Project Gutenberg's The Journal of Negro History, Volume 8, 1923, by Various
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Title: The Journal of Negro History, Volume 8, 1923
Author: Various
Editor: Carter G. Woodson
Release Date: December 3, 2013 [EBook #44343]
Language: English
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[Transcriber's Note: Every effort has been made to replicate this
text as faithfully as possible, including obsolete and variant
spellings and other inconsistencies. Most notably, in Issue No. 2,
April, 1923, spelling errors found in Paul Cuffe's own writings (e.g.,
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THE JOURNAL
OF
NEGRO HISTORY
CARTER G. WOODSON
EDITOR
VOLUME VIII
1923
THE ASSOCIATION FOR THE STUDY OF NEGRO LIFE
AND HISTORY, INC.
LANCASTER, PA., AND WASHINGTON, D. C.
1923
LANCASTER PRESS, INC.
LANCASTER, PA.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME VIII
NO. 1. JANUARY, 1923
L. P. JACKSON: _The Educational Efforts of the Freedmen's
Bureau and Freedmen's Aid Societies in South Carolina,
1862-1872_ 1
G. R. WILSON: _The Religion of the American Negro Slave: His
Attitude toward Life and Death_ 41
G. SMITH WORMLEY: _Prudence Crandall_ 72
DOCUMENTS: 81
_Extracts from Newspapers and Magazines._
_Anna Murray-Douglass--My Mother as I Recall Her._
_Frederick Douglass in Ireland._
BOOK REVIEWS: 108
BRAGG'S _The History of the Afro-American Group of the
Episcopal Church_; HAYNES'S _The Trend of the Races_;
HAMMOND'S _In the Vanguard of a Race_; The Chicago
Commission on Race Relations, _The Negro in Chicago_.
NOTES: 115
PROCEEDINGS OF THE ANNUAL MEETING OF THE ASSOCIATION FOR
THE STUDY OF NEGRO LIFE AND HISTORY 116
NO. 2. APRIL, 1923
J. W. BELL: _The Teaching of Negro History_ 123
PAUL W. L. JONES: _Negro Biography_ 128
GEORGE W. BROWN: _Haiti and the United States_ 134
H. N. SHERWOOD: _Paul Cuffe_ 153
DOCUMENTS: 230
_The Will of Paul Cuffe._
BOOK REVIEWS: 233
WIENER'S _Africa and the Discovery of America_;
DETWEILER'S _The Negro Press in the United States_;
MCGREGOR'S _The Disruption of Virginia_; JOHNSTON'S
_A Comparative Study of the Bantu and Semi-Bantu Languages_.
NOTES: 243
NO. 3. JULY, 1923
T. R. DAVIS: _Negro Servitude in the United States_ 247
GORDON B. HANCOCK: _Three Elements of African Culture_ 284
J. C. HARTZELL: _Methodism and the Negro in the United States_ 301
WILLIAM RENWICK RIDDELL: _Notes on the Slave in Nouvelle
France_ 316
DOCUMENTS: 331
_Banishment of the Free People of Color from Cincinnati._
_First Protest against Slavery in the United States._
_A Negro Pioneer in the West._
_Concerning the Origin of Wilberforce._
COMMUNICATIONS: 338
_A Letter from Mr. J. W. Cromwell bearing on the Negro in
West Virginia._
_A Letter from Dr. James S. Russell giving Information about
Peter George Morgan of Petersburg, Virginia._
_A Letter from Captain A. B. Spingarn about early Education
of the Negroes in New York._
BOOK REVIEWS: 346
JONES'S _Piney Woods and its Story_; JOHNSON'S _American
Negro Poetry_; RHODES'S _The McKinley and Roosevelt
Administrations_; GUMMERE'S _Journal of John Woolman_.
NOTES: 351
THE SPRING CONFERENCE 353
NO. 4. OCTOBER, 1923
ALBERT PARRY: _Abram Hannibal, the Favorite of Peter the
Great_ 359
ALRUTHEUS A. TAYLOR: _The Movement of the Negroes from
the East to the Gulf States from 1830 to 1850_ 367
ELIZABETH ROSS HAYNES: _Negroes in Domestic Service in the
United States_ 384
DOCUMENTS: 443
_Documents and Comments on Benefit of Clergy as applied to
Slaves, by Wm. K. Boyd._
COMMUNICATIONS: 448
_A Letter from A. P. Vrede giving an Account of the
Achievements of the Rev. Cornelius Winst Blyd of Dutch
Guiana._
_A Letter from Captain T. G. Steward throwing Light on
various Phases of Negro History._
BOOK REVIEWS: 455
FROBENIUS'S _Das Unbekannte Africa_; OBERHOLTZER'S
_History of the United States since the Civil War_;
LUCAS'S _Partition of Africa_; JACKSON'S _Boy's Life
of Booker T. Washington_.
NOTES: 465
ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR FOR THE YEAR 1922-23 466
THE JOURNAL
OF
NEGRO HISTORY
VOL. VIII., NO. 1 JANUARY, 1923.
THE EDUCATIONAL EFFORTS OF THE FREEDMEN'S BUREAU AND FREEDMEN'S AID
SOCIETIES IN SOUTH CAROLINA, 1862-1872[1]
INTRODUCTION
Slavery in the United States was abolished by force of circumstances.
The appeal to arms in April, 1861, was made by the North for the
purpose of saving the Union, but only within a few months after
the breaking out of hostilities "what shall we do with the slaves
within our lines" was the cry heard from all sections of the invaded
territory. Deserted by their masters or endeavoring to obtain freedom,
the Negroes came into the Union camps in such large numbers that
humanitarian as well as military reasons demanded that something be
done to change their status and alleviate their physical suffering.[2]
In the absence of a uniform national policy on the matter, the
several commanding generals settled the question according to their
own notions. Butler, at Fortress Monroe, for example, refused
to return the group of fugitive slaves and cleverly styled them
"contraband of war."
It was under these circumstances that voluntary benevolent
associations or freedmen's aid societies sprang up in quick succession
all over the North as agencies first to relieve physical suffering
and finally to administer to the religious and educational needs of
the blacks and white refugees. Missionary efforts were rapidly pushed
by them to all Confederate States just as fast as the Union armies
advanced into the invaded territory. These private philanthropic
efforts which began in 1861 finally led toward the close of the war
to the establishment by the United States Government of the Bureau of
Refugees, Freedmen and Abandoned Lands--an agency which carried on the
work already begun by the societies and at the same time cooperated
with them until changed conditions were reached about 1870.
The military event in South Carolina which called forth immediate
relief was the capture of Hilton Head and the adjacent sea islands on
November 7, 1861, by Commodore Dupont and General T. W. Sherman.[3]
The agencies formed to succor the blacks on these islands were
the New England Freedmen's Aid Society, the New York National
Freedmen's Relief Association, and the Pennsylvania Freedmen's Relief
Association. These several bodies were non-sectarian in character.
Cooperating with them were some regular church organizations.
At some time during the seven years existence of the Freedmen's
Bureau it embraced a six-fold program: (1) distributing rations and
medical supplies; (2) establishing schools and aiding benevolent
associations; (3) regulating labor contracts; (4) taking charge of
confiscated lands; (5) administering justice in cases where blacks
were concerned, and (6) the payment of bounties to soldiers. The
societies likewise exercised various physical functions, but it is
only the educational activities of all parties concerned that are of
primary interest here.
The chosen period of ten years, 1862-1872, represents a rise and
fall. During the war the non-sectarian societies operated with all
the vigor that the military situation would permit. At its close in
1865 and lasting through 1866 their greatest efforts were expended.
Beginning about 1867, signs of retrenchment appear; and in 1868 their
operations practically cease. At the same time, both as a cause and as
a result of the dissolution of the non-sectarian societies, the church
organizations took up the work and carried it not only until the end
of this decade but down to the present time. The Freedmen's Bureau,
as guardian over all, had no funds the first year or two, but in 1867
and especially in 1868 and 1869 when the societies weakened, it did
its greatest work. After 1870 the Freedmen's Bureau had but a nominal
existence. By Congressional action the institution expired in 1872.
With this ending and one or two important developments by the church
organizations in 1871 and 1872, this essay likewise closes.
This educational campaign is thus one conducted by outside parties.
The several organizations adopted the policy of "no distinction on
account of race or color"; but, inasmuch as the schools were conducted
primarily for the blacks, these ten years represent an effort for
this race with automatically very little attention to the native
whites. The subject, then, lends itself to the following organization:
The Port Royal Experiment, the organization and relationship, the
establishment and work of schools, the difficulties and complications,
and self-help and labor among the freedmen.
THE PORT ROYAL EXPERIMENT
The sea islands of South Carolina are located between Charleston and
Savannah on the Atlantic seaboard. In the group connected with the
capture of Hilton Head are St. Helena, Port Royal, Morgan, Paris and
Phillips. Collectively, as a military designation, these were known as
Port Royal. On these islands in 1861 there were about nine thousand
slaves,--the lowest in America.[4] As laborers on the cotton and rice
plantations these slaves for generations had been removed from all the
influences that tended to elevate the bondmen elsewhere. They were
densely illiterate, superstitious and in general but little removed
from African barbarism.[5] To add to the general low stage of these
slaves their language was a jargon hardly understandable by those who
came to teach them.[6] For example, some of them would say: "Us aint
know nothin' an' you is to larn we."
Upon the capture of Hilton Head by the Federals, the white masters
fled to Charleston and the up-country and abandoned all of their
property.[7] The control of abandoned property at this time rested
with the Treasury Department. Accordingly, Secretary Chase sent Edward
L. Pierce, of Milton, Massachusetts, to Port Royal to report on the
amount of cotton and also to make recommendations for its collection
and sale. The findings of Pierce together with that of Sherman in
command of the military forces introduce us to our main story. At
the suggestion of Chase, Pierce and Sherman sent appeals broadcast
to the North for the immediate relief of the abandoned slaves. In
February, 1862, Sherman issued this General Order No. 9: "The helpless
condition of the blacks inhabiting the vast area in the occupation of
the forces of this command, calls for immediate action on the part
of a highly favored and philanthropic people.... Hordes of totally
uneducated, ignorant and improvident blacks have been abandoned by
their constitutional guardians, not only to all the future chances of
anarchy and starvation, but in such a state of abject ignorance and
mental stolidity as to preclude all possibility of self-government
and self-maintenance in their present condition.... To relieve the
Government of a burden that may hereafter become insupportable ... a
suitable system of culture and instruction must be combined with one
providing for their physical wants. In the meanwhile ... the service
of competent instructors will be received whose duties will consist in
teaching them, both young and old, the rudiments of civilization and
Christianity."[8]
In response to this appeal there was organized in Boston, on February
7, 1862, the Boston Education Commission, later known as the New
England Freedmen's Aid Society or the New England Society, and on the
twenty-second of the same month, at a mass meeting held at the Cooper
Institute in New York City, the New York National Freedmen's Relief
Association was organized. At this meeting the following rules were
adopted with reference to the abandoned slaves:
1. "They must be treated as free men.
2. "They must earn their livelihood like other freemen and not be
dependent upon charity.
3. "Schools and churches shall be established among them, and the
sick shall be cared for."[9]
Following in the wake of Boston and New York came Philadelphia in
March with the Port Royal Relief Committee, later known as the
Pennsylvania Freedmen's Relief Association or the Pennsylvania
Society. Carrying out the resolutions mentioned above, there assembled
on the third of March, 1862, at the port of New York, a party of
fifty-three teachers and superintendents of labor, including twelve
women, who set sail on the same day for Port Royal.[10] The salaries
of these persons were to be paid by their respective societies, while
transportation and military protection were afforded by the United
States Government. Following this original party in March and April,
came twenty more representatives from the New England Society and
likewise added increments from New York, Philadelphia and elsewhere
all through the year. In the Fall the American Missionary Association
of New York added a corps of thirty-one teachers. It must be remarked
at this point that these individuals represented the flower of New
England culture. The first party, "Gideonites" as they were called,
was made up in part of recent graduates of Harvard, Yale, Brown and
the divinity schools of Andover and Cambridge.[11] Furthermore, they
were sent forward on their mission by William Cullen Bryant, William
Lloyd Garrison, Francis G. Shaw and Edward Everett Hale, with the
sanction and close cooperation of the Secretary of the Treasury, S. P.
Chase.
The voluntary steps taken by these parties attracted considerable
attention and concern from the best minds of Europe, as well as the
United States. Articles on the subject appeared in English and French
periodicals.[12] The result of these efforts to aid and elevate the
sea island Negroes was to be considered as an index as to their
ability to learn and likewise would indicate the possibility of
general development of slaves in other States. The labors of the
United States Government and the societies here, therefore, came to be
known as the "Port Royal Experiment."
The United States Government and the regulation of the abandoned
territory for three years, until the close of the war, underwent a
number of changes. Prior to the arrival of the Gideonites on March
9th, the territory was controlled by the special cotton agent, E. L.
Pierce, as directed by the Treasury Department. In June, in response
to Congressional action, control passed to the War Department. Pierce
was displaced and Major Rufus Saxton was made the administrator with
headquarters at Beaufort on Port Royal. His duties were to supervise
the growth and sale of cotton, to regulate labor, to direct the
activities of new comers and settle them at suitable points over
the several islands. At the same time the military forces stationed
at Hilton Head passed successively under the command of Sherman and
General David Hunter.
Pursuant to the Congressional Act of June 7, 1862, "for the collection
of direct taxes in insurrectionary states" the abandoned property was
bought in by the United States Government and private individuals. In
September, 1863, the Government relinquished its purchases whereby the
"freedmen," as they were now called, could buy property in twenty-acre
lots and at the same time establish school farms of six thousand
acres, the proceeds from which were to be used for educational
purposes. According to the plan laid out by Pierce, the islands were
divided into four districts which contained a total of one hundred and
eighty-nine plantations.[13] Over each district was placed a general
superintendent with a local superintendent for each plantation. W. C.
Gannet and John C. Zachas of the New England Society were placed in
charge of the schools.[14]
School work had already begun prior to the arrival of the main party
through the initiative taken by Pierce and his coworkers. On the
eighth of January, 1862, Rev. Solomon Peck, of Roxbury, Massachusetts,
established a school for the contrabands at Beaufort. Another was
opened at Hilton Head by Barnard K. Lee of Boston the same month.[15]
In February there was organized still another at Beaufort, which
was taught for a short while by an agent of the American Missionary
Association.[16] In estimating what was accomplished by these
preliminary disorganized efforts we can assume that it was no more
than learning the alphabet.
After their arrival in March those persons who had come in the
capacity of teachers began their work immediately. By the eighth
of May there were eight schools in operation.[17] The improvised
school houses consisted of cotton barns, sheds or old kitchens and
"praise houses."[18] Some had classes in tents.[19] The furniture
correspondingly was equally as crude. The desks were mere boards
thrown across old chairs. A fair idea of the general informal state of
affairs both as to the time and place of teaching is gained by this
recital of one teacher's experience: "I leave town about 6 o'clock A.
M. and arrive at the first plantation about 9, and commence teaching
those too young to labor. About 11 the task is done, and the field
hands come in for their share. About 1 P. M. I go to the other three
plantations one and a half miles. They assemble at the most central
one for instruction. This lasts about two hours, first teaching the
young then the older persons ... there being no buildings suitable
for a school on any plantation, I teach them under the shadow of a
tree, where it is more comfortable than any house could be in hot
weather."[20] In only one or two instances were there buildings
erected specifically for school purposes. One interesting case is that
of a building sent from the North in sections and likewise erected
piece by piece. An estimate of what was done as a whole during the
first year of the "experiment" may be made from the fact that 35,829
books and pamphlets were sent to Port Royal by northern agencies, and
3,000 scholars were put under instruction. In addition to this purely
educational effort there were distributed 91,834 garments, 5,895 yards
of cloth, and $3,000 worth of farming implements and seeds.[21]
Further light on the general nature and progress of the work is gained
through a return visit made by Pierce to Port Royal in March, 1863. At
this time he reported that there were more than 30 schools conducted
by about 40 or 45 teachers. The average attendance was 2,000 pupils
and the enrollment 1,000 more. The ages ranged from 8 to 12.[22] As
to the studies "the advanced classes were reading simple stories and
mastered some passages in such common school books, as Hillard's
_Second Primary Reader_, Wilson's _Second Reader_, and others of
similar grade." Some few were having elementary lessons in arithmetic,
geography and writing.
A very large part of the school exercises consisted of utilizing what
the teachers found the scholars endowed with by nature--an abundance
of feeling as expressed in their folk songs and crude religion. An
insight into their inwardly depressed condition is gained by the fact
that these songs were usually cast in the minor mode, although they
were sung in a joyful manner.[23] "In their lowest state singing was
the one thing they could always do well. At first they sang melody
alone, but after having once been given an idea of harmony, they
instantly adopted it. Their time and tone were always true."[24] They
took particular delight in ringing out "Roll Jordan Roll." Along with
the singing the general atmosphere of the instruction was religious.
Indeed, the New Testament was used as a text-book. After the pupils
had learned to read a little they were set to work learning the Psalms
and the Ten Commandments.
One teacher of the Port Royal group, herself of African descent, was
Charlotte S. Forten of Philadelphia. She was a graduate of the State
Normal School, Salem, Massachusetts, and had taught in the same city.
Refusing a residence in Europe, she joined one of the parties for Port
Royal to teach among her own people. This woman enjoyed the friendship
of Whittier and, as a beautiful singer herself, the poet sent her
directly his _Hymn_ written for the scholars of St. Helena Island
which she taught them to sing for the Emancipation Proclamation
exercises of January 1, 1863.[25]
The banner school on "St. Helen's Isle" and Port Royal was the one
in charge of Laura M. Towne, of Philadelphia, and supported by the
Philadelphia Society. After three years' work this school had reached
a fair degree of organization. The school was conducted in the
building sent in sections as referred to above and was known as the
"Penn School" in honor of the society which supported it. Classes
were grouped as primary, intermediate, and higher, each in charge
of one teacher in a separate room. The branches of study, however,
were the same in all--reading, spelling, writing, geography, and
arithmetic.[26] The situation here described represents in the embryo
the present day Penn Normal and Agricultural Institute.
Similarly well housed was the school taught by Elizabeth Hyde Botume,
of Boston, under the auspices of the New England Society. It commands
interest for the reason that it was the beginning in industrial
training on these islands. As plantation laborers the pupils knew
little or nothing of sewing. To supply this need Miss Botume
solicited the necessary apparatus from her northern friends and began
work on some old contraband goods stored in an arsenal. She reported
that sewing was a fascination to all and that "they learned readily
and soon developed much skill and ingenuity."[27] This school has come
down today as the Old Fort Plantation School. The work of these two
women thus took on a permanent character and to this extent largely
formed an exception to the general informality of the schooling at
Port Royal.
Obviously, the heroic efforts of the several societies to assist
the blacks amounted to far more than school-room procedure. Indeed,
this was a very small part of the work of the teachers and it was
so regarded by them. They visited the little cabins, counselled and
advised their wards, attended church, and taught them in the Sabbath
Schools. Three years of this intermingling between the culture of
New England and the most degraded slaves in America resulted in
some promising signs for the latter. There was some improvement in
manners and dress and an increase in wants. At the stores set up on
the islands they were buying small articles for the improvement of
their surroundings.[28] For the first time they were now being paid
wages. At the tax sales in March, 1863, when 16,479 acres were up
for auction they purchased about 3,500 acres at the price of 93-1/2
cents an acre. Shortly afterwards they had doubled this amount.[29]
As free laborers, however, they were somewhat disappointing to their
new employers since old habits still persisted. All in all, with some
three thousand or one-third of the whole number having received "more
or less" instruction in books the societies were well satisfied with
the experiment and at the close of the war increased their efforts at
Port Royal and throughout the State.
ORGANIZATION AND RELATIONSHIP
The Freedmen's Bureau as established by Act of Congress March 3, 1865,
"with the supervision and management of all abandoned lands and the
control of all subjects relating to refugees and freedmen from rebel
states," was an outgrowth of the Port Royal experiment and other such
enterprises carried on elsewhere. Social conditions in the South at
the close of the war called for increased efforts on the part of
northern benevolence, but this was only possible through governmental
aid and supervision. The societies already at work during the war made
appeals to the government toward this end. One committee, for example,
on December 1, 1863, stated that the needs represented "a question
too large for anything short of government authority, government
resources, and government ubiquity to deal with."[30]
The organization of the Freedmen's Bureau as affecting South
Carolina consisted of a commissioner at Washington, an assistant
commissioner for the State at large with headquarters at Charleston,
and sub-assistant commissioners--one for each of the five districts
into which the State was divided. Furthermore, there was a subdivision
of each district with agents in charge. For the educational work
of the Freedmen's Bureau there was a corps consisting of a general
superintendent on the commissioner's staff, a State superintendent
correspondingly on the assistant commissioner's staff at Charleston,
and the various sub-assistant commissioners and agents who combined
the supervision of schools with their other duties. The personnel of
this hierarchy consisted of General O. O. Howard, Commissioner, J. W.
Alvord, general superintendent of education, General Rufus Saxton,
General R. K. Scott, Colonel J. R. Edie, successively, assistant
commissioners, and Reuben Tomlinson, Major Horace Neide, Major E.
L. Deane, successively, State superintendents of education. These
officers, beginning with the lowest, made to their respective chiefs
monthly, quarterly or semi-annual reports which were finally submitted
to the commissioner at Washington, who was required to make "before
the commencement of each regular session of Congress, a full report of
his proceedings."
The duties of the general superintendent were to "collect information,
encourage the organization of new schools, find homes for teachers and
supervise the whole work."[31] Similarly, the State superintendent was
to take cognizance of all that was "being done to educate refugees and
freedmen, secure proper protection to schools and teachers, promote
method and efficiency, and correspond with the benevolent agencies
... supplying his field."[32] On October 5, 1865, Tomlinson sent out
this notice to the people of the whole State: "I request all persons
in any part of this state ... to communicate with me furnishing me
with all the facilities for establishing schools in their respective
neighborhoods."[33]
Between the Freedmen's Bureau and the several aid societies there was
perfect understanding. Howard announced: "In all this work it is not
my purpose to supersede the benevolent agencies already engaged, but
to systematize and facilitate them."[34] So close was the cooperation
between the efforts of the Bureau and the societies that it is hard in
places to separate the work of the two.
Prior to the supplementary Freedmen's Bureau Act of July 16, 1866, the
Commission had no funds appropriated to it for educational purposes.
It was able to help only by supervision, transportation of teachers
and occupation of buildings in possession of the Freedmen's Bureau.
This action of the first year met the full approval of Congress, for
in the Act of July 16, 1866, it was stated "that the commissioner
... shall at all time cooperate with private benevolent agencies of
citizens in aid of freedmen ... and shall hire or provide by lease
buildings for purposes of education whenever such association shall
without cost to the government, provide suitable teachers and means of
instruction, and he shall furnish such protection as may be required
for the safe conduct of such schools." Further, "the commissioner of
this bureau shall have power to seize, hold, use, lease or sell all
buildings and tenements ... and to use the same or appropriate the
proceeds derived therefrom to the education of the freed people."[35]
In the following March, 1867, $500,000 was appropriated by Congress
for the Freedmen's Bureau "for buildings for schools and asylums;
including construction, rental and repairs."[36]
The aid societies which under these provisions operated in South
Carolina may be classified in three groups:
1. Non-sectarian: The New York National Freedmen's Relief Association,
the New England Freedmen's Aid Society and the Pennsylvania Freedmen's
Relief Association (as enumerated above).
2. Denominational: (_a_) The American Baptist Home Mission Society;
(_b_) the Freedmen's Aid Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church;
(_c_) the Presbyterian Committee of Missions for Freedmen; (_d_) the
Friends Association of Philadelphia for the Aid and Elevation of the
Freedmen; (_e_) and the Protestant Episcopal Freedman's Commission.
3. Semi-denominational: The American Missionary Association.
To the non-sectarian societies might be added the London Freedmen's
Aid Society and the Michigan Freedmen's Relief Association, although
the latter supported only one school and for a short time only.
The American Missionary Association, during the war, served as
the agency for the Free Will Baptists, Wesleyan Methodists, and
Congregationalists, at which time its work was non-sectarian; but
as the first two drew out at the close of the war, this association
became very largely a congregational agency, establishing churches
along with its schools. None of these several agencies confined their
attention exclusively to South Carolina, although two of them, the New
York and New England societies, did their best work in this State.
The spirit of good will that existed between the Freedmen's Bureau and
the societies, however, did not exist among the societies themselves,
particularly among the church organizations. For the purpose of
bringing about coordination and unity of action from 1863 to 1866, the
New York, New England and Pennsylvania societies joined hands with
various western societies operating in other States. Each year and
oftener these bodies underwent reorganization until in May, 1866, at
Cleveland, all non-sectarian societies in all parts of the country
united and formed the American Freedmen's Union Commission.[37] To
this general body the local societies sustained a relationship of
local autonomy. They were now known as the New York, New England, and
Pennsylvania "Branches."
In addition to the organization already mentioned, there were attached
to each of the branches or local bodies numerous auxiliaries which
usually made themselves responsible for some one teacher or group
of teachers. In 1867 the New England Society had a total of 187
auxiliaries, 104 in Massachusetts, 75 in Vermont, 6 in New Hampshire,
1 in Connecticut and 1 in Georgia.[38] The strongest New England
auxiliary was that at Dorchester, while that of New York was at
Yonkers. The London Freedmen's Aid Society with its many branches
raised one-half a million of dollars for the cause of the freedmen
in America. England reasoned that since America had given so freely
toward the Irish famine that it was now her duty and opportunity to
return the favor.[39] South Carolina's share in this sum was the
support of a school at Greenville and one at St. Helena.[40]
During the war the several church bodies supported the non-sectarian
societies, but toward the close of the war they began by degrees to
withdraw support and take independent action.[41] To their regular
missionary departments was now added this new "Freedmen's Aid Society"
and to support it a "Freedmen's Fund." Several of the churches
also had their Woman's Home Missionary Society which established
and conducted schools in conjunction with the parent organization.
The efforts of the Presbyterians, Friends, and Episcopalians were
similarly directed in that they established the parochial type of
school as an annex to the church. With some exceptions, this policy
militated against the progress of their schools.[42] Among all the
different classes of societies the American Missionary Association
(New York City) was the best prepared for its work. This association
was organized in 1846 and prior to the war had already established
schools and missions.
The several groups of societies had elements in common. They were one
on the question of the treatment of the Negro, there being scarcely
any difference in their purposes as stated in their constitutions.
They felt that the National Government was too silent on the
principles of freedom and equality and that the State Governments,
North as well as South, had laws inimical to the Negro that should be
abolished. The two groups differed in personnel, the non-sectarian
consisting largely of business men, particularly the New York Society,
and the denominational of clergymen. In the selection of teachers the
former made no requirements as to church affiliation, whereas the
latter usually upheld this principle.
The ultimate aim of the church bodies was usually religious. They
endeavored to institute the true principles of Christianity among the
blacks, but in order to do this, in order to raise up ministers and
Christian leaders among them, schools were necessary.[43] The Baptists
in particular emphasized the training of ministers and the reports of
their agents in the field always included the number baptized along
with the number of schools and students.
ESTABLISHMENT AND WORK OF SCHOOLS
The schools established during this period may be roughly classified
as primary and higher, under the auspices of the non-sectarian and
denominational bodies respectively. They include day schools, night
schools, and Sabbath schools.
The term "higher" includes secondary and college instruction, although
within this decade only two or three schools were even doing secondary
work while another which reports "classical" students was really
of secondary rank. Some of the church schools were graced with the
name "college" and "university" which in reality merely represents
the expectation of the promoters. In later years at least two of the
institutions begun at this time reached college rank.[44]
The Freedmen's Bureau assumed general charge and supervision of
education for the State in the fall of 1865, under the direction of
Superintendent Reuben Tomlinson. Schools were in operation, however,
before this time--those at Port Royal and the Beaufort district, as
mentioned above, continued in operation and in increased numbers.
At Charleston schools were opened under the control of the military
government on the fourth of March, 1865, only a few weeks after the
surrender of the city. James Redpath was appointed as superintendent
of these schools. Outside of these two places no regularly organized
schools were begun until the Fall, when they were extended over all
the State.
The Charleston and Columbia schools are of chief interest. On March
31, 1865, after the schools had just opened, Redpath reported the
following in operation with the attendance of each:
Morris Street School 962
Ashley Street School 211
Saint Phillip Street School 850
Normal School 511
King Street School (boys) 148
Meeting Street School 211
Saint Michael's School 221
-----
Total 3,114
There were employed eighty-three teachers, seventy-five of whom,
white and colored, were natives of Charleston. The salaries of these
teachers were paid by the New York and New England societies and
cooperating with Redpath in organizing these schools were agents of
these societies, one of whom served as a principal of one school.
Within a month or two another school was added to this list, and
during the same time there sprang up five night schools for adults.
The students were made up of both white and Negro children and were
taught in separate rooms. The whites, however, represented a very
small proportion of the total number.[45]
In the fall of the year, with the reopening of the schools, the
general organization underwent considerable changes due to the
restoration of the regular civil government in charge of the
ex-Confederates. Most of the schools mentioned above were now
conducted for white children and taught by the native whites as of
old. The Morris Street School, however, was kept for Negro children
and taught by the native whites. The Normal School in time became the
Avery Institute. The New England Society, which in the Spring had
supported the Morris Street School, moved to the Military Hall and
subsequently built the Shaw Memorial School. This school was named in
the honor of Colonel Robert G. Shaw, who was killed during the war in
the assault on Fort Wagner (Morris Island) while leading his Negro
troops. The funds for the erection of the school were contributed
by the family of Colonel Shaw and they retained a permanent interest
in it. In 1874, when the New England Society dissolved, the school
was bought by the public school authorities and used for Negro
children.[46] During the course of four or five years other schools
were established here or in the vicinity of Charleston by the several
church organizations.
Charleston thus made a commendable start in education partly for the
reason that the city had a school system before the war and for a
while during the conflict. The free Negroes of this city likewise had
been instructed under certain restrictions during slavery time.[47]
The schools which were controlled or supported by the northern
agencies were by 1868 offering an elementary grade of instruction
corresponding to about the fourth or fifth grade with classes in
geography, English composition and arithmetic. Just here, however, it
must be said that the personnel of the student body was constantly
changing or at least during 1865 and 1866. Charleston was merely a
sort of way station for the blacks, who, returning from the up-country
where they had fled or had been led during the war, were on their way
to the sea islands to take up land as offered by Sherman's order.[48]
During April, 1865, Redpath reported that at least five hundred pupils
"passed through" the schools, remaining only long enough to be taught
a few patriotic songs, to keep quiet and to be decently clad. Others
in turn came and in turn were "shipped off."[49]
Columbia, though behind Charleston in point of time, made an equally
good beginning in spite of annoying handicaps. There was a fertile
field here for teaching, since the blacks were crowding in from all
the surrounding territory. Sherman having destroyed about all the
suitable buildings, T. G. Wright, representative of the New York
Society, in company with three northern ladies, started a school
on November 6, 1865, in the basement of a Negro church with 243
scholars. Soon thereafter, on November 7th, another was begun in the
small room of a confiscated building "very unsuitable for a school
room." On the same day two other schools were begun at similar places,
one of them at General Ely's headquarters and taught by his daughters.
On the ninth another school started on Arsenal Hill in an old building
rented for a church by the freedmen and on the thirteenth still
another was opened in one of the government buildings. These schools
were numerically designated as "No. 1," "No. 2," etc., being nine in
all. In addition to these there were two night schools begun about
the same time, one of them enrolling fifty adult males and the other
121.[50] The Columbia schools were taught wholly under the control
of the New York Society by northern ladies with the assistance of a
few Negro instructors who were competent to assist them. They had a
large attendance and consequently there were many changes made in the
location of schools in the course even of the first few months.
Fortunately these temporary congested quarters gave way in the
fall of 1867 when the Howard School was completed. This school was
erected by the New York Society and the Freedmen's Bureau at a cost
of about $10,000. It contained ten large class rooms. At the close
of the school year (1868) it had an attendance of 600. The closing
exercises of the year seemed to have attracted considerable attention
inasmuch as the officers of the city, Tomlinson, and newspaper men all
attended. The examinations at the close embraced reading, spelling,
arithmetic, geography, history and astronomy. _The Columbia Phoenix_
(a local paper) said of the exercises: "We were pleased with the
neat appearance and becoming bearing of the scholars ... and the
proficiency exhibited in the elementary branches was respectable."[51]
The New York Society did its best work in Columbia. At Beaufort this
same organization had schools which occupied the large buildings
formerly used by the whites. The New England Society was best
represented at Charleston and Camden. The Philadelphia Society was
best represented at St. Helena. Some notion of the exact location of
the schools fostered by these societies (May, 1866) may be gained from
the following table:[52]
Number of
Town teachers Support
Ashdale 1 New York Branch
Combahee 1 New York Branch
Columbia 10 New York Branch
Edgerly 1 New York Branch
Greenville 6 New York Branch
Gadsden 2 New York Branch
Hopkins 1 New York Branch
James Island 5 New York Branch
Mitchellville 2 New York Branch
Lexington 2 New York Branch
Pineville 1 New York Branch
Perryclear 1 New York Branch
Pleasant Retreat 2 New York Branch
Red House 1 New York Branch
Rhett Place 2 New York Branch
River View 1 New York Branch
Woodlawn 2 Michigan Branch
Camden[53] 2 New England Branch
Darlington 2 New England Branch
Edisto Island 2 New England Branch
Hilton Head 6 New England Branch
Jehosse's Island 2 New England Branch
Johns Island 1 New England Branch
Marion 2 New England Branch
Orangeburg 3 New England Branch
Summerville 3 New England Branch
Port Royal Island 2 Pennsylvania Branch
Rockville 2 Pennsylvania Branch
St. Helena 5 Pennsylvania Branch
Beaufort 9 New York Branch 7
New England Branch 2
Charleston 36 New York Branch 13
New England Branch 23
Georgetown 4 New York Branch 1
New England Branch 3
With some exceptions the schools enumerated here and elsewhere
unfortunately had only a short existence for the reason that the
societies which supported them gradually became short of funds. The
New York Society, for example, in 1868, found itself hardly able to
bring its teachers home. The efficiency of other societies likewise
began to wane. By January 1, 1870, or within a few months afterwards,
the Freedmen's Bureau passed out of existence. Alvord and his whole
staff thereby were discharged from duty. The non-sectarian societies
ceased to exist because the aid societies of the several northern
churches claimed the allegiance of their members. A stronger reason,
as given by them, was that the freedmen were now (1868) in a position
to help themselves politically through the provision of Negro
Suffrage for the new State government, under the Congressional plan
of reconstruction. The Freedmen's Bureau was discontinued for similar
reasons.
A few of the schools so well begun either passed into the hands of
the State under regular State or municipal control of schools, as,
for example, the Shaw Memorial at Charleston, or they became private
institutions with other means of northern support. Before expiration,
however, during 1869, the Freedmen's Bureau used its remaining funds
to establish new schools and repair buildings throughout the State.
A graphic picture of the Bureau's activity during the latter part of
1869 is thus shown:[54]
SCHOOL HOUSES ERECTED
==============+========+============+==========+========+===========
| | | | Value | Ownership
Location | Cost | Size | Material | of lot | of lot
--------------+--------+------------+----------+--------+-----------
Bennettsville | $1,000 | 30 x 40 | Wood | $100 | Freedmen
Gadsden | 800 | 25 x 40 | " | 50 | "
Laurens | 1,000 | 30 x 40 | " | 100 | "
Newberry | 2,500 | 2 stories} | " | 300 | "
| | 26 x 50 } | | |
Walterboro | 1,000 | 30 x 40 | " | 100 | "
Manning | 500 | 25 x 40 | " | 50 | "
Lancaster | 500 | 25 x 30 | " | 50 | "
Graniteville | 700 | 25 x 40 | " | 100 | "
Blackville | 500 | 25 x 30 | " | 50 | "
+--------+ | | |
| $8,500 | | | |
--------------+--------+------------+----------+--------+-----------
SCHOOL HOUSES REPAIRED AND RENTED
Locality Ownership Amount
expended
Conkem Freedmen $ 500
Beaufort Freedmen 1,000
Columbia Bureau 100
Charleston (Orphan Asylum) Protestant Episcopal 2,400
Charleston (Shaw School) Bureau 100
Charleston (Meeting St. Post
Office) Rented 40
Charleston Protestant Episcopal 8,000
Chester Rented 30
Darlington Bureau 100
Eustis Place Bureau 800
Florence Freedmen 35.75
Marion Bureau 150
Mt. Pleasant Bureau 40
Sumter Freedmen 500
Shiloh Freedmen 100
Winnsboro Bureau 50
Orangeburg Methodist Episcopal Church 2,500
----------
Total $16,445.75
After all, the real significance of this educational movement was
the policy adopted by the denominational bodies that they should
establish permanent institutions--colleges and normal schools to
train teachers for the common schools and also in time that the
Negroes themselves should run these institutions.[55] South Carolina
under the Negro-Carpet-Bag rule in 1868, then, for the first time
ventured to establish a school system supported by public taxation.
For this object there were practically no competent teachers to serve
the Negroes. The only sources of supply were the persons trained in
the schools herein described and a few of the northern teachers who
remained behind.[56] Very small and crude it was in the beginning,
but the policy adopted here at least furnishes the idea upon which
ever since the public schools of the State have been mainly justified.
By 1870 the Perm School at St. Helena was sending out teachers in
response to calls from the State.[57] In the same year the principal
of the Avery Institute reported that he was asked by the State to
furnish fifty teachers.[58] This school was perhaps the best fitted to
perform this function.
The American Missionary Association supported, at Port Royal and
other points in the State, schools which, along with many others, had
only a temporary existence. The lasting and best contribution of this
association to this movement was the Avery Institute, its second best
was the Brewer Normal. Avery was established at Charleston on October
1, 1865, in the State Normal School building, which was offered by
General Saxton. The school commenced with twenty teachers and one
thousand scholars with every available space taken, one hundred being
crowded in the dome. The next year, having been turned out of this
building, the school was held for two years in the Military Hall in
Wentworth Street. On May 1, 1869, the school entered its present new
large building on Bull Street when it dropped the name of the Saxton
School for Avery in honor of the philanthropist from a portion of
whose bequest $10,000 was spent by the American Missionary Association
for the grounds and a mission home. The building proper was erected by
the Freedmen's Bureau at a cost of $17,000.[59]
Avery very soon dropped its primary department and concentrated its
efforts on the normal or secondary department where it had from the
beginning a comfortable number of students. These students came
largely from the free Negro class. Under the guidance of their
well-trained Negro principal the boys and girls here were reading
Milton's "L'Allegro," translating Caesar, and solving quadratic
equations.[60] From the standpoint of grade of instruction, Avery was
the banner school of the State. With a less pretentious beginning
Brewer was established by the American Missionary Association at
Greenwood in 1872 on school property valued at $4,000.
