The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Sherwood Foresters in the Great War
1914 - 1919, by W.C.C. Weetman
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
Title: The Sherwood Foresters in the Great War 1914 - 1919
History of the 1/8th Battalion
Author: W.C.C. Weetman
Release Date: February 6, 2007 [EBook #20527]
Language: English
*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SHERWOOD FORESTERS ***
Produced by David Clarke, Nicola Kerrison, Christine P.
Travers and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images
generously made available by The Internet Archive/Canadian
Libraries)
HISTORY OF 1/8th BATTALION
SHERWOOD FORESTERS 1914--1919
[Illustration: LIEUT.-COL. G. H. FOWLER.
Killed in action at Hohenzollern Redoubt, Oct. 15th, 1915.]
[Illustration: Arms]
THE SHERWOOD FORESTERS
IN THE GREAT WAR
1914--1919
1/8th BATTALION
By
CAPTAIN W. C. C. WEETMAN
M.C., CROIX DE GUERRE
With an introduction by
BRIG-GENERAL C. T. SHIPLEY, C.B.
NOTTINGHAM
THOS. FORMAN & SONS
1920
_To_
_Our Fallen Comrades_
"_In truth they were young Gentlemen, Yeomen and Yeomen's Sons,
and Artificers of the most brave sort, such as went voluntarily
to serve of a gaiety and joyalty of mind: all which kind of
people are the Flower and Force of a Kingdom._"
Sir John Smyth To Lord Burleigh
On Our Men In Flanders IN 1589-90.
INTRODUCTION
It is not only a great honour to have been asked to write an
introduction to this book, but it is a real pleasure to me to be
linked in this manner to a Battalion with which I was so intimately
connected for nearly six years and in which I made so many friends, of
whom many, alas, have passed the "great divide."
The Battalion has been lucky in finding in Capt. Weetman an author
with such a ready and amusing pen, and one especially who was in a
position to see the workings of the Battalion in almost every phase of
its career and from every standpoint, first as a Company Officer, then
as Adjutant and finally from Brigade Headquarters.
To me, perhaps naturally, the most interesting part of the book is the
early chapters. From the time, in 1911, when I took over the command
of what, I was informed by a Staff Officer qualified to know, was the
best Territorial Brigade in the Kingdom, I was a firm believer in the
Territorial Force. But I hardly think that the most hardened optimist
would at that time have thought it possible for a Territorial Division
to mobilise and march complete with equipment and Transport to its
Mobilisation area on the sixth day after receiving the order
"Mobilise." The amount of work done by Battalions and Companies was
marvellous and only those who experienced it can have an idea of what
it meant.
As for the Training, I don't believe better work was ever done than
during those weeks at Harpenden. True we were lucky in the weather and
in the Training area, and the 8th Battalion were specially lucky in
their excellent staff of Sergeant-Instructors. All ranks put their
heart into the work. I remember particularly the excellent work done
by the large batch of recruits which joined the Battalion at that
time, including surely as good a lot of young Officers as ever joined
a regiment. The author has described fully the training carried out at
Harpenden and in Essex, and that the time and labour spent in it were
not wasted is proved by the manner in which all ranks so quickly took
on their responsibilities in the trenches, and with such success. That
the Territorial Force was in many ways neglected by the Higher
Authorities during those early days is well known, but that the Force
amply justified itself is proved by its actions and was fully
recognised by those General Officers under whose command it came. The
following extract from a speech made by Lieut-General Sir C.
Fergusson, Commanding II Corps, to the Brigade at Locre, when it left
his command, is worth recording to show the high opinion he held of
our work in front of Kemmel. "No Battalion," he said, "and no Brigade
could have held the lines better than you have done or have done
better work than you have done.... Your work during the last three
months is work of which any Brigade and any Battalion might be proud."
No higher praise could have been given to any troops by an officer of
such standing and repute.
I have written rather at length on this period for I consider the
metamorphosis of a Territorial Battalion into as fine a fighting
Battalion as ever took the field, is well worth the study of all those
who have joined since those days or will join in the future.
It is only fitting that some acknowledgment be made to the memory of
the man who did more than any other to make the North Midland Division
worthy to take its place in line with the Regular Army. I refer to the
late Major-General Hubert Hamilton, who commanded the Division from
1911 to June, 1914, and fell early in the war at Richebourg-St. Vaast.
He foresaw that war with Germany must come and worked with all his
power to make the Division efficient in every way--in Training as in
Organisation. And it was very largely due to his efforts that
Mobilisation was carried out so successfully.
One word more. I am fully convinced that if every Officer and man who
joined up in 1914 _after_ the outbreak of war, had joined the
Territorial Force and made himself efficient _before_ August, 1914,
there would have been no war. If Germany had known that England could
put 1,000,000 men into the field within a few weeks of the declaration
of war, instead of only 160,000, she would never have dared to embark
on her campaign of spoliation. The risk would have been too great.
If this story of the doings of a Territorial Battalion in the Great
War can do anything to bring that Battalion up to strength, to keep it
there, and to encourage all ranks to make themselves thoroughly
efficient, I am sure that the author will consider himself well repaid
for all the time and all the trouble he has spent on it.
C. T. SHIPLEY.
_12th September, 1920._
AUTHOR'S NOTE.
In compiling this history of the 1/8th Sherwood Foresters in the Great
War, I have relied for my main facts on the Official War Diary, but
from many other sources I have received much help. My thanks are due
especially to Lieut.-Col. H. Mellish, C.B., for advice on many general
points; to Lieut.-Col. A. Hacking, D.S.O., M.C., for much help with
"The Salient" and "Lens" chapters, and for kindly revising the whole
of the book; to Capt. A. L. Ashwell, D.S.O., for most of the
"Hohenzollern" chapter, and for much general assistance; to Capt. A.
Andrews, M.C., for much of the detail of the "Gorre and Essars"
chapter, and information on many other points, and to Capt. A. B.
Miners, M.C., for help with the account of the "Battle of Ramicourt"
and subsequent fighting.
I have also to thank Capt. C. Davenport for some details of Transport
work; Capt. R. H. Piggford for a few notes and the sketch dealing with
Mining operations; and Lieuts. C. H. S. Stephenson and E. W. Warner,
M.C., for some Signalling items, and the diagram of Signal
communications. I am also indebted to Capt. J. D. Hills, M.C., of the
5th Leicestershire Regiment, for many hints on the general arrangement
of the work, and to Pvte. A. Hunstone of the 6th Battalion for the
excellent plans. To many others who have supplied me with information
and helped me on various points, I offer my grateful thanks.
The book is not intended in any way to be a literary effort. All that
has been attempted has been a simple narrative of our doings for the
use primarily of persons connected with the Battalion. My main
endeavour throughout, has been to secure accuracy, but it will be
understood that in sifting the mass of material placed at my disposal,
errors may have crept in. I trust, however, that these are few.
W. C. C. WEETMAN.
_Hereford, October, 1920._
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER.
Summary of Events
1. England
2. France
3. The Salient
4. Hohenzollern
5. Richebourg--Marseilles--Candas
6. Vimy Ridge
7. The Battle of Gommecourt
8. Bellacourt
9. The Capture of Gommecourt
10. Lens
11. St. Elie and Hill 70
12. Spring, 1918
13. Gorre and Essars
14. Auchel to Pontruet
15. Bellenglise
16. Ramicourt and Montbrehain
17. The Last Fight
18. Home Again
Appendix.
1. Roll of Honour
2. Honours
ILLUSTRATIONS.
Lieut.-Colonel G. H. Fowler
Officers at Harpenden, Nov. 1914
The Avenue, Kemmel
Major J. P. Becher, D.S.O.
R.S.M. Westerman and N.C.O.'s of A Company
R.S.M. Mounteney and N.C.O.'s of C Company
Lieut.-Colonel B. W. Vann, V.C., M.C.
The Brasserie, Foncquevillers
Air Photograph of Lens and Loos Area
Air Photograph of Part of St. Elie Sector
The Beuvry--La Bassée Road
Gorre Brewery
The Clock Tower, Béthune
St. Quentin Canal, Bellenglise
MAPS AND PLANS.
Sketch of Mine Galleries
Kemmel Sector
Hooge and Sanctuary Wood
Hohenzollern Redoubt
Gommecourt
Lens District
Diagram of Signal Communications
Battle of Ramicourt
Battle of Regnicourt
Battle of Bellenglise
General Map of Western Front
SUMMARY OF EVENTS
1914.
Aug. 4th War declared. Mobilisation ordered.
" 7th Concentration at Newark.
" 10th--
11th Marched via Radcliffe-on-Trent to Derby.
" 15th Entrained at Derby for Luton.
" 21st Moved to Harpenden.
( Sept. 29th--Inspection
" 22nd-- | by Lord Kitchener
Nov. 15th Training in Harpenden | at Luton Hoo.
Area. <
| Oct. 6th--Inspection by
| Lord Roberts at
( Sandridge.
" 16th-18th Marched via Harlow and Dunmow to Bocking.
" 19th--
Dec. 27th Trench digging near Bocking.
" 28th-- By train to Luton for Musketry at Wardown
1915. and Galley Hill Ranges, and Field Firing at
Jan 5th Dunstable, returning to Bocking.
" 6th-- ( Feb. 19th--Inspection
Feb. 24th Training in Bocking Area. < by H.M. The King near
( Bishop's Stortford.
" 25th Entrained at Bocking for Southampton.
" 26th--
Mar. 3rd Crossed by detachments to Havre.
" 3rd--
" 4th By train to Cassel and marched to Oudezeele.
" 9th Marched to Merris.
" 10th Moved to Bac-St. Maur, for First Battle of Neuve
Chapelle. Temporarily attached to 2nd
Cavalry Division.
" 13th Marched to Neuf Berquin for training.
" 24th--
" 26th Moved via Vieux Berquin to Romarin.
" 27th--
" 30th Trench instruction at Ploegsteert and Messines.
" 31st Marched back to Vieux Berquin.
April 2nd Marched to Locre.
" 3rd Took over Kemmel sector.
( April 22nd--Gas used
| against French and
| Canadians in Ypres
| Salient. Traces
| in trenches held by
| Battalion.
|
( In line in Kemmel | April 24--Heavy trench
April 4th--< sector with intervals < mortar bombardment
June 20th | in rest billets at | of front line held by B,
( Locre. | C and D Companies.
|
| June 15th--Enemy blew
| up by mines and
| raided part of front
( line.
" 20th Marched to huts near Vlamertinghe.
( In line at Hooge and )
| Sanctuary Wood, |
" 21st--< with intervals at rest > July 30th--First "liquid
Aug. 28th | in bivouacs near | fire" attack
( Poperinghe. )
( In line at Middlesex ) Sept. 21st--Inspection
| Wood, adjoining | by Gen. Plumer.
" 29th--< Ypres-Comines Canal, > Sept. 25th--Demonstrations
Sept. 30th | near St. Eloi, with | in conjunction
| rest bivouacs near | with attacks on other
( Ouderdom. ) portions of the front.
Oct. 1st Marched from Ouderdom and entrained at Abeele
for Fouquereuil. Billeted in Béthune.
" 3rd Moved to Mont Bernenchon.
" 4th Marched back to Béthune, proceeded by 'bus to
Vermelles, and took over reserve trenches near
Lone Tree, North of Loos.
" 5th Moved back to Mazingarbe.
" 6th Marched to Fouquières.
" 13th--
" 14th Attack on Hohenzollern Redoubt.
" 16th Moved back to Vaudricourt.
" 19th Marched to Lapugnoy for training.
" 26th Marched to Béthune.
Oct. 28th Composite Company with other troops of XI Corps
inspected by H.M. The King at Hesdigneul.
Nov 4th--
" 5th Marched via Epinette to Vieille Chapelle.
Nov. 6th-- In line in Richebourg sector, with rest billets at
Dec. 2nd Vieille Chapelle and Lacouture.
" 3rd Marched from Vieille Chapelle to Haverskerque
for training.
" 19th-- Marched via Wittes to Molinghem and continued
" 26th training.
1916.
Jan. 7th--
" 9th Entrained at Berguette for Marseilles.
" 26th-- Returned by train to Pont Remy. Marched to
" 28th Ergnies for training.
Feb. 10th Marched to Ribeaucourt.
" 20th Moved by motor lorry to Candas.
" 21st-- Training and work for R.E.'s on new railway lines
March 5th in Candas area.
" 6th--
" 9th Marched via Iverny and Maizières to Acq.
" 10th-- In line in Vimy sector, with intervals at rest in
April 20th huts behind Mont St. Eloy. Mining activity.
" 21st By 'bus to billets at Tincques and Bethencourt for
training.
" 29th Moved to Averdoignt.
May 6th-- Marched via Rebreuviette and Gaudiempré to
" 10th Bienvillers.
" 11th--
June 4th In line in front of Foncquevillers.
" 5th Moved back to Humbercamp.
" 6th Marched by night to Le Souich.
" 8th--
" 14th Training in attack practice near Sus-St. Leger.
" 15th Marched to Humbercamp.
" 16th-- Working parties found for digging cable trenches
" 18th and screening approaches near Bienvillers.
" 19th--
" 27th In line in front of Foncquevillers.
" 28th
" 29th Rested at Pommier.
" 30th Moved at night to assembly positions in front of
Foncquevillers.
July 1st Battle of Gommecourt.
" 2nd Moved back to Gaudiempré.
" 3rd Marched to huts at Bavincourt.
" 4th Marched back to Pommier and Bienvillers.
July 10th Moved to Bellacourt.
( In line in front of Bretencourt, with periods
" 11th--< in Support at Bellacourt, and in Reserve at
Oct. 28th | Bailleulval. (Sept. 22nd, Raid by A Company
( near Blairville.)
" 29th-- Marched from Bailleulval via Warluzel, Le Souich
Nov. 3rd and Neuvillette to Maison Ponthieu, for training.
" 22nd-- Marched via Bealcourt and Neuvillette to
" 25th Humbercourt.
Dec. 6th Moved to Support billets at Foncquevillers and
Souastre.
( In line in front of Foncquevillers, with intervals
" 7th--| in Support in posts in and about Foncquevillers,
1917. < and in billets at Souastre. (Feb. 16th-17th,
Feb. 18th | heavy bombardment with gas shells and
( bombs.)
" 19th Moved back to St. Amand.
" 20th Marched to Iverny for training.
" 28th--
March 1st Returned via Grenas to St. Amand.
" 3rd Took over recently evacuated German trenches at
Gommecourt.
" 4th-- Followed up enemy to Pigeon Wood, Brayelle
" 13th Farm and Essarts. (March 4th, heavy counter-attack
against C Company.)
" 17th Moved back to Souastre.
" 20th-- Marched via Bayencourt, Courcelles-au-Bois and
" 24th Contay to Bertangles.
" 25th Moved by 'bus through Amiens to Revelles.
" 28th Entrained at Bacouel.
" 29th Detrained at Berguette and marched to Westrehem
for training.
April 13th--
" 14th Marched via Vendin-lez-Béthune to Houchin.
" 18th Moved up to Support billets in Liévin.
" 19th--
" 22nd Skirmishing in Cité de Riaumont.
" 23rd Attack on Hill 65 by C Company.
" 24th-- Held sectors in front of Liévin and Loos, with
June 30th intervals in Support in Liévin and in Reserve
at Marqueffles Farm and Noeux-les-Mines.
July 1st In Brigade Reserve for attack by 46th Division
West of Lens.
July 4th On relief by Canadians marched to Bully Grenay
and by 'bus to Chelers for training.
" 23rd Marched to Verquin.
" 24th-- In line in St. Elie sector and in Support at
Aug. 15th Philosophe.
" 16th--
" 25th Training in Verquin area.
" 26th-- In line in Cambrin sector and in Support at
Sept. 12th Annequin.
" 13th--
" 19th In Divisional Reserve at Fouquières.
" 20th Marched to Mazingarbe huts.
" 21st-- In line in Hill 70 sector, in Support in trenches
Nov. 14th North of Loos, and in Reserve at Mazingarbe.
" 15th-- In line in St. Elie sector, in Support at Philosophe,
1918. and in Reserve at Verquin. (Jan. 2nd, Raid
Jan. 20th on front held by D Company.)
" 21st Marched from Verquin to Burbure.
" 22nd-- Training at Burbure. Large detachment at Mazingarbe
Feb. 8th digging reserve trenches near Vermelles.
" 9th Marched from Burbure to Laires and Livossart.
" 13th Moved to Enquin-les-Mines for training.
March 5th--
" 6th Marched to Westrehem and by 'bus to Béthune.
" 14th-- Held Annequin Fosse "Locality," in view of
" 19th heavy attacks expected.
" 20th-- In line in Cambrin sector. (March 22nd, Heavy
" 23rd bombardment and raid on A Company.)
" 24th--
" 26th In Support at Beuvry.
" 27th-- In line in St. Emile sector, and in Support in
April 10th St. Pierre.
" 11th On relief by Canadians, moved back to Vaudricourt.
" 18th Moved to reserve trenches in front of Sailly-Labourse.
Unsuccessful attack by enemy near Givenchy.
" 20th Returned to Vaudricourt.
" 23rd Marched to Béthune.
" 24th-- In line in Gorre and Essars sectors, and in Reserve
Aug. 17th at Fouquières, Vaudricourt Park and Verquin.
" 18th Occupied Le Touret after driving out enemy
rear-guard.
" 19th-- In billets at Verquin, Vaudricourt Park,
" 31st Fouquières, Essars and Gorre.
Sept. 1st Took over front line near Richebourg St. Vaast.
" 2nd--
" 3rd Continued to drive back enemy rearguards.
" 4th Attacked and occupied old British Line in front
of Richebourg l'Avoué.
" 5th--
" 7th Moved back via Beuvry to Auchel for training.
" 11th-- By train from Calonne Ricouart via Amiens to
" 12th Corbie and marched to La Houssoye for training.
" 18th Marched to Bonnay and by 'bus to Poeuilly.
" 20th--
" 25th In line about Pontru and Pontruet.
" 26th Moved back to bivouacs near Vendelles.
" 29th Battle of Bellenglise.
" 30th--
Oct. 2nd In dug-outs near Lehaucourt and Magny-la-Fosse.
" 3rd Battle of Ramicourt.
" 5th--
" 7th In line at Sequehart.
" 8th Resting at Lehaucourt.
" 9th-- Moved via Levergies and Mericourt to Jonnecourt
" 12th Farm, near Bohain.
" 17th Battle of Regnicourt.--The Last Fight.
" 18th Moved back to Fresnoy-le-Grand for training.
" 30th Marched to Bohain.
Nov. 3rd--
" 4th Marched via Escaufort to Catillon.
" 5th Crossed Sambre-Oise Canal and advanced to
Mezières.
" 6th Occupied Prisches and Cartignies.
" 7th--
" 9th At Cartignies.
" 10th Marched from Cartignies to Boulogne-sur-Helpe.
" 11th Armistice.
" 14th Marched to Landrecies.
" 15th--
1919 Clearing battlefield in Landrecies area.
Jan 2nd Demobilisation begun.
" 3rd Marched from Landrecies to Prisches and continued
clearing battlefield.
Feb. 19th-- Marched via Bazuel to Bethencourt, near Candry,
" 20th for completion of Demobilisation.
June 23rd Return of Cadre and Colours to Headquarters at
Newark.
CHAPTER I
ENGLAND
_August 4th, 1914._ _February 25th, 1915._
When the 8th Sherwood Foresters concentrated at Hunmanby, at the end
of July, 1914, for their usual annual training, the International
horizon was clouded with the diplomatic conversations which had
followed the murder of the Archduke Francis Ferdinand of Austria by
Servians at Sarajevo. Many hoped, no doubt, that the experience of the
Morocco incident of 1905 and the Agadir incident of 1911, would again
be repeated and that once more the clouds of a world war would be
dissipated, but when we reflect upon this period of the world's
history it is easy now to see that war with Germany, sooner or later,
was inevitable.
The atmosphere was so charged with electricity that it was impossible
to settle down to the normal routine of training, and there was little
surprise when on August 3rd, Bank Holiday, Germany declared war on
France, and when on the following day, August 4th, Great Britain
herself, following upon the violation of the neutrality of Belgium,
joined forces with Russia and France.
Territorial Camps were at once broken up and all ranks ordered home,
with instructions to hold themselves in readiness for any emergency.
The Royal Proclamation for the embodiment of the 8th Battalion
Sherwood Foresters (Notts. and Derby Regiment) was issued at 6.45 p.m.
on Tuesday, August 4th, and notified to all units in the briefest
possible telegram--"Mobilise." During Wednesday and Thursday, August
5th and 6th, all Companies were endeavouring to purchase locally and
issue to every man, underclothing and necessaries according to scale.
This was a big undertaking, as the scheme for earmarking such goods
in the case of embodiment had not been completed, and there was,
therefore, some delay in obtaining all requirements. The strength of
the Battalion on mobilisation was 29 officers and 852 other ranks.
On Friday, August 7th, the Battalion concentrated at Newark, under the
Command of Lieut.-Col. C. J. Huskinson, T.D., with Major G. H. Fowler
second in Command, and Capt. E. N. T. Collin, Adjutant, Companies and
their Officers at this time being as follows:--
A Company--Retford.--Lieut. W. R. Smith, 2nd Lieuts.
L. Rose and E. C. A. James.
B " Newark.--Capt. L. C. B. Appleby, Lieuts.
C. Davenport and A. H. Quibell.
C " Sutton-in-Ashfield.--Lieut. M. C. Martyn,
2nd Lieuts. H. G. Wright and R. H. Piggford.
D " Mansfield.--Capt. A. C. Clarke, 2nd Lieut. J. W. Turner.
E " Carlton.--Lieut. F. G. Cursham, 2nd Lieut. H. Kirby.
F " Arnold.--2nd Lieuts. G. Clarke and A. F. O. Dobson.
G " Worksop.--Capt. E. W. E. Tylden-Wright, Lieut. W. H. Allen.
H " Southwell.--Capt. J. P. Becher, Lieut. J. K. Lane,
2nd Lieut. H. B. S. Handford.
Lieut. A. L. Ashwell was Machine-Gun Officer; Capt. F. W. Johnson, and
Surgeon-Capt. H. Stallard, Medical Officers, and Rev. J. P. Hales,
Chaplain; Major W. N. Sarll was Quarter-Master, but, being medically
unfit, at once handed over his duties to Capt. R. F. B. Hodgkinson,
who joined from the Territorial Force Reserve. Capt. R. J. Wordsworth
mobilised with Brigade Headquarters.
The Battalion was billeted for the most part in Schools: B Company
were detailed for various duties in the town, and H Company found
guards on bridges and other points on the Great Northern Railway, the
most important being the Tubular Bridge. Nothing of interest happened
except that a too keen sentry one night loosed off at some suspicious
looking persons, who turned out to be innocent platelayers returning
home from work. Fortunately there were no casualties.
On Monday, August 10th, at 9.30 a.m., we paraded in the Market Place
ready to begin our move to concentration areas. The Mayor (Mr. J. C.
Kew) and Corporation were present, accompanied by Canon Hindley, Vicar
of Newark, and other Clergy, and there was a dense crowd of onlookers.
After an address by the Mayor, who wished us God speed, and a short
service, we marched off via the Fosse Way to Radcliffe-on-Trent,
leaving behind H Company under Capt. Becher, to guard the railway.
For the first time in its history the Battalion had complete First
Line and Train Transport with it, this being under the command of
Lieut. Davenport, who had been appointed Transport Officer. The
vehicles were not exactly regulation pattern, but little fault could
be found with the horses, all of which had been purchased locally.
Floats from Warwick and Richardson's and Hole's formed the majority of
the Small Arm Ammunition and tool carts, whilst Dickens's Mineral
Water drays and Davy's Brewery drays made fairly good General Service
wagons, when fitted with light wooden sides. A furniture van full of
blankets, two Corporation water carts, and a bread cart with a large
red cross on each side, completed the collection. We feel sure that
few Regimental Transports can have looked more like a circus than did
ours as we left Newark.
The march of 14 miles to Radcliffe-on-Trent was completed about 4
p.m., and after a good night's rest we left early on August 11th, and
proceeding via Nottingham, arrived at Derby at 6.30 p.m., after a 23
mile march. This was a very severe test for all, as few were really
"hard" enough at that time for such a long trek. Route marches were
accordingly carried out, on each of the three extremely hot days spent
at Derby, as the main part of our programme.
Whilst at Derby the main subject of discussion was that of Imperial
Service for Territorial units. So far as we were concerned a
considerable number of officers and men had already volunteered. There
were many others who had not actually done so, but there was no doubt
as to what their answer would be. Of the remainder many were
practically disqualified from serving abroad by reason of age,
unfitness, family and business ties, and other reasons, and for them,
in the light of the little we knew then, the decision was most
difficult, and the need for it we hardly thought fair. The demand for
volunteers was in the first instance put rather baldly, with little
notice, and with apparently little realisation of the enormous
difficulties under which so many were labouring, and it was not
surprising that this appeal met with little response. A second earnest
appeal, reinforced by the feeling that the honour, even the existence
of the Battalion was in danger, resulted in over 800 volunteering,
which was eminently satisfactory, though it is impossible to avoid the
feeling that many who volunteered then did so against their better
judgment, and that the decision should have been made for them.
All the other units in the Division having more or less similarly
settled this vital question, training was started in earnest.
The first area allotted to the Division was Hertfordshire, and we
entrained on August 15th, for the first time, and by no means the
last. Hours went by after our scheduled time before there was any sign
of the train. In an adjoining field, however, the various Company
entertainers had full scope and played to large audiences. Eventually
we got off in two trains, and detraining at Leagrave marched the last
three miles to Luton, where we arrived in the early hours of August
16th. Here we stayed for six days and carried out a little training,
mostly at Luton Hoo and Markyate. We cannot say that we regarded this
as the most pleasant of our experiences, as our billets were not of
the best either for Officers, who were mostly crowded into a few
cottages, and took turns at bathing in small tin baths in the
sculleries, or men who were also crowded in somewhat unwholesome
schools, while our menu consisted monotonously of bully beef and
pickle, and army biscuit and cheese.
Better things fortunately were in store, for on August 21st, we moved
on a few miles to Harpenden, where we were destined to stay for three
months, and where we received on all sides the greatest possible
hospitality. We are sure that all who were billeted at Harpenden will
look back with the greatest pleasure to the time spent in that
delightful district. The men for the most part were billeted in small
houses, three or four together, and with the more than ample rations
and billeting allowances then in force, both men and billet owners
were exceedingly well off.
Here we had also the 5th, 6th and 7th Sherwood Foresters, which, with
ourselves, formed the Notts, and Derby Infantry Brigade, under the
Command of Brigadier-General C. T. Shipley, who had Major E. M. Morris
as Brigade Major, and Capt. R. J. Wordsworth as Staff Captain. The
Stafford and Lincoln and Leicester Infantry Brigades completed the
North Midland Division, which was commanded by Major-General The Hon.
E. J. Montagu Stuart-Wortley.
Fortunately the weather for some time was splendid, and the Battalion
soon began to shew the result of constant and regular drill, and the
turnout and smartness improved rapidly. Training comprised almost
every possible form that could be required to make both officers and
men efficient, and went so far as to include the detailing of
Sergt.-Instructor Mounteney to carry out the by no means easy task of
trying to turn Officers into swordsmen. It is no disparagement of his
efforts to congratulate ourselves that we never had to put our lessons
to the test of stern reality. "Infantry Training" and "Field Service
Regulations" were studied and more or less followed out in practice in
all we did. Most of our drill, musketry instruction, bayonet fighting,
physical exercises, and outpost drill were carried out on the splendid
Common at Harpenden, but our training area extended to most of the
surrounding parks and farms, where the bulk of our more advanced work
in attack practice and tactical exercises was carried out. Perhaps
some of the best remembered places are "High Firs," where we first
spent a night in bivouacs, Sandridge, where there was a small range,
Rothamstead Park, Redbourn, Ayre's End, Hammond's End Farm, Annable's
Farm, Mackery End, Thrale's End Farm, where barbed wire entanglements
were put up, the like of which we never saw in France or anywhere
else, and Cold Harbour. At Sundon, not far from Dunstable, we dug and
occupied our first real trench system, which after a preliminary
skirmish at night, when rockets were used to guide the attacking
troops, had to withstand a heavy dawn attack by the Lincoln and
Leicester Brigade.
Classification practices were fired at Wardown and Galley Hill ranges,
near Luton, on thoroughly wet and disagreeable days, with ammunition
not intended for the rifle we were using, and altogether under such
adverse conditions, that good scores were impossible.
In addition to Brigade and Divisional schemes in the neighbourhood of
Harpenden we had big shows on two days at Kinsworth, near Dunstable.
Of our indoor classes, probably the most entertaining were the French
lessons given after mess sometimes by a kind friend from the Y.M.C.A.;
he did his best, but we fear that it was not quite the right time of
day to find a class of Officers in a mood for imbibing instruction.
Meanwhile there were many changes in personnel: Lieut. James took over
A Company from Lieut. Smith, who was unfit; Capt. Appleby and Lieut.
Cursham proceeded to Dunstable to take charge of Home Service men;
Lieut. Quibell went to the Depôt at Newark; Capt. Tylden-Wright being
unfit, G Company was handed over to Capt. Allen; Lieut. Turner took
over the Machine-Gun Section on Lieut. Ashwell becoming Assistant
Adjutant; Lieut. G. Clarke was Musketry Officer; Lieut. H. B. S.
Handford, Signalling Officer; and Lieut. Piggford, Scout Officer.
Subalterns who joined during these early days included 2nd Lieuts. W.
H. Hollins, J. V. Edge, A. Hacking, E. M. Hacking, W. N. Wright, J. R.
Eddison, B. W. Vann, J. M. Gray. J. S. C. Oates, R. E. Hemingway, A.
P. F. Hamilton, and W. C. C. Weetman. Hamilton soon left us to join
the Divisional Cyclists and afterwards served with the Tank Corps,
winning the M.C. In other ranks there were also changes:
Sergt.-Instructors Hancock, Holmes and Walker went to other units, a
number of men went to Dunstable, and a good many were discharged
medically unfit, but our numbers were constantly being swelled by the
arrival of recruits who kept coming in batches at frequent intervals
from the Depôt, and made up our strength practically to establishment.
[Illustration: OFFICERS AT HARPENDEN; Nov., 1914.
_Back Row_: 2nd Lieut. A. F. O. Dobson, 2nd Lieut. J. S. C. Oates, 2nd
Lieut. E. M. Hacking. 2nd Lieut. A. Hacking, 2nd Lieut. W. C. C.
Weetman, Lieut. H. B. S. Handford, Capt. J. K. Lane, 2nd Lieut. J. R.
Eddison, 2nd Lieut. H. Kirby.
_Middle Row_: 2nd Lieut. J. M. Gray, 2nd Lieut. W. N. Wright, Lieut.
H. G. Wright, 2nd Lieut. B. W. Vann, 2nd Lieut. J. V. Edge, Lieut. G.
Clarke, 2nd Lieut. W. H. Hollins, 2nd Lieut. E. C. A. James, 2nd
Lieut. J. W. Turner, Lieut. C. Davenport.
_Front Row_: Capt. and Qtr.-Mtr. R. F. B. Hodgkinson, Capt. W. H.
Allen, Major A. C. Clarke, Rev. J. P. Hales, Capt. and Adjt. E. N. T.
Collin, Lieut.-Col. C. J. Huskinson, Major G. H. Fowler, Capt. J. P.
Becher, Capt. M. C. Martyn, Capt. A. L. Ashwell, Surgeon-Capt. H.
Stallard.
_On Ground_: 2nd Lieut. R. H. Piggford 2nd Lieut. A. P. F. Hamilton.
_Reproduced by permission of H. A. Valentine, Photographer,
Harpenden._]
Lieut.-Col. G. S. Foljambe, who had joined from the Territorial Force
Reserve, was in charge at the Depôt, and later commanded for some time
the 3rd Line, with the unenviable task of getting together and
training in an extraordinarily short space of time, personnel to
replenish the 1st and 2nd Lines. Many young Officers and others who
passed through his hands in those days look back with pleasure and
affection to the happy times spent under his kindly care at Newark and
Belton Park.
Recreations in these early days were run on the usual lines. Padre
Hales had a reading room and organised Battalion Concerts from time to
time, at which much local talent was displayed, but with everyone
living in houses organised entertainment was not so necessary as we
later found it to be in isolated camps, or at out-of-the-way villages
in France.
We were inspected three times during this period; once at Harpenden by
Lieut.-General Sir Ian Hamilton, commanding the Central Force, again
on September 29th, by Lord Kitchener in Luton Hoo Park, when we
thought we made a very creditable display, and lastly, on October 6th,
after we had carried out an attack scheme ending up on the Sandridge
Rifle Range, when the Battalion had the honour of marching past Lord
Roberts.
The air, of course, was full of rumours. As early as September 1st, we
were told that we should be off to France in a month: later the date
was fixed for October 30th, and then November 7th, Bordeaux being
mentioned as the elusive objective. On this last occasion it seemed so
certain that we were going that a farewell sermon was preached, which
turned out to be decidedly premature. We heard with every conceivable
detail the delicious stories of the thousands of Russians who kept
pouring through Nottingham, and like others we had the usual
excitements of spy scares, all of which were very entertaining, and
one at least highly dangerous, when one of our chases took some of us
over the railway embankment armed with loaded revolvers.
Whatever the possibilities of our going out early may have been, one
step was taken which could have had only that object in view, viz.
inoculation against typhoid. We can only hope that the Medical
Officers who operated on us got more fun out of the operation than we
did.
Marching orders came eventually, and as ever, when least expected.
Late on Sunday evening, November 15th, we were told to be ready to
move at an hour's notice. This was presumed to be due to a feared raid
and landing on the East Coast--at any rate one hopes there was some
equally good reason for it, for quite a number of Officers and men had
been allowed to go on week-end leave, and had to be recalled by
telegram, whilst the following day was to have been a holiday.
We shall not easily forget that night--the energy we expended in
packing valises, brows sweating, tempers bad, language beyond
description,--all trying the impossible feat of making the wonderful
collection of kit we had got together on the advice of one friend or
another keep within the allotted allowance of 35lbs.
Apart from our own individual troubles, we had the additional enormous
task set of issuing new equipment to everybody. The 1908 bandolier
pattern had been withdrawn, and new leather equipment (pattern 1914)
had arrived on the previous Friday and Saturday, and the
Quarter-Master's staff had been busy marking it and getting it ready
for issuing. This all had to be issued during the Sunday night, and
was carried round to billets in blankets. The language of something
like 900 men all trying to put together an entirely new set of
equipment, the like of which they had never seen, may well be
imagined. We were the first Battalion to be issued with this
equipment, which on the next day's march proved very unsatisfactory,
many buckles and straps pulling right out of the webbing of the packs
and haversacks. We were glad when a month later it was all withdrawn,
and we were issued with the much more popular and lasting web
equipment.
Eventually the Battalion paraded at 9 a.m. on November 16th, one hour
late, and in consequence instead of leading the Brigade we had to
march in rear. We got to Harlow, a distance of something like 26
miles, about 8 p.m. This was a very trying march, and as many men had
only been issued with new boots during the night, it was not
surprising that several fell out. On this march we first realised what
a difficult and technical job "supply" can be. The supply and baggage
wagons appear to have been hopelessly overloaded, and in consequence
both rations and blankets failed to reach us that night. It was
largely owing to the extreme kindness and hospitality of the
inhabitants of the delightful little village of Harlow, amongst whom
was the evergreen veteran Sir Evelyn Wood, V.C., that we were fed and
breakfasted and able to continue the march the following day, 14 miles
to Dunmow. This proved more trying than the previous day, and the
Medical Officer and stretcher-bearers had a busy time attending to
those who fell out.
On the 18th, we finished the journey by a nine mile march to Bocking,
and there settled down into billets for the rest of our time in
England. Though we were spoilt at Harpenden, we are sure that all
ranks have nothing but pleasant recollections of the time spent at
Braintree and Bocking, where one and all treated us with the greatest
kindness, and we hope were sorry to lose us. Where all were so kind it
is almost invidious to mention names, but one feels (though they
themselves would be the first to deny it) that a special debt of
gratitude is owed to the Nuns of the Convent at Booking, whose
kindness and care for those who were billeted at the Convent, and for
all with whom they came in contact, were beyond all praise.
In order to prepare for any possible German landing on the Essex coast
orders had been issued for a series of trenches to be dug to form
defensive lines for the protection of London, and we were at once set
on to this work, which was pushed on as rapidly as possible, systems
of trenches, redoubts, gun positions, and other defensive works being
put in hand. Our work was mainly at Panfield, Marks Farm and Black
Notley. It was not an ideal season for trench digging, especially in
the clay of Essex, which was the "genuine" article, and we were glad
when the bulk of it was finished by Christmas. This work was carried
out under Royal Engineers' supervision and was in some ways
instructive, although we thought that the principles we had been
taught in the Military Manuals were frequently violated by the siting
of trenches along the sides of prominent hedgerows. Nevertheless, what
we did was more after the nature of what we were to meet in France,
and therefore of considerable practical value. That our work was
satisfactory was testified to by the insertion in Central Force Orders
of January 23rd, 1915, of the General Officer Commanding-in-Chief's
keen appreciation of the soldierly spirit and enthusiasm shewn for the
work by all ranks. All the same, we have no regrets that it was never
necessary to occupy the trenches for actual warfare.
Owing to another scare Christmas leave was cancelled. Scarborough had
been bombarded on December 22nd, and there was apparently a bit of a
"breeze." According to one writer this was due to a little lack of
liaison between our Naval and Military authorities. The former had
apparently spread a rumour that an invasion of the German Coast was to
take place, and the enemy concentrated numbers of troops there in
case it happened. This concentration came to the knowledge of our
military spies, who, however were not told of the cause, and their
report appears to have caused our War Office to think that an invasion
of England was contemplated. We were not, however, by any means dull
at Christmas. On December 24th, we beat the 6th Battalion 2--1 in the
first round of the Divisional Football competition, Vann being
skipper, and in the evening the Warrant Officers and N.C.O.'s had a
dance at Braintree Corn Exchange. On Christmas Day there was Church
Parade at Braintree, when the Bishop of Derby preached. Later, dinners
were issued on a sumptuous scale, and in the evening the Officers were
entertained at the White Hart by the Colonel and Major Fowler.
In a later round of the Divisional Cup Competition, we beat the
Divisional Mechanical Transport Column 3--0, and got into the
semi-final, when, however, we were badly beaten by the 4th Leicesters
at Bishop's Stortford, by 3 goals to nil. In a Brigade paper chase
which was held on December 26th, Pvte. Allen of E Company came in
first.
On December 28th, we returned to Luton by train to carry out final
firing practices at the Wardown and Galley Hill Ranges, and field
firing practice at Dunstable in appalling weather, when frost, snow
and rain made accurate shooting perfectly impossible, and we were glad
indeed to get back to Bocking on January 6th, 1915.
The rest of our time was spent in final training, mainly carried out
at Gosfield Park and Abbot's Hall, and in preparations for going out,
in which the inspection and completion of equipment of all kinds
played a prominent part. This was not too easy a job for the young
Company or Section Commanders, as the men by this time were up to all
the "old soldier" tricks, and were very clever at making one article
appear almost simultaneously in half-a-dozen different kits. Drill
included a certain amount of new bayonet fighting and other exercises
under Major A. C. Clarke, who had attended a course at Chelsea. Mules
arrived in January and were objects of much interest; our
miscellaneous transport vehicles were discarded and replaced by new
ordnance pattern issues, to which were added two Lune Valley Cookers,
kindly presented by the ladies of Nottinghamshire. At the end of
January the Battalion had to be completely reorganised in order to
come into line with the regular Battalions: the old 8-Company system
was abolished, and the 1914 Double Company organisation introduced,
entailing an immense amount of work and keeping us busy right up to
the time of our departure. The situation was not helped by the absence
of Major Fowler with eight Subalterns and 407 recruits, who were away
carrying out musketry classification practices at Luton from February
3rd to 20th.
Our chief relaxation at Bocking in the early part of 1915 was night
searching for elusive spies, who were supposed to carry on lamp
signalling; more often than not when these were tracked down they
turned out to be innocent stable guards doing their nightly rounds. At
other times we picketed the roads to hold up motor cars which were
supposed to be acting as guides to Zeppelins, but it is doubtful
whether either of these occupations did a great deal towards bringing
about the more rapid conclusion of the war.
One also remembers the excitement caused by the first Boche aeroplane
dropping bombs within a mile of the village, which we, of course,
imagined had been dropped for our especial benefit. One of the Scouts
secured a "dud," which was the object of much interest to everyone,
up to the Divisional Commander.
It was about this time that the first distinguishing patches were
allotted to Battalions. Our first was a square green patch worn behind
the cap badge, undoubtedly very smart, and the envy of the other
Battalions in the Brigade. When we got to France the Officers of the
Battalion had to wear two short vertical green stripes at the top of
the back of the jacket, to enable them to be picked out from behind,
as all ranks were more or less similarly dressed and Officers' swords
were discarded. Later still these marks were worn by all ranks in the
Battalion, and the practice was continued up to the end of the war.
On February 15th, confidential orders were received that we were to
proceed abroad at a very early date. Final preparations were put in
hand, equipment, stores and clothing were issued to complete, and
everything was made ready for a move.
On February 16th, Col. Huskinson received notice of his appointment as
Commander of Base Details on Lines of Communication with Capt. G.
Clarke as his Adjutant. Col. Huskinson had been to a great extent
responsible for the recruiting of the Battalion to full strength
before the war, and his keenness and enthusiasm throughout the
difficult times of reorganisation and training during these first six
months of the war, contributed largely to the high standard of morale
and general efficiency reached in England. One and all were sorry to
lose him, but we were glad indeed to find that Major Fowler was to
succeed him in Command of the Battalion.
On February 19th, we had the honour of being inspected with the rest
of the Division by H.M. the King, at Hallingbury Place, near Bishop's
Stortford.
Into the last few days was crowded an immense amount of work, for the
final arrangements never seemed to finish, and changes took place
right up to the last. We were made up to establishment in Officers by
the arrival of Lieuts. G. S. Heathcote and F. B. Lawson, and 2nd
Lieuts. C. L. Hill and T. H. F. Adams, whilst large reinforcements
from the 2/8th Battalion on February 22nd, brought us up to full
strength, and when we left Bocking on February 25th, we were 31
Officers and 996 other ranks. Second Lieut. R. E. Hemingway was left
behind with 100 men as the First Reinforcement, and the Orderly Room
was handed over to the care of Col.-Sergt. Instructor F. Kieran. We
left by two trains at 7.50 and 9.15 a.m., and by 4.0 p.m. had all
detrained at Southampton Docks.
On the whole the Battalion was well equipped, and physically everyone
was fit. The chief drawback appeared to be that we had rather a large
percentage of young and inexperienced Officers and N.C.O.'s, but as
all had much to learn of the kind of warfare actually going on, this
was no great disadvantage. With so many late additions and the very
recent reorganisation, few Commanders had had the opportunity of
getting to know their men. So far as training was concerned we had
covered in a way the whole of what the books had to say, and were
fairly well acquainted with ordinary methods of fighting. There was a
tendency towards staleness at the moment, and it is doubtful whether
prolongation of our training in England would have been beneficial. We
felt somewhat ignorant of many practical points affecting trench
warfare, into which the fighting on most of the Western front had
degenerated, and though we had received useful hints from Major Hume,
who had been out, we yet had a great deal to learn; this we did in
France, in the hard school of bitter experience. Whatever our
shortcomings, we felt proud indeed to belong to the first complete
Territorial Division to embark for France.
At this time the personnel of Battalion and Company Headquarters were
as follows:--
Commanding Officer.--Lieut.-Colonel G. H. Fowler.
Second-in-Command.--Major A. C. Clarke.
Adjutant.--Capt. E. N. T. Collin.
Medical Officer.--Surg.-Captain H. Stallard.
Chaplain.--Rev. J. P. Hales.
Quarter-Master.--Capt. R. F. B. Hodgkinson.
Transport Officer.--Lieut. C. Davenport.
Machine-Gun Officer.--Lieut. A. F. O. Dobson.
A Company--(formerly E and F Companies).
Capt. A. L. Ashwell; Lieuts. G. S.
Heathcote, H. Kirby, and F. B. Lawson;
2nd Lieuts. J. V. Edge, and E. M. Hacking;
Comp. Sergt.-Major A. Mabbott; Comp.
Quar.-Master Sergt. E. Haywood.
B " (formerly B and H Companies).
Capt. J. P. Becher; Capt. J. K. Lane;
Lieut. J. W. Turner; 2nd Lieuts. W. H.
Hollins, J. R. Eddison and B. W. Vann;
Comp. Sergt.-Major W. Mounteney; Comp.
Quar.-Master Sergt. S. C. L. Shelton.
C " (formerly C and D Companies).
Capt. M. C. Martyn; Capt. H. G. Wright;
Lieuts. H. B. S. Handford and R. H.
Piggford; 2nd Lieuts. A. Hacking and
T. H. F. Adams; Comp. Sergt.-Major
E. Hopkinson; Comp. Quar.-Master Sergt.
J. R. Dench.
D " (formerly A and G Companies).
Capt. W. H. Allen; Lieuts. E. C. A. James
and W. C. C. Weetman; 2nd Lieuts.
J. M. Gray, C. L. Hill and J. S. C. Oates.
Comp. Sergt-.Major F. Spencer; Comp.
Quar.-Master Sergt. F. A. Pritchard.
Acting Regimental Sergt.-Major.--E. A. Westerman.
Regimental Quar.-Master Sergt.--D. Tomlin.
Armourer Quar.-Master Sergt.--R. A. G. Loughman.
Signalling Sergt.--W. Burton.
Machine-Gun Sergt.--F. Parker.
Transport Sergt.--C. Green.
Sergt. Drummer.--W. Clewes.
Provost Sergt.--G. Phillipson.
Sergt.-Cook.--S. Wiffen.
Pioneer Sergt.--J. Caddy.
Acting Sergt.-Tailor.--H. A. Huckerby.
Sergt.-Shoemaker.--G. H. Fletcher.
Orderly Room Sergt.--F. Torrance.
Orderly Room Sergt. (Base).--E. Kirkby.
Orderly Room Clerk.--Corpl. R. Harvey.
Non-Commissioned Officer i/c Stretcher Bearers.--Corpl. R. F. Bescoby.
Medical Orderly.--Corpl. B. Sissons.
CHAPTER II
FRANCE
_February 25th, 1915._ _June 20th, 1915._
As soon as the detrainment was completed, we proceeded on board the
"Mount Temple," with certain Royal Field Artillery Details, the ship
being under the command of Major Kent, R.F.A. At 6.30 p.m. we dropped
down to Netley, imagining we were off, instead of which we anchored
there for the night. The greater part of the next day, February 26th,
was spent on board in physical and other exercises and inspections.
Late in the afternoon, much to our surprise, orders were received that
21 Officers and 763 other ranks were to disembark, presumably because
it was not desirable for so many troops to cross on a slow going boat
like the "Mount Temple." Having left on board Major Clarke, Capt.
Ashwell, and Lieut. Heathcote with two-and-a-half platoons of A
Company, and Capts. Hodgkinson and Davenport with the Signal,
Transport and Machine-Gun Sections, the remainder of us disembarked
about 6.30 p.m., and proceeded to a Rest Camp about three miles
outside Southampton. It was very disappointing to be split up, but
there was nothing to be done but to make the best of it. We cannot say
that our two days' stay at the Rest Camp was exactly enjoyable, for
the camp was uncomfortable, and no passes were allowed to the town. We
therefore fully appreciated the kindness of the ladies of the St. John
Ambulance Association, who had huts near the camp, and gave us most
excellent meals.
On February 28th, a further contingent of 101 men under Captain Becher
embarked on the "Caledonian," and later in the day the rest of us went
on board a small Clyde pleasure steamer, the "King Edward," where we
were crowded beyond description. Neither party sailed, however, that
day, and we spent the night on board. The next day those on the "King
Edward" had to disembark once again! This took place early in the
morning, and after a little wandering we ultimately obtained billets
for the Officers at the Central Hotel, and for the men at the Watt
Memorial Hall.
In the end we embarked on the "King Edward" on the afternoon of March
2nd, and sailed the same night. There was so much to interest everyone
until we got out to sea that we had little time in which to indulge
sentimental feelings. That gliding down Southampton Water in silence
broken only by the throbbing of the engines, with lights out, sentries
posted, and in some cases Machine-Guns mounted, the sudden appearance
out of the darkness from somewhere off the Isle of Wight of a
destroyer to pilot us across the Channel, the challenge to the ship as
to who we were, and the order to "carry on," the numberless rays of
searchlights sweeping around on all sides--such was the start of our
great expedition, precisely the same, no doubt, as that of most other
troops who crossed during the war.
We had an excellent crossing and anchored off Havre early the
following morning, disembarking about 7.30 a.m. The morning was spent
amongst the hangars at the docks, drawing sheep-skin coats and other
equipment. Here we were met by Major Clarke who reported that Capt.
Ashwell with two platoons had already proceeded up country, and that
they had all had a very uncomfortable time at Havre, sleeping in
trucks or wherever they could. They had been joined by M. Lacolle, who
was to be attached to the Battalion as Interpreter. After dinner we
marched down to our entraining point, and were able to entrain more or
less at leisure during the afternoon--our first experience of a
French Troop train. Later on we got accustomed to their ideas, but
certainly for the men, and often for Officers too, the French way is
not quite in accordance with our own ideas, and we must confess it
went very much against the grain to have to crowd 36 to 40 men in
nothing more or less than a cattle truck. "Hommes 40: Chevaux 8," may
be all right for the "Chevaux," but for the "Hommes" we consider a
revised number is required.
During these first few hours spent at Havre we learnt to appreciate
the Y.M.C.A. huts, which supplied much excellent refreshment, and the
Officers will certainly not forget the delicious tea and cakes so
generously provided by Mrs. Pitt.
We left for the North at 5.15 p.m. At Rouen a halt was made for the
engine to take in water, and ourselves coffee and rum. The taste of
the latter was new to most of us, but we liked it well enough to hope
that we might make its acquaintance again. Early in the morning of
March 4th, we had a short "halte repas" at Abbeville for breakfast,
and continuing via Calais and St. Omer we eventually, about 1 p.m.,
after a 20 hours journey, detrained at Cassel, which if tradition does
not lie, was the happy hunting ground of the good old Duke of York,
who
"Had ten thousand men,
He marched 'em up to the top of the hill,
And he marched 'em down again."
If the English Tommy of those days was anything like the modern "Old
Bill" he probably had something pointed to say about the Hill of
Cassel, and was equally unappreciative of the magnificent view one got
from its summit!
Capt. Ashwell met us at the Station and acted as our guide to the
little village of Oudezeele, which we reached about 5 o'clock after a
trying seven miles' march. The men were tired after their long,
cramped journey; many wore new boots, whilst all were weighed down
with enormous packs, which had been added to by the newly drawn
sheep-skin coats. It was not surprising that under such conditions
many fell out, and that most of us were thoroughly weary by the time
we reached our destination. Ashwell and his party too, had not had a
pleasant time. Strangers in a strange land without Battalion, Brigade
or Divisional Headquarters--or any of the other luxuries which make
life worth living--they had found existence rather precarious. Ashwell
himself had walked 45 miles in three days in search of rations, so
that our arrival with the transport was more than welcome.
We found our billets rather strange after the houses and cottages to
which we had become accustomed in England, as they consisted mostly of
scattered farms, several platoons and sometimes a whole Company or
more being billeted at one farm, generally in barns.
Capt. Becher and his party arrived late the following day, having been
kept three days on the "Caledonian," and the Battalion was once more
complete. As the rest of the Brigade had crossed before us and had
already gone up for trench instruction, we were temporarily attached
to the Lincoln and Leicester Brigade.
We spent a few days training at Oudezeele, including one or two route
marches to get accustomed to the _pavé_ roads, and Edge, as newly
appointed Sniping Officer, gave a little special instruction in that
branch of warfare. We had a visit from Major-General Stuart-Wortley,
who discussed the training to be carried out, and our coming duties in
the trenches. The weather was very cold, and a good deal of work was
in the shape of lectures in billets, and the reading of various
routine and other orders issued to troops on arrival.
It was during one of our route marches in this district, which took us
through the little village of Wormhoudt, that we made our first
acquaintance with French troops. Many of them were back resting in
billets, and the warm welcome they gave us as we passed through the
narrow streets of the village crowded with French "poilus," the whole
Battalion whistling the "Marseillaise," was an experience which will
not be readily forgotten.
On March 9th, we marched with the Lincoln and Leicester Brigade via
Cassel, Caestre (where General Smith-Dorrien saw us march past), and
Strazeele to Merris, where we joined up with the rest of our Brigade,
back from their course of instruction in the trenches. Fortunately the
fur coats which had caused us so much trouble on the last march were
now carried for us by motor 'bus. At Merris we saw our first real
signs of fighting, both the Church and the Hospice having been hit
several times by shells, whilst there were isolated graves of both
French and English scattered about the surrounding country. Here too,
we saw our first "fighting" aeroplane (armed with one short French
Rifle), which had crashed just outside the village. It was also at
Merris that we had our first experience of paying a Company "in the
Field." Instructions on the subject had led us to believe that this
was a complicated performance, but in practice it turned out to be
quite easy. Company "Imprests" were at a later date done away with and
a Battalion Imprest instituted, which was much more convenient, as
also was the very handy "Officer's Advance Book," which was introduced
later. At first there seemed but little check on the money that was
drawn, and Field Cashiers appeared to issue money to all and sundry on
the flimsiest authority.
Preparations were being made about this time for a British offensive
at Neuve Chapelle, and our Brigade was attached temporarily to
General Gough's 2nd Cavalry Division, with the object, if the attack
succeeded, of breaking through in the region of the Bois du Biez. In
order to be nearer the scene of operations we were moved from Merris
at an hour's notice at noon on March 10th, and marched via Rouge Croix
to Bac-St. Maur. This was a memorable experience, but later on we
became accustomed to rapid movement, and the great concentration of
troops which was necessary when fighting was imminent. Transport
marched brigaded, and in passing through Sailly-sur-Lys in the
darkness seemed to be so mixed up in the seething mass of men that we
almost began to doubt if they would ever extricate themselves. Under
the guiding hand and voice of Capt. Davenport, however, our Transport
eventually got clear. During this operation "Davvy" evidently made a
great impression on one soldier (a Regular), by his forcible language,
as the latter was heard to remark "There's a bloke what knows 'is
job." Confusion was great in Bac-St. Maur too, for when we got there,
the billets which we had been allotted were still occupied by
Canadians. Eventually, we all got shelter of a kind, in probably the
dirtiest and poorest billets we ever had either in France or Belgium.
This was our first meeting with our Canadian friends, and we can
hardly say we were impressed, though we all knew well what they were
made of. We have specially vivid recollections of one Canadian sentry
on duty at night opposite D Company's billet, evidently "well away,"
loosing off his rifle at intervals, apparently to let us know that he
was "present and correct." One bullet was close enough to be
unpleasant, and fetched a lump off the tree just outside the window.
In this area we were nearer to the line than we had yet been, some of
our guns firing from quite close to the village, and we found it an
interesting experience to see for the first time an aeroplane being
shelled.
We stood by for two days, ready to move at a moment's notice, hearing
much of the noise of the battle. The attack, however, was not
successful and the Bois du Biez plan, therefore, fell through. On
March 13th, we got orders to move to fresh billets. We had to travel
light as we were still regarded as a "flying column." Much superfluous
kit was left behind, to be sent for later on, and the weird bundles
left at the Estaminet at Bac-St. Maur will not readily be forgotten.
We marched that afternoon _via_ Estaires to Neuf Berquin, where we had
again to be content with rather crowded, if somewhat more comfortable
billets than we had left.
One or two changes in personnel had already taken place. Capt.
Hodgkinson gave up the appointment of Quar.-Master owing to some
technicalities, and for the moment acted as Censor. In this capacity
he was obliged, to our great annoyance, to carry out the order to
relieve us of our cameras, which were sent home,--no doubt on the
whole a wise and necessary precaution. Capt. Hodgkinson was succeeded
as Quar.-Master by Lieut. Torrance, who was destined, with a short
break in 1918, to carry out the duties up to the end of the war. He
performed them with much success, and in a way that only Torrance
could. On his appointment as Quar. Master, the Orderly Room came under
the charge of Corpl. R. Harvey, who carried out his difficult task
with the utmost devotion, without a break until the last man of the
Battalion was demobilised. Second Lieut. G. W. Fosbery, who received
his Commission as we were about to cross to France, took over his
platoon from Handford, who as Signalling Officer had enough other work
to keep him busy.
We stayed at Neuf Berquin for ten days and did a considerable amount
of useful training, but unfortunately at this time many men were sick,
owing to the bad water, so that parades were somewhat small. In
addition to continued route marches to keep feet in condition we
practised formations for advancing through woods in the Bois d'Aval,
open warfare attack under the watchful eye of General Gough, and
several trench-to-trench attacks on the leap-frog principle, the first
line capturing and holding the front trench, and other lines passing
through them to attack the support trenches. We also began to practise
making and throwing the old "jam-tin bomb," the beginning of the
attack of "bomb fever," which unfortunately was to play such a
prominent part in the warfare of the next two or three years,
undoubtedly to the detriment of all sound training and tactics.
Arrangements had meanwhile been made for our initiation into the
mysteries of real trench warfare, and with that object in view we were
moved on March 24th, to Vieux Berquin, and on the 26th, across the
frontier to Romarin in Belgium, being once more attached to the
Lincoln and Leicester Brigade. Much to our regret the rum issue was
stopped the next day!
We were attached for instruction to the 10th Infantry Brigade, 4th
Division, and the programme arranged allowed each Company to spend two
nights in the trenches, with a break of 24 hours in billets. The
Battalions to which we were attached included the Royal Irish Rifles,
2nd Royal Dublin Fusiliers, Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders, 2nd
Seaforth Highlanders, and 2nd Royal Warwicks, who held the trenches
about Ploegsteert and opposite Messines.
The first night each Officer and man studied the work of his
counterpart in the Battalion to which he was attached, and the second
night platoons were allotted definite lengths of trench, for which
they were held responsible. This first experience was not exactly full
of incident, as on the whole we had a very quiet time, but for us, as
for all others on their first visit to the line, many little
incidents of everyday trench routine were novel and exciting.
Recollection lingers on the long, slow tramp to the trenches, along
corduroy tracks in thick darkness lighted up from time to time by Very
lights from our own trenches and by the infinitely superior ones from
the enemy (we recollect that some of us, faithful to our instructions,
but slightly misguided, began ducking quite five miles behind the line
when a flare went up), the constant order to keep closed up, the whizz
of bullets, at every one of which we ducked instantly, the cracking of
rifles, the 'dead cow' smell which afterwards became so painfully
familiar, the arrival at the trenches and the posting of sentries.
Later the cautious creeping over the parapet to look at the wire and
at dawn stand-to, followed by the frizzling of bacon and the brewing
of tea (in these days each side had a more or less respectable
breakfast, evidenced by the columns of smoke that went up from the
respective front line trenches directly after stand-down). Such
incidents we feel sure were sufficiently novel at the time to impress
themselves vividly on the memories of those whom a kindly fate has
preserved to read these recollections.
Probably the most uncanny feeling some of us had was, when on starting
from Battalion Headquarters for the trenches, we met a stretcher party
carrying out one of our own men, Comp. Sergt.-Major Hopkinson, who had
been wounded by a sniper, and was our first casualty. It was an
experience that everyone had to go through, but it was not pleasant.
Hopkinson and two men of D Company wounded by shell fire were our only
casualties during our instructional tours. That we did not make a bad
impression is attested by a letter written from an Officer of the 2nd
Seaforths, who says:--"I thought your Officers and men most awfully
keen, and I was immensely struck by the way your men came into the
trench--no noise at all, and perfect discipline and quietness and
keenness. They were awfully willing to act up to any small suggestions
you made as to what they ought to do. They came in so much better than
Regulars, and I was genuinely filled with admiration for them. They
were a splendid body of men." It is, perhaps, needless to say that we
on our part much appreciated the great kindness shewn us by the units
to which we were attached. Those of us who happened to be in or near
Petit Douvre Farm during this attachment were much interested in
finding some of the early drawings of Bairnsfather, as done for the
"Bystander." The interior walls of the farm were covered with his
charcoal sketches, in some cases to the order of Commanding Officers
who were to follow! It was at the same farm that Pvte. Cottam, of D
Company, acted as head butcher in the slaughter of an abandoned pig,
causing a good deal of excitement before final despatch. Most of the
men brought away with them "souveneers" of this first visit, none more
unaccountable than the dud 77 mm. shell carried about in his pack for
several days, by a sturdy sanitary man of A Company--in fact, until
discovered by a rather alarmed Company Commander.
On March 31st, we left Romarin, and marched back to our old billets at
Vieux Berquin, being met at Doulieu and escorted from there by the 6th
Battalion band. Only one band had been allowed to come out with the
Brigade, and after some discussion that of the 6th Battalion was
selected, and carried on up to the end of the war, virtually as a
Brigade Band.
Orders were received on April 1st, for our Division to take over its
first portion of the British front in relief of the 28th Division, and
on April 2nd we marched with the rest of the Brigade via Bailleul to
Locre, in Belgium. As few, if any of us, had ever studied Flemish, the
language question in some of the villages of Flanders presented a
little difficulty, but with his guiding principle of "tout-de-suite,
and the touter the sweeter," the British Tommy never seemed to have
any trouble in getting what he wanted. We were disposed to think
sometimes that the Belgians did not look very kindly on us. Perhaps it
was because in our early days we were rather inclined to take too much
notice of the frequent reports we heard of supposed Belgian spies, and
of Belgians being in communication by various means with the Boche on
the other side of the lines. One well remembers the suggestion made
from time to time that signalling was carried on by means of the
windmill on Mont Rouge, or by the display of washing laid out to dry
on the ground by Belgian housewives. At any rate we did find a house
at Locre, where a number of pigeons were kept, a fact which aroused
the suspicions of some of the Officers of D Company, and in the same
house were discovered quantities of British stores of all kinds, which
must have been got from our troops in a not too straightforward
manner. Some of the inhabitants, too, treated us with scant courtesy.
