Japanese infantry was
sent to Pan-Chia-wo as an advance-guard, and the Allied cavalry went
for a reconnaissance towards Pekin through Huan-Kua-He. The Allied
Generals held a conference, at which it was deemed advisable to follow
up immediately the successes so far obtained, and not give the enemy
time to recover his courage, and perhaps his strength. Although the
allied soldiers were in a bad condition, and would have been all the
better for an extra day’s rest, it was thought necessary to march at
once on Pekin.

A distance of only fourteen miles separated us.

Having brought the reader practically to the gates of the capital, we
will now for a while leave the allied forces and hear what had taken
place in the besieged Legations while we were rushing up to their
relief.

END OF VOL. I

Printed by +Ballantyne, Hanson+ & Co.
London & Edinburgh

Transcriber’s Notes

For printer’s errors and other inconsistencies in punctuation,
spelling, etc., only the changes listed below were made. Notes specific
to Chinese characters are located at the end.

_Italics_, =Bold Face=, +ALL SMALL CAPS+, and +Small Caps+ were
formatted as so.

In-line and whole-page illustrations were moved to the nearest
paragraph break.

Page numbers on the list of illustrations and contents were not changed.

Footnotes were reindexed and moved to the next paragraph.

Illustrations were moved to the nearest paragraph break.

Unique text on odd pages of the header were transcribed as Sidenotes
and moved to the nearest paragraph break.

The middle dot “·” (which was used inconsistently) was silently
standardized to a period “.”.

In the list of illustrations, “_Page_” was removed after the first
instance.

On page xii “Pp.” was added to Chapter XXI.

On page xii “Pp.” was added to Chapter XXII.

On page xxi “Yamen” was standardized to “Yamên”.

On page xxiv “_Page_” was added after “MAPS AND PLANS” for
standardization.

On page 27 “Empress Dowager” was standardized to “Empress-Dowager”.

On page 55 “coté” was corrected to “côté”.

On page 55 “reçevons” was corrected to “recevons”.

On page 55 “à légère” was corrected to “à la légère”.

On page 55 “parait” was corrected to “paraît”.

On page 56 two instances of “Ev.” were corrected to “Év.” i.e. “Évêque”.

On page 72 “coup d’état” was italicized for standardization in the
starting paragraph.

On page 115 “gun-boat” was standardized to “gunboat”.

On page 120 “gun-boats” was standardized to “gunboats”.

On page 120 “U.S.” was corrected to “U.S.S.” in “The U.S.S. _Monocacy_
took no part in the fighting”.

On page 123 “Monacacy” was corrected to “Monocacy”.

On page 144 a missing comma after “Russians, 7 killed” was added.

On page 151 in footnote 7 “reunion” was corrected to “réunion”.

On page 151 in footnote 7 “reponds” was corrected to “réponds”.

On page 151 in footnote 7 “precautions” was corrected to “précautions”.

On page 151 in footnote 7 “possible” was corrected to “possibles”.

On page 156 “atisfactory” was corrected to “satisfactory” in “A
satisfactory proclamation”.

On page 163 a missing comma was added after “SHELLS” in the
illustration.

On page 211 “melée” was corrected to “mêlée”.

On page 251 “YAMEN” was standardized to “YAMÊN” in the header.

On page 280 “Chrétienneté” was corrected to “Chrétienté”.

On page 292 “diner” was corrected to “dîner”.

On page 333 the single quotes around “+Mi Tei.+” were added.

On page 379 a missing period was added to the end of “to this town used
in any way”.

On page 381 “a” was corrected to “at” in “stampeding in every direction
at”.

On page 382 “reconnaisance” was corrected to “reconnaissance”.

On page 382 a missing period was added to the end of “VOL”.

Notes on Chinese

Inconsistent capitalization, apostrophes, etc. in transliterated
Chinese were generally retained.

Chinese characters within illustrations were transcribed where
possible. Chinese characters never appear in the caption of an
illustration. Columns were transcribed in reading order, beginning with
the rightmost column as the first line and the top character as the
first character. The transcription is found before captioned text in
the txt edition and within the alternative text for the html editions.
Many of these illustrated characters are somewhat calligraphic in form,
so alternative readings likely exist.

The cover features 義合拳.

The end-paper features triangle flags and square flags. All the square
flags appear to have 督陣 written. Most of the triangle flags have an
unclear character (either different or the same) on them. There are
shields with 王. There is a high amount of variation in the writing.

On page 2 after “in the presence of strangers, so the character”, the
character “和” was corrected to its present form. The original printed
character resembled the corrected character in size and shape but with
the 口 replaced with a 匚, resembling ⿰禾匚, a combination the transcriber
cannot otherwise represent. The character 和 features in a few of the
illustrations nearby.

On page 4 the illustration of 2 characters appears to refer to
“_Chu-fe_” in the text. A current term to refer to the Boxers is 拳匪.
The first character appears to be an abnormal variant of 拳, but could
even be something less expected like 椎 or 榷.

On page 21 the second character in the illustration likely refers to 帝
from 關帝 (Guan Di), which matches the paragraph’s context. As an aside,
Guan Di refers to Guan Yu, who featured in the Romance of the Three
Kingdoms. In the print, the second character more closely resembles a
derivative of 帝, such as 啼 or perhaps ⿰尺帝.

On page 22 the first line of the illustration is likely read from right
to left.

On page 36 the illustration contains 2 columns of 5 characters each,
some of which are unclear. The 4th letter of the 2nd column is
particularly unclear, and could be 扜. Regardless, they appear similar
to a part of the Lotus Sutra’s Universal Gate Chapter on Avalokitesvara
Bodhisattva. Notably, the first line matches a couplet that is
repeated, while the final two characters in the second line were
replaced. In the sutra, the final two characters are 掣 and 電 instead of
the 拆 and 閃 found here.

On page 229 the illustration of a receipt is too unclear to provide
a sufficient transcription of a majority of the text. Broadly, the
document appears to be a receipt or inventory of various cloth and
their value in taels.

On page 233 the illustration of a document uses the … character to
represent unclear characters. The middle 2 characters appear to be the
name of the person who received the respective taels of silver. On the
9th line, the … appears to be a number, perhaps 四 or 貳 since the shape
is similar to 囗.

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