The Baptist Home Mission Society, following in the wake of the
American Missionary Association, made a beginning at Port Royal with
the labor of Rev. Solomon Peck, at Beaufort. This society in 1871
established Benedict at Columbia. The school property consisted
of eighty acres of land with one main building--"a spacious frame
residence," two stories, 65 x 65. This property cost $16,000 with
the funds given by Mrs. Benedict, a Baptist lady of New England.
During the first year the school had sixty-one students, most of whom
were preparing for the ministry.[61] In 1868, Mrs. Rachel C. Mather
established the Industrial School at Beaufort which now bears her
name. This school came under the auspices of the Women's American
Baptist Home Mission Society.
The Freedmen's Aid Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church conducted
primary schools at Charleston, Darlington, Sumter, John's Island,
Camden, St. Stephens, Gourdins' Station, Midway and Anderson;
but, like the Baptists, its substantial contribution was Claflin
University. This institution was established in 1869 in the building
formerly used by the Orangeburg Female Academy. The property was
purchased through the personal efforts of its first president, Dr. A.
Webster. The University was granted a charter by the State and named
in honor of Hon. Lee Claflin of Massachusetts, by whose liberality
it came into existence. The attendance the first year was 309 and by
1872 the institution had a college department, a normal department, a
theological department, and a preparatory department.[62] The Women's
Home Missionary Society of this same church had the excellent policy
of establishing homes for girls where, in addition to purely classroom
work, they would be taught the principles of home making and Christian
womanhood. In pursuance of this object in 1864 Mrs. Mather of Boston
established a school at Camden which in later years became known as
the Browning Industrial Home.
The Presbyterian Church, through its Committee of Missions for
Freedmen, in 1865 established the Wallingford Academy in Charleston
at a cost of $13,500, the Freedmen's Bureau paying about one-half of
this amount. In 1870 the number of pupils was 335. In later years this
school, like others planted by the churches, was doing creditable
secondary work and training teachers for the city and different parts
of the State.[63] At Chester in 1868 this Committee established the
Brainerd Institute and in the same year the Goodwill Parochial School
at Mayesville.
The Protestant Episcopal Freedmen's Commission in cooperation with its
South Carolina Board of Missions to Negroes established a school at
Charleston (1866) in the Marine Hospital through the effort of Rev. A.
Toomer Porter, a native white man of Charleston. Two years later this
institution had a corps of thirteen teachers and about six hundred
pupils.[64] Smaller efforts were likewise made by this commission at
Winnsboro and other parts of the State.
The Friends (Pennsylvania Quakers) made a most valuable contribution
to this general educational movement in 1868 through the efforts of
Martha Schofield in establishing at Aiken the Schofield Normal and
Industrial School. This institution in time became one of the most
influential, not only in South Carolina but in the entire South. The
Friends' Association of Philadelphia for the Aid and Elevation of
the Freedmen, established, in 1865, at Mt. Pleasant (Charleston) the
school which later became known as the Laing Normal and Industrial
School.[65] Miss Abbey D. Munro, in 1869, became its principal.
DIFFICULTIES AND COMPLICATIONS.
As a result of these efforts an observer said: "In South Carolina
where, thirty years ago, the first portentious rumblings of the
coming earthquake were heard and where more recently the volcanic
fires of rebellion burst forth ... our missionaries and teachers
have entered to spread their peaceful and healing influence.... The
Sea Islands have been taken possession of in the name of God and
humanity.... King Cotton has been dethroned and is now made humbly
to serve for the enriching and elevating of the late children of
oppression."[66] Another said: "New England can furnish teachers
enough to make a New England out of the whole South, and, God helping,
we will not pause in our work until the free school system ... has
been established from Maryland to Florida and all along the shores
of the Gulf."[67] They came to the South with the firm belief in the
capacity of the Negro for mental development and on a scale comparable
to the white man. The letters written by teachers to northern friends
abound in reports to this effect. Such was the spirit in which the
northern societies entered the South.
The northern societies, however, failed "to make a New England out of
the South"; but due credit must be given them for their earnestness
and enthusiasm. They entered the State while the war was in progress
and thus imperiled their lives. The planters at Port Royal who had
abandoned their property certainly looked forward to the restoration
of the same and to this end they struggled by force of arms. The
freedmen themselves, as well as their northern benefactors under
these conditions, lived in fear lest the restored planters should
successfully reestablish the old regime. One teacher at Mitchelville
on Hilton Head reported one week's work as "eventful." A battle only
twelve miles away at Byrd's Point was raging while her school was in
session. The cannonading could be heard and the smoke of the burning
fields was visible.[68]
There were other difficulties. In view of the fact that the
missionaries associated with the freedmen in a way totally unknown
to southern tradition, they were met with social ostracism. It was
impossible to obtain boarding accommodations in a native white family
and in line with the same attitude the lady teachers were frequently
greeted with sneers and insults and a general disregard for the
courtesies of polite society. One teacher said: "Gentlemen sometimes
lift their hats to us, but the ladies always lift their noses."[69]
Social contact with the Negroes, however, was a necessity.[70] The
letter of instruction to teachers from the Pennsylvania Branch
contained this rule: "All teachers, in addition to their regular work,
are encouraged to interest themselves in the moral, religious and
social improvement of the families of their pupils; to visit them in
their homes; to instruct the women and girls in sewing and domestic
economy; to encourage and take part in religious meetings and Sunday
schools."[71] Thus it was that a very large part of the activities
of the teachers were what we call "extracurricular." They were not
confined to the school room but went from house to house.[72]
The spirit of informality which seemed to pervade the whole work,
along with that of the Freedmen's Bureau, moreover, serves to explain
in part their misfortune resulting from poor business methods.
The reports which Howard and Alvord have left us reveal unusually
important facts. Their funds were limited and what monies they did
raise were not always judiciously expended. The salaries of the
teachers usually ranged from $25 to $50 a month. One society paid $35
a month without board and $20 with board. These salaries, the personal
danger, the social ostracism and unhealthy climate, all lead one to
feel, however, that the motive behind these pioneering efforts was
strictly missionary. Some of the teachers worked without a salary and
a few even contributed of their means to further the work.
The campaign of education for the elevation of the freedmen was a
product of war time and as such was conducted in the spirit engendered
by war conditions. In addition to the purely school exercises of the
three R's was the political tenor of the instruction. As staunch
Republicans no little allusion was made to "Old Jeff Davis" and the
"Rebels." Besides the native songs with which the scholars were so
gifted there was frequent singing of _John Brown_ and _Marching
through Georgia_. The Fourth of July and the first of January were
carefully observed as holidays. Several of the teachers in the
schools and officers of the Freedmen's Bureau--Tomlinson, Cardoza,
Jillson, Mansfield, French, and Scott--became office holders in the
Negro-carpetbagger government of 1868.
There was another handicap. The Civil War left South Carolina
"Shermanized." The story of this invader's wreck of the State is
a familiar one. Barnwell, Buford's Bridge, Blackville, Graham's
Station (Sato), Midway, Bamberg, and Orangeburg were all more or less
destroyed. Three-fifths of the capital was committed to the flames and
Charleston, although this city escaped the invader, had been partially
burned already in 1861.[73] With millions of dollars in slave property
lost, added to the above, the native whites were in no frame of
mind to approve this philanthropic effort of the northern teachers.
Furthermore, on the question of education the State had no substantial
background by which it could encourage any efforts at this time.
Free schools had been established prior to the war, but owing to the
eleemosynary stigma attached to them and the permissive character of
the legislative acts very little had been accomplished for the whites
even, in the sense that we understand public education today.[74]
There ran very high the feeling that the Yankees were fostering social
equality and that if they were allowed to educate the freedmen the
next thing would be to let them vote.[75] Some reasoned that since
the North had liberated the slaves, it was now its business to care
for them. It is safe to say that without the protection of the United
States military forces during the first year at least the efforts to
enlighten the ex-slaves would have been impossible. The native white
attitude, however, appears to have undergone a change from year to
year and from locality to locality.
At Orangeburg, the superintendent of education reported that a night
school was fired into on one or two occasions, and the attempt to
discover the perpetrators of this outrage was without success.[76] A.
M. Bigelow, a teacher of a colored school at Aiken, was compelled by
curses and threats to leave the town in order to save his life.[77] In
the town of Walhalla a school conducted by the Methodist church was
taught by a lady from Vermont. A number of white men tried to break
it up by hiring a drunken vagabond Negro to attend its sessions and
accompany the young lady through the village street. The attempted
outrage was frustrated only by the intercession of a northern
gentleman. At Newberry, about the same time, a man who was building
a school for the freedmen was driven by armed men from the hotel
where he was staying and his life threatened. These occurrences the
superintendent reported as "specimen" cases.[78]
In other sections of the State where the planters sustained amicable
relations to all the functions of the Freedmen's Bureau, there was
little opposition to the elevation of the freedmen. In the districts
of Darlington, Marion, and Williamsburg there was a fair spirit of
cordiality. At Darlington the Yankee editor of _The New Era_ in its
first edition probably thus expressed the feeling of the community:
"Let the excellent work be sustained wherever it shall be introduced
and the happiest results will be witnessed."[79]
Charleston and Columbia, despite the wreck of these cities, as already
shown, proved to be an open field for educational endeavor. In the
former city where it was no new thing to see the blacks striving for
education, the opposition expressed itself in the occupation of the
buildings formerly used for the whites.[80] A correspondent of _The
New York Times_ reported that in Columbia "the whites extend every
possible facility and encouragement in this matter of education."[81]
There is one instance of actual initiative in the education of the
freedmen in the case of Rev. A. Toomer Porter of the Episcopal
Church in Charleston as already mentioned. This gentleman went North
to solicit the necessary funds and while there visited Howard and
President Johnson. For his purpose the president himself contributed
one thousand dollars.[82] For this deed _The Charleston Courier_
remarked that it was "a much more substantial and lasting token of
friendship to the colored race than all the violent harangues of mad
fanatics." Finally in enumerating here and there cases of a favorable
attitude, Governor Orr's remarks cannot be overlooked. To the colored
people at Charleston he said: "I am prepared to stand by the colored
man who is able to read the Declaration of Independence and the
Constitution of the United States. I am prepared to give the colored
man the privilege of going to the ballot-box and vote."[83]
The length of service for most of the teachers was one year. In the
original Port Royal party of March 3, 1862, several of the party
returned home before summer. The American Missionary Association
which sent thirty-five teachers to Port Royal reported "eight for a
short time only." From these facts it is to be inferred, despite the
glowing reports of success, that the teachers met with discouragement
and disappointment. Some of them were unfit for their duties and
some no doubt committed acts of indiscretion with reference to the
relationship of the races.
The difficulties and complications of this movement were a part of
the war itself. Calmer moments of reflection which it is ours now to
enjoy, however, reveal the great value of the educational efforts of
the northern missionaries. Unfortunately, the efforts to uplift were
directed to only one race, but in a larger sense the work done has
been for the welfare of all. South Carolinians to-day will all pay
tribute to the work of Abbey D. Munro, Martha Schofield and Laura M.
Towne. These women, with others, gave their lives for the elevation of
the Negro race and what they did is merely a representation of that
common battle against ignorance and race prejudice. "She (Miss Towne)
came to a land of doubt and trouble and led the children to fresh
horizons and a clearer sky. The school she built is but the symbol
of a great influence; there it stands, making the desert blossom
and bidding coming generations look up and welcome ever-widening
opportunities. Through it she brought hope to a people and gave them
the one gift that is beyond all price to men."[84]
SELF-HELP AND LABOR AMONG THE FREEDMEN
Were the Negroes there in such numbers and condition as to help
themselves? South Carolina in 1860 had a white population of 291,300,
a slave population of 402,406 and a free colored population of
9,914.[85] Having this large number of slaves, the dominant race in
its efforts to maintain control passed its police laws by which the
evils of slavery existed there in their worst form. One of these laws
was that of 1834 which made it a punishable offense to teach any slave
to read and write.[86] This law, however, was often violated and free
Negroes and even slaves attended school long enough to develop unusual
power.
After generations of oppression the dawn of freedom brought with it
a social upheaval. The freedmen now proceeded to taste the forbidden
fruit and the people who brought learning to them they received with
open arms.[87] The Yankee school master was not only to the freedmen a
teacher but his deliverer from bondage. Happily in the enthusiasm of
the "late children of oppression" for learning they proved themselves
to be not objects of charity but actual supporters and promoters of
the educational movement.
It was a principle of some of the societies to open no new school
unless a fair proportion of its expenses could be met by the parents
of the pupils.[88] There were made various arrangements by which
the freedmen could help sustain the schools. In some instances they
boarded the teachers and met the incidental expenses of the school
while the societies paid the salaries and traveling expenses. In this
way nearly one-half of the cost was sustained by them and in some
instances nearly two-thirds of it.[89] As the foregoing tables have
helped to show in part, in some cases the freedmen met the entire
expenses, bought the lot, erected the school house, and paid the
salary of the teacher.
During 1866, Tomlinson reported five houses had been built by them and
others were under the course of erection. These were located at the
following places:
Kingstree size 20 x 37 ft.
Darlington size 30 x 72 ft.
Florence size 35 x 45 ft.
Timmonsville size 14 x 24 ft.
Marion size 20 x 50 ft.
During 1867 twenty-three school houses were reported to have been
built by the freedmen aided by the Freedmen's Bureau and northern
societies. For the support of school teachers this year they
contributed $12,200. This with $5,000 for school houses made an
aggregate of $17,200.[90] The school houses were placed in the
hands of trustees selected from among themselves and were to be held
permanently for school purposes.[91]
The means by which the freedmen offered their support was not always
in cash but in kind. During the early years following the war there
was a scarcity of money in circulation. The employers of the blacks,
the planters, were themselves unable always to pay in cash, and as
a substitute a system of barter grew up.[92] Directing attention to
this situation and the general question of self-help, Governor Andrews
of Massachusetts, president of the New England Society, sent out the
following circular to the freedmen of the South: "The North must
furnish money and teachers--the noblest of her sons and daughters
to teach your sons and daughters. We ask you to provide for them,
wherever possible, school houses and subsistence. Every dollar you
thus save us will help to send you another teacher ... you can supply
the teachers' homes with corn, eggs, chickens, milk and many other
necessary articles.... Work an extra hour to sustain and promote
your schools."[93] The value of such labor averaged only about eight
dollars a month, but Governor Andrews' recommendation was carried out
in so many cases that much good was thereby accomplished.
The campaign of education for the freedmen was temporary in character
and was so regarded by the Freedmen's Bureau and the societies. It
was merely an effort to place the ex-slaves on their own feet and
afterwards it was their task. In line with this policy the Freedmen's
Bureau and the military authorities seized every opportunity of
instituting self-government among them, especially where they were
congregated in large numbers. Such a case was Mitchelville.
Sherman's field order 15 called for the laying aside of a vast
stretch of territory exclusively for the freedmen. In the same
manner in 1864 the military officers at Hilton Head laid out a
village for them near the officers' camps and introduced measures
of self-government. The village was called Mitchelville in honor of
General Ormsby Mitchell who had been like a father to the multitude of
fifteen hundred or more occupying the village. The place was regularly
organized with a Mayor and Common Council, Marshal, Recorder and
Treasurer, all black, and all elected by Negroes, except the Mayor and
Treasurer. Among the powers of the Common Council, which concern us
here, was the compulsory provision that "every child between the ages
of six and fifteen years ... shall attend school daily, while they are
in session, excepting only in cases of sickness ... and the parents
and guardians will be held responsible that said children so attend
school, under the penalty of being punished at the discretion of the
Council of Administration."[94] We may or may not call this South
Carolina's first compulsory school law.
With a view to training teachers from among themselves the northern
teachers seized every opportunity to pick out a bright student who
would ultimately assume full responsibility. Accordingly, the schools
were taught by persons of both races. In addition those Negroes who
already had some learning were pressed into service. This arrangement
had its obvious disadvantages as well as advantages. The Negro teacher
understood the environment and the character and nature of the pupils
to a far greater extent than the northern coworker; but, as could be
expected, the native teacher was lacking in preparation. As one of
the northern journals expressed the situation, the "men and women
from the North carry much more than their education. They carry their
race, moral training, their faculty, their character, influence of
civilization, their ideas, sentiments and principles that characterize
northern society."[95] Occasionally native white teachers were
employed, but not always to the satisfaction of either the Yankee
teachers or their pupils.
Besides the regular organized schools that came under the control
of the Freedmen's Bureau and the societies, the freedmen in their
eagerness to learn opened what Alvord styles "native schools" where
some man or woman who had just learned to read and write a very little
set about for the smallest pittance to teach his neighbors' children.
Such teaching, though possibly arising from a commendable spirit,
was a travesty on education. The white teachers characterized these
native schools "so far as any intelligent result goes" as "worse than
useless." They would rather receive "their pupils totally ignorant
than with the bad habits of reading, pronunciation and spelling of
these schools."[96] However, there were among the Negro teachers a few
who deserve special mention as showing signs of an endeavor to help
the movement and at the same time may serve as a test of the value of
the missionary movement by their northern friends.
Some of the Negro teachers were from the North, as in the case of
Charlotte S. Forten already mentioned. There was also Mrs. C. M.
Hicks who was sent South by the New York Society and supported by an
auxiliary association in Albany. Her school was located at Anderson
and contained nearly two hundred pupils. After mentioning the good
order and decorum of the school, _The Anderson Intelligencer_, a local
white paper, says: "We were gratified with the proficiency and success
attained and trust that they will persevere in their efforts to make
better citizens and become more worthy of the high privileges now
granted to the race. This school is presided over by a colored female
(Mrs. Hicks) ... she is intelligent and capable and devotes all her
energies to the school."[97]
At Greenville there was Charles Hopkins who taught a school for the
support of which his white neighbors contributed $230. He bought
at his own risk the building from the State arsenal and moved it
two miles on a piece of ground which he had leased for one year.
The school opened with about two hundred scholars among whom were
"boys and girls with rosy cheeks, blue eyes and flaxen hair, though
lately slaves, mingled with the black and brown faces."[98] A visitor
characterized the school as having "good order, rapid progress in
learning and a great deal more." After supporting the school as long
as possible Hopkins was relieved by the Freedmen's Bureau which
assumed the responsibility he had incurred, and he was further
aided by the accession of three additional teachers. His salary was
contributed by the New York Branch. Frank Carter at Camden was making
similar efforts during this period.
Down on Hilton Head at Mitchelville in connection with the Port Royal
experiment there was Lymus Anders, a full-blooded African, who, prior
to the coming of the northern teachers, was unable to read and write.
Although fifty years old and having a family, he managed to learn to
read by having one of the teachers give him lessons at night and at
odd intervals. He was enterprising and after only a year or two had
managed to save four or five hundred dollars. He bought land at the
tax sales; and, in the efforts of his people at Mitchelville to have
churches and schools, he succeeded in erecting a church and a school
house with help from the whites and Negroes. The building cost nearly
$350 and in time there was added a teachers' home. The school was
taught by ladies from Northampton, Massachusetts, who always had the
cooperation and assistance of Anders. They characterized him as a
"black Yankee," not very moral or scrupulous, but a man who led all
the others of his race in enterprise and ambition.[99]
Ned Lloyd White, who had picked up clandestinely a knowledge of
reading while still a slave, was an assistant to two ladies at St.
Helena, who had a school of ninety-two pupils made up largely of
refugees from a neighboring island. Likewise engaged was "Uncle
Cyrus," a man of seventy, who, in company with one Ned, assembled one
hundred and fifty children in two schools and taught them the best
they could until teachers were provided by the relief societies.[100]
The brightest light among the Negro teachers was F. L. Cardoza.
He was a native of Charleston and received his primary and common
school education there under the instruction of the free Negroes of
that city. Being unable at his own expense to pursue his studies at
home as far as he desired, he attended the University of Glasgow. He
returned to Charleston and became a leader in the educational affairs
of the city immediately at the close of the war. He was employed
by the American Missionary Association and became principal of the
Saxton School, later known as Avery Institute. In conformity with his
classical training, he offered his advanced pupils languages and in
time they were ready for Howard University in Washington. There were
some four thousand children in the city of school age. Seeing the need
of a permanent graded school system supported by public taxation, he
used his influence to bring about this result. With regard to this
project Governor Orr said: "I heartily approve of the scheme of Mr.
Cardoza to educate thoroughly the colored children of Charleston....
I am satisfied he will devote himself to the work earnestly and
faithfully, and merits, and should receive the confidence of the
public in his laudable undertaking." Other public officials spoke in
the same vein. One of the northern teachers said of him: "He is the
right man in the right place and I am very thankful that it has fallen
my lot to be placed under him."[101]
CONCLUSION
Most of the work of the Bureau and the societies as already shown was
temporary in character and perhaps rightly so. In Howard's own words,
"it was but a beginning--a nucleus--an object lesson." Not more than
one-sixth of the total black population of school age was reached. The
movement only inaugurated a system of educational pioneering in the
benighted South. Scientific data as to exactly what was accomplished
unfortunately cannot be obtained owing to the inaccuracy of the
Freedmen's Bureau reports. For example, in the report of July 1, 1868,
the superintendent gives a total of sixty-two schools in operation
with an additional "estimated" number of 451. Again, the amount of
work done by the separate individual societies does not always tally
with the reports of the Freedmen's Bureau.
Notwithstanding the fact that the efforts put forth failed to reach
our modern ideal of the education of all the people, yet the movement
did accomplish at least these three things: (1) By penetrating almost
every county or district in the State, the schools served to awaken
the Negroes to the need of education and to demonstrate to all
persons that it was practicable to educate them; (2) it led up to the
establishment of the public schools and left for this system material
equipment in the form of school buildings and furniture; and (3),
greatest of all, the combined efforts of the Freedmen's Bureau and
the societies left the State with institutions of higher grade--the
principal source of teachers for the common schools.
LUTHER P. JACKSON
FOOTNOTES:
[1] This dissertation was submitted in partial fulfilment of the
requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Faculty of
Education of Columbia University in 1922.
[2] I. The sources for this dissertation are:
1. PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. _Senate_: _38 Cong., 1 Sess., Vol. 1, No.
1--Letter from freedmen's aid societies, Dec. 17, 1863._ _39 Cong.,
1 Sess., Vol. 2, No. 27--Reports of assistant commissioners, Dec. 1,
1865, to March 6, 1866._ _39 Cong., 2 Sess., Vol. 1, No. 6--Reports
of assistant commissioners, Jan. 3, 1867._ HOUSE EXECUTIVE DOCUMENTS.
_39 Cong., 1 Sess., Vol. 7, No. 11_; _39 Cong., 2 Sess., Vol. 3, No.
1_; _40 Cong., 2 Sess., Vol. 2, No. 1_; _40 Cong., 3 Sess., Vol. 3,
No. 1_; _41 Cong., 2 Sess., Vol. 6, No. 142_; _41 Cong., 3 Sess., Vol.
1, No. 1_; _42 Cong., 2 Sess., Vol. 1, No. 1--Reports of_ _Howard as
Commissioner, Dec. 1865-Dec. 1871_. _United States Statutes at Large,
Vols. 13-17. (Boston)._
2. Reports of General Superintendent and the Societies. J. W. Alvord,
_Schools and Finances of Freedmen_ (Washington, 1866); J. W. Alvord,
_Semi-annual reports, 1867-'70_; J. W. Alvord, _Letters from the
South, relating to the condition of freedmen, Addressed to General
O. O. Howard_ (Washington, 1870); American Missionary Association,
_Annual report, 1862-1872_; Educational Commission for freedmen,
_Annual report, No. 1, 1862-'63_ (Boston, 1863); and New England
Freedmen's Aid Society, _Annual report, No. 2, 1863-'64_; New York
National Freedmen's Relief Association, _Annual report, 1865-'66_ (N.
Y., 1866). _Ibid._, _Brief History with 4th annual report, 1865_;
Friends Association of Philadelphia for the Aid and Elevation of
Freedmen, _Annual report, 1866-71_; Freedmen's Aid Society of the
Methodist Episcopal Church, _Annual report, 1869-'72_; American
Baptist Home Mission Society, _Annual report, 1863-'72_; and Board
of Missions for Freedmen of the Presbyterian Church, _Annual report,
1869-'70_.
3. NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. _The New York Times_; _The New York
Tribune_; _The Charleston Daily Courier_; _The Darlington New Era_;
_The Columbia Phoenix_; _The Nation_. _The Atlantic Monthly_, vol.
XII (Sept., 1863). Edward L. Pierce--"The Freedmen at Port Royal";
_Atlantic Monthly_, vol. XII (May-June, 1864). Charlotte S. Forten,
_Life on the Sea Islands_, _The North American Review_, vol. CI (July,
1865); William C. Gannet, _The Freedmen at Port Royal_; _The Southern
Workman_, vol. XXX (July, 1901). Laura M. Towne, _Pioneer Work on
the Sea Islands_; _The American Missionary_, 1862-'72, organ of the
American Missionary Association; _The American Freedman_, 1866-'68
(incomplete), organ of American Freedmen's Union Commission; _The
National Freedman_, 1865-66 (incomplete), organ of New York National
Freedman's Relief Association; _Pennsylvania Freedmen's Bulletin_,
1866-'67 (incomplete), organ of Pennsylvania Freedmen's Relief
Association; _Freedmen's Record and Freedmen's Journal_, 1865-'68
(incomplete), organ of New England Freedmen's Aid Society; _The
Freedman_, London, 1866 (incomplete), organ of London Freedmen's Aid
Society; and _The Baptist Home Mission Monthly_, 1878-'80, organ of
American Baptist Home Mission Society.
4. DIARY, REMINISCENCES, AND AUTOBIOGRAPHY. Eliza Ware Pearson
(editor), _Letters from Port Royal, written at the time of the Civil
War_ (Boston, 1906); Rupert S. Holland (editor), _Letters and Diary
of Laura M. Towne, written from the sea islands of South Carolina_,
1862-1884 (Cambridge, 1912); Henry N. Sherwood (editor), _Journal of
Mrs. Susan Walker, March 3d to June 6th, 1862_. _Quarterly publication
of the Historical and Philosophical Society of Ohio_, vol. 1, No. 1,
1912; Eliz Hyde Botume, _First days among the Contrabands_ (Boston,
1893); Oliver O. Howard, _Autobiography_, 2 vols., vol. 2 (New York,
1907); and A. Toomer Porter, _The History of a Work of Faith and Love
in Charleston, S. C._ (New York, 1882).
5. DESCRIPTION AND TRAVEL. Charles Nordhoff, _The Freedmen of South
Carolina; some account of their appearance, condition and peculiar
customs_ (New York, 1863); Whitelaw Reid, _After the War, A Southern
Tour_, May 1, 1865, to May 1, 1866 (New York, 1866); and Sidney
Andrews, _The South Since the War as Shown by 14 Weeks Travel in
Georgia and the Carolinas_, 1866.
II. SECONDARY SOURCES. Myrta L. Avary, _Dixie After the War_ (New
York, 1906); Laura J. Webster, _Operation of the Freedmen's Bureau in
South Carolina, Smith College Studies in History_, vol. 1, 1915-'16;
Paul S. Pierce, _The Freedmen's Bureau, University of Iowa Studies_
(Iowa City, 1904); Thomas Jesse Jones, _Negro Education, U. S. Bureau
of Education, Bulletins_, 1916, Nos. 38 and 39; Colyer Meriwether,
_History of Higher Education in South Carolina, U. S. Bureau of
Education, Circular of Information_, No. 3, 1888; William W. Sweet,
_The Methodist Episcopal Church and the Civil War_ (Cincinnati,
1912); Amory D. Mayo, _Work of Northern Churches in the Education of
the Freedmen. Advanced sheets. U. S. Bureau of Education._ Chapter
V, 1903; Bowyer Stewart, _The Work of the Church in the South during
the Period of Reconstruction_ (Episcopalian). _Hale Memorial Sermon,
1913_ (Chicago, 1913); J. P. Hollis, _Early Period of Reconstruction
in South Carolina. Johns Hopkins University. History and Political
Studies, 1905; Negro Year Book, 1918-'19_ (Tuskegee, Alabama);
_Charleston Year Book_, 1880; and W. E. B. DuBois, _Souls of Black
Folk_ (Chicago, 1903).
[3] Not to be confused with the more familiar Gen. W. T. Sherman
mentioned later.
[4] Gannet, _North American Review_, vol. 101 (1865), p. 2.
[5] Laura M. Towne, _Southern Workman_, July, 1901, "Life on the Sea
Islands"; _Journal of Mrs. Susan Walker_; Charles Nordhoff, _The
Freedmen of South Carolina_.
[6] _The Nation_, vol. I (1865), p. 744. Sidney Andrews, _The South
Since the War_, p. 228.
[7] Charlotte S. Forten, in _The Atlantic Monthly_, vol. XIII (May,
1864), p. 593; Botume, _First Days among the Contrabands_, p. 11.
[8] New York National Freedmen's Relief Association, _Annual Report_,
1866, pp. 5-6.
[9] _Ibid._, pp. 8-9.
[10] _Journal of Susan Walker_, p. 11; Boston Ed. Commission, _Annual
Report_, 1863, p. 7; _Letters from Port Royal_, pp. 2-3.
[11] Pierce, in _The Atlantic Monthly_, vol. XII, 1863, p. 299.
[12] _Ibid._, p. 292.
[13] Nordhoff, _The Freedmen of South Carolina_, p. 12.
[14] _Journal of Susan Walker_, p. 14.
[15] _Congressional Globe_, 41 Cong., 3 Sess., vol. I, No. 1.
[16] J. W. Alvord, _Fifth Semi-annual Report_ (Jan. 1, '68), p. 4.
[17] _New York Tribune_, June 17, 1862.
[18] "Cabins of slaves for religious meetings."
[19] Botume, _First Days among the Contrabands_, p. 42.
[20] _The American Missionary_, vol. VI (Aug., 1862), p. 186.
[21] _House Executive Documents_, 41 Cong., 2 Sess., vol. VI, No. 142,
p. 4.
[22] Pierce, in _The Atlantic Monthly_, vol. XII (1863), p. 303.
[23] _The Nation_, vol. I (1865), p. 745.
[24] Laura M. Towne, _Southern Workman_, July, 1901, p. 337. Nordhoff,
p. 10.
[25]
"Oh, none in all the world before
Were ever glad as we!
We're free on Carolina's shore,
We're all at home and free.
"We hear no more the driver's horn
No more the whip we fear,
This holy day that saw Thee born
Was never half so dear.
"The very oaks are greener clad,
The waters brighter smile;
Oh, never shone a day so glad
On sweet St. Helen's Isle.
"Come once again, O blessed Lord!
Come walking on the sea!
And let the mainlands hear the word
That sets the islands free!"
See Pierce, in _The Atlantic Monthly_, vol. XII, p. 305; _Letters from
Port Royal_, p. 133.
[26] _The Nation_, vol. I (1865), p. 747.
[27] Botume, _First Days among the Contrabands_, p. 64.
[28] _The Nation_, vol. I (1865), p. 746.
[29] N. E. Freedman's Aid Society, _Annual Report_, 1864, p. 15.
[30] _Senate Executive Documents_, 38 Cong., 1 Sess., vol. I, No. 1,
pp. 2-6.
[31] _House Executive Documents_, 41 Cong., 2 Sess., vol. VI, No. 142,
p. 11.
[32] _Ibid._, 39 Cong., 1 Sess., vol. VII, No. 11, p. 49.
[33] _National Freedman_, Oct., 1865, p. 300.
[34] Howard, _Autobiography_, vol. II, p. 221.
[35] _Statutes at Large_, XIV, p. 176.
[36] _Ibid._, p. 486.
[37] _U. S. Bureau of Ed. Bulletin_, 1916, No. 38, pp. 269-271;
_Annual Reports of Societies_, 1863-1868.
[38] _The Freedmen's Record_ (1865-1874), quoted in _Bulletin_, 1916,
No. 38, p. 297.
[39] _The Freedman_, August, 1865, p. 12.
[40] J. W. Alvord, _Semi-annual Report_, July 1, 1869, p. 81.
[41] W. W. Sweet, _Methodist Episcopal Church and the Civil War_, p.
175.
[42] A. D. Mayo, _Northern Churches and the Freedmen_, p. 300.
[43] A. D. Mayo, _Northern Churches and the Freedmen_, p. 291.
[44] _U. S. Bureau of Education Bulletin_ (1916), No. 39, p. 16.
[45] _National Freedman_, May 1, 1865, p. 122; _Ibid._, April 30,
1865, p. 150. _American Freedman_, May, 1866, p. 29.
[46] _Charleston Year Book_ (1880), p. 122.
[47] See Carter G. Woodson, _Education of the Negro Prior to 1861_, p.
129.
[48] Sidney Andrews, _The South Since the War_, p. 98.
[49] _National Freedman_, June 1, 1865, p. 150.
[50] _National Freedman_, Nov. 15, 1865, p. 314; _Ibid._, May, 1866,
pp. 139-140.
[51] J. W. Alvord, _Report_, Jan. 1, 1868, p. 27. _American Freedman_,
July-August, 1868, p. 442.
[52] _The American Freedman_, May, 1866, p. 261. This does not,
however, indicate in all cases the number of schools at each town.
[53] The school at Camden increased in size the next year.
[54] J. W. Alvord, _Report_, Jan. 1, 1870, p. 25.
[55] Freedmen's Aid Society of the M. E. Church, _Annual Report_,
1871, pp. 19-20.
[56] Mayo, _Northern Churches and the Freedmen_, p. 300.
[57] _Letters and Diary of Laura M. Towne_, p. 221.
[58] _American Missionary Ass'n Annual Report_, 1870, p. 221.
[59] _History of the A. M. A._, p. 36; _Annual Report_, 1868, p. 47;
Mayo, p. 287.
[60] _The Nation_, vol. 1 (1865), p. 778.
[61] American Baptist Home Mission Society, _Annual Report_, 1872, p.
26.
[62] Merriwether, _History of Higher Education in South Carolina_, p.
125; _Annual Report_ (1872) _F. A. S._, p. 17.
[63] _Charleston Year Book_ (1880), pp. 126-127; _Annual Report_
(1870) _Presbyterian Committee_, p. 12.
[64] Porter, _Work of Faith and Love_, p. 6; Stewart, _Work of the
Church during Reconstruction_, p. 63.
[65] _Annual Report_ (1866) _Friends Ass'n_, p. 8.
[66] _A. M. A. Annual Report_ (1864), p. 16.
[67] _Freedmen's Journal_, Jan. 1, 1865, p. 3.
[68] _Ibid._, p. 7.
[69] _National Freedman_, Feb., 1866, p. 49.
[70] _Letters from Port Royal_; _Letters and Diary of Laura M. Towne_.
[71] _Pennsylvania Freedmen's Bulletin_, Oct., 1866, p. 1.
[72] _Baptist Home Mission Monthly_ (1879), p. 6.
[73] _Columbia Phoenix_, March 21, 1865.
[74] Merriwether, _History of Higher Education in South Carolina_, p.
115.
[75] _House Executive Documents_, 39 Cong., 1 Sess., vol. VII, No. 11,
p. 13.
[76] J. W. Alvord, _Semi-annual Report_ (July 1, 1867), p. 25.
[77] _The Nation_, vol. III, Oct. 25, 1866.
[78] Alvord, _Semi-annual Report_ (Jan. 1, 1870), p. 26.
[79] _The New Era_, July 28, 1865.
[80] Alvord, _Report_, Aug. 6, 1866, p. 5.
[81] _New York Times_, Aug. 14, 1866.
[82] Porter, _Work of Faith and Love_, p. 6; _The Nation_, vol. II
(1866); p. 770.
[83] _Charleston Courier_, Feb. 15, 1867; _American Freedman_, April,
1867, p. 204.
[84] The school referred to here is the one already mentioned, the
Penn Normal and Agricultural School. It is an excellent community
school and one especially fitted for St. Helena, the population of
which is still largely colored. See _United States Bureau of Education
Bulletin_ (1916), No. 39, p. 483. Miss Towne remained in service 39
years, Miss Schofield 48 years, and Miss Munro at Mt. Pleasant 45
years.
[85] _United States Census_, 1860.
[86] Hurd, _Law of Freedom and Bondage_, II, p. 98.
[87] _Baptist Home Mission Monthly_, June, 1879, p. 182.
[88] _Freedmen's Record_, April, 1868, p. 50.
[89] Freedmen's Aid Society, _Annual Report_ (1871), p. 13.
[90] _H. Ex. Docs._, 40 Cong., 2 Sess., vol. II, No. 1, p. 8.
[91] J. W. Alvord, _Report on Schools and Finances of Freedmen_, July,
1866, p. 6.
[92] _American Freedman_, July, 1868, p. 446.
[93] _National Freedman_, Oct., 1865, p. 299.
[94] Whitelaw Reid, _After the War_, pp. 89-91.
[95] _National Freedman_, June, 1866, p. 169.
[96] _Freedmen's Record_, April, 1868, p. 52.
[97] _Anderson Intelligencer_, July, 1867, quoted in _The American
Freedman_, Aug., 1867, p. 264.
[98] _American Freedman_, Feb., 1867, p. 168.
[99] _Letters from Port Royal_, p. 37; _The Freedmen's Journal_, Jan.
1, 1865, pp. 13-15; W. C. Gannet, _North American Review_, vol. CI
(1865), p. 24.
[100] Pierce, in _Atlantic Monthly_, vol. 12 (1863), p. 305.
[101] _A. M. A. Annual Report_, 1866, p. 27; 1867, pp. 32-33;
_National Freedman_, May, 1866, p. 142.
THE RELIGION OF THE AMERICAN NEGRO SLAVE: HIS ATTITUDE TOWARD LIFE AND
DEATH
I propose to discuss the religious behavior of the American Negro
slave, between 1619 and the close of the Civil War, first, by a brief
discussion of the religion of the tribes in Africa, and the tendency
of the old habits and traditions to maintain themselves among the
American slave; second, by a consideration of what the slave found
in America, and his contact with another religious culture called
Christianity; and third, by a description of the slave's reaction to a
Christian environment, or what the slave's religious behavior really
was.[1] My thesis is that the religion of Africa disappeared from
the consciousness of the American slave; that the slave himself, by
contact with a new environment, became a decidedly different person,
having a new religion, a primitive Christianity, with the central
emphasis, not upon this world, but upon heaven.[-99]
My task is to show that the religion of the Negro slave between 1619
and the Civil War did not originate in Africa, but was something
totally different from the prevailing religion of the black continent
in that it placed emphasis upon heaven; and that this distinctive
element in the religion of the slave grew out of his contact with
Christianity in America. In taking this position I have tried to give
due weight to those considerations which tend to support a contrary
position, such as the inertia of African habits and traditions in
the life of the American slave, and the hostile tendency of his
social surroundings to religious development.[3] On the other
hand, I have considered the disintegrating effects of the American
slave system upon black groups that originated in Africa, together
with the American slave's new social contacts, which produced in
him the religious attitude found, and out of which arose the early
slave-preacher and church. Finally, I have attempted to show that the
naive imagery and emphasis in the "spirituals" are selected elements
that helped the slave adjust himself to his particular world.