It was here that the lady of the establishment removed the handle from
the pump where Sergt. Markham's platoon was billeted, and not content
with that went a step further, and for some reason best known to
herself, gave him a cold douche when asleep one night. Some of us, on
the other hand, were more fortunate in our billets, and all who went
to the Hospice can have nothing but the most pleasant recollections of
the great kindness of the Mother Superior and other ladies. Padre
Hales, who left us to be attached to Brigade Headquarters, when we
crossed to France, was billeted there with our Field Ambulance, and we
were allowed to go there for baths when out of the line, and always
received much kindness and hospitality. Unfortunately during the
German onslaught in 1918, this delightful place was completely
destroyed. The bathing arrangements in general at this time were
somewhat poor, the nearest military baths being at Bailleul, about
four miles away, so that we were very delighted at receiving during
our stay at Locre, from Miss Gilstrap, of Winthorpe, Newark, three
galvanised iron baths, with boiler complete. With these and other
local devices we were able to get the men bathed at their own billets,
which was a great boon. Another similar consignment from Mrs. John
Becher, unfortunately got lost in the post, but we trust was of
benefit to some other unit.
[Illustration: THE AVENUE, KEMMEL, 1915. _Reproduced by permission of
Lieut.-Col. C. W. Birkin, C.M.G., T.D._]
In the afternoon of Easter Eve, April 3rd, we attended a Church
Parade, taken by the Bishop of London, of which many of us have bitter
recollections, as owing to a mistake in Divisional Orders, we were
rigged out in full marching order. Further, as it was a damp and windy
day, few of us could hear a word of the address, and all wanted to get
as much sleep as possible in view of the great adventure before us.
The same night, which turned out to be miserably wet, we left Locre,
to take over the trench sector in front of Kemmel held by the 1st
Devons. Company Commanders had already been in the trenches for 24
hours to get the lie of the land, and they, together with the guides
of the Devons, met us at the appointed rendezvous, the celebrated band
stand at Kemmel. There were, of course, no lights; rations and trench
fuel, which had been taken up by the Transport, were issued in
sandbags, and water in petrol tins, and each platoon was then led off
by itself. When one looks back on trench reliefs, one is inclined to
wonder how on some occasions they were carried out at all, the
possibilities of going wrong seemed so great. In the present case,
however, nothing untoward happened, and we set off by our various
routes to the front line, passing such favourite spots as the "Sahara
Desert" (the final resting place of every bullet fired within a radius
of five miles, or so it seemed), the "Willows," "Irish Farm" or "The
Orchard," and into the G and H trenches. In our heavy greatcoats and
with full packs, which we continued religiously to carry for many
months for no apparent reason, the journey was not pleasant, and we
were not sorry to get into the trenches, where the relief was
completed about 11 p.m. C Company being mainly composed of miners and
under the command of a Mining Engineer, were put in the right sector
where was our only mine, much to the relief of, at least, one Company
Commander, who had mental visions of a mine as a large black cavern,
where hand-to-hand fighting went on incessantly! A Company had the
centre and D Company the left, B Company occupying the two supporting
points and billets in Kemmel Village. Battalion Headquarters were at
the Doctor's house in Kemmel, and the Transport and Quar.-Master's
Stores remained at Locre.
There was practically only one trench line at this time, and this,
like most of the trenches in Belgium and the low lying districts, was
a line of breastworks with very little wire in front, and only one or
two small supporting points. The opposing front lines varied from 25
to about 300 yards apart, being closest at "Peckham Corner," on the
right. Shelters were built mostly of timber and corrugated iron,
strengthened with sandbags, and were generally in the parados of the
trench.
Easter day--our first day holding a bit of line on our own--was fairly
quiet, except for a little shelling of D Company on the left during
the afternoon. On the right, some men of C Company sang hymns, and the
enemy made overtures for a truce by showing a white flag. About 40 of
them appeared on the parapet, and a brisk conversation ensued for
several minutes across "No Man's Land." A somewhat unflattering remark
from one of the enemy who had a wonderful knowledge of forcible
English, ended the armistice rather hurriedly.
On most nights during these early days of the war, each side had its
turn at five or ten rounds "rapid" to relieve the monotony of things.
In this we were on equal terms with the enemy, but during the day we
were hopelessly outclassed owing to the great shortage of periscopes,
and the lack of telescopic rifles and well constructed loophole
plates, of all of which the Hun seemed to have an abundant supply. It
was long before we got anything like adequate numbers of these very
necessary trench requisites. It was not surprising, therefore, that
for some time the Boche snipers had the upper hand and could do almost
what they liked. Their shooting was extremely accurate, and as the
trenches were enfiladed on all sides, and there was in many cases
little parados, we soon had casualties, most of which were sentries
shot through the head. Our first fatal casualty was Pvte. Hyde, of A
Company, shot in this way on April 6th. We were also short and
entirely inexperienced in the use of rifle grenades and trench
mortars, with which the enemy made very good practice. A large trench
mortar certainly did find its way up to the trenches by some means one
day, and provided considerable amusement to our men. It is reported to
have dropped its first bomb into the enemy trench, and its second into
our own--its erratic behaviour ultimately making it no doubt more
annoying to ourselves than to the enemy. Lieuts. A. Hacking and
Hollins were the pioneers in the use of rifle grenades, with which
they eventually did good work at "Peckham Corner."
After a tour of four days which were most uncomfortable owing to
constant rain, we returned to Locre. The system of four days in
trenches and four in billets, taking turns with the 6th Battalion,
continued for some time with little variation. When out of the line
we, of course, had to find those never-to-be-forgotten working
parties, which had become part of the normal trench warfare system.
Having had a hard four days in the trenches, it was never a pleasant
duty to have to march up three or four miles on one or perhaps two
nights out of our few days' rest, to do a job for the Royal Engineers
or some other specialists in the trenches. Otherwise, our stays at
Locre were fairly pleasant. There were no great attractions, but we
had enough to do as a rule in general training and cleaning, and the
country round about was extremely pleasant, either for walking or
riding. Perhaps the greatest excitement was to go down to Bailleul to
shop and call on "Tina." Such luxuries as Canteens for supplying the
wants of the inner man were quite unknown in these early days, when we
had to rely mainly on parcels from home or purchases in the local
towns.
Work in the trenches consisted mainly of strengthening or rebuilding
the parapet and parados, and in putting out barbed wire defences. As a
rule, we wanted far more sandbags than were ever forthcoming, but in
these days they were used indiscriminately, and in consequence many
very weak structures were built, which could not possibly stand
without support through a single wet season. The barbed wire defences
were very poor, and as soon as we got into the way of doing it much
time was spent in that not too pleasant work, for Boche snipers
did execution by night as well as by day, and made themselves
very objectionable. Our entanglements consisted mainly of
"knife-rests"--wooden frames strung with barbed wire. These were made
by the men in the Brigade workshop at Kemmel, run by Major Wordsworth,
the Staff Captain, to which each Battalion contributed a quota of
pioneers and trade specialists. One Officer learnt a very practical
lesson in their use from the enemy. He had some carefully placed in
position one night, where he thought his wire particularly weak, but
his spirits fell to zero the following morning, when on looking over
the top he saw his precious knife-rests in position guarding the Boche
trenches opposite! From that time onwards knife-rests were securely
fastened to each other and to the ground. Our Brigade (hereafter known
as the 139th Infantry Brigade) had a good reputation for trench work,
and the digging element was used to great advantage by the 6th
Battalion commencing what was one of the first long communication
trenches dug on the British front. It extended from the front line
nearly back to Kemmel and was for ever known as the "Via Gellia." In
its later stages it was worked on by ourselves. This trench was a
great convenience, as it enabled reliefs to be carried out much more
securely by avoiding going over the open, and permitted of visits of
inspection to be made by daylight, and the wounded to be carried back
to the dressing station at Kemmel. In the early days they remained in
the trenches until it was dark enough for the journey to be made over
the top.
On April 22nd, we experienced a little of the backwash of the first
Hun gas attack against the French and Canadians in the Ypres Salient a
few miles North of us. During most of the time we had been in this
area there had been considerable activity in that quarter, and the
shelling and burning of Ypres could be plainly seen from the Kemmel
trenches. This attack was the beginning of the second battle of Ypres.
The only effect on ourselves of the gas used on this occasion, was to
make our eyes smart and a few men sick. It did, however, cause a
commotion on all sides, and with unaccustomed speed, the first
consignment of respirators was sent out to us--pieces of gauze which
had to be filled with tea-leaves, damped, and fastened round the mouth
in the event of attack. These were improved from time to time, and a
little later we got a gas-proof smoke helmet--the earliest form known
as "P," and the later as "P.H." Vermorel sprayers were also provided
in due course, and some solution for spraying the trenches to clear
them of gas. Bells and gongs formed of shell cartridge cases or pieces
of iron were also hung in the trenches to be sounded by the sentry if
any sign of cloud gas was seen. There was perhaps a natural tendency
to imagine gas when there was none, and an official report of gas by C
Company on the night of May 8th, was found to be due to the proximity
of a dead cow.
April 24th witnessed our first serious bombardment. We had already had
several somewhat severe baptisms, but they were trifling in
comparison. About 6 p.m., after an exceptionally quiet day, and just
before we were to be relieved, the enemy began an organised trench
mortar bombardment of G1 and 2, occupied by platoons of C and D
Companies, and H 4 held by Lieut. Vann and his platoon of B Company.
It lasted for about an hour, and made large breaches in the parapet of
G1 and 2, and practically demolished the whole of H 4, a small
isolated trench on the extreme left, opposite Petit Bois. Both these
trenches were completely enfiladed by the Boche, so that their
shooting was extremely accurate. It was thought at one time that the
enemy might attempt a raid on G1 and 2, but this did not develop. A
Machine Gun team consisting of L.-Corpl. Sharrock and Pvtes. Hopewell
and Davis, which was posted in G1, behaved most coolly, and Sergt. A.
Phillipson, of D Company, did very gallant work in the same trench
under heavy fire with Pvtes. Coombes and Durand, all in a more or less
dazed condition, helping to dig out the wounded. On the left Vann and
his platoon had a very bad time. Whilst he was digging out wounded a
bomb fell close by, killing four and burying three others, and blowing
Vann himself several yards across the open at the back of the trench,
and practically wiping out the garrison. Major Becher brought up
reinforcements and helped Vann to get the position made good, and
great assistance was given by 2nd Lieut. Hollins and L.-Corpl.
Humberstone. Pvtes. F. Boothby and A. Gleaden of B Company also did
excellent work, helping to dig out and dress the wounded, most of the
time in full view of the enemy, not more than 70 yards away. The 2nd
Royal Scots on our immediate left, also gave us valuable assistance.
Our total casualties during the hour's bombardment were 14 men killed
and two Officers (Vann and Gray), and 14 men wounded. When we were
back at Locre after this tour, General Shipley spoke to the Battalion
on parade and thanked them for the good work done, especially
congratulating Vann, and on the following day the General Officer
Commanding our Division also congratulated the Battalion on its
behaviour under fire.
Several changes took place during April, owing to casualties. Capt.
Allen went down sick on April 6th, and Lieut. James took over the
command of D Company until the 14th, when Capt. Hodgkinson was
appointed. He, however, also had a short stay there, for on April
22nd, when in an excess of zeal to see what was going on opposite G1,
where some suspicious work was reported, he apparently thought he
could sufficiently camouflage himself behind a pair of field glasses
to gaze over the top of the parapet, the almost immediate result was a
bullet which just grazed his head, and he, too, had to leave us. D
Company then came under Capt. Lane. Second Lieut. Eddison, our first
fatal Officer casualty, was killed on April 21st, being hit by a
bullet whilst out wiring, and though help was instantly rendered by
Drummers Newton and Robb, who pulled him out of the shell-hole of
water, into which he had fallen, and carried him into the trench, he
died in a few minutes. Four Officers were down for a short time with
measles, including Capt. Martyn, who unfortunately was invalided
to England, and was succeeded in command of C Company, by Capt.
H. G. Wright. Martyn served later in Ireland and France, as
Second-in-Command of the 2/8th Battalion and in command of the 2/7th
Battalion, and won the D.S.O. and M.C. Lieut. Lawson got a shell wound
in the shoulder and had to leave, and 2nd Lieuts. Gray and Vann also
had to be in hospital for a short time from what was later known as
"shell-shock." A great loss, too, was Sergt. Wilmore, a very gallant
soldier, who was sniped one day when outside his trench.
May found us beginning to feel our feet. The Commanding Officer had
talks with Officers as to a more aggressive attitude being taken up;
we had a lecture from Major Howard, R.E., at Kemmel as to the
construction of an invisible loophole, low down in the parapet, and so
built as to afford a good field of fire and permit of our replying
better to the Hun snipers. Sergt.-Drummer Clewes also got into action
with his telescopic rifle from sniping posts cunningly placed behind
the front line, the only possible position from which really
successful sniping could be done, and was not long in getting quite a
good "bag." Shortly afterwards he was put in charge of the
newly-formed Brigade Sniping Section. A trench mortar was actually got
into use, and did a certain amount of damage to the Boche trenches,
but naturally produced considerable retaliation. Further efforts to
fire rifle grenades met with some success, whilst a "Gamage" catapult
introduced to throw bombs provided, at any rate, a little amusement.
In patrolling considerable progress was made. Second Lieut. A. Hacking
did some very daring work at "Peckham Corner," and near Petit Bois;
2nd Lieut. Hollins and L.-Corpls. Heath and G. Gadd of B Company made
splendid reconnaissances of the enemy's wire; and 2nd Lieut. Edge, who
was always to the fore in wiring, no matter how bright the night,
carried out a daring daylight reconnaissance, the first attempted in
the Battalion, getting nearly up to the German front line in company
with Pvte. C. E. Bryan, of A Company. Pvte. W. O'Brien, of the same
Company, was another who knew no danger; in fact, at night it was
difficult to keep these two men in the trench at all. Daring patrols
were also carried out by 2nd Lieut. Vann, Sergt. Pickering and
L.-Corpl. Humberstone. Perhaps the most successful was a fighting
patrol, which went out on the night of May 9-10th under 2nd Lieut.
Oates, with the object of rounding up a Hun patrol. Oates, who had a
party of six men with him, went forward with Pvte. Nicholson, leaving
the remainder behind, to within about 50 yards of the German wire. On
their way back they ran into a Boche patrol. Oates promptly shot one
man, Nicholson bayoneted another, whilst two others who were wounded
got away. Oates and his party got back safely.
On May 14th, we carried out one of those little manoeuvres which may
have been of immense importance, but appeared to us at the moment to
be so much waste of time, trouble and energy. Instead of proceeding to
the trenches that night according to programme, we got sudden orders
to "embus" for Hill 60, in the Ypres Salient, to dig there under Royal
Engineers' supervision for the 5th Division. The net result was that
of the 600 who went, 400 dug for one-and-a-half hours, and 200 for
three-quarters-of-an-hour, after which the party returned to Locre in
the 'buses. The idea, doubtless, was a good one, as it was necessary
to dig more trenches where part of our line had given way during the
recent fighting, but the organisation of the work seemed to leave a
good deal to be desired. It was the remnants of a Canadian Battalion
returning from this fighting in the Salient shortly after midnight on
one occasion, whilst we were back at Locre, which made us think we
must have had more than an ordinary nightmare, for we awoke with a
start to hear the strains of a brass band coming along the _pavé_,--at
1 a.m. such a proceeding seemed decidedly strange. It was not long,
however, before we found that all was well, and that it was our own
Brigade Band playing the Canadians through the village. This was
evidently appreciated by them, for one of their number in a letter to
the _Daily Telegraph_, after describing the magic effect of the music
on his men, concludes with the remark: "The Canadians will remember
how the band of the Sherwood Foresters played them through the
darkness at midnight out of 'Bloody Ypres.'"
About the middle of May we began reliefs with the 7th Battalion, and
our sector was extended slightly left to include some of the J
trenches opposite Petit Bois. An interesting entry in the War Diary is
that May 16th, the day following relief, was the first day absolutely
free from casualties since we took over our portion of the line. This,
however, must have been an exceptional day, for bad luck so far as
casualties went pursued us with great regularity. Capt. Lane was badly
wounded on May 26th, when out wiring, and the command of D Company
then passed to Lieut. James. Capt. H. G. Wright, to the great regret
of his friends in all ranks was killed on June 6th, being shot,
through the double loophole plate from which he was firing, and was
succeeded in command of C Company by Capt. G. S. Heathcote. Lieuts.
Kirby and Weetman and 2nd Lieut. Fosbery were wounded in May, and 2nd
Lieut. Oates early in June, and all had to leave the Battalion. Capt.
Ashwell and 2nd Lieut. Edge were also slightly wounded. Our only
reinforcement Officers were 2nd Lieuts. N. L. Hindley and G. G.
Elliott. Comp. Sergt.-Major Mabbott, of A Company, was invalided to
the Base, and was succeeded by Comp. Quarter-Master Sergt. Haywood,
Sergt. G. W. Godfrey being promoted Comp. Quarter-Master Sergt. in
his place. Comp. Sergt.-Major Mounteney, B Company, was invalided to
England and Sergt. Chappell was appointed Comp. Sergt.-Major of that
Company. Sergt. J. A. Green was appointed Comp. Sergt.-Major of C
Company in place of Comp. Sergt.-Major Hopkinson wounded, and Sergt.
T. Powell became Comp. Sergt.-Major of D Company after Comp.
Sergt.-Major Spencer left, also wounded. The latter obtained a
Commission some time later, only to be killed in France when doing
excellent work in command of a Company of another Battalion of the
Regiment. A change had also taken place in the Brigade Staff, Major E.
M. Morris, the Brigade Major, who had worked so strenuously all
through our period of training in England, and done so much to help us
in learning our job in France, having left on June 1st, to take
command of the 2nd Royal Irish Rifles. He was succeeded by Major W. G.
Neilson, D.S.O., of the Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders.
Early in June we moved still further left and took over more of the J
and K trenches, with the reserve company at Siege Farm, and Battalion
Headquarters at Rossignol Farm. Our numbers at this time were swelled
by the presence of a Company of the 8th King's Royal Rifle Corps who
were attached for instruction--the first of Kitchener's Army that we
had seen.
[Illustration: SKETCH SHEWING ARRANGEMENT OF MINE GALLERIES.]
Our severest handling in the Kemmel area occurred on the last day of
our last tour there, and was begun by the blowing of enemy mines, a
form of warfare which had already developed considerably at various
points along the battle front. Tunnelling Companies of the Royal
Engineers had been formed, but their numbers were not sufficient to
cope with all the work, and in order to help them Mining Sections were
formed in some of the Infantry Brigades as well. From the miners of
the 139th Brigade, it was not difficult to select suitable men for
this purpose, and towards the end of May, a small party was taken from
the Battalion to join the Brigade Mining Section, which was put under
the command of Capt. Piggford. Included in the party were Corpls. Boot
and Attenborough, both of whom later received decorations for
gallantry in underground work. These Brigade Sections were normally
used for defensive mining only--broadly to prevent the enemy blowing
up our trenches. The Royal Engineers' Tunnelling Companies on the
other hand, were employed for offensive work in blowing up the enemy.
Where mining was feared, sentries in the front line had to report at
once if any suspicious sounds were heard, which might indicate that
the enemy were mining in the neighbourhood, in order that protective
measures might be taken. The J trenches, which varied from 30 to 70
yards away from those of the Boche, were mostly built on water-logged
ground, where to sink shafts and drive galleries was not an easy task.
Nevertheless, for some time signs and sounds had been reported which
seemed to indicate that mining on the part of the enemy was going on
in this very region. Attempts had, therefore, been made by us to sink
shafts and take counter measures, but these had proved unavailing
owing to the bad nature of the ground. The enemy, however, succeeded
where we failed, and on June 15th, exploded three mines, one of which
blew up a portion of J 3 Right. This took place at 9.10 p.m., when the
7th Battalion were just beginning to arrive to relieve us. At the same
time a terrific fire was opened with artillery, trench mortars, rifle
grenades, Machine Guns and rifles, and for over an hour an incessant
cannonade was kept up on our front line, Support Company and Battalion
Dump. Telephone wires were broken--an occurrence looked on later with
less anxiety as it happened so often, and we had no S.O.S. signal;
pigeon service, which had been established in the trenches just before
this time, was, of course, of no avail for night work, and Battalion
Headquarters were out of communication with the trenches except by
runner. Our reply to the bombardment was almost negligible, and
whatever the politicians and their statistics may prove, we know that
our supply of gun ammunition at this time was totally inadequate. Some
of the enemy got into the mine crater, but were driven out by C
Company at the point of the bayonet. Pvte. J. Sharman, of B Company,
who was practically the only man left in the trench when the enemy
tried to occupy it, shot one and drove off another, both of them
having attacked him at the same time. He was hit on the leg by a dud
bomb, and got a bullet through his haversack. Excellent work was
also done by Corpl. Humberstone in reorganising the garrison, and by
L.-Corpl. Templeman and Pvte. Tongue in repairing telephone wires.
Eventually things quietened down, and when the relief was complete, we
returned to Locre for a few days' well-earned rest. Our casualties
were unfortunately heavy, and included two excellent Officers, Eric
Dobson and Humphrey Hollins, also Corpl. Wilcox and eight men killed,
and 29 wounded, whilst the 6th King's Own Yorkshire Light Infantry,
some of whom were in the trenches with us for instruction, also lost
several men.
[Illustration: MAP SHEWING KEMMEL SECTOR SPRING. 1915.]
This was one of the earliest raids that ever took place, and was
planned doubtless to inflict casualties and secure prisoners, but not
to capture trenches. One man of D Company is reported to have blamed
this affair for the loss of a pair of boots, as he assured his Platoon
Commander at a kit inspection a little later "that they were lost when
that there mine at Kemmel went up!" As no man had more than one pair
at a time the Platoon Commander scratched his head.
Thus ended our stay in the Kemmel sector, which was taken over by the
50th (Northumbrian) Division. We were now beginning to feel quite "old
hands," but our experience had been dearly bought. We had lost heavily
and were sadly in need of a draft, for to balance our total casualties
in other ranks of 49 killed or died of wounds, and 120 wounded, we had
so far received only 20 reinforcements.
The Corps paid a tribute to the work performed by the Brigade during
our stay at Kemmel. Far more valuable, however, were our first
experiences of trench warfare. The meaning and importance of
responsibility and discipline were for the first time really impressed
upon the minds of Officers and men alike. Gradually, if imperceptibly,
they had learnt something of what would be required of them in the
times of fighting ahead.
Sometimes one is tempted to compare conditions at Kemmel with trench
routine three years later. In the Kemmel days the Platoon Commander
lived with his Platoon, and seldom even visited his Company
Headquarters and he undoubtedly acquired an intimate knowledge of
every man of his Platoon, which was never equalled in later days. This
further bred a sense of responsibility and initiative which was all to
the good at a time when comfort, safety and enterprise depended so
largely on individual initiative. At the same time it must not be
forgotten that in later days Officers and men alike were called upon
to undertake more patrols and raids, and had to suffer far heavier and
more incessant shelling and trench-mortaring than was our general
experience at Kemmel.
As a school of instruction our time at Kemmel undoubtedly provided a
very valuable lesson not only to Officers, N.C.O.'s and men of the
Battalion, but to Officers of the Brigade and Divisional Staffs, whose
experience of the new form of warfare could hardly have been learnt
under better conditions than those which obtained during our first two
months of trench routine.
CHAPTER III
THE SALIENT
_June 20th, 1915._ _October 1st, 1915._
The Canadian's description of it as "Bloody Ypres," referring
doubtless to the Salient in general, was very apt, and will be
endorsed by all who ever had the misfortune to sample it at any period
of the war. We have never met anyone who boasted of having found a
"cushy spot" in it, and so far as we ourselves were concerned, the
three months spent in the Salient were very nearly, if not quite, the
hardest months of the war.
Leaving Locre on the evening of June 20th, we marched with the rest of
the Brigade to the Ouderdom Huts on the Reninghelst--Vlamertinghe
Road. These were the first "huts" ever occupied by the Battalion; they
were absolutely exposed to view, the surroundings being open ploughed
fields, and when the Boche "Sausage" went up "Silent Percy," a German
long-range gun, warned anyone walking about that movement must cease.
There were, however, deep shelter trenches round the huts, which
afforded good protection, and we escaped without casualties, though
the Transport having had a few shells in the horse lines, deemed it
wise to move back a little. We left there on June 23rd, and marching
via Kruistraat and Zillebeke proceeded to "Sanctuary Wood," where we
relieved the 5th East Yorkshires in trenches 7 to 12. These trenches
were good, being both narrow and deep. There was a good deal of
liveliness on both sides, and things were anything but pleasant in the
region of a wood. whose title was something of a misnomer. The
Transport too, had many good runs for their money when bringing up
rations and stores. The congestion on the road each night was intense.
Only one bridge, "14," over the Ypres-Comines Canal was available for
the transport of all units occupying the centre of the Salient, and
the journey from the transport lines to the dump and back, took
something approaching seven hours. We were not particularly envious of
their job here on many occasions, though never once did they fail to
get supplies up to the dump. This was at the South-West corner of
"Sanctuary Wood," and a very unhealthy spot, where we were lucky
indeed in not getting very heavy casualties. There was hardly any
water fit for drinking in the front area, so that one of the water
carts had to be brought up full every night and left in the shelter of
the wood, and the empty one taken back.
Rain made the trenches very uncomfortable, and we had plenty to do in
keeping them in order, and in building shelters, of which we were very
short. These consisted for the most part of two or more waterproof
sheets laced together, and held in position across the trench, by
stones placed on the ends on the parapet and parados. Little was done
by us in the way of active operations during our first tour, except a
certain amount of patrolling, in which 2nd Lieut. Adams and Pvte.
Needham were the leading lights, and got some useful information. A
Company had rather a bad time, suffering over 20 casualties from
"Whizz-bangs" (77 mm. shells) and salvoes of 5.9's.
We were relieved on the night of June 29/30th, after a seven days'
tour, by the 5th Lincolns, and moved back to bivouacs at a charming
camp near Poperinghe, where we spent 12 of the most enjoyable days we
ever had in France. The weather was glorious, and we made the most of
it. We were spared strenuous work as far as possible on the very hot
days, but carried out much useful training of a general kind, and
reorganised and refitted all the units in the Battalion. Two new
Officers, 2nd Lieuts. R. E. Hemingway, and E. S. Strachan joined us,
the former eventually succeeding Lieut. A. Hacking, who had just been
appointed our first Battalion Grenade Officer. A draft of 69 men also
arrived, together with 11 rejoined men,--a most acceptable addition to
our numbers. Several quite interesting cricket matches were played,
the last of which, Officers v. N.C.O's., was won by the Officers. We
managed one concert, which was given entirely by our own artistes, and
went off very successfully. Poperinghe was quite close, and though
possessing no great attraction, yet it was a change to walk or if
possible get a horse for the afternoon and ride over there sometimes
to see what was going on, and call on our little friend "Ginger" at
the café, and do any shopping that was wanted. Here for the first time
we encountered a Divisional Troupe, and enjoyed many a pleasant
evening with the 6th Division "Fancies," with their Belgian artistes
"Vaseline" and "Glycerine." But perhaps the greatest source of
pleasure to all ranks now, was that great institution "Leave" which
had just been started. True it was but four days, and for an extremely
small number, but it was something after all, and encouraged those who
were not lucky enough to have it at the moment, that their turn would
eventually come to get out of the war for a brief space, and return to
their families at home. Capt. Ashwell left us whilst we were here to
take charge of reinforcements at St. Omer. During his absence of five
or six weeks A Company was commanded by Lieut. J. V. Edge.
We left camp with much regret on the afternoon of July 11th, and
proceeding via Kruistraat, where a halt was made for tea, at the
"White Château," we eventually took over trenches B 2, 3, 4, 7 and 8,
in the Hooge sector, from the North Staffords. The trenches here were
close together, at some points not more than 25 yards apart. This
nearness necessitated in some cases the erection of small-mesh wire
netting to prevent the enemy throwing hand-grenades into our trenches.
Mining was carried on unceasingly, and with both sides displaying
abnormal activity with every kind of war machine invented, life was
not at all pleasant. Possibly we had the greatest dislike for the
rifle grenades which the Hun was in the habit of showering over on
every possible occasion, but his shelling of the whole of our sector,
which he carried out with great regularity, was extremely
uncomfortable, and casualties mounted rapidly. To the more normal
means of trying to wear down the enemy, we were now able to add fixed
rifles and rifle batteries. These were laid on definite targets, and
fired according to a time table specially arranged, and we hope had
the effect desired. Sergt.-Drummer Clewes too, in charge of the
Brigade Sniping Section, was always worrying the Huns on every
possible occasion, and made some splendid "bags." Work in the trenches
was of a more or less normal kind, consisting chiefly of strengthening
fire and support trenches and putting out wire, not forgetting the
never-ending efforts to drain away the water. Good patrols were
carried out by Lieut. James and Corpl. Hotson.
After a heavy tour of 12 days we were relieved on July 23rd, by the
7th Battalion, and marched back to bivouacs near Ouderdom, a long
trek, the last Company not getting there until 7 a.m. the following
morning. We were shelled out of this camp almost immediately,
doubtless because a Staff Officer anxious for the comfort of the
Officers had had four beautiful white tents put up. Unfortunately they
had been pitched on the Eastern slope of the field in full view of the
"Sausage" already mentioned, and "Silent Percy" soon got busy! On
July 25th, we took over another field near Busseboom, where we were
left in peace, so far as the Hun was concerned, though as the field
had just previously been used by Gunners for horse lines we had in
other ways quite a lively time. Here we were joined by 2nd Lieut.
Everard Handford and an excellent draft from the 2/8th Battalion.
We had little time during this six days' rest to do more than the
usual refitting and cleaning, as large fatigue parties were required
on two days for Divisional work. Bathing was an easier matter, as we
were now able to use the new Divisional baths at "Pop." So far as the
washing of clothing was concerned, the men did their own, laundries
being very few and far between.
We had now in front of us what turned out to be the longest and most
trying of all the Battalion's experiences in the trenches, for after
relieving the 7th Battalion in trenches B 3, 4, 7, and 8 at "Sanctuary
Wood" on the night of July 29/30th, we did not get out for 19 days.
Col. Fowler at this time was on leave, whilst Major A. C. Clarke was
unfit, and a little later had to return to England. Major Becher, who
succeeded him as Second-in-Command was, therefore, in temporary
command of the Battalion. Much to our regret our old friend "Doc"
Stallard had also just left us for a tour of home duty. Well had he
stuck it all through, but he was beginning to feel the strain of his
strenuous duties, which were now taken over by Surgeon-Lieut. C. B.
Johnstone. The latter had a memorable journey to join the Battalion,
which was then in the line, riding up on the front of the horse
ambulance that used to go nightly to "Maple Copse" to evacuate the
previous twenty-four hours' wounded. The road was very rough and
mostly shell holes full of water, and he had a decidedly rough
passage. Other arrivals about this time included three new
subalterns, Lieut. C. M. Houfton, and 2nd Lieuts. R. V. Harvey and A.
H. Date, whose first experience of trench warfare was to be rather
more exciting than the average! Comp. Sergt.-Major J. A. Green was
temporarily acting as Regimental Sergt.-Major in place of Sergt.-Major
Westerman, who had just left for England.
The trench system taken over ran partly on the outskirts of "Sanctuary
Wood," and partly through the wood itself, which in those days was
most picturesque, with delightful wild flowers and thick undergrowth.
The right was held by B Company (Lieut. J. W. Turner) and C Company
(Capt. G. S. Heathcote) and the left by D Company (Lieut. E. C. A.
James), whilst A Company (Lieut. J. V. Edge) were in reserve. By a
very happy coincidence, we had with us A Company of the 10th Sherwood
Foresters, sent into the line for the first time for instruction.
Capt. G. P. Goodall, subsequently killed at St. Eloi, was in charge of
this Company, amongst whom our men found many friends.
We occupied the left of the 46th Divisional sector, with the 5th
Battalion on our right, the 7th Battalion in immediate support in
"Maple Copse," and the 6th Battalion in Brigade Reserve.
The 14th Division, which had only been in France a few weeks, and had
been with us for instruction at Kemmel, had recently taken over the
sector on our left, where there had been much fighting during the past
few weeks for the possession of Hooge, which centred about the stables
and wall running near the Château. It was there that in our last tour
we had seen a brilliant assault by the Gordons and Middlesex, after a
terrific mine explosion.
At 3.30 a.m. on July 30th, immediately after stand-down, and within a
few hours of our arrival in the trenches, on a perfect summer morning,
the whole of the wood was suddenly surrounded by a ring of fire,
while at the same time a heavy bombardment was opened, concentrating
apparently on the trenches around "Hooge Crater." Under cover of this
bombardment, and behind "flammenwerfer," the enemy attacked the point
of the salient held by C Company, at the same time throwing the
greater weight of his forces against the Hooge sector occupied by
units of the 14th Division. The latter, who like ourselves had only
come into the line the night before, were undoubtedly surprised by the
sudden attack, and by this first use of "flammenwerfer." Their men,
dead tired, had just got down to sleep, and the rapidity of the enemy
attack left little opportunity for organising successful defence.
The result was that the enemy succeeded at once in gaining the whole
of the front and support trenches on our left, pushing forward into
the North end of the wood, and threatening to cut off the whole of the
salient, and leaving the trenches held by D Company in imminent danger
of being turned from the rear.
The first attack on the point of the salient was driven off by rifle
and machine gun fire. Here Pvte. Grantham displayed conspicuous
gallantry in remaining at his post, in spite of being surrounded by
flames, and killing several of the enemy at close quarters. Very few
of the enemy succeeded in getting into our lines, though for a short
space of time there was a dangerous gap on the left of C Company,
which was filled up by the presence of mind of 2nd Lieut. Hindley and
Sergts. Sheppard and Smith, and a platoon of B Company, one of whom,
Pvte. Tyne, did particularly fine execution by throwing back
unexploded enemy bombs. This platoon lined the parapet, and by opening
rapid fire prevented the attack from developing. Unfortunately, an
enemy machine gun traversed the parapet, killing many of the men of
this gallant platoon, until a bomb thrown a prodigious distance by
Sergt. G. F. Foster appears to have fallen on the top of it, evidently
knocking it out, and by the volume of smoke produced wrecking a
"flammenwerfer." Several of the enemy were seen to be killed or
wounded by this lucky bomb.
Further attacks by the enemy on the point of the salient were made
during the day, and a more serious one early next morning, but they
were readily driven off with loss. We should like here to pay a
tribute to the magnificent courage and coolness of the men of the 10th
Battalion, which contributed very largely to the entire defeat of the
enemy's attack on this front.
Meanwhile the position on the left was uncertain and very alarming,
and Sergt. A. Phillipson in particular, in command of the left
platoon, No. 13, had a most anxious and trying time. Elements of the
14th Division straggled from the left with stories of the German
advance. These accounts might easily have demoralised our
Battalion but for the magnificent example of Lieut. James, his
Second-in-Command, 2nd Lieut. Vann and Sergt. A. Phillipson, and the
coolness and courage of every man of D Company. The situation on this
flank was serious indeed. All the trenches on the left had been
captured, and the enemy were reported as pushing into the wood in the
rear of our trenches. James acted promptly, and immediately pushed out
a left flank-guard. Major Becher at Headquarters sent forward
reinforcements from the Reserve Company, and eventually the 7th
Battalion from "Maple Copse" were despatched by Brigade and did
splendid work in spite of heavy shelling, in digging a switch line
connecting the trenches in the neighbourhood of "Zouave Wood" to our
left flank.
Early in the afternoon the Reserve Brigade of the 14th Division, who
had only reached bivouacs near Poperinghe at three in the morning,
returned and made a gallant but fruitless counter-attack to recover
the lost trenches. Could it have been expected that men, who had been
in the trenches for a week, marched back during the night no less than
12 miles, only to turn once more, march back those interminable 12
miles, part of the time under heavy shell fire, dog-tired, without
sleep or food, could without adequate artillery preparation perform a
feat which later required a Division of fresh troops, after one of the
most carefully planned and destructive bombardments at that time
known? The Brigade could but have failed, and to the onlooker it
seemed a tragic blunder, but to those who have read the pathetic story
of a tragic day, the title given by "The Student in Arms" of "The
Honour of the Brigade" alone provides the excuse for an operation
which from every other point of view, was one of the costly blunders
of the war.
On August 9th, the 6th Division attacked after a very heavy
bombardment and re-established the situation. No troops could have
done finer work. The enemy who had manned the redoubtable "Hooge
Crater" in great strength, suffered very heavily, but the total
prisoners captured in a hard fought attack amounted to five. The 2nd
Sherwood Foresters, under that magnificent Officer Col. Hobbs, who in
pre-war days had at one time been Adjutant of our Battalion,
eventually endeavoured to hold the crater on our left, but this was
soon found to be untenable, and remained in No Man's Land.
An incident which is not without its humour, while illustrating the
tiredness of our men, may be worth recalling. During the bombardment
preliminary to the counter-attack, when the noise of our own artillery
was deafening, and the proximity of the enemy shelling far from
assuring, a platoon commander discovered one of his men fast asleep on
the firestep. With some difficulty he was aroused and, rubbing his
eyes, he exclaimed, not without a certain degree of indignation that
his slumbers had been cut short--"What's oop?"
Our casualties during the activities of July 30th and 31st, amounted
to 21 killed and 40 wounded, and the 10th Battalion had ten casualties
in addition. This total was increased from day to day by incessant
shelling, trench mortars and rifle grenades, and by the unfortunate
inaccuracy of one of our 6-inch naval guns, which persisted in firing
into our trenches until its identity was eventually discovered. During
the first fortnight in the line here, our casualties were no fewer
than four Officers wounded (Vann, E. M. Hacking, Hindley and G. G.
Elliott); 36 other ranks killed, or died of wounds, and 90 wounded.
Included amongst the killed were Sergt. A. Phillipson, who throughout
had shewn the utmost coolness and gallantry, and Sergt. E. Layhe, who
had done very good work as Scout Sergeant. "Jimmy" James, who had
struggled on manfully in spite of being very unfit, eventually had to
give up and go to hospital, D Company being taken over by Vann.
During these days there was much active patrolling in order to make
certain of the dispositions of the enemy, and much daring work was
carried out by Lieuts. Vann, Turner, and H. B. S. Handford, 2nd
Lieuts. A. & E. M. Hacking, Corpl. Gadd, L.-Corpl. Wilson, and Pvtes.
Nicholson and Thompson. Vann in particular was much in the good books
of General Allenby, the Corps Commander, for his splendid work, though
he was once the cause of his very nearly spoiling an immaculate pair
of breeches when showing him with much glee a particularly
un-get-at-able loophole plate in a very muddy trench. We are led to
believe, however, that this crime was forgiven, as Vann was later
honoured by the General with an invitation to dinner.
[Illustration: MAP TO ILLUSTRATE FIGHTING AT SANCTUARY WOOD.
JULY-AUGUST. 1915.]
Apart from shelling, which continued intermittently, the rest of our
stay in the line was uneventful. It was not, however, until August
17th, that the Battalion, reduced in numbers but tried at last in real
fighting, were relieved by the 7th Battalion, and marched back to
bivouacs near Ouderdom, dead tired but happy in the thought that they
could hand over intact the trenches which they had taken over three
weeks before.
The attack had evidently not been an attempt to break through. The
enemy no doubt had hoped to seize our front line system from the right
of B 4 trench northwards. There can be no doubt that had this
succeeded the difficulty of the counter-attack would have been largely
increased. Indeed, at a time when troops could ill have been spared,
it is probable that the Ypres Salient would have been considerably
reduced, and the morale of the enemy proportionately increased. This
was pointed out by General Allenby, who, addressing the Battalion on
parade on August 25th, said: "I have read with great pleasure and
pride the report of the General commanding your Division, telling of
the arduous work which you recently did in the neighbourhood of Hooge.
By your boldness, tenacity, and gallantry, you did work of very great
importance. Perhaps you do not know that not only did your action have
an important bearing on that particular bit of line, but on the whole
campaign, because of the political reason for holding the Salient. The
town of Ypres is nothing to us, but if the Boche took it they would
publish it to the world that they had captured the fortress of Ypres,
which we have held since November, 1914."
The Battalion also received the special thanks of the Field Marshal
Commanding-in-Chief on their efforts during the tour. To the delight
of everyone, especially all ranks of B Company, John Becher was
awarded the D.S.O., a very well-deserved honour for most splendid
work whilst in command of the Battalion, during one of the most
anxious periods in its history; Vann for his gallantry here and
previously at Kemmel got the M.C. Mention must also be made of the
splendid work of our new Medical Officer (Johnstone), his assistants
Corpls. Sissons, Martin, and Bescoby, and all the stretcher-bearers,
who worked indefatigably day and night, often in circumstances of
great personal risk in dressing and evacuating the wounded, not only
of our own Battalion, but of the King's Royal Rifle Corps, the Rifle
Brigade, and the 2nd Sherwood Foresters. In these operations they
established a reputation for gallantry and devotion to duty which in
the whole Brigade was conspicuous throughout the war.
Our bivouacs were in a nice spot sheltered from view by a small wood.
Our rest was not a long one, and was much of the usual type, but had
an additional interest in that we were fortunate in getting two very
good entertainments from the 46th Divisional Concert Party, the
"Whizzbangs," which had lately been formed, and was to be a source of
much pleasure from now on to the end of the war. Whilst there we were
joined by two new Officers, 2nd Lieuts. A. H. G. C. Moore and P. C.
Hemingway, and 107 other ranks, but we wanted men badly now, as in
addition to our heavy casualties in the line, we lost during the month
of August 41 N.C.O's. and men, whose term of enlistment expired on the
completion of one year's war service. These included many old hands
who were difficult to replace.
On August 29th, we took over trenches at "Middlesex Wood," where the
Brigade were holding the line astride the Ypres-Comines Canal, near
St. Eloi, and there we stayed, with one short rest in bivouacs, for a
month of more or less normal trench warfare. Perhaps the main points
of interest were that we were covered by Belgian gunners, who were
not too particular where or when they fired, that we were now getting
a supply of sniperscopes (specially constructed rifles, fitted with
periscopes, for firing from a trench without looking directly over the
parapet), which formed most useful additions to our trench stores, and
seemed to cause the enemy considerable annoyance, and that we were
able on one or two occasions to make good practice with Col. Fowler's
Elephant Gun against some of the enemy's loophole plates. On September
25th, in conjunction with attacks by the French and British, on
various other parts of the Western front, we had to "demonstrate" by
means of artillery, machine gun and rifle fire, and a dummy gas and
smoke attack, which was to be provided by burning on the parapet of
the front line trenches large quantities of damp straw, which had been
carried up with much labour, and a good deal of very frank comment.
Much to the relief of those intimately concerned with this bonfire,
the wind on the day of the attack was unfavourable, and the straw at
least did not end in smoke. The demonstration provided some amusement
to our Grenadiers, who, with the assistance of a "Gamage" catapult,
and two West Spring Throwers succeeded, to their immense delight in
bursting the old Béthune bomb as shrapnel over the German trenches. It
was only when the last bomb was thrown that Sergt. G. F. Foster, the
stoutest Bomber that ever lived and fell, ended a demonstration which
can hardly have caused a flutter in the dove-cotes of the German
Higher Command.
Here, as on many other occasions, all ranks would have worked more
intelligently, and with greater personal satisfaction, if they had
known something of the general plan, and the part they were being
asked to play. This plan really must have been a big thing, for some
one was kind enough to send us a lot of literature on such subjects
as "How to guard against spies in newly captured territory," and
generally how to behave there; whilst maps and other documents gave us
the most intricate detail of every well, and other supply of water for
at least 20 miles East of where we were. Evidently the sender was an
optimist!
On the 30th September, the 8th Lincolns took over from us in support
in the Canal dug-outs. The enemy having already given us an extremely
unpleasant afternoon chose this very inconvenient occasion for
"putting up" a mine under the trenches held by the 6th Battalion, on
the South side of the Canal. This operation and the accompanying
bombardment involved a stand-to, and caused a certain number of
casualties both in the trenches and among the troops in the support
dug-outs. The relief was, however, duly carried out, and the Battalion
marched back to tents near Ouderdom in the early hours of October 1st,
where a little later in the day General Allenby came to say goodbye
and wish us luck in our new sphere of action.
We had previously, on September 21st, had the honour of being
inspected by General Plumer, commanding the Second Army, who expressed
himself as very satisfied with the smart turnout of the Battalion. We
were still very weak, though we had continued to receive small drafts
of reinforcements, and had been joined by five new Officers, 2nd
Lieuts. G. H. F. Payling, R. T. Skinner, R. A. Abrams, G. H. Fisher,
and C. Pickerell; "Dolly" Gray also came out again and rejoined. We
had, however, lost Capt. Collin, the Adjutant, who had just left to
take up a Staff Captaincy, and his place after being held for a few
days by Lieut. A. Hacking, was now taken by Lieut. Weetman, who had
just rejoined. Capt. Piggford had gone home sick, and 2nd Lieut. P. C.
Hemingway wounded; and we had also recently lost M. Lacolle, our one
and only Battalion Interpreter. Henceforth we were not to be allowed
this luxury.
It is, perhaps, not out of place to mention here an interesting little
episode which had taken place at home, namely the depositing of the
Colours in Newark Parish Church. This ceremony was carried out on July
24th, and was attended by the Mayor and Corporation of Newark.
Lieut.-Col. G. S. Foljambe was in charge of the parade, and Capt. R.
F. B. Hodgkinson commanded the escort to the Colours, which were
carried by 2nd Lieuts. R. J. Shipley and C. Pickerell.
CHAPTER IV
HOHENZOLLERN REDOUBT
_October 1st, 1915._ _October 17th, 1915._
We packed up during the afternoon of October 1st, and in the evening
marched to Abeele, where we entrained for a destination unknown to
most of us, but presumed to be somewhere in the far South. We made
ourselves as comfortable as we could for the expected long journey,
only to be rudely awakened after what seemed to be a five minutes'
sleep, and turned out into the cold dark night at Fouquereuil, a
suburb of Béthune. The remainder of the night was spent at a somewhat
elusive Orphanage in the town itself. On the following day we moved
into billets at the Northern end of the town on the banks of the La
Bassée Canal, where we were joined by the Transport which had come
from Ouderdom by road. October 3rd saw us once more on the move to
Mont Bernenchon, a clean, attractive little village, a few miles N.W.
of Béthune. Our hopes of spending a day or two in peace were soon
shattered, for on the following day we made what seemed to be another
emergency move to Béthune, where we embussed for regions unknown.
Shortly after dark we arrived at Vermelles, and picked up guides, who
led us as only guides can, to what proved to be a portion of the
German front line system captured in the fighting a few days before.
The trenches, which were near the "Lone Tree," and within sight of the
famous "Tower Bridge" at Loos, were little damaged, and seemed to have
been captured without a great deal of fighting, but the incessant rain
and scarcity of habitable dug-outs made our stay as uncomfortable as
the most hardened stoic could have desired. Our work consisted of
reversing portions of the original German support trench to form a
fire trench facing the other way. Owing to the distance to the then
German line (1,000 to 1,500 yards) and the low visibility, we were
able to work openly and practically unmolested. Our only casualties
were the result of an unlucky shell which fell on the morning of
October 5th, amongst a party of Signallers, killing L.-Sergt. C. E.
Harrison, Signalling Sergeant, and three men, whilst another man died
of wounds a few days later.
The same evening we got orders to leave the trenches, and after a
thoroughly unpleasant tramp, in heavy rain and thick darkness over the
slippery chalk tracks, which were guess-work to most of us, we arrived
soon after midnight at Mazingarbe, which for dirt, damp, and general
cheerlessness, almost rivalled our never-to-be-forgotten billets at
Bac-St. Maur. So ended a beastly, tiring, and, for all we ever
learned, quite purposeless expedition.
After a short meal and much needed rest we felt fit for anything, and
made light of the trek on the early morning of October 6th, to our
rest billets, which we found at Fouquières, a nice clean little
village about a mile west of Béthune. Here we found ourselves, for a
short time, in peace and something approaching luxury.
Our move South had brought us into the First Army (General Haig) and
XI Corps. (Lt.-General Haking), which had been busy in the recent
fighting, and we now learned definitely for the first time that in the
further fighting that was shortly to take place we were to play a
prominent part. On Saturday, October 9th, preliminary orders and plans
were issued, and we learned that our task was to be the capture of the
"Hohenzollern Redoubt" and "Fosse 8," an admirably constructed scale
model of which had been made on the ground outside Divisional
Headquarters at Gosnay, where Officers and N.C.O.'s (and stray
inhabitants) spent some time in a careful and interested examination
of it.
In addition, a somewhat hurried reconnaissance of the position itself
was made by Col. Fowler and the Company Commanders from our trenches
in front of Vermelles, from which the attack was to be made. In the
short space of a couple of hours they endeavoured to get a working
knowledge of the maze of communication trenches, and the hostile
ground over which, if all went well, we should have to advance. Sunday
was spent in Church Parade, and in going again through the preliminary
orders and plans, and in the afternoon the Corps Commander interviewed
the Officers of the Division at Divisional Headquarters. We were then
told something more as to the reason and general plan of the attack,
and were informed that we should be supported by the heaviest
concentration of artillery yet known in the war--400 guns of all
calibres,--that all contingencies had been provided for, and that in
spite of the strength of the position, we should probably encounter
very little opposition before reaching our objective.
The object of the attack, which was to be undertaken by the XI Corps,
was to establish the left flank of the First Army, and to render
possible a further advance in conjunction with the French on the
South. The objective included the "Quarries" and Fosse 8, the 46th
Division being allotted the task of capturing the Hohenzollern Redoubt
and Fosse 8, whilst the 12th Division was to attack on our right, and
be responsible for the Quarries. The Fosse and surroundings had
already been in our hands once, having been attacked and captured
during the last week in September by the 9th Division, who
unfortunately, however, had been compelled to withdraw, and a
subsequent attempt by the 28th Division to recapture it had also
proved a dismal failure. What, we wondered, was in store for the 46th
Division?
Fosse 8 is, or rather was, a typical colliery pit, with the usual
winding and head gear and other plant, and pit-head pile of slag
(called in this case "The Dump"), which like its neighbour, the famous
Tower of Wingles, overlooked the whole position, whilst in rear there
were the usual rows of miners' cottages. These cottages (called
"Corons") had cellars, and were thus very easy to defend with machine
guns, which could fire with great effect, and comparative safety, from
ground level. In front of the Fosse and protecting it lay the
Hohenzollern Redoubt, consisting of a salient trench system shaped
rather like a big bean, and projecting well in front of the German
main system, to which it was connected by communication trenches, and
by two flank trenches known as "Big Willie" and "Little Willie." The
importance of the position lay in the fact that it was on the top of a
gentle rise, giving command and good observation of our position on
either side. Its capture was rendered difficult by the fact that the
ground in front of it was level, and almost devoid of cover, affording
a very fine field of fire, which could be swept from practically every
direction. From our trenches very little could be seen except the
Dump, and the roof of the manager's house.
The attack was to be carried out by the 137th Brigade on the right
under Brigadier-General E. Feetham, C.B., and the 138th Brigade on the
left under Brigadier-General G. C. Kemp, whilst the 139th Brigade were
to be in Divisional Reserve under Brigadier-General C. T. Shipley. To
the 137th Brigade were attached 100 Grenadiers from the 139th Brigade,
two sections Divisional Cyclist Company, and the 1/2nd Field Company,
Royal Engineers (less one section), and to the 138th Brigade, the 1st
Monmouthshire Regiment (Divisional Pioneer Battalion), 125 Grenadiers
from the 139th Brigade, two sections Divisional Cyclist Company, and
the 1/1st Field Company, Royal Engineers (less one section), whilst
General Shipley's Divisional Reserve consisted of the 139th Brigade
(less 225 Grenadiers), one Platoon Divisional Cyclist Company, and two
Troops Yorkshire Hussars. The covering Artillery consisted of three
groups of heavy Artillery under the Corps Commander, and one group of
Divisional Artillery (six Brigades of 18-pounders, and one Brigade of
4.5 Howitzers).
To his immense pleasure, 2nd Lieut. R. E. Hemingway, our Battalion
Grenade Officer, was put in charge of the Grenadiers attached to the
138th Brigade, the party also including the Battalion Grenadier
Sergeant, G. F. Foster. Bombing was now entering on the period of its
greatest importance--always in our humble opinion greatly exaggerated.
The Mills bomb was rapidly ousting all other kinds, and shortly became
almost the only one in normal use. Much time was put in at throwing
practice, and every kind of artifice was adopted by instructors to
make it interesting, and at the same time improve the aim and distance
thrown. A "platoon" of "grenadiers," as they were at first called, was
formed in each Battalion, consisting of a Grenadier Officer, a
sergeant and 32 men, (eight from each Company), and to show how much
we respected them, we put them when on the march at the head of the
Battalion. There was a Brigade Grenadier Officer too, who made himself
generally responsible for the training and work of Grenadiers
throughout the Brigade. The first Officer appointed to this post in
our Brigade was Lieut. A. Hacking, who had taken over the duties just
before the Hohenzollern battle. The task allotted to the Grenadiers in
this fight, was to bomb the various communication trenches leading
from "West Face" to "Fosse Trench," clear dug-outs and establish
blocks in "Fosse Alley."
Information regarding the enemy, gained by Corps Intelligence during
the attacks of September 25th, and following days from our own
Officers, and from the examination of prisoners, was to the effect
that the enemy trenches in the Redoubt, with the exception of "Dump
Trench" and "South Face," were badly damaged and not strongly wired,
that previous attacks had been exposed to heavy enfilade fire from
"Mad Point" or "Madagascar," that it was not thought there would be
much enfilade fire from the South-East, and that it was not necessary
to waste a lot of heavy shell on the Dump, as it could be made
untenable by both sides. How far this was justifiable will be seen.
Our few days at Fouquières passed very quickly in the bustle of
completing equipment, going again and again with all ranks through the
maps and plans of attack, detailing and organising bombing squads in
the place of those detached for duty with the other Brigades, and
writing last letters home "in case----" There was little or no
excitement. We had most of us seen too much by this time to be either
unduly pessimistic or over-confident about our own chances, so that
everything seemed to go quietly and smoothly. The first steel helmets
had just arrived--quaint, antique, Japanese looking things, with
ingenious corrugations to catch the bullets--and were issued to the
Machine Gunners, who had also received the first supply of the new Box
Respirator, issued in place of the Smoke Helmet. The Machine Gun
section was now commanded by Lieut. Adams.
It was at 3.45 p.m. on October 12th, after making our final
inspections and collecting blankets, packs and other surplus stores at
a convenient barn, that we moved off from Fouquières on a fine Autumn
afternoon, leaving behind only 2nd Lieut. Gray, and a few odd men, who
were not fit to go into action. Transport marched in rear of the
Battalion to temporary lines behind Noyelles, where it remained until
after the battle.
We had a very pleasant and easy march up to Vermelles, where a halt
was made for tea. Here we were passed by one of the Stafford
Battalions who were to make the assault. It was too dark to see their
faces, but their voices were full of confidence and cheeriness, which
it did one good to hear.
A temporary Quarter-Master's Stores was fitted up at "Clarke's Keep,"
Vermelles, where Companies picked up their rations for the 13th, water
in petrol tins, grenades, Vermorel sprayers, and other odds and ends
likely to be required. An emergency ration of cold bacon and bread was
also issued.
Eventually after a very slow march through Vermelles, which was a
seething mass of men and transport, we arrived about 11 p.m. at our
assembly position in "Sussex Trench," where space was allotted to us
by Lieut. C. L. Hill, Signalling Officer, who had gone on ahead with a
few Signallers for that purpose. We soon settled down and made the
best we could of what remained of the night. This was not long, for
the carrying parties for the 138th Brigade, and others had to report
for duty at Clarke's Keep at 6 a.m. on October 13th. In all we
provided a total of five Officers and 300 other ranks for this duty,
and they were busy most of the morning taking up to the front line
such necessary articles as rations, water, grenades, and rum. His
devotion to the last-named duty was too much for one bloodthirsty, but
very ill-disciplined member of the Battalion, who became
"non-effective" in consequence, and was reported by someone, who saw
him lying in the bottom of a communication trench, as "dead--shot
through the head." He was "dead" right enough, but he lived to
fight--and, it is feared to "die" again--another day!
Our artillery fire during the morning was normal, "so as not to arouse
the suspicions of the Germans," who, as a fact, probably knew quite
as much as most of us about the time and nature of our attack. But at
12.0 noon, every gun began in real earnest, and it was possible to
stand on the firestep of our trench, and get an undisturbed, if rather
distant, view of the shells bursting all over the German trenches.
After half-an-hour of this most unusual, but very pleasing spectacle,
one felt that there would be little left for us to attack.
At 1 p.m. the greenish yellow clouds of smoke and chlorine gas (known
for some time as "The Auxiliary") discharged from cylinders in our
front line began to roll towards the enemy lines, the breeze being
exactly right both in strength and direction, and we became happier
still at the thought of paying the Germans back in their own coin.
During the whole of our bombardment we could hear very little reply
from the German guns, though from time to time we could see a few
"woolly bears" and other shell-bursts, at odd points about the forward
trenches. Probably they were saving most of their fire for the actual
assault, and except for a stray machine gun bullet or two, we
ourselves were in no kind of danger. One of those, however, which must
have dropped at a steep angle, slightly wounded Regimental Sergt-Major
Mounteney, who was standing in the trench with the Officers of
Battalion Headquarters. He had only rejoined from England a few days
before, and was our first casualty in the attack.
At 1.50 p.m. the gas discharge ceased, but the smoke was continued
until 2.0 p.m., when our guns "lifted" from the enemy front line, and
the 137th and 138th Brigades began the assault. As the smoke cleared
away, we could get a fair view of a portion of the attacking troops
(Staffords) on the right as they went steadily, and apparently in
excellent order over the top, but, almost at the same time we heard
with surprise and dismay, the somewhat slow "tap-tap" of numbers of
those enemy machine guns, which were to have been so completely
silenced by our bombardment! We watched the Staffords for a few
moments until they disappeared from view.
Then followed a period of anxious waiting, and the only information we
got was to the effect that the 138th Brigade on the left had
practically gained their portion of the Redoubt.
Soon after 3 o'clock, we received orders to move forward, and began to
proceed by way of "Inverness Trench," "Bomb Alley" and "Left Boyau" to
"Reserve Trench." Movement was very slow, owing to the congestion of
the traffic, and the narrowness of the trenches, and took a long time
to complete. There we were destined to remain for several hours, and
suffered a few casualties from shell fire, apparently directed at the
junctions of the trench with "Central" and "Right Boyaux." We were now
nominally at the disposal of General Officer Commanding 137th Brigade,
but never received any orders from him, and eventually drifted to the
command of General Officer Commanding 138th Brigade.
Traffic became more and more congested by the stream of wounded which
was now pouring down Central Boyau and "Barts Alley," and by carrying
parties and supports endeavouring to get along the Reserve Trench up
to the Redoubt.
Soon we began to gather scraps of information from those who were
coming down, and to realise that things were going far from well. The
usual answer was "Don't ask me, all I know is it's Hell up there!" It
was now getting too dark to see, and we could only gather that at any
rate we were holding the West Face and having a pretty bad time in
doing so; also that our Grenadiers attached to the 138th Brigade, had
suffered heavily. Sergt. G. F. Foster was carried down dying from
wounds in the body, and Hemingway was reported to be dangerously
wounded, if not already dead.
Things had not gone well. As we learned afterwards the attack of the
Staffords on the right had been held up almost immediately by machine
gun fire, and very little ground had been made. On the left, the
Lincolns and Leicesters at first were more fortunate, and reaching
West Face with comparatively few casualties, began to make their way
up to Fosse Trench. But the further they advanced, the more heavy
became their losses, until eventually the advance came to a
standstill, the furthest point reached being about 100 yards from
Fosse Trench. From these more advanced positions they were gradually
forced back, until only the West Face was in our hands. It is
abundantly clear that the effect of our bombardment did not come up to
expectations, and that many machine guns were untouched, and, worst of
all, that the Dump, on which "heavy shell need not be wasted, as it
could be made untenable by either side," proved to be a miniature
Gibraltar, honeycombed with shafts and galleries leading to concealed
machine gun emplacements. Small wonder that little ground could be
made or held in the face of such defences.
The news that things were going badly induced a Battalion Commander of
another Brigade, whose Battalion had been taken from him piecemeal and
scattered to the four winds of heaven, to order A Company, in the
absence of Col. Fowler, to go across to the Redoubt to reinforce the
troops there. Information, however, was brought by L.-Corpl. Simpson
of A Company (killed a few hours later), who made a rapid and
courageous journey over the open to West Face, to the effect that that
trench was already overcrowded, and that the troops there required
thinning, rather than reinforcing.
It was now getting late and things seemed to be in a very
unsatisfactory state, when orders were issued by Col. Fowler, who had
met General Kemp in the trenches, and received verbal instructions to
be prepared to carry out an attack at short notice on the right
portion of the Redoubt, for Companies (except B who were detached for
other work) to begin to move up in readiness to our front line
trenches. This movement began about 9.0 p.m. very slowly along Reserve
Trench and "Hayward's Heath." The difficulty of moving a Battalion at
night, in single file, through a maze of unfamiliar trenches without
losing touch, may be better imagined than described, and it was after
midnight before we had covered the 400 or 500 yards, which was all we
had to do.
Whilst this was going on Col. Fowler and the Adjutant, accompanied by
the Staff Captain, Major Wordsworth, made a hasty reconnaissance of
the position, and found that elements of the 138th Brigade and
Monmouths were holding the North-Western portion of West Face, whilst
the Eastern portion of Big Willie was held by the 6th Battalion.
Except for a short distance near the barricade on each flank, the
trench between these points was held by the enemy.
At 2.45 a.m. on October 14th, we received from General Officer
Commanding 138th Brigade, written orders to attack and consolidate "as
soon as possible" the South-Eastern portion of West Face, the junction
of South Face and Big Willie (shewn on the map as Point 60), and if
possible the "Chord" of the Redoubt. The order stated that the 6th
Battalion in Big Willie would co-operate by a bombing attack along
that trench "at the same time." Owing to the difficulty of getting
messages to and fro, in the maze of unknown trenches in the dark, it
was quite impossible to get in touch with the 6th Battalion so as to
give them any idea when our attack would begin, so that we were not
able to rely on getting much help from them. The Commanding Officer
decided that two Companies would be sufficient for the attack, which
was of course going to be without artillery support, and A Company
(Major A. L. Ashwell), and D Company (Capt. B. W. Vann), were
detailed. A hasty conference was arranged at a small dug-out at which
Col. Fowler, who intended himself to lead the attack, gave the few
orders that were possible in the circumstances:--"A quiet advance, no
firing, and in with the bayonet."
Owing to the darkness and the unfamiliar ground, it was necessary to
make some arrangement for keeping direction. Major Becher was,
therefore, sent across to the West Face, with instructions to stay at
the extreme right flank of the 138th Brigade position, and there to
show a light from a flash lamp on which the left flank of our attack
would be directed.
As soon as this was settled, and Company Commanders had issued their
instructions, we began to deploy in front of our original front line
trench, as nearly as possible opposite our objective.
It was again a very slow job getting the men out of the deep and
narrow support trenches, and over a single duck-board bridge across
the front line into position; indeed many men of D Company never
received the order at all, and remained in the support trench in
ignorance of what was going on. The men were extended to about four
paces, D Company on the right, A on the left. This movement was
carried out very quietly, with entire absence of hesitation or
confusion, and the men were then dressed as nearly as possible on the
required alignment--no easy matter when one has only a map, and has
never seen the objective or the ground in front of it. Rifles were
loaded and bayonets fixed, Col. Fowler with characteristic
unselfishness, giving his rifle to an Officer who had a bayonet, but
no rifle to put it on. All these preliminaries were carried out
without attracting the attention of the enemy, who were about 250
yards away. Finally at about 3.45 a.m. the order was given to advance,
keeping our left flank on Becher's lamp, which we could see from time
to time across the intervening ground. It was a strange experience,
this slow night advance through the darkness and mist in the almost
uncanny stillness which, sooner or later, always follows heavy
fighting; so like what many of us had done in peace-time "night-ops,"
that it was difficult to realise that this was war, and would end in
hand-to-hand fighting; that, however quietly we went, we must
eventually be discovered, and perhaps swept away by machine gun and
rifle fire. The ground was for the most part level, and not badly cut
up, and there was little wire. A few of our dead, one or two severely
wounded still struggling painfully back to our lines, and a number of
abandoned rifles were all that were left to show what had happened on
the previous day. When we were about half-way across it was realised
that we were getting too far to the left, and direction was changed
half-right. It was not until the right of the line was close up to the
old German wire, that we were discovered. Fire was opened from
somewhere half-right, probably in the neighbourhood of Point 60, but
it was not severe, and only a few casualties were caused. On arriving
at West Face it was found to be practically empty on the right, the
few Germans who had been there having probably left hurriedly as we
approached. On the left we found a mixed crowd of Lincolns,
Leicesters, and Monmouths, with a few Robin Hoods, all under the
command of Col. Evill, of the Monmouths. Many of them were wounded,
and nearly all were exhausted by their dreadful experiences of the
previous day. Our arrival was, therefore, very opportune and put
fresh life into them.
It was now quite evident that we had come too far to the left, and
although we had gained 100 yards or so of the West Face, our right
flank was not in touch with the 6th Battalion in Big Willie. In their
eagerness to get at the Germans, and urged on by the shouts of the
Lincolns and Leicesters, the left half of A Company ran through the
West Face and began pushing on. The enemy, however, were waking up,
and our men were met with much heavier fire, which, although unaimed,
caused a number of casualties. Edge was severely wounded in the arm
and chest, and Everard Handford was killed instantaneously by a bullet
in the head, whilst numbers of men also fell. It was then seen that
any further advance was out of the question. The only thing to be done
was to consolidate what we had, and try to extend our gains laterally
by bombing along the West Face. Grenadiers and grenades (English and
German) were collected, parties were organised by Ashwell and Vann,
and several more yards of trench were gained. Strachan leading one of
these along the trench with utter fearlessness was never seen again,
and was probably killed at once. Shortage of grenades soon made it
clear that we must stop and build a barricade to hold up the Germans,
who as usual seemed to have a never-ending supply.
On the extreme right, Vann and others of D Company had come across
some Boches out of the trench, apparently preparing to make an attack
over the open. Most of these were slaughtered, and the rest made all
possible haste back to their trench. This appears to have been part of
an organised counter-attack, as the enemy tried a similar attack on
the left as well, which also failed. Nothing was heard of the bombing
in Big Willie by the 6th Battalion, but we learnt afterwards that
they had made several attempts to progress along that trench without
success.
All available tools and sandbags were got together in the trench to
build a barricade at the right flank. It was now getting light, and
this was attended with much danger, and in the work of filling
sandbags and placing them at the barricade, we had several men killed
in a very short time.
Vann had already been wounded by a bullet in the left forearm, and had
gone down to be dressed, returning with his usual courage and
tenacity, after having his wound attended to. The Commanding Officer,
however, would not let him stay, and he had to go down again to
hospital. Ashwell was hit by a bullet in the right shoulder a few
minutes after Vann, and he, too, had to leave us.
The enemy were not more than fifty yards away, and the least exposure
brought a bullet with deadly aim, though in this respect they did not
have things entirely their own way. We could distinctly see the tops
of their helmets over the parapet, and at one time there was such a
collection that we thought they were going to attack, but nothing came
of it, and we settled down to work again. There was no wire or
obstacle of any kind between the two trenches. We were too close to
get our guns on to them, otherwise we could have done much execution.
Practically all the work on the right was done by men of D Company,
who eventually made a barricade, which was more or less bullet-proof,
and dug a length of trench to protect that flank. Here Sergt. W. L.
Green did excellent work, encouraging everyone by his fine example.
For nearly 24 hours he stuck to his post in spite of bombs and rifle
fire. He was ably assisted by Sergt. Turgoose and Pvtes. Keeling,
Hubbard, Dickinson, Offord and Sly of D Company, also Pvte. F.
Attenborough of A Company, whilst L.-Corpl. Skelton did splendid work
in attending to wounded.
Meanwhile Col. Fowler had made arrangements for the defence of the
trench on the left, from which, much to their relief the Lincolns,
Leicesters, and Monmouths, had been withdrawn during the early hours
of the morning. Their place had been taken by A Company, which having
lost all its Officers, was now commanded by Sergt. L. Bell. Parties
were set to work to improve the trench, which was badly knocked about,
and during the following night the Company dug a new trench a few
yards in front, in order to get a better field of fire and for better
protection. The Northern end of West Face was all this time held by
the 7th Battalion.
C Company (Capt. H. B. S. Handford, in place of Capt. G. S. Heathcote,
who had left to do duty at the Base) who had been left behind in
Hayward's Heath when A and D Companies went over to attack, stayed
there until 5.0 a.m. when 2nd Lieut. R. A. Abrams and a party of 15
were detailed to carry grenades up to A Company in the Redoubt, where
many of them remained. The rest of the Company moved up to a
communication trench near the original front line, where they received
orders from a Battalion Commander of another Brigade, to carry water
and grenades over the open to the Redoubt. They started shortly after
7.30 a.m., but as it was quite light, they were seen immediately, and
heavy machine gun and rifle fire was opened on them at once. Basil
Handford and several others were killed instantaneously, and several
were wounded. The attempt was foredoomed to failure, and the men were
ordered back into the trench. For the rest of the day they helped to
carry stores to the Redoubt by way of a new communication trench and
to fetch in and attend to the wounded. Very gallant work was done in
this operation by Comp. Sergt.-Major Haywood, Sergts. Leivers and
Bexton, and Pvtes. Winterbottom, Allen, and Eyre.
B Company (Capt. Turner) had been detached about 5.0 p.m. on October
13th, and ordered to proceed over the open to reinforce the garrison
of our original front line. They remained for some time in the old
support line, from which all the Company Grenadiers were sent up to
reinforce the men in the Redoubt. One of these, L.-Corpl. G. W. Moore,
did very gallant work in remaining alone for three-quarters-of-an-hour
on the enemy's side of a barricade, which was being built up behind
him, and then continued to bomb the enemy for eight hours. The Company
was later ordered to dig a communication trench to link up the Redoubt
with our old front line. They started about 9.0 p.m., and worked
continuously on it throughout the night, much of the time under heavy
rifle fire, and by dawn a serviceable trench had been dug, and a very
important communication established. Capt. Turner was congratulated by
the Officer Commanding the 7th Battalion on the very good work of his
Company, in the supervision of which he had been most ably assisted by
Sergt. Rawding.
[Illustration: Map to illustrate the Battle of HOHENZOLLERN. October
13th-15th. 1915.]
October 14th seemed a never-ending day for those in the Redoubt.
Fortunately in a way, the lines were too close together for us to be
shelled, but bombing went on almost uninterruptedly, and our
casualties mounted rapidly. Grenadier reinforcements were sent along
from time to time from every Company in the Battalion, also from the
5th Battalion, whilst 2nd Lieut. G. H. Fisher, who was acting as
Grenade Officer in the absence of Hemingway, came up during the
morning, and at the right barricade displayed the greatest courage
until he was badly wounded and had to leave, dying a few days later.
Bombing was also going on at the left barricade, and throughout the
day from one flank or the other, the cry was ever "more bombs" or
"more Bombers." We had fortunately been able to get a signal line up
to the Redoubt, and a station established there, in a fairly deep
dug-out, so that most of the time we were in telephonic communication
with those behind.
Our relief promised for the night of October 14th, never came, and we
were compelled, alas, to remain in the Redoubt. Everyone was tired
out, having had little or no sleep, and very little food, for 48
hours. As soon as it was dark the Sappers put out some wire in front
of West Face, which encouraged us considerably, and we got through the
night without any untoward incident. About 6.30 a.m., on the morning
of October 15th, we were relieved in West Face by portions of the 5th
and 6th Battalions, and by Grenadiers of the Irish Guards, and
withdrawn to "Railway Reserve Trench," where we joined up with the
remainder of B and C Companies. By the tragic irony of fate, as the
Guards were actually filing into West Face and the relief was nearly
complete, Col. Fowler, who was taking a last glance over the top to
see if he could find any trace of Major Becher, the last signs of whom
had been the flashes of his lamp, to guide us across to the
Redoubt--was killed instantaneously by a sniper's bullet. So
determined had he been to find Becher, that he had himself gone out
during the night with Sergt. Stokes in a gallant but unsuccessful
endeavour to find him.
Major J. E. Blackwall of the 6th Battalion took over the remnants of
the Battalion the same evening, and shortly before midnight we were
devoutly thankful to be relieved by the Irish Guards. As the relief
was taking place, the enemy attempted an attack against the garrison
of West Face, but as this was now swelled by the relieving troops,
they got rather more than they bargained for, and were beaten off with
heavy loss. At the same time they put down quite a barrage on the
reserve trenches, and made our relief distinctly unpleasant, but
eventually we got it completed without further casualty.
Much to our delight, just before leaving, we heard that Becher had
been found. It appears that whilst we were going over to the attack,
he had been bombed by the Boches, and badly wounded, as also had
Daniels, his batman, who was with him. They got separated, but both
managed to crawl away, though Becher eventually had to lie by in an
old bit of trench near the German lines. It was from here that, after
having been discovered by an Officer of the Leicesters, he was
eventually rescued on October 15th, by Comp. Sergt.-Major Haywood, and
L.-Sergt. T. Martin, who carried him a distance of 200 yards under
more or less continuous rifle fire. Alas, however, he was not to
recover, and after lingering on for ten weeks, he died in hospital on
January 1st, 1916. In John Becher the Battalion lost one who was
beloved by all, who had throughout ever had at heart the welfare of
his men, whether in or out of the trenches, at work or at play. What
he did in the early trench days at Kemmel, was known to few. Often and
often he was out on patrol at night in "No Man's Land," mainly for the
sake of example, for it was part of his creed never to tell a man to
do anything that he would not dare to do himself. He lies buried in
the British cemetery at Abbeville. It was a hard fate that struck down
John Becher and his two brothers-in-law, Basil and Everard
Handford--two of the most promising young Officers in the
Battalion--within a few hours of each other.
Much untiring energy and devotion were shewn by many during these
strenuous three days, not by any means the least by our Medical
Officer, Capt. C. B. Johnstone, and his stretcher bearers. Johnstone
himself worked almost incessantly for over 48 hours in attending the
wounded, and in many cases helped to carry them long distances, often
under heavy fire. To him and all his helpers are due our grateful
thanks for their work on that occasion.
On relief we marched out to the Transport Lines behind Noyelles,
where, in the early hours of October 16th, we got some most welcome
and refreshing tea, supplied by Torrance and his followers, and then
moved on, most of us more asleep than awake, to Vaudricourt, where we
arrived about 6.30 a.m., and at once got down to sleep in some of the
poorest billets it was ever our misfortune to strike.
Thus ended the more or less fruitless battle of Hohenzollern Redoubt.
Though we held a portion of the Redoubt as a result of the fighting,
it was of no tactical value, and indeed later on was evacuated or
blown up. The 12th Division fared no better, and we can only look back
on the whole attack as, through no fault of our own, a dismal failure.
The battle caused us enormous casualties, all to no purpose. Our
Battalion alone lost seven Officers and 35 other ranks killed or died
of wounds, three Officers and 132 other ranks wounded, and 14 missing,
all of whom were afterwards found to have been killed. Amongst the
casualties were Sergt. H. Hall, killed, and Sergts. Archer, Burn,
Barrow, and I. B. Bell and Corpl. Bruerton wounded.
It was a pleasure to all to hear a little later that for his gallantry
and splendid work in this attack, and on many other occasions, "Pat"
Ashwell was awarded a well-deserved D.S.O.
At 5.0 p.m. on the afternoon of October 17th, the whole Battalion and
many Officers of the Brigade and Division, attended the funeral of our
beloved Colonel in the English cemetery, under the Church at
Fouquières, the service being taken by his old friend Padre Hales.
Some 18 months afterwards the Battalion arrived in billets six miles
away from this spot, after a long and tiring march. They were expected
to move into the line the next day, and some Officers who were lucky
enough to be mounted, rode over to see the Colonel's grave. Around the
grave, which had been carefully looked after by the Curé and other
kind friends, and was covered with snowdrops and daffodils just in
bloom, they found a number of the old Warrant Officers and N.C.O.'s of
the Battalion paying a silent tribute to their old Commanding Officer.
Such a tribute, surely is the finest testimonial to the character of a
man who ever inspired in all ranks an affection and respect, which can
never have been exceeded in any unit of the army.
CHAPTER V
RICHEBOURG--MARSEILLES--CANDAS
_October 18th, 1915._ _March 5th, 1916._
We were now little more than a skeleton of a Battalion, so that the
arrival of 103 reinforcements, including Sergt. E. E. Deverall, was
very welcome, but so far as Officers were concerned we remained for
the moment very depleted. Capt. Turner remained in command of B
Company; Lieut. E. M. Hacking took over A; Lieut. Abrams C, and Lieut.
Gray D.
Major-General Stuart-Wortley came to see us on October 18th, when the
Battalion paraded in a field just outside Vaudricourt, and thanked us
for our work in the battle, and spoke to a few of the N.C.O.'s and
men, whose names had been forwarded as having done specially well.
The following day we were not sorry to leave our wretched billets and
march to Lapugnoy, where we got very comfortable quarters, and stayed
for a week. Here we were able to do a little reorganising, and were
fortunate in getting several new subalterns, viz.: 2nd Lieuts. A.
Andrews, H. R. Peerless, who shortly became Battalion Grenade Officer,
F. E. Kebblewhite, C. H. Powell, A. H. G. Cox, E. Hopkinson (formerly
Comp. Sergt.-Major of C Company) and H. B. Hammond. With their welcome
arrival. Companies got more or less into shape. We were unfortunate in
having to send a large party by 'bus one day to Sailly Labourse, to
help to fetch out the empty gas cylinders from the Hohenzollern
trenches, but on the whole the few days spent at Lapugnoy were very
pleasant. The "Whizzbangs" were in the same village, and gave several
good shows, which after our recent gruelling were very refreshing, the
more so as on this occasion they were assisted by two French ladies,
who, needless to say, added enormously to the attraction.
The "Vin blink" of Lapugnoy was also most attractive, and apparently
rather more than usually potent, for it was undoubtedly the cause of
casualties amongst all ranks. We left there on October 26th, and
marched to Béthune, where we were again fortunate in being comfortably
billeted at the Orphanage, with Officers' billets and Headquarters'
Mess in the Rue de Lille.
Two days later, on October 28th, a review of troops of the XI Corps,
was held by the King and the Prince of Wales at Hesdigneul.
Representatives of all units of the 46th Division were included in the
parade, to which we contributed a composite Company of six Officers
and 250 other ranks, under Capt. Davenport. The parade ground was a
newly ploughed field, and as for several days previously there had
been heavy rain the conditions were extremely unfavourable. After
taking the salute, the King went on to inspect another unit in an
adjoining field, where, unfortunately, he had a nasty accident, and
the last we saw of him was driving away from the parade ground and
looking very ill.
Further reinforcements joined us at Béthune, mostly from entrenching
Battalions, making our strength up to more normal figures, though for
many months to come, we seldom exceeded 600 to 700 all told. Capt.
Hill was appointed to command D Company, 2nd Lieut. Cox succeeding him
as Signalling Officer. Mounteney rejoined and resumed his duties as
Regimental Sergt.-Major.
Our next move was to the Richebourg sector--probably the most
miserable trenches we ever met with, and then held by Indian troops.
Leaving Béthune on November 4th, we proceeded via Epinette, where we
spent one night, to Vieille Chapelle and relieved the 58th Rifles
(Meerut Division) in front line trenches on November 6th, with
Battalion Headquarters in "Edward Road," just behind Richebourg
L'Avoué, and the front line a little in front of that village, and
just South of Neuve Chapelle. This was a bad country for trenches,
being flat and low lying, with the water level even at normal times
very near the surface. The Boche as usual had such high ground as
there was. This was mainly in the region of the Bois du Biez on our
left, from which he got a fair view over much of our area. The Indians
had done little trench work, and all that was taken over was a very
poor front line, with a few scraps of support trenches, and one or two
communication trenches, mostly full of water. It was during our first
tour that a waggish Hun called out one night, after one of our Very
lights had made rather a worse display than usual, "Better luck next
time. I'll shew you how to send them "--which he promptly did, adding
later, "I don't want to fight, I've had enough of the war." Towards
the end of our stay in this area, we came across another talkative lot
of Boches, who had a good deal to say one night, enquiring what
regiment we were, and making various remarks about cigarettes and plum
puddings.
It was towards the end of our first tour that we had the first of our
happily few casualties in this area, Lieut. Houfton being killed early
in the morning of November 11th. He was endeavouring to make his way
with Lieut. Abrams along an absolutely water-logged trench to "Boar's
Head," the extreme right of our Battalion sector, and they were
evidently being carefully watched by a Boche sniper, who was
doubtless able from time to time to catch a glimpse of their caps
above the parapet. Eventually, when they got to a spot where the
parapet was particularly low, he fired, the bullet killing Houfton,
and passing through the peak of Abrams' cap. Sergt. T. Martin
gallantly went to Houfton's aid, across 400 yards of very difficult
and exposed ground.
The front we held was changed somewhat after a time, and we
side-stepped to the left, with Battalion Headquarters in dug-outs, at
the side of the Rue du Bois. The few odd houses left along this road
were mostly used by the Gunners as observation posts, the principal
being "Ritz," "Carlton," "Princes," and "Trocadero," and as the Boche
gunners probably had a very shrewd suspicion of this, the
neighbourhood of the road was often not a healthy spot, and on one or
two occasions was shelled fairly heavily. It was on one of these, when
we had some men wounded near "Factory Corner," that Pvte. Redfern, the
old bandsman, coolly went to their aid in the midst of the shelling,
and was dressing one of the men when he was himself mortally wounded.
L.-Corpls. W. H. Lacey and S. Matthews also shewed great bravery in
rescuing wounded men at the same time. In connection with this
shelling of areas behind the front line, a somewhat unhappily worded
order was received to the effect that daily reports frequently omitted
to mention the activities of hostile artillery, and that as an example
at a certain time on a certain day, "Guards Trench" was subjected to a
sharp bombardment, and that had it not been for the fact that "a Staff
Officer was accidentally in the front line at the time," nothing would
have been known of this at Divisional Headquarters!
The Boche machine gunners gave us a certain amount of trouble too,
particularly at night, when they regularly sprayed all the area from
the Rue du Bois to "Windy Corner," doubtless hoping to catch
transport and carrying parties. One particular artiste used to try to
play tunes with his gun and we had no difficulty in recognising his
favourite as an attempt at "Yip-y-addy." It was a very unlucky burst
from one of these one night that killed that very brave soldier Sergt.
Sheppard, who had previously been awarded the D.C.M. for gallantry at
Hooge. Lieut. Adams, our machine gun Officer, did his best to get his
own back against them, and used to stalk out nightly alone, contrary
to all regulations, and fire off his guns at odd times in the hope of
catching someone. He was rewarded one night, after patiently lying in
wait for a search light that the enemy had used occasionally from
their front line parapet, by knocking it out with a burst of fire
almost the instant it shewed itself. But on the whole there was very
little excitement; in fact, we hardly had time for much, as we only
spent a total of 16 days in the trenches here altogether. Cold winter
weather had set in, and there was little or no comfort possible for
the men holding the front line. It was here that we first really found
it necessary to use "gumboots thigh" when they could be got, and to
dress legs and feet daily with whale oil to try and ward off that
horrid complaint "trench feet," which might easily have caused many
casualties in such trenches as these. A most complicated form had to
be filled up with every case sent down to hospital suffering from
trench foot, and no mercy was shewn to any Commanding Officer who did
not take every precaution to prevent it. Fortunately we had a very
good record. Every effort was made to relieve the men in the front
line every 24 hours, and to take them back as often as possible to the
billets near Windy Corner, where they were able to get their clothes
dried, and a good night's rest before going back to the line.
Our rest billets and Transport were at Vieille Chapelle. The field
where the latter had their lines was nothing but a mass of mud, in
most places knee-deep. The Transport at this time shewed remarkable
activity, limbers going backwards and forwards all day to Lacouture on
some mysterious duty, which was by no means unconnected with the
excitement which arose in "A" Branch of Divisional Headquarters
towards the end of our stay, about some houses missing from that
village! They had been removed piecemeal to the transport lines, where
they were used to form standings.
During one tour spent in Brigade support, Battalion Headquarters and
two Companies were in that village, and two Companies in billets in
Richebourg St. Vaast, or finding garrisons for "St. Vaast," "Grotto"
and "Angle" posts. An interesting discovery in the rafters of a ruined
house at Richebourg St. Vaast was a pepper box found to contain
several gold _louis_. Capt. E. M. Hacking was the means of their being
handed over to the French authorities and, we hope, eventually
restored to their owner. The billets at Lacouture were not very good,
but we had a great find there in the shape of what had once been a
billiard table in the remains of the Village Institute. At the same
time curiously enough, and for some time afterwards, the
Quarter-Master reported that the demand for green cloth for putting
behind cap badges was extraordinarily small!
The main drawback to our periods of rest was those wretched working
parties, which seemed to pursue us everywhere. Here the work in hand
was the building of a solid breastwork in continuation of Guards
Trench, just East of the Rue du Bois. Two nights out of each four we
were at rest, we had to send large parties to Richebourg to carry on
this work, which was being done "by the piece." A certain number of
sandbags were issued to each man about half-a-mile before he got to
his work, and he was told that when these had been filled and laid he
could return. It is perhaps needless to say that many of the sandbags
found a resting place in the nearest ditch, not far from the Royal
Engineers' dump, where they were issued, and that the building of the
breastwork did not proceed very rapidly.
During our stay here several new Officers joined, including 2nd
Lieuts. H. K. Simonet, G. A. P. Rawlings, and A. H. Michie from the
2/8th Battalion, and 2nd Lieuts. A. Bedford, G. G. Elliott, and W. W.
Pitt. We were also given as Second-in-Command, Major E. H. Heathcote,
from the 6th Battalion, whilst his brother Capt. G. S. Heathcote,
rejoined at the end of November and resumed command of C Company. At
the same time Capt. E. M. Hacking went to Brigade Headquarters to
learn Staff duties, leaving A Company under Lieut. Andrews, until
taken over a little later by Capt. A. Hacking, who rejoined from
Brigade. We also lost 2nd Lieut. Pickerell, who was invalided home.
Our losses in other ranks during our stay amounted to three killed and
15 wounded.
On December 2nd--we retain most pleasant memories of that night--we
were relieved by the 7th Battalion in the left sector, and on one of
the darkest nights known, made our way back in the usual way to
Vieille Chapelle. About 9.30 p.m. a message was received from Brigade
that the Commanding Officer or Adjutant was wanted at once. The
Adjutant was sent and came back with the news that we were to be
"prepared to move at short notice to an unknown destination." At 5.0
a.m. the next morning further orders were received and we left Vieille
Chapelle at noon the same day, marching via Merville to Haverskerque,
where we got very good if scattered billets. There we proceeded to
clean off some of the mud of the Richebourg trenches. During our march
we met units of the 19th Division, moving up to relieve the troops in
the trenches, and could not help feeling a touch of sympathy for them
having been suddenly fetched away from comfortable billets, to take
over such water-logged trenches, and we felt that for once fortune had
favoured us.
Rumours of all kinds began to float around, and of all quarters of the
globe that were mentioned "Egypt" was believed to be "it," and it was
not long before we found out that that indeed was our intended
destination.
Everyone was happy, and we were soon looking smart once more; in fact,
so splendid was the effort at cleaning up, that the Battalion was
congratulated by our Divisional Commander at his inspection on
December 7th, as being the smartest Battalion of the eleven he had
inspected.
Odd men who had been detached for duty with other units rejoined. We
had a few small drafts, and one new Officer, 2nd Lieut. W. H. B.
Rezin.
We now settled down for drill, interior economy, and lectures.
Particular attention was given to guard drill and guard mounting
ceremonies, as the Divisional Commander expressed a wish that we
should turn out like the Guards Division, who were in the same Corps.
Fur coats and other winter kit were handed in. A horrid pro forma
certificate reached Orderly Room, and the Commanding Officer found he
had to sign a certificate to the effect that the Battalion was in
possession of every article enumerated in A.F.G. 1098 (Mobilisation
Store Table). This document contained such items as "screws, brass,
buckle roller 1 in. × 7/8 in.--2" "awls, brad--1;" "cordage, tarred
spun yarn,--lbs. 14," and other luxuries which had long been
considered superfluous, and mostly lost in the Salient. We had been
told to indent for anything we wanted in the way of clothing or
equipment, so that there was some consternation on the arrival of a
new and fierce Deputy Assistant Director of Ordnance Services just at
this moment, who told Quarter-Masters that during the last month, the
whole of the Guards Division had not used the number of articles they
were indenting for. Formal indents for "awls, brad," etc., were
therefore out of the question. The Quarter-Master accused the
Transport Officer, and the Transport Officer accused the
Quarter-Master, but in the end the mess cart, which had a good cover,
was requisitioned, and made two or three secret journeys by night to
Merville, and when surprise was expressed that everything on the
Mobilisation Store Table was present, both the individuals concerned
looked supremely innocent, and no more was said about it. It has since
transpired that a jar of rum played a prominent part in this incident.
Here we parted with "Big Ben," "Old Bob," and other heavy draught
horses, which had been with us since leaving Newark, and received in
exchange mules from the Guards Divisional Ammunition Column, two of
which rejoiced in the aristocratic names of "Harry Thaw," and "Legs
Eleven."
We were inspected by the Assistant Director of Medical Services; we
had lectures on "Duties on board ship" and "Entraining." Special short
leave was granted to a few lucky ones, and all preparations were made
for a big move. Our billets were very comfortable. We could get good
dinners at the "Corner Café," and those of us who were there, will
never forget the wonderful concert given by the 19th Divisional
Ammunition Column who were billeted there, in which two ladies from
Merville assisted.
On December 19th, we marched to Wittes, a small village on the La
Bassée Canal, near Aire. This was a short march on a bright Sunday
morning, chiefly memorable for a wonderful equestrian feat on the part
of a certain Company Commander, who went with his horse into a dyke
at the starting point, and instead of coming out with the animal,
stayed in by himself, and for the fact that an unfortunate mistake in
map reading, caused the Battalion to perform a most startling and
snake-like turning feat in a lane only a few feet wide, the mistake
being discovered just as the last transport vehicle had entered the
lane. However, as it was a bright day and we were going away, great
good humour prevailed, and each Company played "Here we go round the
water cart" in its own good time, and the tangle was soon sorted out.
Our before breakfast parade at Wittes on a few occasions took the
novel form of the whole Battalion doubling up and down along the Canal
side to the accompaniment of the drums. This was entertaining for a
brief space, but the novelty soon wore off. Ordinary training was
continued, and included several route marches. It was during one of
these that the C Company "wag" brought forth a spontaneous remark one
day when passing one of those little dog-carts one used to see so
often. It was very heavily laden and the dog was straining every
nerve. A big, powerful looking woman was walking at the side carrying
a horse whip, but taking no share in the burden. As the Company
passed, our friend remarked "Eh, mum, you've forgotten your spurs!"
Christmas, 1915, spent at Wittes was a very cheery one. All sorts of
good things had been received from home, including a present for every
Officer and man from the Nottingham Comforts Fund, and altogether we
had a most enjoyable time. Football matches and sports of all kinds
were indulged in, and one has vivid recollections of Sergt. Deverall
giving a wonderful boxing display, and of a poor Frenchman waking up
one morning to find his best wagon at the bottom of the Canal.
[Illustrated: MAJOR J. P. BECHER, D.S.O. Died of wounds, Jan. 1st,
1916.]
On Boxing-Day we marched via Aire to fresh billets at Molinghem, which
were probably the most verminous we ever found. In spite of this
drawback we had a very good time, and on January 6th, 1916, had the
pleasure of welcoming the 11th Sherwood Foresters, who marched over
from a neighbouring village and played us at football. After a good
game we beat them by two goals to one. A Brigade inter-Battalion
football competition was also played, in which after beating the 5th
Battalion one--none, and the 7th Battalion three--none, we won the
Brigade championship and some very neat medals.
Whilst at Molinghem, we got our long expected orders to move South,
and on January 7th, A and C Companies, and half the First Line
Transport vehicles, under Major E. H. Heathcote entrained at
Berguette, and were followed by the remainder of the Battalion on
January 9th, except the horses, which were entrained at Lillers on
January 11th. Eventually, after a train journey of nearly three days,
the Battalion was concentrated at Marseilles, where after some
rearranging, Battalion Headquarters and B and D Companies were
billeted at Camp Moussot, and A and C Companies under Major Heathcote,
at Camp Borely.
At Marseilles we spent what was probably our happiest fortnight in
France. It is not difficult to imagine the pleasure everyone
experienced at being transported to the shores of the Mediterranean in
January after the filth and mud in the trenches, and wet and fogs of
Northern France. The change was marvellous, and the turnout and
appearance of the men splendid, and indeed the subject of comment by
English people arriving from abroad, who said they could not help
being struck on landing at finding the place full of well set-up and
healthy English Tommies. Truly the change was delightful, though the
Officers who had the misfortune to be billeted for a time in the
draughty bathing establishment opposite Borely Camp, are not likely to
forget the cold nights they spent there. Sea bathing, which we got
almost next door to the Camp, was a great delight, and of course the
town itself was full of attractions. We need only mention such names
as the Cannibière, Theresa's Bar, Lindens, The Alcazar, Castell Muro,
The Palais Crystal, The Bodega, and The Novelty, to recall many
incidents to all those who were fortunate enough to be with us. It was
certainly delightful, but played havoc with our banking accounts, and
must have given Mr. Cox a very busy time. We did a certain amount of
training in our more serious moments, which were not many, ordinary
work normally finishing about 1.0 p.m., and the men being allowed out
from 2.0 p.m. onwards. Many guards and camp and town fatigues had to
be found, however, almost daily, which much depleted our numbers on
parade. Training was mainly of the barrack square type. There was a
certain amount of interest for those at Moussot Camp, in watching the
Indian Troops, whilst those at Borely spent much time either in
dodging the loose horses and mules, which wandered at will about the
Camp, or the Camp Commandant, who had a violent dislike to orange
peel, and if he found any at once arrested the nearest man, whether
guilty or not!
Four new Officers joined us there, viz., 2nd Lieuts. C. G. Tomlinson,
E. C. Marshall, A. A. Hodgson, and W. S. Jones, and a draft of 39 men,
all of whom no doubt thought it a very "bon" war.
Plans for our sea journey had got so far advanced that our transport
vehicles had actually been taken down to the docks for loading, when,
alas for us, our hopes of going East were shattered on January 24th,
by the receipt of orders to entrain the next night.
What exactly caused the sudden change of plans we did not know at the
time, but subsequently heard it was due to the unexpected ease with
which Gallipoli had been evacuated. Needless to say there was much
regret on all sides, especially when we found that we were to go back
to the North of France and join the Third Army on the Western Front.
On the evening of the 25th January, we marched down through cheering
crowds of French people to the Gare d'Arenc, where after waiting about
for four hours, we entrained at 4.10 a.m. on the 26th. It is sad to
think that this wait gave an opportunity once more for light-fingered
people in the Transport Section to annex eight or nine P.L.M. goods
sheets, which were carefully stowed away, one on each limber, and
later proved of great value in several places where there was a
scarcity of billets.
We detrained at Pont Remy on the morning of January 28th, after a
peculiarly uncomfortable journey, and owing to our guide preferring to
go three miles uphill to one on the flat our march to Ergnies was a
somewhat lengthy business. In this area we followed the Ulster
Division, and we are glad to add that the billets taken over from them
were invariably scrupulously clean, and had evidently been vastly
improved under their able medical authorities. We stayed here for
several days, and had an opportunity of resting the men after their
long journey, and of carrying out a little training. Some of this was
in preparation for a Brigade ceremonial parade, which took place on
February 3rd, when General Shipley spoke of the splendid work done by
the Brigade in France up to that time, and read out a list of the
honours and decorations awarded, of which we had had a fair share. At
Ergnies we had flying visits from Col. Huskinson and "Doc." Stallard,
both of whom we were delighted to see looking very fit.
On February 10th, we marched to Ribeaucourt, where we stayed for a
little over a week. Here on February 16th, we parted with Lieut.
Adams, 2nd Lieut. Rezin, and 35 N.C.O.'s and men of the Machine Gun
Section, who went to form part of the newly created "Brigade Machine
Gun Company." In place of the Vickers gun thus withdrawn, we were
issued with the new light Lewis Machine Gun, air cooled, mounted on a
bipod and easily carried. Each Company had two of these and the whole
were supervised by a Battalion Lewis Gun Officer, 2nd Lieut. Simonet
being the first to be appointed to this duty. Musketry was carried out
on a 300 yard range, which we fitted up near the village, and bombing
practice under the guidance of 2nd Lieut. Peerless, who made
considerable progress in the use of the West Spring Thrower. Capt. A.
Hacking had been again taken to Brigade Headquarters, to act as
Grenade Officer, and Capt. Lawson who had rejoined at Wittes, was
appointed to command A Company in his place. All this time we were
well in the back regions out of harm's way. The only journey made to
the front area was that by a party of Officers, who one day had to
reconnoitre some reserve lines of trenches near Forceville and Mailly
Maillet. We once had orders to be prepared to take over the line at
Beaumont Hamel, but this fell through.
Ribeaucourt we shall always remember, owing to the exorbitant claims
made by the inhabitants for damage to billets. Never before nor after
did we receive such demands as those made by the good people of that
village, headed by the Maire, who after showing much hospitality to a
few of us, seemed to want to give the villagers a lead in their
demands! How they were eventually settled we never found out. Here,
too, Capt. Davenport and Sergt. Blunt were chased down the village
street one day by two infuriated women armed with broomsticks, their
store of bully beef and army shirts having been discovered by the
former, when looking for odds and ends to hand into the Deputy
Assistant Director of Ordnance Services in exchange for new articles.
The D.A.D.O.S. had just issued an ultimatum to the effect that he
would issue nothing except on the return of the old article. Transport
men, therefore, scoured the country side for bottoms of nose-bags,
backs of dandy brushes, pieces of rope, etc., which were cleaned and
handed in and quite a good stock of new articles was obtained in
return.
On February 20th, we were taken in motor 'buses by a somewhat
circuitous route to fresh billets at Candas, where we stayed until
March 6th. Most of this time the weather was extremely cold and there
were several heavy snowstorms. Navvying on new railways was our chief
work, under the supervision of the 112th Company Royal Engineers,
either about Puchevillers, or the station at Candas, in preparation
for the offensive that was to take place later on. Our fortnight at
Candas completed three whole months of what was practically "rest" in
the back areas. We were now to play a more active part in the war.
CHAPTER VI
VIMY RIDGE
_March 6th, 1916._ _April 21st, 1916._
Vimy Ridge will always bring up in the minds of those of the 8th
Sherwood Foresters, who were with us at that time the word "Mines."
Everyone seemed somehow or other to have heard that that part of the
line was famous for mining warfare, and as the news was passed on from
one to another that Vimy Ridge was our destination, a kind of whisper
of "Mines" passed with it. The area proved to be a mass of mines, and
we found that mining warfare was extremely unpleasant, though most of
our own experience was confined to the latter part of our stay there.
The front line in this sector, in the early part of 1915 had run
through the East end of the Lorette Ridge to Carency, and thence to La
Targette, but on September 25th of that year, the French had driven
the enemy back nearly a mile, practically to the foot of the Vimy
Ridge itself. In this area were portions of the front having
such well-known names as "The Labyrinth," and Souchez Sugar
Refinery--reminders of the fact that some of the most savage fighting
of the whole war took place there, owing to the struggle of the enemy
to retain a footing on that splendid line of observation, the Lorette
Ridge. The Arras-Béthune Road, known as the Route de Béthune, and
bordered by a few scraggy trees, ran through the sector more or less
from North to South--about a mile behind the front line, and two miles
in front of Mont St. Eloy. The forward area was a scene of
desolation--trenches and wire, shell-holes everywhere, mine craters
here and there, shewing more or less where No Man's Land was, and
beyond them the gently sloping ridge, with little variation except a
few shattered trees marking the site of La Folie Wood.
Such was the sector that our advance party of Officers went up to
reconnoitre on March 5th. The French were holding the line, and this
was the Battalion's only experience of taking over from them. We were
not let into the secret of the why and wherefore of the move, but
doubtless we relieved in order to allow them to send much wanted help
to their friends at Verdun, who were now so hard pressed owing to the
enemy's continued attacks. It was hoped that the fact of our taking
over this part of the line could be kept from the Boche, at least
until relief was complete, and to further this object the advance
party were given French "tin hats" to wear so as to maintain the
deception. We fear that despite our efforts, the enemy knew just about
as much of the relief as we did, and rumour says that a Boche scout,
on getting across to the French front line two days before we relieved
them, openly expressed his surprise to the French sentry that the
English had not already arrived! We were shewn the greatest kindness
by the French when we went up to reconnoitre, and they did all they
could to explain the situation, and many an Officer drank confusion to
the enemy in a glass of sweet sparkling wine. Those who were there
will doubtless well remember the group of Officers being assembled
just behind the Arras-Béthune road, in full view of the German lines,
under the French Brigade Major, who was acting as guide, when the Hun
gunners, not being able to let such an opportunity slip, at once put
over a few "pip-squeaks," and we discovered with a considerable amount
of pleasure, that our gallant Allies were just about as good in
getting to ground as ourselves, if not a trifle better. It was,
however, a rude awakening to the fact that a war was still on, which
we had rather forgotten during our stay in the South of France, and in
the back areas.
Leaving Candas on March 6th, we marched on a very snowy day, via
Doullens, to Iverny, moving on the 8th to Maizières, and on the 9th to
Acq, where we had to make the best of most uncomfortable billets, the
whole village being a seething mass of troops, French and English, and
every billet crowded to its utmost limit. On the occasion of this move
we marched, in accordance with instructions, in column of three's.
This system was tried owing to the narrow roads, but only lasted a few
months.
On the following day we moved up into support trenches, just in front
of the Route de Béthune, where we stayed for four days cleaning
trenches, carrying out general trench repairs, and improving dug-outs.
There were a certain number of deep dug-outs in this sector--our first
experience of them--proof against all but the heaviest shells, though
in every other respect a bad invention. Further behind, at Berthonval
Farm, were huge caverns hewn out of the chalk, fitted up with wire
beds, absolutely shell-proof, and having accommodation for about two
Companies. The dug-outs in the front line trenches, however, were mere
shelters. Later on we were told to make our shelters in this area of a
uniform pattern in small saps running back from the trenches, and when
men could be spared from other more pressing work, a certain amount of
progress was made in this respect.
The French dug-outs possessed one unique quality; they were decorated
as only a Frenchman could decorate them, with most wonderful designs
in pokerwork, which were always objects of the greatest interest to
our visitors.
On March 15th, we were relieved by the 2nd Royal Irish Rifles, and
withdrew for four days to rest billets, which consisted of some French
huts partly in the wood, and partly in the open, just behind Mont St.
Eloy. We are afraid we could not have given our predecessors a "billet
clean" certificate in respect of these huts, many of which were a foot
or more deep with accumulated rubbish of every description. There were
no baths, and we had to rig up home-made ones with ground sheets and
other means, using the cookers for providing the necessary hot water.
We managed, however, to get clean clothing from time to time from the
Staff Captain, Major Wordsworth, who got together a fascinating crowd
of French ladies, and did much useful work as Officer Commanding
Laundry, at Mont St. Eloy.
We were at this time called upon to provide a contribution towards the
Brigade Mining Section, which was re-formed to help the French Miners
in the sector, and on March 17th, we had to part temporarily with
Lieut. R. V. Harvey, Corpl. Boot and 12 men, who joined the Brigade
Section under Lieut. Webster, of the Robin Hoods. The arrival of 140
reinforcements the previous day had, however, swelled our numbers
considerably, amongst several old friends in the draft being Sergt. G.
Powell, who shortly became Comp. Sergt.-Major of A Company, Sergts. I.
B. Bell, S. Foster, Collins and Beniston, and Corpl. A. B. North. We
thus had a reasonable trench strength when we relieved the 7th
Battalion in the left sub-sector on March 19th.
In this area we always kept to the same sub-sector, relieving as on
many other occasions with the Robin Hoods. The 5th and 6th Battalions
shared the right sub-sector, whilst the 138th Brigade were on our
left. Each Company, too, had its own section of trench, finding its
own supports. From right to left they ran in order: D (Capt. Hill), B
(Capt. Turner), C (Major G. S. Heathcote), A (Capt. Vann, who had
recently rejoined; during his absence on a course at 3rd Army School,
his place was taken by Capt. Lawson). Battalion Headquarters was in a
delightful spot just under the steep side of the Talus des Zouaves,
and well nigh out of reach of everything but aeroplane bombs. Second
Lieut. Cox was Signalling Officer, 2nd Lieut. Simonet, Lewis Gun
Officer, 2nd Lieut. Peerless, Grenade Officer, and 2nd Lieut.
Marshall, Intelligence Officer. The last-named was the first Officer
in the Battalion to hold that newly created appointment.
The enemy front line was close to ours, in most parts about 70 yards
away, but bombing posts in saps were in several cases not more than 10
to 15 yards apart. Talking and movement in the front line could often
be heard quite plainly, whilst our Bombers in the posts used to
indulge sometimes in lobbing practice, and spent their odd moments in
erecting or repairing wire netting to catch the Boche "potato
mashers."
Our two communication trenches running forward--"Boyau Central" and
"Avenue Lassale"--though well cared for and kept up by the French,
were almost straight, and hardly traversed at all, particularly the
former, and movement along them was precarious. The fire and support
trenches, bearing such names as "Schiller," "Grange," "Broadmarsh,"
"Duffield," and "Bertrand," were in very bad order, and work was at
once concentrated in an effort to make a good line of resistance along
"Guerin Trench," practically the support line. Some work was also done
on a reserve trench, known as "Blanchetière." We felt this all the
more necessary, as just before we took over from the French, the Boche
had driven them out of their front line, and it seemed quite within
the range of possibility that he might try to make a further advance.
Our fears turned out to be correct, for later he did make an
onslaught, though luckily not whilst we were there.
Unfortunately the enemy in capturing the trenches, had secured the
shafts of all the French mines, and had consequently got a good start
at various points along the front before the French could begin again.
The result was that practically all the French mines were defensive,
and intended merely to try and blow the Germans, before they could get
under our lines. No doubt each side knew almost exactly where the
other side was working, and at what approximate time any particular
mine would go up. These were all shewn to us on a plan, and carefully
explained by the Officer in charge of the French Miners, who were
still at work in the sector. Each Company had a cut-and-dried scheme
for carrying out the instant a mine went up in its own or adjoining
sectors. Anticipating the mine, parties were kept available to seize
the near lip of the crater formed, with covering parties of Lewis
gunners, riflemen, and bombers to go out on each flank, and working
parties behind them to begin at once to dig a trench to join up the
broken front line across the lip of the crater, wire the front and
establish observation posts on the lip. All this work had to be
started the instant the mine was exploded, in order to make certain
that the Boche did not get possession of our lip of the crater, as
well as his own. This entailed constant readiness and considerable
anxiety on the part of those holding the front line.
The enemy shewed no special activity, though on several occasions our
front and support lines were badly knocked about, both by shells and
trench mortars, which necessitated a vast amount of repairs, and
caused us considerable casualties. In addition to high explosive he
now began to send over for the first time "lachrymatory" gas shells,
having a sweet smell and doing little harm except to make our eyes
water. In the later stages of the war, they became, as we shall see,
much more disagreeable.
As it was so difficult in this sector for our Gunners to be able to
identify our front line, we had to mark it with "artillery
boards,"--white boards about 3 ft. by 2 ft., marked with different
letters denoting the different sections of the front. These were stuck
up by the Infantry at night, in such a position that they could be
seen by our Gunners but be invisible to the enemy. Whether they were
any real help or not is doubtful. Later on we were given a smaller
portable type of board, coloured brown and marked with a black cross,
a number of which were issued to each Battalion, and carried with us
as part of our equipment. They were intended for use in moving warfare
to mark our advanced positions, but were eventually discarded as
unsuitable.
We now began seriously to try and harass the enemy with trench
mortars, for which purpose Trench Mortar Batteries were formed. The
medium batteries fired a fairly heavy shell with a long tail (known as
"Footballs" or "Toffee Apples"), and the Stokes batteries a light
shell, which could be fired at the rate of 20 or more per minute. We
had recently sent 2nd Lieut. Kebblewhite and five men to a school for
a course in this work. It is feared, however, that the first efforts
of the trench mortar experts in the trenches were not fully
appreciated. A very nervous Officer would go to his emplacement, fire
off a few shells, and then gracefully, but rapidly retire, leaving the
people on the spot to put up with any retaliation. And we well
remember Capt. Lawson being so annoyed at this going on, that on one
occasion the bed plate mysteriously disappeared. On another occasion
an emplacement was made one night with much care on D Company's front,
ready for a big bombardment, but when completed was found to be in
full view of six enemy sniper plates, about 100 yards away!
At sniping we more than held our own, though the enemy were very keen,
and used to fire from steel plates fixed round the mine craters. We
were unfortunate in losing at this period Sergt.-Drummer Clewes, who
went home for discharge. He had done much excellent work in charge of
the Brigade Snipers, his own "bag" being stated to amount to
considerably over 100. As some recognition of his good work he was
later awarded the D.C.M. His son, Corpl. G. W. Clewes, another
excellent sniper, left at the same time. L.-Corpl. Hagues took over
the duties of N.C.O. in charge of Snipers, and with 2nd Lieut.
Marshall, did some splendid work, including the blowing-in of several
loophole plates with Col. Fowler's Elephant Gun, which was now brought
into use again.
Marshall's "pet," however, was the "dummy tree" on the Route de
Béthune. This was a hollow tree about 20 feet high, formed of steel
casing, and covered with imitation bark. Inside there were ledges to
climb up by, and from it a most excellent view for a very long
distance around, could be obtained. It had been erected by the enemy
before they had been driven back.
Another item in the "Intelligence Department" which now came into use,
was that extraordinary instrument known as the "I-Tok," intended for
picking up enemy telegraphic and telephonic messages. We never were
supposed to know where its operators performed, and rarely did know,
but more often than not they placed themselves near Battalion
Headquarters, and the sheaves of papers they sent to Brigade were
mostly filled with scraps of our own messages. It is doubtful if much
of value was picked up from enemy messages, but they certainly did
good in keeping a check on our own conversations over the telephone,
and were regularly used from now onwards. The "Fullerphone," which
was introduced a little later, and largely superseded the ordinary
telephone, was reputed to be capable of transmitting messages in such
a way that they could not be picked up.
Our Firework Artistes, too, decided that they ought to have a show,
and accordingly arranged for us one night to have a display of red
rockets in the front line. These rockets had been issued for use for
night S.O.S. When the time came for them to be let off, the only
visible result to those behind watching, was one feeble rocket which
made a short lob, and fell to the earth. Only one other went off at
all, and it had a great tussle with John Turner, nearly knocking him
through a traverse, and then fizzing itself out in the bottom of the
trench.
Another brainy person, one of our German scholars, decided one day to
try the result of putting up a placard to give the Boche the news that
the L.15 had been sunk in the Thames. This was on April 2nd. Two days
later a notice was put up opposite B Company's front, which said
"Thanks for your news: you are all mad"--shewing, we thought, a lack
of originality on his part. This was one of the very few occasions
upon which we either sent or received a message in this way.
[Illustration: REGTL.-SERGT.-MAJOR A. WESTERMAN.]
[Illustration: COMP. SERGT.-MAJOR J. T. SLATER AND N.C.O.'S OF 'A'
COMPANY, 1917.]
Just about the same time, we had the pleasure of seeing a Hun plane
brought down by one of our own, after a short sharp scrap in mid-air.
Our man dived at the Hun and opened with Lewis gun fire, killing both
the pilot and observer. The plane took charge of itself, and after a
brief wild career, crashed near our Battalion Headquarters. It was no
sooner down than it was shelled by the enemy and eventually set on
fire. Various useful documents, however, were secured from it
including some maps and a signalling code. The bodies of the pilot,
Lieut. Ziemssen, and the observer were buried at Mont St. Eloy by
Padre Hales, who a little later received an appreciative letter from
the pilot's widow.
With these and sundry other excitements, we got through two six-day
tours in the line, and also spent two periods of similar length at our
rest huts cleaning, training, and reorganising, for we were
continually losing Officers and men in various ways, and fresh ones
were joining. Amongst the former we lost 2nd Lieuts. G. G. Elliott and
Pitt, invalided to England, and the following Warrant Officers and
N.C.O.'s who left us on completion of their term of service:
Regimental Quarter-Master Sergt. Tomlin, Comp. Sergt.-Major Haywood,
Comp. Quarter-Master Sergt. Shelton, and Sergts. Murden, Handford and
Kettle. Arrivals included Major Ashwell, Capt. H. Kirby, Lieut. G.
Wright, 2nd Lieut. W. P. Duff, and about 70 men, many of whom were
returned casualties, and in some cases anything but fit to resume
active service. Comp. Quarter-Master Sergt. Dench became Regimental
Quarter-Master Sergt., Sergt. Bee Comp. Quarter-Master Sergt. of B
Company, and Sergt. Hotson Comp. Quarter-Master Sergt. of C Company.
We were able to offer very little in the way of amusement just at this
period, entertainers either being more or less non-existent, or
somewhat shy. One afternoon, however, we succeeded in rousing
sufficient enthusiasm to organise a boxing contest, one of the very
few ever carried through by the Battalion. In the heavy-weight contest
between those two stalwarts, Sergt. Slater and Corpl. Bryan, the
latter retired after the third round with an injured hand. The
middle-weight competition was won by Sergt. L. Green, and the
lightweight by Sergt. Attenborough. The same evening, we managed an
impromptu concert in one of the huts.
Our Transport Lines and Quarter-Master's stores during this period
were back at Acq, and were fairly comfortable. Here for the first time
we had the experience of taking rations and stores up to the line on
the light railways, already constructed by the French, a system of
transport in which both they and the Germans were much ahead of us.
Stores were unloaded from the limbers at Ecoivres on to flat trucks,
each of which was pulled by three mules. The "Decauville Track" ran
past "Berthonval Farm," across the Béthune road, branching there right
and left for the various Battalion dumps, ours being in the Talus des
Zouaves, near Battalion Headquarters. At first, the system did not
work well, and there was much confusion, but later it was properly
organised so that rations went up first, and Royal Engineers' stores
about midnight. When we first took over the sector, the French caused
much alarm to our men by carrying their stores to and from the Béthune
Road by electric trucks, actually the chassis and platforms of trains
from Paris Plage, to which the bells used for warning pedestrians were
still attached. One brakesman, Alphonse by name, like a wise person,
usually went about his own business on arrival at the Béthune Road
Dump, which was often a warm spot. The driver meanwhile got his load
to take back, and anxious as all were who ever had a job of work at
that particular spot, to get it done and be off, he adopted the
practice which seemed to us rather foolish, of vigorously sounding his
gong time after time, at the same time shouting "Alphonse, Alphonse,"
with the result that all our men vanished "tout-de-suite," leaving him
and the errant Alphonse to face any whizz-bangs which might result.
Truly, the French are a remarkable race!
We must, however, congratulate them on that excellent institution in
the Vimy sector, Trench Coffee Shops. Where cooking for the trenches
was a matter of some difficulty, as in this sector, it was a great
boon to be able to get such excellent supplies of hot tea and other
comforts as they provided. They were run by the French for some time
after our arrival, but later were taken over by our own Brigade, and
put under the care of Capt. E. M. Hacking, who was attached to Brigade
Headquarters. We feel, however, we must attribute to the somewhat
casual sanitary measures adopted by the French, the presence of so
many rats in this sector. One often met them in droves in the
trenches, and never before or after did we come across such numbers of
the beasts, and such colossal specimens as we found during our stay in
the Vimy trenches.
On April 12th, after a brief inspection near our huts by Major-General
Stuart-Wortley, we went up to the trenches for our last and most
eventful tour, which was destined to last eight days. Owing to falls
of snow and rain, the trenches were in a deplorable state, and
gumboots were in great demand, and our only means of keeping the men
at all dry. At this time we had no such luxuries as drying-rooms.
Heavy shelling by the enemy during the first three days made things
still more uncomfortable. The real business of the tour, however,
began on April 16th, on which night the French had arranged to blow
one mine on our front, and another on the front of the 6th Battalion.
Combined with this we had arranged for a small raid to be carried out
by Lieut. A. Bedford and 12 other ranks, who immediately the mines
were exploded were to rush forward round the left edge of our crater,
and endeavour to capture any Germans found in a small forward trench
they had recently dug there. The mines were to go up at midnight, and
at the same time our guns and trench mortars were to put down a
barrage on the Boche trenches, which was to be augmented by rifle
grenades and showers of grenades thrown from West Spring Throwers,
under the arrangement of our Grenade Officer. Unfortunately, there
had evidently been some bad synchronisation somewhere, for at five
minutes before zero two Frenchmen suddenly came rushing towards
Bedford, who was waiting in a communication trench with his party,
shouting "Tout-de-suite! Tout-de-suite!" and almost at the same
instant the mines went up. This was very unfortunate, as it enabled
the Boche, who evidently knew all about it, to get their barrage down
before our own Gunners, who were waiting for zero. Bedford at once
pushed on with his party with much dash in face of heavy fire from
machine guns, rifles, trench mortars and bombs. He got as far as the
advanced trench, which, however, was held in considerable strength,
and finding himself bombed on both sides, he had to withdraw without
getting a prisoner. His party got back alright, but unfortunately
Bedford himself was knocked down by a bomb, and although only slightly
wounded had to leave us, and a few days later was invalided to
England. Capt. Hill meanwhile carried out the consolidation with much
success. As soon as the mass of débris, chalk and stones had stopped
falling, parties at once got to work digging a new trench across the
crater which was something like 30 yards wide by 30 feet deep, to
connect the broken front line, establishing observation posts and
putting out fresh wire. In spite of intense fire a sufficient trench
had been dug by dawn, and the position made good. Great assistance was
rendered by Capt. Gray and the N.C.O.'s of D Company. Unfortunately
Sergt. Markham, after most gallantly controlling the fire of his
platoon for nearly two hours, under very heavy fire, was shot through
the head and killed instantly. Another excellent piece of work was
performed by Pvte. E. Dobb, who leapt out of the trench on seeing a
party of Huns trying to get round the crater, and hurled two bombs
right amongst them. If they had had any doubts as to the possibility
of getting round, this made up their minds, and they retired
hurriedly.
The following night at midnight, the enemy sprang a mine on the front
of our left Company (A), which caused considerable trouble and heavy
loss before the position was finally made good. A portion of our front
line was blown up, and owing to the heavy state of the ground, which
was much water-logged, and to the intense hostile bomb, rifle and
machine gun fire, it was impossible to get a trench dug round our lip
of the crater. It was not until three nights after that the situation
was cleared, and our lip of the crater finally occupied, after some of
the most difficult and miserable nights that it was ever our
misfortune to experience. During these days there was little rest for
anyone, and much excellent work was done by all ranks. Marshall
carried out some splendid patrols, ably assisted by L.-Corpl.
Hinchley, going out nightly through mud and filth, to ascertain the
position around the crater. Duff did almost superhuman work with bombs
and rifle grenades, being at it practically the whole night, for three
nights in succession, and this was only his second tour in the
trenches. The Stretcher Bearers too, as always, did most notable work,
particularly Pvtes. Holbery and Thomas, who fetched in our wounded
from the slopes of the crater only a few yards below and in full view
of the German sentry post, whilst Sergts. Deverall and Collins, and
L.-Corpl. Ostick also did very gallant work, and L.-Corpl. J. T.
Templeman throughout carried out his work of repairing telephone
wires, with his usual skill and courage. So uncanny was the work of
this period, that Lieut. Peerless was able on one occasion to take
deliberate aim, at 30 yards range, at a German digging hard in the
bright moonlight, on the top of a crater.
On April 19th, the French sprang another mine, just to the left of our
Battalion front, as a result of which we got a certain amount of
hostile shelling, whilst on the 20th, the enemy put up another,
slightly to our left, which also brought its share of shelling on us.
This, however, was our last, for much to our relief, and at
comparatively short notice, the 10th Cheshires (25th Division) took
over our sector on the night of the 20th, and after a weary trudge
over that never-ending duck-board track, we got to Ecoivres by 1 a.m.
on the 21st. Having done full justice to the excellent tea which the
Quarter-Master and his followers had ready for us, we were taken in
'buses to Tincques, where we arrived about 6 a.m., and found that we
were to be billeted partly there, and partly in the neighbouring
village of Bethencourt. We fear we did not present a happy sight at
that early hour to the ladies just going to church on a lovely Good
Friday morning. Dawn is not an ideal time for seeing a Battalion at
its best, especially after an exceptionally hard eight days in
water-logged trenches. Our total casualties in the Vimy sector
amounted to 17 killed or died of wounds, 69 wounded and five missing.
It was a matter of great regret to us to hear later that the 25th
Division suffered very heavily shortly after we left, when the enemy
made a determined attack on the front recently held by us, and
recaptured several trenches.
CHAPTER VII
THE BATTLE OF GOMMECOURT
_April 22nd, 1916._ _July 2nd, 1916._
At the time of our relief in the Vimy sector, plans at General
Headquarters must have been in a forward state for the great
offensive, which was to take place later in the year, and the part
which the 46th Division was to play in that offensive must also have
been fixed, and all our preparations now were for operations on a
large scale.
We soon got rid of the mud and filth of the trenches, and were
fortunate in finding at Tincques excellent baths run by the 51st
Division, of which we made the best possible use, and having got our
clothes and boots into respectable order, and everyone generally
tidied up, it was not long before we were in very good form and fit
for anything. Whilst this and other work connected with the interior
economy of the Battalion was going on, some of the Officers had to
spend a rather long day on Easter Monday, April 24th, in making a
reconnaissance of the Corps line between Maroeuil and Mont St. Eloy.
On April 26th, we were inspected by General Shipley, and felt rather
pleased with the result of our efforts at cleaning, for the Battalion
looked well, and the General expressed his pleasure at the smart
turnout.