Our beginning is with the prevailing religion of Africa, Fetishism.
Authorities use the term "Fetishism" as the "(_a_) worship of
inanimate objects, often regarded as purely African; (_b_) Negro
religion in general; (_c_) the worship of inanimate objects conceived
as the residence of spirits not inseparably bound up with, nor
originally connected with, such objects; (_d_) the doctrine of
spirits embodied in, or attached to, or conceiving influence through
certain material objects;[4] (_e_) the use of charms, which are not
worshipped, but derive their magical power from a god or spirit;
(_f_) the use as charms of objects regarded as magically potent in
themselves."
All of the elements embodied in this definition are found, generally,
in the primitive religions of the African peoples. Believing that
persons and objects of this world were inhabited by spirits, the
African necessarily accounted for the phenomena of the universe by the
arbitrary will of spiritual beings, whom he feared, and, therefore,
worshipped, or sought to control by magic. Unable thus to find
companionship with these unseen, mysterious personalities, the men
of Africa knew no land of sunshine beyond the dreadful shadow of the
grave; but the American slave, who experienced death as a short period
of darkness before a day of eternal glory, did not inherit the fears
of Africa.
Now what did the slave bring from Africa? In answering this question
let us consider what is commonly referred to as the inertia of African
heritage. American missionaries reported that it was harder to teach
the slaves who were born in Africa than those born in this country.
This quotation from the Calendar of State Papers, Colonial America
and West Indies, 1699, Section 473, supports this view: "Negroes born
in this country were generally baptized, but for Negroes imported,
the gross barbarity and rudeness of their manners, the variety and
strangeness of their language, and the weakness and shallowness of
their minds rendered it in a manner impossible to attain to any
progress in their conversion."[5]
Two definite cases bear a similar testimony, the one being that of
Phyllis Wheatley, a girl brought here from Africa, who spoke of how
her mother there worshipped the rising sun, the other, this story
related by a man concerning his grandfather: "He was an old man,
nearly 80 years old," he said, "and he manifested all the fondness
for me that I could expect from one so old.... He always expressed
contempt for his fellow slaves, for when young he was an African of
rank.... He had singular religious notions, never going to meeting,
or caring for the preachers he could, if he would, occasionally
hear. He retained his native traditions respecting the deity and
hereafter."[6]
Other cases, though few, clearly demonstrate that among the American
slaves also there existed a belief in ghosts and a lurking fear of
the denizens of a mysterious world. But what was religion in Africa
was generally regarded by the American slaves themselves as mere
superstition.
The hostility of masters to new slave-contacts had some bearing on
the situation. Whatever superstition, whether from Africa or another
source, we find among the slaves, had a tendency to maintain itself
the more because of the attitude of some masters toward the religious
education of their bondmen. Slaves of those owners, who, through love
of money, were indifferent toward education, encouraged in vice and
superstition, had no time for religious training. Although, ever since
1619, and especially after the rebellion of Nat Turner, there were
some slaves whose eagerness to learn occasioned State-laws against the
education or assembling of slaves, nevertheless, during the entire
period there was a countless number of slaves who were absolutely
disinterested in their own education. They were also handicapped in
religious advancement, because many owners believed that baptism
made the slave free, which belief was prevalently held until 1729,
when the Christian nations finally reached the decision that baptism
did not mean manumission, and that even a Christian could be a
slave.[7] Such a sentiment against the contact of slaves with the
Christian religion, beyond doubt, tended to keep them in ignorance and
superstition, and to develop among them religious habits and attitudes
peculiar to an isolated group, but the point can be over-emphasized,
in view of all that actually happened.
Dr. Park says: "Coming from all parts of Africa and having no common
language, and common tradition, the memories of Africa which they
brought with them were soon lost.... The fact that the Negro brought
with him from Africa so little tradition which he was able to transmit
and perpetuate on American soil makes that race unique among all
peoples of our cosmopolitan population."[8] In connection herewith,
moreover, we must also take into account that slave-groups, upon
reaching America, were broken up and the members thereof sold into
different parts of the country, where new habits had to be formed,
because of a different environment. Contrasting the life in Africa
with that of slaves in America, Washington better expresses the idea
in these words: "The porters, carrying their loads along the narrow
forest paths, sing of the loved ones in their far-away homes. In the
evening the people of the villages gather around the fire and sing for
hours. These songs refer to war, to hunting, and to the spirits that
dwell in the deep woods. In them all the wild and primitive life of
the people is reflected....
"There is a difference, however, between the music of Africa and that
of her transplanted children. There is a new note in the music which
had its origin in the Southern plantations, and in this new note the
sorrow and the sufferings which came from serving in a strange land
find expression."[9]
Let us direct attention to what the Negro slave found in America, a
Christian atmosphere. With their various groups broken into fragments
and scattered by the American slave-trade, as the slaves here learned
the English language, they were more able to assimilate the elements
of Christianity found in American life. Sold into Christian homes,
but gathered with their masters around the family altar, they became
actual participants in the singing and praying that broke the morning
and evening silence of those eventful days. The old records show that
from the very beginning of American slavery[10] slaves experienced
Christianity through the conscious help of some masters, and later,
as the whites saw that the Christian religion made the Negroes better
slaves and did not set them free, the blacks secured more favorable
opportunities for religious instruction. In some States masters were
required even by legislation to look after the religious education of
their slaves.[11] In Louisiana, for example, planters were obliged by
the Code Noir to have their Negroes instructed and baptized, to give
them Sundays and holidays for rest and worship. But, even when not
required by law, a few owners established schools for their slaves,
and either taught or hired others to teach them "the way of eternal
life."
So it is reported that by the 19th century: "Few Negroes escaped
some religious instruction from those good people. Usually on Sunday
afternoons, but sometimes in the morning, the slaves would be gathered
in the great house and lessons in the catechism had to be learned. The
Apostles' Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and the Ten Commandments were also
taught. Hymns were sung and prayers rose to Heaven. Many good masters
read sermons to their slaves. Other masters hired ministers.... Others
preached themselves."[12]
Another source of contact with Christianity was that resulting from
the attitude of persons who worked, not for the religious development
of their own slaves alone, but who, with a larger human interest,
unmindful of the benefits that might come to their individual
households, gave their lives to bless all slaves. One of the very
purposes of American slavery being to benefit the slaves, one can
readily see how missionary work among them grew with the system of
slavery itself.
"After 1716," Woodson tells us, "when Jesuits were taking over slaves
in large numbers, and especially after 1726, when Law's Company was
importing many to meet the demand for laborers in Louisiana, we read
of more instances of the instruction of Negroes by the Catholics. ...
Le Petit spoke of being 'settled to the instruction of the boarders,
the girls who live without, and the Negro women.' In 1738 he said,
'I instruct in Christian morals the slaves of our residence, who are
Negroes, and as many others as I can get from their masters.'"
Awakened by what the zealous French in Louisiana were doing, English
missionaries made progressive plans for preaching the gospel to the
blacks. During the 18th century numerous missionaries, catechists,
and school-masters, sent from England to America, founded schools for
the slaves, and distributed many sermons, lectures, and Bibles among
them. In 1705 Thomas counted among his communicants in South Carolina
twenty Negroes who could read and write. Later, making a report of the
work he and his associates were doing, he said: "I have here presumed
to give an account of 1,000 slaves so far as they know of it and are
desirous of Christian knowledge and seem willing to prepare themselves
for it, in learning to read, for which they redeem the time from their
labor. Many of them can read the Bible distinctly, and great numbers
of them were learning when I left the province."[14]
"After some opposition," Woodson further says, "this work began to
progress somewhat in Virginia. The first school established in that
colony was for Indians and Negroes.... On the binding out a 'bastard
or pauper-child black or white,' churchwardens specifically required
that he should be taught 'to read and write and calculate as well as
to follow some profitable form of labor.' ... Reports of an increase
in the number of colored communicants came from Accomac County where
four or five hundred families were instructing their slaves at home
and had their children catechised on Sunday."[15]
Side by side with the work done by missionaries, men of different
denominations vied with one another in bringing slaves into the
light of a Christian atmosphere. Some founded Sunday schools, some
preached of the "inner light in every man," others more successfully
preached salvation by faith in the power of a risen Christ, who died
for the sins of men. Soon after the first Negroes were placed upon
the shores of Jamestown, slaves began to be baptized, and received
into the Episcopal Church. Earnest says that "at least one Negro was
baptized soon after the contact with the colonists in Virginia."[16]
Washington says that only five years after slavery was introduced into
Virginia a Negro child named William was baptized, and that from that
time on the names of Negroes can be found upon the register of most
of the churches. In the old record-book of Bruton Parish, 1,122[17]
Negro-baptisms were recorded between 1746 and 1797.[18] In 1809 there
were about 9,000 Negro Baptists in Virginia.[19] The African Baptist
Church of Richmond alone subsequently increased from 1,000 to 3,832
in 24 years. The Methodist Magazine of October, 1827, reports that
as early as 1817 there were 43,411 Negro members in the Methodist
societies.[20]
"The Negro seems, from the beginning," says Washington, "to have
been very closely associated with the Methodists in the United
States. When the Reverend Thomas Coke was ordained by John Wesley,
as Superintendent or Bishop of the American Society in 1784, he was
accompanied on most of his travels throughout the United States by
Harry Hosier, a colored minister who was at the same time the Bishop's
servant and an evangelist of the Church. Harry Hosier, who was the
first American Negro preacher of the Methodist Church in the United
States, was one of the notable characters of his day."[21]
Let us now consider the effects of these early religious contacts upon
the life of slave-preachers, some of whom were comparatively well
educated. Concerning Jack of Virginia it is said that "his opinions
were respected, his advice followed, and yet he never betrayed the
least symptoms of arrogance or self-conceit. His dwelling was a rude
log-cabin, his apparel was of the plainest, coarsest materials....
He refused gifts of better clothing, saying, 'These clothes are a
great deal better than are generally worn by people of my color, and,
besides, if I wear them I find I shall be obliged to think about them
even at meetings.'"[22]
With an influence among the slaves equal to Jack's, two other Negro
messengers of the gospel, Andrew Bryan and Samson, his brother, who
earlier had appeared in Georgia, were publicly whipped and imprisoned
with 50 companions, but they joyously declared that they would suffer
death for their faith found in Christ, whom they expected to preach
until death.[23] By their uncompromising attitude,[24] which
silenced opponents and raised up friends, they won for themselves
among the slaves that sacred esteem belonging to saintly martyrs like
Polycarp, Huss, and Fox.
There were other itinerant ministers in these days, who were either
given their freedom or purchased it by working as common laborers
while preaching. Being better educated, and more closely in contact
with the religious life of the whites than the masses of slaves,
they were carriers of Christian sentiment from the whites to the
blacks, inspiring them with the hope of life in an unseen world.
One day there arrived in Fayetteville, North Carolina, Henry Evans,
a Methodist preacher, a free Negro from Virginia, who worked as a
carpenter during the week and preached on Sunday. Forbidden by the
Town Council of Fayetteville to preach, he made his meetings secret,
changing them from time to time until he was tolerated. Just before
his death, while leaning on the altar-rail, he said to his followers:
"I have come to say my last word to you. It is this: None but Christ.
Three times I have had my life in jeopardy for preaching the gospel to
you. Three times I have broken the ice on the edge of the water and
swam across the Cape Fear to preach the gospel to you, and if in my
last hour I could trust to that or anything but Christ crucified, for
my salvation, all should be lost, and my soul perish forever."[25]
Some of these ministers led an independent movement. Six years after
Richard Allen, with a few followers, withdrew in 1790 from the Free
African Society in Philadelphia,[26] and started an independent
Methodist Church in a blacksmith shop, Negro members of the Methodist
Episcopal Church in New York began separate meetings. After pastoring
a white church,[27] Josiah Bishop started the First Colored Baptist
Church of Portsmouth in 1791. Finding accommodations in the white
church of Richmond inadequate, the Negroes petitioned for separate
meetings in 1823.[28] Harding, speaking of the opportunity of
religious instruction and of divine worship allowed the slaves in
Kentucky, says that "in every church-edifice, seats were set apart for
the occupancy of colored worshippers.... Almost every neighborhood had
its Negro preacher whose credentials, if his own assertion was to be
taken, came directly from the Lord."[29]
What were the results of these contacts? The most important was that
with its charming stories of the creation of the universe, of the
Egyptian bondage, and of the journey across the Red Sea, with its New
Testament emphasis upon the power, death, and resurrection of Christ,
with its apocalyptic imagery, the Bible became to the slave the most
sacred book of books. Upon its pages he saw the tears of men and
women constantly fall, and from its truths he saw the pious preacher
choose words suitable for exhortation. The peculiar interest of the
Negro-slave in reading this book was soon apparent.
One old man, being secretly taught by a slave-girl to read the
Bible, said, with trembling voice, while tears were falling from his
penetrating eyes: "Honey, it 'pears when I can read dis good book I
shall be nearer to God."[31] Another slave prayed thus: "I pray de
good massa Lord will put it into de niggers' hearts to larn to read
de good book. Ah, Lord, make de letters in our spelling books big and
plain, and make our eyes bright and shining, and make our hearts big
and strong for to larn.... Oh, Hebbenly Fader, we tank De for makin'
our massas willin' to let us come to dis school."[32]
Upon a battlefield of the Civil War, another, a soldier, said: "Let me
lib wid dis musket in one hand an' de Bible in de oder,--dat if I die
at de muzzle ob de musket, die in de water, die on de land, I may know
I hab de bressed Jesus in my hand an' hab no fear."[33]
How the text from Hebrews 2:9, "That He, by the grace of God, should
taste of death for every man," became a part of his life, was told by
Josiah Henson after becoming free: "This was the first text of the
Bible to which I had ever listened, knowing it to be such. I have
never forgotten it, and scarce a day has passed since, in which I have
not recalled it, and the sermon that was preached from it. The divine
character of Jesus Christ, his life and teachings, his sacrifice of
himself for others, his death and resurrection were all alluded to,
and some of the points were dwelt upon with great power.... I was
wonderfully impressed, too, with the use which the preacher made of
the last words of the text, 'for every man' ... the bond as well as
the free; and he dwelt on the glad tidings of the Gospel to the poor,
the persecuted ... till my heart burned within me, and I was in a
state of greatest excitement ... that such a being ... should have
died for me ... a poor slave...."[34]
Contemporaries assert that often while following the plow, gathering
up the frosty corn, or driving the ox-cart to the barn, slaves,
burning with enthusiasm, talked of how much sermons satisfied their
hungry souls. Household and plantation slaves, gray-haired fathers
and mothers with their children, crowded eagerly to hear the gospel
preached. Thus Earnest says of one man: "His slaves came 17 miles
to reach Mr. Wright's nearest preaching place."[35] Concerning the
spread of the Christian religion among the slaves on the seaboard
of South Carolina, it is affirmed that "the scenes on the Sabbath
were affecting. The Negroes came in crowds from two parishes. Often
have I seen (a scene, I reckon, not often witnessed) groups of them
'double-quicking' in the roads, in order to reach the church in
time.... The white service being over, the slaves would throng the
seats vacated by their masters...."[36] John Thompson, in the story
of his life, says that, "As soon as it got among the slaves, it spread
from plantation to plantation, until it reached ours where there were
but few who did not experience religion."[37]
From the blighting, superstitious fears of a heartless universe,
the heralds of Christianity brought to the slave words of hope and
salvation, a message of companionship with a heavenly father. "You are
poor slaves and have a hard time of it here," said they, "but I can
tell you the blessed Savior shed his blood for you as much as for your
masters.... Break off from all your wicked ways, your lying, stealing,
swearing, drunkenness, and vile lewdness; give yourselves to prayer
and repentance and fly to Jesus, and give up your heart to him in true
earnest; and flee from the wrath to come."[38]
Fred Douglass relates that "the preaching of a white Methodist
minister, named Hanson, was the means of causing me to feel that in
God I had such a friend. He thought that all men, great and small,
bond and free, were sinners in the sight of God: that they were by
nature rebels against his government; and that they must repent
of their sins, and be reconciled to God through Christ.... I was
wretched."[39]
Besides definite principles of morality which included humble
submission to the divine right of masters, Negro slaves were also
taught that "parents who meet their children in heaven will be more
than consoled for their early death." "You can not imagine," said
they, "what happiness is in reserve for you from this source.... When
you have entered heaven you will probably be met by a youthful spirit
who will call you father! mother! Perhaps you have a little family
there, expecting your arrival ... save your own soul."[40]
Exactly what was this religion of the slave? Thus coming into contact
with this Christian environment, the slave consciously lived a new
life, which definitely began with conversion, the phenomenon marked by
a feeling of remorse, inner conflict, prayer, and release of tension,
or what was felt to be "freedom from hell." Prior to conversion he
had been a member of the "disobedient servant-group," perhaps lying,
stealing, drinking, and using profanity; but after conversion, being
initiated into a new group, he had to live a circumspect life.
Conversion, then, meant to the slave that experience by which he
turned his back toward hell and began the journey toward heaven. Very
often it signified retiring to some lonely spot, where the slave
struggled with an unseen power, until freed by Christ, with whom, no
longer a child of fear, he afterwards lived in filial companionship,
hopefully asking and joyfully securing aid in an unfriendly world.
"I always had a natural fear of God from my youth," declared one
slave, describing his feelings leading up to conversion, "and was
often checked in conscience with thoughts of death, which barred me
from my sins and bad company. I knew no other way at that time to hope
for salvation but only in the performance of my good works.... If it
was the will of God to cut me off at that time, I was sure I should be
found in hell, as sure as God was in heaven. I saw my condemnation in
my own heart, and I found no way which I could escape the damnation
of hell, only through the merits of my dying Lord and Savior Jesus
Christ; which caused me to make intercession with Christ, for the
salvation of my poor immortal soul.... After this I declared before
the congregation of believers the work which God had done for my
soul."[41]
The slaves used to express it thus in song:[42]
"One day when I was walkin' along,
De element opened, an' de love came down,
I never shall forget dat day,
When Jesus washed my sins away."
They also sang such words as these:[43]
"Jesus snatched me from de doors of hell,
An' took me in with him to dwell."
"Jesus told you ... go in peace an' sin no mo'."
"Soul done anchored in Jesus Christ."
With reference to the wilderness, where, without food, they overcame
the spirit of evil by the aid of Jesus, and with reference to the
life led after having this experience, the slaves sang with much
feeling:[44]
"All true children gwine in de wilderness,
Gwine in de wilderness, gwine in de wilderness,
True believers gwine in de wilderness,
To take away de sins ob de world."
"Stay in the field, stay in the field, stay in
the field, till de war is ended."[45]
"You say your Jesus set-a you free;
View de land, view de land,
Why don't you let-a your neighbor be,
Go view de heavenly land.
You say you're aiming for de skies,
Why don't you stop-a your telling lies?"[46]
Another ceremonial feature of slave-conversion was the shout, in which
the prospective convert, upon the "mourners' bench," surrounded by
a group of singing dancers, prayed continually, until convinced of
perfect relief from damnation, when he leaped and ran to proclaim
the joyous news. When shouting, whether for making converts or for
mere group-response, these noisy, black singers of antiphonal songs
preferred to be alone in some cabin or in the praise-house, where they
could express themselves with absolute freedom.
Just how they disturbed the peace is expressed in the following
words: "Almost every night there is a meeting of these noisy,
frantic worshippers.... Midnight! Is that the season for religious
convocation?... is that the accepted time?"[47] Concerning worship
by a light-wood fire another said: "But the benches are pushed back
to the wall when the formal meeting is over, and old and young, men
and women ... begin, first walking and by and by shuffling around,
one after the other, in a ring. The foot is hardly taken from the
floor and the progression is mainly due to a jerking, hitching motion
which agitates the entire shouter and soon brings out streams of
perspiration. Sometimes they dance silently; sometimes as they shuffle
they sing the course of the spiritual, and sometimes the song itself
is also sung by the dancers. But more frequently a band, composed of
some of the best singers and of tired shouters, stand at the side
of the room to 'face' the others singing the body of the song and
dropping their hands together or on their knees. Song and dance are
alike extremely energetic and often, when the shout lasts into the
middle of the night, the monotonous thud, thud of the feet prevents
sleep within half a mile of the praise-house."[48]
"And all night, as I waked at intervals, I could hear them praying and
'shouting' and chattering with hands and heels," relates Colonel T. W.
Higginson. "It seemed to make them very happy, and appeared to be at
least an innocent Christian dissipation ... the dusky figures moved in
the rhythmical barbaric dance the Negroes called a 'shout,' chanting,
often harshly, but always in the most perfect time, some monotonous
refrain."[49]
"By this time every man within hearing, from oldest to youngest, would
be wriggling and shuffling, as if through some piper's bewitchment;
for even those who at first affected contemptuous indifference would
be drawn into the vortex ere long."[50]
Whatever may be said about the "shout," the fact remains, that whether
this ceremony was mere play, or relaxation after a day of repressing
toil, or whether it served to drive away a hostile spirit by creating
within the members of the group the feeling of being possessed with
the power of God, it became an indispensable part of the slave
religious worship. In this Christian dance, the slave sang: "O shout,
shout, de debbil is about, O shut yo' do' an' keep him out." Through
it he expected to destroy the kingdom of Satan, and thereby make the
assurance of reaching heaven more complete. The feeling gained thereby
became spiritual balm for the aches of by-gone and coming days.[51]
The songs, also, used by the slave in these meetings and sung
generally by the individuals thereof, tell in a very definite way
what the religious attitude of the American Negro slave was. They
relate the sorrows of this world, and the joys felt by the slave,
who anticipated a home in heaven. They describe in naive imagery
the rugged journey of the weary traveler and the land of his happy
destination. "Nothing," says Washington, "tells more truly what the
Negro's life in slavery was, than the songs in which he succeeded,
sometimes, in expressing his deepest thoughts and feelings. What,
for example, could express more eloquently the feelings of despair
which sometimes overtook the slave than these simple and expressive
words:[52] 'O Lord, O my Lord! O my good Lord! keep me from sinking
down.'"
Unable to sing or pray during the lifetime of their master, after his
death, by permission of their mistress, a crowd of Negro slaves sang
the following hymn:
"Oh walk togedder, children,
Don't yer get weary,
Walk togedder, children,
Don't yer get weary,
Walk togedder, children,
Don't yer get weary,
Dere's a great camp meetin' in de Promised Land.
Gwine to mourn an' nebber tire ...
Mourn an' nebber tire,
Mourn an' nebber tire,
Dere's a great camp meetin' in de Promised Land."[53]
With longing for that mother who used to carry him upon her back to
the dewy fields, where she, setting her babe upon the springing grass
at the end of the row, began her daily task with the hoe, returning
now and then to give him of her breast; for her whose beaming eyes
turned back until the coming of the night, when she again held him in
her arms, the slave sang in bitter tears. Her tender help was gone.
Father's smile was no more.[54]
"My mother's sick an' my father's dead,
Got nowhere to lay my weary head."
"My mother an' my father both are dead ...
Good Lord, I cannot stay here by myself.
I'm er pore little orphan chile in de worl',
I'm er pore little orphan chile in de worl' ..."[55]
"My mother'n yo' mother both daid an' gone,
My mother'n yo' mother both daid an' gone,
Po' sinner man he so hard to believe.
My folks an' yo' folks both daid an' gone,
Po' sinner man he so hard to believe.
My brother an' yo' brother both daid an' gone,
Po' sinner man he so hard to believe."[56]
With great hope the slave sang:
"Gwine to see my mother some o' dese mornin's,
See my mother some o' dese mornin's,
See my mother some o' dese mornin's,
Look away in de heaven,
Look away in de heaven, Lord,
Hope I'll jine de band.
Look away in de heaven, Lord,
Hope I'll jine de band."[57]
To express his sorrow and his longing for relief from the burdens of
his condition the slave sang:
"One more valient soldier here,
One more valient soldier here,
One more valient soldier here,
To help me bear de cross."[58]
"My trouble is hard,
O yes,
My trouble is hard,
O yes,
Yes indeed my trouble is hard."[59]
"Nobody knows the trouble I've seen,
Nobody knows but Jesus.
Nobody knows the trouble I've seen,
Glory halleluyah!
Sometimes I'm up, sometimes I'm down!
O yes, Lord!
Sometimes I'm almost to de groun'!
O yes, Lord!
What makes old Satan hate me so?
O yes, Lord,
Because he got me once, but he let me go;
O yes, Lord!"[60]
"Ever since my Lord done set me free,
Dis ole worl' been a hell to me,
I am de light un de worl'."[61]
"Oh, what a hard time,
Oh, what a hard time,
Oh, what a hard time,
All God's children have a hard time.
"Oh, what a hard time,
Oh, what a hard time,
Oh, what a hard time,
My Lord had a hard time too."[62]
"I'm a-trouble in de mind,
O I'm a-trouble in de mind.
I'm a-trouble in de mind,
What you doubt for?
I'm a-trouble in de mind."[63]
"I'm in trouble, Lord,
I'm in trouble.
I'm in trouble, Lord,
Trouble about my grave,
Trouble about my grave,
Trouble about my grave.
Sometimes I weep, sometimes I mourn,
I'm in trouble about my grave;
Sometimes I can't do neither one,
I'm in trouble about my grave."[64]
"My father, how long,
My father, how long,
My father, how long,
Poor sinner suffer here?
And it won't be long,
And it won't be long,
And it won't be long,
Poor sinner suffer here.
We'll soon be free,
De Lord will call us home.
We'll walk de miry road
Where pleasure never dies.
We'll walk de golden streets
Of de new Jerusalem ...
We'll fight for liberty
When de Lord will call us home."[65]
"Gwine rock trubbel over,
I b'lieve,
Rock trubbel over,
I b'lieve,
Dat Sabbath has no end."[66]
"My fader's done wid de trouble o' de world,
Wid de trouble o' de world,
Wid de trouble o' de world,
My fader's done wid de trouble o' de world,
Outshine de sun."[67]
Although the songs above tell the slave's dissatisfaction with
the present world, there are other songs that relate his definite
experiences of joy arising from a feeling of triumph over this world
of sorrow by assurances of a future world of bliss. Some of these
songs of joy are the following:
"I started home, but I did pray,
An' I met ole Satan on de way;
Ole Satan made a one grab at me,
But he missed my soul, an' I went free.
My sins went a-lumberin' down to hell,
An' my soul went a-leapin' up Zion's hill."[68]
"Ole Satan's church is here below.
Up to God's free church I hope to go.
Cry Amen, cry Amen, cry Amen to God!"[69]
"I'm so glad, so glad;
I'm so glad, so glad,
Glad I got religion, so glad,
Glad I got religion, so glad.
I'm so glad, so glad;
I'm so glad, so glad,
Glad I bin' changed, so glad,
Glad I bin' changed, so glad."[70]
"My brudder have a seat and I so glad,
Good news member, good news;
My brudder have a seat and I so glad,
And I heard from heav'n today."[71]
"Brudder, guide me home, an' I am glad,
Bright angels biddy me to come;
Brudder, guide me home, an' I am glad,
Bright angels biddy me to come.
What a happy time, chil'n,
What a happy time, chil'n,
What a happy time, chil'n,
Bright angels biddy me to come.
Let's go to God, chil'n,
Bright angels biddy me to come."[72]
"I jus' got home f'um Jordan,
I jus' got home f'um Jordan,
I jus' got home f'um Jordan,
'Ligion's so-o-o sweet.
My work is done an' I mus' go,
My work is done an' I mus' go,
My work is done an' I mus' go,
'Ligion's so-o-o sweet."[73]
"Shout an' pray both night an' day;
How can you die, you in de Lord?
Come on, chil'n, let's go home;
O I'm so glad you're in de Lord."[74]
"Little children, then won't you be glad,
Little children, then won't you be glad,
That you have been to heav'n, an' you gwine to go again,
For to try on the long white robe, children,
For to try on the long white robe."[75]
Even a slave, when dying, cried: "I am going home! Oh, how glad I
am!"[76] The following hymns also vividly set forth what happy
anxiety the slave felt about his journey "home."
"Gwine to weep, gwine to mourn,
Gwine to get up early in de morn,
Fo' my soul's goin' to heaven jes' sho's you born,
Brother Gabriel goin' ter blow his horn.
Goin' to sing, goin' to pray,
Goin' to pack all my things away,
Fo' my soul's goin' to heaven jes' sho's you born,
Brother Gabriel gwine ter blow his horn."[77]
"I want to go to Canaan,
I want to go to Canaan,
I want to go to Canaan,
To meet 'em at de comin' day."[78]
"I'm goin' home fer to see my Lord,
Bear yo' burden, sinner,
An' don't you wish you could go 'long
Bear yo' burden, let in the heat."[79]
"Oh, my mudder's in de road,
Most done trabelling;
My mudder's in de road,
Most done trabelling,
My mudder's in de road,
Most done trabelling,
I'm bound to carry my soul to de Lord."[80]
"Run, Mary, run,
Run, Mary, run,
Oh, run, Mary, run,
I know de oder worl' 'm not like dis.
Fire in de east an' fire in de west,
I know de oder worl' 'm not like dis,
Bound to burn de wilderness,
I know de oder worl' 'm not like dis.
Jordan's ribber is a ribber to cross,
I know de oder worl' 'm not like dis,
Stretch your rod an' come across,
I know de oder worl' 'm not like dis."[81]
"We will march through the valley in peace,
We will march through the valley in peace;
If Jesus himself be our leader,
We will march through the valley in peace."[82]
"My sister's goin' to heaven fer to see my Lord,
To see my Lord, to see my Lord;
Well, my sister's goin' to heaven, to see my Lord,
What's de onbelievin' soul?"[83]
"Bend-in' knees a-ach-in'
Body racked wid pain,
I wish I was a child of God,
I'd git home bim-by.
Keep prayin; I do believe
We're a long time waggin o' de crossin,
Keep prayin; I do believe
We'll git home to heaven bim-by.
O yonder's my old mudder,
Been a-waggin' at the hill so long;
It's about time she cross over,
Git home bim-by.
O hear dat lumerin' thunder
A-roll from do' to do',
A-callin' de people home to God;
Dey'll git home bim-by."[84]
"When the roll is called up yonder,
I'll be there.
By the grace of God up yonder,
I'll be there.
Yes my home is way up yonder,
An' I'll be there.
I got a mother way up yonder,
I'll be there.
I got a sister way up yonder,
I'll be there."[85]
Although this world was a hell to the slave, still he could wait here
with patience until the time of death, after which he would see the
real home of his inner longing. To the slave heaven was a beautiful,
comfortable place beyond the sky. It had golden streets and a sea
of glass, upon which angels danced and sang in praise to Him upon
the golden throne. There was no sun to burn one in that bright land
of never-ending Sabbath. There kindred and friends reunited in the
happiest relationships. The slave was poor, hampered, and sorrowful
in this world; but in that world above, whose glory falling stars and
melting elements would signify in the day of judgment, he would be
rich and free to sing, shout, walk, and fly about carrying the news.
There he would know no tears or the sorrow of parting, but only rest
from toil and care, in the delightful companionship of the heavenly
groups.
"Dere's no rain to wet you,
O, yes, I want to go home.
Dere's no sun to burn you,
O, yes, I want to go home.
O, push along believers,
O, yes, I want to go home.
Dere's no hard trials,
O, yes, I want to go home.
Dere's no whips a crackin'
O, yes, I want to go home."[86]
"Oh de hebben is shinin', shinin',
O Lord, de hebben is shinin' full ob love.
Oh, Fare-you-well, friends,
I'm gwine to tell you all,
Gwine to leave you all a-mine eyes to close;
De hebben is shinin' full ob love."[87]
"How sweet a Sabbath thus to spend,
In hope of one that ne'er shall end."[88]
"Yes my mother's goin' to heaven to outshin the sun,
An it's way beyon' the moon."[89]
"Po' man goin' to heaven,
Rich man goin' to hell,
For Po' man got his starry crown,
Rich man got his wealth."[90]
"Well there are sinners here and sinners there,
An' there are sinners everywhere,
But I thank God that God declare,
That there ain't no sinners in heaven."[91]
"O join on, join my Lord,
Join de heaven wid the angels;
O join on, join my Lord,
Join de heaven wid de angels."[92]
"I'm gwin to keep a climbin' high
Till I meet dem angels in de sky.
Dem pooty angels I shall see--
Why doan de debbil let a me be?
O when I git to heaven goin sit an' tell,
Three archangels gwin er ring dem bells
Two white angels come a walkin' down,
Long white robes an' starry crown.
What's dat yonder, dat I see?
Big tall angels comin' after me."[93]
The following spirituals emphasize what the slave felt that he would
do in heaven.
"Heaven, heaven,
Everybody talkin' bout heaven an' goin' there
Heaven, heaven,
Goin' to shine all 'round God's heaven."[94]
"Oh, I wish I was there,
To hear my Jesus' orders,
Oh, how I wish I was there, Lord,
To wear my starry crown."[95]
"A golden band all 'round my waist,
An' de palms of victory in-a my hand,
An' de golden slippers on to my feet,
Gwine to walk up and down o' dem golden street.
Oh, wait till I put on my robe.
An' a golden crown-a placed on-a my head,
An' my long white robe a-com a dazzlin' down,
Now wait till I get on my gospel shoes,
Gwine to walk about de heaven an' a-carry de news,
Oh, wait till I put on my robe."[96]
"You can hinder me here but you can't hinder me dere
For de Lord in Heaven gwin' hear my prayer.
De evening's great but my Cap'n is strong,
U'm fightin' fer de city an' de time ain't long."[97]
"Well, my mother's goin' to heaven,
She's goin' to outshine the sun, O Lord,
Well, my mother's goin' to heaven,
She's going to outshine the sun, O Lord,
Yes, my mother's goin' to heaven to outshine the sun,
An' its way beyon' the moon.
The crown that my Jesus give me,
Goin' outshine the sun,
You got a home in the promise lan',
Goin' outshine the sun,
Goin' to put on my crown in glory,
An' outshine the sun, O Lord.
'Way beyon' de moon."[98]
"Gwine hab happy meetin',
Gwine shout in hebben,
Gwine shout an' nebber tire,
O slap yo' han's chilluns,
I feels de spirit movin',
O now I'm gittin' happy."[99]
"Gwine to march a-way in de gold band,
In de army bye-and-bye;
Gwine to march a-way in de gold band,
In de army by-and-bye.
Sinner, what you gwine to do dat day?
Sinner, what you gwine to do dat day?
When de fire's a-rolling behind you,
In de army bye-and-bye.
Sister Mary gwine to hand down the robe,
In the army bye-and-bye;
Gwine to hand down the robe and the gold band,
In the army, bye-and-bye."[100]
"You got a robe, I got a robe,
All God's children got a robe,
Goin' try on my robe an' if it fits me,
Goin' to wear it all round God's heaven."[101]
"We'll walk up an' down dem golden streets,
We'll walk about Zion.
Gwine sit in de kingdom,
I really do believe, where sabbath have no end.
Look way in de heaven--hope I'll jine de band,--
Sittin' in de kingdom.
I done been to heaven an' I done been tried.
Dere's a long white robe in de heaven for me,
Dere's a golden crown, golden harp, starry crown, silver slippers,
In de heaven for me I know."[102]
"I want to go to heaven when I die,
To shout salvation as I fly.
You say yer aiming fer de skies,
Why don't yer quit yer tellin' lies.
I hope I git dere bye-an' bye,
To jine de number in de sky.
When I git to heaven gwine to ease, ease,
Me an' my God goin' do as we please,
Sittin' down side o' de holy Lamb.
When I git to heaven goin' set right down,
Gwiner ask my Lord fer starry crown.
Now wait till I gits my gospel shoes,
Gwin-er walk 'bout heaven an' carry de news."[103]
A boy of ten, being sold from his mother, said,
"I'm gwine to sit down at the welcome table,
Den my little soul's gwine to shine.
I'm gwine to feast off milk and honey,
Den my little soul's gwine to shine.
I'm gwine to tell God how-a you sarved me,
Den my little soul's gwine to shine."[104]
The place that heaven must have had in the attitude of the slave we
shall now consider, by an examination of the slave's mental world.
To do so we must feel the hand of slavery holding him in subjection
to the will of the master. The inner voices that called the black
slave at his task, clothed in simple garb, and living on homely fare,
we also must hear speaking to us, and invoking the same response.
Then we shall be able to appreciate the religious significance of the
situations.
The bell upon the white pole in the great-house yard summons the
slaves to their daily tasks in the fields. Quickly, the slave-mother,
rising from the cabin-floor, and taking her babe upon her back, sets
out to join the crowd. With brawny arms around his mother's neck, the
young child glares at the red rising of the sun, until he is left at
the end of the row. Then as mother's hoe cuts grass from the tender
corn, he hears her foot-steps blend with those of the plowman, her
voice of love mingle with the mumble of slaves, and the songs of
birds, that play in the warm sunlight of the morning. With longing
eyes the child watches her who, last night, when her work was done,
fed him from her breast, as she sat upon the cabin-floor, murmuring
of a better world, where child and mother would know no weary sun.
Sitting upon the green grass that fringes the end of the long rows, he
watches her toiling, disappearing into the distance.
Taken from his mother at the age of seven, the child is transferred
to the great-house yard, where the harsh voices of slave-children,
conscious of their lot, fill the air. Yesterday he sat in the
cabin-door, upon grandmother's knee, listening to the grinding of the
big mill down by the pond, and watching the squirrels drop acorns from
the old oak tree. Last night he opened the door for father, who, worn
from being away so long, brought few potatoes and corn. Then there was
a great time. Father, in overalls, grandmother with a "slat-bonnet"
upon her gray head, mother with a "grass-sack" around her waist,
all knelt upon their knees in prayer to God above, father leading
mournfully. "Get up in heaven by-and-by," he said, until all were
filled with joy. How different things are today. The old mill by the
pond is now seen lifting its white, bird-like wings into heaven, where
mother, father and grandmother may be. They may be up there in the
sunlight, singing and shouting with the angels.
The dawn of another day comes in the life of the slave. Now all must
help kill the "fatted hogs." The knives have been sharpened, the
scaffolds built, the ashes brought up from the ash-heap. The slaves
are gathered around the fire, warming themselves and waiting for
the water in the big black pots to boil. They hear the shrill voice
of the cock and the noise of the mules heralding the coming of day,
when the presence of old master will stop their friendly discussions.
While fading stars twinkle in the pines that cast ghost-like shadows
upon the white-washed cabins, the slaves talk of their religious
experiences, how they "overcame the devil in the wilderness" through
the help of Christ. The stars were shining thus a year ago, when Aunt
Lucinda died. She had been a good woman, never receiving a flogging.