The weather now was improving fast, and though excellent for training,
it seemed too lovely on some of those delightful Spring days, to be
spending our time learning how to kill people. Training included the
new form of bayonet fighting, expounded by Officers and others on
their return from the Third Army School, where they had been duly
instructed in its art by that expert, Major Campbell, who always
succeeded in his inimitable way in so impressing his hearers, that
they were not likely to forget for many a long day that "two inches
well placed" was ample, and many other similar maxims. Many tips were
also given us in bayonet fighting by Sergt.-Major Curly, one of the
travelling Physical Training Instructors, who often came to see us,
and made a great impression on all who ever came under his instruction
by his extraordinary keenness and energy. Eventually we passed on to
practise the attack in "waves," and were initiated into the art of
doing this under the shelter of a smoke screen. In this form of
attack, the advance from the moment of leaving the trenches, was
carried out behind a smoke barrage, formed by lighting smoke bombs in
the front line trench, and heaving them forward over the parapet. If
they were good, a dense cloud of smoke was produced, and, provided the
wind was in the right direction, it was possible to advance concealed
behind the smoke cloud for a considerable distance. This method
depended almost entirely for its success on the strength and direction
of the wind. Later on, when the method was improved in the light of
experience gained, smoke grenades fired from rifles were used,
together with smoke shells fired by the artillery, so that a barrage
could be put down at any required point, and, except in very strong
winds, the smoke made to drift across any desired portion of the front
of attack. In many of the later attacks this was done extensively, and
was on the whole very successful. We practised at Tincques with hand
smoke bombs only, and found it was not very difficult to keep
direction through the smoke, whilst at the same time we were screened
from the vision of the enemy.
Our period of training at this juncture was not a long one, as we were
required nearer the front to begin the many operations necessary to
prepare for the big attack. During that short period, however, we had
to change our billets, and moved on April 29th, to Averdoignt, a
pretty little village near St. Pol, where we were well housed and very
comfortable. From there we were called upon to send a detachment for a
few weeks' duty at Third Army Headquarters, at St. Pol, and a
composite company consisting of 60 of B Company, and 100 of C under
Major G. S. Heathcote were entrusted with the task. They must have
done excellent work and evidently made a good impression, as a letter
of special praise on their smartness and good work, was sent to the
Battalion, on their return by the Army Commander, General Allenby.
We moved by easy steps from this area, which we left on May 6th,
marching that day to Rebreuviette, the following day to Gaudiempré,
and on the 10th to Bienvillers. The Transport remained behind at
Gaudiempré, but moved from there on the 11th to La Bazéque Farm, near
Humbercamps. This move brought us into the VII Corps, commanded by
Lieut.-General T. D'O. Snow.
Up to the time of our arrival this part of the line was reputed to be
almost the quietest on the whole of the Western Front. It was said
that Company Commanders slept in pyjamas, even when holding the front
line, and certainly the personnel of Battalion Headquarters at
Foncquevillers, which was only about 1000 yards from the enemy line,
lived there for all the world, as if in a peaceful country village in
England. The dug-outs were made for comfort rather than safety, and
were in many cases artistically decorated with pictures, doubtless got
from houses in the village, and surrounded with elegant little garden
plots, which showed evident signs of careful tending on the part of
our predecessors. Together they formed a kind of miniature "Garden
City." This comparative quietness lasted for a considerable time
after our arrival; indeed we often failed to understand why the enemy
refrained from shelling, as on many occasions we must have offered
exceptionally favourable targets. Day by day work went on often in
full view of the Hun, and within a range of between one and two miles,
and the roads almost daily were a mass of transport of every kind,
moving to and fro in broad daylight, and literally asking for trouble.
There can be no question that the chief reason was a great shortage of
ammunition at this time amongst the Germans, who were under very
strict orders as to its conservation, otherwise no doubt we should
have had a very disagreeable time. Doubtless they made careful note of
all our doings, and the fact that something big was going to take
place must have been perfectly obvious to them. That it was so we
found afterwards, when in a successful attack, the diary of the German
regiment opposite to us (55th R.I.R.) was captured, and from it we
learned that they had been able to foresee exactly where the attack
was coming. This diary was most interesting reading, as it noted each
day their observations of our doings, and the conclusions they drew
from them.
The attack of the 46th Division was to be directed against the German
trenches West of Gommecourt, immediately opposite the village of
Foncquevillers. The German trench line here, forming the Gommecourt
salient, was the most Westerly point that they ever held as a
permanent line. The general object of the attack was to cut off this
salient. The 56th Division were to attack on the South, and join hands
with our Division East of the village of Gommecourt, and so establish
the left flank of the whole Somme attack.
All the efforts of the troops of our Division who were not actually
holding the line, were concentrated on preparing the Divisional front
for the attack. The chief work that we were concerned with, was the
digging out of old communication trenches from Foncquevillers to the
front line, a distance of about 700 yards. There were something like
ten or a dozen of these, several of which were named after our
Division. The principal were "Stafford Avenue," "Lincoln Lane,"
"Leicester Street," "Nottingham Street," "Derby Dyke," "Roberts
Avenue," "Rotten Row," "Regent Street," "Raymond Avenue," and
"Crawlboys Lane." All these had to be dug out about two feet below
their existing level, making them about seven feet deep, and boarded
with trench grids from end to end, which entailed an enormous amount
of work. In addition, the front line had to be cleared of the barbed
wire, with which the unoccupied portions had been filled, support and
reserve trenches had to be prepared for the supporting troops in the
attack, forward or "jumping-off" trenches to be dug at the last
moment, for the assaulting troops to attack from, "Russian saps" to be
dug out into No Man's Land to form communication trenches, by knocking
in the thin covering of earth left to hide them, dug-outs to be made
for forward Battalion Headquarters, and several miles of narrow cable
trench to be dug about six feet deep for the protection of telephone
wires from forward Headquarters back to Brigade, Division and
Artillery Headquarters. In addition to all this navvying work, large
quantities of stores had to be carried up to forward dumps in the
trenches, ready for taking forward if the attack succeeded, shelters
had to be made at various points in side trenches, convenient to get
at from communication trenches, for storing large quantities of bombs
of all kinds, small arm ammunition, iron rations, water, picks,
shovels, sandbags, and other Royal Engineers' material likely to be
required to consolidate the ground we hoped to win in the attack. The
transport of all these stores, and of all the necessary Royal
Engineers' material, and the work entailed in all these preparations
was colossal, and our first real experience of anything of the kind.
It is probable that at this time the mass and variety of material
required in an attack, reached a degree of complication never equalled
either before or after. The German comment on this contained in the
diary already mentioned is of interest. "It must be acknowledged," it
states, "that the equipment and preparation of the English attack were
magnificent. The assaulting troops were amply provided with numerous
machine guns, Lewis guns, trench mortars, and storming-ladders. The
Officers were provided with excellent maps, which shewed every German
trench system actually named and gave every detail of our positions.
The sketches had been brought up to date with all our latest work, and
the sectors of attack were shewn on a very large scale. Special
sketches shewing the objectives of the different units, also aeroplane
photographs were found amongst the captured documents."
During our week at Bienvillers from May 10th to 18th, we were mostly
engaged in improving the defences of the village, and the approach
trenches behind Foncquevillers, and in work on cable trenches. It was
here that one or two civilians roused our suspicions, as they insisted
on ploughing and carrying on their cultivations so very near the
front, some days working with grey horses, others with brown, and our
Battalion Scouts were told to keep a special eye on them. Nothing,
however, happened so far as we were aware that in any way altered the
course of the war, as a result of our or their action.
On May 19th, we relieved the 5th North Staffords in Foncquevillers,
being then in reserve to our 5th, 6th, and 7th Battalions, who were
holding the front line. Our Transport moved the following day to
Souastre.
This was a somewhat uneventful period, and after a few days in the
front line mostly spent in improving trenches, we were relieved on
June 5th, by the 4th Leicesters, and marched back to huts at
Humbercamp, preparatory to moving further back for our final training
for the "Big Push." We left there the following night, and arrived in
the early hours of June 7th at Le Souich, where we were destined to
spend one of the least enjoyable periods out of the line that we ever
experienced. We were only there for a week, but into that short time
was crammed an immense amount of work both in training, and in cutting
wood and making wattle hurdles in Lucheux Forest. The weather was very
wet, and our billets were anything but comfortable. In our humble
opinion the training here was too strenuous. We had to march out four
miles to the training ground, and four miles back in full marching
order, practise the attack for two hours through fields of growing
corn three or four feet high soaked with rain, and complete six hours
training daily (not including the marching) with bayonet fighting,
physical exercises, and drill in the fields near our billets. It takes
very little of such intensive training to make men stale.
The form of attack practised was that ordered for the general attack,
which we now knew was to take place about the end of June: this
allowed each Battalion a frontage of 250 yards, with three Companies
in front, and one in support, each Company having its four platoons
echelonned in depth at distances of about 50 yards, thus forming four
"waves," the men in each wave being extended to about four paces. In
the attack the leading wave was to go through to the final objective,
the other waves occupying and mopping up the trenches passed over by
the leading wave.
A full size model of the German lines at Gommecourt that we were to
attack, was made near Sus-St. Leger, the trenches being dug to a
depth of about two feet. Tape lines were laid for the men to form up
on, and the whole attack was practised time and again as a "drill,"
until eventually we were able to carry it out without losing
direction, with a fair amount of success.
We were now stronger in Officers than we had ever been during the
campaign, our strength being 38. This was due to the recent arrival of
several reinforcements, including Capt. Piggford and Lieut. Hindley,
rejoined, and 2nd Lieuts. H. de C. Martelli, J. B. White, C. J. Wells,
A. G. T. Lomer, T. G. Day, E. A. Huskinson, H. I. Newton, and A. A.
Field. We had, however, lost Capt. Lawson, who left for a tour of duty
at home, and Major E. H. Heathcote, Capt. Gray, and 2nd Lieut. Hodgson
invalided to England, also 2nd Lieut. Peerless, who unfortunately got
badly hurt one day by accidentally kicking a live rifle grenade, which
had been left lying on the bombing practice ground. His place as
Battalion Grenade Officer was taken by 2nd Lieut. Duff. Lieut. Simonet
had gone to hospital, and was succeeded as Lewis Gun Officer by 2nd
Lieut. Tomlinson. Major G. S. Heathcote was attached to Headquarters,
Third Army, and was succeeded in command of C Company by Capt.
Piggford, whilst Major Ashwell became Second-in-Command. We were not
particularly strong in other ranks, something less than 500 being
available for the attack, though we had recently received over 100
reinforcements, including a very good draft of 61 from the 2nd
Sherwood Foresters. Fortunately General Headquarters had taken an
excellent step in laying down that certain Officers and other ranks
known as "Battle Details," were now to be left out of every attack to
form a nucleus for carrying on Battalions in the event of their
suffering heavy casualties. This was a very wise precaution, and was
adopted by us for the first time in the attack at Gommecourt.
[Illustration: REGTL.-SERGT.-MAJOR W. MOUNTENEY, D.C.M.]
[Illustration: COMP. SERGT.-MAJOR W. STOKES, D.C.M. and SERGEANTS OF C
COMPANY, 1917.]
On June 15th, we marched to Humbercamp, the Transport at the same time
moving to lines at La Bazéque Farm. Capt. H. Kirby was now Transport
Officer, having taken over from Capt. Davenport, who, after being
attached for some time to XVII Corps Light Railway Company, Royal
Engineers, went to Brigade Headquarters to learn Staff work. The
transport vehicles had somewhat camouflaged themselves, having been
decorated on all sides by wonderful and mystic signs, so as to show to
the initiated to what unit they belonged. If you enquired you would be
told that the dark blue square meant "First Line Transport," the
narrow light green oblong edged with white placed on the left of this
square was for the "8th Sherwood Foresters," whilst the square divided
diagonally into red and green, and bordered with white, was the sign
of the "46th Division." It was not an easy matter to arrange all these
coloured patches clear of the odds and ends carried on the different
vehicles, and this problem was still exercising the minds of those in
authority nearly up to the Armistice--such an important part did it
play in the ultimate winning of the war!
We now knew that in our Brigade we were to be the Battalion in
reserve, the 5th and 7th Battalions having to carry out the assault,
with the 6th Battalion in immediate support. As a consequence much of
the "dirty" work during the final preparations for the attack fell to
our lot. This consisted chiefly in holding the trenches during our
preliminary bombardment, and putting up with such retaliation as the
Hun might choose to carry out, and in completing the final
arrangements in our own trenches. After three days at Humbercamp,
during which we found large working parties for digging cable
trenches, and putting up screens to conceal the approaches to
trenches, we moved to Foncquevillers on June 18th, and took over part
of the left sub-sector from the 5th Lincolns. An immense amount of
work had been done whilst we had been away; the prospects seemed
bright, and our hopes rose. Our Headquarters at Foncquevillers became
a centre of attraction to all and sundry. At every hour of the day and
night we had callers, from the Divisional Commander downwards. The
Brigadier and his staff constantly paid us visits. Gunners galore came
to sample what we kept, and incidentally to see about finding
observation posts. Royal Engineer gentlemen requested our help at
every turn and corner, usually wanting working parties rather larger
than our total strength, whilst "Tock Emma" Officers were on our
doorstep day and night. Indeed so great was the crowd that at one time
we almost had to put Corpl. Cross on to regulate the queue, and all
the time our poor stock of victuals and drinks was getting less and
less.
All went well until the afternoon of June 23rd, when there was a
violent thunderstorm, which practically undid the whole of the work we
had carried out in the trenches, filling them in most cases to a depth
of two feet or more with mud and water. This area was a difficult one
to drain, and it was impossible to get the water away, so that all
hands had to be got on as soon as possible to man trench pumps, and
endeavour to clear the trenches in that way. This method was extremely
laborious, and very little real progress was made, though every
available man was put on to the work. Our poor dug-outs were knee deep
in water, and the newly constructed bomb and other stores were too
weak to stand such a storm, and in most cases collapsed. Our hopes
sank, for we realised how much depended on all the careful
preparations which had been made, and that the time left before the
attack would be all too short for us to get the damage repaired.
It is impossible to give anything like an adequate idea of our plight
for the next few days. The artillery scheme, including a six days'
bombardment, began on the following day with wire cutting, causing a
certain amount of retaliation, which added to our trouble. This got
worse on the following days, doubtless owing partly to the fact that
we dug a new advanced trench. This was in a deplorable mess, and our
men who had to occupy it had a most distressing time. Casualties rose
rapidly, especially in B Company, whose front line trench was
enfiladed from Adinfer Wood. Our carrying parties, who had to take up
Royal Engineer material, ammunition of all sorts, rations and other
stores to various points in the line, mostly adopted the very suitable
dress of a sandbag kilt and boots. They were objects of much interest,
but it was the most workmanlike rig-out for our trenches, which in
many cases remained knee deep in mud and water for several days. The
carrying had to go on whatever happened, and continued night and day,
assistance being got from the 6th and 7th Battalions, from the Machine
Gun Company, and from the Transport men of all units, parties of whom
marched up nightly for the purpose. With trenches in such a state, it
is needless to say that it was impossible for men to hold the line for
many days, and in order to give us a brief respite, we were relieved
by the 5th Battalion on the night of June 27th, and moved back to
Pommier.
The nine strenuous days during which we had held the line, had been a
severe trial, and where everyone did so well it is difficult to single
out any for special mention, but we feel we must say how much we owed
to Capts. Turner, Vann and Hill, for the excellent way in which they
worked to keep up the spirits of their men during those trying times,
and to Sergts. Slater and Rawding, for the splendid way they kept
their men together during several particularly unpleasant "straffs" by
the Boche of our front trenches. During that time, too, much
excellent patrolling was done by Marshall, who unfortunately was
wounded one day when taking rather too great risks in observing the
Boche lines, and Martelli, ably helped by L.-Corpl. Hickman, and Pvte.
E. C. Bryan. Our casualties during those nine days included Capt.
Vann, slightly wounded, Lieut. Hindley, who got a nasty splinter wound
on the nose, 16 other ranks killed, and 44 wounded.
The chief incident during our two days' stay at Pommier, occurred on
the afternoon of June 30th, when the Huns began shelling the church.
John Turner, Michie and Harvey, were having tea in their mess, which
was only a few yards from the church, when a 5.9 blew in the end of
the house, practically bursting inside the room where they were
sitting. Their escape was little short of a miracle. John Turner,
however, as one would expect, came into Headquarters smiling and
perfectly cool, though covered with dust and blood. Harvey and Michie
were a bit shaken, the former having to go to hospital.
The attack, having been postponed owing to the bad weather, was
eventually fixed to take place on the morning of July 1st, and we left
Pommier again the night before to take up our position at
Foncquevillers. Our cookers were taken down to the Western edge of the
wood behind the village, where we were issued with soup and rum on
arrival at about 10 p.m. Each man carried in addition to the following
day's ration, his iron ration, and a bacon and bread sandwich.
Equipment carried included 200 rounds small arm ammunition, four
sandbags, two Mills grenades, two gas helmets, haversack, waterproof
sheet, and a supply of wire cutters and gloves. The new pattern "tin
hat," with which we had by this time all been supplied, formed a by no
means unimportant part of our dress. It was not a thing of beauty,
and took a little while to get used to, but it proved a good friend to
many in the days that were to come.
The attack by the 46th Division was to be carried out with two
Brigades, Staffords and Sherwood Foresters, with the Lincolns and
Leicesters in reserve. The 139th Brigade on the left was to attack
between the Northern edge of Gommecourt Wood and the "Little Z," the
5th Battalion being on the right, and 7th on the left, the 6th
Battalion in support, and 8th in Reserve; the German first, second and
third lines were to be captured, and in conjunction with the 56th
Division on the right, our line was to be carried to a point just East
of Gommecourt village.
We reached our assembly positions early on the morning of July 1st.
Our bombardment opened at 6.25 a.m. and the discharge of smoke from
our front line began an hour later. Under cover of this the assaulting
Battalions moved off from our advanced trenches at 7.30 a.m. A heavy
and accurate barrage was immediately put down on our front and support
lines by the enemy, who were evidently well aware of the extent of the
attack and ready for it. The attack by the 139th Brigade is described
in the following extracts from the captured diary of the 55th R.I.R.,
the times given being German:--
"G1. sector 7.30 a.m. An extremely violent bombardment began,
overwhelming all the trenches and sweeping away the wire.
8.30 a.m. The enemy's fire lifted. The enemy's attack, which was
made under cover of gas bombs, was perceived. In consequence of
the sharp look-out kept by the Commander of the 4th Company, and
by a Platoon Commander holding the most dangerous portion of the
line, the shell holes were occupied exactly at the right moment,
and the attackers were received with hand grenades. The barrage
fire which had been called for began at once.
8.40 a.m. Strong hostile skirmishing lines deployed from Pilier
Farm. They were at once met by heavy machine gun and infantry
fire. Second Lieut. ----, of the 2nd Company who was holding the
3rd support line of G1, recognised the superior strength of the
enemy's attack which was being carried out against No. 4 Company.
In spite of the intense bombardment he decided to advance with
his Platoon over the open, and, crossing the second line, reached
the front line of G1 at the decisive moment to reinforce No. 4
Company.
The enemy built up his firing line and attempted to press forward
with bombers and flame-projectors, but was repulsed everywhere.
10.30 a.m. The fine spirit of the troops of the 2nd and 4th
Companies succeeded by their stubborn resistance in annihilating
the thick charging waves of the English. The ground was covered
with numbers of dead, and in front of our trench lay quantities
of English arms and equipment. Gradually the artillery fire
recommenced on the front line trenches and rose to a pitch of
extreme violence in the course of the afternoon. The fact that
all attacks were completely repulsed without the enemy gaining a
footing in the front line of G1. at any point is due, next to the
bravery of the troops, to the carefully thought-out arrangements
of Major ----, to the care of the Officer Commanding No. 4
Company, and to the energy of the Platoon Commanders."
To resume our own story. At about 8.0 a.m., as the forward trenches
were cleared of troops, we began to move forward, but everywhere found
the trenches, which were still in many parts deep in mud and water,
blown in, or blocked by dead bodies, or wounded men trying to make
their way back. Little progress was possible, and there was nothing to
be done but to await further developments.
Although little news came through, it soon became evident that the
attack on our front had not succeeded. We learnt later that, owing to
the difficulty experienced by the supporting waves in getting across
our own water-logged trenches, they lost the advantage of the barrage,
and that the smoke cleared long before the bulk of the assaulting
troops had got across No Man's Land. In spite of our long protracted
artillery bombardment comparatively little damage had been done to the
German trenches and wire, and our men met with heavy rifle and machine
gun fire, not only from their front, but also from the right flank,
where the 137th Brigade were unable to gain the German front line
owing to uncut wire. A few of both the 5th and 7th Battalions got into
the German trenches, but they were soon surrounded and overwhelmed.
Some who were wounded before reaching the wire, crawled for shelter
into shell holes, where in several instances, they were deliberately
bombed or shot by the Boche from their trenches. At 3 p.m. a fresh
bombardment was begun by the right Brigade, and continued on our
front, with a view to an attack being made by two Companies of the 6th
Battalion, but this was cancelled.
At 5.5 p.m. we were ordered to send out daylight patrols to ascertain
the position of affairs in front. Several volunteers, amongst whom
were Corpls. G. Clay, and C. E. Bryan, L.-Corpls. Moss and Hickman,
and Pvtes. Charles, Brett, Adams, and Nightingall, remained out for
some time, and brought back useful information. Meanwhile much gallant
work was also being done by the Stretcher Bearers and others. Pvtes.
Holbery, Thomas, Nelson, and Shearman worked continuously for nearly
36 hours carrying in wounded, often under heavy fire, whilst Comp.
Sergt.-Major T. Powell, who brought in three wounded men by daylight,
and Sergt. Grainger, who controlled his men with great skill during
the battle and also rescued a wounded man, are deserving of special
mention.
At 6.10 p.m. we received instructions to take over the original front
and advanced trenches from the 6th, and remnants of the 5th and 7th
Battalions, who were there, and this was done. Later, however, the 5th
Lincolns took over the line as they had been ordered to carry out
another attack at midnight, in order to try and rescue some of the 5th
and 7th Battalions, who it was thought were still in the Boche
trenches. This, however, was not pressed, and finally A Company of our
Battalion were given the melancholy task of scouring No Man's Land to
find the dead and wounded. Eventually the 5th Lincolns took over from
us on the morning of the 2nd July, and we withdrew the same day to
billets at Gaudiempré.
Even as we left Foncquevillers ill-luck pursued us, for a premature
burst of a shell from one of our guns took place close to us as we
were formed up behind the wood ready to move off, and wounded four,
fortunately not seriously. Otherwise our casualties during the actual
battle had not been heavy, amounting to three killed, two missing
(attached to Trench Mortar Battery) and 37 wounded.
We cannot look back with anything but regret on that awful battle,
when so many lives were sacrificed apparently to no purpose. July 1st
is not our happiest of days--indeed on two successive occasions it was
our most unfortunate day of the year. It must have been quite obvious
to the enemy that this was to be the flank of the Somme attack,
although some demonstration was made by the 37th Division on our left.
The enemy, therefore, were able to bring all their guns from the
direction of Adinfer Wood to bear on No Man's Land on our front. Lack
of troops had necessitated the employment of the attacking Battalions
in the most exacting fatigues up to the very eve of the assault.
Probably, barely a man had had a full night's sleep for a week prior
to the attack, and there had been scarcely a day or night when rain
had not fallen consistently and heavily, and working parties had not
been soaked through to the skin. Those of us, who eight months later,
stood on some of the German concrete machine gun emplacements
opposite, commanding a magnificent field of fire from positions proof
against the heaviest shells, saw still the lines of dead bodies lying
in No Man's Land, a tragic and pitiable witness, if witness were
needed, that the failure of the attack was in no measure due to any
lack of dash or courage on the part of our indomitable Infantry.
Practically every Officer of the attacking Battalions was killed or
wounded, and a large proportion of the men, and but an insignificant
proportion fell alive into the hands of the enemy.
It was some slight comfort to receive from the Corps Commander an
appreciation of our efforts, which had kept busy a large number of the
enemy's best troops, and to know that we had a share in the success of
the great Somme attack, and that our terrible losses were not entirely
in vain.
CHAPTER VIII
BELLACOURT
_July 2nd, 1916._ _October 29th, 1916._
We spent one night at Gaudiempré, and on July 3rd, moved a few miles
North to a delightful Camp at Bavincourt, where we made up our minds
to have a well-earned rest. The Camp was charmingly situated, and we
were preparing to have it run on model lines, when alas, in the early
hours of July 4th, sudden orders were received to move. We had,
however, made the best of our few hours there, most of us going to an
excellent entertainment by the "Barn Owls," the Concert Party of the
37th Division, which cheered us immensely.
The fighting on the Somme, which had gone successfully for us in many
parts, was causing rapid reorganisation and consequent movement of
troops, so that our sudden move was not altogether surprising. We left
Bavincourt on the morning of July 4th, and after a little excitement
due to the shelling of the road, and a terrific thunderstorm, we
eventually got settled once more at Pommier, with the exception of A
Company, who went on to Bienvillers. The rest of the Battalion joined
them there on July 7th, except Transport and Quarter-Master's Stores,
which moved to La Cauchie. Our most important work there was the
somewhat ticklish procedure on two nights of carrying up to the Monchy
trenches, about two miles North of Foncquevillers, cylinders of gas to
loose off on a suitable occasion. These were drawn at Hannescamp, and
for carrying were fastened to poles, each cylinder requiring two men.
Special precautions were taken to ensure perfect silence, so as not to
give the enemy an idea that gas was being installed. Further, in order
to protect the carrying party, in case any of the cylinders got broken
by shells or otherwise on the way up, every man wore his smoke helmet
rolled up on his head, ready for instantly pulling down over his face.
Neither steel helmets nor caps were worn on these occasions. As the
cylinders had to be got up to our front line trench, the operation was
attended with considerable risk, but fortune favoured us, and it is
believed that the Battalion never suffered a casualty when engaged on
the work, though large parties had to be found on several occasions
for a similar purpose.
We moved on July 10th, by route march to Bellacourt, a village about
five miles south-west of Arras, and giving its name to a sector which
was to prove easily the most peaceful and enjoyable part of the line
we ever held. Transport moved to Bailleulval, where they got good
lines in a small orchard, and the Quarter-Master's Stores were
comfortably fixed up in billets.
It was from this department that we were first to hear of the
activities of our new Divisional Commander, Major-General W. Thwaites,
R.A., who made it a practice of frequently visiting transport lines at
early morning stables. Torrance with his ready wit at once dubbed him
"The Mushroom Picker," an epithet which we were told gave him much
pleasure when it reached his ears, but did not have the least effect
upon his early morning visits.
Several new Officers had recently joined from our 3rd Line, including
2nd Lieuts. C. F. Woodward, F. M. Corry, H. G. Kirby, B. P. Page, W.
B. Easterfield, and D. H. Parker. Second Lieut. A. Bedford also
rejoined, and others who arrived shortly afterwards were Lieut. R.
Whitton, who had been Adjutant of the 3rd Line, 2nd Lieuts. Skinner
and Moore, back for the second time, and 2nd Lieuts. C. H. Hicks, D.
F. Ranson, L. E. King-Stephens, G. F. Visser, F. D. Byrne, B. W. Hall,
and A. D. Bailey. Comp. Sergt.-Major Haywood rejoined with a draft of
72 reinforcements, and was appointed Comp. Sergt.-Major of C Company,
where Sergt. Leivers had been carrying on for a short time in place of
Comp. Sergt.-Major J. A. Green, who had been invalided to England.
We were thus fairly well off for numbers, when on July 11th, we
relieved the Liverpool Scottish in the left sub-sector of the Brigade
sector, this being one of the rare occasions on which relief was
carried out by daylight. The distribution was as follows: Right--"The
Willows"--A Company (Capt. Vann); Centre "The Osiers"--B Company
(Capt. Turner); Left--"The Ravine"--C Company (Capt. Piggford);
Reserve--Bretencourt--D Company (Capt. Hill). Battalion Headquarters
was in the "Sunken Road," just in front of Bretencourt, off "Engineer
Street." Each Company had two platoons in the front line and two in
support; a system which, besides being more or less in accordance with
Field Service Regulations, worked extremely satisfactorily, for whilst
the front line posts could be held by comparatively few men, either in
the line or at the heads of the various saps running out into No Man's
Land, working parties and patrols were found from the support
platoons, and were thus able to get back to the support line on
completion of their task, and rest in comparative comfort.
The frontage allotted to us was a long one, and the front line was
thinly held, some of the posts being as much as 200 yards apart.
Frequent visiting patrols were necessary during the night to prevent
any daring Boche from getting into our lines. In the communication
trenches, blocking posts and gates were fixed at various points to
hold up the enemy if they did ever get in and attempt to push forward.
To look after the rear portion of these communication trenches the
system of Trench Wardens was instituted during our stay at Bellacourt.
These were usually light duty, or warworn men drawn from the various
Battalions, whose duty it was to repair broken trench grids, relay any
that required it, clear falls of earth, and generally look after
upkeep.
This sector was reputed to be the quietest on the British Front, and
though we had one or two lively times, there is no doubt that for the
period of three-and-a-half months we were there, it lived up to its
reputation. Rumour said that some of our troops had been in the habit
of going out and repairing the barbed wire by daylight! Certainly it
was normally extremely peaceful. The trenches were from 300 to 400
yards apart, and in the region of the Ransart Road on the right, one
could indeed go out for some distance without coming in view of the
Boche trenches. The weather during most of our stay was of the best,
and there could be few things more pleasant than to stroll on a quiet
afternoon round some of the communication trenches, e.g., "Dyke
Street," "Couturelle," and "La Motte," where masses of wild flowers of
every kind and of brilliant colours were in full bloom, and in many
parts completely covered the sides of the trenches. Cooking was
normally done out of the trenches, and hot meals were carried up in
kettles or food containers (something in the nature of large thermos
flasks) by the Reserve Company billeted at Bretencourt.
We had something of a shock during our first tour in the trenches, and
began to suspect the reports as to the quietness of the sector, for on
our second morning the enemy poured over for nearly an hour, between
4.0 a.m. and 5.0 a.m., showers of heavy trench mortars on to part of
the front line held by B Company. Their aim was very good, several
bombs falling right into the trench and doing considerable damage,
whilst Lieut. Lomer's Platoon, which was holding the part bombarded,
had four men killed and nine wounded. One man had to have his foot
amputated by Johnstone, the Medical Officer, in order to be released
from a shelter that had been smashed by the bombs. Sergts. Tanner and
Yeomans did splendid work in rescuing the wounded, as did also Sergt.
Bescoby, Pvte. Axon and other Stretcher Bearers. This, however, turned
out to be the only "hate" of its particular kind that the enemy
inflicted on us during our stay. Possibly it was to let us know that
he was aware of our recent arrival, and wished to give us a welcome,
but most likely it was what we knew as his "Travelling Circus" which
he brought up at certain times in order to carry out an organised
"straff" on a particular piece of the line.
For some time after this, and in fact for most of Our sojourn here,
life in the trenches was of a somewhat humdrum character. There were a
few days cf activity now and then, but normally the enemy was very
inoffensive so far as we were concerned. He did, however, raid the 6th
Battalion one night in the right sub-sector, almost completely
levelling one of their communication trenches with heavy trench
mortars during the preliminary bombardment, on account of which we had
to stand-to, when back at our rest billets at Bailleulval. On another
occasion we had a fidgety night owing to a gas alarm having been
given. This however, proved but another case of "wind."
The work in the trenches was of a normal character, but we welcomed
that new article known as the "A" Frame, consisting as its name
indicates of framing shaped like the letter A. This was the best form
of support for trench revetment that we ever had, and from this time
onwards was used almost universally. A suggestion of this exact form
of framing had been made by Col. Blackwall as early as November 1915.
and submitted to higher authorities, who turned it down as unsuitable.
A further great advance was made by us here in the provision of deep
dug-outs, for which the chalk soil was eminently adapted. Excellent
plans were drawn out by Major Zeller, commanding the Field Company
attached to our Brigade, for complete systems of these dug-outs to be
made in the support line, and a special Brigade Dug-out Company was
formed for this purpose, to which we contributed, besides a number of
men, 2nd Lieuts. Moore and Powell. Great progress was made with the
work, and before we left the sector a large number had been finished,
and fitted up with wire beds on wooden framework in two tiers, with
rifle racks and other etceteras. The organisation of this work was one
of the first tasks of the new Brigade Major, Capt. W. P. Buckley,
D.S.O., of the Duke of Cornwall's Light Infantry, who had succeeded
Major Neilson, when the latter left to take up a higher appointment.
In Major Neilson we lost one who was always ready to help and advise
on every possible occasion, and though it was with the greatest regret
that we said goodbye to him, it was a great pleasure to know that his
hard work had brought its reward.
At this period after doing six days in the front line, we spent six
days in Brigade Reserve at Bellacourt, where three Companies were in
billets, and usually found large parties for the Royal Engineers for
working in trenches and dug-outs, and one Company provided garrisons
for the four posts in front of the village, "Starfish," "Boundary,"
"Burnt Farm" and "Orchard." After a further six days in the front line
we went back for six days to Bailleulval, where we were able to have
our periodical clean up, do a little training, and generally enjoy
life for a brief space. We relieved always with the 7th Battalion, and
held the left of the Brigade sector, which remained the same as
originally taken over, except that we gave up the "Willows" on the
right and took over "Epsom" on the left.
Our billets at Bailleulval were fairly comfortable, and were
constantly improved, under the guiding hand of Major Wordsworth, the
Staff Captain. We had a splendid parade ground on the high land behind
the village, a good Canteen, a Sergeants' Mess, a Corporals' Mess,
home-made Russian baths erected with much skill by our own Pioneers,
and frequent visits from the "Whizz-bangs," who gave us excellent
programmes. We played cricket, football, both soccer and rugger; we
had Officers' Riding Classes, which were a source of much interest not
to say amusement, to the onlookers, and we got good dinners at the
well-known "Seven Sisters," in the neighbouring village of Basseux.
The weather for the most part was delightful, and life was extremely
pleasant.
Major-General Thwaites twice inspected us, and all who were in the
Battalion during the time he reigned at Division will remember what an
inspection by him entailed! Our best salute proved very inadequate on
the first occasion, and the Commanding Officer was requested, after
putting himself and his horse in front of the centre of the Battalion,
to do it again! Capt. Turner, too, who was acting Second-in-Command,
got a polite enquiry as to what he was doing with his horse! Poor
"Strawberry" was apparently rather upset over the fixing of bayonets!
As a rule, however, we believe our efforts to make a good show did not
pass unnoticed, though a good deal that was uncomplimentary was said.
On his second inspection Lieut.-General Snow, the Corps Commander,
was with him, and appeared to be quite satisfied with the turnout.
Training at this time, so far as the Battalion was concerned,
consisted only of such general work as could be done in the few days
we spent periodically at Bailleulval. The Divisional School, however,
was in full going order, Regimental Sergt.-Major Mounteney doing duty
there for a time, and in addition a Brigade School was formed at
Basseux, to which Major Ashwell went as Commandant and expounded the
art of war to young Subalterns and others, taking with him 2nd Lieut.
Hopkinson as his Adjutant. Whilst Major Ashwell was away, Capt. Turner
took over the duties of Second-in-Command, leaving B Company in the
capable hands of Lieut. G. Wright. At an Assault Competition arranged
by the Brigade School on October 12th, we almost swept the board,
winning five out of eight events--Physical Drill, Bayonet Fighting,
Bombing, Relay Race, and Obstacle Race--so we were well satisfied with
our efforts, and the training work that was being done. By this time
the whole Battalion had been fitted out with the short rifle, the last
of the old long rifles being handed to Ordnance on September 26th.
A new "toy" that was issued in these days was that horrible thing
known as the "Lewis Gun Hand Cart." Tomlinson had some most
entertaining experiences in trying to get mules to pull these
"handcarts," but the mules usually found it more interesting to try
and turn round to see what extraordinary things on wheels they were
now being insulted by being asked to pull, or in going off at
breakneck speeds to try and get rid of them. These carts were never
popular, and never a success, and gradually, by being carefully "left"
by the roadside or some other convenient spots, they were eventually
disposed of.
The most notable event during this period was undoubtedly Vann's raid,
the first really successful raid carried out by the Battalion. This
took place on the night of September 21/22nd, and was carried out by
Capt. Vann, with practically the whole of his (A) Company. In order to
illustrate the thorough manner in which the scheme was devised and
carried out, the story is given in some detail.
[Illustration: LIEUT.-COL. B. W. VANN, V.C., M.C. Killed in action at
Ramicourt, Oct. 3rd, 1918, when in command of the 6th Sherwood
Foresters.]
The point to be raided was a short sap known as "Italy Sap," running
out from the Boche front line about 300 yards away. The wire
protecting the sap was cut during the afternoon of September 21st by
our 2-inch trench mortars, and other gaps were cut on another part of
the front further North, partly as a "blind" and partly for use in a
future operation. In order to verify that the gaps were properly cut,
a wire patrol under L.-Corpl. Hickman went out at 8.0 p.m. and
reported that the gaps were good, and that the ammonal tubes which the
Royal Engineers had in readiness to take out and blow gaps with were
not required. Frequent bursts were fired by our machine guns on to the
gaps to prevent them being repaired by the enemy before the raiding
party got there. At 11.15 p.m., the wire patrol again went out and
laid tapes from the gaps back to "Cavendish Sap" in our own front line
to guide the raiding party across No Man's Land. The party was divided
up into several smaller parties, commanded respectively by Lieut.
Martelli, 2nd Lieuts. Duff, White, and Hall, and Comp. Sergt.-Major G.
Powell. In addition there were two teams of Brigade machine gunners to
guard the flanks, and seven sappers to blow up dug-outs. The total of
the party was five Officers, and 136 other ranks. All identification
marks, badges, letters, etc., had been removed from all members of the
raiding party, and faces, hands and bayonets were blackened. Smoke
helmets were carried in the pocket, and gas and phosphorus bombs
were taken for clearing dug-outs, together with a number of
flashlights and torches. At 12.15 am the enemy trenches in the region
of the area to be raided were bombarded by 18 pounders, 4.5 and 6-inch
howitzers, 2-inch trench mortars, and 3-inch Stokes mortars. The
raiding party guided by the tapes, got as close up to the barrage as
possible, and as soon as it lifted at 12.28 a.m., went through the
gaps and into the enemy trenches. One German who was met was at once
bayoneted. Several dug-outs were bombed, and in some cases set on
fire, one being blown up by the Royal Engineers with an ammonal tube.
An enemy machine gun which opened fire from the right was immediately
silenced by our Lewis and machine guns. The time fixed for the return
of the party was 12.50 a.m. and it was only in the last minute or so
that the main object of the raid, a prisoner, was secured. Most of the
dug-outs were empty, but eventually Vann found one which contained
some Boches. These he at once ordered to come out. Two came up with
bayonets fixed, one of whom was at once shot dead by Vann, and the
other wounded. They were followed by four others, including a
stretcher bearer, who came out with hands up shouting "Kamerad!"
"Kamerad!" They were at once hustled out of the trench with the
scantiest of ceremony and brought back to our lines. Immediately after
this, Vann ordered his bugler to sound the recall signal, and at the
same instant the prearranged signal of six red rockets went up at
Battalion Headquarters. During the last ten minutes of the raid the
enemy had surrounded the occupied portion of the trenches with red
lights and their artillery had begun to shell their front line and
"Italy Sap," but did the party little harm, and every man got back to
our trenches, the only casualties being eight men wounded. The net
result of the raid was that five Germans were killed by the raiding
party, and five taken prisoners, including one wounded, apart from any
casualties inflicted by our bombardments. It is worth noting that a
bombardment of the area around the blind gap was also carried out, and
that the barrage there "lifted" before that on the gaps where the raid
was actually to take place. This was undoubtedly of great assistance
to the raiding party in diverting the enemy's attention, and in
causing his barrage to come down first in No Man's Land opposite the
blind gap, where we had no troops whatever. The number of rounds used
to cut the wire was 670, fired by seven 2-inch trench mortars.
Many messages of congratulation were received on the success of the
raid, including one from the Corps Commander. It was a great pleasure
to all when it was known shortly afterwards, that Vann, whose
gallantry knew no bounds, had been given a bar to his M.C., and that
the M.C. had been awarded to Duff, who had already done most admirable
work at Vimy, and was one of the pluckiest Officers the Battalion ever
had. Vann was subsequently awarded the French Croix-de-Guerre.
Much of the success of the raid was undoubtedly due to the excellent
patrolling which had been done by Martelli and his Scouts, L.-Corpl.
Hickman, and Pvtes. Bambrook and Haslam, who throughout worked with
the greatest skill, and left nothing undone to ensure that all was in
order. Many gallant deeds too, were performed in the enemy trenches.
Pvte. Chappel, a leading bayonet man successfully shewed one Boche the
proper way of making the point; Pvte. Walsh wanted to go on to the
German second line when he was unable to find any to kill where he
was; Drummer Heath shewed great bravery and devotion as he had often
done on previous occasions, in carrying messages; Drummer A. L. Smith,
though wounded, remained at his post to the last to sound the recall
signal; while great gallantry was also shewn by Lieut. Martelli,
Comp. Sergt.-Major G. Powell, Sergt. Slater, Corpl. Carrier, and Pvte.
Needham. The raiding party had a special little dinner of their own a
few days after the raid at the canteen at Bailleulval.
There is but little to record of our other doings in the trenches. We
recall efforts being made to have "Daily Trench Exercises" carried
out, such as physical jerks, bomb throwing, and rifle practice, but
the orders issued on the subject were, we fear, honoured rather in the
breach than the observance! We did, however, appreciate the
opportunity given us in these days of sending Officers from time to
time to our Gunner friends to learn something of the elements of
artillery work, and though these visits were very short, it was
certainly not the fault of the Gunners if we were not wiser for the
instruction they gave us. We on our part were also called upon to do
some instructing, having attached to us at various times Lieut.-Col.
Smeathman of the Hertfordshire Regiment, Lieut. Haslam (afterwards
killed) and 12 men of the Artists' Rifles, and an Officer and 14 men
of the 1st King's Dragoon Guards, to all of whom we imparted as much
of our knowledge of trench warfare as was possible during the short
time they were with us.
As time wore on changes took place. Vann, who had once more been
slightly wounded during his raid and was not very fit, went to the
Senior Officers' Course at Aldershot, and was succeeded in command of
A Company by Capt. E. M. Hacking. Capt. Davenport after a week's tour
in the trenches for instruction left to attend the Staff Course at
Cambridge. Hicks, who was afterwards killed, went to the Trench Mortar
Battery, E. A. Huskinson to the 138th Brigade to learn Staff duties,
Easterfield to the Machine Gun Corps, where he won the M.C., Corry
(who later died of wounds) and Newton to the Royal Flying Corps,
Woodward to the "Whizz-bangs," and Capt. A. Hacking (from Brigade
Headquarters), Field, Parker and Wells were invalided to England.
Jones, who followed Marshall as Intelligence Officer, got wounded on
patrol, and was succeeded by Martelli. Under the new scheme of sending
home as Instructors, Warrant Officers and N.C.O.'s who were feeling
the strain of long periods of active service, we lost Comp.
Sergt.-Major Chappell, and Sergts. L. Bell, Shore and Wells. Comp.
Quarter-Master-Sergt. Hotson then became Comp. Sergt.-Major of B
Company, and Sergt. Deverall, Comp. Quarter-Master-Sergt. of C
Company. Our casualties during the period amounted to seven killed,
and 37 wounded. Against these losses we were joined by two Officers,
2nd Lieuts. J. M. Johnston, and E. W. Warner, and about 80 men,
including 40 from No. 4 Entrenching Battalion.
All this time the Somme fighting had been going on, more or less
successfully, and we wondered time and again when our turn would come
to go and take part in it. Divisions around us were moved backwards
and forwards, to and from the fighting area, with almost lightning
rapidity, and still we were left in this peaceful part with few cares,
and almost began to think we had been forgotten, or that the office
boy had scratched our name off the list of Divisions in France! But it
was apparently not so, for on October 20th, we got news of our
approaching move to a training area, preparatory, no doubt, to taking
a more active part in the fighting. Eventually, on October 29th, we
were relieved by the 16th Manchesters and said goodbye to that
delightful area where we had such good times, and to which we shall
always look back with the greatest possible pleasure.
CHAPTER IX
THE CAPTURE OF GOMMECOURT
_October 29th, 1916._ _March 17th, 1917._
Having spent the afternoon of October 29th in packing up, we left
Bailleulval about dusk, and late the same evening arrived at Warluzel,
where we spent the night in indifferent billets. We proceeded the
following day to our old quarters at Le Souich, where we rested for 24
hours, continuing the march on November 1st to Neuvillette, and on
November 3rd, to our final destination Maison Ponthieu, in the Third
Army (St. Riquier) training area, having completed a march of
something like 40 miles.
Considering that this area had been used for training for some
considerable time, we cannot say that we found the billets of the best
or well provided with those comforts, which one might reasonably
expect for troops out of the line preparing to take part in an
offensive. Our energies at first were therefore concentrated on trying
to make ourselves comfortable, and a considerable time was spent in
carrying out improvements, making bathing arrangements, cookhouses,
canteen and reading rooms. Rightly or wrongly we were inclined to
think that we were unlucky with regard to billets, as we so often
found ourselves scavenging and cleaning up other people's refuse.
Doubtless every other unit thought the same. In the way of
entertainments we had little or nothing, and Maison Ponthieu itself
boasted nothing more than one or two estaminets. Auxi-le-Château, the
home of the Third Army Training School, had a few shops and was rather
more lively, while, for those who could get there, St. Riquier was
quite interesting, and the battlefield of Crécy was not far off.
Abbeville some distance away, was patronised only by a few lucky ones.
We stayed in this area for nearly three weeks, and trained hard with a
view to taking part in the Somme offensive. The chief points were to
make everyone fit, and to practise formations for open warfare. For
the former, recreation of every kind and for all ranks was an
essential part of the programme, though we were inclined to think that
perhaps a little too much compulsion was added to this part of the
scheme. Inter-platoon football matches were a prominent part of the
recreational training, and created a great deal of genuine interest
and amusement. There were also inter-battalion football matches in the
Division, in which we started well by beating the 7th Battalion, but
were hopelessly defeated by the 5th Battalion at Noyelle on November
18th, by eight goals to nil. One of the most entertaining matches was
that which took place at Maison Ponthieu, between Divisional
Headquarters and Brigade Headquarters. When the Divisional goal was
threatened S.O.S. rockets were sent up and smoke bombs let off, which
to the onlookers, seemed rather to baffle the defending goalkeeper,
who was none other than the Assistant Provost Marshal, Major Newbold!
Preliminary contests held to select representatives for the Divisional
Boxing Championship, which unfortunately did not materialise, were won
by Sergt. Slater, Sergt. Attenborough, Signaller Gearney, and Pvte.
Hall.
For open warfare we practised mostly the attack, beginning with
artillery formation. Those who did know something of it had by now
grown very rusty, after so many months in trenches, whilst many
Officers and men in the Battalion at this time, had had practically no
training at all in this kind of warfare, so that much work was
required in the simple practices of shaking out into artillery
formation, lines of companies, half-companies, platoons or sections,
and eventually extending for the final stages of the attack leading up
to the assault. The other main feature of the training, was practice
in night marching on a compass bearing and subsequent deployment for
attack.
On the whole we must confess we felt that the training was rather
overdone. We had to put in many hours daily, and the march to the
training ground at Yvrencheux and back, some six miles in all, was to
say the least of it somewhat tedious. We were besides, most
unfortunate with regard to weather, which was very unpleasant most of
the time, and we were hardly sorry when our time came to leave the
area. We were not, however, required to take part in the Somme
fighting, as this had by now more or less worn itself out. From what
we read and heard from troops, who came out of it, of the appalling
condition of the ground and the impossibility of making any further
progress during the Winter, we were not surprised or sorry that there
was no need for us in that direction. Our lot was to return once more
to our old trenches at Foncquevillers.
Changes in personnel during this period were mostly in Officers. Major
Ashwell had rejoined and resumed his duties as Second-in-Command;
Major Lane also rejoined after nearly 18 months in England, as a
result of his wound at Kemmel, and took over A Company from Capt. E.
M. Hacking. A further addition was Lieut. Simonet, who had by some
means managed to get the Hospital Authorities to pass him fit again
for general service. We also had a small draft of 32 men. On the other
hand we had to part with six Officers at extremely short notice to the
12th Rifle Brigade and King's Royal Rifle Corps which had lost very
heavily in the Somme fighting, and sent 2nd Lieuts. Ranson, Hall (who
later won the M.C.), Visser, H. G. Kirby, Byrne and Bailey
(afterwards killed). Second Lieut. Cox also left us to join the Signal
Company of the 14th Division, his place as Signalling Officer being
taken by Lieut. Warner. For good work on a subsequent occasion Cox was
awarded the M.C. Lieut. Martelli was still Intelligence Officer,
Lieut. White, Grenade Officer, and Lieut. Tomlinson, Lewis Gun
Officer.
We went by easy stages back to the line, leaving Maison Ponthieu on
November 22nd, and proceeding to Bealcourt, and the following day to
Neuvillette. The chief item of interest in our two days' stay there,
was a revolver shooting match between teams of Officers from our own
and the 7th Battalion, in which we were badly beaten. On November
25th, we marched to Humbercourt on a pouring wet morning, arriving
there about mid-day drenched to the skin. Here we stayed for nearly a
fortnight, training and cutting wood in Lucheux Forest. The weather
was wet and cold, and as the village lay in a hollow, we got the full
benefit of all the rain, and consequent flooded streams. On November
30th, we took part in a Divisional cross-country run, a part of the
programme left over from the St. Riquier area. The distance was two
and three-quarter miles, and we felt quite pleased to finish 6th out
of the 13 Battalions running, our pleasure knowing no bounds at seeing
C. B. Johnstone and F. Torrance finish well within the time limit,
happy if breathless.
On December 2nd, a Brigade Ceremonial Parade was held at Sus-St.
Leger, where we were inspected by Major-General Thwaites. It was a
bitterly cold day, but on the whole the show passed off well. It was
perhaps aided a little by the fog, which covered one or two of our
more intricate and unconventional movements rather successfully.
On the following day we took part in what was probably one of the most
interesting football matches in the Battalion's history, when a team
of Officers played one from the 7th Battalion, and beat them one-nil
after a great tussle.
It was at Humbercourt that Sergt. "Sammy" Foster played an important
part in trying to make us all "gas proof." With much success he made
up a gas chamber in the village out of the shed for the "Pompe à
incendie," where all ranks of the Battalion were fitted with the new
small box respirator, which had just arrived. This proved to be much
the most satisfactory form of gas mask we ever had, and continued in
general use up to the end of the war.
We left Humbercourt on December 6th, and the same day went into
Brigade Reserve, in the Foncquevillers sector, the 46th Division
having taken over this portion of the line from the 49th Division. The
sector was now fairly quiet, everyone having more or less gone into
winter quarters. Our rest billets and Transport Lines were at
Souastre, where, considering all things, we were fairly comfortable.
There were good baths under the control of one of those celebrated
Town Majors, of whom so much has been heard, a Y.M.C.A. hut, and a new
form of entertainment in the shape of a Cinema, which our Division had
recently added to its institutions. The Divisional "Whizz-bangs" were
still showing, but were rather under a cloud, although that great
actor subaltern from the Battalion, Moffat Johnston, gave them a
helping hand for a short time. Being "out to soldier," however, he
preferred the front line, and very soon came back to us.
When in Divisional Reserve all companies were back at Souastre, and
carried out a little training in addition to the usual refitting and
cleaning. Parties were also generally provided for Town Major's
fatigues. When in Brigade Reserve two companies were at Souastre, and
two at Foncquevillers, the latter finding garrisons for posts on the
Eastern edge of the village, and at "Fort Dick," between
Foncquevillers and Hébuterne.
When in the line we held the left sub-sector, relieving with the 7th
Battalion, the right company front having its right on the
Foncquevillers-Gommecourt Road, the centre company being disposed
about "Lincoln Lane," and the left company front running from "Roberts
Avenue" to the Brayelle Road. Companies holding the line, had two or
three platoons in the front line, and the remainder in support. The
support Company occupied the dug-outs in "Sniper's Square."
The trenches throughout this period were in an appalling state, though
efforts had been made to improve them by the 49th Division, who
certainly left Roberts Avenue well revetted, and with a good floor of
trench grids. For the most part, however, they were deep in mud, and
in a deplorable condition, and "gumboots thigh" were in great demand.
Dug-outs were of the poorest, and life in the trenches was not
pleasant. Efforts were made to improve matters during our stay and the
Royal Engineers and Monmouths did a great deal of work, helped by
large parties from all Battalions, but improvement was very slow.
[Illustration: MAJOR-GENERAL THWAITES OUTSIDE BATTALION HEAD-QUARTERS,
THE BRASSERIE, FONCQUEVILLERS. _Reproduced by permission of the
Imperial War Museum._]
Fortunately the trenches were no great distance from the village,
where Company cooks had their cookers, whilst the Battalion was in the
line, so that hot meals were sent up regularly, and included a hot
supper issued generally about midnight, the meals being mostly carried
up by the Support Company. During the latter part of January and
beginning of February, we had very hard frosts and much snow, and the
carrying parties had a difficult task in walking on the slippery roads
and trench grids, but this was overcome to a great extent by the use
of sandbags tied over the boots. It was perhaps a somewhat expensive
method to employ with sandbags costing something like a shilling each,
but they served the purpose very well, and were in great demand in
consequence. A drying-room was established at Battalion Headquarters
in the village, in a large cellar, fitted with double-tier wire beds,
stoves, and braziers. A supply of blankets was also available, so that
the men who had been on patrol, or had got wet through, could come
down from the line and get their wet clothes dried and a good rest and
sleep in comfort. Inter-Battalion reliefs were carried out every four
days, whilst Companies were able to relieve their men in the front
line every 48 hours, or, when the weather was extremely bad, every 24
hours, by taking up the men from the support line. By this means, the
time any particular man was actually in the front line was reduced to
the lowest possible limit. During December and January, reliefs were
carried out by daylight, usually beginning immediately after
breakfast, and being completed by about noon. This system not only
enabled the incomers to settle down in the trenches before night, but
also gave the relieved Battalion four complete nights out, a system
which was very much appreciated. At the end of January we
changed to night reliefs. The main artery for traffic was the
Foncquevillers-Souastre Road, and although it was usually fairly
quiet, we sometimes astonished ourselves at the pace we made along it
on relief nights, and most of us were glad when we got over the crest
into Souastre.
Martelli and his Scouts and many others did some very good patrols,
but on some nights when the moon was bright, and the ground covered
with snow, this work was not easy. Long white nightshirts complete
with hoods were tried, but not considered very suitable, as they
looked quite dark against the white snow, and on the whole were not a
success.
Though normally quiet the sector was occasionally trench mortared and
shelled fairly heavily, most attention being paid to the front line
about Roberts Avenue and Lincoln Lane, the Gommecourt Road, the
Orchard in front of the village, where our heavy trench mortars,
familiarly known as "Flying Pigs", had their quarters, and the village
itself. It was in connection with one of these bombardments that the
I-Tok machine professed to have some success. By some means a Boche
map had been secured shewing the areas into which our front was
divided for the purpose of "shoots", and if the I-Tok picked up
messages from which it was inferred that a shoot over a particular
area was likely to take place, the information was at once passed on
to the Battalion concerned. On one occasion when such information was
received, no sooner were the men cleared of the area than it was
indeed shelled! It may have been an accident of course, but the I-Tok
personnel took the credit, which we hope was deserved.
One night, when the 7th Battalion were in the line, they were raided
after a very heavy bombardment, in which they suffered several
casualties. The following day the Officer Commanding that Battalion
sent us a kind message of appreciation of the prompt way in which
Capt. Turner and B Company, who were in support in Foncquevillers, had
turned out and stood by ready to help. Fortunately their services were
not required.
The most unpleasant experience we ourselves had was on February 16th,
when we relieved the 7th Battalion for the last time in this sector.
The relief itself was carried out under difficulties, owing to a
certain amount of gas shelling, but later on the Hun sent over perfect
showers of gas bombs, and absolutely deluged the front and support
lines, whilst he also fired a considerable number of gas shells into
the village. It is estimated that in all between 500 and 600 were put
over, mostly filled with phosgene. It was our first experience of any
real gas shell bombardment, and partly owing to this and partly to
the high concentration of the gas used we suffered heavy casualties,
four men being killed and 24 wounded.
Christmas Day, 1916, was spent in the line, and passed off very
peacefully without anything untoward happening. We were not able to
get our Christmas dinners until early in the New Year, when we were
back at Souastre, and made the most of all the good things that had
been sent out by kind friends at home. Each Company enjoyed a most
sumptuous dinner, followed by a splendid entertainment provided by
local talent, speeches, and so on.
The Battalion front remained unchanged until early in February, when
we extended Northwards to include the "Crawlboys Lane" area, then held
by the 138th Brigade.
About the same time we had Companies of the 2/5th, 2/8th, and 2/11th
Battalions London Regiment with us for instruction, and a fine lot of
men they were. Our difficulty was in knowing where to put them, for
whereas we were about 80 per Company, they came out with their full
complement of 250. One dreaded on occasions what might happen if the
enemy suddenly decided to shell the trenches they held, for in some
parts they were almost like the proverbial sardines. They came out
fully equipped, with mobilisation stores made up to completion. Rumour
says that when they had finished their instruction with us they were
wiser not only in trench routine, but also in their Quarter-Master's
Department!
This period saw several important changes in personnel. With great
regret we had to part with Major Ashwell, who left to take up the
duties of Commandant of the Divisional School. This post, however, he
only held for a brief space, as his excellent services throughout the
war were very soon rewarded by his appointment to command first the
5th, and shortly afterwards the 6th Battalion. He was succeeded as
Second-in-Command by Major Lane. Capt. E. M. Hacking, who commanded A
Company for a time, was appointed Railhead Disbursing Officer, and
handed over his duties to Lieut. Andrews. Capt. Turner stuck to B
Company, but during periods of absence of the Commanding Officer and
Major Lane, acted as Second-in-Command, leaving Lieut. G. Wright to
look after his Company. Capt. Piggford, after struggling on for some
time, although very unfit, eventually had to go down sick, and shortly
afterwards was appointed Divisional Claims Officer, to which he later
added the duties of Divisional Burials Officer. When he left, C
Company was handed over to Lieut. Abrams. Capt. Hill, after a long and
successful period in command of D Company, also had to leave owing to
sickness, and was succeeded by Lieut. Simonet. In 2nd Lieut.
King-Stephens we lost a very gallant Officer, and a great favourite.
He was killed one morning when returning from wiring. The fog which
had been so helpful for the purpose, cleared rather suddenly and a
Boche sniper picked him off just as he was getting back to the trench.
Reinforcement Officers who joined during the period were 2nd Lieuts.
C. H. S. Stephenson, A. E. Geary, and J. E. Mitchell. So far as other
ranks were concerned there were now no discharges as the Military
Service Act, which was in force, gave to very few the opportunity of
getting home. We lost, however, two excellent Comp. Sergt.-Majors, G.
Powell and Hotson, who went to England to train for commissions, and
were shortly followed by Comp. Sergt.-Major T. Powell. George Powell
was destined one day to be awarded the D.S.O., whilst Hotson
unfortunately met his fate in Italy. Sergts. Slater and Rawding, and
Comp. Quarter-Master Sergt. Deverall, then became Comp. Sergt.-Majors
of A, B, and D Companies respectively. Our casualties in the line
during this period were not heavy, amounting to seven killed and 47
wounded. Reinforcements who joined totalled 243, and included several
men from the Sherwood Rangers Yeomanry.
On February 19th, after handing over our portion of the front line to
Battalions of the 138th Brigade, we marched back to St. Amand.
We now entered upon what turned out to be one of the most interesting
periods in the history of the Battalion. The idea at the moment was
that the 46th Division should take part in an early offensive against
Beaurains, just south of Arras, and the immediate purpose of our
relief was to withdraw to the Sus-St. Leger area and dig a model of
the front to be attacked, ready for one of the other Brigades of the
Division to practise over. With this object we moved back on February
20th, to Ivergny, where we spent the first few days refitting and
reorganising. The latter was now becoming of great moment, for
important changes were taking place. To begin with the Battalion
Grenade Platoon, that picked body of specially trained Bombers, to
which it was everyone's ambition to belong, ceased to exist, and the
personnel rejoined their Companies, in which from this time onward
each platoon had its own section of Bombers. This was only a
preliminary to the absolute reorganisation of the platoon, which was
now rightly coming into its own, and regarded as the most important
tactical fighting unit. We had already been lectured at Souastre by
Lieut.-General Sir Ivor Maxse, our Corps Commander, and later Director
General of Training, also by Major-General Thwaites, on the new
organisation of the platoon, which was now to consist of four
specialist sections: (1) Riflemen, (2) Bombers, (3) Rifle Grenadiers,
(4) Lewis Gunners. We now began the preliminaries of this new
organisation, which was to remain practically unchanged for the rest
of the war. The Signallers were also reorganised under Lieut. Warner,
and divided into "Battalion" and "Company" Signallers.
After only a few days training in Lucheux Wood, and digging model
trenches near by, we were ordered to move to Simencourt, preparatory
to taking over the line near Beaurains. Just about the same time,
however, the Boche began his great Somme retirement, and on February
27th, the news came through that he was evacuating the Gommecourt
salient. This of course entailed a complete change in our plans, and
instead of moving North, we marched back towards Foncquevillers,
reaching Grenas on February 28th. There we stayed for one night,
proceeding the following morning to St. Amand, where hurried
preparations were made to relieve the 138th Brigade, who were busy
following up the retreating enemy. We left St. Amand early on the
morning of March 3rd, for Gommecourt, where we took over the old Boche
lines from the 5th Leicesters. The enemy were still in the Northern
and Eastern outskirts of the village, and the line was in a more or
less "fluid" state. The enemy's retirement continued slowly during the
day, and our troops kept moving on in close touch. The 7th Battalion
were working in conjunction with us on the left, and the 31st Division
on our right. On March 4th, the withdrawal was more rapid, and it
became somewhat difficult to keep touch. The few dug-outs that were
not set on fire or otherwise destroyed, were found to contain
quantities of stores and rations, and shewed evident signs of having
been evacuated very hurriedly. A neat souvenir in the shape of a Boche
bugle was got from one of these dug-outs, and is now treasured with
the Battalion plate at Newark. One was rather nervous of "booby traps"
in some of them, but so far as our experience went at this time there
were none. "Pigeon Wood" was captured during the afternoon, after
some fighting and an unpleasant sort of game of hide and seek, and we
also occupied Rettemoy Farm, and "The Z."
Evidently thinking that we were too close on his heels, the enemy
delivered a determined counter-attack about 6 p.m. against C Company,
who were holding the trench line in front of La Brayelle Farm, forcing
them to withdraw slightly. During this attack Lieut. Duff did
magnificent work in holding off a bombing attack, and L.-Sergt. Sansom
gallantly held on to a bombing post which was cut off, until he was
rescued by a party ably led by Corpl. Street, who went forward under
heavy fire, and opening fire on the attacking enemy, enabled the post
to withdraw. Sergt. Henley also did splendid work in holding his post
against a strong bombing attack, until he was eventually wounded in
the head, dying the next day.
The Battalion suffered a great loss the same day by the death of
Lieut. Abrams, who was killed during the afternoon whilst
reconnoitring near La Brayelle Farm. Thinking, apparently, that the
coast was clear, he was walking across the open with his batman when a
Boche machine gun suddenly opened fire on them at close range, killing
them both instantaneously. C Company then came under the command of
Lieut. A. Bedford. The casualties that day in other ranks, were seven
killed and 17 wounded.
Very little happened on March 5th, except a certain number of bombing
encounters, and at night the 5th Battalion took over the right portion
of our front from Rettemoy Farm to "Brayelle Graben". On March 6th, we
were relieved by the 6th Battalion, commanded by Major Ashwell, and
moved back to dug-outs in and around Gommecourt. It was with much
regret that we heard on the 9th that Major Ashwell had been badly
wounded the previous night in an attack on "Kite Copse."
The line had not altered appreciably when we relieved the 6th
Battalion again on March 10th. The weather was cold, and the trenches
were deep in mud and water, and movement was extremely exhausting. The
object now was to force the enemy to retire more rapidly, and orders
were received that we were to seize "Hedge Trench" and "Kite Copse" as
soon as possible, and form a line across to "Rettemoy Graben" on the
right, which was to be captured by the 5th Battalion. As a preliminary
during the night of March 11/12th, a party from C Company under Corpl.
Kirk successfully cut gaps in the wire in front of Hedge Trench.
At 1.10 a.m. on March 13th--a wet, pitch dark night--the 5th Battalion
attempted to seize Rettemoy Graben in conjunction with a hastily
planned attack by the Staffords on their right. In spite of the most
gallant efforts, these attacks were dismal failures, and attended with
a large number of casualties. At the same time strong parties of A, C
and D Companies made demonstrations along communication trenches
towards Hedge Trench. At 7 a.m. on the same day Capt. A. Hacking, who
had now rejoined the Battalion and taken command of A Company, ordered
Lieut. A. H. Michie with his platoon to seize Kite Copse. Michie made
a rapid reconnaissance, and in a very short time found himself in
possession of this important point, the enemy garrison having nearly
all left to fetch their rations. The water was boiling in the
dug-outs, and a supply of coffee was found, which enabled Michie's
platoon to get breakfast as soon as the position was consolidated.
During the evening the enemy made two determined counter-attacks
against the position, but these were both driven off with heavy loss
by the excellent work of Pvte. Teare with his Lewis gun, Sergt. King
and Corpl. Scrimshaw.
[Illustration: MAP TO ILLUSTRATE CHAPTERS VII & IX.]
In the afternoon of the same day Lieut. Hopkinson attempted to push
through the "Burg Graben" to Hedge Trench, but was met by strong
opposition. He, however, withdrew his party without casualties, after
inflicting several on the enemy. For his gallantry here and splendid
work on other occasions "Hoppy" was awarded the M.C. On this occasion
Corpl. Kirk again did splendid work. Many other gallant deeds were
performed during these strenuous days, special credit being due to
Sergt. Edis for good work in charge of a platoon, Corpl. J. Wilson,
who worked unceasingly for 36 hours, when in charge of an advanced
bombing post, Corpls. Blythe and Marvill for good patrol work, and
L.-Corpls. Fern, Martin and Leonard, and Pvtes. Simpson, Crane,
Peplow, W. Barwise, and Bacon. Invaluable work was also done by the
Transport Section, who had a very hard time in getting supplies up to
Gommecourt. The roads were in an appalling state, and every night were
thronged with horses and vehicles, whilst the enemy had ample
ammunition to loose off before retiring, both high explosive and gas,
most of which he sent over to Foncquevillers or Gommecourt, or the
road in between. It was on one of these nights that Pvte. Chapman did
excellent work in clearing a block in the road, in the midst of heavy
shell fire, and enabling the masses of transport to pass.
In this miniature moving warfare, the Signallers found their task more
entertaining than it had hitherto been. Warner one day went so far as
to try flag-wagging, until he found that his performance was in full
view of the enemy. On another occasion he established a Trench
Wireless set to Brigade, which he maintained successfully for an hour,
but at the end of that period the whole apparatus was dissipated in
the explosion of a German shell. A second effort with new apparatus
met with a precisely similar fate.
As evidence of the closeness with which we had followed up the
retreating enemy it is interesting to note that at one time Capt.
Hacking reported that from his front line, he could hear perfectly
plainly both our own Gunners and those of the Boche giving their fire
orders.
An incident in the Quarter-Master's Department that was not without
interest, was a great ride by our great Quarter-Master. In his anxiety
to see that all our wants were provided for (or was it for a heavy
wager?), long before horses were allowed so far forward "Harry"
Torrance arrived one night at Pigeon Wood mounted on "Buster," having
defied the Military Police and all other Traffic Controls. Another
unique experience was that of Lieut. Whitton, who for a brief space
held the appointment of Town Major of Gommecourt, and was we believe,
the one and only person ever to occupy that post of honour. As Officer
Commanding 300 dozen Boche mineral waters found in the village, he was
a very useful person to know.
On March 14th, we moved back to Gommecourt, where we were finally
relieved by the 4th Leicesters three days later. The enemy were
retiring very rapidly, and on the same day evacuated Essarts and
Bucquoy. Being squeezed out owing to the shortening of the line, the
46th Division began to follow several other Divisions to the back
areas, preparatory to taking part in operations in other spheres.
Never again did we go to Gommecourt, which we believe is being
retained by the French untouched. It will thus ever remain a type of a
completely destroyed village, for it is probably one of the worst
treated in the whole of France. There were certainly one or two spots
where the remains of buildings were still standing, but practically
every sign of a once prosperous village had been obliterated. As a
type of German fortification it was probably one of the best,
containing the deepest and best constructed trenches we ever saw. The
wire in front was almost impossible to break through; each line of
trenches was protected in much the same way; the dug-outs were deep
and proof against all except the very heaviest of shells, and there
was a long subterranean passage built by the Boche from behind
Gommecourt Wood to his second line, along which reinforcements could
be brought in safety to counter-attack any troops that might have
gained a footing in the front line. It was sad to find magnificent
tapestries and valuable pieces of furniture, evidently taken from the
château, which once existed there, adorning the German dug-outs or
ruthlessly cut and knocked about, but sadder still to find the bodies
of our own Officers and men lying unburied exactly as they had fallen
on that fated 1st of July, 1916. It is pleasing, however, to record
that the grave of an Officer of the Brigade was found in Essarts with
the inscription in English on the Cross: "To the memory of a very
gallant British Officer and Gentleman, killed July 1st, 1916."
CHAPTER X
LENS
_March 17th, 1917._ _July 4th, 1917._
After relief at Gommecourt we spent two days at Souastre, and then
marched via Bayencourt and Courcelles-au-Bois to Contay, where we
arrived on March 23rd. The roads for much of this journey were in an
appalling mess, partly as a result of constant shelling, and partly
through being cut up by the masses of transport which had passed over
them during the recent wet weather either in following up the
retreating enemy or in withdrawing to back areas. Vehicles were often
up to the axle in mud, whilst bicycles gave an immense amount of
trouble, and this was not the only occasion on which we found it far
preferable to foot-slog, even with heavy packs, than to be Signallers
with bicycles, which practically had to be carried. Loaded with pack
and other paraphernalia, the heavy army pattern bicycle is not a
lovable companion, except on a more or less perfect road. A really
first-class exhibition of bicycle manoeuvring was given during the
move by Pvte. Bunce, who always seemed to be in trouble, and was a
source of much amusement to his fellow Signallers. We stayed one night
at Contay, moving the following day to Bertangles, and on March 25th
to Revelles, a delightful village about seven miles West of Amiens. We
were taken through Amiens itself in motor 'buses, which picked us up
just North of the town, and deposited us on the other side, leaving us
to finish the journey on foot.
On passing through one village during this backward march we saw some
men wearing Sherwood Forester badges. They turned out to be men of the
2/8th Battalion, and proved the correctness of rumours we had
recently heard that that Battalion was actually in France. One of the
2/8th men accosted a fellow man of our Battalion, as he passed, with
the remark "Who are you?" "1/8th" was the reply, "Who are you?"
"2/8th"--"Right", said our friend--we believe a Signaller--"You can
tell your mother you've seen some real soldiers now!"
We were supposed to entrain for the North almost at once, but as five
or six other Divisions were being moved besides ourselves it was not
surprising that trains were running a day or two late, so we were able
to have a short rest at Revelles, which was much enjoyed, especially
as we were able to make trips to Amiens, which at that time had only
been slightly damaged by bombs, and was full of life. The chief
centres of attraction were the Hotel Godbert, The Savoy, Charlie's
Bar, and the Café du Cathédral.
Eventually we entrained at Bacouel Station in the afternoon of March
28th, the entrainment being one of the most expeditious ever carried
out by the Battalion. Not so, however, the journey! Times without
number we came to a stop with a succession of jerks, not on account of
signals--indeed it would appear that few, if any, existed--but because
other trains were in front. During a tedious night of such progress,
we passed through Abbeville, Boulogne, Calais and St. Omer, and
arrived about 9.0 a.m. on March 29th, at Hazebrouck. Being told there
by a French Railway Official that the train would stop for 15 minutes,
most of the Officers dashed for the buffet on the opposite platform
and ordered "Omelettes et café." As one might have imagined, the train
began to move without warning just as breakfast was started. There was
a wild dash, but all to no purpose, for the train was well under way.
By the best of good luck, however, a supply train was found, which
apparently was going in the same direction, though the guard and
driver appeared to have different views on the subject, which led to a
decidedly heated argument between them. At any rate our party boarded
the train and fortunately found it brought them very shortly to
Berguette Station, where the rest of the Battalion were just
detraining.
The Adjutant's duty of seeing the Battalion safely across the railway,
near the station, was indeed a pleasant one, and less fortunate
members of the Battalion have accused him of carrying on in an
unseemly manner with the fair keeper of the level crossing. We have
his assurance, however, that though he felt proud indeed at having
such a charming young lady by his side, his behaviour was beyond
reproach! A few hours' march brought us to Westrehem, where we found
most comfortable billets, and were welcomed and treated in the most
cordial manner by all.
This move brought us into the First Army (General Horne), of which we
were now to form part for many months, and into the II Corps, and
though we only remained in this Corps for a few days the Commander,
Lieut.-General Sir C. Jacob, lost no time in coming to make our
acquaintance, having all the Officers paraded to meet him at the
School at Westrehem, two days after our arrival.
We spent about a fortnight there refitting and training, the most
important part of the latter being practice in the new Company and
Platoon formations for attack, in which much attention was paid to the
question of the numbers and positions of the personnel attached to
Company and Platoon Headquarters. Practice advances were also carried
out with these formations behind a creeping barrage represented by
flags and drums. Outposts and advance guards were practised, as well
as tactical open warfare schemes, with Officers and N.C.O.'s, and
firing was carried out on a range near the village. One day was
devoted to a Divisional Route March, in which every unit in the
Division took part. It was carried out as a tactical scheme, the
Division supposed to be pursuing a retreating enemy, and the 8th
Battalion forming part of the Advance Guard.
On the recreational side, football was the chief feature, and several
very interesting matches were played, in one of which the 7th
Battalion Officers got their revenge by beating us three--nil at
Nédonchelle. Westrehem was also the venu of a Rugby football match,
between a team from the 6th and 8th Battalions, and one from the 5th
and Machine Gun Company, which ended after a hard fight in a draw.
Padre Uthwatt, who had recently joined us, did his best to try and
organise amusements, and the Divisional Cinema came over and gave one
or two shows. There was small attraction in the village except one or
two shops and estaminets, but you could get anything from chewing gum
upwards at "Lane's Emporium," and the inhabitants were so extremely
kind that we lacked little. The chief drawback during our stay at
Westrehem was the weather, which at times was very cold, and on
several days there were heavy falls of snow.
On April 13th, we began to move towards the line once more, spending
that night at Vendin-lez-Béthune, and proceeding the following day to
Houchin. There we went under canvas, sharing a camp with the 7th
Battalion, and had a comfortable if chilly stay of three days.
Changes which took place about this time included the departure of our
Medical Officer, Capt. C. B. Johnstone, who was replaced for a brief
period by Capt. Walsh, and later by Capt. W. C. Gavin; Capt. E. M.
Hacking, and Lieut. Moore were invalided to England, and "Weetie",
who had been our Adjutant for over 18 months, handed over his duties
to Lieut. Whitton on being attached to Brigade Headquarters. A little
later he succeeded "Peter" Wordsworth, who left to take up a higher
appointment after being Staff Captain for over three years, during
which we were grateful for his kind help on many occasions. Regimental
Quarter-Master Sergt. Dench went home to train for a commission, but
we met him again in the later stages of the war, when he did excellent
work with the 5th Battalion, gaining the M.C. and two bars. His place
was taken by Comp. Quarter-Master Sergt. Pritchard, who was succeeded
in D Company by Sergt. Gammon; Armourer Quarter-Master Sergt. Loughman
went to hospital, and from that time onwards no official armourer was
allowed.
We left Houchin on April 18th, and soon found familiar signs of our
proximity to the front. In Noeux-les-Mines, a not exactly encouraging
notice said "These cross-roads are registered." Needless to say we did
not loiter there, especially as it had been shelled several times
during the preceding few days. Passing Petit Sains and Aix
Noulette--the latter mostly in ruins--another notice warned us that
"Small box Respirators must be worn in the alert position East of this
point". A little further on we found parties of men at work making
good the roads, and laying temporary corduroy tracks across what had
recently been No Man's Land. Passing over this waste we descended to
Angres--known later as "Angry Corner"--and entered Liévin, where we
took over billets from the 13th Middlesex.
[Illustration: AIR PHOTOGRAPH OF LENS-LOOS AREA, 1917. _Reproduced by
permission of Captain P. Huskinson, M.C._]
Liévin had only been evacuated by the enemy and occupied by the 24th
Division two days before our arrival. This evacuation was not part of
his general scheme of withdrawing from some of his salients and
shortening his line, which we had experienced at Gommecourt, but had
been forced on him by the capture by the Canadians early in April of
Vimy Ridge.
Included in the line now held by the enemy West of Lens were the
strong positions of Fosse 3 and Hill 65, opposite the South of the
front taken over by the 46th Division, and Hill 70 on the North. His
outpost line ran through the Cité-de-Riaumont and Eastern outskirts of
Liévin, across the Lens-Liévin Road, through Cité-St. Laurent to Hill
70. Lens itself was one of the most important centres in the mining
district and the whole area was a mass of mining villages or "Cités,"
with their rows of cottages and neat gardens, pits or "puits,"
slag-heaps, and other usual features of a colliery district.
The town of Liévin lay astride the Souchez river, about three miles
West of Lens. Previously a thriving mining centre, it had now been
badly knocked about by shelling, though large numbers of houses were
still more or less intact. The Boche had done much work in
strengthening the cellars of the houses by covering them with
concrete, paving setts torn up from the road, bricks and other
material, the only drawback being that much of the extra strengthening
had been put on the side facing the old front line, so that we now got
little advantage from it, and felt we should like to turn the houses
round, as the side towards the enemy was often none too strong. The
evacuation had been so hurried that the enemy had not had time to
destroy or remove much of the furniture and clothing from the houses,
in many of which we found all the available beds collected in the
cellars, which were also well furnished with chairs, tables,
cupboards, cutlery and much other civilian property and made very
comfortable billets. Sappers made an inspection of all these cellars,
and of the dug-outs recently evacuated by the enemy before we occupied
them, in order to ensure the absence of "booby traps," and in this
respect we had no excitement.
Information from prisoners indicated that a further retreat behind
Lens was imminent, and the impression of the Higher Command was that
only slight pressure was necessary to push the enemy outposts out of
Cité-de-Riaumont and Hill 65, and to establish a line East of that
town. Unfortunately this information was true only up to a point. It
has transpired since that for a day or two before the 46th Division
came into the line there really was something approaching a panic in
the German Command in this sector, and that all preparations had been
made to evacuate Lens. By the time of our arrival, however, the panic
was at an end, and the enemy were undoubtedly holding the Southern
portion of Cité-de-Riaumont and the strong defences of Hill 65 in
considerable strength. Corps and Army Intelligence refused, however,
to believe this to be more than a show, and the general trend of
orders was that attacks by small numbers should be made at once to
clear the enemy out of Cité-de-Riaumont and finally from Hill 65. The
loss of this last covering position should, it was thought,
necessitate their withdrawal from Lens.
The flexibility of the position is indicated by the fact that a
Divisional Commander, in making a reconnaissance in Riaumont Wood, had
run against an enemy patrol. History does not relate which was the
more surprised, but both escaped without casualties.
On April 19th we took over the left sub-sector of the Brigade sector
from the 7th Northamptons, commanded by that gallant sportsman, Col.
Mobbs. The main defence just established was on the Eastern edge of
the Bois de Riaumont. The Northern two rows of houses in the village
of Riaumont were occupied by our outposts, and the enemy were reported
to be holding the remainder in force. A Company (Capt. A. Hacking)
took over the outpost line; B Company (Lieut. G. Wright, during the
absence on leave of Capt. Turner) were in support in the Bois de
Riaumont and Cité des-Bureaux, whilst C Company (Capt. A. Bedford) and
D Company (Capt. Simonet) were in billets in the "River Line," not far
from Battalion Headquarters, which were at the White Château.
It was clear that no attempt to capture Hill 65 would be possible
until the whole of Riaumont village was in our hands, and instructions
to this effect were given to Capt. A. Hacking, operations to secure
which were carried out on the night after relief in conjunction with
the 6th Battalion on our right. The advance took place quietly in
pitch darkness. Several parties of the enemy were encountered, some
being killed and one captured. By midnight the Battalion's objective
had been secured, and posts established in the Railway Cutting along
the Company front. In this difficult and rather uncanny work of
clearing and searching the houses and cellars of the village, Lieut.
Geary, Sergt. Stokes and Corpl. Brett did splendid work, for which the
first-named--who was the last Officer of the Battalion to be killed, a
fortnight before Armistice--was awarded the Military Cross. Later in
the night the enemy opened a sudden and very heavy bombardment, and
parties were seen advancing down one of the streets, but were driven
off with loss. We had no casualties during this operation.
Meanwhile the 6th Battalion were not able to make good the remainder
of the village South of the cross roads, which the enemy were holding
in greater strength, and it was apparent that he intended to hold the
trench on the South side as part of his Lens outposts.
The work put into the cellars of the colliery houses here was quite
extraordinary. In several cases, fifteen feet under the cellars, were
found subterranean passages with large dormitories and rooms capable
of accommodating large numbers of men. These were well furnished, but
owing to their depth and the proximity of the enemy, we were unable to
use them as much as we should have liked.
Further fighting and a good deal of shelling took place during the
night of April 21/22, causing us several casualties, but not any
material alteration in the situation. Particularly good work was done
during that time by Sergt. Bolton.
It was in these circumstances, and rather to the surprise of those who
were acquainted with the position, that orders were received that we
were to attack and capture Hill 65 in conjunction with the 6th
Battalion, who were at the same time to attack Fosse 3, and make good
the remainder of the village and the enemy trench to the South. The
attack was to be carried out by C Company, starting from the railway
cutting, so far as this had been established by A Company. There was
little time to make any preparations. A hasty reconnaissance was made
from an old Boche reinforced observation post East of the railway
cutting, just off "Absalom" Trench, kindly placed at our disposal by a
Gunner Officer, from which an excellent view was obtained of Hill 65,
a bare hill with a row or two of colliery cottages on the top, later
found to contain the inevitable deep cellars. The rest of the details
were fixed at hurriedly summoned conferences of Officers and N.C.O.'s.
The final objective was "Advance" Trench, just beyond the Hill. The
137th Brigade on the left were to send patrols to gain touch with us
at "Abode" Trench, and the 6th Battalion on the right were to meet our
parties in "Admiral" Trench. Their attack was not in line with ours
but was more or less echelonned in rear.
As soon as it was dark the Company moved up from their quarters in the
River Line to Cité-de-Riaumont, where the men were safely got into the
cellars of the houses, relieving part of A Company. Pvte. Bradshaw, a
most excellent Company cook, having decided that a Company Mess in
Advance Trench would be a dreary place for his Officers without
whisky, slung on his back a bottle which the Mess President had
thought of leaving behind for the incoming Mess. Unfortunately it
proved to be a case of "Love's Labour Lost," for the man, and it is
feared the bottle too, fell into the hands of the Boche!
D Company, who were to "mop up," took over the rest of A Company's
area, the latter Company returning to Liévin, and two platoons of B
Company occupied Absalom Trench. The imminence of our attack was
evidently known to the enemy, whose artillery during the night
liberally shelled Absalom Trench, Riaumont Château, the Eastern edge
of the village, and the approaches from Liévin. Trench mortars were
also very active on the village, in fact, at one time it was thought
that the Boche himself might be attacking, and shortly after midnight
C Company were got out of the cellars and ordered to stand to. During
that time Comp. Sergt.-Major Haywood was slightly wounded and had to
go back. Nothing further happened, however, and the Company eventually
took up their final position in the railway cutting about 4.0 a.m. on
April 23rd (after waiting for the rum and tea which were delayed by
the shelling and arrived too late). Several casualties were caused now
by our own artillery firing short, one shell, which luckily was a
"dud," burying itself in the side of the embankment amongst a group of
men.
Leaving a right flanking party to deal with the enemy in the railway
cutting, the remainder of the Company, deploying from the cutting at
Zero, 4.45 a.m., changed direction half-right and moved forward under
a barrage of artillery and trench mortars. The preliminary bombardment
had more or less destroyed the houses on the hill and cut good gaps
in the wire, which the party had little difficulty in getting through.
The right leading platoon under Lieut. Skinner got into one of the
numerous trenches and at first met with little opposition, but being
separated from the rest of the Company, were rapidly surrounded by
large numbers of the enemy, and practically all were killed or
captured. The left platoon, under 2nd Lieut. Hopkinson, reinforced by
the remainder of the Company, were held up by machine gun fire, which
caused many casualties, until Corpl. Fletcher managed to get a direct
hit on one of the guns with a No. 23 grenade. A message was meanwhile
taken by C Company runner, the redoubtable "Mungo" Marsh, to D
Company, asking them to try and work a party round to the North side
of the houses. Further attempts made to rush another gun which was
doing much damage, were met now with bombs thrown from a trench just
in front of the houses. The folly of attempting the attack with the
Southern half of the cutting still in the hands of the enemy, now
became apparent, for at this moment large parties of the enemy
appeared on the right rear, with which the flanking party had
apparently been quite unable to deal. Then from the cellars of the
houses on top of the hill also emerged many of the enemy, and the now
small remains of the Company were in imminent danger of being
completely surrounded. Orders were given to withdraw, but few returned
to tell the tale. Duff, one of the most heroic and stout-hearted
Officers the Battalion ever possessed, was last seen firing his
revolver amid a horde of the enemy. Hopkinson was never heard of
again. Sergt. Cox died of wounds and Sergts. Curtis, Sansom and Chalk
were amongst the 70 missing, whilst the wounded numbered 34. The
highest praise is due to all ranks of C Company for their magnificent
efforts and especially to Capt. A. Bedford, who throughout worked
incessantly and led the attack with the utmost gallantry. It was only
through a hard fate that his endeavours did not meet with the success
they so well deserved. Very good work was also done by the mopping-up
platoon of D Company, under Sergt. Painter, which helped to cover the
withdrawal of the remnants of C Company.
The 6th Battalion fared no better, and the attack produced, what was
suspected by those who knew the ground, exactly nothing except a total
of casualties which are felt to have been sacrificed on the altar of
faulty intelligence.
It is easy, perhaps, to be wise after the event. All information
received by Corps Intelligence indicated an imminent retreat by the
enemy. On no other premises could an attack by so small a force on so
strong a position have been justified. One further principle of
warfare, by no means new, was justified to the hilt--no frontal attack
should ever be attempted unless all counter attack from a flank is
impossible, or unless sufficient forces are available to render such
an attack an impracticability. The ultimate capture of the Hill
necessitated nearly two months' artillery preparation and the
employment at intervals of two Brigades. Perhaps there is one further
illustration of the uncertainty of modern warfare in the history of
Hill 65. With that Hill in our hands, and later on the dominating
position of Hill 70, all the tenets of war would conclude that Lens
would be completely untenable, and yet it was not until more than a
year afterwards that the enemy, in the last stages of the war,
evacuated a town which will, in the history of the Battalion and of
the 46th Division, be for ever associated with the fortunes of Hill
65.
On April 24th we went back into Brigade Support with Battalion
Headquarters at the Red Mill, and Companies billeted in cellars. Some
readjustments had to be made the following day, when Battalion
Headquarters moved to cellars on the Lens Road. This spot seemed to
be a favourite target for a Whizz-bang, which fired straight down the
road, and was responsible for many sprints and much language at
different times on the part of various members of Battalion
Headquarters.
Three days later the Brigade was relieved by the 137th Brigade and
moved into Divisional Reserve, the Battalion proceeding to a
delightful little spot known as Marqueffles Farm, nestling under the
wooded slopes of the Lorette Ridge. Here we were extremely
comfortable, and on this and a future occasion spent a most agreeable
time, being especially fortunate in the matter of weather. It was a
stiff climb to the top of the ridge, at the Eastern edge of which were
the remains of Notre Dame de Lorette. This was the favourite spot of
the Gipsy bomber, whose story was told in _Punch_ a few years ago:--
"But most he loved to lie upon Lorette
And, couched on cornflowers, gaze across the lines
On Vimy Ridge--we had not Vimy yet--
Pale Souchez's bones, and Lens among the mines.
Till, eagle-like, with hoarse indignant shrieks.
Gunners arose from some deep-delved lair.
To chase the intruder from their sacred peaks
And cast him down to Ablain-St. Nazaire."
Torrance on one occasion climbed the ridge with Col. Blackwall, and
can testify that the view from the top was worth the walk! It formed a
perfectly ideal observation post, and we now understood why the Hun
had fought so strenuously to maintain a footing on the ridge.
The chief item whilst at rest was the reorganisation of C Company,
which was practically non-existent. Each of the other three Companies
contributed a quota, the transfers including Sergt. Stokes, from
A Company, who was appointed Comp.-Sergt. Major. A little later
Sergt. H. J. Wilson, who for a long period had ably superintended
the Battalion cooking arrangements, was appointed Comp.
Quarter-Master-Sergt., and was succeeded as Sergt.-Cook by Corpl.
Bateman. In addition to other casualties we had lost Lieut. G. Wright,
who injured his knee up in the Riaumont sector and was now invalided
to England, whilst 2nd Lieut. White went to England for temporary duty
as a Bombing Instructor, and 2nd Lieut. Mitchell was appointed
Adjutant of I Corps School. Our strength was thus considerably
reduced, whilst reinforcements at the moment were exactly nil.
On May 6th we relieved the 5th Lincolns in the left sub-sector of the
left Brigade sector, with Battalion Headquarters in the remnants of
some mine galleries at the back of Hart's Crater, just in front of
Loos. There were only two Brigades of the Division in the line at this
period, and each Brigade went to each sector in turn. We always went
into the left sub-sector of each sector, relieving with the 7th
Battalion. The trenches here were very bad, so shallow that it was
almost impossible to get round by day, and considerably overlooked by
the enemy, particularly from the tower of Fosse 14. Their names began
with the letter N, the best known being "Nero," "Novel," "Netley," and
"Nash." They were old Boche trenches taken in the recent advance. The
whole sector had a very desolate appearance and life was not pleasant
there. The discomfort was increased by the enormous number of wing
bombs and rifle grenades and occasional deluges of gas bombs and
shells fired by the enemy, which in our first six-day tour there,
caused us 39 casualties. This was followed by six days in support,
when we lived in dug-outs in some trenches between Loos and the famous
Colliery slag heap, known as the "Double Crassier." Battalion
Headquarters were at an exceptionally fine dug-out known as "Elvaston
Castle," which had been dug by the 2nd Sherwood Foresters. Here, in
addition to ordinary work, we amused ourselves at times by cutting the
vetches which were thriving on some parts of the area, and sending
them back for the transport animals. It was here also that a certain
Padre was overheard one day by the I-Tok, arranging for a funeral at
Maroc, with the result that he was requested to attend at Brigade
Headquarters to explain his indiscretions.
After a short rest at Noeux-les-Mines, we went back to the Liévin
sector again on May 25th and took over the line from Fosse 9 and
Cité-St. Théodore to just South of the Liévin-Lens Road. Battalion
Headquarters were at the corner house near the "Marble Arch" in
Liévin. Here the monotony of trench life was varied by long distance
patrols, and an enemy raid on the night of May 29/30th on our post at
the junction of "Crocodile" Trench and the railway cutting, when we
lost two men captured, three killed and seven wounded. Casualties
during the whole of this period unfortunately were heavy and
reinforcements few, one Officer, 2nd Lieut. H. C. Orton and 36 men who
joined in May, being our sole additions. We also lost Sergt. Burton,
who had done much excellent work as Signalling-Sergeant. He went for a
Commission, and was succeeded by Corpl. J. T. Templeman. Our strength
at this period was so small that for some time Companies had to be
organised in three platoons instead of four. About the same time, much
to the regret of all those who had been privileged to serve under him
at any time, during the long period in which he so successfully
commanded the Brigade, both in England and France, General
Shipley left for a tour of duty at home, and was succeeded by
Brigadier-General G. G. S. Carey, C.B., R.A.
The first six days of June were spent in Brigade support in Liévin, at
the end of which time we went back into the line in front of Cité-St.
Théodore, where the only excitements were the pushing forward of
advanced posts to help to protect the left flank of the 138th Brigade
in an attack on Fosse 3, and a number of long distance patrols in
which Lieut. Martelli and his Scouts always played a prominent part.
After another short rest at Marqueffles Farm, where on June 12th we
won first prize for the best Transport turnout at the Brigade Horse
Show, we went back for a short tour in Brigade support in front of
Loos on June 15th.
We had now fairly sampled most of the area and found little of it to
our liking. Hart's Crater sector was the most monotonous for both
front line and support work, there being nothing but trenches to live
in. In Liévin sector, though the front line work was more interesting
and we had fairly comfortable billets when in support, the enemy
shelled the town itself so incessantly both with high explosive and
gas, that one had to take more than ordinary precautions. Apart from
the fact that our own Division and the Canadians on the right were
carrying out "stunts" of one kind or other almost every day, provoking
considerable retaliation, we had an immense number of batteries tucked
away amongst the houses in Liévin, and under almost every bank round
about it, besides many more or less in the open. The Boche located
these batteries with considerable accuracy, and from time to time
literally rained shells (principally 5.9's) on to them, and almost
every day knocked out numbers of guns.
Many of the gardens in the area close behind the front line were now
in full bearing and provided a very welcome addition to our rations,
and more than one has pleasant recollections of the excellent dishes
of early asparagus and stewed gooseberries gathered from the garden of
Riaumont Château. Strawberries, currants, gooseberries and rhubarb
were also plentiful in Cité-St. Pierre. Indeed the attractions of the
first were too much for one greedy German, who was so much occupied
in filling his helmet with this luscious fruit that he walked into
one of the outposts of the 6th Battalion. It is doubtful if he was
allowed to reap the fruits of his labour, at any rate when he
eventually arrived at Battalion Headquarters both the helmet and the
strawberries were conspicuous by their absence!
The Transport and Quarter-Master's Stores were back in a very nice
spot at Sains-en-Gohelle, but their journeys to the line with rations
and stores were almost as unpleasant as they could be. In going to
Liévin they usually got shelled with high explosive and at Loos with
gas, and it says much for the excellent way in which Capt. H. Kirby
and Sergt. Blunt handled the Transport on these occasions that they
never failed to deliver the stores and had scarcely a single casualty.
For a short period in the Liévin sector, stores were sent up by light
railway from Bully Grenay or Aix Noulette.
The Higher Command all this time had the fixed idea that the enemy
could be driven out of Lens, and all the efforts of the 46th Division
and of the Canadians on the right were concentrated to bring this
about. The idea was probably strengthened by the fact that fires and
explosions were observed almost daily in Lens itself, evidently due to
the enemy's desire to leave as little as possible in the event of his
having to withdraw. Numerous small enterprises carried out from time
to time enabled some slight advance to be made, but towards the end of
June operations took place more frequently and on a larger scale.
The Canadians having just captured the Generating Station and the high
ground around it, South of the Souchez River, which overlooked the
Boche positions about Fosse 3, the 138th Brigade were ordered to
attack the Fosse again on June 19th, and this time succeeded in taking
it, and on the night June 21/22nd, we relieved the 5th Leicesters in
their new outpost line in "Boot" and "Brick" trenches, having spent
the last three days at Calonne, to which place we had moved from the
Loos area on June 18th. The two days spent there were two of the most
unpleasant in the history of the Battalion. All four Companies were in
the line, there was little accommodation or shelter, the enemy
shelling and trench-mortaring were intense, and there was the constant
fear of a counter-attack from the right--altogether rather a
nightmare. We were lucky in not getting more casualties than we did;
as it was we lost ten killed and 31 wounded in the two days, during
which we were attached in turn to the 138th and 137th Brigades. We
were relieved on the night June 23/24th and went back to Calonne. A
Company had a particularly unpleasant relief, as the enemy chose that
time to send over a number of gas shells and trench mortars, most of
which fell amongst that Company, causing them several casualties.
On June 25th the 137th Brigade, with little or no trouble, at last
occupied Hill 65, and the same night we were again attached to that
Brigade, and moved into Liévin, with Headquarters at the Red Mill.
Here we got orders for working parties required for carrying and
digging assembly trenches at Cité-de-Riaumont for the 137th and 138th
Brigades, who were to carry out further operations. Company Commanders
assembled at the Red Mill to get their orders for this work at the
same moment that the Boche had planned to shell a battery of our guns
almost adjacent to it. Heavies arrived in salvoes for some time;
several direct hits were obtained on the guns, the ammunition dump
just behind it was hit and explosions continued for days. It caused
considerable inconvenience to Company Commanders and further entailed
the hasty exit of Lieut. Tomlinson from the delightful bathing pool
which had been made in the stream adjoining the Mill. It was whilst
out with one of these working parties at Riaumont that Moffat
Johnston, temporarily in command of B Company, got badly knocked about
by a shell and had to leave, the Company then being taken over by 2nd
Lieut. Day, Capt. Turner being away with the 46th Division Depôt
Battalion. On the night of June 27/28th we moved back to billets in
Maroc. The following evening the 137th and 138th Brigades made further
progress in another successful attack, the Canadians also pushing on
South of the River Souchez, practically into the outskirts of Lens
itself. At the same time the 6th and 7th Battalions co-operated with
considerable success North of the Lens-Liévin Road.
[Illustration: MAP TO ILLUSTRATE OPERATIONS NEAR LENS: April-July,
1917.]
The Higher Authorities were now more convinced than ever that the
Germans opposite us were completely demoralised, and that with a small
push we should capture Lens itself. Hasty plans were accordingly
devised, and, although we were now lamentably weak in numbers, it was
resolved to put the whole Division into a final effort on the morning
of July 1st. The 137th and 138th Brigades were to attack South of the
Lens-Liévin Road and the 139th Brigade North of it. For this attack
the 2nd Sherwood Foresters and the 9th Norfolks from the 6th Division
on our left were attached to our Brigade. The assaulting Battalions
were the 2nd, 5th and 6th Sherwood Foresters. We were in support and
late on June 30th moved into St. Pierre. A and D Companies were
attached to the 6th Battalion, A being now commanded by Capt. Andrews,
who had recently succeeded Capt. A. Hacking on the latter's
appointment as Second-in-Command of the 5th Battalion. This Company
held the 6th Battalion left Company front, whilst D Company remained
in support. B Company were attached to the 2nd Battalion, but were not
required until the following afternoon, when they were taken up to
"Crook Redoubt." Owing to casualties this Company came under the
command of Sergt. Cobb, who carried out his duties and looked after
the Company during a rather trying time in a most excellent manner. C
Company were attached to the 5th Battalion and were in support in
"Cowden" Trench.
The attack was launched at dawn on July 1st and part of the objective
taken, but an enemy-counter attack found our men too weak to hold the
position, and apart from a small portion in the neighbourhood of
Crocodile Trench, the ground gained had to be evacuated. The 137th and
138th Brigades on the right met with no greater success and Lens
remained in the hands of the enemy. July 1st is not a lucky day in the
history of the 46th Division.
We remained in St. Pierre, with some Companies still detached, until
the night of July 3/4th, when we were relieved by the 23rd and 27th
Canadian Battalions, and went back to the Square at Bully Grenay,
where 'buses picked us up soon after dawn on July 4th, and took us
back to the delightful little village of Chelers.
In spite of considerable shelling our casualties during the last few
days had only been two Officers (Day and Hammond) and four men
wounded. Our total casualties during the Lens operations amounted to
five Officers wounded, three missing, 42 other ranks killed, 180
wounded, and 72 missing.
The whole history of the Lens operations proves, if proof were needed,
how important a part intelligence plays in modern operations.
Intelligence is gained by reconnaissance by land or from the air, and
from information from prisoners and captured documents. The
responsibility of the Officer, who must judge the truth from what must
often be conflicting reports from these sources, is serious indeed. On
his appreciation of the position depends to an extent not always
recognised the success or failure of active operations. The Infantry
in the line unfortunately take the hard consequences of faulty
information or false appreciation.
In reviewing the short history of these operations we are inclined to
forget other occasions in which the credit of successes was due not
only to the dash and courage of the Infantry but to the information
sifted from one source or another, weighed in the balance, and finally
put forward as the premises on which operations have been based. In
our humble judgment the Army of the future should take care that this
branch of technical training receives a greater measure of attention
than it had received up to the commencement of the Great War.
CHAPTER XI
ST. ELIE AND HILL 70
_July 4th, 1917._ _January 21st, 1918._
After nearly three months' strenuous fighting, it was a great relief
to us to find ourselves back once more in the quiet regions, and the
change was thoroughly appreciated by all. The weather was delightful
and the country was looking its best, and altogether the 18 days spent
at Chelers were extremely enjoyable. There was not much in the way of
amusement, as there was little opportunity for it, and we were so far
in the heart of the country that visits to towns were impossible,
except for the few lucky ones with horses, for whom the journey to St.
Pol and back was a pleasant afternoon's ride. Billets were quite
comfortable, and Battalion Headquarters were certainly in clover at
the Château, where it was one of their pleasures to bask in the
delightful garden and regale themselves on peaches brought by the
small daughter of the house. Otherwise there was little attraction in
the village, though in "Lizzie Five-Nine," it possessed a pearl of
great price. Major Lane was in command for part of the time, as Col.
Blackwall was on leave. The latter on his return, not being fortunate
enough to be met at Boulogne by a car--Battalion Commanders only got
cars when they were not wanted by the gilded Staff--found, as so often
happened, that Railway Transport Officers knew nothing of our
movements, and sent him off to quite the wrong place, about 30 miles
from Chelers, to which he had to get as best he could. On a hot summer
day this was not a nice experience to pile on to that "end of leave
feeling" that most of us had at getting back. and to make matters
still worse he found on his arrival that the supply of lime-juice at
the Headquarter Mess had run out! The truth of course was that not
being in demand during his absence, it had not been replenished!
In training special stress was laid on bayonet fighting, taken by
Comp. Sergt.-Major Lowe of the Canadian Army Gymnastic Staff,
musketry, and firing practice on the Rocourt Range, where a two days'
Divisional Rifle Meeting was held on July 19th and 20th, at which our
representatives shot remarkably well, and carried off amongst other
prizes two silver bugles, which now repose with the Battalion Plate at
Newark. A large marquee was erected on the ground, where refreshments
could be obtained, and a band was in attendance each day. All the
arrangements were admirable, and the programme was carried out without
a hitch. Teams from B Company won the Inter-Company Snap-Shooting and
Rapid-Firing competition, and the Lewis Gun competition, whilst a
knock-out competition for Officers was won by our team composed of
Lieut.-Col. Blackwall, Capt. A. Bedford and 2nd Lieuts. Tomlinson and
Martelli. In the final round this team beat the one from Divisional
Headquarters, which included Major-General Thwaites. In the General
Officer Commanding's Cup competition for revolver shooting for
Officers, our team won second prize. On the whole the results from
this competition and the practice leading up to it, were extremely
good, and had a marked effect on the shooting all round, both with
rifle and Lewis gun. Two ceremonial inspections were carried out, one
by the Brigadier on July 11th, and another by the Divisional Commander
on July 17th, both of which went off successfully.
Our stay at Chelers came to an end on July 23rd, when we started back
once more to the forward area, marching that day to Verquin, where we
billeted for the night. The next night we relieved the 1st Leicesters
(6th Division) in the St. Elie Left sub-sector trenches. We were not
very strong at this time, about 650 all told. Four new subalterns who
had just joined, were 2nd Lieuts. J. H. Hofmeyr, C. J. Elly, W. H.
Sutton, and R. W. Clarke. Second Lieut. White rejoined from duty in
England, and further Officer reinforcements who came up shortly
afterwards, included 2nd Lieuts. H. G. Kirby, F. C. Tucker, C. J.
Wells, D. Tanner, and J. A. Pearce.
We now entered on what was to be the longest continuous period of
trench warfare that it was ever our lot to take part in, for we were
destined to remain in the forward area, holding trenches with but
short reliefs, for a whole six months, and there was little to break
the monotony except one or two changes of trench areas and the
interspersal, now and then of raids carried out either by ourselves or
the enemy. Raids had now become part and parcel almost of trench
warfare routine. The Divisional Commander's wishes were that they
should be carried out frequently, and he was strongly supported by
General Carey, who insisted on each Battalion preparing a scheme for a
raid, either large or small, as soon as it took over the line, so that
no time should be wasted in preliminary arrangements after the order
was given for a raid to be carried out. The drawback, perhaps, was
that raids were apt to be of much the same type, for it was not easy
to introduce variations. In the normal raid there was always the
cutting of gaps in the enemy wire, which was almost bound to give them
the intimation that something was going to happen, the bombardment
about "Zero" of the area to be raided, and the forming of a "Box
Barrage" round it, to prevent the enemy bringing up reinforcements,
whilst our men dealt with any enemy found within the barrage.
This sub-sector of trenches, "St. Elie Left," was named after the
village of St. Elie, the remains of which were in the enemy lines
opposite. This sector was just South-East of the Hohenzollern Redoubt,
and was entirely overlooked by that old enemy of former days "The
Dump," which had now for some reason changed its name to "Slag Heap."
It was difficult at first to recognise the front lines, so changed was
their appearance. Instead of a more or less level tract between the
front line trenches, No Man's Land consisted of a chain of whitish
chalk peaks, the sides of huge mine craters, which had entirely
changed the aspect of the area. There were not so many, perhaps, in
the sector in which we were immediately interested, as there were
opposite Hohenzollern itself, but the general appearance of the
so-called front line was much the same in both. All this part of the
front had remained practically unmoved since the finish of the
fighting in the Autumn of 1915. The withdrawal of the enemy further
South early in 1917, and our attacks later at Messines and other parts
to the North, had not affected this portion. Mining had been begun and
carried on pretty regularly by both sides so long as that kind of
warfare was thought worth while,--a method in which the Boche, who was
a nervous miner, had been completely beaten--but for some time before
our arrival it had lapsed, and the only visible signs of it were the
craters, on each lip of which sentry posts had been established by
ourselves and the enemy respectively. A certain amount of excavation
was still going on underground, under the supervision of Australian
Tunnellers, but this was mainly connected with the somewhat
complicated system of "listening" in vogue. Apparatus was fitted up,
and men were always on duty so as to notify at once any indication of
mining operations being started by the enemy. Nothing more as a matter
of fact did happen in the way of mining, which had already had its
day.
[Illustration: AIR PHOTOGRAPH OF PART OF ST. ELIE SECTOR, 1917.]
Behind the chain of craters all along this area was another feature
peculiar to this part of the line, an extraordinary system of tunnels.
It is believed that these first originated owing to the necessity for
finding ways up to the front line by day, without using the
communication trenches, which were mostly overlooked from the Slag
Heap, and other prominent points, from which the enemy could get an
excellent view over most of our forward area. Behind the trench system
attempts had been made to obviate this drawback by the erection of
long lengths of camouflage screens, which were a great feature of this
part of the front. In the trench system itself underground passages
were dug some 15 to 25 feet deep, from about the Reserve Line up to
the front. These in due course got connected with the mine levels and
shafts, and eventually rooms were excavated off the passages, timber
and wire beds put up, electric light plant installed, cook houses and
cooking apparatus fixed, wells sunk, and in fact a sort of underground
barracks was formed, and all within 100 to 400 yards of the Boche
front line. It was a remarkable development.
The posts in the so-called front line were arranged almost entirely
round about the craters, and were reached by flights of steps from the
tunnels. These posts were some distance apart, the system of holding
these trenches being a thin front line of posts well wired in, with No
Man's Land protected by active patrolling, and a strong, well-built,
and well-wired support line or "Line of Resistance," where every
effort would be made to hold up any big attack which might develop. An
elaborate arrangement of doors and gas blankets fixed at entrances,
and at various intermediate points in the tunnels, was made to protect
them in case of gas attack, and a carefully arranged system of
electric bells was fitted up from the sentry posts to the garrison
living in the tunnels, so that warning could be given immediately in
case of an enemy attack. These tunnels served an excellent purpose,
but there is no question that had they been in use to any extent they
might easily have become a great source of weakness, as they
undoubtedly had a very demoralising effect on the troops who had to
live in them.
The Battalion sector extended from "Fosse" and "Stansfield Posts" on
the right, through "Hairpin Craters," "North" and "South Craters,"
"Border Redoubt" and "Rat Creek" to "Hulluch Alley" and "Russian Sap"
on the left. Communication trenches in this sector were the best we
ever met, floorboarded and revetted practically throughout their
entire length. The support trench was also fairly good, and the front
posts not too bad, though they frequently got knocked in with heavy
trench mortars, and required constant repairing. Work in the trenches,
therefore, normally consisted more of general upkeep, than of any
extensive new work. Three companies were in the line, with the fourth
in support, living mostly in "Stansfield Tunnel." Battalion
Headquarters was in a dug-out in "Stansfield Road." Company Commanders
were:--(A) Capt. Andrews, (B) Lieuts. Tomlinson, Lomer and Day in
succession, followed a little later by Capt. Turner, (C) Capt. A.
Bedford, (D) Capt. Simonet. We only had two tours in these trenches at
this time, one of six days, and one of four, during which the enemy
were active mainly with trench mortars, including a large number of
"Wing Bombs" or "Pineapples." A raid which we were ordered to carry
out during this period was left in the capable hands of Capt. Simonet,
and fixed to take place at 11.30 p.m. on August 4th. It was all
carefully rehearsed beforehand, on ground near the support billets at
Philosophe. In addition to his own Company, Simonet had the help of B
Company under Lieut. Tomlinson. The raid was made against the enemy's
first and second line trenches nearly opposite North Crater, and was
intended in addition to inflicting casualties to obtain
identification, and destroy suspected trench mortar emplacements and
dug-outs. Unfortunately success did not attend their efforts on this
occasion, for, though B Company reached the enemy trenches, and a few
men got as far as the second line, they had to be recalled, as D
Company were unable to make any headway owing to heavy machine gun
fire from the flanks. Both Companies suffered a few casualties in
withdrawing.
It was on the following day, August 5th, when the Battalion was in
Brigade support in Philosophe, that we got what was probably the
heaviest shelling of billets that we ever experienced, for the Boche
deliberately shelled the village without a break from 6 to 10 p.m.
with 4.2's and 5.9's. As soon as the bombardment began, everyone
withdrew to the open fields behind the village, and remained there
until it was over. We were fortunate in escaping without a single
casualty. Some of the billets were badly knocked about, but we saved
our skins, which after all was the main thing. We must confess to
having felt on this occasion almost a suspicion of satisfaction in
seeing Brigade Headquarters get a full share of this shelling. Their
mess was so shaken and upset that the Brigadier had to dine at a much
later hour than usual off cold bully beef. It is perhaps difficult to
understand exactly the reason, but there is no shadow of doubt that in
every formation there was a feeling almost of delight when a unit saw
the Headquarters of the next higher unit being "straffed!"
On the night August 10/11th, we moved back into support with Battalion
Headquarters, A and C Companies at Noyelles, and B and D Companies in
support trenches. On August 14th, the half Battalion at Noyelles
handed over to the 5th Leicesters, and moved back to billets at
Fouquières, and on the 16th to Verquin, where they were joined by B
and D Companies.
By a brilliant attack on the previous day, August 15th, the Canadians
finally captured Hill 70, which had so often been a bone of
contention, but was now to remain always in our hands.
We now had ten very enjoyable days in comfortable and homely billets
at Verquin. Some of the Officers were fortunate enough to be invited
to play tennis at the château, both there and at Fouquières, and owe a
great debt of gratitude to the kind ladies at both those places, for
many acts of kindness and hospitality. It was almost like being at
home to be playing "mixed doubles," and after dinner to have music in
the drawing room. The men, too, had a very nice time in the miners'
cottages in Verquin, and other mining villages. Shops and village life
always had their attraction, and we felt very much at home in this
part of France, which in the end we came to know almost by heart. The
French miner was always particularly kind to us all. It may be that
many of our miners, by exchanging views on their calling, enlisted the
sympathies of the Frenchmen in the Battalion as a whole. Whether this
is so or not, in no part of France did the inhabitants behave to
Officers and men with such invariable kindness and courtesy, as that
exhibited in the various French colliery districts, in which we were
so fortunate as to be billeted at this time. In addition to the
village attractions, we were getting splendid shows given by the
"Whizz-bangs," who were now in good form once more, and did much to
liven things up, whilst Béthune with its many attractions, was within
easy walking distance, and always a popular resort for all ranks.
There were several training grounds within easy reach, and pleasantly
situated. Training consisted mainly of musketry and attack practice,
whilst the usual Ceremonial was introduced in the shape of a Brigade
Parade, at Vaudricourt Park on August 18th, when the General Officer
Commanding distributed medal ribbons. On August 24th, Regimental
sports were held in a field at Drouvin, in conjunction with the 139th
Machine Gun Company, and 139th Trench Mortar Battery. Perhaps the most
entertaining and amusing feature of a most successful day, was the
winning of the Victoria Cross race on a pack pony by "Doc" Johnstone,
whom we found stationed at Verquin.
We now entered on the second phase of this long trench warfare period,
relieving the 23rd Battalion Royal Fusiliers (2nd Division) in Cambrin
Left sub-sector on August 26th. There we remained until September
13th, with the exception of a short interval in Brigade support, when
Battalion Headquarters were in billets in Annequin, and Companies in
dug-outs in the reserve trenches in front of Cambrin. It was here that
we first came across our Portugese Allies, who were holding the
trenches North of the La Bassée Canal.
This sector extended from just North-West of the Hohenzollern Redoubt,
nearly to the Béthune-La Bassée Road, and was of a similar nature to
the St. Elie sector we had recently held, except that it was not so
much overlooked by the enemy. Familiar names in the front line, are
"Railway Craters," "Twin Sap," "Minehead Sap," and "Fusilier Sap." The
support trench was named "Old Boots." There were two main tunnels,
"Munster" on the right, and "Wilson" on the left. The main
communication trenches were "Railway Alley," "Lewis Alley," "Munster
Parade," and "Dundee Walk." After a little rearrangement on first
taking over, all Companies were in the line, finding their own
supports, Battalion Headquarters being in dug-outs just off Railway
Alley. The first tour was very quiet, but was marred by the
unfortunate loss on patrol of 2nd Lieut. D. Tanner, and Corpl. Wright
on August 30th. Tanner very gallantly undertook to reconnoitre a Boche
post, and took out with him Corpl. Wright and two men. The two men got
back safely, but Tanner and the N.C.O. were missing, and were reported
later to have either been killed or to have died of wounds. Another
misfortune occurred in our next trench tour on September 11th, when a
raid was attempted by Capt. Martelli, in command of a party consisting
of C Company and half A Company. The raid was to be carried out
against enemy trenches opposite Railway Craters, at 11.45 p.m. It was
carefully practised beforehand over a taped model. Unfortunately, the
enemy were evidently aware of our intentions, probably divining that a
raid was in prospect from the fact of our having cut gaps in the wire,
and whilst our men were forming up in No Man's Land, they suddenly
opened an intense bombardment, mostly of gas bombs, which fell right
amongst them. Our men immediately put on their box respirators, but in
the dark it was quite impossible to advance with them on, and seeing
that progress was impossible, Martelli, who was himself wounded,
withdrew his party, suffering in casualties during the whole
operation, three other ranks killed, and 30 wounded. C Company were
again unfortunate the following night, when they were bombarded with
heavy trench mortars, and suffered nine more casualties.
On September 13th, we left this sector on being relieved by the 7th
Battalion, and moved back to Fouquières, where we spent a very
enjoyable week training and refitting. Leaving there on September
20th, we marched to Mazingarbe, where we spent a night in huts, and
the following day took over the support trenches in the Hill 70
sector, just North of Loos. Shortly after its capture by the
Canadians, Hill 70 had been handed over to the 6th Division to
consolidate, and it now fell to the lot of the 46th Division to
complete the consolidation.
Just before the change, we had been joined by a new Medical Officer,
Lieut. St. G. L. M. Homan, who replaced Capt. Gavin, and three new
subalterns, Lieut. C. Cursham, and 2nd Lieuts. S. Bridden and E. W.
Hartle; but on the other hand, we lost Lieut. Michie, and 2nd Lieut.
Orton, invalided to England, and 2nd Lieut. Pearce, who joined the
139th Trench Mortar Battery. Comp. Sergt. Major Haywood had also gone
home to train for a commission, only to be killed later when serving
with another Battalion.
It was an agreeable change for us to occupy such a position as Hill
70, as observation could be got from there over the enemy country for
many miles, and it was pleasant after having almost invariably been
overlooked, to be able now to see something of the other side of the
picture. The enemy, however, had good observation from Hulluch and
Wingles, over our approaches through Loos, in the valley, and movement
was mainly by that never-ending communication trench "Railway Alley,"
running from the top of the ridge behind Loos, through the outskirts
of that village up to Hill 70, where it joined up to "Humbug Alley,"
the main communication trench of the left sector. The front line which
was in none too good order, was known mainly as to its position with
regard to the remnants of woods in its neighbourhood, "Bois de
Dix-huit" opposite the right, "Bois Rasé" in the centre, and "Bois
Hugo" on the left. All the forward trenches bore names beginning with
H, two of which were "Heaven" and "Hell," but the former was not quite
the Paradise one might expect from its name. Such dug-outs as were
usable, were deep, but small. Many had been blown in, and practically
all the entrances faced the wrong way, which was a distinct drawback.
For seven weeks, probably the most monotonous in the history of the
Battalion's trench warfare, we helped to hold Hill 70, relieving in
the line with the 7th Battalion. When in Brigade support, we lived in
dug-outs in the old British and German front line trenches in front of
and behind the Loos-Hulluch Road, with Battalion Headquarters in "Tosh
Alley." When in Divisional Reserve, we lived in the Mazingarbe huts,
which were fairly comfortable, but capable of much improvement.
Battalion Headquarters occupying a house in the aristocratic street
known as "Snobs' Alley." Tours in the trenches, in support and reserve
were each of six days. Life in the trenches was of a most humdrum
nature. There was not even a raid of any kind, so far as our Battalion
was concerned. We simply slogged on week after week at real trench
work, making fire-bays and fire-steps, thickening the barbed wire in
front, improving dug-outs, and making good the communication trenches
and reserve line, by revetting and trench gridding. The latter was
probably the most important work carried out, and many were the "A"
frames that were fixed, and trench grids that were placed in position
during those tedious times, to say nothing of the tons of earth that
were dug out in order that this might be done, for the trenches had
mostly been flattened out by our bombardment before the hill was
captured, and needed the expenditure of untold energy and hard work to
get them in good order. Great keenness in connection with this work
was shewn by Capt. E. J. Grinling, M.C., of the Lincolns, who had
recently succeeded that most energetic Officer Capt. Buckley, as
Brigade Major, when the latter left to take up a higher appointment.
The weather during the early part of October was fine, hot and dry,
but with the inevitable rain which set in later, the trenches, where
not cleaned and floorboarded, soon became in an almost impassable
state, for the mud and chalk together made a sort of paste, two or
three feet deep, of an extraordinarily sticky nature, almost
impossible to get through, so that the carrying of all kinds of stores
was extremely exhausting work. Fortunately we got some slight
assistance by the use of Tump Lines--a leather arrangement by which
the load was carried on the back, but the weight taken by a broad
leather across the forehead--and Yukon packs--a kind of wooden
framework covered with canvas, on which the material was fastened with
thin rope, and the whole carried on the back, and held in position by
straps round the shoulders. Constant practice in their use was carried
out when back at the Mazingarbe huts, and in the end a number of men
became quite expert, and could carry big loads with either of these
devices, with much less fatigue, and in a much shorter time than was
possible in any other way.
Water was supplied here, as in the Cambrin sector, by a system of
pipes. These were the only two instances we met with where this system
of supply was in vogue. To supply the Hill 70 sector, Australian
Engineers had tapped the water from the mine at the end of the Loos
"Crassier," and pumped it up to tanks fixed at different points in the
trenches. The chief drawback of course was that the pipes were apt to
get broken by shells. It was a drawback to be short of water for more
reasons than one, as an essential part of trench discipline was to
shave regularly, and the visitor to Battalion Headquarters must have
noticed on more than one occasion a petrol tin labelled "Shaving
Water," put in a prominent position so as to catch the eye (of the
Brigadier!) Two of General Carey's pet orders in connection with
trench routine, were that all ranks as far as reasonably possible
should shave every day, and that tea leaves should not be deposited in
or on the sides of the trenches.
Rations and supplies were mainly brought up by pack mules, the only
sector in which this method was used regularly. The mules were taken
from the Transport lines at Sailly-Labourse by road to Fosse 3, thence
over a cross-country track past Brigade Headquarters at Prèvite
Castle, to the Battalion dumps at Tosh Alley, and the old British
front line. This was a perfectly silent method, and one which, with
little practice, soon became a very expeditious one. During our stay,
work was begun on the laying of tramlines up to Hill 70, but whilst we
were there they were not used to any great extent.
There was a normal amount of shelling in the area, and an
uncomfortable amount of heavy trench mortaring, particularly of the
Left-Company front, whilst machine gun bullets along the front line,
and about the Tosh Alley dump, which was enfiladed from Hulluch, often
took much dodging. Otherwise the sector so far as we were concerned
was fairly quiet. Our most unpleasant experience undoubtedly was on
October 4th, when we got caught in the bombardment connected with an
attempted Boche raid on the 7th Battalion, whom we were relieving.
They had been very heavily shelled and trench mortared, and suffered
numerous casualties, the clearing of which caused the relief to be a
long and difficult business. Several dug-out entrances were blown in,
and the front line in many parts was almost unrecognisable. B Company
unfortunately got mixed up with some of the shelling, and lost several
men, including Sergt. Drabble, who was killed. Pvte. Frank Green did
very good work on this occasion, in rescuing buried men, working for
five hours on end, though severely shaken as a result of the trench
mortaring, and L.-Corpl. Stewart did excellent work in repairing
broken telephone wires.
[Illustration: STRAIGHT LINE DIAGRAM OF TRENCH COMMUNICATIONS AT HILL
70. November, 1917.]
A very good daylight patrol was carried out on November 11th, by 2nd
Lieut. A. C. Fairbrother, a newly joined Subaltern, who managed to get
into the enemy trenches, shoot a Boche, and return with the two men
who were with him without casualty. For this he was awarded the M.C. A
decoration of a different kind ought to have been awarded to another
Officer, who on a perfectly quiet night in the line, when we had
nothing to disturb our peace of mind, boldly sent off the cryptic
message "G.A.S."--only to be used in case of cloud gas attack, and
likely to cause every Officer and man, horse and mule, back almost to
General Headquarters to have their box respirators or gas masks put
on! Not content with that, he turned on a Strombos Horn, which was
also to be used only on occasions of cloud gas, but fortunately it
could not rise to anything more than a painful kind of wheeze. The
cause of all his excitement apparently was that he imagined he heard
another Strombos Horn some miles away!
Whilst we were in the Hill 70 sector, the 59th Division (our second
line Territorials) took over a portion of the line about Avion, just
South of Lens, and it was a great pleasure to welcome some old friends
who came over to see us, including A. C. Clarke commanding the 2/6th
Battalion, M. C. Martyn commanding the 2/7th Battalion, and F. W.
Johnson, commanding a Field Ambulance in the 59th Division. Over an
excellent little dinner, at Béthune, arranged by our good friend Col.