She used to make cakes for the neighbors and tell them when to plant
their crops. When she died a bright star, like an angel, lit upon the
cabin-roof, to take her soul away. This morning she is in heaven,
wearing golden slippers, long, white robe, and starry crown, about
which she used to sing in the camp-meetings.
The big hogs killed and put into the "smoke-house" and the coming
of night ending the slave's work, he is now allowed to attend the
camp-meeting, in the log-house, down by the side of the river, that
lies behind the big woods. In the leaves of the old red oak, that
stands upon the shore and that is said to be the place of ghosts,
he hears the noise of the wood owl, calling to him, as he takes his
boat and glides silently away amid the solemn shadows that lie upon
the deep, moon-lit waters. Unconsciously he sings the words of his
comrades as they marched last night to the grave-yard:
"I know moon-rise;
I know star-rise;
Lay dis body down
I march to the grave-yard,
I march through the grave-yard
Lay dis body down
I lay in de grave-yard and stretch out my arms,
Lay, dis body down."
At the meeting-house, not only does he sing and shout, but each slave
for some sinner-friend or relative who has been sold away, sincerely
asks the prayers of the other. There parent prays for child and child
for parent. "Sister Martha," dressed in gingham, is there, that
gray-haired woman, who goes each day to the river, hoping that some
message may come floating from her "Tom." She is there to weep and to
rejoice and to talk with "Brother Robert" about the cross of Christ.
The slaves, singing and shouting, tearfully kiss each other's cheek,
shake hands, and part. They were there to worship and not to play.
Inevitable then is the conclusion that the religion of the American
slaves was decidedly different from the prevailing religion found
among the peoples of Africa. We saw that fetishism was the prevailing
religion found in Africa; that the few American slaves who maintained
any of their African religious heritage were considered grossly
superstitious by the American slaves generally; that the slave-groups
brought to America from Africa were so broken up and scattered that
the old group-habits did not continue to exist. We found on the
other hand that the slaves of America, who were in contact with
Christianity, became very enthusiastic over the Christian religion;
that they developed a sorrow for this world and a joyous longing for
heaven, as they showed by their shouts and songs. This emphasis upon a
place of rest in heaven, we conclude, helped the American slave adjust
himself to his particular environment. As it helped him to live, so it
helped him also to die.
G. R. WILSON.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] This dissertation was submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate
School of Arts and Literature of the University of Chicago in
candidacy for the degree of Bachelor of Divinity, March, 1921, by Gold
Refined Wilson.
[2] Working toward this end, I have examined a vast amount of
material on slavery, much of which is controversial, having been
written by men who favored slaves, or by abolitionists and slaves
who were able to see only one side of the question discussed. Such
literature, being biased, so distorts the truth that it is extremely
difficult to discover what is social fact. As sources, however, I have
used books and magazine-articles, written from a more scientific point
of view. There are a few representative ones. Kingsley's _West African
Studies_, which, although expressing the attitude of the author, gives
us a comprehensive picture of what the life in Africa is. Washington,
in the _Story of the Negro_, in a simple, sincere manner, sets forth
the struggles of the Negro in his contact with a higher civilization.
Woodson's _Education of the Negro prior to 1861_ shows to what extent
effort was made by the whites to bring the slaves into contact with
the white civilization. _The Religious Development of the Negro in
Virginia_, by Earnest, shows how the church of the Negro slave,
beginning in the church of the whites, grew to be an independent
organization. Fragmentary evidence in the histories of the religious
denominations shows the same progressive development. A few of the
stories of fugitive slaves, though written for other purposes, still
speak very clearly of how dependent the slave was upon his cultural
surroundings for his religious ideas. The stories of the lives of
Nat Turner, the Virginia slave insurrectionist, and of _Harriet, the
Moses of Her People_, are filled with apocalyptic imagery. Concerning
the phenomena of cultural contacts, the most scholarly piece of work
yet produced is that by Prof. Park, which shows the tendency of
one civilization to accommodate itself to another, by assimilation
of concepts, expressed in language and custom. For a study of the
religion of the slave, however, the best of all the sources is that
spontaneous, naive body of literature consisting of the slave-songs,
sometimes called "spirituals," which were sung by individuals upon
various occasions, and by shouting groups of religious enthusiasts.
Krehbiel, who set many of these primitive verses to printed scales,
made of them a psychological interpretation that has given the
slave-mood. Colonel T. W. Higginson, the commander of a "black
regiment" in South Carolina, during the Civil War, an eyewitness of
many of the slave religious meetings, gives the circumstances under
which a number of the "spirituals" arose. But Odum, in Volume III of
the _Journal of Religious Psychology and Education_, makes of all
the classes of slave-songs a psychological interpretation that is
unsurpassed. The value of these collections is the common longing
found therein, a burning enthusiasm to live in heaven.
[3] In the preparation of this dissertation the following works
were used: R. H. Nassau, _Fetichism in West Africa_, 1904; Mary H.
Kingsley, _West African Studies_ (London, 1901); J. B. Earnest, _The
Religious Development of the Negro in Virginia_ (Charlottesville,
Va., 1914); H. M. Henry, _Slavery in South Carolina_ (Emory, Va.,
1914); Ivan E. McDougle, _Slavery in Kentucky, 1792-1865_ (Reprinted
from THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY, vol. III, No. 3, July, 1918); H.
A. Trexler, _Slavery in Missouri, 1804-1865, Being a Dissertation in
Johns Hopkins University Studies_ (Baltimore, 1914); J. C. Ballagh,
_Slavery in Virginia, Johns Hopkins University Studies, vol. XXIX,
1902_ (Baltimore); J. H. Russell, _Free Negro in Virginia, 1619-1865,
Johns Hopkins University Studies, Series 31, No. 3_ (Baltimore, Johns
Hopkins University Press, 1913); J. R. Brackett, _Negro in Maryland_
(Baltimore, 1889); G. H. Moore, _Slavery in Massachusetts_ (New York,
1866); R. Q. Mallard, _Plantation Life before Emancipation_ (Richmond,
Virginia, 1892); Frances Anne Kemble, _Journal of a Residence on a
Georgian Plantation in 1838-9_ (New York, 1863); C. G. Woodson, _The
Education of the Negro Prior to 1861_ (New York, 1915); _The Journal
of Negro History_, edited by C. G. Woodson, vols. I-IV, 1916-1919 (The
Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, Inc., Washington,
D. C.); Alcee Fortier, _History of Louisiana_, 4 vols. (New York,
1904); Code Noir, I (Published 1724); M. W. Jernegan, _Slavery and
Conversion in the American Colonies_ (Reprinted from _The American
Historical Review_, vol. XXI, No. 3, April, 1916); G. M. West, _Status
of the Negro in Virginia during the Colonial Period_ (New York); L.
A. Chamerorzow, _Slave Life in Georgia; Narrative of John Brown_
(London, 1865); B. T. Washington, _Story of the Negro_, 2 vols. (New
York, 1909); _Baptist Annual Register_; A. N. Waterman, _A Century of
Caste_ (Chicago, 1901); Geo. Thompson, _Prison Life and Reflections_,
3d Edition (Hartford, 1849); Jacobs, _Incidents in the Life of a
Slave Girl_ (Boston, 1861); Sarah H. Bradford, _Harriet, The Moses of
Her People_ (New York, 1861); Thos. W. Higginson, _Life of a Black
Regiment_ (Boston, 1870); Jas. B. Avirett, _The Old Plantation, Great
House and Cabin before the War, 1817-65_ (New York, Chicago, London,
1901); Jno. S. Abbott, _South and North_ (New York, 1860). Lucius
P. Little, _Ben Harding, His Times and Contemporaries_ (Louisville,
1867); _De Bow's Commercial Review_ (New Orleans, 1847); _Life of
Josiah Henson_ (Boston, 1849); _Baptist Home Missions in America_
(New York, 1883); _Presbyterian Magazine_, I (Philadelphia, 1851);
_Methodist Magazine_, X (New York, 1827); W. L. Grissom, _History of
Methodism in North Carolina, 1772-1805_, vol. I; _Sermons by John
Wesley_, 3d Edition, vols. I-II (New York); B. F. Riley, _History
of Baptists in Southern States East of Mississippi_ (Philadelphia,
1888); _John Rankin, 1793-1886, Letters on Slavery_ (Boston, 1833);
W. G. Hawkins, _Lunsford Lane_ (Boston, 1863); Frederick Douglass,
_My Bondage and Freedom_ (New York, 1857); K. E. R. Pickard, _The
Kidnapped and the Ransomed, Recollections of Peter Still and His
Wife Vina_, 3d Ed. (Syracuse, 1865); _Fifty Years in Chains, Life
of an American Slave_ (New York); H. E. Krehbiel, _Afro-American
Folk-Songs_, R. E. Park, _Education, Conflicts, and Fusions, American
Sociological Society_, vol. XIII (Sept. 3, 1918); _Journal of American
Folk-Lore_, vol. XIV (1901), pp. 1-11, vol. XXVII (1914), pp. 241-5,
vol. XXIII, p. 435, vol. XXIV, p. 255; _Songs by Thos. P. Fennes_;
W. F. Allen, _Slave Songs of the United States_ (New York, 1867);
_Twenty-two Years Work of Hampton Normal and Agricultural Institute_
(Hampton, 1893); T. P. Fenner, _Hampton and its Students by Two of
its Teachers, with 50 Cabin and Plantation Songs_ (New York, 1875);
_American Journal of Religious Psychology and Education_, vol. III,
pp. 265-365; _Negro Year-Book_; E. W. Pearson, _Letters from Port
Royal_ (1916); C. H. Jones, _Instruction of Negro Slave_ (1842).
[4] Tylor's _Anthropology_.
[5] Earnest, p. 28.
[6] _Fifty Years in Chains_, p. 14.
[7] Jernegan, pp. 506-7.
[8] _Education, Conflicts, and Fusion_, p. 47.
[9] Washington, _Story of the Negro_, pp. 260-261.
[10] Earnest, p. 19.
[11] Woodson, _Education of Negro Prior to 1861_, p. 23.
[12] Earnest, p. 60.
[13] Woodson, _Education of Negro Prior to 1861_, p. 21.
[14] Woodson, _Education of Negro Prior to 1861_, p. 26.
[15] _Ibid._, p. 29.
[16] Earnest, _Religious Development_, p. 17.
[17] _Ibid._, p. 45.
[18] _Ibid._, p. 66.
[19] Ballagh, p. 114.
[20] In 1841, there were 500,000 slaves who were church members, or
1/5 of total number of slaves. 2,000,000 were regular attendants. J.
C. Ballagh, p. 114.
[21] _Story of the Negro_, p. 257.
[22] _Story of the Negro_, p. 268; Quoted from Ballagh.
[23] Washington, _Story of Negro_, p. 266.
[24] Quite different from the early experiences of Bryan and Samson,
who made adversity serve them, the beginning of Jasper's Christian
career was greatly aided by his master, a man with a similar
conversion and a similar faith in Christ. Using the Bible as the norma
of all truth, in his attack upon current scientific knowledge, Jasper
impressed all men by his sincere conviction and devout Christian
life. A contemporary said of him: "Jasper made an impression upon his
generation, because he was sincerely and deeply in earnest in all
that he said. No man could talk with him in private, or listen to him
from the pulpit, without being thoroughly convinced of that fact....
He took the Bible in its literal significance; he accepted it as the
inspired Word of God; he trusted it with all his heart and soul and
mind; he believed nothing that was in conflict with the teachings of
the Bible."--See Washington's _Story of the Negro_, p. 264.
[25] Washington, _Story of the Negro_, pp. 260-1.
[26] _Ibid._, pp. 254-5.
[27] _Ibid._, pp. 255-6.
[28] Earnest, p. 72.
[29] _Ben Harding, His Times and Contemporaries_, p. 544.
[30] Earnest, p. 73.
[31] Jacobs, _Life of a Slave-Girl_, p. 112.
[32] Coffin, p. 60.
[33] Higginson, p. 26.
[34] Henson, _Life of Josiah Henson_, p. 12.
[35] Earnest, p. 42.
[36] _Plantation Life before Emancipation_, p. 164.
[37] _Life of John Thompson_, p. 19. See _Methodists in N. C._, p.
238.
[38] Earnest, _Religious Development_, p. 54.
[39] _Life of Douglass_, p. 82.
[40] _Presbyterian Magazine_: 1831, p. 27; See vol. 6, pp. 8-9;
Woodson, _Education of Negro Prior to 1861_, p. 49; _Sermons of Wesley
and Whitefield_.
[41] _Journal of Negro History_, vol. I, p. 70.
[42] _Twenty-two Years Work at Hampton._
[43] _Journal of Religious Psychology and Education_, vol. 3, pp.
290-1.
[44] Higginson, _Life of a Black Regiment_, p. 133.
[45] _Twenty-two Years at Hampton._
[46] _Hampton and its Students_, p. 182.
[47] Henry, p. 141.
[48] _Life of Black Regiment_, by Higginson, pp. 51-2.
[49] _Ibid._, pp. 35, 198.
[50] My position is that the shout was a natural and spontaneous
creation of group-phenomena. It differed from the whites' behavior in
ceremonial emphasis. Neither the shout nor the antiphonal song was
brought from Africa. The real religious significance of both, however,
is not in external behavior, but in content.
[51] _Am. J. Rel. Psy. and Ed._, 3: 287.
[52] _Story of the Negro_, p. 260.
[53] Fenner, _Hampton and its Students_, p. 223.
[54] _Am. J. Rel. Psy. and Ed._, 3: 303.
[55] _Ibid._, 340.
[56] _Ibid._, 3: 321.
[57] Fenner, _Hampton and its Students_, p. 190.
[58] Higginson, _Black Regiment of South Carolina_, 200-1.
[59] _Am. J. Rel. Psy. and Ed._, 3: 351.
[60] Krehbiel, p. 75.
[61] _Am. J. Relig. Psy. and Ed._, 3: 304.
[62] _Ibid._, 320.
[63] Allen, 30-1.
[64] Allen, _Slave Songs_, 113, p. 94.
[65] _Ibid._, 112, p. 93.
[66] _Am. J. Relig. Psy. and Ed._, 3: 304.
[67] Allen, _Slave Songs_, 124, p. 101.
[68] _Am. J. Relig. Psy. and Ed._, 3: 288.
[69] Jacobs, p. 109.
[70] _Am. J. Relig. Psy. and Ed._, 3: 309.
[71] Allen, _Slave Songs_, 120, p. 98.
[72] _Ibid._, 107, p. 86.
[73] _Am. J. Relig. Psy. and Ed._, 3: 365.
[74] Allen, _Slave Songs_, 80, p. 60.
[75] Allen, _Slave Songs_, 108, p. 87.
[76] _Plantation Life Before Emancipation_, p. 168.
[77] _Am. J. Relig. Psy. and Ed._, 3: 331.
[78] Atlantic Monthly, 19: 687.
[79] _Am. J. Relig. Psy. and Ed._, 3: 317.
[80] Fenner, _Hampton and its Students_, p. 215.
[81] Fenner, _Hampton and Its Students_, p. 188.
[82] Allen, _Slave Songs_, p. 73.
[83] _Am. J. Relig. Psy. and Ed._, 3: 334.
[84] Krehbiel, p. 99.
[85] _Am. J. Relig. Psy. and Ed._, 3: 362.
[86] Atlantic Monthly, XIX, 687.
[87] Fenner, _Hampton and Its Students_, p. 219.
[88] _Am. J. Rel. Psy. and Ed._, 3: 279.
[89] _Ibid._, 337.
[90] _Am. J. Rel. Psy. and Ed._, 336.
[91] _Ibid._, 328.
[92] _Ibid._, 332.
[93] _Ibid._, 298.
[94] _Ibid._, 328.
[95] _Life before Emancipation_, p. 163.
[96] _Hampton and its Students_, p. 187.
[97] _Am. J. Relig. Psy. and Ed._, 3: 323.
[98] _Ibid._, 337.
[99] _Ibid._, 299.
[100] Allen, _Slave Songs_, Song 103, p. 83.
[101] _Am. J. Relig. Psy. and Ed._, 3: 328.
[102] _Ibid._, 294.
[103] _Ibid._, 293.
[104] _Hampton and its Students_, p. 173.
PRUDENCE CRANDALL
Prior to the Civil War, education for the American of color, was
for the most part surreptitiously obtained. There were, however,
a few fearless men and women of the white race, who, endowed with
a magnanimous spirit and indomitable will, rose above the sordid
plane of self-advancement and comfort, brooked the tide of social
ostracism and censure to a realm of true altruism in behalf of the
circumstantially weak and defenseless race.
Many of these noted benefactors belonged to that sect known in
American history as Friends. True to their noble heritage, they faced
the facts of social crises with intrepidity and strong convictions.
They acted with unerring judgment and penetrating vision upon those
principles sacred to the life and happiness of all mankind. In the
vanguard of this honorable group, of martyrs to the cause of justice,
stands an American school teacher, born of Quaker parentage, at
Hopkinton, Rhode Island, September 3, 1803--Prudence Crandall. The
noble purpose and sympathetic nature of this great teacher are clearly
demonstrated in this extract from a letter addressed to William Lloyd
Garrison, January 18th, 1833:[1]
"Now I will tell you why I write you, and the object is this:
I wish to know your opinion respecting changing white scholars
for colored ones. I have been for some months past determined
if possible during the remaining part of my life to benefit the
people of color. I do not dare tell any one of my neighbors
anything about the contemplated change in my school and I beg of
you, sir, that you will not expose it to any one; for if it was
known, I have no reason to expect but it would ruin my present
school. Will you be so kind as to write by the next mail and give
me your opinion on the subject.
"Yours, with greatest respect,
"PRUDENCE CRANDALL."[2]
This letter shows clearly that Prudence Crandall foresaw that any
undertaking of an educational nature in behalf of Negroes would meet
with opposition, require personal sacrifices, and demand unfaltering
courage and patience.
That she was willing to undergo these tests was proved when a young
Negro girl applied for admission to the school which she was then
conducting for white girls only. This ambitious pupil of color was
Sarah Harris, seventeen years old, the daughter of a respectable man
who owned a small farm near the village of Canterbury. Sarah had
attended the same district school in which the majority of Prudence
Crandall's students had received their elementary training and had
proved herself a bright scholar and a pious young lady. So deeply
impressed was the teacher with this girl's plea and her earnest
desire to get a broader education to teach other girls of color, that
Prudence Crandall admitted Sarah to her school.
The students themselves offered no opposition nor manifested any
objection to her presence. Parents, however, began to complain and
informed Prudence Crandall that her school would not be supported if
she kept the Negro girl as a student. To this threat Prudence Crandall
replied: "It might sink then for I should not turn her out." Soon the
white girls began to leave the school, but the philanthropic teacher
was determined to adhere to the principles of democratic education.
She finally gave up the teaching of white girls entirely and brought
a number of Negro children into her school, then situated in the
most aristocratic part of the town of Canterbury. "If the Canterbury
people," said Ellen D. Larned, "had quietly accepted the situation and
left them in peace the difficulty would soon have ended. Even if the
children had remained they would have given them little annoyance.
Twenty Indian lads were received into Plainfield Academy a few years
later, and few outside of the village even heard of them."[3]
This step, however, aroused the most intense feeling of the town
people and met with strong and immediate opposition. A committee
of four of the chief men of the village, Adams, Frost, Fenner and
Harris, visited Prudence Crandall and attempted to show her that such
an undertaking was decidedly objectionable and seriously detrimental
to the welfare of the whites of the community. One Esquire Frost
intimated that Prudence Crandall's project fostered social equality
and intermarriage of whites and blacks. To this insidious insinuation,
she bluntly replied: "Moses had a black wife." To emphasize their
decided opposition to this project, the people called a public meeting
and drew up and adopted resolutions of a hostile nature. One of the
leading politicians of that day, Andrew T. Judson, was so incensed at
Miss Crandall's action that he denounced her in the most severe and
scathing terms.
The Rev. Mr. May and Mr. Buffum, who were present on behalf of Miss
Crandall, made several attempts to speak in her defense but were
rudely and abruptly prohibited. Denied the privilege of espousing
her cause in this meeting, Mr. May, upon adjournment, rose from his
seat and addressed the people as they were leaving the hall: "Men of
Canterbury, I have a word for you! Hear me!" A few turned to listen,
and he pleaded with force and feeling the cause of the noble little
teacher of Canterbury. He told them that Prudence Crandall was willing
to move her school from its present situation, which was next door to
the residence of Mr. Judson, her bitterest enemy, to some more retired
part of the city.
May's arguments, however, were of no avail and only drew forth tirades
of invective and abuse; for Mr. Judson responded: "Mr. May, we are not
merely opposed to the establishment of that school in Canterbury; we
mean there shall not be such a school set up anywhere in our state.
The colored people can never rise from their menial condition in our
country; they ought not to be permitted to rise here. They are an
inferior race of beings, and never can or ought to be recognized as
the equals of the whites. Africa is the place for them. I am in favor
of the colonization scheme. Let the niggers and their descendants be
sent back to their fatherland and there improve themselves as much
as they can. I am a colonizationist. You and your friend Garrison
have undertaken what you cannot accomplish. The condition of the
colored population of our country can never be essentially improved
on this continent. You are fanatical about them. You are violating
the constitution of our Republic, which settled forever the status of
the black men in this land. They belong to Africa. Let them be sent
back there or kept as they are here. The sooner you abolitionists
abandon your project the better for our country, for the niggers and
yourselves."[4]
In answer to this outburst of feeling, typical of ignorance and
prejudice, though it came from the lips of a prospective judge of
the Supreme Court, Mr. May replied: "Mr. Judson, there never will be
fewer colored people in this country than there are now. Of the vast
majority of them, this is their native land as much as it is ours.
It will be unjust, inhuman in us to drive them out, or to make them
willing to go by our cruel treatment of them ... and the only question
is whether we will recognize the rights which God gave them as men
and encourage and assist them to become all he has made them capable
of being, or whether we will continue wickedly to deny them the
privileges we enjoy, condemn them to degradation, enslave and imbrute
them; and so bring upon ourselves the condemnation of the Almighty,
Impartial Father of all men and the terrible visitation of the God of
the oppressed. I trust, sir, you well e're long come to see that we
must accord to these men, their rights or incur justly the loss of
our own. Education is one of the primal fundamental rights of all the
children of men. Connecticut is the last place where this right should
be denied."
These eloquent remarks truly portrayed the difference in the character
of the two men. Encouraged by such noble characters as May and
Garrison, Prudence Crandall was determined not to be deterred in her
purpose by men like Judson. Her lofty ideals of service to humanity
and to the humbler lot especially were evidenced in this extract from
Garrison's letter to Isaac Knapp, April 11, 1833:
"She is a wonderful woman, as undaunted as if she had the whole
world on her side. She has opened her school and is resolved to
persevere. I wish brother Johnson to state this fact particularly
in the next _Liberator_ and urge all those who intend to send
their children thither, to do so without delay."[5]
Despite all vicissitudes, Miss Crandall opened her school for girls
of color early in April, with an enrollment of fifteen or twenty
students. These for the most part came from Philadelphia, New York,
Providence, and Boston.
The townspeople, greatly incensed, resorted to every foul means
possible to destroy the school. At first, they searched for some
obsolete vagrancy law for the purpose of intimidating those who
came from other cities to attend school. One Negro girl, Anna Eliza
Hammond, seventeen years of age, from Providence, was arrested, but
Samuel May and other residents of Brooklyn gave bonds for $10,000
and thus defeated this plan. Frustrated in their first efforts, the
townspeople held an indignation meeting at which they expressed their
sentiment in the following resolutions:
"Whereas, it hath been publicly announced that a school is to be
opened in this town, on the first Monday of April next, using
the language of the advertisement, 'for young ladies and little
misses of color,' or in other words for the people of color, the
obvious tendency of which would be to collect within the town
of Canterbury large numbers of persons from other States whose
characters and habits might be various and unknown to us, thereby
rendering insecure the persons, property, and reputations of our
citizens. Under such circumstances our silence might be construed
into an approbation of the project: Thereupon, Resolved That the
locality of a school for the people of color at any place within
the limits of this town, for the admission of persons of foreign
jurisdiction, meets with our unqualified disapprobation, and it
is to be understood, that the inhabitants of Canterbury protest
against it in the most earnest manner.
"Resolved, That a committee be now appointed to be composed of the
Civil Authority and Selectmen, who shall make known to the persons
contemplating the establishment of said school, the sentiments
and objections entertained by this meeting in reference to said
school--pointing out to her the injurious effects and incalculable
evils resulting from such an establishment within this town, and
persuade her to abandon the project."[6]
The people then influenced the Legislature to enact a disgraceful but
well-named "Black Law,"[7] amid the ringing of church bells and
great rejoicing. This act outlawed Miss Crandall's school. The people
closed all shops and meeting houses to the teacher and her pupils.
Stage drivers refused them transportation in the common carriers of
the town. Physicians would not attend them. Miss Crandall's own family
and friends were forbidden under penalty of heavy fines to visit her.
The well near her house was filled with manure and water was denied
her from other sources. The house itself was smeared with filth,
assailed with rotten eggs, stormed with stones, and finally set afire.
Not only was Prudence Crandall herself assailed with threats of coming
vengeance and ejection, but her father in the south part of the town
was insulted and threatened. "When lawyers, courts and jurors are
leagued against you," said one to him, "it will be easy to raise a
mob and tear down your house." "Mr. Crandall, if you go to your
daughter," they said, "you are to be fined $100 for the first offense,
$200 for the second and double it every time; Mrs. Crandall, if you go
there, you will be fined and your daughter Almira will be fined, and
Mr. May and those gentlemen from Providence (Messrs. George and Henry
Benson), if they come there, will be fined at the same rate. And your
daughter, the one that established the school for colored females,
will be taken up the same way as for stealing a horse or for burglary.
Her property will not be taken but she will be put in jail, not having
the liberty of the yard. There is no mercy to be shown about it!"[8]
Miss Crandall was arrested and cast into prison, where she spent the
night in a cell previously occupied by a murderer. She was twice
tried. The first trial was held before the county court on August 22,
1833. The attorneys for the prosecution were Jonathan A. Welch, Andrew
T. Judson and Ichabod Bulkley, while those for the defense were Calvin
Goddard, W. W. Ellsworth and Henry Strong. The latter were secured by
Samuel May and paid by Arthur Tappan.
The counsel for the defense argued that the "Black Law" conflicted
with that article of the Federal Constitution which granted to
citizens of each State all the privileges and immunities of citizens
of the several States. The counsel for the prosecution argued that
people of color were not and could not ever be citizens of any
State. The judge, Mr. Eaton, gave the decision that the law was
constitutional and binding upon the people of that State. The jurors,
however, could not agree and so the case went over to the October
term. It was then tried before the Superior Court of Windham County
and its constitutionality again pronounced by Judge Daggett, who
expressed himself as follows: "It would be a perversion of terms and
the well-known rule of construction to say that slaves, free blacks,
or Indians were citizens within the meaning of that term as used
in the constitution." The jurors thus influenced gave their verdict
against the defendant. Prudence Crandall's counsel then appealed to
the Court of Errors, where the decision was reversed, July 22, 1834,
upon the ground of "insufficiency of the information," which omitted
to allege that the school was opened without necessary license.[9]
While the decision of the Court of Errors was pending, Prudence
Crandall and her pupils were the victims of other fiendish acts of the
townspeople. Having failed in their attempt to burn down her school,
a number of them, with heavy clubs and iron bars, crept stealthily
upon her house at midnight on the 9th of September, and simultaneously
smashed in the windows with such force and suddenness that all the
occupants were terror stricken. Even Prudence Crandall, for the first
time, trembled with fear. Realizing that she and her pupils would
ever be the object of insult and injury, she decided, upon the advice
of Mr. May and other friends, to give up the school and send her
girls back to their homes. Samuel May said that when he stood before
Prudence Crandall and her pupils and advised them to leave, the words
blistered his lips and his bosom glowed with indignation. "I felt
ashamed of Connecticut," said he, "ashamed of my state, ashamed of my
country, ashamed of my color."
The burden of these terrible ordeals was somewhat alleviated by the
fidelity of her friends, the love and faith of her pupils and the
devotion of her sister, father and husband. Having recently married
the Rev. Calvin Philleo, a Baptist clergyman of Ithaca, New York,
Prudence Crandall upon solicitation left Windham County never to
return again. Tis true she had but little opportunity to teach the
young women of color, nevertheless through sacrifice and service
she taught the people of Connecticut a lesson of philanthropy and
sacrifice.
G. SMITH WORMLEY.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Garrison's _Garrison_, I, Chap. X, p. 315; B. C. Steiner's
_History of Slavery in Connecticut_ (_Johns Hopkins University
Studies_, XI, 415-422).
[2] May's _Antislavery Conflict_.
[3] _Johns Hopkins University, Studies in Historical and Political
Science_, XI, p. 417. Larned's _Windham County_, p. 493.
[4] May's _Antislavery Conflict_, p. 47.
[5] Garrison's _Garrison_, I, p. 341.
[6] Larned's _Windham County, Connecticut_, II, 490-502.
[7] This law was:
Whereas, attempts have been made to establish literary institutions
in this State, for the instruction of colored persons belonging to
other States and counties, which would tend to the great increase of
the colored population of the state, and thereby to the injury of the
people: Therefore,
Section 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives,
in General Assembly convened, that no person shall set up or establish
in this State any school, academy or literary institution for the
instruction or education of colored persons who are not inhabitants
of this State; nor instruct or teach in any school, or other literary
institution whatsoever, in this State; nor harbor or board, for the
purpose of attending or being taught or instructed in any such school,
academy, or literary institution, any colored person who is not an
inhabitant of any town in this State, without the consent in writing
first obtained, of a majority of the civil authority, and also of the
Selectmen of the town, in which such school, academy, or literary
institution is situated, etc. See _Superior Court, October Term,
1833_, and _Report of Arguments of Counsel in the Case of Prudence
Crandall_; also _The Laws of Connecticut_, 1833.
[8] Garrison's _Garrison_, I. ch. X, and Larned's _Windham County,
Connecticut_, II, 490-502.
[9] The report of this case was:
This information charges Prudence Crandall with harboring and boarding
certain colored persons, not inhabitants of any town in this State,
for the purpose of attending and being taught and instructed in a
school, set up and established in said town of Canterbury, for the
instruction and education of certain colored persons, not inhabitants
of this State.
She is not charged with setting up a school contrary to law, not with
teaching a school contrary to law; but with harboring and boarding
colored persons, not inhabitants of this State, without license, for
the purpose of being instructed in such school.
It is, however, not here alleged that the school was set up without
license, or that the scholars were instructed by those who had no
license.
If it is an offence within the statute to _harbor_ or _board_
such persons without license, under all circumstances, then this
information is correct. But if the act, in the description of the
defense itself, shows, that under some circumstances, it is no
offence, then this information is defective.
The object in view of the legislature, as disclosed by the preamble,
is to prevent injurious consequences resulting from the increase of
the colored population, by means of literary institutions, attempted
to be established for the instruction of that class of inhabitants of
other States. Such institutions and instructors teaching such schools
are prohibited, unless licensed, as are also persons from harboring or
boarding scholars of that description, without license.
From the first reading of the Act, it might seem as if licenses
must be obtained by each of these classes; by those who set up the
school, those who instruct it and those who board the pupils; but, it
is believed, this cannot have been intended. The object professedly
aimed at is, to prevent the increase of this population, which, it
is supposed, will take place by allowing them free education, and
instruction; to prevent which it provides, 1st, That no person shall
set up or establish any school for that purpose, without license:
2d, That no one shall instruct in any school, etc. without license:
and 3rd, That no one shall board or harbor such persons, so to be
instructed in any such school etc. without license. The object,
evidently is to regulate the schools, not the boarding houses; the
latter only is auxiliary to the former.
This information charges, that this school was set up in Canterbury,
for the purpose of educating these persons of color, not inhabitants
of this State, that they might be instructed and educated; but omits
to state that it was not licensed. This omission is a fatal defect; as
in an information on a penal statute, the prosecutor must set forth
every fact that is necessary to bring the case within the statute; and
every exception within the enacting clause of the act, descriptive
of the offence, must be negated. See _Smith v. Mouse_, 6 Green 1, p.
274; and Judson's Remarks to the Jury, _Superior Court, October Term,
1833_.
DOCUMENTS
EXTRACTS FROM NEWSPAPERS AND MAGAZINES
Magazines and newspapers sometimes unconsciously give valuable facts
not only as to sentiment but as to the actual achievements of persons
and agencies through which they have worked. This is true of the
extracts given below.
Endeavoring to set forth the part which Philadelphia played in African
Colonization before the Civil War, _The Evening Bulletin_ of that city
carried the following, May 9, 1921:
THE LIBERIAN REPUBLIC
PHILADELPHIA'S PART IN FOUNDING THE NEGRO COMMONWEALTH
The visit to Philadelphia of the negro President of the Liberian
Republic, recalls the important part which a small group of local
philanthropists played a century ago in promoting the foundation
of the only free country in Africa under republican rule. The
Liberian enterprise owed its origin, not solely to pity for the
condition of the enslaved blacks of the South but also to the
desire of many northern friends of the negroes to ameliorate the
hardships of the freed blacks of the north. Both Pennsylvania
and New Jersey, in common with several other northern States,
witnessed at close range the evils of slavery. During the
Revolutionary War steps had been taken to liberate the blacks in
Pennsylvania and the famous Act of March 1st, 1780, decreed the
abolition of slavery throughout the colony. In this, as in other
and later efforts to liberate the negroes the Philadelphia Quakers
had an important part and the Pennsylvania Abolition Society,
founded under the presidency of Benjamin Franklin, antedated the
Revolutionary War by two years.
The plan for establishing an African Negro Republic, populated
by emigrants from the United States, is credited to Dr. Robert
Finley, one of the trustees of Princeton, who was well acquainted
with the extent of slavery in New Jersey, where the census of
1810 revealed the presence of more than ten thousand slaves, and
who also had knowledge of the miserable condition of the freed
negroes in Pennsylvania. Late in 1816 he went to Washington,
where his brother-in-law, Elias Boudinot Caldwell was a member
of Congress, and endeavored to obtain national support for his
project. A sympathetic response was not wanting, although Congress
was not yet prepared for immediate action. Accordingly, Finley
turned in another direction, secured the backing of Justice
Bushrod Washington of the Supreme Court, aroused the interest
of Henry Clay and other notables and, toward the end of 1816,
succeeded in forming, at a public meeting in Washington presided
over by Henry Clay, the American Colonization Society which
immediately selected Justice Washington as its president.
As yet Dr. Finley had not hit upon any definite location for
the proposed colony, although years before he began his efforts
in behalf of the negroes. Thomas Jefferson had suggested that
Virginia and other American Commonwealths might profitably
imitate the example set in England by the Sierra Leone Company
in populating that district of Africa. But the English plan of
transporting the indigent negroes from London, started toward the
close of the eighteenth century, was on an altogether different
basis. Blacks and whites were mixed in the English colony, the
emigrants were made up mainly of the idle and the dissolute, and
the humanitarian motive, so strongly marked in the work of the
American Colonization Society, was missing almost entirely.
Oddly enough, the free negroes of the North protested against
the plans of the Colonization Society. In Philadelphia a number
of negroes, meeting in the Bethel Church, adopted an indignant
resolution of protest which Congressman Joseph Hopkinson presented
in the House. But these incidents served also to arouse greater
interest in the society's plan and led to the formation of
several local auxiliaries, one of which was established promptly
in Philadelphia, where the Friends and the Abolitionists were
ready to give active support to any plan for the betterment of
the negroes. Philadelphia money, representing the contributions
of many local philanthropists, aided largely in strengthening
the treasury of the national society, and, as an opportunity was
afforded for the purchase of a number of smuggled slaves, put on
sale by the State of Georgia, in 1817, and George Washington Parke
Custis offered part of his lands for a refuge for the Colonization
Society's purchases, an active effort was made again to arouse
Congressional support, resulting this time in the founding of the
African Republic by the Government of the United States.
While the Society was in the initial stages of development, two
missionary agents, Samuel J. Mills and Ebenezer Burgess, had
visited England and, after receiving a rebuff from Bathurst, the
Secretary of State for the English Colonies, had gone down the
African coast as far as Sherbro Island and selected a site for the
American colony. Interest was aroused to such extent that Congress
assented to the proposal for purchasing the Georgia blacks and
shipping them to Africa and an appropriation of one hundred
thousand dollars was granted for the purpose. A brig was chartered
by the government to carry away the negroes, furnished by the
Colonization Society, and the United States ship Cyane ordered to
accompany the expedition as an armed guard. The vessels departed
from New York in February, 1820, and after a five weeks voyage
landed eighty-six men, women and children on Sherbro Island. The
inclemency of the climate, however, proved disastrous to the
little group, and, after a number had succumbed to malarial fever,
the remainder fled to Sierra Leone. But the Society and its local
auxiliaries kept at work and the next year sent out another party
of negroes from Norfolk, this time seeking Cape Montserado as a
place of settlement.
Success now attended the enterprise. Lieutenant Richard F.
Stockton of the Navy arrived at Montserado in the autumn of 1821
and, in company with Dr. Ayres, the agent of the Colonization
Society, succeeded in purchasing, for a few hundred dollars' worth
of trinkets, the land on which Liberia was founded. Although the
promoters had negotiated a favorable treaty with the natives the
early settlers were attacked by hostile tribes and more than once
they were on the point of abandoning the little town of Monrovia
that had been named in honor of the American President and which
is now the capital of the African Republic and a place of about
six thousand inhabitants. A few years after this Philadelphia took
up the work of colonization on a larger scale. At a meeting, held
in the Franklin Institute in 1829, the Pennsylvania Colonization
Society was formed, with Dr. Thomas C. James as its president and
numbering among its founders many prominent citizens, including
William White, Roberts Vaux, B. W. Richards, J. K. Mitchell,
George W. Blight, James Bayard and Elliott Cresson, the latter
becoming one of the most active assistants of the enterprise, in
which he was joined by Mathew C. Carey, Solomon Allen and Robert
Ralston, the last four contributing liberally to the colonization
cause. For a time, too, a fortnightly journal, known as the
Colonization Herald, was published in this city and local interest
was aroused by reports of the parades of the State Fencibles, the
Liberian imitation of Philadelphia's military organization, which
assembled on fete days on Broad Street, the principal thoroughfare
of Monrovia.
County and local societies to aid the project were formed
throughout Pennsylvania. Philadelphia had a Young Men's Society
fostered by the Methodists, the local Presbyterians endorsed
the enterprise, the Bible societies backed it and the Quakers
lent their friendly support. Ships were chartered and slaves
transported at local expense and under Philadelphia direction a
boat named the "Liberia" was built on the Delaware and employed in
the work, while the manumission of slaves was freely encouraged.