Barron of the 1/1st North Midland Field Ambulance, we were able to
compare notes, and go over many items of interest.
We were not sorry when news came that the Divisional General had
decided that, as the Hill 70 sector was the most unpleasant one of the
three held by the Division, an inter-Brigade relief should be carried
out with a view to giving another Brigade a chance of "doing its bit"
there as well. The lot fell on the 138th Brigade, and on November
15th, we were relieved by the 5th Leicesters, and moved back once more
to support in the St. Elie sector, with Battalion Headquarters and two
Companies at Philosophe, and two Companies in trenches, one in support
to each of the two Battalions holding the line. This was the beginning
of the last phase of this trench warfare period.
Much to the regret of all ranks we now lost Major Lane, who left us
for a tour of duty at home, and was succeeded as Second-in-Command by
Major E. M. Gingell, of the Wiltshires. Capt. A. Bedford also went to
England for a rest at the beginning of November, and Capt. Geary then
took command of C Company. Lieut. Lomer went to Brigade Headquarters,
where he later became Intelligence Officer. Second Lieut. Hofmeyr
unfortunately had been killed whilst we were at Hill 70, and Capt.
Vann after holding various appointments during the summer, had finally
left to take command of the 6th Battalion at the end of September.
Several reinforcement Officers, however, had arrived, including 2nd
Lieuts. T. Saunders, W. B. Newton, A. D. Sims, N. Martin and C. M.
Bedford, and our strength in Officers was consistently kept up to
something over 30, and in other ranks to about 650.
Our second period in the St. Elie Left sub-sector lasted until the
middle of January, 1918. We continued the old system of six days in
the line, six days in Brigade support at Philosophe, and after a
further six days in the line the same period in Divisional reserve at
Verquin. The weather was now getting very bad, and as few troops as
possible were kept on duty in the front line, which as usual was held
by posts at considerable intervals, the defence of the line being
assured by the activity of patrols which were out in No Man's Land
much of the night, and did some excellent work, on several occasions
getting right inside the enemy lines.
We were lucky in being out of the line for Christmas, which was spent
at Verquin with much feasting and merriment. There seemed to be no
shortage of good things, and we feel sure that the inhabitants of
Verquin will not think that at any rate at Christmas time we take our
pleasures seriously. Of course tales of all kinds are told of our
doings, and though perhaps some of them may have been exaggerated,
there is no doubt we did ourselves proud. It was a memorable sight to
see the four Company Commanders slogging back to the trenches on
December 28th, to relieve the 7th Battalion in the line. Jack White in
temporary command of A, John Turner of B, Geary of C, and "Simmy" of
D. Passing Brigade Headquarters at Philosophe they wore a look that
seemed to say "another little drink wouldn't do us any harm," and
after a refresher there, they went on looking as if they didn't care
two straws if the Boche attacked or not. As a matter of fact on
January 2nd, 1918, the enemy did actually attempt a raid on our front,
but thanks mainly to much careful planning by Simonet, and supervision
by Major Hacking, who was in temporary command of the Battalion, the
raid was successfully beaten off. The first intimation of anything of
the kind being likely to happen, was a message received from Col. Vann
of the 6th Battalion, on our right, at 3.30 p.m. on that day stating
that an obvious gap had been cut by the enemy in their wire opposite
"Breslau Sap," on the 6th Battalion front, and asking for co-operation
in the event of a raid at that point. Steps were accordingly taken to
cover the front between Breslau and Hairpin Craters with Lewis gun
fire, whilst trench mortar co-operation was also arranged, and all
Companies warned to be particularly alert. The raid was attempted as
anticipated, the intention apparently being to surround Hairpin Crater
post. The barrage began at 9.30 p.m. with heavy trench mortars and
whizz-bangs, opening South of Breslau and gradually extending North. A
barrage was also put down on the front of the Battalion on our left.
The heaviest bombardment was on Hairpin Craters. Lewis gun fire was at
once opened by us along the whole of the front, from Breslau to Border
Redoubt. Various groups of the enemy attempted to push through to our
posts when their barrage lifted, but it was evident that they had lost
direction, and got very disorganised, and we had no difficulty in
driving them off with rifle and Lewis gun fire and bombs, and
eventually things quietened down. Our casualties were only one
Officer, and seven other ranks wounded, all slight, whilst we captured
two unwounded prisoners, and a third was brought in dead. For his
excellent preliminary arrangements, and for his wise judgment and
control of the situation during the attack, Capt. Simonet was awarded
the M.C. Great gallantry was shewn on the same occasion by Sergt. W.
H. Martin, L.-Sergt. Turner, and Pvte. Wildsmith, and good work was
also done by L.-Corpl. Rowley, and Pvte. Crouch.
During our stay in the St. Elie sector, much more use was made than on
any previous occasion of trench light railway and tram systems. At
first rations and stores were brought up nightly by our own Transport
to the "Mansion House" at Vermelles, and there transferred to small
trench trams, which were taken up to forward dumps by pushing parties
found by the Battalion. As we were so short of men, however, mules
were requisitioned for this purpose. Later on, stores were brought up
all the way from Sailly-Labourse on the light railway. The larger
trucks on this railway were also available on one or two occasions to
take the Battalion on relief to Sailly, a ride which was much
appreciated, and saved some part, at any rate, of the weary tramp back
to billets.
The chief recreation in these days was as usual football. A "league"
was formed, including practically every Unit in the Division. So that
the notices of matches might not give direct evidence of our identity,
each Unit was allotted a code name. We rejoiced in the name of
"County," whilst teams we played included those having such
aristocratic names as "Dragons," "Miners," "Tigers," "Wyverns," and
"Maconochies." We were not very fortunate and occupied a somewhat
humble position in the final league table.
Our losses in personnel during the last two months of this period
included Capt. Turner, who after a wonderfully successful and lengthy
period in command of B Company, left to take a commission in the
Indian Army. He was succeeded by Lieut. Day. Second Lieuts. Tucker,
Bridden, Sims, Wells, and E. A. Palmer (a newly joined Subaltern) were
wounded, and Lieut. Cursham went to the Machine Gun Corps. We were
also constantly losing N.C.O.'s on transfer to England to train for
commissions. Fresh Subalterns who joined were 2nd Lieuts. C. P. O.
Bradish, T. R. Christian, H. L. Kennett, A. S. Judd, A. Spinney, J. S.
Whitelegge, A. B. Miners, C. G. Druce, A. Jewell, E. H. Seymour, J.
Bloor, M.M., V. L. Morris and L. Bromham.
On January 17th, we were relieved in the St. Elie sector and moved to
billets at Verquin, where we spent a few days cleaning, and were
lectured on the all-absorbing topic of "War Savings." Leaving there on
January 21st, we marched to Burbure preparatory to a long period of
training, the 46th Division having been relieved in the line by the
11th Division.
CHAPTER XII
SPRING, 1918
_January 22nd, 1918._ _April 20th, 1918._
What the ultimate object of our training was to have been is somewhat
uncertain. Our withdrawal from the forward area after six months may
have been merely to give us a thorough rest, but with affairs in the
state they then were, we can hardly imagine that the intention was to
fit us for anything of an offensive character for some time to come,
for as a result of the withdrawal of Russia from the war, and the
consequent release of German troops from the Russian front, everything
pointed to the Allies on the Western front being on the defensive for
some considerable time. That the I Corps knew this had been clear for
some time before we left the St. Elie sector. Their Headquarters had
remained in the same billets at Labuissière since the beginning of the
war, and they were taking all precautions not to have them
disturbed--in fact sometimes we used to think that they intended to
end their days there! There was no doubt a genuine fear that the Boche
might try to break through and capture the rest of the mining district
round about Béthune and Bruay, and this caused them to take early
steps to prevent such a catastrophe, and for some time before we left
the St. Elie sector, they had all available labour and material
disposed strengthening the defences behind the line as far back as
Béthune. This mainly consisted of putting up row upon row of
"double-apron" barbed wire entanglements every few hundred yards,
which was looked upon, rightly we think, as the best kind of obstacle
to hold up an attack. With machine guns skilfully placed at
intervals, so as to enfilade these entanglements, it was thought that
the best form of defence had been attained. Work on trenches in the
Division and Corps reserve lines was also pushed on, and the machine
gun emplacements were made ready for occupation in case of need, and
provided with supplies of ammunition and water. We were called upon to
help in this work shortly after we were relieved, and on January 30th,
sent a party of 460 of all ranks by motor lorry to Mazingarbe for this
purpose. They stayed there with Col. Blackwall himself in charge until
February 7th, and during that time worked hard in digging reserve
trenches, constructing anti-tank trenches, and wiring "localities"
under Royal Engineer supervision, near Vermelles. These "localities"
were points in the different reserve lines most suitable for, and
capable of, all-round defence; they were selected mainly as having a
good field of fire on all sides, and so as to command approaches by
which the enemy might advance in case of a break through.
The detailing of such a large party naturally left us with very few
men for training at Burbure, so that we were able to do little in that
respect. Such refitting as was possible was done, and bathing after a
good deal of trouble was arranged at Lillers, but as was the case in
many of the back areas "billet comforts" were not good. Just at this
time, too, we suffered from a scarcity of clean clothes, and later on
the scarcity became worse. The supply was extremely short, and more
often than not the clothes were rather dirtier on their return from
the Abbeville laundry, than when they were sent off. This was not our
experience in the I Corps, which we had just left, and whatever we may
have thought or said about some of the doings of that Corps, it must
be confessed that many of their "Q" matters were very well worked, and
in the whole of their area, which included the entire region round
about and in front of Béthune, in which we spent many months, we were
seldom short of anything in the nature of supplies which one might
reasonably require, though there may have been some Battalion
Commanders who considered that there should have been a much more
liberal allowance of motor lorries, which they were certainly very
chary about letting us have.
Economy in all things was now the order of the day, and in order to
make the most of our diminishing forces, and to reduce the number of
units, it was decided to reorganise the Army on the basis of three
instead of four Battalions to a Brigade. This was begun whilst we were
at Burbure, the 46th Division being one of the earliest to undergo the
change. In the 139th Brigade the 7th Battalion was the one selected to
be temporarily broken up. The change was carried out with lightning
rapidity, and within about three days of first getting the order that
they were to be so treated, our old friends the 7th, were scattered
almost to the four winds. We were very glad to be allotted of their
number six Officers, Lieuts. R. B. Gamble, S. E. Cairns, S. Sanders,
who was attached to the 139th Trench Mortar Battery, and B. W. Dale,
and 2nd Lieuts. W. S. Peach and O.S. Kent, also 151 other ranks, who
joined us and were absorbed into our Battalion on January 29th. On the
30th we said "Goodbye" with much regret to their Commander Col.
Toller, who left that day with the bulk of his Headquarter Staff, to
join their corresponding unit in the 59th Division. From the 2/8th
Battalion, which was the Sherwood Forester Battalion of the 59th
Division to be broken up, we also got a quota of five Officers, Major
F. G. Cursham, Capt. C. P. Elliott, M.C., Lieuts. G. G. Elliott, M.C.,
and G. Thomas, and 2nd Lieut. E. R. Elphick, and 85 other ranks, who
joined us on January 31. Frank Cursham, who later met such a sad fate
in England, was known to some of the older members of the Battalion,
and G. G. Elliott too, had already served with us. This large influx
sent up our strength with a bound, and at the end of January, we were
probably the strongest we ever touched, viz., 53 Officers and 987
other ranks. The old nomenclature "1/8th" and "2/8th," used to
designate the 1st and 2nd lines of the Battalion, was no longer
necessary, and we were henceforth known simply as the "8th Sherwood
Foresters."
On February 9th, the Division moved back by route march to the First
Army Training Area, known officially as the "Bomy Area." This move was
carried out as a sort of scheme, the idea being that the Division was
following up a retreating enemy, and that at the end of the day's move
we should billet just as though we were actually pursuing in a hostile
country, without so much prearrangement as was generally possible.
This did not tend, perhaps, to billeting in as great comfort as one
might have wished, and we were inclined to think it was unnecessary.
Be that as it may, we found ourselves at the end of the day with
Headquarters and two Companies at Laires, and two Companies at
Livossart, all somewhat crowded. This in the nature of things was
unsatisfactory, and steps were at once taken to try and bring about a
change, with the result that on February 13th, we moved to a very nice
little mining village, Enquin-les-Mines, which we had to ourselves.
The Headquarter Mess was at the Maire's House, where we were
particularly comfortable, and received much kindness from the Maire
and his family. There we had rather more callers than on some other
occasions, but none of them seemed disappointed if we were not at
home, so long as they could leave a message with the Maire's charming
daughter, and Officers of the Battalion positively vied with each
other in gallantry!
Musketry played the most important part in our training, and ranges
were in great demand. An A.R.A. platoon competition was carried out in
the Division and roused considerable interest. The winning platoon in
the Battalion was No. 15 (D Company), but unfortunately in the Brigade
competition, they were beaten by the platoon from the 5th Battalion.
Much open warfare and trench-to-trench attack practice was also
carried out, a very ominous sign being that this consisted mainly of
counter-attacks to regain portions of trenches lost! The training
culminated in a fairly successful Brigade Field Day, near Coyecque.
Recreation of course figured largely in the training. In a Brigade
inter-Company football competition, B Company's team reached the
semi-final, in which they were knocked out by a team from the 5th
Battalion. For amusements we were not well off, as we were somewhat
isolated. We did, however, manage to get the Divisional Cinema for the
last week of our stay, a very acceptable acquisition.
Whilst we were at Enquin our "tin hats" which had recently been shorn
of their questionably ornamental or useful sandbags, with which we had
been ordered to keep them covered, were painted a dull green, with,
for some curious reason, the Transport sign (dark blue square), and
narrow light green stripe on the left (denoting 8th Battalion) painted
on the side. The change was doubtless due to the pressing need for
economy.
By the first week in March, it was realised on all hands that the
great Boche offensive could not long be delayed. The enemy had brought
Division after Division from the Russian front across to the Western,
and, during the Winter, had got together an enormous concentration of
troops in France and Belgium, including at least three Austrian
Divisions, and it was now only a question of knowing exactly when and
where the onslaught would come. In these circumstances our training
was cut short, and on March 5th, we began to retrace our steps once
more towards the forward area, marching that day to Westrehem, where
we had been so comfortably billeted nearly a year before, and were now
enthusiastically greeted by our old friends. Only one night was spent
there, and the next day we were taken in 'buses to Béthune, and
billeted once more at the Orphanage, this being our third time to be
quartered there. We were now back again in the I Corps.
Then began a period of about seven weeks activity, during which we had
a considerable amount of excitement, some of it of not too pleasant a
nature, and one was never quite certain what a day might bring forth.
The first week, however, was spent in absolute peace at Béthune in
most delightful summer-like weather, and was thoroughly enjoyed by
all. During that time the 46th Division took over the Cambrin sector
again, and on March 14th, we relieved the support Battalion in that
sector, the 5th Lincolns, who were holding the Annequin "Locality,"
including the whole of Annequin Fosse and its Colliery cottages, which
was being put in a state of defence, and was to be held to the last in
the event of the enemy breaking through the front line system of
trenches.
With the greatest regret we had now to say goodbye to Col. Blackwall,
who left us for a tour of duty at home. He had been in command of the
Battalion without a break since October 15th, 1915, and during the
whole time had never been off duty, except when on leave or attending
courses. We feel sure no one felt more than he did what bad luck it
was that he should go just at this important juncture, but he left
with the best wishes of everyone for a well-earned rest at home. At
the same time we welcomed to the command of the Battalion Lieut.-Col.
R. W. Currin, D.S.O., of the York and Lancaster Regiment, who was
destined to remain with us, with only a short break, until the
conclusion of the war.
Several other changes had recently taken place. Hugh Kirby had left to
take up a commission in the Indian Cavalry, and the Transport was now
under the charge of Capt. Tomlinson. We had also lost Lieuts. White,
Day, and Cairns, who had gone to England for a rest, and were followed
shortly afterwards by Lieut. H. G. Kirby. Lieut. Gamble, and 2nd
Lieuts. Sutton, Peach and Saunders were unfit and were struck off
strength, and 2nd Lieut. Clarke went to the Machine Gun Corps. Major
Cursham had taken over C Company from Capt. Geary, and Capt. C. P.
Elliott had succeeded Lieut. Day in command of B Company. We had been
given a new Padre, W. N. Kempe, who made himself very popular during
his few months' stay with us. Sergt. J. Eggleston, after a long period
of excellent work as Pioneer Sergt., was appointed Comp.
Quarter-Master Sergt. of D Company, in place of Gammon, who went home
for a commission.
Transport was lucky in being put in lines at Le Quesnoy, probably the
best constructed and best equipped that we ever struck during the
whole war. Units which had been there before had evidently worked hard
on them to carry out improvements, and for once we were really lucky
in finding a good spot. The stables were strongly built, well roofed,
floored, and provided with harness and fodder rooms, and to a certain
extent protected from bomb splinters by earth revetments.
[Illustration: THE BEUVRY--LA BASSÉE ROAD, NEAR CAMBRIN, 1917.
_Reproduced by permission of the Imperial War Museum._]
On March 20th, we relieved the 5th Battalion in the Cambrin left
sub-sector, with which we were already well acquainted. On the
following day there took place in the South the first onslaught of the
Boche, in his great Spring Offensive of 1918. There was no actual
attack anywhere near us, the only offensive action on our front being
a "demonstration" in the shape of a heavy bombardment with gas
shells, which was decidedly unpleasant, though not causing us any
casualties.
During the night of March 21/22nd, we did experience a real touch of
the offensive in the shape of a big raid on the right Company, the
most vulnerable portion of the line on the whole Brigade front. This
front, which was held by A Company was of enormous length, extending
from Railway Craters on the right to Munster Parade on the left, a
distance of about 600 yards. Three platoons (about 60 all told) held
the outpost line in small posts of four or five men, each under a
N.C.O., the fourth platoon being held in support as a counterattacking
platoon in Old Boots Trench at the West end of Munster Tunnel. The
latter was about 400 yards behind the outpost line, and was also
occupied by the support Company, and contained the right Company
Headquarters. The orders laid down were that in case of attack the
platoon detailed for the task was to counter-attack either through the
tunnel (quite impossible if the enemy obtained a footing in the trench
at the tunnel mouth) or over the top.
Shortly after midnight, the enemy put down an intense barrage of
trench mortars, wing bombs, and shells of all calibres, along the
whole of the Brigade front and support lines, forward communication
trenches, Battalion Headquarters, the Village Line, and extending even
to roads, villages, and batteries far behind the line. Telephone wires
were broken immediately, but the "S.O.S." was sent by signal rocket
and power buzzer, and our artillery and machine guns replied at once.
There had been no preliminary bombardment or warning of any kind. The
enemy entered our trenches directly behind his barrage from the cover
of the craters on the right, between our right post and the left
Company of the 138th Brigade, who were on our right, also near Dundee
Walk in the centre, and just North of Munster Tunnel on the left.
Such wire as had been put up by the few men who were usually available
was swept away by the hurricane bombardment, which prevented movement
of any kind, either to or from the front or support lines. Two runners
were wounded whilst attempting to take messages between Company
Headquarters and Munster Tunnel, a distance of 50 yards. The posts in
the front line were unable, owing to their small numbers, to offer any
prolonged resistance, or on account of the distance between them, to
assist neighbouring posts.
The front line entrance to Munster Tunnel was held by us the whole
time, and an attempt to blow it in, which was one of the main objects
of the raid, was frustrated, 2nd Lieut. Hartle being wounded by a hand
grenade. That the garrison of the outpost line withstood the onslaught
to their utmost there is no doubt, and to this the pools of blood and
reeking bayonets of some of the rifles found afterwards in the trench,
bore convincing testimony. After the enemy's withdrawal, one unwounded
and one seriously wounded German were left in our hands, the former
having apparently become detached from his party, and being discovered
later in front of our trench with a sheet of newspaper fluttering from
his rifle.
The thoroughness with which the Boche trained for this raid was proved
from the prisoners' statements and documents, which afterwards came
into our hands. For six weeks the raiding party, consisting of about
250 men, had been training over an exact replica of our trenches,
constructed with the help of an aeroplane photograph. The training had
also included the teaching of several words of English. The work of
the raiders was extraordinary, and our own men in the front line
testified to the remarkable dexterity with which they removed their
casualties. This is the more wonderful inasmuch as they had to
penetrate our barrages, in order to regain their trench, and there is
no doubt that in doing so they lost heavily. Our casualties amounted
to three other ranks killed, including a very gallant N.C.O., Corpl.
Tyne, 26 other ranks missing, and one Officer (Hartle), and ten other
ranks wounded. We should like to pay tribute to the excellent work
done by the Signallers, who as usual worked their hardest, to try and
keep their lines in order, in spite of the heavy shelling. L.-Corpl.
Parry's efforts to repair the broken lines back from one of the front
Companies, were especially praiseworthy.
Though there was an element of surprise in the raid, there is no doubt
that its success was due to the fact that the defence was designed for
an attack on a large scale, and led inevitably to a weakening of our
outpost line, making it peculiarly vulnerable to a raid or attack with
a limited objective.
The following night, the whole Battalion was ordered to wire as hard
as possible, and hundreds of reels of barbed wire were put out. Even
Battalion Headquarters shared in the work, the whole staff being out
in an endeavour to wire themselves in.
On March 24th, we were relieved by the 6th Battalion, Headquarters and
two Companies proceeding to Beuvry, and two Companies remaining in the
trenches in close support. "Wind" at this time was very "high," and
our Intelligence reported that we must be prepared for any
eventuality. The enemy had made enormous progress in their attack in
the South, and everything pointed to the possibility of a general
attack along the whole front. As a matter of fact no such attempt was
ever made on the Cambrin-St. Elie sector, but we had to take every
precaution, and for the next two or three nights, we marched up to our
battle positions in front of Cambrin, in case the expected attack
should mature. We even made arrangements for a possible retreat, and
worse than that, all leave was stopped.
It was at this juncture that our Brigade Commander, General Carey left
us to take Command of the 20th Division, with everyone's good wishes
and congratulations. He arrived near Amiens in time to assume Command
of a composite Army, known as "Carey's Force," and to assist
materially in finally stopping the great German onslaught. He was
succeeded by General Wood.
The "wind" in this quarter, dropped for the moment, but we heard that
things just North of Arras were not looking too bright. The enemy were
expected to attack at Vimy, and the Canadians who were holding the
sector opposite Lens, were to be moved to that part to help the
defence. As a result, we got orders on March 25th, to move back once
more to the Lens region, to relieve the Canadians. Hasty plans were
made by which the 11th Division took over from us, and on March 27th,
we marched to Calonne and relieved the 72nd Canadian Battalion there
in reserve, moving up the following night to the St. Emile sector, in
front of St. Pierre, where we took over the right sub-sector front
line from the 78th Canadian Battalion. The completion of the relief
had to be rather hurried, as the enemy attacked at Oppy on March 28th,
and the Canadians were hastily sent there to help. Transport and
Quarter-Master's Stores had meanwhile gone to Fosse 10.
The front line in this sector was now of course much further forward,
than when we were last there, as the Canadians in connection with
their attack on Hill 70, had forced the enemy out of the whole of St.
Pierre, St. Laurent, and St. Emile Cités, back to the outskirts of
Lens itself. These Cités were now to all intents and purposes
destroyed, and presented nothing but a mass of streets heaped up with
broken tiles, brick and other débris, interspersed here and there with
trenches, the remains of houses, and a few shattered trees. Amongst
the ruins the Canadians had laid a splendid system of tramways, and
the transport of stores and rations to the line was carried out every
night by this means, in a most expeditious manner. Canadian Engineers
continued to run the lines during our stay, and we must confess that
we did not envy the drivers their job, for the lines went up
uncomfortably close to the front line, and a good deal of noise
accompanied the arrival and departure of the trains, unloading of
stores, and loading of empties for the return journey, the guard or
man in charge usually helping matters with a few shrill blasts of his
whistle, quite in approved Canadian fashion.
After a quiet tour of four days, we were relieved in the early morning
of April 1st, by the 6th Battalion, and went back to Brigade support
at St. Pierre, where we lived in the cellars of the otherwise
destroyed houses. Our stay there was rendered less pleasant than it
might have been, by the fact that practically the whole of the village
was under observation from Lens, so that during the day hardly any
movement was possible, and most of our exercise had to be taken by
night, when we were kept pretty busy with carrying and working
parties. The nightly gas shelling of the village made this work
anything but pleasant. Bathing parades too, were held at night, and
took place in the weirdest bathing establishment we ever met, which
was in the crypt of the church. It was well protected by the ruins of
the church, and had been fitted up with a spray bath.
On April 3rd, we relieved the 5th Battalion in the line, and had a
somewhat "thin" six days, owing to the enemy being extremely active,
particularly with heavy trench mortars, with which he did a lot of
damage to our front line, being particularly obnoxious on the night
of April 5/6th, in retaliation for one of our gas projector shows.
L.-Corpl. Beech did especially commendable work during these days in
charge of a Lewis gun post.
One morning during a tour in the front line in this sector. Col.
Currin very nearly lost his runner. It was a rather foggy morning, and
the Commanding Officer sent him to find an Officer in an adjoining
Company. Unfortunately the runner made a mistake at a trench junction,
and gaily followed an old communication trench, running straight to
the enemy's lines. It was doubtful which party was the more surprised
when he suddenly found himself confronted by a Boche sentry post
behind a barricade. At any rate the latter were too amazed to shoot,
whilst true to his calling the runner ran, and never stopped until he
nearly crashed into the arms of the Colonel, who was wondering what on
earth had happened.
On April 9th, the 6th Battalion relieved us again, and we went back to
St. Pierre. On the same day there happened an event which was to have
an enormous effect on the future of the war, at any rate so far as the
fighting on the Northern portion of the front was concerned, viz., the
attack on the British line immediately North of the La Bassée Canal,
and on the Portuguese in the Neuve Chapelle area. The result was that
whilst the 55th Division put up a magnificent defence on the Canal,
and completely beat off all the enemy attacks, the Portuguese gave
way, and the enemy were able to push on West for a considerable
distance, until brought to a halt by the British, who were later
helped by reinforcements rapidly sent up by the French. This had an
almost immediate effect on us, for on the night of April 11/12th, we
were taken out of the line, being relieved once more by the Canadians
(13th Battalion) who were hurried up from the area North of Arras,
where things seemed to be quiet once more. After a great scramble,
relief was completed by 5.30 a.m. when it was practically daylight.
Some got rides on the trains which brought up the Canadians, but the
rest had to walk, and eventually we all got to Noeux-les-Mines, where
we had breakfast and dinner, and proceeded in the afternoon to
Vaudricourt. The whole Division had been relieved--one of the quickest
reliefs known--and we now found ourselves in Army Reserve, to be sent
to any spot where we might be required.
Things once more were in a very "nervy" state, as it was felt that ere
long the enemy would make another desperate attempt to capture the
rest of the mining area, either by direct frontal attack from the East
towards Béthune, or by continuing his enveloping movement from the
North, and attacking it from that direction across the La Bassée
Canal. A large part of this area now formed a prominent salient, with
the enemy on the East and North, and the consequence was a rapid
evacuation of the French inhabitants from many of the mining towns and
villages in that district, including Béthune, Beuvry, Annequin,
Sailly-Labourse, Noeux-les-Mines, and Bully Grenay--all of which we
knew well. For several days we watched the wretched inhabitants
toiling along the roads, taking with them by whatever means they
could, the few belongings they most treasured or required. Some had
carts loaded with bedding and furniture, some their little dog carts
full to overflowing, others footed it burdened with loads almost
beyond human strength to carry. Ever the throng kept passing back from
the forward regions, having left everything that they could not carry
just as it was in their houses, with no other protection than locked
doors. Their cattle and horses too, were driven back, and taken to
pounds in villages in safer regions. Several more mines had to cease
work, and the French miners thus thrown out of employment were mostly
set to work in digging line upon line of additional trenches about
Fouquières and Drouvin, for us to fall back on in case of a break
through, as it was determined to contest every bit of the ground to
the very utmost. Right well they worked, and in an incredibly short
time, they had dug miles of trenches, and well wired them in front
with substantial entanglements. Our only fear was that if the enemy
got through, we should not have sufficient men to garrison these
trenches so excellently dug!
This was probably the darkest period of the war. The inspiring message
from the Commander-in-Chief was read to all ranks, and all indeed
realised that we had our backs to the wall and were fighting for our
very existence, and that it was touch and go whether the Hun would
not, after all, break through the whole line and sweep through to the
coast, and ultimately to England.
It was in these circumstances, after a few days quiet training about
Vaudricourt, that we got word at 2.30 a.m. on the morning of April
18th, that a German prisoner had been captured, and had given
information to the effect that the enemy were going to make another
desperate attack that morning along the La Bassée Canal. We were
accordingly ordered at once to man part of the Sailly-Labourse
"Locality," known as the "Tuning Fork Line," just in front of that
village, so-called because it formed part of a system of trenches and
breastworks shaped like a tuning fork. There was some slight delay in
getting the orders passed on, and it was 4.30 a.m. before we marched
off. This was unfortunate, for we were not able to reach our battle
position before dawn, when the enemy's barrage began. This as usual
included heavy shelling of the rear roads and villages through which
we had to pass, particularly Verquigneul and Sailly, where we suffered
several casualties, and lost Corpl. Caudwell, who had done such good
work with the Transport, and two men killed and several others
wounded. One of the cookers was also badly blown about by a shell in
Verquigneul. We got to our position at 6.30 a.m. where we were
comparatively comfortable. The enemy had actually attacked at
Givenchy, but once again, thanks to the 1st and 55th Divisions, he was
completely defeated, and never again did he try to get through on this
part of the front. We were kept in our positions here for two days, by
which time things had become normal once more, and in the afternoon of
April 20th, we marched back to our billets at Vaudricourt.
CHAPTER XIII
GORRE AND ESSARS
_April 21st, 1918._ _September 6th, 1918._
Two days after our return to Vaudricourt, the 46th Division was called
upon to relieve the 3rd Division in the area North of the La Bassée
Canal, afterwards known as Gorre and Essars sectors, where they had
recently held up the German attack. This front extended from the 55th
Division boundary on the right, near Givenchy, where the line bent now
almost at a right angle, to Mesplaux Farm on the Lawe Canal, on the
left, this line being more or less parallel with the La Bassée Canal,
and at the nearest point about two and-a-half miles from Béthune.
Leaving Vaudricourt on the evening of April 23rd, we marched the short
journey to Béthune, where after some rearrangement, we were eventually
allotted billets in one of the French Barracks. How changed was our
favourite old town of Béthune! From the earliest days of the war a
resting place for the traveller, the chief shopping centre for a very
wide area, probably the most popular and best known town to British
Troops on the whole of the Western Front, full of life, and to a
certain extent gaiety, although within such a short distance of the
line, she had now been deserted by all her inhabitants, and was like a
city of the dead. Previously only hit by a few stray shells on odd
occasions, she was now being bombarded regularly, as the enemy had
brought up his guns much closer, and they had already made their
presence known in no uncertain manner. Everywhere notices had been put
up warning troops against the crime of looting, but is it not more
than human nature can stand to see houses, as they were here, often
open for anyone to walk straight into, filled with all kinds of
valuables, many quite easy to carry away, and all liable at any
instant to be destroyed by shell or fire?
At the moment, however, we had little time to trouble about the town
ourselves, as on April 24th, we moved out again. After a novel and
amusing cricket match--if such it could be called--in the Barrack
Square in the afternoon, we relieved at night the 2nd Royal Scots in
the right sub-sector of the Essars sector, with two Companies in the
front line and two in support, Battalion Headquarters being at Le
Hamel, in the cellar of a farmhouse. Company Commanders at this time
were: A, Capt. Andrews; B, Capt. C. P. Elliott; C, 2nd Lieut. Kent,
who had taken over command when Major Cursham went to hospital; D,
Capt. Simonet. It was fortunate that they had been up to reconnoitre
the day before, for when platoons reached the appointed rendezvous,
the guides were not there. We had had sufficient experience by this
time to know that, although all possible precautions were taken, it
was a most difficult problem to make certain that every guide was a
picked man, knew exactly where he was to meet his party, what that
party was, and where it was to be guided to, and to be able to do all
this by night without a hitch. Ian Hay has classified guides in two
grades (a) the guide who doesn't know the way and tells you so; (b)
the guide who doesn't know the way and doesn't tell you so until he
has lost both you and himself. We might add to this (c) the guide who
doesn't turn up! In this case however, nothing desperate happened, and
in due course the relief was carried out.
The conditions here were indeed novel, and more like those of "open
warfare" than any we had yet experienced. It might almost be said that
we had now bidden farewell to real trenches, for, though the line in
the Gorre and Essars sectors, remained stationary for nearly four
months and trenches certainly were dug, from now onwards we never had
quite the same type of front line as we had hitherto been accustomed
to. The German rush had been brought to a halt, not many days before
we took over, so that there were practically no defences of any kind.
The outpost line consisted of a few shell-holes, and small slits dug
in the ground at intervals with a very small amount of barbed wire in
front. The support line, known as the "Liverpool Line," consisted
mainly of a few slits, but was protected for a great portion of its
length by the Beuvry River, and a fair barbed wire entanglement. A few
shelters had already been made in both lines, by putting sheets of
corrugated iron over some of the small trenches which had been dug,
and camouflaging them with earth. Some distance behind the Liverpool
Line there were some old breastworks, forming part of a reserve line,
which some of us remembered seeing the French constructing in the
Autumn of 1915, when we were in the Vieille Chapelle area, just North
of this. In some of these there were small concrete shelters very much
like old-fashioned pigsties, which on the left of the Essars sector,
were used for Battalion Headquarters. There were of course no
communication trenches whatever, all communication to the front posts
being over the top, mostly by tracks through the growing crops.
The whole area was perfectly flat, and almost entirely under
observation, so that by day no movement was possible, and no work
could be done, and as the nights were now getting shorter and shorter,
very few hours in every 24 could be utilised for doing the work we
were so anxious to get on with. There was nothing to be done by day,
apart from ordinary sentry duty, except to keep out of sight and make
ourselves as comfortable as very cramped quarters would allow.
A further disadvantage was that the water level in the ground was very
near the surface, so that dug-outs were impossible, and the most we
could do was to put up small corrugated iron shelters, mainly in
T-shaped saps running back from the trenches. These we pushed on with
as rapidly as possible, in order to afford some protection in case of
bad weather. In this respect we were extremely lucky, and for a very
great part of our stay the weather was delightful, days and sometimes
weeks together passing without a single drop of rain.
The first tour of four days was quiet, except for some gas shelling,
which the Boche was doing much more extensively now, especially about
sunrise and sunset, when he was particularly fond of dosing Battalion
Headquarters at Le Hamel, and Essars and Gorre. At the latter place
the château and the wood were the favourite targets, and on several
occasions were absolutely drenched with gas. At this time it was
mainly "yellow cross" or "mustard" gas that was used, a very deadly
gas, affecting any part of the body exposed to it, and particularly
dangerous when the sun was up. A certain amount of "green cross" or
"phosgene" which was decidedly dangerous, was also used, as well as a
little "blue cross," which apart from making one sneeze had no very
ill effect, unless inhaled in large quantities. During this tour we
did little except get used to the new conditions, and try to find our
way about. It was the simplest thing in the world to get in front of
the outpost line without knowing you were there, and on occasions
people were even discovered in No Man's Land asking for the support
line! Visiting the posts in the front line was also at first more or
less a matter of conjecture, but in course of time most of them were
joined up by a continuous trench. At first the novelty of it all
amused us, and after all it was a very welcome change from ordinary
trench life.
It was during the first tour that we had the great misfortune to lose
a very gallant Officer and sportsman--H. K. Simonet. He had moved his
Company Headquarters from an unprotected shell-hole to a cottage at
Les Façons, in the outpost line itself, only to get a direct hit on it
almost immediately which resulted in Simonet and his runner, Pvte.
Garratt, one of the most reliable and gallant men in the Battalion,
being badly wounded. Neither recovered, and they were buried near each
other in the Cemetery at Lapugnoy. A most capable Officer, of fine
leadership and magnificent character, "Simmy" was liked by all and his
loss was felt most keenly throughout the Battalion. He was succeeded
in command of D Company by Lieut. Warner, whose place as Signalling
Officer was taken by 2nd Lieut. Stephenson.
On April 28th, we were relieved by the 5th Leicesters, and moved back
into Divisional Reserve at Fouquières, where we stayed four days,
during which the chief excitement was that we had to stand to in the
early hours of May 1st, as there were rumours of another German
attack, which fortunately did not mature.
We took over from the 6th South Staffords in support in the Gorre
sector, on May 2nd, and had something of a shock on finding that they
had lost nearly 50 per cent. of their numbers during their tour by
mustard gas poisoning, with which the Boche had literally drenched the
whole of Gorre Wood and château, and most of the village. It was not a
comfortable introduction to the sector! Fortunately most of the
casualties proved to be slight, and the greater part were able to
rejoin a few days later.
[Illustration: GORRE BREWERY AND BRIDGE, 1918. _Reproduced by
permission of the Imperial War Museum._]
There was nothing fresh about the kind of work required of us in
support. It was as ever, and was for several more months, the carrying
of Royal Engineers' and other material to front line Battalions, and
the provision of working parties for Royal Engineers. How we blessed
them and their working parties! It would fill a book much larger than
the present one to attempt to put down half what one thought, and what
one heard and said about them, but this shall be our last uncivil
remark! They had a splendid dump at Le Quesnoy, known as "Kantara."
Situated next door to the station and canal, almost adjoining the
road, and having a branch from the tramline running into it, this dump
could not very well have been in a more suitable position, though the
same advantages made it a most convenient target for the Hun gunners.
Almost next door to it was Gorre Brewery, also very well situated, and
having the additional attraction of a tall chimney which gave the
Boche the line of the bridge over the canal a few yards behind it.
Though they did some quite good shooting at these targets and damaged
the canal bridge, the chimney in the end was blown up by our own
Sappers. In view of these facts it seemed at first rather curious that
this spot should have been chosen for the Headquarters of the support
Battalion and the Aid Post. Perhaps the first people went there to
find the beer; if so they certainly took it all, for there was none
left when we got there!
On May 4th, we relieved the 6th Battalion in the right or "Route A
Keep" sub-sector, undoubtedly the unhealthiest part of the whole
Divisional front. The so-called "Keep" was merely the highest ground
in the locality, overlooking the Boche to a certain extent, and so an
important tactical feature, though having nothing in the way of
defences to warrant the term "Keep." There had been considerable
fighting over its possession during the time the 55th Division held
this area, and counter-attacks were made time and again by the enemy
to get them out. Eventually they got tired, and in the end, after its
capture by the Stafford Brigade on April 29th, they made no further
efforts to retake it. Corpses lay on all sides, both of our own troops
and of the enemy, and made the place distinctly offensive. Life was
made still more unpleasant by constant trench mortaring and shelling,
whilst protection was of the scantiest. We tried to improve this
during our first tour by digging an advanced trench well in front of
the outpost line, and so as to conform with the front lines of flank
battalions. Though the trench was dug with little interruption on the
part of the enemy, we did not exactly look upon it as a masterpiece,
nor by any means our best piece of work in France, but it served its
purpose very well, and in time was considerably improved.
On May 10th, we went back to bivouacs in Vaudricourt Park, in
Divisional Reserve. These bivouacs and the villages of Fouquières and
Verquin, were from now onwards allotted in rotation to the three
Battalions of the Brigade out at rest.
The atmosphere during the greater part of May was again very "breezy."
From various sources, including prisoners' statements, our
Intelligence Department were led to believe that another big attack
was going to be made, and might begin at any moment, with the object
of getting Béthune, and the rest of the coalfield. In fact, so great
was the general anxiety on the occasion of our relief on May 10th,
that we had to remain in the Béthune "Locality" all night. The attack
passed off without happening, as did several others! The bridges over
the La Bassée Canal were mined and guarded by Sapper and Infantry
sentries, with instructions as to blowing them up in case a further
withdrawal became necessary. We felt quite certain that they would be
blown up alright should the occasion arise, but had grave doubts as to
what might befall those who happened to be on the wrong side of the
Canal! That well-known landmark, Béthune Church Tower, which commanded
views for miles in all directions, had also had a powerful charge laid
at its base, so that it might be blown up in the event of our
retirement. Ultimately it was blown up, not on account of any
retirement on our part, but by the enemy shelling the town. Having
brought up numbers of guns into the newly-formed Merville salient,
they shelled Béthune daily, until on May 17th, a shell landed near
enough to the base of the Church Tower to explode the charge, and the
remnants of the tower disappeared with the most appalling explosion,
followed by an enormous cloud of dust and débris, bricks and stones
being thrown for hundreds of yards. Numerous incendiary shells were
also fired into the town, and with the delightful weather we were then
having it did not take long to set fire to the whole of the central
congested part, which blazed away for days. It was a glorious sight to
watch the flames and the smoke rolling away, but sad to see so much
useless destruction.
The constant fear of further enemy attacks, coupled with the absolute
impossibility of our thinking of any offensive action for some
considerable time, decided the authorities that a really strong line
of resistance was of first importance. Work of Battalions holding the
line was, therefore, concentrated on strengthening the Liverpool Line,
whilst Divisional troops, Royal Engineers, Monmouths, and special
working parties found by the Brigade in reserve, were engaged in
building lines behind, known as the "Manchester" and "Newcastle"
lines. To build a double line of breastworks protected by barbed wire
entanglements along the whole Divisional front was a colossal task.
The wire was put up, and long sections of breastwork were more or less
completed, but by that time things had fortunately so altered that no
further defensive work was necessary. The other important work was
the improvement of billets in the forward area, which was destitute of
buildings, except for a few farm houses and cottages, mostly knocked
about by shell fire. With the possible prospect of having to winter
here, efforts were made to improve these buildings, by putting inside
them "Elephant" shelters, covered with concrete. The Royal Engineers
made considerable progress with this work, and before we left, several
comfortable billets had been thus improvised.
Another work in which all could help--no matter what their rank--and
which took a prominent part in our daily life in these days, was
"Salvage." Undoubtedly there was apt to be great waste by allowing
material to be left lying about, and at this time there was a pressing
need to retrieve everything that could possibly be found. We did our
best and endeavoured to rescue such articles as 18-pounder guns and
limbers, which we thought might come in useful, but judging from the
screeds that were received as to "the true spirit of salvage" we were
wrong, and found that the returns of salvage that got the most marks
were those containing such items as "socks 200" (got generally from
derelict Quarter-Master's Stores found in the forward area, and packed
into a limber in about half-a-minute), but the work entailed in
hauling 18-pounders and limbers out of dangerous parts of the front,
apparently counted for little. Towards the end of our stay, when we
moved into the XIII Corps (Lieut.-General Morland) and Fifth Army
(General Birdwood), even greater attention was paid to salvage, and
every scrap of paper had to be returned to the Paper Dump, bottles to
the Bottle Dump, tins to special incinerators, to have the solder
melted out and collected, and so on, all no doubt of vital necessity,
though seeming at the time rather a bore to carry out.
By the end of May several changes had taken place in the personnel of
the Battalion, not the least important being that of the
Quarter-Master. Torrance, who had not been well for some time, went to
England for a tour of home duty at the end of April. Lieut. Dale, who
acted in his place for a few days, managed to get wounded, and then
Regimental Quarter-Master Sergt. Pritchard carried on until May 26th,
when Lieut. J. Brewer from the "Pool" of Quarter-Masters at the Base
joined for duty. Kent, in command of C Company, had a very brief
period in which to enjoy the Company Commander's well-earned privilege
of being granted the rank and pay of Captain, for he got badly wounded
by a machine gun bullet on May 31st, in the Gorre sector, and was
succeeded by Capt. Miners. We also lost 2nd Lieuts. Christian, Judd,
Jewel, and Fairbrother--all wounded--and 2nd Lieut. Russell, sick.
Reinforcement Officers who joined were 2nd Lieuts. A. D. H. Dunkin and
H. Hallam.
Trench reliefs continued more or less according to schedule, 12 days
being spent in the line to six out at rest, and though there were
minor excitements now and then, nothing exceptional happened on our
part of the front for many weeks, although on May 27th, the enemy
renewed his attacks near Rheims in the South, and Locre in the North,
and made some further progress. Of the Brigade sectors, Essars was
looked upon as the more preferable, if only on account of the
excellent vegetables which grew there in large quantities, and
needless to say, found their way to the messes of Officers and men
alike, where they were a most welcome addition to rations. There were
also numbers of livestock left behind by the French, which owing to
the rapid onrush of the Boche they had been unable to take with them.
It is reported that two pigs found at "Tank" or "Portuguese" farm, by
a certain Company Commander were not unconnected with a noticeable
improvement in the rations the next time we were out at rest! A cow
which was kept at Battalion Headquarters for a few days, came to an
unfortunate end by dying of gas poisoning!
In order that the men might do a little cooking for themselves in the
trenches, as it was impossible to take hot meals up to them by day,
special issues of "Tommies' Cookers" were made, with which they were
able to make hot drinks, and warm their savoury "Maconochies," "Meat
and Vegetables," "Pork and Beans," and other delicacies, whilst during
the night hot porridge and tea were made at Battalion Headquarters,
and sent round in food containers.
Rations were taken up each night in the early days by our own
Transport, which had been provided with lines in a rather low lying
field at Fouquières, but later moved to the back of Divisional
Headquarters at Gosnay, where timber and corrugated iron brought back
from derelict horse lines in the forward area, made useful huts and
shelters. There was little to choose between the sectors so far as
transport was concerned, for the shelling of roads was a regular
feature of the enemy's offensive action, particularly during the
night. It seemed of little use trying to avoid it by going earlier or
later, for at whatever time transport was about, there were sure to be
shells, mostly gas. The most lively spots were Gorre and Le Quesnoy
villages on the right, and the road between Béthune Cemetery Corner
and Le Hamel on the left, and it was always advisable to "get a move
on" at night along these particular roads. Later on the trench tramway
system, which already existed on the right, was improved and extended
to the Essars sector, and eventually stores of all kinds were taken up
each night to both sectors in that way, the trains being loaded up at
"Speedwell Spur," near Fouquières. The engine was taken off at Essars
on the left, and at Le Quesnoy on the right, and from there the trucks
were man-handled forward to Battalion Headquarters, or other points.
During the first three and a half months of this period we were not
called upon to carry out a raid or attack of any kind. Gunners and
Trench Mortar people carried out shoots on various occasions, and our
machine gunners, who were now formed into one Battalion for the
Division, made the most horrible noise every night with their
"barrages," but we were let off with nothing more serious than
patrolling. The country was admirably adapted to this form of
reconnaissance, and patrols were out by day almost as much as by
night. The corn crops which covered much of the area, were of course
left untouched (except just in front of our lines, where they were cut
so as to afford a field of fire), and provided excellent cover, as did
also the hedges and ditches, which were fairly frequent, and by these
means it was possible to get right up to the German outpost line by
daylight, and at times even past it. The enemy, of course, played the
same game, and unfortunately on one occasion managed to snaffle the
N.C.O. and two men from one of our posts. Sometimes patrols went out
just before dawn, and remained out the whole of the day, observing
from some ditch or other place of concealment, returning to our lines
again when darkness fell. Of the many splendid patrols carried out,
probably the most daring were those by Capt. Andrews, who had
previously got a good "chit" from the Corps and Divisional Commanders,
for an excellent daylight patrol at "Hairpin Craters," in the St. Elie
sector. It is reported that on one occasion, when trying to get back
to our line he was mistaken for an enemy patrol, and fired on by his
own Lewis gunners, and that when he did eventually get safely back,
the No. 1 of the team got severely straffed for his poor shooting!
Others who did most excellent work in connection with patrolling were
Lieuts. Elphick and G. G. Elliott; 2nd Lieuts. Spinney, C. M. Bedford,
Hallam, Seymour, Sellis, and Fairbrother; Comp. Sergt.-Major Rawding;
Sergts. Brett, Teece and Sharrock; Corpls. T. H. Johnson, Foster,
Brooks and Hurt; L.-Corpl. Beech, and Pvtes. Stanley and Hinton (A
Company), Curley, Walker and Elliott (B Company), Green (a Stretcher
Bearer), and Miller (C Company), and Huckerby, Wildsmith, and
Stubbings (D Company).
[Illustration: THE CLOCK TOWER, BÉTHUNE, 1918. _Reproduced by
permission of the Imperial War Museum._]
So far as training was concerned, an important change was made during
this period by the formation of the "Battle Details," into what became
known as the "Divisional Wing." As the periods out of the line, were
too short for any satisfactory Battalion training, to be carried out,
a number of Officers and men selected from each Battalion were left
out of the line at regular intervals, to undergo a short course of
general training. These courses usually lasted for twelve days. The
first assembly was at Bruay, but later more permanent quarters were
found at the aerodrome at Hesdigneul. Each Brigade had its own "Wing,"
and each Battalion had a Senior Officer on the spot to supervise the
training. Lieut. C. H. Powell of our Battalion was for some time a
most efficient Adjutant of the 139th Brigade Wing. Lewis gun training
and instruction in the meaning of "Chain of Command" were at this time
perhaps the most important points. Every man in the Battalion had to
be taught to load and fire the Lewis gun, and to know not only who his
commanders were, but how the command might descend to him in case of
casualties. Fresh issues of Lewis guns, which were made from time to
time, allowed each Company to have eight. Their transport was provided
by the allotment of two limbered wagons per Company, which carried, in
addition to the guns, their ammunition "drums," spare parts, some
boxed ammunition, and other paraphernalia. Lieut. Bradish, a most
conscientious Lewis gun Officer, both in and out of the line, was
responsible for the Lewis gun work, in which he was ably helped by
Sergts. King, Teece, and Milne.
There were two Brigade Ceremonial parades during this period, both of
which were held at Gosnay. On May 28th, the Divisional Commander
inspected us and presented medals, and on June 10th, General Horne,
commanding the First Army, honoured us in a similar way. Both
inspections went off well, and without any adverse criticisms.
For entertainments we had the "Whizz-bangs," who seldom gave better
shows than we got almost every night in the hut in Vaudricourt Wood,
and the Cinema at Divisional Headquarters at Gosnay. There were the
additional attractions of estaminets and shops in the neighbouring
villages, especially Verquin, where we had many a good dinner, and
drank many bottles of Veuve Cliquot at the estaminet of a great
favourite of the Battalion, Mlle. Bertha.
On July 18th, a whole day was given up to Battalion Sports, on the
aerodrome at Hesdigneul. Beginning at 9 a.m. they were not over until
7.30 p.m., after a most successful day, which was mainly due to the
excellent arrangements made by Major Gingell, and Sergt. Major
Mounteney. At the Brigade Horse Show and Sports held two days later,
we won first prize for a good type of Officer's Charger, a
chestnut, at one time ridden by Capt. Whitton, and later by the
Second-in-Command (this horse won again a little later at the
Divisional Show), whilst the first three places in the Cross-country
Run also fell to the Battalion, and firsts in the 100 yards and
quarter mile races. Whilst we were not quite so successful at these
shows with Transport turnouts, their smartness reflected great credit
on the Transport Officer, Lieut. Tomlinson, and that veteran N.C.O.
Sergt. Blunt. As they had got the Transport satisfactorily through one
of Major-General Thwaites's critical inspections early in June, we
felt sure there could be little cause for complaint.
What was, perhaps, from a rather selfish point of view, a drawback to
the long spells of fine weather and brilliant moonlight nights that we
had during this period, was that it enabled the enemy to make frequent
night bombing raids. Our own bombing squadrons of course, did
precisely the same thing, but it was not pleasant to be disturbed at
night when out at rest, by aeroplanes, cruising around and dropping
bombs. Fortunately we escaped with little harm, but the billets and
Transport Lines of many Units suffered severely. For our better
protection in this respect, a regular system of anti-aircraft defence
was devised, and a special allotment of Lewis guns made for the
purpose. These were mounted on poles, fixed at various points in the
trenches, at the Transport Lines, and in the vicinity of the more
important villages behind the line. Though perhaps in a general way
they added to our protection against aeroplanes, for which we had
hitherto relied almost entirely on our anti-aircraft guns, known as
"Archies," we seldom saw them bring anything down, and were inclined
to look upon them as likely to give away the positions they were
supposed to be protecting.
As the months went by several changes took place in personnel. We lost
Capt. Whitton, who after being Adjutant for 14 months, went for duty
to the First Army Rest Camp at the end of June, and was succeeded by
2nd Lieut. Martin. Capt. Warner went to the Divisional Signal Company
early in July, and D Company was then taken over by Capt. White.
Second Lieuts. Bromham and Russell went down sick, and 2nd Lieut.
Elphick to the Machine Gun Corps. New Officers who joined were 2nd
Lieuts. E. J. Taylor, James Howard Smith, T. J. Sellis, H. M. Toyne,
F. L. Harrap, J. F. Shackleton, F. T. W. Saunders, W. Pennington, S.
A. Tebbutt, and S. Bradwell, D.C.M., and we were given a new Padre in
the person of D. E. Sturt. Sergt. Bescoby, who had done excellent work
in charge of the Stretcher Bearers, became Comp. Quarter-Master Sergt.
of A Company, in place of Godfrey, who left to train for a commission.
Our strength was kept fairly level by drafts, and we averaged
throughout this period about 40 Officers, and 920 other ranks.
Our somewhat humdrum existence eventually came to an end about the
middle of August. By this time the German offensive had finally
ceased, having received its knock-out blow in the fruitless attack
made against the French near Rheims on July 15th. On this occasion the
French had received ample warning of the attack, and were consequently
able to dispose their forces in such a manner as to inflict appalling
casualties on the enemy with insignificant losses to themselves. This
was followed up by a series of attacks by French, Americans, British,
and Italians, which began on July 18th and finally drove the enemy out
of the Marne Valley. Even before that time it had been realised that
the Germans were not likely to make any further attacks on our part of
the front, and about the middle of July we had gone so far as to
contemplate an offensive in the Merville salient. Preliminary plans
were actually made for the attack to be made on July 15th, by the
Canadians and our own Division, but eventually the scheme was
cancelled.
The offensive in the South met with extraordinary success at all
points, and soon extended to the Third Army area, nearly as far North
as Lens, with the result that in the end the Boche decided that he
must take steps to withdraw from the Merville salient. His offensive
on this front was, undoubtedly, from the first a serious strategic
error. The unexpected ease with which the enemy had advanced on the
Portugese front had induced him to push forward further than had been
the first intention. Consequently, in holding the inner portion of a
most pronounced salient on flat ground, overlooked from the high land
south of the La Bassée Canal, he had at last experienced some of those
difficulties and losses which had been for so long our experience in
the Ypres salient. The many destroyed guns which we ultimately found
on our subsequent advance bore witness, not only to the remarkable
accuracy and efficiency of our own artillery, but to the folly of
attempting to hold the salient when once the possibility of capturing
Béthune and the area South of the Canal had disappeared. Owing to this
mistake of tactics and strategy there is no question that the enemy's
losses had been extremely heavy since his advance in April.
During the second week in August, whilst we were in the Gorre sector,
we heard that the enemy were carrying out extensive demolitions behind
the line, and our patrols were constantly out, so as to ensure keeping
touch, should he begin to move back. He had already begun to do so on
our left, but we were not actually affected until August 19th, by
which time we had moved across to the Essars right sub-sector. About
noon on that day, our left Company reported that the enemy had
evacuated several of the front line posts astride the Rue-du-Bois. A
and D Companies, which were in the front line, accordingly sent out
strong patrols to keep touch, the remainder moving forward to the old
German front line. Some 600 yards in front of our old line, lay the
hamlet of Le Touret. This was cleared by the leading Companies with
little opposition, except for a few snipers left to harass our
advance, and by evening the line ran East of that place, a total
advance of about 1,000 yards. The same night we handed over to the 6th
North Staffords. On August 26th, the Battalion moved up to support in
the Gorre sector, and was disposed about the Tuning Fork Breastworks,
with Battalion Headquarters by the canal side, near Le Préol. Lieut.
G. G. Elliott was badly wounded here during a bombardment of the
position held by A Company, of which he was then in command. A battery
of guns had been put in the orchard adjoining his Headquarters, in
spite of many protests, and naturally drew a considerable amount of
shelling. Several men were wounded at the same time. "G.G." had
succeeded Capt. Andrews, who had recently been appointed
Second-in-Command on Major Gingell's departure for a tour of duty at
home, and the command of A Company now passed to Lieut. Thomas.
Re-adjustments of the Divisional front became necessary, owing to the
continued withdrawal of the enemy, and on September 1st, we crossed
over to relieve our 6th Battalion in the left Brigade sector. Here the
withdrawal had been fairly rapid, Lacouture and Vieille Chapelle both
having been evacuated, and the enemy were now holding a line roughly
running from Richebourg St. Vaast through "Windy Corner" to Richebourg
L'Avoué, the general direction of our advance being North-East. At the
time we relieved them, the 6th Battalion were engaged in sharp
encounters trying to dislodge the enemy from a number of posts just
West of Windy Corner. We continued this hole and corner fighting, and
on September 3rd, C Company occupied "Hens Post," Windy Corner, and
"Edward's Post," after some sharp scrapping, taking one wounded
prisoner, whilst B Company occupied "Dogs Post" without opposition.
Very gallant work was done during this fighting by Corpl. Mosgrove,
who in spite of heavy fire established liaison with the Company on his
right which was held up, thereby enabling the advance to continue; by
Pvte. Stamford, a Stretcher Bearer, who on two separate occasions went
forward into the open, in full view of enemy snipers at close range to
help wounded comrades, and by L.-Corpl. Beech, who did exceptionally
good work in charge of a Lewis gun team.
Those who had been with the Battalion in the Autumn of 1915, were now
on familiar ground, as the fighting was taking place on what was then
the area just behind the line that we held in the Richebourg sector.
The capture of the posts about Windy Corner straightened out the line,
and enabled us to obtain suitable jumping-off positions for an attack
which was to take place the following day, as it had been decided to
speed up the enemy's retreat in this part, and drive him back far
enough to enable us to retake the old British front line near Neuve
Chapelle, the enemy being at this moment about 2,000 yards West of
that line.
Instructions for the attack were issued somewhat hurriedly during the
night. B and C were to be the leading Companies, with A and D in
support. The 5th Leicesters were attacking on our right, and the 19th
Division on the left. There was little or no time to make any
reconnaissance. Zero was 5.15 a.m. on September 4th, and the barrage
came down on the stroke 200 yards East of a line through "Haystack,"
"Orchard," "Albert," "Dogs" and "Edward's" Posts. Having remained on
this line four minutes it moved forward at the rate of 100 yards in
two minutes, closely followed by the leading troops. The enemy made
little resistance, and had evidently decided not to offer any serious
defence to operations on a large scale, but to get out of the way as
quickly as possible. The result was that within a couple of hours we
had regained possession of the old British front line, and the
"contact aeroplane" which cruised round a little later, saw our ground
flares burning in the identical trenches we held in November, 1915.
The 5th Leicesters met with equal success, and were abreast of us on
the same line. The 19th Division on our left had met with considerable
resistance at Neuve Chapelle, and did not get the whole of their
objective until later in the day. The enemy had decided for the moment
to stand on his old line running through the Bois-du-Biez, a strong
position, from which it would be difficult to dislodge him. The troops
on our left suffered several casualties in a fruitless endeavour to
push platoons forward into the wood. Our casualties were negligible
owing to the feeble resistance offered, and the weak counter-barrage
put down. Battalion Headquarters moved immediately after the attack to
"Lansdowne Post."
Communication had been well maintained during this and other recent
advances, and we were seldom out of touch by telephone, either with
advanced Companies or with Brigade Headquarters. In fact, on the
advance into Le Touret, there was so much cover available, on or near
the Rue du Bois that a forward Signalling Station, supplied by a South
and a North line, was established only a few hundred yards behind the
front line, within a few minutes of that line being consolidated, and
of these two lines the North line was not a mere ground line, but a
poled cable. We owed it to the untiring efforts of the Signal Section,
under Lieut. Stephenson, ably backed by Sergt. Templeman, Corpl.
Osborne and others, that communications were kept up so well.
The peace that we enjoyed for the rest of the day, was unfortunately
not maintained, for on September 5th, the Boche made things unpleasant
by shelling the various posts we were holding, which were nothing but
isolated shallow trenches with a few corrugated iron shelters covered
with earth. One of these, which was used as Battalion Headquarters,
got a direct hit with a 4.2 whilst the whole of the Headquarters'
staff, except the Medical Officer were in it. The result was
disastrous. Every Officer in it was wounded, though "Andy" escaped
with nothing worse than a few scratches. Col. Currin got a leg
damaged, Martin the Adjutant, and Elly, Intelligence Officer, both got
broken legs, and several other wounds. Stephenson and Taylor (Works
Officer) were also wounded in the leg, whilst Spinney (Assistant
Adjutant) and Salmon (Artillery Liaison Officer), sustained serious
head and face wounds. Elly died the following day at the Casualty
Clearing Station, at Pernes.
Owing to the continuance of the shelling, Battalion Headquarters moved
to Hens Post near Windy Corner, but again were not left alone, as the
enemy put over some eight-inch and gas shells in the vicinity.
Altogether it was a decidedly unpleasant day, and we were not sorry to
hear that the 19th Division were to relieve us the same night. The
relieving Battalion, the 9th Cheshires, fortunately for them did not
arrive until things had quietened down, and the relief, if somewhat
lengthy, was carried out more or less in peace. The lucky ones got a
ride from Le Touret on the light railway, but the trains for the rest
failed to turn up, and they had to foot it back to Beuvry, where the
Battalion was billeted, with Major Andrews in temporary command.