A colony on the St. John's River was assigned particularly to
the care of the Pennsylvanians and African place names, such as
Careysburg and Philadelphia, still commemorate the interest of
Philadelphians. At first the government of Liberia was purely
proprietary under the direction of the society's agents, the
blacks being allowed to select only minor officials and it was
not until 1847, when the colonization movement was losing ground
before the growth of the abolition sentiment in this country, that
the Free and Independent Republic of Liberia came into existence,
after drafting a declaration of independence and adopting a
constitutional form of government. But the dream of repatriating
the negro had failed and now Liberia, extended in area by
Anglo-Liberian and Franco-Liberian agreements of recent years
until it is almost as large as Pennsylvania, numbers less than
fifty thousand of the transplanted stock among a population of a
million and a half.
On September 18, 1921, _The New Orleans States_ displayed on its title
page the following distorted sketch of the late Caesar Confucius
Antoine by W. O. Hart:
_A telegram to The States from Shreveport three days ago
told of the death of C. C. Antoine, colored, who had been
lieutenant-governor of Louisiana and sometimes acted as governor
of the State._
_The death of Antoine, widely known in New Orleans, cuts off
another link with Reconstruction days._
_At the request of The States, W. O. Hart, Louisiana historian,
contributes the story telling how Antoine went from a barber's
chair to power and affluence._
Caesar Confucius Antoine, who was a native of New Orleans, was
in many respects one of the most remarkable of the colored
politicians who thrived in reconstruction days in Louisiana.
He was a native of New Orleans, but appears to have been unknown
until he was elected from the Parish of Caddo, a member of the
Constitutional Convention of 1868.
He was a very small man and light in weight. He was coal-black in
color and always dressed with the utmost neatness and simplicity.
When the Constitution was adopted he was elected to the State
Senate from Caddo Parish and held that office for four years.
In 1872 he was nominated for Lieutenant-Governor on the ticket
headed by W. P. Kellogg, and though that ticket was defeated by
the Democratic ticket which carried the names of John McEnery, of
Ouachita, for Governor, and Davidson B. Penn, of New Orleans, for
Lieutenant-Governor, Kellogg and all those returned as elected by
the Returning Board, were recognized by President Grant and served
out their full terms of four years.
Antoine like many of the other colored Legislators of those days
acquired an almost perfect knowledge of parliamentary law and
presided over the Senate with dignity and impartiality.
He was a man who, in general, had the respect of all parties. He
was renominated on the ticket with S. B. Packard in 1876 and with
Packard remained in the State House, which was the old St. Louis
Hotel, until April, 1877, when President Hayes, having withdrawn
the Federal troops, the semblance of Government which Packard
established, disappeared and the Nicholls Government went into
full possession of all the State Offices.
My recollection is that he held some Federal office after this but
I am not certain what it was.
In a suit which he brought against D. D. Smith and the heirs of
George L. Smith, reported in the 40th Annual (1888), beginning at
page 560, considerable of the record of Antoine is given.
HOW HE MADE MONEY
The suit was brought after the death of George L. Smith, to
recover two hundred shares of the capital stock of the Louisiana
State Lottery Company, which at the time of the suit, had a
very large value. The allegations of Antoine's petition and his
evidence in the case were to the effect that on March 31st, 1873,
he purchased from Charles T. Howard the lottery stock at sixty
cents on the dollar, that is twelve thousand dollars for all, and
that he was induced by George L. Smith, who also owned 225 shares
of the stock, to transfer it to D. D. Smith, a cousin of George L.
Smith, because as Smith said to Antoine: "We are both engaged in
politics, and it would not do to have the stock in our name--more
especially myself, as I was Lieutenant-Governor, and President of
the Senate; that questions in regard to the charter of the Lottery
Company might come up, and that, in case of a tie vote, I would
naturally have to vote on it; and, probably, my vote might be
challenged."
Smith had been Tax Collector and also speculated in salary
warrants for account of himself and Antoine and Antoine's profits
therefrom were three or four thousand dollars.
PARTNER OF PINCHBACK
When Antoine first went into politics he was the proprietor
of a barber shop in the city of Shreveport; a few years
afterwards, he engaged in the cotton factorage business in New
Orleans, in partnership with P. B. S. Pinchback; also once
Lieutenant-Governor. He acquired an interest in a newspaper
establishment; had a grocery store and purchased and operated a
small plantation in Caddo Parish. He also purchased some city lots
in Shreveport and a $1300 residence in this city, this in addition
to the twelve thousand dollars he paid for the Lottery Stock.
The Supreme Court, after stating the above facts, commented
thereon as follows:
"We cannot refrain from expressing some surprise at the auspicious
good fortune that seemed to attend his efforts, whereby his
hitherto slender income and limited means had yielded such a
comfortable little fortune within so few years.
"Money matters appeared to have been so easy with him that he
could loan a friend a thousand dollars, payable on call."
The opinion of the court was rendered by Mr. Justice L. B.
Watkins, and the court concluded that the acquisition of the
stock by Antoine was so tainted with fraud that he was entitled
to receive no redress at the hands of the courts and the judgment
of the lower court which was rendered by Judge Albert Voohries,
presiding in Division "E" of the Civil District Court, was
affirmed.
Antoine was represented in the suit by Rouse and Grant and Thomas
J. Semmes, America's greatest lawyer, while the defendants were
represented by the firm of Leonard, Marks and Brueno. Everyone
connected with the case is now dead except Pinchback who, over
eighty years of age, is now living in Washington.
When under the Wheeler Compromise after the election of
1874, the Democrats secured a majority in the State House of
Representatives, an effort was made to impeach Kellogg, which, if
successful, would have made Antoine Governor, but what benefit
the Democrats could have derived therefrom, it is impossible to
say because even if Antoine had then resigned, as was thought
possible, the President of the Senate, who would become Governor
was or would be a Republican as the Democrats had but nine of the
thirty-six members of that body. However, the impeachment trial
properly speaking, was never held.
As soon as the Senate which had adjourned, heard of the
impeachment resolution, it immediately reconvened and sent for
the Chief Justice, John T. Ludeling, and the Court of Impeachment
was opened without waiting for the presentation of the charges
from the House of Representatives, and Kellogg was "triumphantly"
acquitted.
_The Item_, a New Orleans newspaper, featured the following sketch of
Isaiah T. Montgomery by Stanley Cisby Arthur in its Sunday magazine
section on September 25, 1921:
One of the most interesting figures at the meeting of the
secretaries of the Federal Farm Loan Association, was an aged
negro, "Uncle" Isaiah T. Montgomery, of Mound Bayou City, Bolivar
County, Mississippi. "Uncle" Isaiah is not only one of the
wealthiest farmers in his district, but he founded the town of
Mound Bayou, which is composed exclusively of colored people, who
run the stores, the banks, the postoffice, the schools and the
peace offices, but "Uncle" Isaiah was a former slave and a body
servant of Jefferson Davis, president of the Confederacy.
Black of face, with white hair and a white chin beard "Uncle"
Isaiah looks exactly the part of the regulation stage "Uncle"
of the old regime. He looks every bit of his 74 years but his
mind is exceedingly bright and he recounted the happenings of
over half a century with the utmost clarity of speech and showed
many evidences of his education, which he says he gave himself.
When he took recourse to a piece of paper and a pen to estimate
the ginnage of his community, he set down words and figures with
Spencerian exactness. His handwriting was truly a revelation to
the interviewer.
"I was born on Hurricane plantation, in Warren county,
Mississippi, in 1847, and my father and I were owned by Joseph
E. Davis, brother of Jefferson Davis. The plantation owned by
the late president of the Confederacy adjoined the Hurricane,
and was called Brierfield plantation," said the aged colored
man and former slave who is now a prosperous banker in the town
he founded. "I was about nine years old when I first remember
Jefferson Davis real well. I was working in my master's office
when his brother came back from Congress and I was told to meet
the steamboat Natchez in a row boat and get Mr. Jeff.
"When the Natchez blew her whistle as she came around a bend of
the river I rowed out and Mr. Jeff got in my boat with his grips
and things and I took him to shore and toted all his things into
the 'White Room' where Mr. Jeff staid for a considerable spell.
While there I was his personal attendant, I blacked his shoes,
kept his room in order, held his horse for him and other little
things that a servant like I was was supposed to do. On one of
his trips down the river on the Natchez (Mr. Jeff and Captain
Tom P. Leathers, the historic commander of that boat, were close
friends), he brought his wife and daughter, who was afterwards
Mrs. Hayes, and they all were very kind to me because I was Mr.
Jeff's personal servant all the time they were at the Hurricane.
"When the war between the states came I staid on the Joseph Davis
plantation all during the fighting. In '62 or '63, anyway, after
the battle of Corinth, the Yankees commenced overrunning the South
and Mr. Joe, took all his stock and colored people to Jackson,
and later on to Alabama. He had me return to the plantation with
my mother and act as sort of caretakers and we were there when
Admiral Porter's Mississippi squadron made its way up the river.
It seems sometime before a gunboat, the Indianola, had been sunk
in the river, just off the Hurricane plantation and folks in the
neighborhood had dismantled her.
"When Admiral Porter came up the river he stopped at the
plantation so as to look at the wreck and see if her guns could
be found. But they had been thrown overboard and had gone down in
the quicksand. The Admiral asked me if I wanted to go with him as
cabin boy. I said yes, and ran to get my mammy's consent which
was given. This was in April of '63 and a few months later I was
with the Admiral in the siege of Vicksburg and later the battle
at Grand Gulf. Soon afterwards I got a sickness from drinking
Red River water and when I was sent back to Hurricane I found my
parents had gone to Cincinnati and when I got word of this to
Admiral Porter he secured transportation there for me.
"When the war was over Mr. Joe Davis got in touch with my father
and had him come back to Hurricane plantation and after we got
there he made a proposition that we could buy the two plantations,
Hurricane, that Mr. Joe owned, and Brierfield, of 4,000 acres,
that Mr. Jeff Davis owned. While he could not sell to colored
people under the existing laws, through a court action by which
my father, Benjamin T. Montgomery, and my brother William T. and
myself, agreed to pay $300,000 for the combined properties, they
were turned over to us and we were to pay six per cent a year on
the whole until it was paid off.
"Our first year working the plantation resulted in almost disaster
as we suffered from an overflow and when the first payment came
around we were only able to pay $6,000. When we sent this to Mr.
Joe Davis with our excuses he sent us back a canceled note for
the rest of the $18,000. The Davis brothers, were gentlemen, sir.
Well, we kept the plantation going for thirteen years and in that
time we ranked as third in the production of cotton in Warren
county. While we were growing cotton I became very well acquainted
with Captain John W. Cannon, the commander of the famous steamboat
the Robert E. Lee. He and Captain Tom Leathers, the commander of
the Natchez, were always having some sort of a fight or another
and I saw the famous race between the two when they actually
settled the matter for good and all.
"The death of Mr. Joe Davis and taking over of his properties
by his heirs lost us our holdings and I became interested in
the Yazoo Delta. I heard that the Y. & M. V. was asking colored
people to come in and open up the country and after going over
the situation I decided to select Mound Bayou for the seat of
my future operations. This place was selected because between
Big and Little Mound bayous there was an old Indian mound. This
was in 1887 and it certainly was a wild territory, it had rich
land but it was thickly grown over with oak and ash and gum,
and acres and acres of cane. Well, I plundered around here and
induced other colored folks to settle there. I founded Mound Bayou
Settlement--the railroad folks wanted to name it Montgomery, a few
years ago but I made the original name stick.
"Building up our community was slow work. All the colored folks
bought their places on 10-year contracts and it was hard work
for some of them in the face of a few crop failures, overflows,
boll weevil and other set-backs but we succeeded. Mound Bayou
Settlement is now a town of a little over 1,000 population and
there are about 2,500 in the country nearby. The town is of wholly
colored population and we have three big churches, one costing
$25,000, another costing $15,000 and another $10,000. There are
several other less pretentious places of worship, as well.
"We have two big mercantile establishments. The largest being the
one I founded and known as the Mercantile Co-operative Company
which now has a $20,000 stock. We also have the Mound Bayou State
Bank, with $10,000 capital, a $3,000 surplus, with resources
between $150,000 and $200,000. I am a member of the board of
directors and we make a great many loans to our colored people to
see they get out their crops, and being in the staple cotton belt,
we make most of it on this crop.
"We have just completed a consolidated school house, 95 feet
square, three stories high, with 16 large class rooms. It cost
us $100,000 which was raised by a local bond issue. We have a
seven to eight months' term and employ an agricultural expert,
co-operating under the Smith-Lever national fund and a very fine
domestic science class.
"The town has a mayor and a board of aldermen, all office holders
being colored folks, and the present mayor, B. H. Green, was the
first man born in the settlement. I was mayor for over four years,
being the first to hold the office, resigning it to hold the
office of receiver of public monies at Jackson, Miss.
"We have four gins that can handle over 5,000 bales and our people
now feel that the upward trend of the cotton price will make for
further prosperous times."
Uncle Isaiah Montgomery remembers his services with the Jefferson
family, first as slave and afterwards as a trusted servant, with
the kindliest feelings. He told of the periods in 1880 and 1883
when Jefferson Davis returned to the old Brierfield and Hurricane
plantations, spending several weeks at the old home once or twice
a year. He usually had Mrs. Davis with him and the aged negro said
that Mrs. Davis was a remarkable woman.
"She displayed a wonderful interest in the future of the colored
race," he said. "It was the impression made on me by this lovely
woman that helped confirm my belief in the ultimate outcome of my
work and efforts toward race betterment, education and uplift of
the negro. Mrs. Jefferson Davis had a broader comprehension of the
race's needs than anyone with whom I have ever come in contact
with. With her death the negro lost one of his greatest friends.
"Mr. Jefferson Davis was a wonderful man, too. My thoughts
frequently go back, now that I am approaching the end of my days,
to the time I was his personal servant as a barefoot boy. I truly
believe, when he got his last sickness, had I been near to nurse
and care for him, that he would have lived many more years. I
knew, and so did my wife, what he needed in the way of food and we
could have done for him as no one else could.
"It was the influence of Jefferson Davis and his sweet life that
has guided all my efforts in bettering the life of my colored
brothers and if I have succeeded it was because of them."
_The American Magazine_ in July, 1914, gave the following account, an
achievement of "Comebacks" of recent date:
BEATEN ONCE, PERRY TRIED AGAIN--AND SUCCEEDED.
For years Heman E. Perry, a negro, traveled over Texas for white
companies, selling old line life insurance to his people. But he
had a vision of someday founding a company under negro management,
to transact its business and make its investments among the
colored race.
Finally, plans outlined and prospectus and other literature
completed, he undertook the arduous task of organizing his
company. He applied for a charter under the laws of Georgia, which
require that the full $100,000 capital shall be raised in two
years, or the charter be revoked.
To raise $100,000 among white men, or even $100,000,000, is a
comparatively easy task, for they are accustomed to corporate
investments. But Mr. Perry was to raise $100,000 among a people
whose investments had taken the form of horses and houses, and
who did not understand the value of commercial paper, especially
when purchased for $150 with a par value of $100. In other words,
he had to sell 1,000 shares of stock, one, two or three shares at
a time, and he must do this among a people who had never before
raised $100,000 for a business venture.
For two years, at his own expense, Perry traveled throughout the
South. Then, with a scant thirty days left, he found himself with
but two thirds of the money in hand. He hastened to New York
hoping to obtain a loan from some bankers. They put him off until
the last day slipped by. Then began Perry's heart-breaking task
of returning the money he had collected. He returned every dollar
with four per cent interest--money that he had spent all his own
cash in collecting.
This was enough to crush any ordinary man. But after three months
Perry met a selected assembly of negro business men in Atlanta,
ready to begin all over again.
He retraced his first long journey, constantly hearing, "You
failed once, you'll fail again." But he continued his fight, and
on June 14th, 1913, after $105,000 had been paid for Georgia state
bonds, the first and only old line legal reserve life insurance
company in the world managed and operated by negroes formally
began business. It now operates in nine states, and has over
$2,000,000 insurance on the lives of negroes, because Heman E.
Perry would not acknowledge defeat, and had the power to "come
back" and conquer.
GEORGE F. PORTER
ANNA MURRAY-DOUGLASS--MY MOTHER AS I RECALL HER[1]
Looking backward over a space of fifty years or more, I have in
remembrance two travelers whose lives were real in their activity;
two lives that have indelibly impressed themselves upon my memory;
two lives whose energy and best ability was exerted to make my life
what it should be, and who gave me a home where wisdom and industry
went hand in hand; where instruction was given that a cultivated
brain and an industrious hand were the twin conditions that lead to a
well balanced and useful life. These two lives were embodied in the
personalities of Frederick Douglass and Anna Murray his wife.
They met at the base of a mountain of wrong and oppression, victims of
the slave power as it existed over sixty years ago, one smarting under
the manifold hardships as a slave, the other in many ways suffering
from the effects of such a system.
The story of Frederick Douglass' hopes and aspirations and longing
desire for freedom has been told--you all know it. It was a story made
possible by the unswerving loyalty of Anna Murray, to whose memory
this paper is written.
Anna Murray was born in Denton, Caroline County, Maryland, an
adjoining county to that in which my father was born. The exact date
of her birth is not known. Her parents, Bambarra Murray and Mary, his
wife, were slaves, their family consisting of twelve children, seven
of whom were born in slavery and five born in freedom. My mother, the
eighth child, escaped by the short period of one month, the fate of
her older brothers and sisters, and was the first free child.
Remaining with her parents until she was seventeen, she felt it time
that she should be entirely self-supporting and with that idea she
left her country home and went to Baltimore, sought employment in
a French family by the name of Montell whom she served two years.
Doubtless it was while with them she gained her first idea as to
household management which served her so well in after years and
which gained for her the reputation of a thorough and competent
housekeeper.
On leaving the Montells', she served in a family by the name of Wells
living on S. Caroline Street. Wells was Post-master at the time of
my father's escape from slavery. It interested me very much in one
of my recent visits to Baltimore, to go to that house accompanied by
an old friend of my parents of those early days, who as a free woman
was enabled with others to make my father's life easier while he was
a slave in that city. This house is owned now by a colored man. In
going through the house I endeavored to remember its appointments, so
frequently spoken of by my mother, for she had lived with this family
seven years and an attachment sprang up between her and the members of
that household, the memory of which gave her pleasure to recall.
The free people of Baltimore had their own circles from which the
slaves were excluded. The ruling of them out of their society resulted
more from the desire of the slaveholder than from any great wish of
the free people themselves. If a slave would dare to hazard all danger
and enter among the free people he would be received. To such a little
circle of free people--a circle a little more exclusive than others,
Frederick Baily was welcomed. Anna Murray, to whom he had given his
heart, sympathized with him and she devoted all her energies to assist
him. The three weeks prior to the escape were busy and anxious weeks
for Anna Murray. She had lived with the Wells family so long and
having been able to save the greater part of her earnings was willing
to share with the man she loved that he might gain the freedom he
yearned to possess. Her courage, her sympathy at the start was the
mainspring that supported the career of Frederick Douglass. As is the
condition of most wives her identity became so merged with that of
her husband, that few of their earlier friends in the North really
knew and appreciated the full value of the woman who presided over the
Douglass home for forty-four years. When the escaped slave and future
husband of Anna Murray had reached New York in safety, his first act
was to write her of his arrival and as they had previously arranged
she was to come on immediately. Reaching New York a week later, they
were married and immediately took their wedding trip to New Bedford.
In "My Bondage of Freedom," by Frederick Douglass, a graphic account
of that trip is given.
The little that they possessed was the outcome of the industrial
and economical habits that were characteristic of my mother. She had
brought with her sufficient goods and chattel to fit up comfortably
two rooms in her New Bedford home--a feather bed with pillows, bed
linen, dishes, knives, forks, and spoons, besides a well filled trunk
of wearing apparel for herself. A new plum colored silk dress was
her wedding gown. To my child eyes that dress was very fine. She had
previously sold one of her feather beds to assist in defraying the
expenses of the flight from bondage.
The early days in New Bedford were spent in daily toil, the wife at
the wash board, the husband with saw, buck and axe. I have frequently
listened to the rehearsal of those early days of endeavor, looking
around me at the well appointed home built up from the labor of the
father and mother under so much difficulty, and found it hard to
realize that it was a fact. After the day of toil they would seek
their little home of two rooms and the meal of the day that was most
enjoyable was the supper nicely prepared by mother. Father frequently
spoke of the neatly set table with its snowy white cloth--coarse tho'
it was.
In 1890 I was taken by my father to these rooms on Elm Street, New
Bedford, Mass., overlooking Buzzards Bay. This was my birth place.
Every detail as to the early housekeeping was gone over, it was
splendidly impressed upon my mind, even to the hanging of a towel
on a particular nail. Many of the dishes used by my mother at that
time were in our Rochester home and kept as souvenirs of those first
days of housekeeping. The fire that destroyed that home in 1872, also
destroyed them.
Three of the family had their birthplace in New Bedford. When after
having written his first narrative, father built himself a nice little
cottage in Lynn, Mass., and moved his family there, previously to
making his first trip to Europe. He was absent during the years '45
and '46. It was then that mother with four children, the eldest in
her sixth year, struggled to maintain the family amid much that would
dampen the courage of many a young woman of to-day. I had previously
been taken to Albany by my father as a means of lightening the burden
for mother. Abigail and Lydia Mott, cousins of Lucretia Mott, desired
to have the care of me.
During the absence of my father, mother sustained her little family
by binding shoes. Mother had many friends in the anti-slavery circle
of Lynn and Boston who recognized her sterling qualities, and who
encouraged her during the long absence of her husband. Those were days
of anxious worry. The narrative of Frederick Douglass with its bold
utterances of truth, with the names of the parties with whom he had
been associated in slave life, so incensed the slaveholders that it
was doubtful if ever he would return to this country and also there
was danger for mother and those who had aided in his escape, being
pursued. It was with hesitancy father consented to leave the country,
and not until he was assured by the many friends that mother and the
children would be carefully guarded, would he go.
There were among the Anti-Slavery people of Massachusetts a fraternal
spirit born of the noble purpose near their heart that served as an
uplift and encouraged the best energies in each individual, and mother
from the contact with the great and noble workers grew and improved
even more than ever before. She was a recognized co-worker in the A.
S. Societies of Lynn and Boston, and no circle was felt to be complete
without her presence. There was a weekly gathering of the women to
prepare articles for the Annual A. S. Fair held in Faneuil Hall,
Boston. At that time mother would spend the week in attendance having
charge, in company of a committee of ladies of which she was one, over
the refreshments. The New England women were all workers and there was
no shirking of responsibility--all worked. It became the custom of the
ladies of the Lynn society for each to take their turn in assisting
mother in her household duties on the morning of the day that the
sewing circle met so as to be sure of her meeting with them. It was
mother's custom to put aside the earnings from a certain number of
shoes she had bound as her donation to the A. S. cause. Being frugal
and economic she was able to put by a portion of her earnings for a
rainy day.
I have often heard my father speak in admiration of mother's executive
ability. During his absence abroad, he sent, as he could, support for
his family, and on his coming home he supposed there would be some
bills to settle. One day while talking over their affairs, mother
arose and quietly going to the bureau drawer produced a Bank book with
the sums deposited just in the proportion father had sent, the book
also containing deposits of her own earnings--and not a debt had been
contracted during his absence.
The greatest trial, perhaps, that mother was called upon to endure,
after parting from her Baltimore friends several years before, was
the leaving her Massachusetts home for the Rochester home where father
established the "North Star." She never forgot her old friends and
delighted to speak of them up to her last illness.
Wendell Phillips, Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Sydney Howard Gay and many
more with their wives were particularly kind to her. At one of the
Anti-Slavery conventions held in Syracuse, father and mother were
the guests of Rev. Samuel J. May, a Unitarian minister and an ardent
Anti-Slavery friend. The spacious parlors of the May mansion were
thrown open for a reception to their honor and where she could meet
her old Boston friends. The refreshments were served on trays, one
of which placed upon an improvised table made by the sitting close
together of Wendell Phillips, Wm. Lloyd Garrison and Sydney Howard
Gay, mother was invited to sit, the four making an interesting
tableaux.
Mother occasionally traveled with father on his short trips, but not
as often as he would have liked as she was a housekeeper who felt that
her presence was necessary in the home, as she was wont to say "to
keep things straight." Her life in Rochester was not less active in
the cause of the slave, if anything she was more self-sacrificing, and
it was a long time after her residence there that she was understood.
The atmosphere in which she was placed lacked the genial cordiality
that greeted her in her Massachusetts home. There were only the few
that learned to know her, for, she drew around herself a certain
reserve, after meeting her new acquaintances that forbade any very
near approach to her. Prejudice in the early 40's in Rochester ran
rampant and mother became more distrustful. There were a few loyal
co-workers and she set herself assiduously to work. In the home, with
the aid of a laundress only, she managed her household. She watched
with a great deal of interest and no little pride the growth in public
life of my father, and in every possible way that she was capable
aided him by relieving him of all the management of the home as it
increased in size and in its appointments. It was her pleasure to know
that when he stood up before an audience that his linen was immaculate
and that she had made it so, for, no matter how well the laundry was
done for the family, she must with her own hands smooth the tucks in
father's linen and when he was on a long journey she would forward at
a given point a fresh supply.
Being herself one of the first agents of the Underground Railroad she
was an untiring worker along that line. To be able to accommodate
in a comfortable manner the fugitives that passed our way, father
enlarged his home where a suite of rooms could be made ready for those
fleeing to Canada. It was no unusual occurrence for mother to be
called up at all hours of the night, cold or hot as the case may be,
to prepare supper for a hungry lot of fleeing humanity.
She was greatly interested in the publication of the "North Star" or
Frederick Douglass' paper as it was called later on, and publication
day was always a day for extra rejoicing as each weekly paper was felt
to be another arrow sent on its way to do the work of puncturing the
veil that shrouded a whole race in gloom. Mother felt it her duty to
have her table well supplied with extra provisions that day, a custom
that we, childlike, fully appreciated. Our home was two miles from the
center of the city, where our office was situated, and many times did
we trudge through snow knee deep, as street cars were unknown.
During one of the summer vacations the question arose in father's mind
as to how his sons should be employed, for them to run wild through
the streets was out of the question. There was much hostile feeling
against the colored boys and as he would be from home most of the
time, he felt anxious about them. Mother came to the rescue with the
suggestion that they be taken into the office and taught the case.
They were little fellows and the thought had not occurred to father.
He acted upon the suggestion and at the ages of eleven and nine they
were perched upon blocks and given their first lesson in printer's
ink, besides being employed to carry papers and mailing them.
Father was mother's honored guest. He was from home so often that his
home comings were events that she thought worthy of extra notice, and
caused renewed activity. Every thing was done that could be to add
to his comfort. She also found time to care for four other boys at
different times. As they became members of our home circle, the care
of their clothing was as carefully seen to as her own children's and
they delighted in calling her Mother.
In her early life she was a member of the Methodist Church, as was
father, but in our home there was no family altar. Our custom was
to read a chapter in the Bible around the table, each reading a
verse in turn until the chapter was completed. She was a person who
strived to live a Christian life instead of talking it. She was a
woman strong in her likes and dislikes, and had a large discernment
as to the character of those who came around her. Her gift in that
direction being very fortunate in the protection of father's interest
especially in the early days of his public life, when there was great
apprehension for his safety. She was a woman firm in her opposition
to alcoholic drinks, a strict disciplinarian--her _no_ meant _no_ and
_yes_, _yes_, but more frequently the _no's_ had it, especially when I
was the petitioner. So far as I was concerned, I found my father more
yielding than my mother, altho' both were rigid as to the matter of
obedience.
There was a certain amount of grim humor about mother and perhaps
such exhibitions as they occurred were a little startling to those
who were unacquainted with her. The reserve in which she held herself
made whatever she might attempt of a jocose nature somewhat acrid. She
could not be known all at once, she had to be studied. She abhorred
shames. In the early 70's she came to Washington and found a large
number of people from whom the shackles had recently fallen. She fully
realized their condition and considered the gaieties that were then
indulged in as frivolous in the extreme.
On one occasion several young women called upon her and commenting on
her spacious parlors and the approaching holiday season, thought it a
favorable opportunity to suggest the keeping of an open house. Mother
replied: "I have been keeping open house for several weeks. I have it
closed now and I expect to keep it closed." The young women thinking
mother's understanding was at fault, endeavored to explain. They were
assured, however, that they were fully understood. Father, who was
present, laughingly pointed to the New Bay Window, which had been
completed only a few days previous to their call.
Perhaps no other home received under its roof a more varied class
of people than did our home. From the highest dignitaries to the
lowliest person, bond or free, white or black, were welcomed, and
mother was equally gracious to all. There were a few who presumed on
the hospitality of the home and officiously insinuated themselves
and their advice in a manner that was particularly disagreeable to
her. This unwelcome attention on the part of the visitor would be
grievously repelled, in a manner more forceful than the said party
would deem her capable of, and from such a person an erroneous
impression of her temper and qualifications would be given, and
criticisms sharp and unjust would be made; so that altho' she had her
triumphs, they were trials, and only those who knew her intimately
could fully understand and appreciate the enduring patience of the
wife and mother.
During her wedded life of forty-four years, whether in adversity or
prosperity, she was the same faithful ally, guarding as best she
could every interest connected with my father, his lifework and the
home. Unfortunately an opportunity for a knowledge of books had been
denied her, the lack of which she greatly deplored. Her increasing
family and household duties prevented any great advancement, altho'
she was able to read a little. By contact with people of culture
and education, and they were her real friends, her improvement was
marked. She took a lively interest in every phase of the Anti-Slavery
movement, an interest that father took full pains to foster and to
keep her intelligently informed. I was instructed to read to her. She
was a good listener, making comments on passing events, which were
well worth consideration, altho' the manner of the presentation of
them might provoke a smile. Her value was fully appreciated by my
father, and in one of his letters to Thomas Auld, (his former master,)
he says, "Instead of finding my companion a burden she is truly a
helpmeet."
In 1882, this remarkable woman, for in many ways she was remarkable,
was stricken with paralysis and for four weeks was a great sufferer.
Altho' perfectly helpless, she insisted from her sick bed to direct
her home affairs. The orders were given with precision and they were
obeyed with alacrity. Her fortitude and patience up to within ten
days of her death were very great. She helped us to bear her burden.
Many letters of condolence from those who had met her and upon whom
pleasant impressions had been made, were received. Hon. J. M. Dalzell
of Ohio, wrote thus:
"You know I never met your good wife but once and then her welcome was
so warm and sincere and unaffected, her manner altogether so motherly,
and her goodby so full of genuine kindness and hospitality, as to
impress me tenderly and fill my eyes with tears as I now recall it."
Prof. Peter H. Clark of Cincinnati, Ohio, wrote: "The kind treatment
given to us and our little one so many years ago won for her a place
in our hearts from which no lapse of time could move her. To us she
was ever kind and good and our mourning because of her death, is
heartfelt."
There is much room for reflection in the review in the life of such a
woman as Anna Murray Douglass. Unlettered tho' she was, there was a
strength of character and of purpose that won for her the respect of
the noblest and best. She was a woman who strove to inculcate in the
minds of her children the highest principles of morality and virtue
both by precept and example. She was not well versed in the polite
etiquette of the drawing room, the rules for the same being found
in the many treatises devoted to that branch of literature. She was
possessed of a much broader culture, and with discernment born of
intelligent observation, and wise discrimination she welcomed all with
the hearty manner of a noble soul.
I have thus striven to give you a glimpse of my mother. In so doing
I am conscious of having made frequent mention of my father. It is
difficult to say any thing of mother without the mention of father,
her life was so enveloped in his. Together they rest side by side,
and most befittingly, within sight of the dear old home of hallowed
memories and from which the panting fugitive, the weary traveler, the
lonely emigrant of every clime, received food and shelter.
ROSETTA DOUGLASS SPRAGUE.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] This paper and the one which _follows_ give valuable information
about Frederick Douglass and his wife.
FREDERICK DOUGLASS IN IRELAND
Few persons have any idea as to the connection between the abolition
of slavery in the United States and the struggle of the Irish for
freedom. According to _The Standard Union_, when in the decade 1830
Negro slavery existed in the British West Indies, a little party of
liberal men in the British Parliament began to agitate in season
and out of season for emancipation, Daniel O'Connell, with a few
Irish members who supported him, threw his strength to this little
party on every division. There was a West Indian interest pledged to
maintain Negro slavery, and this interest counted twenty-seven votes
in Parliament. They came to O'Connell and offered their twenty-seven
votes to him on every Irish question if he would oppose Negro
emancipation.
"It was," said Wendell Phillips, "a terrible temptation. How
many a so-called statesman would have yielded!" O'Connell said:
"Gentlemen, God knows I speak for the saddest nation the sun ever
sees, but may my right hand forget its cunning and my tongue
cleave to the roof of my mouth, if to serve Ireland, even Ireland,
I forget the Negro one single hour."
The following account taken from _The Liberator_, including a
letter from Frederick Douglass, shows the genuineness of this Irish
friendship for the Negro in the United States:
A letter of extraordinary interest at this time from Mr. Frederick
Douglass to Mr. William Lloyd Garrison has just come to light in
the columns of _The True American_, a little anti-slavery paper
published in Cortland Village, N. Y., in 1846. The letter, written
with the eloquence and depth of feeling which characterized all
Mr. Douglass's utterances on the subject of slavery and the
abuse of the Negro in this country. The letter, which _The True
American_ copied from _The Boston Liberator_, Mr. Garrison's
Paper, is introduced by the following editorial comment from _The
Albany Journal_ under date of February 11, 1846.
"It is scarcely necessary to direct attention to the letter of
Frederick Douglass which we copy from _The Boston Liberator_.
It will be read with equal pleasure and amazement by those
who remember that eight years ago he was a slave, and that he
literally stole the elements of an education which now gives him
rank among the most gifted and eloquent men of the age.
"We shall not blame those who refuse to believe that Frederick
wrote this letter. Without the personal knowledge we possess of
his extraordinary attainments, we too should doubt whether a
fugitive slave, who, as but yesterday, escaped from a bondage that
doomed him to ignorance and degradation, now stands up and rebukes
oppression with a dignity and force scarcely less glowing than
that which Paul addressed to Agrippa."
The letter is as follows:
VICTORIA HOTEL, BELFAST,
January 1st, 1846.
_My dear Friend Garrison_:
I am now about to take leave of the Emerald Isle, for Glasgow,
Scotland. I have been here a little more than four months.--Up
to this time, I have been given no direct expression of the
views, feelings and opinions which I have formed, respecting
the character and condition of the people of this land. I have
refrained thus purposely. I wish to speak advisedly, and in order
to do this, I have waited till I trust experience has brought my
opinions to an intelligent maturity. I have been thus thankful,
not because I think what I may say will have much effect in
shaping the opinions of the world, but because whatever of
influence I may possess, whether little or much, I wish it to go
in the right direction, and according to truth.
I hardly need say that in speaking of Ireland, I shall be
influenced by no prejudices in favor of America. I think my
circumstances all forbid that. I have no end to serve, no creed
to uphold, no government to defend; and as to nation, I belong to
none. I have no protection at home, or resting place abroad. The
land of my birth welcomes me to her shores only as a slave, and
spurns with contempt the idea of treating me differently.--So that
I am an outcast from the society of my childhood, and an outlaw in
the land of my birth. "I am a stranger with thee, and a sojourner
as all my fathers were." That men should be patriotic is to me
perfectly natural; and as a philosophical fact, I am able to give
it an intellectual recognition. But no further can I go. If ever
I had any patriotism, or any capacity for the feeling, it was
whipt out of me long since by the lash of the American souldrivers.
In thinking of America, I sometimes find myself admiring her
bright blue sky--her grand old woods--her fertile fields--her
beautiful rivers--her mighty lakes, and star crowned mountains.
But my rapture is soon checked, my joy is soon turned to mourning.
When I remember that all is cursed with the infernal spirit of
slaveholding, robbery and wrong,--when I remember that with the
waters of her noblest rivers, the tears of my brethren are borne
to the ocean, disregarded and forgotten, and that her most fertile
fields drink daily of the warm blood of my outraged sisters, I
am filled with unutterable loathing, and led to reproach myself
that anything could fall from my lips in praise of such a land.
America will not allow her children to love her. She seems bent
on compelling those who would be her warmest friends, to be her
worst enemies. May God give her repentance before it is too late,
is the ardent prayer of my heart. I will continue to pray, labor
and wait, believing that she cannot always be insensible to the
dictates of justice, or deaf to the voice of humanity.
My opportunities for learning the character and condition of the
people of this land have been very great. I have travelled almost
from the hill of "Howth" to the Giant's Causeway, and from the
Giant's Causeway to Cape Clear. During these travels, I have met
with much in the character and condition of the people to approve,
and much to condemn--much that has thrilled me with pleasure--and
very much that has filled me with pain. I will not in this letter
attempt to give any description of those scenes which have given
me pain. This I will do hereafter. I have enough, and more than
your subscribers will be disposed to read at one time, of the
bright side of the picture. I can truly say, I have spent some of
the happiest moments of my life since landing in this country. I
seem to have undergone a transformation. I live a new life.
The warm and generous co-operation extended to me by the friends
of my despised race--the prompt and liberal manner with which the
press has rendered me its aid--the glorious enthusiasm with which
thousands have flocked to hear the cruel wrongs of my down-trodden
and long enslaved countrymen portrayed--the deep sympathy of the
slave, and the strong abhorrence of the slaveholder, everywhere
evinced--the cordiality with which members and ministers of
various religious bodies, and of various shades of religious
opinion, have embraced me and lent me their aid--the kind
hospitality constantly proffered to me by persons of the highest
rank in society--the spirit of freedom that seems to animate all
with whom I come in contact--and the entire absence of everything
that looked like prejudice against me, on account of the color
of my skin--contrasting so strongly with my long and bitter
experience in the United States, that I look with wonder and
amazement on the transition.
In the Southern part of the United States I was a slave, thought
of and spoken of as property. In the language of the law, "held,
taken, reputed and adjudged to be chattel in the hands of my
owners and possessors, and their executors, administrators,
or assigns, to all intents, constructions, and purposes
whatever."--Brev. Digest, 224. In the Northern States, a fugitive
slave, liable to be hunted at any moment like a felon, and to be
hurried into the terrible jaws of slavery--doomed by an inveterate
prejudice against color to insult and outrage in every hand.
(Massachusetts out of the question)--denied the privileges and
courtesies common to others in the use of the most humble of
conveyances--shut out from the cabins on steamboats--refused
admission to respectable hotels--caricatured, scorned, scoffed,
mocked and maltreated with impunity by any one (no matter how
black his heart), so he has a white skin.
But now behold the change! Eleven days and a half gone, and I
have crossed three thousand miles of the perilous deep. Instead
of a democratic government, I am under a monarchical government.
Instead of the bright blue sky of America, I am covered with the
soft gray fog of the Emerald Isle. I breathe, and lo! the chattel
becomes a man. I gaze around in vain for one who will question
my equal humanity, claim me as his slave, or offer me an insult.
I employ a cab--I am seated beside white people--I reach the
hotel--I enter the same door--I am shown into the same parlor--I
dine at the same table--and no one is offended. No delicate
nose grows deformed in my presence. I have no difficulty here
in obtaining admission into any place of worship, instruction
or amusement, on equal terms with people as white as any I ever
saw in the United States. I meet nothing to remind me of my
complexion. I find myself regarded and treated at every turn with
the kindness and deference paid to white people. When I go to
church, I am met by no upturned nose and scorned lip to tell me,
"We don't allow niggers in here!"
I remember about two years ago, there was in Boston, near the
southwest corner of Boston Common, a menagerie. I had long desired
to see such a collection as I understood were being exhibited
there. Never having had an opportunity while a slave, I resolved
to seize this, my first, since my escape. I went, and as I
approached the entrance to gain admission, I was met and told by
the doorkeeper in a harsh and contemptuous tone, "We don't allow
niggers here!" I also remember attending a revival meeting in the
Rev. Henry Jackson's meeting house, at New Bedford, and going up
the broad aisle to find a seat. I was met by a good deacon, who
told me in a pious tone, "We don't allow niggers here!" Soon after
my arrival in New Bedford from the South, I had a strong desire to
attend the Lyceum, but was told, "We don't allow niggers here!"
While passing from New York to Boston on the steamer
Massachusetts, on the night of the 9th Dec., 1843, when chilled
almost through with the cold, I went into the cabin to get a
little warm, I was soon touched upon the shoulder and told,
"We don't allow niggers here!" On arriving in Boston from an
anti-slavery tour, hungry and tired I went into an eating house
near my friend Mr. Campbell's, to get some refreshments. I was met
by a lad in a white apron, "We don't allow niggers here!" A week
or two before leaving the United States, I had a meeting appointed
at Weymouth, the home of that glorious band of true abolitionists,
the Weston family and others. On attempting to take a seat on the
omnibus to that place, I was told by the driver (and I never shall
forget the fiendish haste), "I don't allow niggers in here!"
Thank heaven for the respite I now enjoy! I had been in Dublin
but a few days, when a gentleman of great respectability kindly
offered to conduct me through all the public buildings of that
beautiful city; and a little afterwards, I found myself dining
with the Lord Mayor of Dublin. What a pity there was not some
American Democratic Christian at the door of his splendid mansion,
to bark out at my approach, "They don't allow niggers in here!"
The truth is, the people here know nothing of the Republican Negro
hate prevalent in our glorious land. They measure and esteem
men according to their moral and intellectual worth, and not
according to the color of their skin. Whatever may be said of the
aristocracies here, there is none based on the color of a man's
skin. This species of aristocracy belongs pre-eminently to "the
land of the free, and the home of the brave." I have never found
it abroad, in any but Americans. It sticks to them where-ever they
go. They find it almost as hard to get rid of as to get rid of
their skins.
The second day after my arrival at Liverpool, in company with my
friend Buffum, and several other friends I went to Eaton Hall, the
residence of the Marquis of Westminster, one of the most splendid
buildings in England. On approaching the door, I found several
of our American passengers who came out with us in the Cambria,
waiting at the door for admission, as but one party was allowed in
the house at a time. We all had to wait till the company within
came out. And of all the faces, expressive of chagrin, those of
the Americans were pre-eminent. They looked as sour as vinegar,
and as bitter as gall, when they found I was to be admitted on
equal terms with themselves. When the door was opened I walked in,
on an equal footing with my white fellow citizens, and from all
I could see I had as much attention paid me by the servants who
showed me through the house as any with a paler skin. As I walked
through the building, the statuary did not fall down, the pictures
did not leap from their places, the doors did not refuse to open,
and the servants did not say, "We don't allow niggers in here!"
A happy new year to you and to all the friends of freedom.
Excuse this imperfect scrawl and believe me to be ever and always
yours,
FREDERICK DOUGLASS
BOOK REVIEWS
_The History of the Afro-American Group of the Episcopal Church._
By GEORGE F. BRAGG, Rector St. James First African Church,
Baltimore. With an Introduction by the Rt. Rev. T. DuBose Bratton,
D.D., LL.D., Bishop of Mississippi. The Church Advocate Press,
Baltimore, 1922, pp. 319.
This work is intended to supply the need of a volume tracing the
connection of the Negro with the Protestant Episcopal Church in
America. As this particular group of communicants has not the status
of independent organization, its peculiar history has remained only
in fragments. To embody these in the form of a handy volume to show
how this denomination has influenced the life of the Negro and how
members of the race have been affected thereby, will be a distinct
service for which the public would feel thankful. Whether or not the
author has accomplished this task the readers themselves will decide.
He has undertaken the work with so much enthusiasm and found so many
things to praise and such a few to condemn that the reader may find
the work somewhat _ex parte_. The struggle of the Negro communicants
in this denomination and its indifference toward the strivings of the
race before the Civil War are not emphasized. Approaching the volume
with reservation, however, the investigator will find the work of some
value.
The volume begins with the early baptism of African children during
the early days. He directs attention to the work of missionaries in
South Carolina, Maryland, Georgia, and Virginia and brings his story
down to the days of the independent movement among Negro communicants
as it culminated in the organization of the Free African Society
of Philadelphia out of which emerged the St. Thomas African Church
under the leadership of Absalom Jones. He then discusses the rise of
such churches as St. Phillips in New York, St. James in Baltimore,
Christ Church in Providence, St. Luke in New Haven, The Church of the
Crucifixion in Philadelphia, St. Matthews in Detroit, St. Phillips in
New Jersey and St. Phillips in Buffalo. The renewed interest of the
Protestant Episcopal Church in the uplift of the Negro is interwoven
around his discussion of the Freedman's Commission organized in 1868
to Christianize and educate the Negroes recently emancipated in the
South. He then discusses the further interest shown by the General
Convention of 1871 and treats with some detail the efforts through
mission schools in the South.
The remaining portion of the book consists of biographical sketches.
It contains a list of the Negro clergy prior to 1866, mentioning such
names as Absalom Jones, Peter Williams, William Levington, James C.
Ward, Jacob Oson, Gustavus V. Caesar, Edward Jones, William Douglass,
Isaiah G. DeGrasse, Alexander Crummell, Eli Worthington Stokes,
William C. Munroe, Samuel Vreeland Berry, Harrison Holmes Webb, James
Theodore Holly, William Johnson Alston, and John Peterson. Among these
are accounts of such veteran friends as Bishops Atkinson, Lyman,
Johns, Whittie, Smith, Quintard, Whittingham, Howe, Stevens, Young,
and Dudley, along with Mr. Joseph Bryan, General Samuel C. Armstrong,
and Mrs. Loomis L. White. He then gives sketches of some self-made
strong characters like James E. Thompson, Cassius M. C. Mason, James
Solomon Russell, James Nelson Denver, Henry Mason Joseph, Henry
Stephen McDuffy, Primus Priss Alston, Paulus Moort, Henry L. Phillips,
August E. Jensen, Joshua Bowden Massiah, William Victor Tunnell, and
John W. Perry. Honorable mention is given to Samuel David Ferguson,
John Payne, Edward T. Demby, Henry B. Delany, and T. Momolu Gardiner.
* * * * *
_The Trend of the Races._ By GEORGE E. HAYNES, Ph.D. With an
introduction by JAMES H. DILLARD. Published jointly by Council of
Women for Home Missions and Missionary Education Movement of the
United States and Canada. New York, 1922, pp. 205.
This volume is at once both historical and sociological. It is
interesting but might have been more readable if the materials had
been better organized so as to avoid unnecessary repetition from
chapter to chapter. It marks an epoch in the history of the Negro in
the United States, however, in that it was written at the request
of white persons constituting the Joint Committee on Home Mission
Literature representing the Missionary Education Movement and the
Council of Women for Home Missions and the Missionary Educational
Boards. The aim of the work is to present to the white workers in
the Church the achievements of the Negro, believing that if the
Negro becomes known to the white man, he will not be any longer hated
by him; or, as the chairman of the committee herself says in the
foreword to the volume: "Our seeking to know him must be on the basis
of the broadest sympathy. In the friendliest and most helpful spirit
we should sincerely desire to understand him in the place where he
is and to apprehend something of the road by which he came and the
direction of his highest and best aspirations, that we may, so far
as we can, make it possible for him to attain his best in our common
civilization. We should at the same time quite as earnestly seek to
know ourselves in respect to our limitations, achievements, and goals
in the building of the social order."
The book begins with a presentation of the case of the Negro,
reviewing two methods of racial adjustment. It then discusses the
conditions under which some choice of procedure must be made in view
of the white and Negro public opinion. The author then endeavors
to show what the Negro has accomplished during the sixty years
emphasizing his achievements both economic and industrial. In this
chapter he deals largely with the progress of Negro farmers, the
growth of business enterprises, improvements in health, moral uplift,
the development of homes, achievements in community life, education,
inventions, scientific discovery, and religious life. The author then
treats in some detail the mental capacity of the Negro, his feelings,
his conduct, his humor and his dramatic ability. He shows how the
Negro practices self-abnegation, toleration and optimism in spite
of oppression and yet brings out the fact that there is a rising
tide of race consciousness, increasing resentment and suspicion. The
development of racial self-respect, and the forward looking program
of self-assertion are also mentioned in showing how the Negroes are
learning to depend upon their own leaders and to undertake to do for
themselves what they have long requested others to accomplish for them.
One of the important features of the book is its emphasis on the
part which the Negro has played in the various wars in the United
States beginning with the American Revolution and bringing the story
through all of our national and international struggles. Most space,
however, is devoted to the Negro's participation in the World War and
to the local economic situation in which the Negroes figured during
the dearth of labor and the scarcity of money when they responded to
the call to render non-combatant service and to lend the Government
their means by purchasing Liberty Bonds. Following this the author
finds it opportune to show the trend of the white world, bringing out
its attitude and ways of action due to conscience. Here he discusses
the influence of economic motives, survivals from the past, attitudes
due to ideals of race, the effects of the principles and ideals of
democracy and the interracial mind. The author believes that the way
to interracial peace is through racial contacts, church co-operation,
efficient reorganization in the division of labor, and through mutual
economic and life interests, group interdependence between mental and
social factors, educational institutions, popular government, and
voluntary organizations coordinating interracial activities.
* * * * *
_In the Vanguard of a Race._ By L. H. HAMMOND. Published jointly
by Council of Women for Home Missions and Missionary Education
Movement of the United States and Canada. New York, 1922, pp. 176.
This is a volume not so serious as that of Dr. Haynes's but written
for the purpose of presenting to the American public a number of
useful leaders now shaping the destiny of the Negro race. Inasmuch
as all famous workers of the race could not be mentioned, the author
endeavored to select one typical of each particular thought and to
portray them as the representatives of a large host of laborers
rebuilding the civilization of a large portion of mankind. The persons
sketched have worked as musicians, painters, sculptors, actors,
singers, poets, educators, physicians, farmers, and clergymen. When
one considers several of the selections made, however, he must be
astounded at the lack of judgment shown as to who are the leading
Negro workers doing something worth while. The author seems to
have obtained advice from such friends and helpers as Miss Ida A.
Tourtellot of the Phelps-Stokes Foundation, Miss Flora Mitchell
of the Woman's Home Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal
Church, Mrs. Booker T. Washington of Tuskegee, Mr. Jackson Davis of
the General Education Board, Mr. N. C. Newbold of the North Carolina
State Department of Education, Mr. W. T. B. Williams of the Jeanes and
Slater Boards, Professor G. L. Imes of Tuskegee, and Dr. A. M. Moore
of Durham, North Carolina, all of whom do not claim to be authorities
in matter of this kind.
On the whole, however, the book has a value. In the first chapter,
"A Long Ascent," there is an interesting sketch of the rising race
showing unusual possibilities which must convince the world of the
inherent worth and bright future of the Negro. The sketch of Booker T.
Washington entitled "A Story of Service" is decidedly interesting and
is written in such a style as to popularize the achievements of the
great educator. Presented very much in the same way is the account of
the valuable service of Dr. C. V. Roman whose efforts have not been
restricted to medicine, inasmuch as he is an author and a lecturer of
recognized standing. Miss Nannie H. Burroughs is properly presented
to typify that part of the story known as "Saving an Idea." Herein is
sketched the rise and the culmination of the career of one of the most
useful women of our day. In the same style the work of Dr. William
N. DeBerry of Springfield, Massachusetts, appears. There follows the
sketch of the career of Mrs. Jane Barrett, a believer in happiness,
then that of John B. Pierce, a builder of prosperity, and next that
of Mrs. Maggie L. Walker, a woman banker. Much space is given also
to the career of the famous composer, Harry T. Burleigh. This sketch
is followed by two others directing attention to Miss Martha Drummer
and James Dunston. The book closes with a brief biography of Joseph
S. Cotter, Jr., the young poet who recently attained distinction in
expressing the strivings of an oppressed people.
* * * * *
_The Negro in Chicago. A study of race relations and a race riot._
By the Chicago Commission on Race Relations. The University of
Chicago Press, Chicago, Illinois, 1922, pp. 672.
It is generally admitted that this report of the Commission on Race
Relations is the most important contribution to this interesting
subject. The very organization of the commission deepens this
impression. Before the end of this racial conflict in which 38
lives were lost and 537 persons injured between July 27 and August
6, 1919, representatives of 48 social, civic, commercial and
professional organizations of Chicago met on the first of August
and requested Governor Frank O. Lowden, of Illinois, to appoint an
emergency State Committee "to study the psychological, social and
economic causes underlying the conditions resulting in the present
race riot and to make such recommendations as will tend to prevent a
recurrence of such conditions in the future." In response to this
and other urgent requests, according to the report and pursuant to
his personal knowledge of the situation derived from investigations
made by him in Chicago during the riot, Governor Lowden appointed as
a commission, Edgar A. Bancroft, William Scott Bond, Edward Osgood
Brown, Harry Eugene Kelley, Victor F. Lawson, and Julius Rosenwald
as representatives of the white race and Robert S. Abbott, George
Cleveland Hall, George H. Jackson, Edward H. Morris, Adelbert
H. Roberts, and Lacey Kirk Williams representing the Negroes,
all to serve as a commission to undertake the work suggested by
the memorialists. Mr. Bancroft was designated by the Governor as
chairman but on account of his absence due to ill health, Dr. F. W.
Shepardson, Director of the State Department of Registration and
Education, was appointed to serve as acting chairman and on the
return of Mr. Bancroft, Dr. Shepardson was added to the commission
and made its Vice-Chairman. Inasmuch as the commission had no funds
a committee consisting of Messrs. James B. Forgan, chairman, Abel
Davis, Treasurer, Arthur Meeker, John J. Mitchell, and John G. Shedd,
together with Messrs. R. B. Beach and John F. Bowman of the staff of
the Chicago Association of Commerce, enabled the commission of inquiry
to meet this emergency. The actual work was done under the direction
of an Executive Secretary, Graham Romeyn Taylor and an Associate
Executive Secretary, Charles S. Johnson, the latter assuming charge of
the actual inquiries and investigation.
The report does not present any solution by which all racial troubles
may be avoided. It well fulfills its mission, however, in finding
facts which, if properly studied, will serve to guide others in
promoting amicable relations between racial groups. It at once
convinces the general public that causes of racial friction may be
insignificant in themselves but are nevertheless capable of leading
to serious results, although a little effort can easily effect
their removal in time to avoid such fatal consequences. It shows,
moreover, that grievances too often portrayed as justifiable reasons
for self-help are generally exaggerated primarily for the purpose of
inflaming the public mind and should such findings be given adequate
publicity the effects of such unwise action may be counteracted in
time. It is claimed for this commission, moreover, that its work has
promoted an understanding between the two racial groups in the city of
Chicago and removed misunderstandings which have been such prolific
sources of trouble.
The report covers in some detail an informing account of the race
riot itself and of other outbreaks in the State of Illinois. Going
to the very causes of things, the commission studied the migration
of the Negroes from the South, the Negro population in Chicago,
directing attention to the housing of Negroes, racial contacts,
vicious environments, and lines of industry. One of the most informing
parts of the work is a treatment of public opinion in race relations,
bringing out beliefs concerning Negroes and the background of such and
public opinion as expressed by Negroes themselves. Adequate space is
given to the instruments of opinion-making, such as Chicago newspapers
and the Negro press as well as to rumors, myths, and propaganda. The
recommendations of the Commission require careful attention. While the
public will not generally accept these recommendations as final, they
are at least suggestive and require careful consideration.
One defect of the work, however, if it has a defect, is that it fails
to take into account one important cause, namely, the migration of
many poor whites to the North during the period of scarcity of labor
incident to the World War when these southerners brought north their
own opinions about how to keep the Negro down and helped to aggravate
the situation in Chicago.
NOTES
Mr. George W. Brown, a graduate of Howard University who, as a result
of a year of graduate work in History and Political Science at Western
Reserve University, has received the degree of Master of Arts, has
been appointed Instructor in History at the West Virginia Collegiate
Institute. Mr. Brown is the author of a dissertation entitled _Haiti
and the United States_.
Mr. Miles Mark Fisher who contributed to the last issue of THE JOURNAL
OF NEGRO HISTORY the valuable dissertation and documents bearing on
the career of Lott Cary and who has written two other valuable works,
_The History of the Olivet Baptist Church_ and _The Master's Slave_,
has been appointed an instructor at the Virginia Union University,
Richmond, Virginia.
Mr. Luther P. Jackson, a graduate of Fisk University, who specialized
at Columbia in History and Education leading to the degree of Master
of Arts, and who contributes to the current number of THE JOURNAL OF
NEGRO HISTORY the dissertation entitled _The Educational Efforts of
the Freedmen's Bureau and Freedmen's Aid Societies in South Carolina,
1862-1872_, has been appointed an instructor in the Virginia Normal
and Industrial Institute, Petersburg, Virginia.
The Macmillan Company has published _A Boys' Life of Booker T.
Washington_ by W. C. Jackson, Vice President of the North Carolina
College for Women, Greensboro, and Professor of History.
The A. B. Caldwell Publishing Company, Atlanta, Georgia, has brought
out an autobiography, _Echoes from a Pioneer Life_ by Jared Maurice
Arter, an instructor in Storer College, Harpers Ferry, West Va.
From the University of Chicago Press there has come another
interesting volume on the Negro. This is entitled _The Negro Press in
the United States_ by Frederick G. Detweiler.
Sir Harry H. Johnston, G. C. M. G., K. C. B., Sc.D., has published
through Oxford at the Clarendon Press his second volume of _A
Comparative Study of the Bantu and Semi-Bantu Languages_.
THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE ANNUAL MEETING OF THE ASSOCIATION FOR THE STUDY
OF NEGRO LIFE AND HISTORY
The Association met in annual session on the 22d, 23d and 24th of
November in Louisville, Kentucky. The day sessions were held at the
Chestnut Street Branch Library and the evening sessions at the Quinn
Chapel A. M. E. Church. The meeting was a success from both the local
and national points of view. Persons from afar came to take an active
part and the citizens of Louisville and nearby cities of Kentucky
attended in considerable numbers.
The meeting was opened at eight o'clock Wednesday evening at the
Chestnut Street Branch Library with a stereopticon lecture on the
History of the Negro by Dr. A. Eugene Thomson, principal of Lincoln
Institute, Lincoln Ridge, Kentucky. This lecture covered the early
history of the Negro in Egypt and Ethiopia with illustrations of
the historic monuments exhibiting the progress of the natives in
architecture and the fine arts. There followed an informing discussion
of the importance of the study of this particular part of the past of
the dark races.
On Thursday morning at ten o'clock a conference on "The Present State
of the Negro" was held. Mr. E. E. Reed, principal of the Bowling
Green High School, delivered an address on "The Social and Economic
Status of the Negro." This was the main feature of the conference.
The general discussion was opened by Mr. E. A. Carter, secretary of
the Louisville Urban League, who discussed "The Political Status
of the Negro." The views of the speakers were such as to present
both the optimistic and the pessimistic sides of the question. They
believed that while there have been some developments which indicate
improvement in the status of the Negro, there have been also other
changes which indicate a tendency of things to become static.
Early in the afternoon at 1:30 P. M. a special session was held at
the William J. Simmons University. The aim here was to interest the
students in the importance of the preservation of the records of the
Negro. Several members of the Association discussed the history of the
organization, its achievements and plans, and welcomed the cooperation
of all as coworkers in this long neglected field. Dr. W. H. Steward,
the editor of _The American Baptist_, then spoke from his experience
on "The Value of a Written Record," mentioning several cases in
Kentucky where important matters have been decided by such documentary
evidence. He emphasized the importance of the work accomplished by the
Association and encouraged the youth to connect themselves with it
that the cause may be promoted more successfully.
At three o'clock Thursday afternoon with Professor W. B. Matthews,
principal of the Central High School, presiding, there followed a
session devoted to "The Teaching of Negro History." Many of the
teachers from the local school system were present. In a very
thoughtful and impressive manner Mr. J. W. Bell, principal of the
Hopkinsville High School, discussed the teaching of Negro history as
a matter of concern not only to the Negro himself but to the white
man. He expressed the opinion that through the dissemination of such
information the one race may become better acquainted with the other.
He was then followed by Mr. P. W. L. Jones, instructor in History at
the Kentucky Normal and Industrial Institute, Frankfort, Kentucky.
Mr. Jones directed his attention to "The Value of Negro Biography" as
a means of keeping before the race the records of a number of useful
citizens who might otherwise be forgotten and as a means of inspiring
the youth to useful endeavor and noble achievement. He took occasion
to present brief sketches of a number of Negroes once prominent in the
past but now almost forgotten because of the failure to pass their
story on to the coming generation. Mr. Thomas F. Blue, librarian of
the Chestnut Street Branch Library, then opened the general discussion
showing from his experience the need for directing more attention to
these neglected aspects of this peculiar problem of a race in the
making.
The first evening session was held at the Quinn Chapel A. M. E.
Church with Dr. Noah W. Williams presiding. On this occasion the
Honorable C. C. Stoll, representing the Mayor of Louisville, welcomed
the Association in words adequate to arouse interest and enthusiasm.
Dr. L. G. Jordan, secretary emeritus of the National Baptist Foreign
Mission Board, responded to this address on behalf of the Association.
He took occasion, moreover, to make some interesting observations out
of his experiences in America and in Africa. Then followed an address
by Dr. C. G. Woodson who briefly connected the achievements of the
Negro with such movements in history as the commercial revolution,
the intellectual revival, the struggle for the rights of man, the
industrial revolution, the reform movements of the nineteenth century,
and the present effort to attain social justice.
On Friday morning at ten o'clock with Dr. James Bond presiding there
followed a conference on the Negro slave. Mr. W. H. Fouse, principal
of the Russell High School of Lexington, read an informing paper
on "The Contribution of the Slave to Civilization." He emphasized
especially the value of Negro labor as the basis upon which Southern
society was established, showing that whatever valuable culture was
developed was made possible by the work of the Negro slave. He did
not, however, subscribe to the theory that it is necessary to enslave
one part of the population that the other may apply itself to the
study of science, philosophy and politics. Dr. R. S. Cotterill,
instructor in History at the University of Louisville, then read a
valuable dissertation entitled "The Use of Slaves in Building Southern
Railroads." The speaker showed that he had made an extensive research
into documentary material, and he presented an array of facts which
unusually enlightened his audience in this neglected field. During
the general discussion which followed some other important facts were
brought forward, and much interest in the researches of these two
speakers was generally expressed.
From Friday afternoon at two o'clock to 5:30 P. M. there were
exhibited at the Chestnut Street Branch Library samples of the
publications of the Association and a number of valuable engravings
of the Antique Works of Art in Benin, West Africa. This offered the
public an opportunity to judge the progress made by the Association
since its organization in 1915 and to form an opinion as to the sort
of work prosecuted and the manner in which it has been done. The
engravings setting forth the achievements of an important group of
African peoples of the 16th century convinced a large number that the
Negro race has behind it a valuable record which can never be known
except through such research and expeditions as will unearth these
important contributions.
At three o'clock there was held the business session of the
Association. The reports of the Director and the Secretary-Treasurer
were read and, after favorable comment, were accepted and approved by
vote of the Association. These reports follow:
THE REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR.
With respect to the most difficult task of the Director, that of
raising money, the work of the Association has been eminently
successful. Encouraged by the appropriation of $25,000 obtained
from the Carnegie Corporation last year, the Director appealed
to several boards for the same consideration. Last February one
of these, the Laura Spelman Rockefeller Memorial, appropriated
$25,000 to this work, payable in annual installments of $5,000,
as in the case of that obtained from the Carnegie Corporation.
It is to be regretted, however, that smaller contributions,
heretofore yielding most of the income of the Association prior to
obtaining the two appropriations, have diminished in number and
amount. Appealed to repeatedly, many of these persons give the
heavy income tax as an excuse, while not a few make the mistake
of thinking that the other funds received by the Association are
sufficient to take care of the general expenses. During the fiscal
year 1921-1922, thirty-seven persons, most of whom were Negroes,
contributed $25.00 each, whereas during the previous fiscal year
the number was larger.
The following report of the Secretary-Treasurer shows how these
funds have been used:
FINANCIAL STATEMENT OF THE SECRETARY-TREASURER
WASHINGTON, D. C., July 1, 1922
THE ASSOCIATION FOR THE STUDY OF
NEGRO LIFE AND HISTORY, INC.,
WASHINGTON, D. C.
_Gentlemen_:
I hereby submit to you a statement of the amount of money received
and expended by the Association for the Study of Negro Life and
History, Incorporated, from July 1, 1921, to June 30, 1922,
inclusive:
_Receipts_
Subscriptions $ 1,772.63
Memberships 241.00
Contributions 9,113.75
Advertising 195.45
Rent and Light 180.14
Books 1.70
Refunds 50.42
----------
Total receipts $11,555.09
Bal. on hand July 1, 1921 43.09
----------
$11,598.18
_Expenditures_
Printing and Stationery $ 4,929.97
Petty Cash 670.00
Stenographic service 990.23
Rent and Light 714.67
Salaries 3,450.00
Traveling Expenses 468.09
Miscellaneous 286.46
----------
Total expenditures $11,509.42
Bal. on hand June 30, 1922 88.76
----------
$11,598.18
This report does not cover the $5,000 annually received
for research into the Free Negro Prior to 1861 and Negro
Reconstruction History. This fund was made available on the
first of July, the beginning of the fiscal year, and has been
apportioned so as to pay three investigators and a copyist
employed to do this work.
Respectfully submitted,
(Signed) S. W. RUTHERFORD,
Secretary-Treasurer.
The appropriation of $25,000 obtained from the Laura Spelman
Rockefeller Memorial requires the employment of investigators
to develop the studies of the Free Negro Prior to 1861 and of
Negro Reconstruction History. The annual allowance of $5,000 is
devoted altogether to this work, inasmuch as special instructions
received from the Trustees of the Laura Spelman Rockefeller
Memorial prohibit the use of this money for any other purpose. The
Association has, therefore, employed Dr. George Francis Dow to
read the eighteenth century colonial newspapers of New England, C.
G. Woodson to make a study of the Free Negro Prior to 1861, A. A.
Taylor to study the Social and Economic Conditions of the Negro
during the Reconstruction, and a clerk serving the investigators
in the capacity of a copyist.
At present Mr. A. A. Taylor is spending only one-half of his
time at this work, but after the first of next June he will have
the opportunity to direct his attention altogether to this task.
During this year it is expected that he will complete his studies
of the Social and Economic Conditions in Virginia and South
Carolina.
In the study of the Free Negro the Director has spent the year
compiling a statistical report giving the names of free Negroes
who were heads of families in the South in 1830 showing the number
in each family and the number of slaves owned. Within a few months
that part of the report dealing with Louisiana, South Carolina and
North Carolina will be completed.
The Association is also directing attention to the work of
training men for research in this field. The program agreed
upon is to educate in the best graduate schools with libraries
containing works bearing on Negro life and history at least three
young men a year, supported by fellowships of $500 from the
Association and such additional stipend as the schools themselves
may grant for the support of the undertaking. One of these
students will take up the study of Negro History, one will direct
his attention to Anthropometric and Psychological measurements
of Negroes, and one to African Anthropology and Archaeology. In
this undertaking the Director has not only the cooperation of
Prof. Carl Russell Fish, of the University of Wisconsin, and
Prof. William E. Dodd, of the University of Chicago, who with him
constitute the Committee on Fellowships, but also the assistance
of Professors Franz Boas and E. L. Thorndike of Columbia
University and of Professor E. A. Hooton of Harvard University.
Closely connected with these plans, moreover, are certain other
projects to preserve Negro folklore and the fragments of Negro
music. In this effort the Association has the cooperation of Mrs.
Elsie Clews Parsons, the moving spirit of the American Folklore
Society. She is now desirous of making a more systematic effort
to embody this part of the Negro civilization and she believes
that the work can be more successfully done by cooperation with
the Association. As soon as the Director can obtain a special fund
for this particular work, an investigator will be employed to
undertake it.
The interest manifested in the study of Negro History in clubs
and schools has been very encouraging. Most of the advanced
institutions of learning of both North and South make use of
_The Journal of Negro History_ in teaching social sciences. The
Director's two recent works, _The History of the Negro Church_ and
_The Negro in Our History_ are being extensively used as textbooks
in classes studying Sociology and History. The enthusiasm of some
of these groups has developed to the extent that they now request
authority to organize under the direction of the Association local
bodies to be known as State Associations for the Study of Negro
Life and History.
Respectfully submitted,
C. G. WOODSON,
_Director_.
Upon taking up the election of officers there prevailed a motion
to cast the unanimous ballot of the Association for the following
officers:
John R. Hawkins, _President_
S. W. Rutherford, _Secretary-Treasurer_
C. G. Woodson, _Director_
The following were elected members of the Executive Council:
John R. Hawkins Henry C. King
S. W. Rutherford William E. Dodd
Carter G. Woodson E. A. Hooton
Julius Rosenwald Bishop John Hurst
James H. Dillard Alexander L. Jackson
Bishop R. A. Carter Bishop R. E. Jones
Robert R. Church Clement Richardson
Franz Boas Robert C. Woods
Carl Russell Fish
John R. Hawkins, S. W. Rutherford and C. G. Woodson were chosen as
trustees of the Association. John R. Hawkins, S. W. Rutherford and A.
L. Jackson were elected members of the Business Committee.
There then followed a brief discussion of plans and ways and means
for the expansion of the work. Most of this discussion developed from
the various items of the report of the Director. Mr. W. H. Fouse, of
Lexington, Kentucky, proposed that the Association should authorize
the organization of State Associations for the Study of Negro Life
and History to cooperate with the national body in preserving local
biographical records of Negroes in counties and cities inaccessible to
national workers. This proposal was favorably received.
On Friday evening at 8:30 P. M. there took place the second evening
session at the Quinn Chapel A. M. E. Church with Prof. H. C. Russell
presiding. The chief feature of the occasion was the address of Dr.
C. V. Roman entitled "The American Civilization and the Negro."
Following the line of his researches and his opinions already
expressed in various works, Dr. Roman discussed the meaning of culture
and connected the achievements of the Negro therewith. He took
occasion also to show how the history of the race has been neglected
and how many records worth while have been accredited to the defamers
of the Negro race. Mr. J. W. Bell, of Hopkinsville, Kentucky, then
entertained the audience with a very eloquent address, speaking in
general of the achievements of the Association and emphasizing the
importance of close cooperation therewith. The meeting was then
closed with a few remarks by the Director who thanked the people of
Louisville and of Kentucky for their cooperation in making the meeting
a success.
THE JOURNAL
OF
NEGRO HISTORY
VOL. VIII., NO. 2 APRIL, 1923.
THE TEACHING OF NEGRO HISTORY[1]
The teaching of Negro history will serve the two-fold purpose of
informing the white man and inspiring the Negro. The untoward
circumstances under which the Negro lives make the teaching of his
history imperatively necessary. When the founders of this government
brought forth a new nation conceived in liberty and dedicated to the
proposition that all men are created equal, many thought that the
Negro was not regarded as a man. Thomas Jefferson himself, the writer
of that document, held the Negro as a slave. The Negro was regarded
as mere property, as a mere beast of burden. It required four years
of bloody war to transform him from the position of a thing and place
him in the ranks of men with a mere chance to struggle for actual
democracy. These circumstances have caused one of the most intricate
problems, the race problem. They have placed the American Negro in a
category by himself. They have brought about the peculiar situation of
a nation within a nation.
The teaching of Negro history would contribute much to the solution
of this complicated race problem. The solution of any problem depends
upon an adequate understanding of it. The most illuminating approach
to the race problem is the historical approach. The white man of
this country must be supplied with the real facts pertaining to the
Negro. If not, all of his generalizations will be mere verbiage based
upon tradition inspired by prejudice. To prevent a distorted social
perspective and to develop a wider community consciousness, the white
man should read history from the Negro's point of view.
For more than four centuries the Negro has been brought into contact
with the European white man. For the most part the Teutonic stocks
have regarded the Negro as a negative factor in history. The Latin
and Slavic races have been more kindly disposed toward him. They have
been disposed to give honor to whom honor is due regardless of race
or color. To them color has been an incident of birth, not a badge of
inferiority. In the annals of Russia Alexander Pushkin is recognized
as her national poet. France considered Toussaint L'Ouverture, one
of the most commanding figures of any age, a conspicuous example of
the possibilities of the pure-blooded Negro. She recognized Alexander
Dumas as her most distinguished romancer. Today she places this mantle
upon the shoulders of René Maran.
The white people of the United States consider their race to be men of
a superior breed and have ignored the Negro in recording European and
American history. In their desire to substantiate the theory of the
superiority of the white man and the inferiority of the Negro, they
have failed to publish or suppressed the truth about the achievements
of the Negro. They have looked for nothing praiseworthy in him; they
have widely proclaimed his faults and failures. Well did Macaulay say:
By exclusive attention to one class of phenomena, by exclusive
taste for one species of excellence the human intellect was
stunted. The best historians of later days have been seduced from
truth, not by their imagination, but by their reason. They far
excel their predecessors in the art of deducing general principles
from facts, but unhappily they have fallen into the error of
distorting the facts to suit the general principles. They arrive
at a theory from looking at a part of the phenomena; the remaining
phenomena they strain or curtail to suit the theory. In every
human character and transaction there is a mixture of good and
evil: a little exaggeration, a little suppression, a judicious
use of epithets, a watching and searching skepticism with respect
to the evidence on one side, a convenient credulity with respect
to every report or tradition on the other side may easily make a
saint of Laud or a tyrant of Henry IV.
The Negro's most important contribution to American history is his
unparalleled progress--his rise from poverty to wealth, from ignorance
to knowledge, from backwardness to civilization. No other race has
achieved more under the same conditions. No authentic history of the
United States, then, can ignore or exclude the Negro. The part which
he has played in American history has served largely to make the
nation what it is today.
The fidelity of the Negro slave to his master, his devotion and
loyalty to his country should constitute interesting historical
themes. Under the regime of slavery the Negro was literally bought and
sold like the very soil. His life was but one unceasing round of toil
and misery; his faith, his hope, and his ambition, were fettered down
with chains which he had no power to rend. Under these circumstances
he contributed two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil. With
the muscles of his brawny arms he cleared away the forests, tilled
the soil, and made the wilderness to blossom like the rose. With his
callous hands he has built railroads and cities in this country and
has thus made this a goodly land in which to live.
Every time a foreign foe has threatened this nation, the Negro with
unswerving patriotism and undaunted courage has contributed his full
quota of protection. With profound sincerity he has offered his
services to his country; with voluntary devotion he has laid himself
upon her altar. It was Crispus Attucks who rushed upon the plains of
Boston, struck the first blow and thus became the first martyr to
the cause of American independence. It was the Negro soldiers who
plunged dauntlessly into the face of death, scaled the heights of El
Caney and San Juan and brought victory to the American flag. It was
the black boys of the Ninth and the Tenth Cavalry that led the van and
spilt their blood upon the troublous soil of Mexico in order that the
dignity of the United States might be maintained. Negro soldiers were
among the first to carry the stars and stripes into the trenches upon
the gory field somewhere in France. These Negro soldiers have written
their names high upon the scroll of fame.
You cannot erase their record without destroying some of the most
important pages of American history. In the true annals of this nation
their illustrious deeds of valor and patriotism cannot be hidden.
Unobscured by prejudice these records shall shine forth and point out
to posterity some of the most daring exploits and some of the most
vicarious sacrifices. When the ponderous volumes of history rich with
the spoils of time shall unroll their ample pages before the eyes of
generations yet unborn, there in letters which he who runs may read
should be inscribed the names of Johnson, Roberts, Butler, and many
other black boys who staked their lives in the World War upon the
contention that the world should be made safe for democracy.
Teaching of Negro history to the white people will give them a broader
view. It will prove to them that the Negro has contributed a very
considerable portion to the wealth, population and resources of the
nation. It will engender a greater sympathy and a wider community
consciousness. It will prove that the Negro is imbued with the white
man's spirit and strives after his ideals. To the white man who truly
studies Negro history will come views of tolerance and a spirit of
justice, kindness, and helpfulness.
What benefit will accrue to the Negro from the teaching of Negro
history? If the purpose of history teaching in our schools is to train
for citizenship, what kind of a citizen will the Negro be, if the
history he studies does not comprehend his race? The education of any
race is incomplete unless it embodies the ideals of that race. The
histories taught in Negro schools were not written in contemplation of
the race. They were written for the white man and are the embodiment
of his ideals and prejudices. The teaching of Negro history to the
Negro youth is necessary to inspire race pride and arouse race
consciousness. The study of what his race has done under adverse
circumstances will animate the Negro youth to greater achievements.
By contemplating the deeds of the worthy members of his own race the
Negro youth will have his aspirations raised to attain the highest
objective of life.
Because of existing conditions the inevitable conclusion is, that
Negro history should be taught in all the schools of all races in
the United States. The history outline should provide that Negro
history supplement the regular text in United States history. The
teaching of Negro history will bring a knowledge of those essential
elements without which there can be no solution of the race problem.
Standing upon the vantage ground of history retrospecting the past
and prospecting the future, every real seeker of the truth can catch
a glimmer of the glory in the realization of the prophetic utterance:
"Princes shall come out of Egypt and Ethiopia shall soon stretch forth
her hand to God."
J. W. BELL.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] An address delivered before the Association for the Study of Negro
Life and History at Louisville, November 23, 1922.
NEGRO BIOGRAPHY[1]
Twenty years ago I became interested in the study of Negro biography.