CHAPTER XIV
AUCHEL TO PONTRUET
_Sept. 7th, 1918._ _Sept. 26th, 1918._
We left Beuvry on the morning of Sept. 7th and were taken back on the
light railway to Ferfay. On this occasion, much to our surprise, the
trains moved off at the scheduled time. From Ferfay it was but a short
march to Auchel, another mining village, where we found very good
billets, and were welcomed in their usual hospitable way by the French
miners and their families. Thanks to a most generous Town Major we got
all sorts of little billet comforts, of which he seemed to have an
unlimited supply, whilst opposite the Headquarters Mess was a very
comfortable little restaurant, bearing the sign, "Cosy Corner," where
we found helping to run the show, an old friend known to us in earlier
days at Béthune as "Lily."
On the day after our arrival Lieut.-Col. J. F. Dempster, D.S.O., 2nd
Manchesters, took over command of the Battalion, Major Andrews
resuming the duties of Second-in-Command, and Lieut. C. H. Powell
temporarily acting as Adjutant. Changes had also taken place in the
Higher Commands in the Division. Brigadier-General John Harington,
D.S.O., from the 46th Machine Gun Battalion, had succeeded General
Wood in command of the 139th Brigade, and Major-General Thwaites, who
had laboured so assiduously to keep the Division up to the highest
pitch of perfection in every respect, had gone to England to take up
the duties of Director of Military Intelligence at the War Office, and
we now had the pleasure of meeting his successor, Major-General G. F.
Boyd, C.B., C.M.G., D.S.O., D.C.M., who was to command the Division
for the rest of the war. He came to see us at Auchel, and we soon
realised that under his leadership, given ordinary luck, we could not
help doing well. Fresh from the battles of the South, he had much to
tell us about the latest forms of attack, particularly those carried
out in conjunction with Tanks, and we were not long in finding out
that what he could not tell us about the kind of fighting that was
going on was not worth knowing. He introduced to us the system of
advancing in the early stages of the attack in the "Blob" formation,
that is, with Companies on wide frontages, echelonned in depth, with
each Platoon in a line of sections in "blobs," or small and somewhat
open groups. With this formation there was less likelihood of severe
casualties from shelling or machine guns, whilst it was a most simple
formation from which extensions could be carried out, and at the same
time it allowed the Section Commander to retain control of his men up
to the last possible moment. This system we at once set about
practising, and later on used it in all the battles in which we took
part. Very little training was possible during the few days spent at
Auchel owing to the bad weather.
It was, of course, general knowledge that we were shortly to take an
active part in the fighting in the South, and therefore no surprise
when we received orders to entrain. This was carried out in the early
hours of Sept. 12th, at Calonne-Ricouart Station, and was rendered
extremely uncomfortable by a torrential downpour, which made it
specially difficult to get the transport vehicles up the steep ramps
on to the trucks. C Company had to do the loading for the whole
Brigade, and were at the station for nearly twenty-four hours, working
in shifts. They left by the last train at 12.40 p.m., the main body
having left at 3.16 a.m. This was our farewell to a district of which
we had got to know practically every inch, and of which we shall
always retain most happy recollections. We had been there for
seventeen months without a break.
Slowly but surely we wended our way Southwards, until we reached
Amiens. At one period the town had been emptied of all civilians, but
they were just beginning to come back and the streets were now showing
slight signs of life again. A certain amount of damage had been done
by shell-fire, and as we moved Eastward from Amiens, signs of the
one-time proximity of the front line became more marked. Eventually we
came to a stop at Corbie Station, where we detrained during the
afternoon, after a journey of about twelve hours. After most welcome
and refreshing tea, which we owed to the forethought of Capt. Salter,
the Acting Staff-Captain, we marched to billets at La Houssoye, some
five miles away, where C Company joined us early the following
morning. We were now in the IX Corps, which formed part of General
Rawlinson's Fourth Army. We were soon able to make ourselves
comfortable, though the village was somewhat battered and contained
very few inhabitants. When we moved further forward, it was, from a
purely military point of view, a decided advantage to find no
civilians at all. All around was a delightfully free rolling country,
and we could wander anywhere according to our own sweet will, those
lucky enough to have horses getting some lovely gallops across the
chalk downs. This area had been too near the front line for the past
few months for any work to be carried out on the land, and such crops
as there were were now being harvested by soldier labour, mostly
Canadian.
The enemy had been driven back from the neighbourhood during August by
the Australians, who had had particularly hard fighting about
Villers-Bretonneux, not many miles distant from where we were
billeted, and the work of clearing the battlefield was already in
hand. Gangs of Chinese were employed in the task, but we were not
impressed by their industry. Everything had to be carried to dumps by
the roadside, and no matter what the burden the only authorised way of
carrying it was by putting it on the end of a pole, which the "Chink"
carried over his shoulder. It seemed decidedly comical, to say the
least, to see a man walk several hundred yards to retrieve a coat, for
example, hang it on the pole, and walk several more hundred yards with
it to a dump! Nevertheless, this seemed to be the recognised way of
working.
Such training as we carried out was mostly in the attack and other
operations, such as advanced guards, likely to be required in open
warfare. Little was done in the way of bombing, which had had its day.
There was a good deal of Lewis gun work, and "field-firing" practice
in the shape of Platoon attacks on strong points. Flags to represent
Tanks were introduced into the scheme with a view to giving some idea
of how to follow up a Tank and take possession of the ground it
gained. A good deal of practice in Map Reading and Compass work was
carried out by Officers and N.C.O.'s, which proved most useful in the
days to come. Several Officers and N.C.O.'s here enjoyed their first
aeroplane flight through the kindness of the Officer commanding a
Bombing Squadron in the vicinity.
Orders for a move came after little delay, but with unexpected
suddenness. We had to break off in the middle of a practice attack on
September 18th, to prepare for our departure, and at 9 p.m. on the
same day we left La Houssoye and marched to Bonnay, where we embussed
for the forward area once more. Transport marched brigaded and was now
under Lieut. Toyne, who took charge when Lieut. Tomlinson broke his
collar-bone in a jumping competition a little while before at
Vaudricourt. Somewhere about midnight the long procession of lorries
moved off. The other two Brigades of the Division were being moved by
the same means, and there is no doubt that the Auxiliary 'Bus
Companies were having a pretty busy time! In the darkness the journey
seemed endless. It was too bumpy to allow even a doze, sleepy as most
of us felt. The whole area was a desolate ruin, but in the darkness we
were, of course, able to see little or nothing of it. For something
like 40 miles, the Somme area, through which we were passing, was
nothing but an immense wilderness--every village practically in ruins,
and hardly sufficient remains in many cases to identify their
position. In one case a signboard had been put up to mark the site of
the village, and on maps they were usually described as "---- ruins
of." Old trenches and barbed wire entanglements existed at various
points. Not a scrap of ground was cultivated--all was wild and uncared
for. Not a living soul was there except a few odd troops of our own,
working mostly on roads or guarding dumps, and French, Italians,
Portuguese and "Chinks" working on the railways. A few odd woods and
shattered trees were practically the only things standing in this
enormous tract of country. Later on we saw all this for ourselves when
we used to cross this devastated area going on leave or for trips to
Amiens, which a generous staff permitted us to indulge in
occasionally. Much of the area had been fought over four
times--firstly, when captured by the enemy in the original advance;
secondly, when he withdrew to the Hindenburg Line early in 1917 and
laid the whole place waste; thirdly, during his offensive of 1918;
and, lastly, when he was driven out once and for all by British and
other troops just before our arrival.
Eventually, about dawn on September 19th, the long train of lorries
came to a halt, and we were dumped on the road about a mile West of a
one-time village known as Poeuilly, to which we marched, and where we
were told we had to bivouac.
It was a cheerless prospect to be turned loose into a bare field at
4.0 a.m. on a late September morning. Poeuilly, however, was found to
contain a certain amount of useful material which very soon found its
way to our field, and with the aid of a few "trench shelters," and
taking advantage of some trenches which were there, it was not long
before we had put up some quite useful protection. Though chilly in
the early morning the weather was quite seasonable, and on the whole
we did not fare badly. Our Transport arrived late the same day.
The Hindenburg Line lay a few miles in front of us, and some of its
outer defences were already in our hands. On the afternoon of
September 20th, we left Poeuilly and relieved the 2nd Royal Sussex in
Brigade Reserve in trenches and dug-outs about Pontru, with Battalion
Headquarters at "Cooker" Quarry, the 5th and 6th Battalions taking
over the front line. At this point we were some seven miles North-West
of St. Quentin, and two to three miles West of Bellenglise, on the St.
Quentin Canal. There was no great excitement during the three days we
spent there except that we had rather bad luck with the Transport. As
the idea was rather pressed on us that we were now taking part in
"moving warfare," some of the horses and Company limbers of bombs and
small arm ammunition were taken forward to the edge of a small wood
just behind Battalion Headquarters. Unfortunately this wood got
shelled and several mules were knocked out, with the result that the
ammunition was dumped, and the limbers and rest of the animals were
sent back to Poeuilly.
On September 23rd we received orders for certain action to be carried
out by us in connection with an attack which was to be launched the
next day, when the 46th Division were to carry out a "minor operation"
in conjunction with the 1st Division on their right. The Australians
had pushed forward considerably on the left, and the line now bent
back sharply, where the troops we had relieved had been held up by the
village of Pontruet. The attack was planned both to straighten out the
line and to get possession of the high ground on the right. The 138th
Brigade, who had taken over from the Australians on the left, were
ordered to capture the village of Pontruet, and for this purpose
detailed the 5th Leicesters. The attack was to be carried out by an
enveloping movement from the North, and the village was to be rushed
from the East. Our 5th and 6th Battalions were to co-operate by
occupying some trenches about Pontruet, and, on the night following,
the 8th Battalion was to relieve the 5th Leicesters as far North as
the inter-Brigade boundary.
The attack was launched at 5 a.m. on September 24th, and though the
5th Leicesters made most strenuous efforts to attain their objectives,
they just failed to achieve the full purpose for which they set out,
and at the end of the day Pontruet was not ours. Our 5th Battalion on
the right also had some stiff fighting, and suffered several
casualties, taking their objective on the high ground South of
Pontruet, and capturing about 100 prisoners. Late in the day our
orders to relieve the 5th Leicesters were cancelled, and we had to
take over from our own 5th Battalion, who were holding the Western
edge of Pontruet. This operation was completed just before dawn on the
25th, Battalion Headquarters being in a dug-out in the high ground
South of Pontru. Fortunately we were there only two days, for the
discomfort was very great, the dug-outs and cellars swarming with
flies and vermin, and there was little other protection from the enemy
shelling, which was fairly frequent. On September 26th we were
relieved on an intensely dark night by the 1st Black Watch and went
back to bivouacs just off the Vendelles-Bihécourt Road, put up for us
by the Battle Details, who had moved up from Poeuilly. They, together
with the Transport and Quar.-Master's stores, had had none too
peaceful a time during the last few days. Having moved to Vendelles
they were shelled out of it almost at the moment they arrived, but
eventually found a quiet resting-place for a brief space at Bernes,
where, in addition to ordinary stores, there were piled all the men's
packs and spare kit, and numbers of Lewis gun boxes. All moves now
were done in light "fighting order" and the Quar.-Master and
Quar.-Master-Sergts. had their time fully occupied in thinking how all
the spare kit was to be got forward when it was wanted.
During our recent moves we had received a regular influx of new
Officers, no fewer than nine having joined between September 3rd and
September 26th. They were 2nd Lieuts. G. Newton, John Henry Smith, A.
N. Davis, R. N. Barker, T. F. Mitchell, W. J. Winter, R. S. Plant, P.
A. Turner, and W. G. Jacques. We had lost 2nd Lieut. Morris, who had
gone to the 139th Trench Mortar Battery; and Comp. Sergt.-Major Slater
and five N.C.O.'s who were sent to England as Instructors. Slater was
succeeded as Comp.-Sergt.-Major of A Company, by Sergt. Attenborough.
Our battle casualties at Pontruet amounted to five killed and 24
wounded.
The men were now very fit and the Battalion was on the top of its
form. Our chief anxiety was whether after all we were to be in a real
good push. We suspected that we might have been brought here to be
whittled away in minor trench attacks, and that the opportunity of
really showing what stuff the Battalion was made of would never
present itself. Our fears were not lessened when we saw how the 5th
Leicesters and 5th Sherwood Foresters suffered at Pontruet, and we saw
looming ahead what we imagined to be the never-ending luck of the 46th
Division. Our fears were ill-founded. Better things were before us and
arrived sooner than we expected.
CHAPTER XV
BELLENGLISE
_Sept. 26th, 1918._ _Sept. 29th, 1918._
A great effort was to be made to break the Hindenburg Line.
Preliminary orders received on September 26th were to the effect that
the 46th Division, as part of a major operation (simultaneous attacks
by the British and French taking place at several other points), would
at an early date cross the St. Quentin Canal between Bellenglise and
Riquerval Bridge, and capture the Hindenburg Line. The general scheme
was that the 137th Brigade were to capture the canal and hold the
crossings, advancing as far as the "Brown Line" shown on the map,
whilst the 139th Brigade on the right and 138th Brigade on the left,
were to pass through them and consolidate up to and including the
"Green Line." If all went well the 32nd Division were to pass through
and make further progress. The 1st Division were to protect our right
flank, where the enemy were still occupying a large area of ground
which might be decidedly dangerous to us, and in the event of the
enemy withdrawing, they were to follow up and, if possible, capture
Thorigny and the high ground round about it. On our left the 30th
American Division, attached to the Australian Corps, were to seize the
Bellicourt Tunnel (where the canal ran underground) and continue the
attack in that direction. Tanks were to cross the canal by passing
over the tunnel and come down to operate with the 138th and 139th
Brigades and help them to reach their objectives.
In order to improve our position the 138th Brigade, who were holding
the line running along the high ground just East of "Victoria Cross
Roads," carried out an attack on September 27th against the German
trenches on the high ground North-East of "Chopper Ravine." This was
successful and the trenches were handed over to the 137th Brigade.
Unfortunately, the following morning the enemy delivered a heavy
counter-attack against the Staffords, and recovered so much ground
that at night the latter had to withdraw from the portions still held
and come back to our original line. This set-back, however, had no ill
result.
Our preparations had to be made on the assumption that the attack
would take place on the early morning of Sunday, September 29th, as it
did.
From the line held by the Division it was possible to get a good view
of the canal and the ground beyond for some distance, and such
reconnaissance as could be carried out in the time at our disposal was
made by observation from this line.
[Illustration: THE ST. QUENTIN CANAL, BELLENGLISE--LOOKING
NORTH--1918.]
Running diagonally across the front, through No Man's Land, down the
slope to the Riquerval Bridge, on the left, was a narrow road known as
"Watling Street." Immediately in front of our trenches was the ridge
which we had had to evacuate, and from there the land again sloped
down to the canal. Immediately the other side of the canal was the
village of Bellenglise, about three-quarters-of-a-mile from our
present front line, but looking much closer. The canal ran in a
cutting, into which it was not possible to see, but from descriptions
obtained from various sources it appeared that it had steep banks
twelve to eighteen yards deep, and we were told that where there was
water we might expect it to be seven to eight feet deep. As a matter
of fact the canal in some parts was quite dry, and in other parts the
water was held up by big dams of concrete. When we did properly see
it, it appeared to be more or less derelict. On the right towards
Bellenglise it was mostly dry. Rising from the canal on the other side
was a fairly gradual, but none the less decided, slope for some
distance, fortified with lines of trenches, barbed wire and concrete
machine gun emplacements, apparently a most unpromising position to
attack--indeed, we thought it impregnable, and no doubt the Boche did
so, too. It was an ideal spot for concealed dug-outs all along the
canal banks. Many were found there, and Bellenglise itself contained a
wonderfully constructed tunnel, estimated to be capable of holding at
least a thousand men.
The problem of dealing with any water that might be found in the canal
was a difficult but important one, as every preparation had to be made
for getting across on the assumption that all the bridges would be
destroyed. Accordingly the 137th Brigade were equipped with a number
of collapsible boats and rafts, also mats for getting across any soft
mud they might encounter, whilst almost at the last moment, numbers of
lifebelts were sent up for their use, taken from the leave boats.
As it was doubtless realised that this great stronghold would require
pounding almost to atoms, arrangements were made for getting together
what must have been the largest array of guns that ever was collected,
at any rate in such a short space of time. Battery after battery of
every known calibre took up positions in one or other of the ravines
and valleys behind the line. Indeed, there seemed no room for them all
and many of them were practically in the open.
Behind the line an immense amount of railway and road work was being
carried out in order to maintain supplies. Probably the most
interesting piece of work was the relaying of the railway line from
Roizel to Vermand, preparatory to its being continued into St.
Quentin as soon as the latter should be liberated. We enjoyed
watching the Canadian Engineers at work rebuilding bridges and
bringing up and relaying fresh sleepers and metals, all the old ones
having been removed by the enemy for several miles. The rapid
reconstruction of the line was of vital importance, as it would form
the main source of transport for all our supplies.
On the night of September 27/28th, we moved from bivouacs near
Vendelles, and marched to our preliminary assembly position in some
trenches near "Red Wood," about half-a-mile North-West of that
well-known landmark "The Tumulus," a high chalk mound from which an
excellent view could be obtained, but where it was not wise to pause
to admire the scenery. Battalion Headquarters was in a dug-out at
"Hudson's Post," between Red Wood and the "Twin Craters." This move
was carried out without casualty, but the very dark night, coupled
with a certain amount of gas shelling, and the absence of good guiding
marks, made going somewhat difficult. A section from the 139th Trench
Mortar Battery, which was to be attached to us for the battle, joined
us just before the move.
The attack was to be carried out under a creeping barrage, and the
objective allotted to us was the "Yellow Line" East of Bellenglise.
The frontage allotted to the Battalion was about 1,200 yards, and the
advance in its final stages was to be carried out with two Companies
in the front line and two in support. In each case there were to be
three Platoons leading, with one in support, each front Platoon thus
having a frontage of about 200 yards. The distance between front and
support Companies was to be 200 to 250 yards. The Artillery barrage
was to move at the rate of 100 yards in four minutes, making long
pauses after each objective had been gained in order to allow time for
the rear troops to continue the advance. A machine gun barrage also
was to be fired during the opening stages of the attack, and for this
purpose our Divisional Battalion was strengthened by the addition of
the 2nd Life Guards Machine Gun Battalion and the 100th Machine Gun
Battalion. By a happy coincidence some South Notts. Yeomanry were
included amongst these Machine Gunners. The Royal Engineers and
Monmouth Pioneers, detailed to put emergency bridges on cork piers
across the canal for foot traffic and artillery, were to follow in
rear of the 137th Brigade, and immediately in front of us. Second
Lieut. Davis with ten men was to keep touch with the last Battalion of
the 137th Brigade, whilst 2nd Lieut. Plant was detailed to act as
Liaison Officer with the 137th Brigade Headquarters. Second Lieut.
Bradish was to do similar duty with the 139th Brigade, and 2nd Lieut.
Winter with the 6th Battalion, who were to follow immediately behind
us, the 5th Battalion bringing up the rear. Guides from each Company
were detailed to follow the 137th Brigade and direct their Companies
to the canal crossings. Flags were to be carried to mark Battalion and
Company Headquarters. In addition to red flares for notifying the
position of the advanced troops to our 'contact aeroplanes,' a number
of tin discs were issued, which were to be waved by the men carrying
them so as to catch the eye of the Observers. "Success Signals"--rifle
grenades bursting into "white over white over white"--were to be fired
by the leading Companies as soon as they reached their objective. Pack
transport was arranged in readiness for taking forward ammunition,
water and other supplies, if required, as soon as it was possible to
get them across the canal.
Enough and more than enough work was entailed in all these details to
keep us busy during the short time available before the attack.
Nevertheless all was ready by the appointed time, and about 3 a.m. on
the morning of September 29th, after a most welcome issue of rum,
which fortunately arrived just in time, we began to move into our
final assembly position on the Eastern side of "Ascension Valley." The
valley never had been a place to linger in, as most nights and early
mornings the Hun was in the habit of treating it liberally with high
explosive and gas shells, and this occasion was no exception, a
combination of the two making things very unpleasant. Further, it was
a dark night, and, worse than all, a dense fog came down over
everything, so that movement over these more or less open spaces with
little or nothing to guide us was extremely difficult. However, in the
end everyone got into position in good time and without accident.
Fortunately most of the shells were then passing over us into the
valley behind. Companies were drawn up as follows: Right Front (A
Company), Capt. Thomas; Left Front (B Company), 2nd Lieut. Bloor;
Right Support (C Company), Lieut. Cairns, in the absence of Capt.
Miners on leave; Left Support (D Company), Capt. White. Capt. C. P.
Elliott was acting as Second-in-Command, Major Andrews being away on
leave.
Zero was fixed for 5.50 a.m., at which time the 137th Brigade were to
advance from our front line. At the same time the 1st Division were to
advance so as to protect our right flank up to a point near
Bellenglise Bridge.
Promptly at Zero an uncanny stillness was broken by an inferno of
noise. With a din and roar that can never be forgotten by those who
heard it, one of the greatest concentrations of artillery the World
had ever seen came into action. The crash and rattle were appalling.
Sandwiched as we were, with machine guns blazing away just in front,
and 18-pounders belching out fire just behind, it was perfect
pandemonium. Speech was impossible. Though it was now practically
daylight the fog was so intense that you could not see a yard in
front of you. All over the battlefield it was the same. We could only
imagine the difficulty with which the Staffords were going, if they
were going at all, and we could see nothing. Our right Company, A, had
been detailed to assist that Brigade to mop up the enemy trenches West
of the canal, and on completion re-form in the old German front line,
and await the arrival of the other Companies. This Company advanced in
Artillery formation as soon as the machine guns ceased firing, about
15 minutes after Zero, and reached these trenches without accident.
Little was found to be done there, and having distributed themselves
in the trenches, they awaited the time for the general advance to
begin. The rest of the Battalion moved forward at the same time in a
similar formation to "Nib" and "Quill" trenches on "Hélène Ridge."
Even for this short move direction could only be maintained by means
of compasses. We made ourselves as comfortable as possible there, as
we knew that we should have some time to wait before advancing
further. In any case we were not to move without orders from Brigade
Headquarters, and it was not intended that we should be involved in
the actual fighting until the 137th Brigade were East of the canal,
and then probably not for some time unless they were in difficulties.
The Boche had put down a counter-barrage directly after our attack
began, and a certain number of shells and some machine gun bullets
fell about the ridge where we were, but caused us little
inconvenience.
In spite of the fog wounded men were finding their way back, and odd
lots of German prisoners were being brought back by escorts of
Staffords. How they did it we never quite knew, but it was reported
that in one case the escort of a party of prisoners having been lost
in the fog, got a captured German Officer to act as guide by marching
due West on a compass bearing! For over three hours we were unable to
get any definite news as to the progress of the battle. The first
official message which reached our Brigade Headquarters to the effect
that the 137th Brigade were across the canal, arrived at 8.30 a.m.,
and orders were at once sent to the three Battalions to get on the
move and keep in close touch. Unfortunately our telephone line to
Brigade Headquarters was broken, and the message had to be sent by
runners, who after experiencing the greatest difficulty owing to the
fog, eventually reached us at 9.37 a.m. Orders were sent to Companies
as quickly as possible, and we moved off again in artillery formation,
keeping direction with our compasses. Progress, of course, was
extremely slow. By the time we reached the canal, which seemed much
further away than we had imagined, the fog began to clear and caused
us no more trouble. The canal was crossed by plank foot bridges,
which, fortunately, were still more or less intact, and Companies
pushed on in a direction practically half-right towards the villages
of Bellenglise on the right and La Baraque on the left.
Here our first real fighting began, considerable opposition being met
with from isolated snipers and machine gun posts, particularly on the
right, where A Company had a very rough time. Two Platoons of that
Company, under 2nd Lieuts. Bradwell and Shackleton, worked their way
along the bend of the canal sheltered by a large ditch, and rushed
several "pill-boxes" from the rear. At one large concrete dug-out a
Boche was discovered just emerging with his machine gun ready to fire.
Bradwell stopped him with a revolver bullet through the chest. The
bullet went through the next man behind him as well, and finished by
lodging in the throat of a third--a very useful shot! A little later
the same Officer got a sniper, who was obstinately holding up the
advance with a small group of men, by a rifle bullet neatly placed
between the eyes at 300 yards. The left of A Company also met with
opposition from machine gun nests in the ruins of the houses. Thomas
himself, in rushing one machine gun, had no time to draw his revolver,
but put one Boche out of action by a kick under the jaw. C Company
reinforced A and shared with them the clearing of Bellenglise, but in
doing so they also had a bad time. Stanley Cairns led them with great
dash, only to be killed in an attack on a group of Boches who were
holding up the left of A Company. They were, however, eventually
rushed and all bayoneted. On the left some of B Company lost direction
and strayed over to the 138th Brigade. Though the resistance on this
flank was not so great it was not altogether easy going, and there was
considerable shelling and machine gun fire. Bloor, in command, got
badly wounded, and Rawding, his very gallant Comp. Sergt.-Major also
fell, dying the next day. Mobilised with the Battalion he went out
with it as a Private and won promotion by sheer merit. All ranks of
the Battalion had the greatest regard for him and his loss was very
keenly felt. D Company, under Capt. White, ably assisted by 2nd Lieut.
Smith, acting as Second-in-Command, also gave a hand in the mopping
up. Casualties were, of course, mounting, as there was heavy shelling
going on most of the time, particularly on the Eastern edge of
Bellenglise. Eventually, however, the village was cleared and we got
to our next starting-point, the "Brown Line," with our right on the
canal, at 11.30 a.m. This was only ten minutes after our scheduled
time which, considering the almost insuperable difficulties caused by
the fog, must be considered excellent. It meant, of course, that our
barrage, which advanced again at 11.20 a.m. (five-and-a-half hours
after Zero) was slightly ahead of us, but that was now too late to be
altered and we had to make the best of it.
At this point we were to have been joined by a Company of five Tanks,
but they had not turned up. They arrived, however, a little later and
were going forward to help the attack of the 6th Battalion, who
followed us, when they were put out of action by enemy field guns
firing from South of the canal and at point blank range. Our final
advance, therefore, had to be continued without their help. We moved
off this time in extended order and met with little opposition, though
there was considerable machine gun fire from the South side of the
canal, which was not particularly accurate and did little damage. We
reached our final objective about 12.15 p.m., only a few minutes after
scheduled time, and the 6th Battalion immediately pushed on through
us.
Our right flank was somewhat exposed, as the enemy were still holding
the ground South of the canal, and one or two feeble attempts at
counter-attacks were made from that direction, but were easily broken
up. The 1st Division had been unable to advance to connect across with
us at Bellenglise, but by their demonstration they doubtless prevented
the enemy from concentrating for a counter-attack in that quarter,
which was a decidedly weak spot.
Our advance had been extremely rapid and to a certain extent our
success was due to that fact. The enemy in many cases were taken
before they had time to get to their battle positions. At the same
time every member of the Battalion was determined to "get there."
Particularly good work was done by Sergt. Peach, who was acting Comp.
Sergt.-Major of C Company, and himself accounted for three of the
enemy at one post, by Sergt. Oldham, Lance-Sergts. Field and Illger,
and Corpl. Slater, when in temporary command of Platoons, also by
Sergt. Claxton, Corpls. Gadsby, Skelton and W. Foster, L.-Corpl. R.
Harvey. and Pvtes. Cook, Titmus, Welbourne and Stapleton.
Communication throughout the day was almost entirely by runners, who
had an exceptionally strenuous time, but in spite of all their
difficulties they never failed to get their messages through.
Specially valuable work was done in this respect by Pvtes. B.
Smithurst, Feighery, Sully, Colton and Parker. The Signallers had a
thankless task in trying to keep their lines repaired. A special word
of praise is due to L.-Corpl. J. North for his work in this
connection. The Medical Officer, Capt. Homan, had a difficult task in
attending to the wounded in open trenches and often under heavy shell
fire. He got great help from Padre Sturt, who was always rendering
faithful service, and from a willing band of Stretcher Bearers, who
worked unceasingly throughout the battle, notably Corpl. Wrigglesworth
and Pvtes. Westnidge and Green. Comp. Sergt.-Major Stokes, who was
acting as Regt.-Sergt.-Major, was also of the greatest service in
looking after ammunition and other stores.
The sight presented by the enemy defences East of the canal gave no
room for doubt that our guns had done most deadly work. The ground was
literally torn to pieces, trenches and wire being blown to atoms in
all directions, and there seemed to be scarcely a spot that had not
been touched.
The prisoners taken by us numbered something like 300. There is no
doubt that our bombardment had caused many of them to become more or
less senseless. In many cases all they did was to retire to their
dug-outs and await the end. Full dug-outs emptied themselves at the
first word, and poured out their garrisons, which were as quickly
marshalled by our men and led off to the prisoner cages in batches, 50
or more in a batch, and very often not more than one of our men in
charge. In addition to prisoners we captured over 40 machine guns and
10 trench mortars. Guns did not come within our province, as they
were all beyond our objective.
Our casualties, considering all things, were small, and this was
doubtless due to the great rapidity with which the advance had been
carried out. In addition to the two Officer casualties, our losses
during the day were 14 other ranks killed and 80 wounded.
The battlefield after the fog lifted presented a sight never to be
forgotten. On the left, Tanks could be seen working their way along
the German trenches, followed by groups of Infantry, who at once took
possession of the ground gained. Behind, guns were limbering up and
being got forward to fresh positions; pack ponies and limbers were
being taken up with ammunition; parties of Boche prisoners were
wending their way back from the front areas in batches of 10's, 20's,
up to 200 or more, presenting a very bedraggled appearance. Many of
them had been requisitioned for duty at the forward aid posts and were
carrying back our wounded. Add to the whole, shells bursting here and
there--one knew not when or where the next was coming and didn't
care--and some idea may be formed of what the battlefield of
Bellenglise looked like. It was like an enormous circus.
The 138th Brigade on the left met with equal success, but North of
them the attack did not go so well, and at the end of the day the
Australians and Americans, though in a satisfactory position for
continuing the attack, were considerably behind their objective.
During the afternoon the 32nd Division came moving over the back areas
by Companies in artillery formation and pushed on through us, but
there was no time that day for them to make any fresh attacks, and
they had to be content with putting out outposts. There is no doubt
that could their attack have been pushed on at once the fighting of
the next few days would not have been necessary. As it was our line
did not get further than the final objective of the 5th Battalion, and
further preparation was required to push the Boche from the few
remaining points that he still held in the Hindenburg Line. By the
victory of the 46th Division on September 29th the main portion of
that line had been absolutely smashed and the last great turning-point
in the war passed, and from now onwards the final defeat of the enemy
was but a matter of days. It must be confessed that the fog, which
lasted practically the whole morning, largely accounted for our
success. Without it it is very difficult to conceive how we could have
managed to get possession of the canal and the high ground on the East
of it. A naturally strong defensive line itself, it formed with the
addition of the artificial defences made by the enemy, an almost
impregnable position. General Headquarters thought it _was_
impregnable.
It has since transpired that our fears that our attack was only in the
nature of a "demonstration" were only too well founded, as it appears
to be a fact that we were not expected to cross the canal at all.
Lieut.-General Sir John Monash, who commanded the Australian Corps on
our left, referring in his book, "The Australian Victories in France
in 1918,"[1] to the action of September 29th, says:--
"Quite early in the day news came in that the IX Corps on my
right hand had achieved an astonishing success, that Bellenglise
had been captured, and that the deep canal had been successfully
crossed in several places. It was the 46th Imperial Division to
which this great success was chiefly due.----There can be no
doubt that this success, conceived at first as a demonstration to
distract attention from the Australian Corps' front, materially
assisted me in the situation in which I was placed later on the
same day."
[Footnote 1: Published by Messrs. Hutchinson & Co.]
For once General Headquarters' arrangements for the 46th Division
miscarried.
Sappers got the Riquerval Bridge fit for transport early in the
afternoon, and by 3.0 p.m. guns and other horse transport were passing
over it. Later in the evening, after the 32nd Division had got clear,
some of our Transport and cookers came up, and our hardworking
Quarter-Master-Sergts. brought us very welcome and much-needed
refreshment after a most strenuous day.
CHAPTER XVI
RAMICOURT AND MONTBREHAIN
_Sept. 30th, 1918._ _October 4th, 1918._
September 30th was spent in dug-outs and trenches in the region of our
objective of the previous day, between Bellenglise and Lehaucourt.
Early that morning the 1st Division advanced and occupied Thorigny and
Talana Hill, South of the canal, thus securing our right flank, the
retreating enemy offering splendid targets for our Lewis guns. The
same day St. Quentin fell to the French.
In the afternoon the 32nd Division moved forward to the attack,
supported by Cavalry, which it was hoped it would be possible to use
if the Infantry broke through the last remaining fragment of the
Hindenburg Line. This was known as the Beaurevoir-Fonsomme Line and
ran more or less North and South about midway between Joncourt and
Ramicourt. It consisted of a strong barbed wire entanglement and a
double line of shallow trenches about a foot deep, with concrete
machine gun emplacements every 50 yards. The whole was in a very
incomplete state, but at the same time constituted a strong line of
defence. Unfortunately the 32nd Division were unable to break this
line, which the enemy were holding in force. Similarly, the 1st
Division on the right were unable to make any further progress, and
the 2nd Australian Division met with no greater success on the left.
In consequence the Cavalry had to withdraw behind the canal.
The arrival of the Cavalry a few days previously behind our lines had
presented one of the most picturesque scenes one could wish to see.
Two abreast they came in almost endless streams along the roads and
side-tracks and passed on to forward positions behind the canal, and
the sight was one never to be forgotten. Not less wonderful, perhaps,
was the unceasing flow of transport of every conceivable kind
backwards and forwards along the Vadencourt-Bellenglise Road. The
surface of the road was in excellent condition and in an incredibly
short period the Sappers, who were now having very strenuous times,
erected an Inglis bridge over the canal at Bellenglise, capable of
carrying lorries and guns of all calibres. The way all this work was
pushed on was little short of marvellous, and one could not help being
struck by the enormous amount of organisation it all entailed, and the
care with which every detail connected with the advance had been
arranged.
The 139th Brigade were now temporarily attached to the 32nd Division,
whilst the 137th and 138th Brigades were concentrated near the canal.
We were supposed at this moment to be ready either for another battle
or for moving forward according to the ordinary rules of warfare, with
advanced guards and so on, if the enemy should give way. Preliminary
orders were indeed received that portions of the Brigade were to be
employed as Advanced Guard to the Corps, with their objective as Le
Cateau.
With the object, therefore, of reorganising as far as possible, we
were withdrawn from our position near Lehaucourt on October 1st, and
moved about a mile North, to the trench system in "Springbok Valley,"
just behind Magny la-Fosse. On the same day the Transport,
Quarter-Master's Stores and Battle Details which had previously moved
to a field near "Hart Copse," a few hundred yards North-West of the
Twin Craters, moved further forward and established themselves in
Chopper Ravine, near the canal. This was not a specially comfortable
spot, and the Quarter-Master's Department was constantly put out of
order by the arrival from time to time of odd shells from a German
long-range gun. Several of the riding horses, the cookers and some of
the ammunition and Lewis gun limbers were up with the Battalion, so
that the amount of transport left behind was not great. Both men and
horses were now having a most strenuous time, and we were lucky at
this juncture in getting back Capt. A. Bedford from a tour of duty at
home. He arrived on September 29th and was at once appointed Transport
Officer. We had been obliged to leave behind at Bernes large
quantities of stores, including packs and Lewis gun tin boxes, owing
to lack of transport, and it was a most trying business, when everyone
was wanting lorries, to get the extra transport necessary to bring
them along. To make matters worse the Hun was just now particularly
active with his aeroplanes, and with fine nights he made frequent
trips over our lines, dropping bombs. When the nights were very dark
he often used to let off brilliant white parachute lights, and as they
descended he was able to get some view of the roads and transport
lines and any movement there might be. Usually he flew extremely low,
and there is no doubt that he did considerable damage; especially as
there were such masses of troops and transport concentrated in a
particularly small area. We unfortunately lost several horses, but
casualties amongst personnel were insignificant. His best bombing
effort was on the evening of October 3rd. Having evidently seen a
large party of men near La Baraque cross-roads, the airman promptly
made for them and let loose two bombs, which fell right amongst them.
Between 40 and 50 were blown to bits, whilst nearly as many were badly
wounded, and the rest scared out of their wits. What the airman
doubtless did not know was that they were a party of Boche prisoners!
Only about six British soldiers were killed. It made a ghastly mess at
the cross-roads, which was a most uninviting spot to pass for days
afterwards.
During the short time at our disposal we did the best we could to
reorganise our somewhat reduced forces. In spite of our losses at
Bellenglise we still had 46 Officers and 752 other ranks, so were
fairly well off. Second Lieut. Winter was put in command of B Company,
and Capt. Miners, who had just returned from leave, resumed command of
C.
On October 2nd orders were received that we were to take part in
another big attack in conjunction with the 2nd Australian Division.
Our Divisional Commander only received his orders for this attack at
4.30 p.m. on that day, and the operation was to take place early the
next morning, so that there was very little time to get orders passed
to the lower commanders and the necessary arrangements made. The
orders were explained by the Brigade Commander to Battalion Commanders
at a conference at Brigade Headquarters at Magny-la-Fosse about 9
p.m., and it was after 10 p.m. before Col. Dempster was able to give
his orders out to Companies. The general scheme was that the 139th
Brigade were to break through the Beaurevoir-Fonsomme Line and capture
the villages of Ramicourt and Montbrehain, whilst the 137th Brigade on
the right and the 2nd Australian Division on the left, were to attack
at the same time, and the 1st Division, on the right of the 137th
Brigade, were to capture Sequehart.
The objective of the 5th and 8th Battalions was the "Red Line" running
North-West to South-East, just West of Montbrehain, the 5th Battalion
being on the right and the 8th on the left, whilst the 6th Battalion
was to pass through, capture Montbrehain and push out outposts as far
as the "dotted blue line." This was something like 4,000 yards from
our present Outpost Line. A Company of nine Tanks were to co-operate
with the Brigade, advancing immediately behind the first line. The
attack was to be launched at dawn and was to be carried out under an
artillery barrage which, after delaying six minutes on the opening
line, was to move at the rate of 100 yards in four minutes. The delay
was to enable the Infantry to adjust their distance behind the
barrage, which was to open a good deal further in front of them than
usual, owing to the fact that the Artillery had mostly to move into
fresh positions, and we could not, therefore, risk getting up close to
its assumed line, whilst allowance also had to be made for the
attacking troops not being exactly in their right position, owing to
the difficulty of forming up in the dark on an uncertain mark.
Our jumping-off line ran from near Joncourt Cemetery to the Railway
Cutting. The Battalion frontage was approximately 1,000 yards and was
divided into two Company lengths. A (Thomas) on the right, and B
(Winter) on the left were to lead, with C (Miners) and D (White) in
support about 150 yards behind them. Second Lieut. Plant was sent as
Liaison Officer to the Australian Battalion on our left, 2nd Lieut.
Newton to Brigade Headquarters, and 2nd Lieut. Jacques to the 5th
Battalion. Some additional work was to be thrown on C and D Companies,
who were to follow up the 6th Battalion, mop up for them in
Montbrehain and then return to the "Red Line." There was no time for
reconnaissance. All we knew of the country was what we had gathered
from maps or our Intelligence Department. From personal observation we
knew nothing. Even the front held by the 32nd Division was not at all
certain. We did know, however, that the enemy were holding the
Beaurevoir-Fonsomme Line in force and that the country was of a fairly
open type, sloping gently down to Ramicourt in the valley and up again
beyond to Montbrehain, which would probably be a difficult problem to
tackle.
It was in these circumstances that we set out shortly before midnight
in the pitch darkness from Springbok Valley. Guides from the 32nd
Division met us at the entrance to Joncourt and conducted us to the
forming-up line, A and B Companies throwing out a screen of scouts in
front as a precaution before we formed up. Though this was a most
precarious proceeding it was carried out successfully, and by 5.30
a.m. on October 3rd, all troops were in their assembly positions,
leading Companies extended in two lines and support Companies in lines
of "section-blobs." During this operation the enemy did a certain
amount of shelling, but not enough to cause us any great trouble.
There was some fog at first, and this in the early stages of the
battle, combined with smoke from a screen put down by the Artillery to
hide the Tanks, made direction somewhat difficult. Later on it cleared
and the day became quite bright and fine.
There was not such a concentration of guns as we had had on September
29th, nor had we anything like so many heavies, though there was a
certain number of them firing on a few special targets, such as
villages and other points behind the lines. The Guards Machine Gun
Battalion again helped with the preliminary barrage, which opened
promptly at 6.5 a.m., just as it was beginning to get light. We
adjusted our position to the line of bursting shells and followed on
as soon as the guns lifted. The rate of progress, 100 yards in four
minutes, was throughout found to be too slow in this more open
fighting, and we were constantly either waiting for the barrage to
move on or running into it--not at all a pleasant proceeding.
It was not long before we began to encounter, in addition to the
enemy's counter-barrage, opposition of a serious nature from his
Infantry. The inevitable delay since we crossed the canal on September
29th had given the enemy time to bring up large reserves, and on this
occasion the 46th Division had opposed to it four Boche Divisions--two
tired and two fresh. Doubtless the enemy realised that every effort
must be made to retain this, his last organised defence on this part
of the front, and certainly the men holding the line we had to attack
put up a most strenuous fight, and in hundreds of cases died bravely,
fighting to the last.
The Beaurevoir-Fonsomme Line was strongly held. In addition to many
machine guns in the line itself, there were also machine gun sections
in rifle-pits immediately behind it. Unfortunately the barrage put
down by our guns was somewhat thin. There had been no previous
bombardment, and as a result we found that the defences of this line
were practically intact. No machine gun emplacements had been touched
and not a single gap made in the wire, which was very strong, and we
had to manipulate it as best we could.
A good deal of resistance in the early part of the fight was met with
from the neighbourhood of Wiancourt on the left, and the high ground
South-East of Swiss Cottage, and it was found that the Australians had
not been able to make much progress and were practically held up. This
being the case it was realised that the village of Wiancourt, which
should have been taken by them, would be a serious menace to our left
flank, and it was, therefore, decided that we should go out of our way
and take it in the general advance. Two Platoons of A Company, with
portions of B and D (Companies having got somewhat mixed owing to loss
of direction), penetrated into the village and opened heavy Lewis gun
and rifle fire on its defenders, who offered a stubborn resistance,
mainly from machine gun posts. Eventually some of them were seen to
run back, and our line immediately rushed forward with the bayonet
and killed or captured the whole of the garrison. Several were killed
whilst still holding the handles of their machine guns. Comp.
Sergt.-Major Attenborough, of A Company, here performed several
gallant feats in leading rushes against machine gun groups, and later
did most valuable work in trying to establish liaison with the
Australians, who unfortunately, even after the capture of Wiancourt,
were unable to advance so as to help us.
Meanwhile the right was not making much headway, and C Company, from
support, had become one with the attacking Company. The advance here
being held up by machine gun fire, L.-Corpl. Vann with much gallantry
crawled forward and managed to knock out the gun team which was
causing most of the trouble. A trench something like 100 yards long,
crowded with the enemy, was thus taken in the flank, and those who did
not surrender were killed in trying to escape. They had, however,
caused us many casualties, including 2nd Lieut. Dunkin and Sergt. Hurt
killed, besides many wounded. One of the most gallant N.C.O.'s in the
Battalion, Sergt. Hurt had already won the D.C.M. and M.M., and his
death was a very great loss.
Similar actions had been taking place in other parts of the line.
Again and again nests of machine guns were rushed at the point of the
bayonet, which weapon undoubtedly did more deadly work on this
occasion than on any other in our experience. Where they could not be
taken by frontal attack, parties worked round their flanks and rushed
them from the rear. The intensity of the fighting can be imagined from
the fact that after the battle nearly 200 dead Germans were found
along this line of trenches on the front of the 139th Brigade alone.
The main Fonsomme Line was now ours, though won at heavy cost.
Direction had improved, though we were all too far to the left and
much disorganised. We had to make the best of it and try to straighten
out as we pushed on into the valley towards Ramicourt. Here we were
met with fire from Boche guns firing from behind Montbrehain with open
sights, causing many casualties. The position was as exposed as it
could be, the only shelter being provided by one or two sunken roads.
At the same time four or five of the Tanks, which for some reason had
got behind at the start, had now come up and did much useful work in
the outskirts of Ramicourt, though the same Boche guns brought most
effective fire to bear on them, one of them getting five direct hits.
On the left, B Company, who under Winter's excellent leadership, had
done much fighting, now mixed up with A and reinforced by D, were also
suffering heavily from the enemy artillery fire, and advanced by
section rushes covered by Lewis gun fire. It was here that 2nd Lieut.
T. F. Mitchell, commanding a Platoon of D Company, which he led with
supreme gallantry, caring nothing for his own safety, was mortally
wounded, dying the next day.
Ramicourt was eventually reached by oddments of A, C and D Companies,
the remainder of the Battalion having got too far left, and passing
through its Northern outskirts. There were several machine guns in the
village, and snipers were active from the windows of the houses. These
were all successfully mopped up with the help of the 6th Battalion,
who pushed up a Company and their Battalion Headquarters, as there
were so few troops at this point, the 5th Battalion having edged off
through the Southern outskirts of the village. Jack White was seen in
the village, wandering round quite unconcerned, revolver in holster--a
small cane which he carried being apparently his most trusty weapon.
Having completed the capture of the village, which yielded a total of
something like 400 prisoners, the remnants of the troops there were
gathered together and the advance continued. A machine gun nest at
Ramicourt Station having been rushed with the aid of a Tank, we pushed
on to our objective, which, except on the extreme left, we reached
practically up to scheduled time, 10.30 a.m., most of the troops being
disposed in sunken roads on the West of Montbrehain. It had not been a
good day for the Tanks, which in the end were all knocked out, though
the last one working with the 5th Battalion on the right had a good
run and knocked out no fewer than 16 machine guns before being put out
of action.
As soon as the barrage lifted from the "Red Line," the 6th Battalion
began to push on. They had met with an appalling disaster soon after
crossing the Beaurevoir-Fonsomme Line, where Col. Vann, once more
gallantly leading his Battalion and in the forefront of the battle,
was killed, shot through the head. The 5th Battalion too, lost Col. A.
Hacking, who was wounded in the arm. Thus two old Officers of the 8th
were put out of action almost at the same moment, both leading
Battalions in our own Brigade. Alfred Hacking had done invaluable work
during the few months he had commanded the 5th Battalion, and for his
excellent leadership and gallantry during the fighting of September
29th and October 3rd was awarded the D.S.O. and Bar. Bernard Vann,
affectionately known to some of his earlier friends as "Vasi," was
described on one occasion by General Allenby, as the most fearless
Officer he had ever met, whilst a brother Officer writes of him: "I
can think of him only as a fighter, not merely against the enemy in
the field, but a fighter against everything and everybody that was not
an influence for good to his men. It was his extraordinary courage and
tenacity which will be remembered by all who knew him: he inspired
all by his wonderful example of courage and energy." Wounded at least
eight times, and awarded the M.C. and Bar, and the French Croix de
Guerre with Palm, it was fitting that his constant gallantry and
magnificent example should be further recognised--alas! after his
death--by the award of the Victoria Cross.
On continuing the advance the 6th Battalion edged towards the South,
going through the centre and right of Montbrehain, and leaving the
Northern portion alone. This left us considerably exposed, and an
enemy machine gun firing from a position at the cross-roads on our
left front, was doing much damage. White, Thomas and Miners held a
hasty conference and decided to rush it, and the two former with a
reconnoitring party went into the village to see if it could be
outflanked from the region of the cemetery. At this moment a little
"Joey" came in with "hands up," and it was decided to try a ruse. It
was suggested to him that he should go and tell his friends to
surrender, and after a little persuasion he went. The Machine gun
stopped firing and he approached the post and disappeared into the
ground, thus telling us what we wanted to know--the way in. Action was
taken at once to deal with it. Second Lieut. Harrap, who had already
done much valuable work, got together some Lewis guns and opened
frontal fire on the position, whilst Miners and Sergt. Stimson worked
round the flank from the village side and by a careful manoeuvre
rushed on to the post the instant Harrap's guns stopped firing. Much
to their surprise the post was found to be a quarry containing
something like ten or a dozen machine guns and 60 or 70 men! A few
bombs and revolver shots and the white flag went up. Harrap, who had
rushed his men forward across the intervening 200 yards, was also at
hand, and the capture of the post was complete. Second Lieut. Barker's
Platoon (A Company) also assisted with rifle and Lewis gun fire,
Barker himself being wounded.
Out of the medley of troops which collected there--of all Battalions
in the Brigade--some attempt was then made to organise a Company, and
posts were pushed further forward. The rest of the village after a
hard struggle fell into the hands of the 6th Battalion about the
scheduled time, 11.30 a.m. Loud explosions, heard soon after the
village was entered, were caused by the blowing up by the Boche of two
houses in the main street near the Church. Attempts were made to push
out Platoons to the "line of exploitation," beyond the village, but
this was found to be impossible owing to heavy machine gun fire.
Both in Ramicourt and Montbrehain we found French civilians, whose
pleasure at being at last released from the Hun terror knew no bounds.
About 70 all told had remained behind, refusing to be evacuated by the
Boche. They gave us a great welcome and in spite of shells and
bullets, brought out coffee to our men as they passed by. Later, under
the guidance of the Brigade Interpreter, M. Duflos, they were taken
back to safer regions.
It soon became evident that further trouble was in store for us owing
to the fact that our left flank was again in the air. The Australians
were not up with us and we were very uncertain of their whereabouts,
though apparently not altogether out of touch with them, for one of
their Officers, who was met in hospital later in the day, reported
having received from someone in our Battalion the laconic message: "We
are at ----. Where is the Australian Corps?" The enemy were still
holding in force a position at no great distance from our left flank,
and indeed, at one time were reported to be massing for a
counter-attack which, however, did not mature. But on the right of the
Brigade the situation was far worse. There the 137th Brigade, after
making some progress, had eventually to give ground, and their left
was now considerably behind our right. We were thus in a most awkward
salient with both flanks exposed. It was, therefore, not surprising to
find soon after noon very evident signs of a real counter-attack being
prepared against the Brigade exposed right flank, and when a little
later this attack was launched, the enemy managed to get round the
South-East of Montbrehain and into that corner of the village in some
strength, and it was decided to withdraw from it. This was
successfully carried out under great difficulties, and eventually the
Brigade took up a line just East of Ramicourt, the 8th Battalion
occupying the railway and sunken road North-East of that village. The
enemy soon reoccupied the whole of Montbrehain, but was unable to
advance further.
We were now very short of ammunition as no supplies had been sent
forward. This was mainly due to the fact that we had depended on a
"Supply Tank," which did not fetch up quite where we expected.
Fortunately no ill results accrued, but it taught the lesson that the
supply of ammunition to advanced troops in moving warfare requires
very careful prearrangement.
Company Commanders again conferred and decided to alter their
dispositions, and with a view to protecting our left flank, B and C
Companies moved across to bridge the gap there, leaving A and D
Companies in the railway cutting. In these positions we were left for
the rest of the day more or less in peace.
In spite of a slight set-back it had been a glorious day for the 8th
Battalion. There was really no comparison between this battle and that
of September 29th. The attack on September 29th was undoubtedly more
spectacular, but in our humble judgment, having regard to the
extremely short notice received, the strength of the enemy and the
many difficulties encountered, the breaking of the Fonsomme Line on
October 3rd may truly be counted as one of the most gallant exploits
of the whole war.
Where one and all did so well and so many gallant deeds were performed
it is difficult to single out any for special praise, but it is
desired to note specially the good work of the following in addition
to those already mentioned: Sergt. H. Wilson, L.-Sergt. Wicks, Corpl.
Clark, L.-Corpl. Creamer, and Pvtes. Draper, Crowe, Slater, Wesley,
Starr, Baxter, Jackson, and Martin. The day, however, had cost us
much. Our casualties were one Officer and 20 other ranks (including
Sergt. Gurdens) killed, and three Officers (2nd Lieuts. T. F.
Mitchell, who died the next day, Barker, and F. T. W. Saunders), and
86 other ranks wounded.
Captain Homan had his Regimental Aid Post with Battalion Headquarters
in a dug-out in the sunken road near our jumping-off line. Here he and
Padre Sturt worked for something like 24 hours on end, attending to
the wounded, though both badly gassed, whilst a willing band of
Stretcher Bearers again performed a prodigious amount of work under
most trying circumstances. Particular praise is due to Corpls.
Wrigglesworth and J. Wright, and to Pvtes. L. Thomas and F. Green, the
latter of whom was awarded a bar and the former a second bar to his
M.M., for gallant work on this occasion.
It was impossible to estimate the actual number of prisoners captured
by us, as there was one "pool" for the whole Brigade, but undoubtedly
we had a very large share of the total, which was 36 Officers and
nearly 1,500 other ranks; in addition to which large numbers were left
on the ground dead. Of machine guns too, we captured a very large
number, but owing to the impossibility of collecting them, little idea
of the total could be formed.
[Illustration: MAP TO ILLUSTRATE--BATTLE OF RAMICOURT OCT: 3rd 1918.
Red, Blue & Dotted Blue Lines represent various objectives.]
During much of the day Horse Artillery and numbers of light
rapid-moving Tanks, known as "Whippets," had been waiting in the
valleys behind Joncourt, ready to push on once the line was broken,
and endeavour to make a clean break through. Unfortunately their
services could not be used, and once more they had to withdraw.
Late at night we got news that we were being relieved by the 4th
Leicesters. They turned up alright to take over from B and C
Companies, but owing to some error failed to relieve A and D, who were
left holding the line, with little ammunition and no rations, and were
not relieved until the afternoon of October 4th, when they made their
way back to the valley just in front of Magny-la-Fosse and joined the
rest of the Battalion in tents and bivouacs put up by "Tony" Bradish
and Hallam, with the help of the Battle Details. "Bedder" too, was
there, with Regt.-Quarter-Master-Sergt. Pritchard (who during these
strenuous times had to carry on without a Quarter-Master), and the
four Quarter-Master-Sergeants, all of whom did their utmost to make
everyone comfortable.
CHAPTER XVII
THE LAST FIGHT
_October 4th, 1918._ _November 11th, 1918._
Such impromptu cleaning up as was possible, was carried out during
what remained of October 4th, and we felt much better. We also carried
out a certain amount of reorganisation of Companies, which were now
thinning rather more rapidly than we cared for, but the opportune
arrival of 85 reinforcements at this moment, helped us considerably.
The enemy caused a certain amount of annoyance, and a few casualties,
by every now and then firing in our direction with a high-velocity
gun, and at night dropped a few bombs uncomfortably near, so that it
was not quite as peaceful as we should have liked.
The next morning we were rather disturbed at hearing that there was
more work to be done. The 32nd Division on our right had suffered
heavy casualties in trying to get hold of Sequehart, and the 139th
Brigade was now detailed to relieve some of their exhausted troops. At
this moment our Brigade was attached to the 6th Division. Rapid
reconnaissance was made during the day, and at night we relieved the
97th Brigade. So heavy had their casualties been that our three
Companies for the front line and support each relieved a Battalion.
These were Dorsets, Highland Light Infantry and Royal Scots.
The line taken over ran through the village of Sequehart, and was the
extreme right of the British front, next to the French. C Company were
on the right, D on the left, astride the cross roads, with B in
support and A in reserve. C Company had the unusual privilege of
forming an "International Post" with the French, and Corpl. Simpson,
who spoke the language, was put in charge of our part of the garrison.
We cannot say that after our visits to the French Headquarters, we
felt we quite knew where their front line was, but possibly it was our
fault. When they suggested "we are here," we certainly thought they
were somewhere else, but we managed very well, and materially assisted
them in an attack on the 7th, by conforming to their movements and
giving them flank support, and their Commanding Officer expressed his
grateful thanks for our help.
We have before spoken of "Bloody Ypres." The Officer Commanding D
Company is reported to have applied the superlative of the same
expressive word to this sector, but then he had cause for doing so,
for during the two days the Battalion held it, his Company
Headquarters got five direct hits. Perhaps under such circumstances,
he was slightly embittered! During the time we were there, the enemy
hardly ceased to shell the village--not desultory shelling, but
veritable barrages from end to end. It had already changed hands three
times, and we wondered if they were going to try and turn us out!
Signs of fierce struggles were on every hand. In the streets and all
around lay bodies still unburied, both of our own and the enemy's. It
was a ghastly place to be in. Signallers and linesmen had a
particularly rough time, and lines were down almost continuously.
October 6th, was a particularly bad day, as we lost Col. Dempster and
the Second-in-Command (Capt. C. P. Elliott), both wounded. They had
gone to see how things were going on in the forward area, and on
returning to Headquarters, which was in a dug-out behind Levergies,
they were unfortunate enough to be in the neighbourhood of a dump of
shells by the roadside at the same moment as a Hun gunner dropped a
shell right on the dump. The result was that both these Officers began
to soar skywards, as if off for their "harp and wings divine," but
eventually found themselves on mother earth once more, the Commanding
Officer badly shaken and cut about the face, the strap of his tin hat
broken by the force of the explosion, and Pynsent Elliott finding that
for some little time he would have to take his meals off the
mantelpiece! The Commanding Officer was anxious to be allowed to
remain with us, but eventually was persuaded otherwise, and they both
left for the Dressing Station, and Major V. O. Robinson, M.C., of the
6th Battalion, was sent to take over temporary command.
The following night we were relieved by the Monmouths, who had orders
to clear out the Boche from some machine gun nests on the
Sequehart-Mericourt Road the next morning, in conjunction with an
attack by the 6th Division on the left, and French on the right.
Relief was complete about midnight, and we marched back to Lehaucourt,
where we spent the following day. On October 9th, Col. Dempster
returned, though not looking at all well. Major Robinson remained with
us as Second-in-Command, as Major Andrews had left a few days
previously, to attend the Senior Officers' Course at Aldershot. A day
or two later Capt. Miners was appointed Adjutant, and was succeeded in
command of C Company by 2nd Lieut. Druce.
Things were now moving rapidly. Although the gallant attack by the
Monmouths had been repulsed with heavy casualties, their action had
enabled the 6th Division to get on, and eventually surround the enemy
and capture the lot. The enemy then withdrew more quickly, closely
followed by the 138th Brigade, who led the pursuit. On October 9th, we
moved to Levergies, and the next day to Mericourt, where we went into
bivouacs. This village was just on the West of Fresnoy-le-Grand,
which was entered by the 138th Brigade the same morning.
We now took a little more interest in life. Everyone was feeling
better for the rest, and found the rapid movement quite entertaining,
especially as we were now approaching civilisation again. Fresnoy was
the first town of any size that we reached; though showing distinct
signs of shelling here and there, it was not badly damaged. It was
interesting to see the Boche "War Savings Campaign" posters, and
probably the most interesting specimen, painted all over the gable end
of a house, represented "John Bull" on his Island, tearing his hair in
a perfect frenzy, with "U" Boats all around him! Here, too, there were
many inhabitants, who were of course delighted to see us. Much of the
land was under cultivation, and we had really come to the end of that
desolate region which was so distasteful to us all.
On October 12th, we moved a further step forward, and that afternoon
reached Jonnecourt Farm, between Fresnoy and Bohain. Just before
leaving we had all welcomed back Col. Currin, more or less recovered
from his wound, and with his arrival Col. Dempster left us. Jonnecourt
Farm was somewhat damaged, and said to be mined, so we put up our
bivouacs and tents in the open just by it. The farm had been captured
only a few days before by our Cavalry, and we had the uncongenial task
of burying the bodies of those who had been killed in the attack. We
now had a few days peace, and were able to refit, bath at the old
German baths in Fresnoy, which were excellently fitted up, and
reorganise our diminished forces. A pleasing little ceremony was
performed here, when the "Congratulatory Cards" from the Divisional
Commander for the N.C.O.'s and men, who had been recommended for good
work during the recent fighting, were presented to them by the
Commanding Officer at a Battalion Parade, ending up with the
Battalion marching past the recipients whilst the band played the
Regimental March.
We were not left here for long, there being more "dirty work" to be
done yet. The 138th Brigade had been joined by the 137th Brigade, and
together they were now held up about the Bois-de-Riquerval, East of
Bohain, where some tough fighting had been going on, the enemy
rear-guard making a stout defence, so as to give his main body time to
get away. With the object, therefore, of clearing the whole of this
front and pushing the enemy back to the Sambre-Oise Canal, a general
attack was arranged to take place on October 17th, by the IX Corps in
conjunction with the French on the right, and the Americans on the
left, the 46th Division being ordered to clear the enemy from the
Bois-de-Riquerval and the Andigny-les-Fermes Ridge.
On October 16th, we received orders for the attack, which was to take
place early the following morning. The 138th Brigade were to attack on
the left of the 139th Brigade whilst the 137th Brigade were to hold
their present line on the right. The attack of the 139th Brigade was
to be on a one Battalion front, and we were selected to carry out the
attack, with two Companies of the 5th Battalion in close support, the
remainder of the Brigade being in reserve. The objective (The "Blue
Line") was the line of the Andigny-les-Fermes-Bohain Road, the
consolidation of which was to include two strong points, one being the
hamlet of Regnicourt. Royal Engineers were allotted to us to help in
the consolidation, and posts were to be pushed forward South of this
road. The two Companies of the 5th Battalion had two tasks allotted.
One was to move through our right Company, after the objective had
been captured, occupy a small length of trench there, and seize a
small wood, so as to protect our right from possible counter-attack
from Hennechies Wood. The other was to follow our centre Company, mop
up any enemy left in the elements of trenches in that Company's area,
and help to mop up Regnicourt itself.
Tanks were to assist in the operation, one moving down our right
boundary, and helping to mop up the trenches on the extreme right, and
two others working along the high ground on the left, and assisting if
required in the capture of Regnicourt, proceeding thence to help the
138th Brigade at Andigny-les-Fermes.