I was anxious to know more about the personal histories of a score
or more of Negro men and women whose part in helping to make the
history of the Negro in the United States stood out pre-eminently. I
did not desire detailed accounts of their lives at that time, but I
did wish to know when and where they were born, how they made their
way to front rank, how they suffered, fought, and sacrificed, where
they spent their declining years, and when they passed away. I found
the field of Negro biography a neglected one. I set to work, in my
weak way, then, to bring to light the main facts in these personal
histories.
The early Negro historians seem to have placed little emphasis on
telling the interesting facts in the lives of the leaders of the race,
and these persons themselves, with a few exceptions, were too modest,
too busy, or too poor to publish their lives in book form. Josiah
Henson, Samuel Ringgold Ward, Frederick Douglass, William Wells Brown,
and a few others published their autobiographies. Unsatisfactory brief
sketches of Phyllis Wheatley, Benjamin Banneker, Crispus Attucks,
Lott Cary, and a score of others could be found here and there. Many
writers have attempted to make known the part the Negro group has
played in helping to make American history and civilization, but few
have brought to light the stories of the Negro men and women of might
and mark whose impress upon their generation gives evidence of our
onward march of progress.
Looking over the field of American Negro historiography one sees
a change in aspect and in tone. The early historian told the
chronicled story of the race as a separate and distinct narrative,
an independent, isolated tale of a people apart from the world. He
endeavored to show the part the Negro had played in making possible
his own progress. Today the Negro historian points to the fact that
the Negro's advancement is a part of the forward movement of the
world, and his progress in all the fields wherein he has labored is
a part of the general progress of mankind. The historian of today is
scientifically bringing to light the evidences as to the worth of
the Negro and his contributions to the uplift of the World. More and
more the historian is directing attention to the private lives of our
leaders. More and more the leaders themselves are recording their own
deeds, writing their autobiographies, and uncovering many inside facts
connected with movements with which they were identified and in which
they played conspicuous parts. But the personal histories of the old
leaders, "the Old Guard" of the race, remain unknown. The stories of
their lives, in addition to making rare literature, would shed light
on the past, teach race loyalty and pride, and give inspiration to
thousands of Negro youths who would find encouragement in their trials
and battles.
"Biography," says Lossing, "is history teaching by example." Every
race that has counted for much in history has had its heroes. Every
nation that has helped to build civilization got its inspiration
from within. Every nation that has left a record of value had its
ideal men and women, its patriots, its martyrs--its examples of
usefulness within itself. The white race seeks its ideals within its
own ranks. The Red man's ideal is his group. The Greek youth imbibed
the dare-and-do spirit from the tales of the Greek heroes. The Roman
fashioned his life after those citizens who fought and achieved for
Rome. Englishmen find their heroes among their own, and though they
admire and praise genius and usefulness in men of other nationalities,
their greatest men are those who played well their parts in helping to
expand the influence of England and to establish the British Empire.
The German gets his inspiration from German history. The Japanese
worships at the shrine of those of his country who have been factors
in giving Japan "a place in the sun." The Frenchman sees his examples
of true greatness in the men and women who sacrificed all for the
glory of France.
No race, no nation, no people whose ideals of manhood and patriotism
are without, can hope to be accorded full recognition by the world.
The Negro's ideal must be a Negro if he is to appreciate keenly his
own particular stock. The Negro's examples of achievement and devotion
must be found within his group, if he is to learn to serve the race
faithfully and intelligently. Its sages, its patriots, its heroes must
all be persons of color, men whose faces show the mark of Africa, if
the Negro youth is to develop that essential feeling commonly known
as race pride. Negro achievements must be taught to the young men and
women, if they are to learn to labor and to achieve, to do and to dare.
Negro biography stands out as the medium through which the youths of
the race can be taught to love the race more and to serve it better.
Negro biography is the main source from which the young Negro is to
get inspiration and encouragement. Negro biography is the door through
which he enters Negro history. Negro biography unlocks the past and
explains the present effectively and impressively. If we want our
children trained to love the race we must not only teach them what the
world is, what nations have accomplished, and what individuals within
the ranks of these nations have done toward helping to brighten the
path of life, but we must tell them of the sturdy characters of Negro
ancestry who have labored and struggled and triumphed and by their
contributions enriched the history of civilization. The appreciation
for the record of our own group will stimulate the youth to greater
endeavor.
The histories of nations are but narratives of what their citizens
have said and done. If, then, we would teach effectively the
chronicles of the nations, we must be answering questions, incessantly
responding to inquiries about the men and the women who blazed the way
and led their kinsmen to toil and suffer to bring to pass a happier
and a brighter day for themselves and their posterity. Such examples
of devotion to the cause of humanity, examples of consecration to
truth and righteousness, examples of goodness and greatness worthy
of the praise of all races and creeds, are found everywhere in the
ranks of the Negro race. If unearthed and popularized, these examples
would shed light upon the history of the race in the United States,
illuminate the general history of man, and inculcate a profound
respect for the Negro.
In connection with the Negro's early efforts at freedom and culture
mention is made of John Chavis, George Moses Horton, John Sella
Martin, George Liele, John S. Rock, James Varick, Andrew Bryan, Daniel
Coker, Peter Spencer, David Walker, John T. Hilton, David Ruggles,
William Whipper, James Monroe Whitefield, James McCune Smith, James
Madison Bell, Thomas Paul, Mary Shadd Carey, Jupiter Hammon, and
Samuel Ringgold Ward, about whose personal histories, Ward excepted,
little is known. And even in the case of Ward, his life after he left
the United States is almost a blank. Few people know what work he did
after making his home in Jamaica, and the circumstances under which he
passed away there. Let it be remembered that Frederick Douglass called
Ward the most brilliant Negro orator of the abolition cause. Would
not the story of his remarkable career be a valuable addition to our
history? He was one of the chief pillars of the anti-slavery movement.
Would not the true facts concerning the birth, education and early
life of Lieutenant Colonel William N. Reed, First North Carolina
Volunteers, or the Thirty-fifth United States Colored Troops, who
fell mortally wounded in the battle of the Olustee in 1864, make
interesting reading to arouse the imagination of the youth? A full
narrative of the life of Dr. John V. DeGrasse, the first commissioned
surgeon in the United States Army, would give a new idea of the
versatility of the Negro patriot. The life of David Ruggles, told
in detail, would be both informing and inspiring. His hatred of the
slaveholder and his love of freedom brought him to deal sledge hammer
blows at the institution of slavery and to oppose the colonization of
free Negroes in Africa. His manly appeal to reason and his eloquent
and convincing arguments against deportation did much to make friends
for Negro freedom. James W. C. Pennington, an honor alumnus of the
University of Heidelberg (Germany), deserves more consideration in our
history than will ever be given him because we know so little about
his life and labors. An eloquent preacher and a lover of justice and
truth, he won the praise of the good and the great in both America and
Europe.
How many American Negroes know the name of Joseph Colvis, a native of
the United States who won distinction during the Franco-Prussian War,
who was decorated by the French Government, and who retained till his
death his American citizenship? What Negro of the United States knows
the story of the last years of Edmonia Lewis, the sculptress, one of
the truly great products of the race? Her name should be made to live
by telling every youth of her wonderful career as an artist.
How many Negro youths know the names of C. H. J. Taylor, James Monroe
Trotter, John H. Jackson and J. McHenry Jones, four men of our own
time who successfully labored for the uplift of the race? Taylor and
Trotter were among the first to preach Negro independence in politics,
and Jackson and Jones infused new life into two State schools and
made these institutions mighty instruments of service in the uplift
of the race. What do we know of Whipper, Rock, Martin, Chavis, Jones,
Whitefield, pioneers all? of Bell, Varick, Coker, Cary, Bryan, Liele,
all but martyrs? What these men achieved, in spite of handicap, in
an environment unfavorable to progress by peoples of dark skin, has
won the admiration of the enemies of the race. Is there a student of
history who does not wish to know more about them? Unbiased historians
on both sides of the seas will some day find delight in doing them
honor.
Shall these heroes go unsung? Shall these makers of the history of
the race go unhonored? Should not their names become familiar to our
children and their struggles for truth and right the epics of the
fireside? Lest we forget, and lest our children never know them,
let us do our best to chronicle their deeds and to perpetuate their
memories. Let us do our part towards placing these heroes before the
world, erecting in their honor monuments in song and in story to
the end that coming generations may be inspired to serve their day
faithfully and aspiring youths everywhere be shown the path to true
worth and glory.
PAUL W. L. JONES.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] An address delivered before the Association for the Study of Negro
Life and History at Louisville, November 23, 1922.
HAITI AND THE UNITED STATES[A]
INTRODUCTORY
We do not generally speak of _American imperialism_. Such words are
incompatible. Imperialism in the United States, the land of the free
and the home of the brave, seems ironical. The degenerate, dying one,
however, gave birth to the vital, growing other. Imperialism is the
torch that fired the souls that flared and flamed forth in conquering
righteous anger and tore in twain the bond which held the British
Lion's restless brood intact and set one loose to roam apart a land
in which to breed and suckle a stock after its kind. It was thus the
United States had its beginning. Can it be the echo of that severed
bond still faintly heard shall prematurely die? drown in the clamor of
our near Imperialistic programme in the republics of Haiti and Santo
Domingo? Be that as it may, the sovereignty of Haiti and Santo Domingo
has been impaired, and their independence overthrown by the United
States of America. This is a fact against which no one holds a brief.
Whether we accept the interpretation of our country's actions in the
island republics by Earnest H. Gruening, Managing Editor of _The
Nation_, or that of Carl Kelsey,[1] Professor of Sociology at the
University of Pennsylvania,[2] whether we conclude with, what may
be termed conveniently "public opinion," or with the Investigation
Committee of the Senate,[3] is finally a matter of individual
judicature. To accept or reject, establish or refute, either
interpretation or conclusion would require a thorough study of the
character and motives of the men, and the nature, extent, and the
conditions under which the facts were collected. Such a survey would
lead us far afield in this dissertation.
Knowing as we do the importance of the Monroe Doctrine, we believe
the basis of the present Haitian-Dominican relation with the United
States to be found in our practical interpretation of that unwritten
law. There is another factor which, if possible, is paramount to the
Monroe Doctrine, our economic interests. The strength of a nation is
its wealth. In our economic interests upon which rests our political
government, and in the Monroe Doctrine--time honored, versatile
chaperon and guardian of them both at international fetes--are to
be found the official justification and true motives of the foreign
policy of the United States in Haiti and Santo Domingo.
SURVEY OF HAITI
Before proceeding farther, let us briefly review Haiti up to the
American Occupation. The story of the Santo-Dominican affair is
singularly similar to that of Haiti, and it needs to be referred to
only in the rare instances of dissimilarity.
Hispaniola or Haiti is the second largest island in the Antilles.
It lies between Cuba and Porto Rico. It was discovered by Columbus,
and the earliest Caucasian civilization in this hemisphere took root
there. The tomb supposed to hold the ashes of Columbus is in the
Cathedral of Santo Domingo. The eastern two-thirds of the island
is occupied by the Dominican Republic, the western one-third by
that of Haiti. The island was a French colony until 1804, although
the French claims were frequently disputed by the Spaniards, who
at various times established themselves in the eastern part, where
language and culture remained Castilian. Following nearly fifteen
years of struggle, which began when the Bastile fell, the natives
achieved their independence.[4] This revolution was unique in that
the revolutionaries, who had formerly been slaves, secured both the
political independence of their country and their personal freedom.
The republic of Haiti was established on January 1, 1804, the second
republic in the Western Hemisphere. In 1844 the eastern two-thirds of
the island seceded and set up the Dominican Republic.
The republic of Haiti continued free and independent until 1915.
During that one hundred and eleven years it had a troublous history.
The constitutional office for a president in Haiti is seven years, but
President Salomon, who held office from 1879 to 1886, is apparently
the only such functionary to fill out his term of office. He was
overthrown within two years after his reelection for a second term in
1886.
This drama may be reduced to read thus: In 1804 Dessalines was crowned
as emperor. Two years later he was assassinated; and war broke out
between Christophe and Petion. In 1807 Christophe became king under
the title of Henry I, but had upon his hands annoying strife. In
1811 Petion was made president of the southern part of the island
and civil war ensued. Boyer was declared regent for life in 1820 and
after tremendous insurrection and flow of blood Christophe committed
suicide. In 1843 Boyer was deposed and exiled after a revolution.
In 1844 Santo Domingo, the Spanish port of the island, became an
independent republic in spite of the efforts of the French portion
to subdue it. Herard, the next ruler, was exiled after a rule of one
year. Then came Guerrier and Pierrot, each of whom could hold out one
year only. In 1846 Riché was proclaimed president but he passed away
within twelve months. In 1849 Soulouque was declared emperor after
many wars and much bloodshed. He managed to rule in some way until
he was exiled in 1859. Geffrad then became president and ruled until
1867 when he was exiled. From 1856 to 1867 there followed a dreadful
revolution when Salnave revolted, taking refugees from the British
consulates and killing them. An English ship drove them out and
helped Geffrad who, however, was finally banished. Salnave was then
made president with a new constitution; and the revolt was suppressed
amidst torrents of blood. From 1868 to 1870 there was continual
revolution, but Salnave massacred his enemies, proclaimed himself
emperor, and thus reigned until he was finally defeated and shot.
In 1874 after Nissage Saget had completed his term of four years,
Domingue seized the government, but after bloody revolution he was
exiled in 1876. Then came another bloody revolution when Canal seized
power but after a stormy reign he was exiled in 1879, when Salomon was
elected. Salomon was reelected in 1886 but was deposed and exiled in
1888. Then came civil war between Hippolyte and Légitime resulting in
the temporary success of Légitime, who held sway for one year only.
In 1889 Hippolyte was chosen chief executive and he died in office
in 1896. Sam who became president that year had trouble with Germany
and numerous disorders in the country. In 1902 Sam took all the funds
and left the country. In 1902 General Alexis Nord was proclaimed
president, and he was retired by revolution in 1908 when the powers
sent warships to stop massacre. Cincinnatus Lecompte was elevated to
the presidency in 1911 and was killed in 1912. Tancrede Auguste, who
succeeded him, met the same fate the following year. Michall Oreste,
the next unfortunate, served into the year 1914 when he was dethroned
by the usual upheaval; and so suffered Zamor in 1914, and Guillaume
who was killed in 1915. On July 28, 1915, United States forces landed
at Port-au-Prince and began the present Occupation.[5]
SURVEY OF SANTO DOMINGO
National and domestic conditions of Haiti are popular knowledge. It is
unnecessary to go into that upon which all students of Latin American
countries are agreed. Accordingly we make no mention of the form of
government and detailed exposition of its operation in this country.
It is not agreed that Santo Domingo is as well known. The total
area of the Dominican Republic is over 19,000 square miles, or
somewhat more than the combined areas of the States of Vermont and
New Hampshire. The country is divided by a great central range whose
highest peaks rise to 9,000 or 10,000 feet, forming valleys like
Constanza, whose elevation is over 3,000 feet. The first census of
the Dominican Republic ever taken was completed in the summer of
1921. This showed a total population of 894,587, a little over 45 a
square mile, or about one-fourth the density of Haiti. The crop areas,
rainfall being heavy in the vicinity of the central range, indicate
fairly accurately the location of the mass of the population. The
people are a mixture of Negro, Indian, and Spaniard with the Negro
strain predominant. Among them, as in Haiti, the question of land
ownership is important. There is no system of deeds by which titles
are registered. As the country has never been surveyed, titles are in
confusion.
The agricultural methods of the Dominicans do not differ materially
from those of the Haitians, but modern machinery is rapidly appearing.
Conservatively it might be said that the Dominican farmers are more
prosperous than the Haitian. One finds here the culture of cane,
cacao, tobacco, and bananas to a greater extent than in Haiti, but
these crops are not efficiently handled.
The most valuable crop of the country is sugar. Owing to the enormous
cost of the mills, sugar is produced chiefly on large plantations. Of
these there are about a dozen, most of which are today under American
control. Two of the largest are La Romana in the east and Barahona
in the west. In the former the investment is estimated at $7,000,000
with 16,000 acres in cane and a labor force of 7,000. Barahona is a
new plantation which was grinding the winter of 1921 for the first
time. The investment here is said to be over $10,000,000. A splendid
plant with adequate provision for houses for the employees has been
built. Besides sugar there are a few other industries including a
little manufacturing. Factories are not numerous in the country, but
at Puerto Plata, there are a match factory, a few distilleries, and
two cigar factories turning out excellent products, and they are owned
and operated by Dominicans. It is an open question whether forces
and influences of this kind will do more to advance and stabilize
these countries than all the resorts to force of military control and
occupation.
Some transportation facilities and a few other economic factors of
interest are observed. There are two lines of railroads doing a
general business, with a combined mileage of about 150 miles. The
Dominican Central Railway runs from Puerto Plata through Santiago to
Moca, 60 miles. This was built by foreign interests but was taken over
by the government in 1908. The second road, the Samaná and Santiago
Railway, runs from Moca to Samaná with branches to San Fernando
de Macoris and La Vega. No railroad runs from the northern to the
southern part of the country. On the sugar estates in the south there
are 225 miles of private roads. There is also a short line of some
five miles connecting Azura with its ports. An excellent beginning had
been made in road building. The engineers of the American forces since
the occupation have carried it farther. There are docks at Puerto
Plata, La Romana,[6] San Pedro de Macoris, Santo Domingo and Barahona.
Elsewhere lighters are used. The Clyde Steamship Line has had a
monopoly much of the time in the trade with the United States. Now
at least two other lines send freight steamers regularly. The French
line gives direct connection with Europe, and there is also frequent
communication with Porto Rico.
A study of the statistical table of commerce indicates a very
gratifying increase in the total foreign trade but a considerable
part of the increase after 1914 was due to war time prices, just as
the terrible slump which came in 1921, and had little relation to
production. The output of sugar has been increased from 85,000 tons in
1910 to about 185,000 in 1920. A large part of this commerce is with
the United States. For instance, in 1919-20 the United States trade
represented 77 per cent of the imports and 87 per cent of the exports.
13 per cent more of the imports were from Porto Rico, and to that
island went 26 per cent of the exports. The rapid increase in commerce
brought great prosperity to the country. Then came the reaction,
disastrous to creditors, many of whose accounts were settled for 35
cents on the dollar. The country, however, is relatively undeveloped,
which means its day is yet ahead. Schvenrich is correct in speaking of
Santo Domingo as the country with a future.
Religion, education, and politics come next in this hurried survey.
The Roman Catholic Church is dominant in this country. With the
exception of a few Franciscans all the priests are natives. The
Protestant churches in the country are few and small.
Education is still in a backward state. In 1915 the Dominican
Republic did not own a single school building. Rural schools did not
exceed eighty-four in number. The total school enrollment was about
18,000. While there were some public schools in rented buildings
dependence seems to have been placed on the private subsidized
schools, and the amount granted was determined wholly by political
influence. The teachers were irregularly and poorly paid. A commission
appointed by the government investigated thoroughly the educational
situation and because of its findings prepared and recommended the
following laws: (_a_) Compulsory school attendance; (_b_) school
administration; (_c_) general studies, literary, law, and theological
courses; and an (_d_) organic law of public education, and school
revenues. The educational institutions now total: (_a_) 647 rural
schools--enrollment 50,000, the chief work being in agriculture; (_b_)
194 primary schools; (_c_) 7 secondary and normal schools; (_d_) 6
industrial schools for girls; (_e_) 2 schools of fine arts; and (_f_)
2 correctional schools and the Central University at the capital. The
total school attendance is 100,000, and the total number of teachers
is 1,468.
The constitution establishes a representative form of government--a
republic. The government is of executive, legislative, and judicial
branches. The national congress meets annually at the capital, Santo
Domingo, on February 27 for a period of 90 days, which may be extended
60 days if necessary. It is composed of a senate of 12 members, one
from each province, and of a chamber of deputies of 24 members, two
from each province. Senators are elected by indirect vote for a term
of six years, and the senate is renewed by thirds every two years.
Deputies are elected by indirect vote for a period of four years, and
the chamber is renewed by half every two years. Suffrage is free to
all male citizens over 18 years old. The President is the executive
authority of the republic. He is elected for six years by indirect
vote. There is no Vice-President. The cabinet is composed of seven
functionaries: the Secretary of Interior and Police, Secretary of
Foreign Affairs, Secretary of Treasury and Commerce, Secretary of War
and Marine, Secretary of Justice and Public Instruction, Secretary
of Agriculture and Immigration, and Secretary of Promotion and
Communications.
The chief judicial power resides in the Supreme Court of Justice,
which consists of a president and six justices chosen by Congress, and
one Procurador Fiscal General appointed by the executive to serve for
a term of four years, and sitting at Santo Domingo. The territory of
the republic is divided into twelve judicial districts, each having
its own civil and criminal tribunal and court of first instance. These
districts are subdivided into communes, each with a local justice.
There are two courts of appeal, one at Santiago de los Caballeros, and
the other at Santo Domingo City. For administrative purposes these
twelve provinces are subdivided into communes. The provinces are
administered by governors appointed by the President as are the chief
executive officers of other political divisions.
EARLY INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
Let us now direct attention to the early international relations
of Haiti and Santo Domingo with the United States. For many years
recognition of the little state by certain world powers fearing the
disastrous effect on their slaves, was withheld. The French, moreover,
under the constant threat of reinvasion, succeeded in exacting a
90,000,000 franc indemnity for the property of Frenchmen expelled in
the Haitian war of independence. Charles X of France then recognized
the republic. Recognition by the United States did not come until the
presidency of Abraham Lincoln. Until recently, however, Haiti has had
only one significant attraction for the United States. The important
relations of Haiti with this country from then until 1915 amounted
chiefly to negotiations and efforts to secure the cession of Mole St.
Nicholas, a harbor, at the northwestern extremity of the island. It
controls the Windward Passage, and the United States desired it for a
naval base.
Notwithstanding the insistence of the United States that Haiti grant
her Mole St. Nicholas for naval use, the harbor did not change hands.
The Haitians adhered firmly to the constitutional provision, which
forbade the cession of territory. During 1914 and 1915 the United
States began overtures of a different character. A treaty giving
American control of the customs and finances was proposed. The cession
of Mole St. Nicholas appears also in the early exchanges. In October,
1914, William J. Bryan, Secretary of State, wrote to President Wilson,
urging the immediate increase of our naval forces in Haitian waters,
"not only for the purpose of protecting foreign interests, but also
as an evidence of the earnest intention of this Government to settle
the unsatisfactory state of affairs which exists." More naval vessels
were sent, and at the same time the United States offered to assist
the President of Haiti to put down some threatened revolutionary
disturbances. As certain conditions were attached to this assistance,
it was refused. In November and December modifications of previous
treaty drafts were again submitted. They proposed the control and
administration of the Haitian customs by the United States, and were
again refused for reasons similar to those given above. On December
13, 1914, American marines from the United States Ship Machias landed
in the Haitian capital and removed property of the country without the
consent of the people.
The recent Dominican situation may be said to have begun on November
19, 1915. A draft giving the United States military and financial
control was presented to President Jimenez of the Dominican Republic
one week after the final ratification by Haiti of its similar treaty.
It was rejected. In the following April, impeachment proceedings were
entered upon against the President in the Dominican Congress. On May
4, 1916, during some revolutionary disturbances, and without warning
to the Dominican Government, American marines were landed near Santo
Domingo. The American minister at that time gave assurance that these
forces were solely for the purpose of protecting the American Legation.
On the eleventh of May Frederico Henrique Y Carvajol was nominated for
president of the republic in the Chamber of Deputies and confirmed by
the Senate on the twenty-third of May. On the thirteenth of May, the
American minister formally notified the Dominican Government of the
intention of the United States Government to land a large armed force
and to occupy the capital, threatening bombardment of the city and
unrestricted firing upon the natives, if in any way they interfered
with the landing of the American forces. On the eighteenth of May
the American minister notified the Dominican Congress that Carvajol
was not acceptable to the United States as President. On the fifth
of June the American minister gave a formal notice to the Dominican
Government that the Receiver General of Customs would take charge of
all the finances and funds of the Government. Under the treaty of
1907 with the United States one of its citizens appointed by this
country was in charge of the collection of customs of the Dominican
Republic. It was his duty under this treaty to turn in all but the
sum of $100,000 monthly to the Dominican Government. All above this
$100,000 was to go, one half to the Dominican Government for its own
uses, the other half to the sinking fund of the loan contracted under
the treaty. On the sixteenth of June, following orders from Washington
the Receiver General of Customs took charge of all revenues,--internal
as well as customs revenues which alone were stipulated in the treaty
of 1907--and set himself up as disbursing agent of the republic. Then
followed a series of protests, exchange of notes and the like. On
November 26, 1916, there was issued a "proclamation of occupation" by
the United States, followed by martial law, but the Dominicans refused
to ratify the acts of the Military Government. The occupation here
continued more than five years.
These and similar acts in both Haiti and Santo Domingo aside from
questions of expediency, justification, or best interest have given
rise to the present situation. Up to this time the United States
Government has published no complete and comprehensive explanation of
these acts. The answer to the question of motives is not to be found
in surface considerations; not even the unlimited popular accounts
convince us that this country is not adhering to a principle, to an
accepted and subscribed policy, no matter how secret it may be.
THE UNITED STATES IN THE LARGER CANAL ZONE
When the United States secured Panama from Columbia she entered upon
a new era. With the centralization of a large portion of our wealth
in this section of Latin America came the recognition by statesmen
that our political interests would have to expand accordingly. Then
our attitude took on an air of aggression which, conflicting with
our ideals, gives rise to varied conjectures upon our Latin American
policy, and especially our policy in the Caribbean Sea.
There were steps made towards securing a coaling station or naval
base even prior to our ownership of the Panama Canal Lands. In 1867
Admiral Porter and Mr. F. W. Seward, the assistant-secretary of state,
were sent to Santo Domingo for the purpose of securing the lease of
Samaná Bay as a naval station. Later President Grant sent Colonel
Babcock to the island to report on the condition of affairs. Babcock,
without diplomatic authority of any kind, negotiated a treaty for the
annexation of the Dominican Republic and another for the lease of
Samaná Bay.
The Spanish American War was the occasion for the advance of the
United States into the Caribbean. From this conflict we acquired Porto
Rico and a protectorate over Cuba. Furthermore, too much importance
can not be attached to the Hay-Pauncefote treaty of 1901 in studying
this expansion of the United States in that sphere. By this convention
Great Britain abjured her claim to an equal voice with the United
States in the control of an Isthmian Canal and withdrew her squadrons
from the Caribbean Sea, leaving us the naval supremacy in this
important strategic area.
Immediately following these occurrences came the episode of the Panama
Canal. To review briefly a long told and well known story, the United
States Government had not been successful in its attempt to secure
from Columbia the treaty it sought for the building of the Isthmian
Canal. In 1903 a revolution broke out in Panama, and Columbia failed
to coerce effectively the insurgents, hindered, it is asserted, by
the far reaching influence of the Roosevelt Administration. As soon
as this revolution got in full swing the United States recognized
Panama, and negotiated the long sought treaty. By the year 1903 we had
acquired the canal zone. The determination to build a canal not only
rendered inevitable the adoption of a policy of naval supremacy in
the Caribbean Sea, but led also to the formulation of new political
policies to be applied in the larger Canal Zone, that is, the West
Indies, Mexico, Central America, Columbia, and Venezuela. These
new policies are: (_a_) The establishment of protectorates, (_b_)
the supervision of finances, (_c_) the control of naval routes,
(_d_) the acquisition of naval stations, (_e_) and the policing and
administration of disorderly countries. This program of policies has
afforded this country many opportunities for expansion in these areas.
AMERICAN SEAS A COMMERCIAL CENTER
Prior to the completion of the Panama Canal the American Seas, the
Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean Sea, for many years had been silent
waters. The Panama Canal has reversed these conditions. The important
trade routes of the world will pass about these islands and over these
seas, and they will be noisy with the whirl of the propeller and
bright with the sail of ships. A great part of American commerce and a
larger part of the traffic of the world will be through the American
seas between the walls of this canal and by the shores of Haiti. These
seas will become more popular with commerce than any other section of
the world. They will be a gathering place and crossing point for the
east and the west, and their possession, either forcibly or otherwise,
will carry with it more potentiality than the possession of any
other body of water on the face of the earth. It will be absolutely
necessary, says this country, so to speak, that the outposts of the
canal shall be in the hands of strong and stable governments, and it
cannot be thought that the harbors necessary for that commerce and
the islands by which it will pass, and in whose broad bays it will
be compelled to anchor, shall be ripe with revolution and dangerous
to that commerce. This country which is practically guardian of this
commerce must allow to obtain no condition which will be a daily
menace to this unusual trade.
In all of these communities the commercial diplomacy of our time will
have a growing interest, an interest greatly enhanced by the fact that
through the Caribbean, the traffic center of the American tropics,
will pass the trade routes developed by the Panama Canal. Both the
competition for the control of the trade which lies within their
borders, and the fact that before their ports passes the commerce of
distant countries, will give to Caribbean communities an importance
in international affairs they have not had since the days when the
Spanish Empire in America was at its height and the people of one of
the great world powers depended for its prosperity on the arrival
of the gold ships from its American colonies. The fortunes of the
Caribbean are no matter of merely local interest. They involve, to
a degree still unappreciated, the world at large and especially the
American continents, both North and South. Upon the solution of the
problems which arise there may depend the character of international
and economic development in America. The importance of the new
position in which the Caribbean region stands is brought home by
almost every development in American international affairs.
Caribbean problems take on another important aspect when we remember
the wonderful possibilities of economic development. Partly acting as
a cause of this trade development, partly one of its results, there
is going on a steady and rapid influx of foreign capital. The English
financing of the Argentine is familiar to students of Latin-American
history. In recent years, with the establishment of order in Mexico,
that country has attracted large amounts of foreign investments.
The departure of Spain from Cuba and Porto Rico was the signal for
a rush of investors to these islands to develop resources which
mistaken fiscal policies and local unrest had formerly kept unused.
Foreign capital exploits the sugar, tobacco, coffee, cocoa, fruit,
oil, and asphalt. These investments are scattered among all the great
commercial nations. They give an international character even to
purely internal improvements. Economic interests now tend to overflow
national boundaries and to make the orderly development of every
state truly a matter of general concern. Under the Monroe Doctrine we
practically say to European nations they shall not for any cause lay
their hands heavily upon a country in this hemisphere, which, with the
added responsibility as trustee for the world in the possession of the
Isthmian Canal, makes it dependent upon the United States, it is said,
to keep order.
HAITI'S COMMERCIAL POSITION
This policy of aggression has only one explanation. Next to Cuba,
Haiti is the island of the greatest strategical influence in the
Caribbean Sea and the Gulf of Mexico. The two important routes to
the mouth of the canal from North America are, first the route by
the Windward Passage between the island of Cuba and the island of
Haiti; second, the route by the Mona Passage between the island of
Haiti and the island of Porto Rico. This latter passage will be that
chiefly used by the sailing vessels to and from the canal to the
eastern portion of North America. The other important passage to the
mouth of the canal is the Annegada Passage by the islands of St.
Thomas and Porto Rico, and will be the route used from the isthmus
to the Mediterranean and Central Europe. The travel to the British
Islands and northern Europe will also use the Mona Passage between
Haiti and Porto Rico. In other words, every ship sailing from Canada,
New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Newport News, Charleston or the
eastern coast of North America on its journey to the Latin American
world of commerce will be compelled to pass by the island of Haiti,
either through the Windward or the Mona Passage, and the travel to the
greater part of Europe will use the Mona Passage by the east coast of
Haiti. This world-wide commerce in case of stress and storm, according
to the business world, must utilize this island in the necessities of
sea life. It is the first convenient harboring place on its way to
the Canal, and on its return it is the last stopping place. It will
be as necessary to the commerce of this country as Malta or Aden or
Gibraltar are to the Suez route. It lies athwart the greatest commerce
that will cleave the seas. With the friendly influence of Cuba and
Haiti the commerce of the United States will have a tremendous
advantage in case of war or unfriendliness on the part of any nation,
even if Jamaica is held by an unfriendly power. Modern nations with
the shortening of trade routes, the touching of countries, and their
demand for sure commercial conditions, are unfortunately arriving at
the thought that there is no inalienable right on the part of any
people to control any region to the detriment and injury of the world
at large.
SUMMARY
While many believe that the United States has thrown aside her lofty
ideals to take on a program of imperialism, there is a growing
colonial interest and expansion which does not, probably due to the
very nature of conditions, extend these ideals. Whether the condition
is one acceptable to us or not, says the business world, we are
no longer merely a continental power. We already hold an Asiatic
colony. A weak African state founded from this country has asked us
for a protectorate and is already under our benevolent supervision.
Toward the south we hold a colony, Porto Rico, and are the protectors
of Cuba, Panama, the Dominican Republic, and Haiti. We have
responsibilities in Nicaragua.
That the end of this development has come is highly unlikely.
Political parties may differ as to national policies, internal and
external, but they will bend before the natural cause of economic
and political development. Our latest three administrations, those
of Roosevelt, Taft, and Wilson, have represented widely divergent
political views, but the general policy of all toward the Caribbean
countries has been fundamentally the same, and the Harding
administration has not yet departed therefrom. All have been willing
to "assume increasing responsibilities toward our weaker neighbors"
to secure economic advantage. It has been a development which is the
response of the nation to its larger economic and political interests
in the Larger Canal Zone.
Whilst this government disclaims any desire for conquest, yet the
great advantage in the world movement and in the vital commercial
affairs of the globe, the commercial world says, demand that the peace
and safety of this hemisphere shall not be needlessly and wickedly
broken, and that the peace, happiness and safety of this nation and
the commerce of the world within the bounds of our governmental life
shall not be imperiled in the future as they have been in the past.
The tremendous impetus, which under the world movement of today has
been so potent and plain, demands order in all the affairs and details
of life. The conditions of the time and the dependence of one part
of the globe upon the other, brought about by the easy interchange
between the nations, mean that no disorder in that great world
commerce can be tolerated. Unstable governments are unwelcome to a
diplomacy which has as one of its controlling motives the creation of
an extensive international exchange, especially when these governments
are of races despised by the Teuton. Weakness of government may
lead in the future, as it has in the past, to the rise of acute
international questions. In recent years there have been many examples
of the complications which may rise out of such conditions.
The areas referred to as the Larger Canal Zone have received great
attention from this country. In fact our latest Latin-American
diplomacy, which has as one of its controlling motives the creation
of an extensive international exchange, is for these areas. Our
economic interests have made demands upon our political life, the
Monroe Doctrine has lighted the way and we have come forward with new
policies. Haiti, it has been said, is not to be set apart and dealt
with particularly in this new diplomatic program; it is but a factor
in our "American Seas" interest, a vital economic and political part
of our present-day American life. The subsequent questions of impaired
sovereignty and overthrown independence, say the aggressors, should
not obscure the real policies. Nor is it fair to accuse the United
States of a lack of appreciation and respect for the governments of
peoples of this section of the world.
Finally we are told: America stands at the dividing of the ways. Are
we to pursue the ideals of "All men are created free and equal" with
the equally idealistic form of government, or are we to keep pace with
our commercial and economic expansion and accept the complementary
program of economic imperialism? We are informed that the trend of
our political policies is one of colonization; that colonization
with respect to Western European Civilization is contradictory to
democracy; and that a program of colonization at a time when racial
and national antipathy exceed even individual expression, are all
demonstrated by the refusal of our government to acknowledge and
commit itself to any definite political program in these island
republics. Our government, the defenders say, has occupied these
republics apparently fearful of European intervention. Entering upon
this policy committed to no program, with a lack of centralization
of authority into one of the many departments of the government, it
has caused much confusion. Obviously the position in which we find
ourselves in Haiti is one of embarrassment and one which has affected
the prestige of our country detrimentally. American statesmen are
put to task. Shall our government admit and support its economic
imperialistic policy inseparably from the added political burden
accompanying our Panama Canal enterprise, profiting, thereby, upon
the commercial importance of the canal; or shall it long continue the
dexterous fête of keeping eyes and hands on democratic ideals with
both feet in the path of imperialism? Our new policy is an economic
imperialistic policy. The world wishes to know if we will admit it and
announce our intentions in these regions, or whether we shall continue
our imperialistic policy under the veil of the Monroe Doctrine held in
position by the idealistic principles of democracy.
GEORGE W. BROWN.
FOOTNOTES:
[A] This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate School of Western
Reserve University in 1922 in partial fulfilment of the requirements
for the degree of Master of Arts.
[1] _Current History_, Vol. XV, No. 6, March, 1922.
[2] _Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science_,
Vol. C, No. 189, March, 1922.
[3] _Treaties and Conventions between the United States and other
Powers._
[4] In the preparation of this article the following works were used:
_Tyranny by the United States in Haiti and Santo Domingo_, by Earnest
H. Gruening, Managing Editor of _The Nation_, in CURRENT HISTORY,
Volume XV, No. 6, March, 1922; _Latin America, Clark University
Addresses_, November, 1913, edited by George H. Blakeslee, Professor
of History, Clark University; _Caribbean Interests of the United
States_, by Chester Lloyd Jones, Professor of Political Science,
University of Wisconsin; _The United States and Latin America_, by
John Holladay Latané, Professor of History, Johns Hopkins University;
_The American Intervention in Haiti and the Dominican Republic_, in
THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE,
Volume C, No. 189, March, 1922, by Carl Kelsey, Ph.D., Professor of
Sociology, University of Pennsylvania; _The Monroe Doctrine and Its
Application to Haiti_, by William A. MacCorkle, Former Governor of
West Virginia, in THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND
SOCIAL SCIENCE, Volume LIV, July, 1914; _The Haitian Revolution_, by
T. G. Steward; THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY, Vol. II, No. 4, October,
1917; _Independence of South American Republics_, by F. L. Paxson; and
_Treaties and Conventions between the United States and Other Powers_,
Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C.
[5] These facts are well set forth in Steward's _Haitian Revolution_.
[6] This dock belongs to a sugar company, but it is open to others.
PAUL CUFFE[A]
CHAPTER I
EARLY LIFE
The records tell us that on the sixteenth day of February, 1742, in
consideration of the sum of one hundred and fifty pounds, Ebenezer
Slocum of Dartmouth, Bristol County, Massachusetts, sold to John
Slocum of the same city a Negro man.[1] He was about twenty-five
years of age and a native African whom, doubtless, a slave trader had
brought over some fifteen years before. This Negro was Cuffe by name
(also spelled Cuff, Cuffee, and Cuffey) and, in conformity with the
custom at that time was called Cuffe Slocum to indicate his master.
While the name of the slave does not appear in the bill of sale yet,
since the bill is a part of the family papers of his son, it must have
been Cuffe.