A glance at the map will show that the attack was at right angles to
the general line of our advance, which was North East. It was
therefore impossible for our guns to fire the normal barrage, and the
attack had to be carried out under an enfilade barrage, working
forward on the leap-frog principle. This was difficult to lay
correctly, and the greatest care had to be taken that troops forming
up were well clear of it. After three minutes on the opening line it
was to advance at the rate of 100 yards every three minutes. One round
of smoke shell was to be fired at each lift, which obviously would not
be so easy to identify as in the case of an overhead barrage. A smoke
curtain was also to be fired on the Northern edge of the Forêt
d'Andigny. The Life Guards Machine Gun Battalion were to help with
their barrage, also a Company of the 6th Machine Gun Battalion. Three
sections of our own Machine Gun Battalion were allotted to us, to be
used mainly in defence against possible counter-attacks, and a section
from the 139th Trench Mortar Battery, to assist in the capture of
Regnicourt.
In order to help matters on our front a "Chinese" or "Dummy" attack
was arranged to take place on the front of the 137th Brigade on the
right. Dummy Tanks and figures were to be placed in position
during the night, so as to appear at dawn as if attacking the
Bois-de-Riquerval from the West, whilst a rolling barrage was
arranged to move through the wood in order to give a further idea of
an attack being in progress there, and, it was hoped, bring down some
of the enemy's barrage in that quarter.
During the afternoon of October 16th, a reconnaissance was made by the
Commanding Officer, Second-in-Command, and Company Commanders. During
this operation, which was interrupted by a fierce bombardment of our
lines, an old lady could be seen quietly moving her household effects
on a wheelbarrow down that portion of the Vaux-Andigny Road running
between our lines and the enemy's.
Leaving our surplus stores, bivouacs and other paraphernalia at
Jonnecourt Farm, we moved off about 10.30 p.m., Col. Currin having
previously harangued us in no uncertain way, and in a manner truly
characteristic. On reaching the outskirts of Bohain, we turned off to
the right and proceeded by a track previously taped out by the Royal
Engineers, so as to relieve the roads of traffic, and avoid going
through the town. On reaching the quarry East of Bohain, just off the
Bohain-Vaux-Andigny Road, we halted, and had an excellent issue of hot
porridge, tea and rum--our cookers having gone up to that point
beforehand. Pack mules and limbers with ammunition and other stores,
were a little further behind, but near enough to be got forward
quickly if required during the battle. On this occasion the ammunition
supply was well arranged, thanks to the good work of "Bedder" and
"Tommy" Tomlinson, who got pack mules forward in the attack with Lewis
gun "drums" just at the right moment, to the accompaniment of some
very expressive language on the part of the Transport men.
We moved on again between 2 and 3 a.m., and without difficulty reached
and formed up on our jumping-off line, which had been previously
taped out by the Brigade Major, Capt. Grinling, about 70 yards South
of the Bohain-Vaux-Andigny Road. We had three Companies in the front
line, A (Toyne, in the absence of Thomas on leave) on the right; B
(Geary) in the centre; and C (Druce) on the left; whilst D (Warner),
in support behind C Company, was in the vicinity of Vallée Hasard
Farm. Battalion Headquarters and the Regimental Aid Post were at a
house near the road. A and B Companies each had attached half a
section of Royal Engineers from the 465th Field Company. Two Companies
of the 5th Battalion were in rear, and the rest of that Battalion were
more or less dug in under the woods on our right. The 6th Battalion
were in reserve North-West of the road. All troops were in position by
3.45 a.m. on October 17th. Our actual forming up line was in the area
of the 6th Division, who had been holding the front we were attacking;
they withdrew from this line some time before "zero" so as to give us
a free course.
The frontage allotted to us was about 1,200 yards, each of the leading
Companies thus having approximately 400 yards. This was a long space
to cover, especially now that our numbers were so diminished that we
had been forced to reduce platoons to three sections instead of four.
Each of the leading Companies had three platoons in the front line,
with sections in blobs, and one platoon in support, whilst D Company
was formed in a rectangle with a platoon at each corner, and Company
Headquarters in the centre, the three sections of each platoon being
arranged in a kind of arrowhead.
Zero was 5.20 a.m. The barrage came down punctually, and we started
forward to our last attack. There was a certain amount of mist which
developed into a dense fog, and was doubtless intensified by our own
smoke shells. A troop of our Cavalry in the vicinity of the
Vaux-Andigny road put their gas masks on, and were last seen moving
along the road in that "get-up."
It is pretty safe to say that everyone was lost almost immediately,
and as a consequence we wandered out of our course, a fact which was
destined to give us much trouble. It was also impossible to judge the
lifts of the barrage, so that there was great confusion, and things
for a long while did not go at all well. On this occasion, too,
compasses do not appear to have proved of great avail. C Company on
the left kept going for some time alright, and got possession of some
high ground after overcoming, under the excellent leadership of 2nd
Lieut. Druce, some opposition from machine gun nests, though some of
these were missed owing to the fog. Then they wandered off in an
Easterly direction and got on to the 138th Brigade area on our left,
and later, when the fog cleared, they found themselves nearly at
Andigny-les-Fermes. B Company in the centre went on until they were
held up by unbroken wire, and heavy machine gun fire from the
Regnicourt Ridge, and from a clearing in the centre of the Battalion
area. Their Commander, Capt. Geary, was killed by machine gun fire
after leading his men with the greatest bravery. On many previous
occasions he had done excellent work, and his loss was most keenly
felt. A Company on the right soon lost touch with B, but got on until
they reached a position near the railway track, in spite of having had
a very nasty time and many casualties from the machine guns in the
same clearing.
D Company lost touch with everyone at first, and got completely split
up. Company Headquarters were lucky enough to run into a Boche machine
gun post, which they cleared with much skill, capturing 11 men, and
putting the two guns out of action. Then they decided to try and find
Battalion Headquarters, as they concluded they must have got too far
forward. By a somewhat circuitous route they eventually succeeded in
doing so, and found that Col. Currin had also had difficulty in
getting to his advanced Headquarters, which was no more than a "Map
Reference." Of the rest of D Company, three platoons got across to the
right of our front and did good work there, particularly 2nd Lieut.
Newton and his platoon, who were of great assistance to A Company. A
great feat was performed by some members of the other platoon of D
Company, who had kept their direction on the left towards Regnicourt.
Having run up against a couple of machine guns, Sergt. Robinson and
L.-Corpl. Harper went forward to reconnoitre the position, and finding
it strongly held, went back for the rest of the platoon. With a
combination of "fire and movement" they succeeded in getting round the
flank of the post and rushing it. L.-Corpl. Harper, who stood up when
only a few yards from the post in order to be able to aim more
accurately, was shot through the head, and L.-Corpl. Coombes at once
rushed forward, shot six Germans with his revolver, and finished off
the last man who was trying to run away with his Lewis gun.
When news of all these happenings duly reached him by runners,
stragglers and other means. Col. Currin collected all the oddments who
had wandered to his Headquarters, and sent them forward under Major
Robinson to push the enemy out of the clearing between B and C
Companies. The fog had to a certain extent cleared by this time, but
it was still not easy to keep direction. Very soon, however, it lifted
altogether, and the party found itself on the Western edge of the
clearing and fired at by the enemy both from the clearing and from the
ridge towards their right front, from which the enemy were also
firing into the rear of B Company, who had gone past them.
The party now advanced by bounds, and was throughout most gallantly
led by Major Robinson, who went out absolutely unarmed, but later
managed to get a Boche pistol lent him, which he very soon lost.
Knowing him as we do we are not surprised that such a small matter did
not worry him in the least! Eventually they got possession of a trench
on the ridge, which afforded them a certain amount of cover. The
garrison of this trench, about 10 men with a machine gun, were very
fortunate in receiving quarter, as they fired on our advancing line up
to the last minute, and then threw up their hands. Most of the trouble
now came from machine guns about half right, and it was determined to
round them up. At this point Sergt. Winson, of C Company, did most
excellent work. Regardless of all risk he kept his Lewis gun trained
on the enemy, whilst a party worked round their right flank, first by
crawling over to a small clearing, and then rushing the post from
there. This manoeuvre was entirely successful, six machine guns, and
about 40 prisoners being captured.
At the same time that part of C Company, which had wandered away to
the left, turned back and moved towards the high ground East of
Regnicourt. The enemy in the clearing now realised that they were more
or less surrounded, and after little more resistance surrendered, 27
machine guns and 140 prisoners being taken from this small area. A
Company of the 5th Battalion under our old Regimental Quarter-Master
Sergt., now Capt. Dench, arrived shortly afterwards and took up a
position in the clearing as a reserve.
A Company on the right had fared very badly, having met with heavy
machine gun and rifle fire and suffered many casualties, including
their commander. Lieut. Toyne, who was wounded, and 2nd Lieut.
Jacques, killed, leaving the Company under the command of 2nd Lieut.
Shackleton. Eventually, owing to their exposed position they had to
retire slightly, but later were reinforced by two Companies from the
5th Battalion, and together they were able, after some very stiff
fighting, to dislodge the enemy and get their objective. Lieut. Thomas
of the 465th Field Company, Royal Engineers, did some very gallant
work here in reorganising parties and leading them forward in attempts
to get on, and the greatest praise is due to him for his splendid
efforts.
Major Robinson's party, after getting the Ridge, pushed on to
Regnicourt Village, where they found some of the Leicesters, who had
wandered on to our front. Just beyond, one of our Tanks had broken
down, and had a very rough time before its crew could be rescued. It
was now about 10.15 a.m. Capt. Warner was put in charge of the front
line with orders to consolidate, and he accordingly reorganised the
odd parties of men he found under his command, and began to establish
strong points South of the Andigny-les-Fermes-Bohain Road. Some
trouble was caused at this time by a German field gun inside
Hennechies Wood, which was firing on these parties at point blank
range. Once its position was located, however, it was not long before
our Gunners forced it to withdraw, and the posts were eventually
established.
About 11 a.m. the enemy were seen massing for a counter-attack about
1,500 yards away on our right front, but we got the guns of the whole
"group" turned on to the area in a very short time, and the Boches
were completely broken, only a half-hearted attempt being made, and
only one man reaching our lines.
By noon the enemy in the Forêt d'Andigny must have begun to feel that
with the 138th Brigade--who had now captured the village of
Andigny-les-Fermes--on their right flank, and the 137th Brigade and
ourselves on their left, it was time they were moving, for a patrol
which we pushed out towards the wood found it occupied only by a few
odd machine guns. Major Robinson himself took charge of this patrol,
which consisted of a platoon of B Company, under Comp. Sergt.-Major
Cobb. On one or two occasions, owing to their small numbers they had
to creep round to avoid these machine guns, but they escaped without
accident, and after proceeding a distance of something like 2,000
yards in a South-Eastern direction, they eventually found a French
post about 100 yards South of "Forester's House." The "poilus" were
delighted to see them, and shewed their appreciation by giving our men
the whole of the contents of their water bottles.
About 5 p.m., Companies having been to some extent reorganised, an
outpost line was formed running due North and South from Hennechies
Wood, East of Regnicourt, and joining up on the left with the 138th
Brigade. Later on, the 137th Brigade moved up a Battalion through the
wood to fill the gap between our right flank and the French.
[Illustration: MAP TO ILLUSTRATE THE BATTLE OF REGNICOURT.]
During the attack we captured something like 220 prisoners, and nearly
100 machine guns, besides inflicting many other casualties. Our own
losses, too, were heavy--the heaviest in Officers that we had
experienced in the recent fighting. Besides Geary, we lost 2nd Lieuts.
Plant and Jacques killed, and Lieuts. Toyne and Whitelegge, and 2nd
Lieut. John H. Smith wounded, whilst in other ranks we lost 25 killed
or died of wounds, and 54 wounded, including Sergts. Oldham, Sharrock
and Wicks. Deeds of gallantry were conspicuous on all sides, and
especially good work was done by several N.C.O.'s in charge of
platoons. Amongst the following, who did particularly well and have
not already been mentioned in connection with the Battle of
Regnicourt, are several who had previously displayed conspicuous
courage in other recent battles: Sergts. Shepperson, Sharrock, Wallis,
Scrimshaw, and H. Wilson; Corpls. Watson and Francis; L.-Corpls.
Slater, Creamer (killed), Robinson and Beech, and Pvtes. Wesley,
Houghton, Martin, Draper, Jackson, Berresford, C. Smith, Vipond, Lees,
Turpin and Roe.
In a way it was an unsatisfactory day, and we feel we have hardly had
our deserts for the gallant work done by all ranks against an enemy
holding in much greater strength much more strongly fortified
positions than had been anticipated. The fighting was extremely hard,
if anything harder than at Ramicourt, and the greatest possible credit
is due to all for the gallant way they fought, and the great dash and
determination they displayed to get their objective. Regnicourt is apt
to be looked on as a small matter, but for the 8th Battalion it was
one of the most strenuously fought battles of the war.
About midnight, we were relieved by the 6th Battalion, and rested for
the night just behind Regnicourt. The following day, as the Brigade
had been squeezed out of the line altogether by the further retirement
of the enemy, we were able to withdraw, and in the evening marched
back to Fresnoy. We were met on the road by our Drums, under the
leadership of Corpl. (shortly to become Sergt.-Drummer) Coupe, who had
got them to a wonderful state of perfection. They cheered everyone up,
and considerably helped the last part of the march. We were glad to
see General Harington waiting for us just before reaching the village,
and his brief "Well done, Sherwoods" as we passed, was the fullest
appreciation of our efforts that we could wish for.
We now had several days complete rest, and were fortunate in getting,
almost at once, a draft of 120 reinforcements, mostly men of the
Northumberland Hussars, who had not previously seen service abroad.
They were a good lot, and with their addition we felt more like
ourselves once more; in fact our paper strength now totalled 34
Officers, and 745 other ranks. We had quite a pleasant time doing a
little training, as well as reorganising and cleaning, and devoting
the afternoons to football.
The fighting moving further off each day, we had to move forward on
October 29th to Bohain. This was carried out as a Brigade march, and
we entered Bohain with bands playing, and the civilian population in
the streets to welcome us. The town had been knocked about very
little, and the billets were extremely comfortable. Our training here
included a route march across the scene of our recent fighting, in
order to imbue the newly arrived with a sense of the honour they
should realise had been done them in posting them to such a fine
Battalion!
A great drawback to our advance all this time was the business-like
way in which the Boche had mined the roads and blown up railways.
Every railway and river bridge had been systematically blown up, and
mines had been put at every cross roads, and usually in the deep
cuttings and high embankments, so as to give the maximum of trouble in
filling and getting past. In many cases, these mines had actually been
blown and all we found were huge craters. In a few cases delay-action
mines had been laid, which did not explode for some little time. All
this gave our Sappers much work to do in reconnoitring road crossings,
and other points for signs of mining where they were not blown, or in
arranging for temporary roadways to be constructed, or craters to be
filled in where they had been exploded. But on a larger scale the
enemy's very clever system of working his delay-action mines on the
railways, was the biggest nuisance we had to contend with. The
railway having been repaired well forward, a mine would suddenly go up
miles behind, thus preventing trains getting on to the appointed
railhead, and so causing endless worry to the authorities who had to
arrange for our supplies coming up. To them this disorganisation must
have been extremely disconcerting, and it went on altogether for
nearly a month. The mines were so cunningly concealed that it was
impossible to locate them. In spite of everything supplies reached us
in some marvellous way without a hitch.
On November 3rd, in order to support the 1st and 32nd Divisions, who
were to attack the line of the Sambre-Oise Canal on the following day,
and to exploit the success if they broke through, we moved to the
little village of Escaufort. It was a heavy march, the roads were bad,
and we arrived late in the evening soaked through to spend a dreary
night in poor billets, many of which had suffered during the
bombardment of the last few days, and in bivouacs. Early the following
morning we pushed on to St. Souplet, where we prepared to stay for the
night in a few old barns. Later in the day, however, news was brought
that the attack had been successful, and we moved on to Catillon, on
the Canal. Transport, Quarter-Master's Stores and Battle Details moved
to Mazinghien. The same night we got orders that we were to pass
through the 1st Division and 138th Brigade, and take up the pursuit,
the following day.
We had been informed that owing to the "blowing" of the bridge over
the Canal at Catillon, we should have to make a détour of several
miles with cookers and Lewis gun limbers to get across by a pontoon
bridge, in order to arrive at our point of assembly on the Catillon-La
Groise Road, which was only about 1,000 yards away! We determined to
see if we could not find some other means of doing this, and thanks
to a reconnaissance by Major Robinson, we found that it was possible
for Infantry to cross the Canal over débris from the blown up bridge,
though the Transport would have to go round. This was a great boon, as
it enabled us to get breakfast before starting considerably later than
would otherwise have been necessary. Capt. A. Bedford arrived with the
rations about 3.0 a.m., we had breakfast at six, and at eight moved
off, being across the Canal, and in our proper position by 8.30.
Limbers and cookers joined us about nine, A Company's cooker having
fallen overboard in crossing the pontoon bridge but having been
extricated without damage. We were the only Battalion in the Brigade
that day to start out with a full stomach and our day's rations with
us!
Late in the afternoon we moved into poor billets in the village of
Mezières, where we stayed the night, and were joined by Transport,
Stores and Battle Details. Bedford worked uncommonly well, as did also
the Quarter-Master's Branch, in getting up rations, which they had to
man-handle over the canal crossing--still impossible for traffic--and
reload into our transport limbers. For all their efforts we were duly
thankful.
On November 6th, the 5th Battalion were to attack as the 6th had been
held up just West of Prisches, and we were to move up in support. The
method adopted was for the attacking troops to pass round the village,
whilst the support Battalion, pushing one Company on the road as an
advanced guard, moved by platoons at about 50 yards interval. This was
now true open warfare, and there was no organised line of defence. The
day's objectives were Prisches and Cartignies. After an early start we
continued our march towards Prisches, the attacking troops meeting
with little opposition, and our advanced guard, A Company, were
quickly in after them. The enemy had gone and we had got possession by
10.30 a.m.
We shall never forget the reception by the inhabitants of Prisches! We
were the first of the relieving troops they had seen, and their
feelings at being thus released after four years of oppression and
slavery at the hands of the Hun, found expression in many
demonstrations of joy and gratitude. Civilians of all ages came out to
greet us. Their national flags--Heaven only knows where they came from
or how they were concealed from the enemy--were displayed on all
sides, and even before the enemy were clear of the village the
Tricolour was floating from the Church Tower! It was truly a wonderful
sight, and a day never to be forgotten. We were surrounded by offers
of coffee and fruit, cider and cognac, plentifully mingled with the
tears and kisses of the grateful inhabitants. Indeed, so insistent
were they that progress became difficult. We eventually, however,
managed to establish Battalion Headquarters in a farmhouse at the East
end of the village, where we again had a great reception, and stayed
for some refreshment during a temporary hold-up of the advanced
troops.
The attacking troops were to push on through the next village,
Cartignies, and establish an outpost line on the other side of it. So
rapid was the retreat, and so certain were we of success, that whilst
at Prisches we despatched Bradish and a party of N.C.O.'s to get our
billets there for the night! In the afternoon we were able to push on
with the rest of the Battalion, B Company forming the advanced guard.
On arriving at Cartignies we were met by Bradish, who informed us that
he had made arrangements for billeting us, but that half the village
was still in the hands of the enemy, who were firing on the 5th
Battalion with machine guns. The Commanding Officer whilst
reconnoitring near the Church, soon discovered this for himself, so
withdrew diplomatically, deciding that it was not "our war" just
then. Accordingly we got into our billets and posted sentries and
Lewis guns at windows and other points for our protection. Owing to
some of the Staffords who were also in the village, deciding to hold
their outpost line in the village, instead of on the other side the
river, the clearing of the village was a longer process than it should
have been. It caused us no trouble, but we doubt if Tomlinson and
Tebbutt would have slept so comfortably had they known that their
billet was in No Man's Land! However, all was well; we had had another
great reception from the delighted inhabitants, and after a long and
tiring day we were soon asleep in good, comfortable billets.
For the next three days we stayed there, being joined by the Transport
and Stores, Battle Details and several Officers from England, who had
never been out before.
The Hun was now going away rapidly, and it was very doubtful if we
should be required again. We never were, and were glad to find we had
done with him.
There was talk of an Armistice, and we were also warned that German
Envoys were expected, and might come through our lines. This they did
not do and we were not sorry.
On November 10th, we had to move out of Cartignies to a small village,
Boulogne-sur-Helpe, near by--the most Easterly point the Battalion
ever reached.
November 11th came in just the same as any other day, but quite early
a wire from Brigade Headquarters stated that the Germans had agreed to
our Armistice terms, and the Great War was over.
CHAPTER XVIII
HOME AGAIN
_November 12th, 1918._ _July 5th, 1919._
For the next few days we lived in an atmosphere of uncertainty. Were
we to be one of the chosen Divisions to go forward as part of the Army
of Occupation, or were we to be left to spend weary months scavenging
in the fair land of France? There may have been a few who did not want
to go on, thinking they would probably lose their chance of an early
return home, but in the main we were anxious to push on and satisfy
our souls by actually setting foot on German soil as part of the
Conquering Army. Our hopes fell from day to day as we heard no orders
to prepare to move forward, and eventually, much to our regret, we
learnt that after all we were not going to Germany. It was nearly the
end of November when we received the following letter from General Sir
H. S. Rawlinson, commanding the Fourth Army:--"It is a matter of very
deep regret to me that the 46th Division is not accompanying the
Fourth Army to the Frontier. I desire, however, to place on record my
appreciation of the splendid performances of the Division during the
recent operations, and to congratulate all ranks on the conspicuous
part they have played in the battles of the 100 days. The forcing of
the main Hindenburg line on the Canal, and the capture of Bellenglise
rank as one of the finest and most dashing exploits of the war. The
attacks of October 3rd, and the subsequent operations about Bohain,
together with the later advance towards the Sambre Canal, constitute a
record of which all ranks of the Division may justly feel proud. I
offer to all ranks my warmest thanks for their great gallantry, and to
the leaders and staffs my admiration of their skilful direction and
staff work throughout these battles. To every Officer, N.C.O., and man
of the Division, I offer my warm thanks and hearty congratulations,
and trust that at some future time they may again form part of the
Fourth Army."
On the day after the Armistice, Major-General Boyd came to see us, and
presented some medal ribbons, and in the afternoon an entertaining
football match between Officers and N.C.O.'s was won by the latter,
the Officers in a few cases having some difficulty in staying the
course.
We left Boulogne-sur-Helpe on November 14th, and marched via
Cartignies to Landrecies--a town which had seen much of the recent
fighting, as well as having played a prominent part in the early days
of the war. The whole of the 139th Brigade was concentrated here, and
as our stay was likely to be a lengthy one, we soon set to work to
make ourselves comfortable. Most of the Battalion were billeted in one
of the French Barracks, D Company being allotted a school near by.
Though the town had been considerably damaged by shells, our billets
were more or less watertight, and in fairly good order. The Transport
and Quarter-Master's Stores were also in the town close to the
Barracks.
On Sunday, November 17th, a Church Parade of the whole Division was
held at Landrecies, as a Thanksgiving Service, and afterwards the
Major-General distributed medal ribbons. He paid us a high compliment
as we marched past after the ceremony, when he said that in all his
military career he had never seen a Battalion march past in better
style!
The work of clearing the battlefield in the area round about
Landrecies began at once. We did four hours a day at this work on four
days a week, and on the other two days carried out ordinary military
training. Education classes were also started and carried on for
several months, and though the numbers who attended were not large,
there is no doubt that very much useful work was done in this way.
Lieut. C. M. Bedford was responsible for the educational work at
first, handing it over later to Lieut. Tebbutt. Afternoons were
invariably spent in recreation, Inter-Battalion and Inter-Company
"Soccer" matches, cross-country runs, and other sports. There were
also "Rugger" teams in the Division, and later a Brigade Hockey team
was formed. A few lucky ones got trips in Col. Barron's Ambulances to
Brussels, Amiens, Valenciennes, and other towns of interest within
reach, but this luxury did not last long. A recreation room at the
Barracks was started for reading and indoor games, whilst Lieut.
Pennington got an extraordinarily good Concert Party going, which was
known eventually as "The Penguins" and gave entertainments to several
other units. "Robbo" managed to "scrounge" a piano for them from a
ruined house in the town, and during the dark nights we had much to
thank them for. Later on there were whist drives, and some of the
gayer element even went to dances, classes in which gentle art were
held by the 6th Battalion. Padre Sturt, in addition to giving valuable
help with the Education Classes, started a Debating Society, at which
many entertaining topics were discussed.
On November 29th, the first batch of miners left for demobilisation,
an urgent call having been made for these men owing to the coal
shortage. The batch included several "old hands," who had crossed to
France with the Battalion in 1915. The remainder were sent off in
December, during which month we lost no fewer than 230.
In the afternoon of December 1st, we were honoured by a visit from the
King, the Prince of Wales, and Prince Albert. They were received by
Major-General Boyd and the Mayor, and afterwards walked through the
town surrounded by masses of troops of the Division. It was all
delightfully informal; they had a wonderful reception, and at times
found it difficult to get on.
A week later, on December 8th, we were delighted to see a
representative from our own County, in the person of the Duke of
Portland. He was accompanied by Cols. Mellish and Foljambe, the Bishop
of Southwell, and Major E. T. Baines, whilst Padre Hales, who was now
Deputy Chaplain General of a neighbouring Corps, also came over for
the ceremony. The opportunity was taken of getting the Duke to present
medal ribbons to some Officers and men who had been awarded
decorations during the recent fighting. This was done at a Battalion
Parade, at which the Duke gave a short address, saying that he had
brought from the Home County congratulations and greetings on our work
during the last few months. After the Parade the Battalion marched
past the Duke headed by the Brigade band.
The following week a Colour party consisting of Capt. White, 2nd
Lieut. James H. Smith, Comp.-Sergt.-Major Cobb, Sergt. Martin and
Sergt. Skelton, having been sent to Newark for the special purpose,
arrived with the Colours, which remained with the Battalion for the
rest of our stay in France.
Amongst numerous Officers who joined us in these days we were
particularly glad to welcome our old friend Torrance, who at once
resumed the duties of Quarter-Master.
The last item of interest in the great year 1918, was the celebration
of Christmas. The only drawback on this occasion was that we were not
able to celebrate it until Boxing Day, owing to the non-arrival of the
necessary feeding stuffs and drinks. Something had gone wrong in the
back regions, a thing which had been going on for some time, as
canteen stores were always short, and rations at no other period of
the war were so scarce or poor. We poured curses on the Royal Army
Service Corps, and all connected with them, but to no purpose. Boxing
day, however, will live long in our memory. There was plenty of food
and drink, and all sorts of other good things, towards the purchase of
which we had been largely helped by money presents from friends at
home. Each Company had its own dinner, followed by a concert. The
Major-General visited every Company, and was greeted with the greatest
enthusiasm. He wished every one a happy time and prosperity in the New
Year. The children of Landrecies also had a treat, being given a
special show by the Divisional Cinema, and a sumptuous feed, and we
venture to think they will not forget Christmas 1918 for many a long
day--they had certainly not had one like it during the previous four
years. Col. Barron and his excellent Quarter-Master, Major Moreton, of
our Field Ambulance, were largely responsible for the feed, whilst we
helped to buy toys.
It took us some time to get over Christmas. In fact, Christmas at
Landrecies in 1918 lasted several days, and was full of incident! As
soon as the New Year came in--on January 3rd, 1919--we moved once more
to Prisches, where a fresh area was allotted us to clear. Here we
carried on in much the same way as at Landrecies, but owing to
demobilisation having become more general, we were losing men daily
and our numbers were gradually but surely dropping. Early in the New
Year Major Robinson left us to rejoin the 6th Battalion, and Major
Andrews resumed duty as Second-in-Command.
On February 19th, we began a Westward move to be nearer railhead,
marching that day to Bazuel, and the following day to Bethencourt,
near Caudry, from which place we were destined finally to be scattered
to the four winds. From here we sent back most of our horses and
mules, with others from the Brigade, to an Auction sale at Prisches,
where they were sold in a most entertaining manner by a French
Auctioneer at good prices to the local inhabitants. Our Transport
vehicles were sent to the Divisional Park at Caudry.
The same sort of work and play and demobilisation continued, and at
the end of April we were left with only nine Officers and 52 other
ranks. Officers and men who were not demobilised went mostly to the
51st and 52nd Sherwood Foresters (Young Soldiers Battalions), or to
Prisoners of War Camps at Nancy and Péronne. Eventually in June, Col.
Currin and the Cadre left for England, leaving behind only a baggage
guard under Capt. Warner, who came home in July. Col. Currin and his
party arrived at Newark late on June 21st, and the official welcome
took place on June 23rd, when the Mayor met them at the Town Hall, and
the Colours were once more placed at the Drill Hall. With the Colonel
were Regimental Sergt.-Major Mounteney, Comp. Quarter-Master Sergt.
Bee, Sergt. Blunt, L.-Corpl. Tuckwood, and Pvte. Durand. With the
exception of two short periods when he was away sick or wounded,
Regimental Sergt.-Major Mounteney served with us the whole of our stay
in France. Both in and out of the line he rendered most valuable
service to the Battalion, and even in the darkest hours we were always
sure of his cheerful help.
On July 5th, a Memorial Service was held at Southwell Cathedral, for
the Nottinghamshire men who had fallen in the war. After the ceremony,
the men of the Battalion who were present, were entertained to tea in
the schools at Southwell, and Col. Huskinson took that opportunity of
thanking the ladies of the County for their kind help during the war.
We feel sure, that though on this occasion they are put last, they
will none the less accept our kind appreciation of all the work they
were at such pains to do, and for the thousands of comforts they got
together and sent out to us.
From the time we left England to final disembodiment no fewer than 193
Officers, and 2,650 other ranks served with the Battalion. There were
21 deaths from sickness and four fatal accidents. Battle casualties
amounted to 26 Officers, and 447 other ranks killed, or died of
wounds, and 64 Officers, and 1,400 other ranks wounded. Such a tragic
total, however, cannot wholly be a measure of the trials and
vicissitudes of three-and-a-half years' fighting. If in this record we
have succeeded in conveying an impression to those who were not so
fortunate as to be with us, or in reminding those who were, of
courage, dogged perseverance, and unselfish devotion to duty in
action, of pleasures, humour and happier times at rest, our efforts
may not, perhaps, be without value in the days that are to come.
"Speak! Was our course well run? Is there aught wherewith to upbraid us?
Have we fled from the thunder of battle, or flinched at the lightning's
track?
Answer! What need of answer? By the God of Truth who hath made us,
Thou knowest the Flag went forward, and never a foot went back!"
"THE LAST MUSTER," by _J. S. Arkwright_.
APPENDIX I.
ROLL OF HONOUR
_List of those who were Killed, or Died of Wounds or Sickness._
OFFICERS.
1915.
April 22--2nd Lieut. J. R. Eddison
June 6--Capt. H. G. Wright
" 15--Lieut. A. F. O. Dobson
" 15--2nd Lieut. W. H. Hollins
Oct. 13--2nd Lieut. R. E. Hemingway
" 14--2nd Lieut. E. F. S. Handford
" 14--Capt. H. B. S. Handford
" 14--2nd Lieut. E. S. Strachan
" 15--Lieut.-Col. G. H. Fowler
" 25--2nd Lieut. G. H. Fisher
Nov. 12--Lieut. C. M. Houfton
1916.
Jan. 1--Major J. P. Becher
Dec. 20--2nd Lieut. L. E. King-Stephens
1917.
March 4--Lieut. R. A. Abrams
April 23--2nd Lieut. W. P. Duff
" 23--2nd Lieut. E. Hopkinson
Aug. 30--2nd Lieut. D. Tanner
Oct. 27--2nd Lieut. J. H. Hofmeyr
1918.
April 29--Capt. H. K. Simonet
Sept. 6--2nd Lieut. C. J. Elly
" 29--Lieut. S. E. Cairns
Oct. 3--2nd Lieut. A. D. H. Dunkin
" 4--2nd Lieut. T. F. Mitchell
" 17--Capt. A. E. Geary
" 17--2nd Lieut. R. S. Plant
" 17--2nd Lieut. W. G. Jacques
OTHER RANKS.
1914.
Sept. 28--Drummer R. Baker
Nov. 17--Pvte. S. Shelton
1915.
April 6--Pvte. J. Hyde
" 11--Pvte. P. Richardson
" 12--Pvte. D. Smith
" 12--Pvte. A. Frary
" 13--Pvte. W. R. Copley
" 15--Pvte. A. E. Hopewell
" 20--Pvte. H. Trickett
" 20--Pvte. J. Wright
" 21--Pvte. T. Murden
" 21--Pvte. A. Bates
" 21--Pvte. F. Adams
" 21--Pvte. J. Berresford
" 21--Sergt. G. Wilmore
" 21--Pvte. T. H. Mayman
" 22--Pvte. H. Sketchley
" 23--Pvte. H. Stevenson
" 23--Pvte. W. Taylor
" 24--Pvte. W. Hunt
" 24--Pvte. C. Redmile
" 24--Pvte. W. Godfrey
" 24--Pvte. C. Hibbert
" 24--Pvte. R. East
" 24--Pvte. J. Bonner
" 24--Pvte. H. Grant
" 24--Pvte. H. Husband
" 24--Pvte. W. Johnson
" 24--Pvte. W. Pattison
" 24--L.-Corpl. W. Ashley
" 24--Pvte. A. E. Hincks
" 24--Pvte. H. Randall
" 24--Pvte. E. Worthington
April 29--Pvte. J. Brindley
" 30--Pvte. H. Foster
" 30--L.-Corpl. E. Markwell
May 2--L.-Corpl. C. Land
" 2--Corpl. E. Parker
" 8--Pvte. H. Kirk
" 8--Pvte. A. V. Soar
" 8--L.-Corpl. W. H. Ridgard
" 10--L.-Corpl. A. Priestley
" 17--Pvte. E. Eaton
" 24--Pvte. W. Widnall
" 24--Pvte. T. Hardy
" 25--Pvte. H. Spademan
June 5--Pvte. R. Mills
" 6--Pvte. T. Massey
" 12--Pvte. F. Paling
" 14--Corpl. C. J. Wilson
" 15--Corpl. F. Wilcox
" 15--Pvte. A. E. Armitage
" 15--Pvte. F. Hill
" 15--Pvte. B. Cox
" 15--Pvte. P. May
" 15--Pvte. R. W. Moakes
" 15--Pvte. W. Richardson
" 15--Pvte. O. L. Bryan
" 15--Pvte. A. Cook
" 16--Pvte. G. Richardson
" 24--Pvte. W. H. Hird
" 27--L.-Corpl. J. Churn
" 27--Pvte. F. Edwards
" 27--Pvte. C. E. Stones
July 12--Pvte. E. Robinson
" 16--Pvte. G. Tinker
" 16--Corpl. F. Godson
" 18--Corpl. E. Dewsnap
" 20--Pvte. E. Richardson
" 21--Pvte. C. Taylor
" 21--Pvte. G. Hinton
" 22--Pvte. J. Bowskill
" 25--Pvte. J. Watson
" 30--Pvte. J. W. Jubb
" 30--Pvte. J. Rudkin
" 30--Pvte. F. Walster
" 30--Pvte. C. Thorpe
" 30--Pvte. R. Downham
" 30--Pvte. S. Oliver
" 30--Pvte. R. Huckerby
" 30--Pvte. F. Ingham
" 30--Pvte. F. Parker
" 30--Pvte. C. Lines
" 30--Pvte. A. Woodhead
" 30--Pvte. A. Coy
" 30--Pvte. J. Rossington
" 30--Pvte. A. R. Walker
" 30--Pvte. H. Taylor
" 30--Pvte. H. W. Raynor
" 31--Corpl. S. Humberstone
" 31--L.-Corpl. I. Webster
" 31--Corpl. R. J. Hotson
" 31--Pvte. T. Davidson
August 1--Pvte. J. Hopewell
" 1--Pvte. H. H. Turner
" 4--Pvte. J. W. Lee
" 5--Pvte. C. Crampton
" 7--Pvte. H. Moore
" 7--Pvte. A. Scott
" 8--Sergt. A. Phillipson
" 8--L.-Corpl. P. Scott
" 8--Pvte. A. Smith
" 8--Pvte. F. Gumsley
" 8--Pvte. E. King
" 13--L.-Sergt. E. Layhe
" 14--Pvte. G. E. Fletcher
" 14--Pvte. A. Walsham
" 14--Pvte. W. Kirkham
" 14--Corpl. G. C. Higham
" 17--Pvte. J. A. Saunders
" 30--Pvte. G. W. Cartwright
" 30--Pvte. G. Richards
Sept. 3--Pvte. H. Key
" 10--Pvte. L. Smith
" 12--Pvte. A. Wesson
" 16--Pvte. W. T. Marshall
" 19--Pvte. G. Barker
" 25--L.-Corpl. T. Humphrey
" 25--Pvte. L. Hayes
" 28--Pvte. R. Gray
" 29--Drummer J. Newton
Oct. 5--L.-Corpl. E. Hale
" 5--Pvte. J. R. Roe
" 5--L.-Sergt. C. E. Harrison
" 8--Pvte. N. Chadbourne
" 14--Sergt. C. E. Cox
" 14--L.-Corpl. A. Spencer
" 14--Corpl. J. C. Simpson
" 14--Pvte. E. Mecklenburgh
" 14--Corpl. W. Wardle
" 14--L.-Corpl. E. Clay
" 14--L.-Corpl. W. J. Herepath
" 14--L.-Corpl. A. H. Hardy
" 14--Pvte. A. Baldwinson
" 14--Pvte. H. L. Smith
" 14--Pvte. E. Kirk
" 14--Pvte. J. W. Renshaw
" 14--Pvte. C. Stimsom
" 14--Pvte. S. P. Huggins
" 14--Pvte. L. H. Flint
Oct. 14--Pvte. F. W. Coleman
" 14--Pvte. G. Simms
" 14--Pvte. A. Fotheringham
" 14--Pvte. S. H. Lister
" 14--Pvte. A. Pettinger
" 14--Pvte. A. Hazzard
" 14--Sergt. M. Millband
" 14--L.-Corpl. H. E. Woodhead
" 14--Pvte. J. Dodsworth
" 14--Corpl. J. Sharman
" 14--L.-Corpl. B. C. Vick
" 14--Pvte. A. Hazlewood
" 14--Pvte. H. Cook
" 14--Pvte. C. S. Harrison
" 14--Pvte. H. Wilkinson
" 14--Pvte. A. Eyre
" 14--Pvte. E. C. Phillipson
" 14--Pvte. W. Anthony
" 14--Pvte. F. Farrand
" 14--Pvte. A. B. Smith
" 14--Pvte. W. Thompson
" 14--Pvte. G. Seymour
" 14--Pvte. F. Bryan
" 14--Sergt. H. Hall
" 14--Pvte. A. Moyses
" 15--Pvte. W. Radford
" 15--Sergt. G. F. Foster
" 15--Pvte. S. Broughton
" 16--Pvte. R. Taylor
" 18--L.-Corpl. F. J. Lowe
" 22--Pvte. A. Woolley
" 27--Pvte. E. Chilvers
" 30--Pvte. R. Hurt
Nov. 22--Sergt. A. Sheppard
Dec. 2--Pvte. C. H. Cliffe
" 8--Pvte. C. Redfern
1916.
March 20--Pvte. J. Evans
" 21--Pvte. F. Footitt
" 25--Pvte. E. Gilbert
" 28--Pvte. C. E. Ellis
April 4--Pvte. J. E. Easton
" 4--Pvte. A. Wright
" 4--Pvte. F. Johnson
" 4--Pvte. J. W. Hempsall
" 5--Pvte. E. A. Hill
" 15--Pvte. G. Wilcockson
" 15--Pvte. L. Chandlee
" 17--Sergt. W. H. Markham
" 17--Pvte. W. North
" 17--Pvte. E. H. Mutton
" 18--Pvte. H. Ellis
" 18--Pvte. E. Nelson
" 18--Pvte. W. Robinson
" 18--L.-Corpl. J. Footitt
" 18--Pvte. G. Marriott
" 18--Pvte. G. H. Johnson
" 18--Pvte. L. J. Moore
" 20--Pvte. H. Hicking
" 20--Pvte. T. B. Terry
" 25--Pvte. C. Wells
June 3--Pvte. H. Skillington
" 20--Pvte. A. E. Pulford
" 20--Pvte. J. Fogg
" 20--Pvte. G. A. Bingley
" 20--Pvte. L. Tyers
" 20--Pvte. T. Stout
" 24--Pvte. A. Froggatt
" 24--Pvte. J. W. Moor
" 24--Pvte. A. English
" 24--Pvte. T. Cope
" 25--Pvte. M. Johnson
" 25--L.-Corpl. A. E. Sooley
" 26--Pvte. E. Toyne
" 26--Corpl. W. G. Moore
" 26--Pvte. E. Judson
" 27--L.-Corpl. A. A. Grant
" 27--Pvte. F. W. Bonser
July 1--Pvte. F. Clarke
" 1--Corpl. E. Allen
" 1--Pvte. J. W. Edwards
" 1--Pvte. G. Seagrave
" 1--Corpl. S. Matthews
" 1--Corpl. J. J. Alvey
" 1--Pvte. T. F. Barlow
" 3--Pvte. A. Bousfield
" 6--Pvte. G. Talbot
" 10--Pvte. G. Jeffery
" 12--L.-Corpl. W. Young
" 13--L.-Corpl. E. Pride
" 13--Pvte. W. E. Beardsley
" 14--Corpl. A. E. Paling
" 17--Pvte. J. F. Wood
" 24--Pvte. J. R. Seymour
August 8--Pvte. J. Burke
Sept. 21--Pvte. A. Stocks
Oct. 7--Pvte. W. Hammond
1917.
Jan. 24--Pvte. J. H. Spence
" 24--Pvte. J. Stafford
" 24--Pvte. R. Knee
Feb. 12--Pvte. F. Robertson
" 16--Pvte. F. W. Beighton
" 17--L.-Corpl. E. Slack
" 17--Pvte. J. W. Sharman
" 17--Pvte. F. Makin
" 17--Pvte. G. Addison
March 4--L.-Corpl. R. Marriott
" 4--Pvte. H. Rimes
" 4--Pvte. J. Myatt
" 4--Pvte. P. Faulkner
" 4--Pvte. F. S. Cooper
" 5--Sergt. J. Henley
" 5--Pvte. S. J. Preece
" 6--Pvte. J. H. Haslam
" 15--Pvte. C. H. Bryan
April 21--Pvte. G. Stubbins
" 21--Pvte. J. E. Wilkinson
" 21--Pvte. L. Burrows
" 23--Corpl. W. Street
" 23--L.-Corpl. R. Vacey
" 23--L.-Corpl. J. Hinchley
" 23--L.-Corpl. W. Ward
" 23--Pvte. W. Barwise
" 23--Pvte. G. Garbett
" 23--Pvte. G. H. Smith
" 23--Pvte. E. Goodacre
" 23--Pvte. E. R. Hewson
" 23--Pvte. J. Holwell
" 23--Pvte. T. H. Jones
" 23--Pvte. G. Miller
" 23--Pvte. F. Phillips
" 23--Pvte. W. Steele
" 23--Pvte. H. Barnes
" 23--Pvte. S. Hodgkinson
" 24--Corpl. A. Cox
" 26--Pvte. J. Nicholson
May 8--Pvte. D. McGlure
" 10--Pvte. R. Short
" 10--Pvte. C. Perkins
" 11--Pvte. F. W. Brown
" 11--Pvte. G. Nicholls
" 12--Pvte. A. L. Varley
" 12--Pvte. J. Sinclair
" 12--Pvte. R. Turner
" 19--Pvte. J. K. Strachan
" 28--L.-Corpl. H. Newman
" 28--Pvte. R. Morris
" 29--Pvte. F. Marshall
" 30--Pvte. L. Houeton
" 30--Pvte. T. Sherratt
" 30--Pvte. H. Simpson
" 30--Pvte. S. Morley
June 2--Pvte. W. Gale
" 3--Pvte. S. Peach
" 6--Pvte. A. L. Reekie
" 8--Pvte. J. H. Whitehead
" 8--Pvte. G. W. Henley
June 8--Pvte. G. S. Reiace
" 8--Corpl. F. S. Pickering
" 8--Pvte. T. Clarke
" 9--Pvte. A. Fitzhugh
" 22--Pvte. W. N. Stone
" 22--Pvte. J. W. Bradbury
" 22--Pvte. A. Simpson
" 22--L.-Corpl. E. Johnson
" 22--Pvte. A. Mawson
" 23--Pvte. T. Grosse
" 23--Pvte. H. F. Buckler
" 23--Corpl. A. Humberstone
" 23--Pvte. G. F. Collins
" 23--Pvte. J. Buswell
" 26--Pvte. C. E. Allen
" 26--Pvte. J. H. Fox
" 26--Drummer S. R. Willingham
July 1--Pvte. P. N. Coupe
" 26--Pvte. G. H. Stubbins
" 28--L.-Corpl. A. Huntbach
" 28--L.-Corpl. W. Bulman
" 30--Pvte. G. F. Allen
August 4--L.-Corpl. H. Taylor
" 5--L.-Sergt. S. Bowler
" 30--Corpl. H. Wright
Sept. 2--Pvte. A. Robertson
" 3--Pvte. A. P. Frettingham
" 12--Pvte. H. Wilson
" 12--L.-Sergt. J. Blythe
" 12--L.-Corpl. H. C. Key
" 13--Pvte. L. Lilley
" 13--Pvte. G. Darwin
" 13--L.-Corpl. C. Parkin
" 13--Pvte. W. S. Bell
" 13--Pvte. W. A. Beckett
" 13--Pvte. W. C. Randall
" 13--Pvte. E. Stewart
" 13--Pvte. S. Thorne
" 29--Pvte. T. Gilbert
" 29--Pvte. H. C. Smedley
Oct. 4--Sergt. W. H. Drabble
" 4--Pvte. G. H. West
" 4--Pvte. A. Lovegrove
" 5--Pvte. H. Shufflebottom
" 14--Pvte. J. Bennett
Nov. 2--Pvte. E. Sharpe
" 4--Pvte. H. Syson
" 23--Pvte. W. Blackshaw
" 28--Pvte. H. Fox
Dec. 6--Pvte. W. J. Palmer
" 9--L.-Corpl. A. Dean
" 11--Pvte. H. Moult
" 21--Pvte. G. Large
1918.
March 17--Pvte. F. L. Chapman
" 22--Pvte. S. S. Ives
" 22--Pvte. J. Thompson
" 22--Corpl. H. Tyne
April 8--Pvte. C. Scholes
" 18--Corpl. G. Caudwell
" 18--Pvte. C. H. Aram
" 18--Pvte. A. Leader
" 28--Pvte. E. Cross
" 28--Pvte. F. Townsend
" 29--Pvte. G. F. Garratt
May 5--Pvte. A. E. Cliff
" 5--Pvte. A. H. Wheway
" 9--Pvte. E. H. Asling
" 15--Pvte. A. Beastall
" 18--Pvte. H. Cooper
" 19--Pvte. A. Armstrong
June 15--Pvte. W. H. Baldwin
" 15--Pvte. W. Buckley
" 16--Pvte. G. R. Atkinson
" 16--Pvte. A. Lover
" 19--Pvte. W. Clarke
" 23--Pvte. W. Tudbury
" 29--Pvte. C. J. Rickett
July 10--L.-Corpl. H. Smith
August 7--Pvte. G. Chadwick
" 13--Pvte. J. G. Boothby
" 14--L.-Corpl. F. Peck
" 17--Pvte. G. Rowley
" 26--Pvte. S. Berry
" 28--Pvte. E. Powell
" 28--Pvte. G. Williamson
" 29--Pvte. J. A. Riley
" 29--Pvte. G. Stendall
" 29--Pvte. G. Renshaw
" 29--Pvte. F. H. Heighway
Sept. 22--Pvte. G. F. Rogers
" 25--Corpl. A. E. Lambert
" 25--Pvte. W. Rogers
" 26--Pvte. W. J. Phippard
" 26--Corpl. J. W. Elcock
" 29--Pvte. I. Evans
" 29--Pvte. T. Rennie
" 29--Corpl. H. Russell
" 29--L.-Corpl. J. Hoe
" 29--Pvte. J. E. Tinkler
" 29--Pvte. G. S. Goodbourne
" 29--Pvte. F. Conway
" 29--L.-Corpl. T. H. Swann
" 29--Pvte. F. Key
" 29--Pvte. E. Leek
" 29--Pvte. J. Rice
" 29--Pvte. C. E. Goddard
" 30--Comp. Sergt.-Major J. F. Rawding
" 30--Pvte. E. Walker
" 30--Pvte. T. Johnson
Oct. 1--Pvte. A. Watson
" 3--Pvte. J. E. Smith
" 3--L.-Corpl. G. T. Tolly
" 3--Pvte. G. Ballington
" 3--Pvte. D. Irvine
" 3--Pvte. S. Spencer
" 3--Pvte. J. Taylor
" 3--Sergt. C. H. Genders
" 3--Pvte. J. Holmes
" 3--Pvte. J. R. Rush
" 3--L.-Corpl. A. Mantle
" 3--Pvte. H. F. Russell
" 3--Pvte. F. W. Lambert
" 3--Pvte. H. Keech
" 3--Pvte. H. G. Handley
" 3--Pvte. S. Guy
" 3--Sergt. S. Hurt
" 3--Pvte. J. Sulley
" 3--Pvte. W. Barksby
" 3--Pvte. J. W. North
" 3--Pvte. A. Goldsmith
" 3--Pvte. A. E. Ward
" 3--Pvte. J. Moon
" 4--Pvte. F. J. Lewis
" 4--L.-Corpl. C. H. Chadbourne
" 7--Pvte. A. Clemerson
" 8--Pvte. H. Silvester
" 9--L.-Corpl. A. H. Penford
" 12--Pvte. W. Walters
" 13--Pvte. A. S. Roberts
" 14--Pvte. C. E. Hallam
" 17--Pvte. W. Godson
" 17--Pvte. J. Bailey
" 17--Pvte. G. E. Smith
" 17--Pvte. G. E. P. Dennis
" 17--Pvte. H. Adlington
" 17--Pvte. S. Seal
" 17--Pvte. H. Simmons
" 17--Pvte. T. W. Horne
" 17--Pvte. F. Woodhead
" 17--Pvte. A. Jones
" 17--Pvte. J. W. Stewart
" 17--Pvte. G. Floyd
" 17--Pvte. F. N. Guttridge
" 17--Pvte. T. Turner
" 17--Pvte. A. Diggle
" 17--Pvte. E. Goddard
" 17--L.-Corpl. F. H. Clarke
Oct. 17--L.-Corpl. W. C. Creamer
" 17--Pvte. G. Wildsmith
" 17--L.-Corpl. J. F. Harper
" 17--Pvte. G. Welbourne
" 17--Pvte. G. Redfern
" 18--Pvte. T. Sedgewick
" 18--Pvte. J. Robinson
" 18--Pvte. C. Whittaker
" 18--Corpl. A. C. Scott
" 18--Pvte. A. Bacon
" 22--Pvte. G. W. Rollett
" 23--L.-Corpl. L. Horton
" 23--Pvte. B. A. Cutler
" 24--Pvte. A. Gittens
Nov. 1--Pvte. W. J. Coates
" 5--Pvte. C. Wagstaff
" 11--Pvte. T. S. Handy
" 13--Pvte. R. Hand
Dec. 24--Pvte. H. Buzan
_Officers who were Killed or Died of Wounds whilst serving with other
Units._
2nd Lieut. A. D. Bailey
2nd Lieut. F. E. Kebblewhite
2nd Lieut. F. M. Corry
Lieut. C. H. Hicks
Lieut.-Col. B. W. Vann
_Other Ranks who were Killed or Died of Wounds, after being granted
Commissions in other Units._
Comp. Sergt.-Major J. A. Green
Comp. Sergt.-Major F. Spencer
L.-Corpl. F. L. Wilson
L.-Corpl. F. B. Gill
Comp. Sergt.-Major E. Haywood
Comp. Sergt.-Major W. H. M. Hotson
Pvte. J. A. Christie
APPENDIX II.
HONOURS.
BAR to D.S.O.
Lieut.-Col. J. F. Dempster
Lieut.-Col. R. W. Currin
D.S.O.
Lieut.-Col. J. E. Blackwall
Major A. L. Ashwell
Rev. J. P. Hales
Major J. P. Becher
Major R. J. Wordsworth
2nd BAR to M.C.
Major V. O. Robinson
M.C. and BAR.
Capt. B. W. Vann
M.C.
2nd Lieut. J. S. C. Oates
Capt. A. Hacking
Capt. W. C. C. Weetman
2nd Lieut. W. P. Duff
2nd Lieut. E. Hopkinson
Capt. A. E. Geary
Capt. J. W. Turner
2nd Lieut. A. C. Fairbrother
Capt. H. de C. Martelli
Capt. H. K. Simonet
Major A. Andrews
Capt. E. A. Huskinson
2nd Lieut. S. Bradwell
2nd Lieut. James Howard Smith
Capt. G. Thomas
Capt. J. B. White
2nd Lieut. J. Bloor
2nd Lieut. W. J. Winter
Capt. A. B. Miners
2nd Lieut. F. L. Harrap
Lieut. S. E. Cairns
2nd Lieut. T. F. Mitchell
Capt. St. G. L. M. Homan, R.A.M.C.
Rev. D. E. Sturt
Capt. C. G. Druce
Capt. E. W. Warner
2nd Lieut. J. F. Shackleton
Capt. A. Bedford
Lieut. A. G. T. Lomer
O.B.E. and M.V.O.
Major G. S. Heathcote
O.B.E. and BREVET MAJORITY.
Major G. Clarke
O.B.E.
Lieut.-Col. C. J. Huskinson
Lieut.-Col. R. F. B. Hodgkinson
D.C.M. and BAR.
Comp. Sergt.-Major F. Attenborough
D.C.M. AND M.M.
L.-Sergt. C. Claxton
Pvte. G. H. Wesley
D.C.M. and M.S.M.
Comp. Sergt.-Major J. F. Rawding
D.C.M.
Regimental Sergt.-Major W. Mounteney
Sergt. A. Sheppard
Corpl. H. Tyne
Sergt. E. Grantham
Pvte. J. Nicholson
Corpl. W. E. Boot
Sergt.-Drummer W. Clewes
L.-Sergt. T. Turgoose
Pvte. R. Kerling
Comp. Sergt.-Major E. Haywood
Sergt. C. E. Crooks
Sergt. H. Scrimshaw
Sergt. J. L. Peach
Corpl. R. Francis
Comp. Sergt.-Major A. Cobb
Comp. Sergt.-Major W. Stokes
L.-Corpl. W. Beech
Sergt. H. Wilson
M.M. and 2 BARS.
Pvte. L. Thomas
M.M. and BAR.
Pvte. F. Green
M.M. and M.S.M.
Pvte. J. Nelson
M.M.
Sergt. J. T. Templeman
Corpl. W. H. Lacey
Corpl. S. Matthews
L.-Sergt. T. Martin
Pvte. G. F. Holbery
Sergt. C. Grainger
L.-Corpl. H. J. Walsh
Corpl. H. Hickman
Corpl. C. E. Bryan
Corpl. J. W. Wilson
Sergt. W. L. Green
Sergt. L. Bell
Sergt. C. T. Blunt
Comp. Sergt.-Major E. E. Deverall
Sergt. J. G. Collins
Sergt. W. G. Oldfield
Corpl. T. W. Lowe
Pvte. W. Heath
Sergt. J. Henley
Corpl. W. Street
L.-Corpl. W. Teare
Corpl. C. Hagues
Sergt. R. H. Bolton
L.-Corpl. J. F. Stewart
Pvte. G. F. Garratt
Sergt. W. H. Martin
L.-Sergt. R. Turner
Pvte. G. Wildsmith
Pvte. W. H. Tailby
Pvte. G. Stamford
Pvte. G. Cook
L.-Sergt. W. Field
L.-Sergt. F. Illger
L.-Corpl. J. North
Pvte. G. Feighery
Pvte. W. Westnidge
Corpl. G. Skelton
Pvte. B. Smithurst
Pvte. W. Titmus
Pvte. A. W. Colton
Pvte. C. Welbourne
Pvte. G. Sulley
Corpl. S. Slater
Corpl. W. Foster
Pvte. W. Parker
Pvte. A. W. Stapleton
Corpl. R. Harvey
Sergt. J. Stimson
Pvte. E. Crow
Sergt. C. Vann
L.-Corpl. S. Slater
Corpl. J. Wright
Pvte. J. W. Starr
L.-Corpl. F. Baxter
Corpl. W. Clark
Sergt. W. Wrigglesworth
Sergt. C. Sharrock
Pvte. W. H. Martin
Sergt. H. Shepperson
Sergt. A. Winson
Pvte. J. Roe
L.-Corpl. J. U. Coombs
Pvte. F. Draper
Pvte. A. Jackson
Pvte. A. Turpin
Pvte. N. Lees
Pvte. J. Vipond
Pvte. W. Houghton
Pvte. W. G. Nicholson
Pvte. C. Smith
Pvte. H. Beresford
Corpl. S. Gadsby
Pvte. E. Mosgrove
M.S.M.
Comp. Sergt.-Major A. Mabbott
Sergt T. Taylor
Sergt. J. Eggleston
Sergt. R. Harvey
Regtl. Qtr.-Mtr. Sergt. F. A. Pritchard
Comp. Qtr.-Mtr. Sergt. H. J. Wilson
Comp. Qtr.-Mtr. Sergt. G. E. Bee
Comp. Qtr.-Mtr. Sergt. W. I. Dale
MENTIONED IN DESPATCHES.
Lieut.-Col. G. H. Fowler
Major J. P. Becher
Major A. L. Ashwell
Major R. J. Wordsworth (2)
2nd Lieut. J. S. C. Oates
Capt. E. C. A. James
Capt. E. N. T. Collin
Capt. B. W. Vann
Capt. A. Hacking
Capt. J. W. Turner
Lieut.-Col. J. E. Blackwall
Rev. J. P. Hales (2)
Lieut.-Col. C. J. Huskinson (2)
Capt. C. L. Hill
Major G. Clarke
Lieut. W. H. B. Rezin (2)
Hon. Lieut, and Quarter-Master F. Torrance
Capt. R. Whitton
Capt. C. G. Tomlinson
Lieut. C. H. S. Stephenson
Lieut.-Col. R. W. Currin
Capt. N. L. Hindley
Lieut. S. Sanders
Sergt. E. Grantham
Comp. Sergt.-Major J. F. Rawding
Sergt. J. T. Templeman
Sergt. C. T. Blunt
Pvte. F. Holland
Regtl. Sergt.-Major W. Mounteney
Sergt. A. Phillipson
Pvte. S. Boothby
Pvte. C. Redfern
Corpl. G. Caudwell
Pvte. H. Needham
Comp. Sergt.-Major T. Powell
Comp. Sergt-Major J. T. Slater
Sergt. R. F. Bescoby.
Regtl. Qtr.-Mtr. Sergt. F. A. Pritchard
Sergt. R. Harvey
L.-Corpl. W. Beech
Comp. Sergt.-Major E. E. Deverall
Corpl. E. Dexter
Sergt. F. Lobley
L.-Sergt. J. Wicks
FOREIGN DECORATIONS.
FRENCH:--
Légion d'Honneur (Chevalier).
Lieut.-Col. J. E. Blackwall
Croix de Guerre.
Capt. B. W. Vann
Capt. W. C. C. Weetman
Comp. Sergt.-Major A. Cobb
Pvte. F. Holland
Sergt. T. Oldham
BELGIAN:--
Croix de Guerre.
Regimental Sergt.-Major W. Mounteney
RUSSIAN:--
Medal of St. George (4th Class).
Drummer J. Newton
Drummer W. Robb
Corpl. J. Sharman
[Illustration: MAP TO ILLUSTRATE BATTLE OF BELLENGLISE. SEPT: 29th
1918.]
PRINTED BY THOS. FORMAN AND SONS
NOTTINGHAM
End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Sherwood Foresters in the Great
War 1914 - 1919, by W.C.C. Weetman
*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SHERWOOD FORESTERS ***
***** This file should be named 20527-8.txt or 20527-8.zip *****
This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
http://www.gutenberg.org/2/0/5/2/20527/
Produced by David Clarke, Nicola Kerrison, Christine P.
Travers and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images
generously made available by The Internet Archive/Canadian
Libraries)
Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
will be renamed.
Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules,
set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project
Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you
do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is
subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
redistribution.
*** START: FULL LICENSE ***
THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
http://gutenberg.org/license).
Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic works
1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works. See paragraph 1.E below.
1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the
collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an
individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.
1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in
a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check
the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning
the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
States.
1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
copied or distributed:
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
1.E.9.
1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked
to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg-tm License.
1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or
distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
that
- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is
owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments
must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License. You must require such a user to return or
destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
Project Gutenberg-tm works.
- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
of receipt of the work.
- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the
Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
1.F.
1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
your equipment.
1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.
1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with
the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy
is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
opportunities to fix the problem.
1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER
WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any
provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists
because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
people in all walks of life.
Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
and the Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org.
Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation
The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
http://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at
809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
[email protected]. Email contact links and up to date contact
information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
page at http://pglaf.org
For additional contact information:
Dr. Gregory B. Newby
Chief Executive and Director
[email protected]
Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation
Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.
The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To
SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
particular state visit http://pglaf.org
While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.
International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations.
To donate, please visit: http://pglaf.org/donate
Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works.
Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily
keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:
http://www.gutenberg.org
This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