There exists among the Negro's descendants a tradition that this slave
with the aid of his master worked out his purchase price and obtained
his liberty. It may have been that John Slocum purchased the Negro
with this end in view. At any rate a grand-daughter relates how on a
rainy morning when all, including Cuffe, were seated at the breakfast
table, a justice of the peace appeared with papers of emancipation.[2]
Having received his liberty at an unexpected moment, Cuffe knew not
what to do. Seeing his bewilderment, the gracious squire and the
quondam master gave him temporary employment and, when he was ready
to leave, advised him to lead a steady life, take good care of his
money, and get him a home. With this advice, two suits of clothes, and
freedom, the manumitted slave went happily away.
Now it happened that about this time there came to Dartmouth an
Indian girl called Ruth Moses. In due time the town clerk recorded:
"Intention of marriage between Cuffe Slocum and Ruth Moses both of
Dartmouth, was entered 3 January 1745."[3] The rest of the story is
told by the minister of Dartmouth in these words: "July ye 7, 1746,
Cuffe Slocum a Negro man and Ruth Moses an Indian woman both of
Dartmouth were married by me Philip Taber."[4] These two records tell
us all we know of the courtship and marriage of Cuffe Slocum.
Probably the newly-weds made their home in Chilsmark, Dukes County.
The deed to some land which they bought in 1766 from David Brownell
of Dartmouth refers to Cuffe Slocum of Chilsmark. The land was a farm
of one hundred and twenty acres and sold for six hundred and fifty
Spanish milled dollars. As indicated in the deed, the boundary was:
"Northerly on the Country Road, Westerly on Land belonging to Jonathan
Sowle, Southerly on Land Enos Gifford gave to his Daughter Rachel
Wilbur, Easterly partly on said Gifford and partly on Philip Allen, or
according to the Deed I had of Solomon Southwick."[5]
All of the children, except the youngest, were born previous to this
purchase. There were six girls and four boys. The youngest boy and the
seventh child born January 17, 1759, was Paul. Tradition holds that he
was born on Cuttyhunk, one of the Elizabeth Islands, about nine miles
from the main, and Cuffe himself says that he was born in the only
house on the island.
About 1778, on the initiative of Paul, it is said, all of the
children, except the youngest, dropped the slave name of Slocum. For
their surname they used the given name of their father. In this way
the Cuffe family came to be, and in this way we are introduced to its
best known representative, Paul.
John, an older brother of Paul, made this memorandum which is
preserved with the family papers: "My honored good old father Cuffe
Slocum deceased in the month called March 1772--and our honored good
old mother Ruth Slocum deceased the sixth day of January 1787 at 8
o'clock in the morning." The father left the farm jointly to Paul
and his brother John. Later the brothers agreed to divide it between
themselves. It was unproductive land and, no doubt, this fact caused
the brothers to venture into commercial pursuits. The care of the
family fell for the most part on them, for the older children had
homes of their own.
At thirteen Paul was barely able to read and write. He kept at his
studies, being assisted occasionally by a private tutor, and gave
considerable time to the subject of navigation. On taking his first
lesson in this subject he said it "was all black as midnight"; at the
end of the second lesson he saw "a little gleam of light"; after the
third lesson he had more light. Finally, it was all plain to him. He
told a certain Professor Griscom: "There were always three things that
I paid attention to--latitude, lead, and lookout."
A SEA CAPTAIN
When about sixteen Paul secured employment as a common seaman on a
vessel bound for the Gulf of Mexico on a whaling voyage. His next trip
took him to the West Indies. On a third voyage, the Revolutionary War
having broken out, he was captured by the British and held in New York
for three months. On his release he repaired to Westport to engage in
agricultural pursuits until the times were more propitious for life
on the sea. In the meantime he carried on the study of arithmetic and
navigation.
Having equipped himself for a life at sea both by study and service as
a common seaman, Paul, aided by his brother David, built, at the age
of twenty, an open boat to trade with the Connecticut people. But the
hazard of the sea and the refugee pirates were too much for David. He
left his younger brother and went to the farm, whereupon Paul had for
the time being to give up the venture. Soon, however, he was at sea
again but lost everything. The undaunted youth, nevertheless, would
not give up. He made a boat himself from keel to gunwale, and in it he
started to consult his brother concerning future undertaking. On the
way he was discovered by the pirates who seized him and his vessel. He
was lucky to reach home.
He was now no better off than when he first began. David, however,
agreed to build a boat for him if he would furnish the material. When
the boat was completed Paul, with borrowed money, bought a cargo and
started for Nantucket. On the way he was chased by the pirates and
compelled to return to Westport to refit his boat which was damaged by
striking a rock. He still persevered, reached Nantucket, and sold his
cargo. Financially it was not a profitable voyage.
On a second voyage the pirates robbed him of his cargo and inflicted
personal injuries, but a third voyage netted good returns. Soon
he procured a covered boat and employed a helper. From now on the
business adventures of Cuffe brought him large profits. The war was
over and the new Constitution was in operation--two reasons why the
sea was safer and business more promising. With his new eighteen ton
boat he sailed from his rented home on the Westport River for Saint
George for a cargo of codfish. The voyage was the foundation for a
profitable fishing industry near his home for many years.
At this time Michael Wainer, his brother-in-law, an Indian, entered
his service. His brother-in-law was a good seaman and with a new
twenty ton vessel, the _Sunfish_, the men made two trips to the Strait
of Belle Isle and Newfoundland. With the profits from the ventures he
built in connection with another person, the _Mary_, a forty-two ton
schooner.
In the _Mary_, accompanied by two small boats, and with a crew of
ten, they went on a whaling expedition to the Strait of Belle Isle.
On reaching the Strait, Cuffe found four other vessels fully equipped
with boats and harpoons. These vessels would not, as was customary,
cooperate with Captain Cuffe, so he and his crew went at it alone.
Now fearing they might get no whales the strangers fell in with the
_Mary_. Seven whales were captured, six by the crew of the _Mary_. Two
whales were the victims of Cuffe's own hand. Reaching Westport in the
autumn of 1793 he proceeded to Philadelphia with his cargo of oil and
bone and exchanged it for bolts and iron with which to build a new
vessel.[6]
Accordingly the keel for a sixty-nine ton vessel was laid at Westport
and in 1795 it was launched. He called it the _Ranger_. With a cargo
valued at $2000, he sailed for Norfolk on the Chesapeake. From here
he went to Vienna on Nanticoke River to buy corn. On reaching port
it is said the townspeople "were filled with astonishment and
alarm. A vessel owned and commanded by a black man, and manned with
a crew of the same complexion, was unprecedented and surprising.
Suspicions were raised, and several persons associated themselves
for the purpose of preventing him from registering his vessel, or
remaining among them. On examination, however, his papers proved
to be correct and, therefore, the custom house officers could not
legally oppose proceeding in a regular course. Paul combined prudence
with resolution, and on this occasion conducted himself with candor,
modesty, and firmness; his crew also behaved not inoffensively but
with conciliating propriety. In a few days the inimical association
vanished, and the inhabitants treated him and his crew with respect
and even kindness."[7] Another writer affirms "Many of the principal
people visited his vessel, and at the instance of one of them, Paul
dined with his family in the town."[8] The investment in corn proved
so profitable that a second voyage was made to Vienna. On the two
trips Captain Cuffe cleared about $2000. The _Ranger_ also made a trip
to Passamaquoddy to get a cargo for James Brian of Wilmington.
In 1800 there was launched the _Hero_, a hundred and sixty-two ton
bark, in which Captain Cuffe had one-half interest. This vessel, on
one of its trips, rounded the Cape of Good Hope. In 1806 the _Alpha_
was fitted out. This was a ship of two hundred and sixty-eight tons
in which the Captain had three-fourths interest. Captain Cuffe with
a crew of seven Negroes commanded the _Alpha_ in a voyage from
Wilmington to Savannah, thence to Gottenburg, Sweden, and from there
to Philadelphia. Cuffe also owned one-half of the one hundred and nine
ton brig, the _Traveller_, built in 1806. Of this ship more will be
said elsewhere.
Captain Cuffe was now slightly beyond middle age. Instead of a small
open boat, trading with the neighboring townsmen, he had obtained
a good sized schooner. "In this vessel," to quote from the funeral
oration, "he enlarged the scope of his action, trading to more distant
places, and in articles requiring larger capital, and thus, in the
process of time, he became owner of one brig, afterwards of two,
then he added a ship, and so on until 1806, at which time he was
possessed of one ship, two brigs, and several smaller vessels, besides
considerable property in houses and lands."[9]
FAMILY AFFAIRS
In the Cuffe manuscripts there is a laconic note chronicling this
important event in Paul's life.
Bristol, Dartmouth. February 25, 1783. There personally appeared
Paul Cuffe and Alice Pequit both of Dartmouth and was joined
together in marriage by me.
BENJ. RUSSEL, _Justice of Peace_.
Other than that she was an Indian girl, little is known of this bride.
She, like the groom's mother, probably belonged to the Wampanoag
tribe. Paul's sister Mary married an Indian and there is reason for
believing that his brother Jonathan also wedded an Indian. Certain it
is that it was not uncommon for Negroes and Indians of this vicinity
to intermarry.
For several years Captain Cuffe lived in a rented house. But in 1797,
when he had such a successful venture in importing corn from Vienna,
he purchased a $3500 farm on the shore of the Westport River, a few
miles below Hip's Bridge. He soon built a wharf and a store house.
At Westport Captain and Mrs. Cuffe made their home and reared their
family of two sons and six daughters.
At the time of the purchase of the new farm the neighborhood was
without educational facilities. There was neither school house nor
tutor. This situation was displeasing to Cuffe. He called a meeting
of the neighbors and proposed that steps be taken for adequate
educational equipment. So much difference of opinion resulted that no
agreement could be reached at this initial meeting. Subsequent efforts
were alike unsuccessful. At last Cuffe built a school house with his
own funds on his own farm and offered its use to the public.[12]
One wonders what books were read in his own home. Among his papers a
few items relate to the purchase of books. A representative one reads:
Taylor's Concordance $1.25
Perry's Dictionary 1.00
Clerk's Magazine 1.25
Bowditch Navigators 4.00
Paper .53
$8.03
The religious affiliation of the family was with the Friends. The
parents of Captain Cuffe had attended the meetings of the Quakers and
it was the natural course for the son to follow them. According to the
records of the Westport monthly meeting of Friends, Cuffe requested
membership with that body in 1808. He was faithful to his profession
of Christ. He was considerate of the little folks, for he presented
them with Bibles and good counsel and endeavored to set before them
an example of righteous conduct. He must have believed that children
should have something to do, for in a letter to his brother, he points
out that his nephew Zacharis is lying around too much. Moreover, he
writes:
I observe that my son Paul has brought home a gun that he borrowed
of his Uncle John which I dare say his good uncle lent unto him
out of pure love and good will for the want of due consideration,
for in the first place I have two guns in order and make but
littel use of them which is enough as Christ said unto Peter
by the sword. My wife well knows that it is but littel time
since Paul got my powder and loaded a logg and Charles fired it
and it was wonderful that he had not been killied again he has
lately sold his trunk to be abel to gratify himself in these
unnecessary evils which we hath disapproved of. Now to support him
in that we both disapprove I think that it is for the want of
watchfulness.[14]
Two nieces were entrusted to his care. Although they had good "school
learning for girls" Cuffe wished them to continue their studies.
Later, when he became the guardian of two grandchildren, he began
making arrangements to put them in the New York Yearly Meeting School.
The Westport Friends sold their meeting house in 1813 for $128.72 and
erected a new one costing $1198.08. Material costing almost $600,
including "nine gallons of cider when raising house--$1.00" was
furnished by Captain Cuffe. It is impossible to state just how much if
any of this material was furnished gratis but it is safe to say that
he carried a heavy responsibility in overseeing the business end of
the matter.
CHAPTER II
PROBLEMS OF CITIZENSHIP
"Having no vote or Influence in the Election of those that Tax us yet
many of our Colour (as is well known) have Cherfully Entered the field
of Battle in the defense of the Common Cause and that (as we conceive)
against a similar Exertion of Power (in Regard to taxation) too well
known to need a Recital in this place," voicing this sentiment, John
and Paul Cuffe and others sent a petition for relief to the General
Court, Massachusetts Bay, February 10, 1780. Such requests, however,
were not new. At the beginning of the American Revolution there were
probably about 7,000 Negroes, slave and free, in Massachusetts.
About 1,500 lived in Boston. A petition, signed by Prince Hall and
others, praying for the abolition of slavery, was presented to the
General Court of Massachusetts Bay in 1777. Another petition dated
February 18, 1780, embodies a pathetic and earnest appeal for relief
from taxation. It is preserved in the manuscript collection of the
Commonwealth of Massachusetts and is signed by John and Paul Cuffe and
five others.[10] A copy is with the Cuffe papers. There are two other
copies among these papers, both shorter in form, and dated January 22,
1781.
On one of the duplicate petitions in the Cuffe papers there is a
notation signed by John Cuffe. "This is the copy," it records, "of the
petition which we did deliver unto the honorable Council and House
for relief from Taxation in the days of our distress. But we received
none."
The petition recites that they were in poor circumstances. When slaves
they were deprived of the profits of their labor and of the benefits
of inheritance. So distressed were they at this time that only five
or six owned a cow. They could not meet the taxes assessed against
them. They were aggrieved because they had no vote either in local
or colonial affairs and nobody had ever heard of one of their number
sitting in the Court of the General Assembly. The petitioners most
humbly requested the Massachusetts General Court to grant them relief
from taxation.
Interest in the Cuffe brothers is now transferred from the State
capitol to Bristol County,[11] where these men were indefatigable in
their efforts to obtain relief. Late in 1780 a petition was made "To
the Honble the Justices of the Court of General Sessions of the peace
begun and held at Taunton within and for the County of Bristol." The
petitioners ask relief from taxation on the grounds that they are
"Indian men and by law not the subjects of Taxation for any Estate
Real or personal and Humbly Pray your Honors that as they are assessed
jointly a Double Poll Tax and the said Paul is a minor for whom the
Said John is not by law answerable or chargeable that the said Poll
Taxes aforesaid and also all and regular Taxes aforesaid on their and
Each of their Real and personal Estate aforesaid, may be abated to
them and they allowed their Reasonable Costs."
The taxes for which complaint was made were for the years 1777 to
1780 inclusive, and amounted to about two hundred pounds. They were
heaviest for the years 1779 and 1780. The assessors, then, on December
15, gave Richard Collins, constable of Dartmouth, a warrant for
the arrest of the Cuffe brothers. It recites that their taxes were
delinquent for
1778: 5 lbs. 17s. 6d.
1779: 9 lbs. 2s. 8d.
29 lbs. 16s. 10-1/2d.
29 lbs. 18s. 9d.
1780: 61 lbs. 18s. 4d.
17 lbs. 7s. 5/25d.
-----
Grand total: 154 lbs. 1s. 1-7/10d.
The assessors found no estate on which to levy for the taxes. In
the name of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts Bay, therefore, they
required the "said Richard Collens to take into safe custody the body
of the said John and Paul Cuffe and then commit to the common gaol of
the said County of Bristol there to remain until they, the said John
and Paul Cuffe shall pay and satisfy the above sum with all necessary
charges" or be discharged by due process of law. The constable
followed the instructions and reported on December 19 that he had
placed the Cuffe brothers in the common gaol in Taunton. For this
service, including travel for twenty-five "milds," he turned in a bill
of twelve shillings, nine pence.
The next step in the legal battle was on the part of the Cuffe
brothers. The keeper of the gaol or his underkeeper was directed
on the nineteenth of December in the "Name of the Commonwealth of
Massachusetts to have the bodies of John and Paul Cuffe said to be
Indian men whom you have now in keeping before the Justices of our
Inferior Court of Common Pleas now holden at Taunton for said County
together with the cause of their and each of their Commitiment
and Detention. Hereof fail not and make Return of this writ with
your doings therein. Witness Walter Spooner Esqr." Elijah Dean,
underkeeper, produced the two men on the same day that he received the
writ of habeas corpus.
When the Court of General Sessions of the Peace met on the nineteenth
of December it ordered on the petition of John and Paul Cuffe that
the assessors of Dartmouth appear at the next term to show cause,
wherefore the Prayer of said Petition should not be granted. The order
was given to the sheriff of Bristol County on the twenty-ninth of
December. The assessors, Benjamin Russell, Richard Kriby, Christopher
Gifford, and John Smith were accordingly summoned by Elijah Dean. He
served the warrant on the twenty-sixth of February and recorded his
fee as twenty-four pence.
Meanwhile, on the twentieth of February the selectmen of Dartmouth
were called on to choose an agent to defend the action against the
Cuffe brothers. At their annual meeting on the eighth of March the
Honorable Walter Spooner, a member of the Massachusetts Constitutional
Convention 1780, was chosen in behalf of the town to make answer
to the petitioners in question. At the March meeting the case was
continued and came up for action at the next meeting of the court.
In the meantime, John and Paul Cuffe made a request to the selectmen
of Dartmouth. In the Cuffe papers three such requests are preserved.
The one dated the twenty-fourth of April is followed by a notation
attesting it a true copy of the request delivered to the selectmen.
It asks them to "put a stroak on your next Warrant for calling a town
meeting so that it may legally be Laid Before said town By way of voat
to know the mine of said town whether all free Negroes and molattoes
shall have the same Privileges in this said town of Dartmouth as the
white People have Respecting Places of profit choosing of officers and
the Like together with all other Privileges in all cases that shall
or may happen or be Brought in this said town of Dartmouth or that we
have Reliefe granted us Joyntly from Taxation which under our present
depressed circumstances and your poor Petitioners as in duty Bound
shall ever pay."
The disposition of the case as found in the records is contained in
a few sentences. One is dated the eleventh of June and is signed by
Richard Collens, constable. It reads as follows:
Then received of John Cuffe eight pounds twelve shillings silver
money in full for all John Cuffe and Paul Cuffe Rates until this
date and for all my court charges received by me.
Elijah Dean presented his bill for summoning the assessors. It was
paid, and the bill with an acknowledgment from Edward Pope is entered
in Cuffe's letter book with the tax receipt of the eleventh of June.
The other laconic note is from the Records of the Court of General
Sessions held at Taunton on June 12. It curtly "ordered that the
Petition of Paul Cuffe and John Cuffe and the proceedings thereon be
dismissed."
Several writers have commented on the significance of the petitions
of the Cuffe brothers and their resistance to the payment of taxes.
Practically all of them overestimate the matter. For example, a
representative writer says, "This was a day equally honorable to
the petitioners and to the legislature; a day in which justice and
humanity triumphed over prejudice and oppression; a day which ought
to be gratefully remembered by every person of color within the
boundaries of Massachusetts, and the names of John and Paul Cuffe,
should always be united with its recollection."[13]
There is no documentary proof for statements of this kind. A property
qualification for voting fixed by the William and Mary Charter with
slight modifications carried down to 1785. Negroes acquired rights
and privileges in Massachusetts not by special acts of the General
Assembly, but by a judicial act of 1783 based on article one of the
Declaration of Rights of the Constitution of 1780.
CHAPTER III
THE REDEMPTION OF AFRICA
Early in his life Paul Cuffe became interested in the redemption
of Africa. "The travail of my soul," said he, "is that Africa's
inhabitants may be favored with reformation." The following letter to
James Pemberton not only illustrates Cuffe's style and manifests his
spirit but shows the redemption of Africa as the main interest of his
life:
WESTPORT 9th mo 14th 1808
_Worthy friend_
In Reply to thine of the 8-6 mo.
I desire ever to humble myself before my Maker who hath I trust
favored me to the notice of my friends. I desire that God will
Bless all Our friends who hath been made willing to Rise to our
assistance. Without hope of a providential hand we must ever been
miserabal.
As to poor me I feel very feebel and all most worn out in hard
service and uncapable of doing much for my brethren the African
Race but blessed be God I am what I am and all that I can conceive
that God pleases to lay upon me to make me an instrument for that
service I desire ever to be submissive that his will may be done
and I shall not loose sight of the above but endeavor to wright
thou again on the subject if thee will wright me if any further
information can be given it would be kindly excepted by one who
wishes well to all mankind &c.
PAUL CUFFE.
In this cause, however, Paul Cuffe was not struggling alone. The
question of ameliorating the condition of the Negro in Africa was, at
the opening of the nineteenth century, a matter of general concern.
Men with a philanthropic spirit both in Denmark and Sweden had by this
time investigated the problem. In France, in addition to individual
activity, the society, Les Amis des Noirs, was organized. In England,
interest was more pronounced than in any other European country. The
African Institution, the Saint George's Bay Company, better known
as the Sierra Leone Company, and the British African Colonization
Society, directed efforts toward the western coast. The foundation of
the Sierra Leone was laid by these societies. This same interest in
advancing the civilization of Africa was found among distinguished
Americans like Samuel D. Hopkins, pastor of the First Congregational
Church in Newport, Rhode Island, Ezra Stiles, sometime president
of Yale, and William Thornton, head of the United States Patent
Office.[17]
In 1808, when expressions from Cuffe showing his interest in Africa
appeared, considerable progress had been made by the English
philanthropists. In the first place, they had carried on successful
propaganda. They were in touch with the Americans and had the support
of the Quakers. In a pamphlet specifically printed to call the
attention of Parliament to the "case of their fellow creatures" the
Quakers asserted that "Africa, so populous, and so rich in vegetable
and mineral productions, instead of affording all the advantages
of a well regulated commerce, is scarcely known but as a mart for
slaves, and as the source of violent barbarities, perpetuated in
order to secure them, by men professing the Christian religion."[18]
The leading men in the African Institution, Thomas Clarkson, William
Wilberforce, and Granville Sharp, exerted much influence both through
personal activity and the agency of the African Institution.
In the second place, the Englishmen, as stated above, had actually
established a settlement on the Guinea coast known as Sierra Leone.
Many Negroes from London and vicinity, the black American Loyalists,
and the Jamaica Maroons, settled in Nova Scotia, and the "Willyfoss"
Negroes were transported to the Africa coast. The commendable
intentions of the promoters of this settlement on the west coast
of Africa were conveyed to Cuffe by his Philadelphia friend, James
Pemberton, who was in touch with the activities of the African
Institution. In September, 1808, he wrote:
I perceive they are earnestly attentive to pursue the laudable
object of promoting the civilization of the Blacks in their own
country with a view to draw them off from the wild habits of life
to which they have been accustomed, by instructing them in the
arts of agriculture, mechanic labor, and domestic industry, by
which means they hope to be instrumental in preparing the minds of
those uninstructed people gradually to become qualified to receive
religious instruction.
Pemberton also called attention to the fact that the leaders of the
African Institution were distinguished men and he especially noted
that the president was the Duke of Gloucester, a nephew of the King.
Moreover, he likened the plan for benefiting the African to the one
which the Friends were using to civilize the American Indian. In the
concluding paragraph of the letter, Pemberton sounds a personal call
to Cuffe:
Thou wilt be sensible that the undertaking is very important and
those concerned to promote it are anxious to receive all the
assistance and encouragement they can from the friends of humanity
at home and in America. Now if thy concern for the good of the
poor untutored people continues and finds thy mind impressed
with a sense that any portion of the work is allotted for thee
to perform, I hope and trust thou wilt give it thy most serious
consideration, and should it ripen to such a degree as to bring
thee under an apprehension of religious duty to perform it in such
a way as that wisdom which is superior to human may point out, a
consultation with thy friends on the occasion may be reasonably
useful, tending to thy strength and encouragement.[19]
Already assurance had come from Zachariah Macaulay, Governor of Sierra
Leone, that if Cuffe should make a voyage to Africa he would receive
every encouragement from him. As a director of the African Institution
he felt that its views would be advanced if any free blacks from
America of good conduct and religious principles should be induced to
offer their personal assistance. In June, 1810, therefore, Cuffe, as
an "ever well wishing Friend," wrote to Friends in Philadelphia that
he planned to make a visit to Africa in the fall. He hoped that some
solid Friend would feel called on to accompany him as an adviser. In
September he laid his plans for the voyage before a large committee of
Westport Friends. He was authorized by this committee to pursue his
prospects and was given a letter of recommendation.
In this letter his neighbors stated that Cuffe "had lately been
received a member of their religious society, that he was highly
respected by Friends in Philadelphia, and that he felt a religious
concern to assist, as far as in his power, the views of the African
Institution. His intention was, provided he met with sufficient
encouragement here, to sail from America to Sierra Leone, with a
cargo likely to be suitable for the place, and, when there, make such
observations as would enable him to judge whether he should do right
to encourage some sober families of black people in America to settle
among the Africans, and if so, he intended to convey them in his own
vessel." They also reported Cuffe as the owner of a vessel and worth
five thousand pounds.[20]
The lively interest that Cuffe had had in the people of color at
Sierra Leone, his wish that they might become established in the
truth, and his desire that they might then do missionary work among
the African brethren, influenced him to visit his friends on the
Guinea coast. He rented his farm and commended his family to his
brother John. The latter wrote his sister Freelove in New York that
Paul would be gone for a year, possibly two, and that he went for
a "religious visit amongst the inhabitants of that land, our own
nation."[21]
When everything was ready the _Traveller_ sailed out of Westport for
Sierra Leone via Philadelphia. Nine Negroes composed the crew. The
story of the voyage from Philadelphia is interestingly told by Cuffe
himself in his journal:[22]
1810. 12mo. 4. I called on Friends in Philadelphia. They appointed
a time at Arch Street meeting-house, and after a feeling
conference, they expressed satisfaction and left me at liberty.
Hence it fell under the head of my former advisers, John James and
Alexander Wilson, I called on them: John professed that he could
not see any other way, better, than to take a load of corn that
he had long held, and take it to Portugal or Cadiz. I then had to
tell him the said John James, that was not my business; it rather
appeared to me that it was not for the profit or gain that I had
undertaken this voyage; but I had about four thousand dollars
property, and would wish to proceed as far as that would carry me;
and it appeared that if this opportunity was neglected, I might
never expect to have the opportunity again. John then gave up the
prospect of shipping his corn, and he and I left Alexander, and he
told me he believed my concern was real, and that he would assist
me in fitting out for the voyage and make no charges. I told him
It then felt pleasant to me.
1mo. 20th. 19 days out from Philadelphia to Sierra Leone.
Our minds were collected together to wait on the Lord
notwithstanding we were on the great deep.
2mo. 2. At three A. M. wind and sea struck us down on our beam
ends, washed John Masters overboard, but by the help of some loose
rigging he regained the ship again.
2mo. 21st. The dust of Africa lodged on our rigging. We judged
that land to be about twenty-five leagues off.
2mo. 24th. At 10 A. M. sounded and got bottom for the first ground
that we got on the coast of Africa. Sixty-five fathoms.
3mo. 1st. We came to Sierra Leone road.
[As the directors of the African Institution said, "It must
have been a strange and animating spectacle to see this free and
enlightened African entering as an independent trader, with his
black crew into that port which was so lately the Nidus of the
slave trade."]
3mo. 4th. An invitation was given me this day to dine with the
Governor, at whose table an extensive observation took place of
the slave trade and the unsuccessfulness of the colony of Sierra
Leone.
3mo. 5th. Visited the school of 30 girls, which is a pleasing
prospect in Sierra Leone.
3mo. 10th. First day. Attended a Methodist meeting in the forenoon.
3mo. 13th. King Thomas came on board to see me. He was an old
man, gray headed, appeared to be sober and grave. I treated him
with civility, and made him a present of a bible, a history of
Elizabeth Webb, a Quaker, and a book of essays on War: together
with several other small pamphlets accompanied with a letter of
advise from myself, such as appeared to be good to hand to the
King for the use and encouragement of the nations of Africa. He
and retinue were thirteen in number. I served him with victuals,
but it appeared that there was _rum_ wanting, _but none was given_.
3mo. 14. King George from Bullion Shore sent his messenger on
board, with a present of three chickens and invited me over to see
him.
3mo. 17. This day being the first day of the week we went on shore
to the church, and in the afternoon to the new Methodist.
3mo. 18. This day I went to Bullion Shore in order to visit the
King George, King of Bullion, who received and treated us very
cordially. I presented the King with a bible, a testament, a
treatise of Benjamin Holmes, a history of Elizabeth Webb, and an
epistle from the yearly meeting, and a history, or called a short
history of a long travel from Babel to Bethel.
3mo. 19. Visiting families on Sierra Leone, found many of them
without bibles, and others who had bibles with out the living
substance of the spirit.
3mo. 28. I breakfasted with the Governor Columbine and after
breakfast had conference with him on the subject of the country,
and settling in it--to good satisfaction.
3mo. 31. Attended the church. The Mendingo men have the Scriptures
in their tongue, viz the old testament, but deny the new
testament. They own Mahomet a prophet.
1811. 4mo. 3. Thomas Wainer is much put out, and is exceeding
wroth for giving him what I call good advice: but time will make
manifest. God alone knows the hearts of men. I desire to have him
be my preserver.
CHAPTER IV
IN ENGLAND
When Captain Cuffe sailed from Philadelphia on New Year's Day,
1811, he apparently intended to visit only Sierra Leone. After an
examination of the plans then in operation for the civilization of
the Africans, doubtless he meant to return to America. However, when
there reached him a letter from William Allen with an order in council
which Allen and Wilberforce had procured for him, he changed his mind
and determined to visit England.[23] He recorded thus this part of the
voyage:
1811. 7mo. 12. Arrived safe all well (at Liverpool) after a
passage of sixty-two days.[24]
Soon after we got in the dock, two of my men going out of the dock
gate, were met by the press-gang and carried to the rendevous.
The press gang then came on board my vessel, and let me know that
they had two of my men, and overhauled the remainder of the crew,
among which they found Aaron Richard, an African that I had taken
as an apprentice in Africa to instruct in navigation. They claimed
him as a British subject and took him off. At eleven I went to the
rendezvous and got the two men first mentioned, but they would not
let Aaron off.
7mo. 13. This morning the Ship _Alpha_ arrived fifty-two days from
New Orleans. All well. My friends Richard Rathbone and Thomas
Thompson were very anxious in assisting me to regain Richard....
They wrote immediately to London for the liberation of Aaron, with
a petition to the Board of Admiralty.
7mo. 14. I this day put up with Thomas Thompson, and took a first
day meeting with them, and feeling very anxious for Aaron's
liberty, I took place in the stage for London. Arrived in London
three day morning, six-o-clock, it making thirty-two hours,
distance two hundred and eight miles.
7mo. 15. This day passed with the pleasant prospect of passing
through a well cultivated and very fertile country. How often did
I feel my mind enlivened with the peaceful desire that this land
and people might enjoy a universal and tranquil peace.
7mo. 16. At six this morning arrived in the great city of London.
I put up at an inn and took breakfast. At ten-o-clock took a pilot
for Plough Court, where I was courteously received by my friend
William Allen, who was engaged about the liberation of Aaron.
7mo. 17. This day went to meeting, and in the afternoon Cornelius
attended me to see the great church of St. Paul and many other
curiosities of London, such as London Bridge, Blackfriars Bridge.
7mo. 18. This day my friend Wm. Allen had a note from Wm.
Wilberforce desiring that I should see him at -- o-clock.
Wilberforce called for pen, ink and paper and wrote to the Board
of Admiralty and sent his man immediately....
Wm. Allen and Paul Cuffe then went into the Parliament.
7mo. 19. We went over London Bridge to Lancaster's school, where
were taught one thousand scholars by one master. But about eight
hundred were then in school. This prospect of the school was the
greatest gratification that I met with.
7mo. 20. This afternoon took stage for William Dillwyn's, at
whose house I was friendly and cordially received, and took great
satisfaction.
7mo. 21. I went and dined with George and Mary Stacey, who were
very kind and loving, appeared to live in the truth.
7mo. 22. Spent the fore part of this day in conversing with Wm.
Dillwyn on subjects of importance. After dinner Wm. gave me two
volumes of Clarkson's work on the slave trade. His wife and two
daughters accompanied me to town in their carriages about five
miles. At seven this evening Thomas Clarkson arrived.
7mo. 23. Thomas Clarkson sets to for Aaron's liberation. Makes
so far, as for certain persons to go with him to the Board of
Admiralty, where they found the order had been some days gone, for
Aaron's discharge. You may think that it was great consolation
to me to think, if God permitted, that I should have the happy
opportunity of returning Aaron to his parents and fellow citizens
at Sierra Leone.
7mo. 25. Zachariah Macaulay called at Wm. Allen's and had a good
conversation. He then invited me to dine with him on the morrow,
which was accepted, hoping there my some good come out of it.
7mo. 26. I this day went to Z. Macaulay's where I meet with
exceeding kind treatment. He said Macaulay promised to me the
continuation of his friendship.
7mo. 27. This morning came to Wm. Allen's from Macaulay's
accompanied by Macauley. Thomas Clarkson this day sets off for
home, who has been of service and consolation. Thomas is a man of
good deportment. My friends this day forwarded a petition to the
Privy Council for a license for the _Traveller_ to go to Africa,
commanded by Paul Cuffe, or some other person.
7mo. 28. In the evening my friend Allen called his family together
and we were comforted, and I believe I may say the presence
of the precious comforter was felt to be near. In the evening
conversation took place between Wm. Allen and P. Cuffe on the
most advantageous way of encouragement of the improvement of the
Colony of Sierra Leone. I then told Wm. that it appeared that
the Colony people wanted help, or encouragement; that I had my
mind still impressed that a channel of intercourse should be kept
open between America and Sierra Leone, and that my mind was to
build a house in Sierra Leone, encouragement might be given of
accomodation.
7mo. 30. This morning Cornelius, William and Paul went to see the
mint and the works thereof were great and wonderful. I this day
took place in the stage for Liverpool at three guineas.
[William Allen records in his diary that he took leave of Cuffe,
"in much nearness of spirit; he is certainly a very interesting
man."[25]]
7mo. 31. At six we set forward for Liverpool. The prospect of the
fertility of the country was highly gratifying.
8mo. 1. I arrived at Liverpool at nine-o-clock after a passage of
thirty-nine hours; took my package to my friend, Thomas Thompson's
where I was kindly received.
8mo. 2. I arose much refreshed, and found all well on board,
and Aaron Richards had arrived the same afternoon as I did.
Saw and had much conversation with many folks, among whom was
Stephen Crillett a minister from America. I took breakfast with
him at Isaac Hadwins, in whose company, and conversation, I was
much comforted, he was to leave Liverpool the next day for the
country. My mate and second mate went to dinner with Isaac and
he was anxious for more to come along with them. The crew were
spoken of in the highest terms for their steadiness, not given to
swearing, but I found to my sorrow that Zachariah had behaved very
unbecoming in keeping unbecoming company, and drinking to excess
and speaking light of Jesus Christ.
8mo. 3. It felt pleasant to me to hold out that honour without
virtue, was not true honor: and also from whence came wars and
fightings. I also had to hold out to William and Richard Rathbone
that the flesh was imperfect and forewarned, forearmed; and that
was not to put too great confidence in me as I was but flesh and
blood. For those young men had taken a very early and active
part in assisting me in every way and manner not only making
their house my home, but stepping forward to give me every aid
even petitioning the Board of Admiralty for the relief of Aaron
Richards as did also my friend Thomas Thompson afford me every
aid, with kind invitation to make his house my home all which I
felt easy to accept of. Have this day seen William Bootell the
great slave dealer as I have been told, who invited me to his
lodgings.
8mo. 4. Attended fore and afternoon meetings--in the former I was
favored with the Spirit of Supplication. Capt. Coffin of the Ship
_Alpha_ and my crew were at the meeting, which was very gratifying
to me. Letter from Wm. Allen stating that the license would not be
obtained under four or five days.
8mo. 5. A man of color talks of going to Sierra Leone in order to
help the colonists. In the afternoon another man proposed going to
help in any way that may be helpful, either in printing, school
keeping, or by other means. I think here is rather encouragement.
8mo. 6. I this day had further communication with Wm. Thomas, a
European, a printer about going to Sierra Leone, who seems to be
very anxious and it is concluded to write to London in order to
see if it may be encouraged.
8mo. 7. This day took dinner with Wm. and Richard Rathbone in
company with Thomas Thompson and William Roscoe, a well engaged
man, for the establishing the slave trade, that the ships of war
should be commissioned to take all vessels that were found in that
trade belonging to whom they would. Also Lord John Russell dined
with us.
8mo. 9. I this day took dinner with Captain Bootell and Captain
Pane formerly slave dealers, but treated me politely.
8mo. 11. This day all attended meeting, and after meeting the men
went home with the Rathbones and took dinner.
8mo. 14. This day I dined with Capt. Brown, Captain of his
Majesty's navy ship who was a very civil, goodly man; and his wife
and family thoughtful people, on the whole I had a comfortable
meal.
8mo. 18. At half past nine in the evening set forward for London
accompanied with three very agreeable people.
8mo. 20. At half past five arrived in London, found Wm. Allen and
family all well.
8mo. 21. At four-o-clock P. M. I departed from Wm. Allen's after
having a comfortable sitting in company of a woman Friend, who
appeared to be a chosen vessel unto the Lord, and was a comfort
unto us and also a man by the name of Morris Burbeck. Cornelius
Hanbury accompanied me to Waltham Stone at Wm. Dillwyn's where
we were cordially received. Wm. was very unwell and it appears
that his glass is almost run, and his duty faithfully discharged.
Much of our time whilst together was taken up for the good, and
beneficial improvement of the inhabitants of Africa: for that
which might attend for their good, and for the honor and glory of
God.
8mo. 22. Half past one this morning I went to meeting with Wm.
Dillwyn's family in the coach, where I had a comfortable open
meeting, after meeting went home with Wm. Fanster, to dinner.
After dinner came Mary Stacey who had good advice delivered it in
much love and tenderness.
8mo. 23. This day dined in company with Capt. Eber Clark of and
from New Bedford who said he left Peter and Alexander Howard well,
and heard nothing but that my family was well. Wm. Rotch mentioned
my name in his letter to Wm. Allen and mentioned nothing but my
family was well. His letter arrived in good time to do good, and
was consolation to me in such a distant land.
8mo. 25. Came from Newington in a carriage with Joseph Bevan. I
went to the great meeting where I had pretty clear openings in
the forenoon. Took dinner with Wm. Allen's mother and son Joseph,
where we were very aggreeably entertained. Came home to Plough
Court where we had a good refreshing season in the evening.
8mo. 26. This morning very pleasant; Cornelius Hanbury and I
went to the London and West India Docks, which was exceeding
gratifying, both to see the shipping, and accomodations in the
Docks, and also the shipping in the river that lay in the tiers as
we passed for three miles. They continued to extend as far as I
could see; the river is about one-half mile wide. At five-o-clock
in the afternoon I dined with Z. Macauley, where I was very
agreeably entertained.
8mo. 27. This day met the committee of the African Institution
who sat at one P. M. and expressed great satisfaction on the
information I gave them, and felt also that I was endeavoring to
assist them in maintaining the good cause; with blessing that we
may reasonably hope that we may be supported with--to endeavor
that the subject may not fall beneath the level where we found
it. I made the Duke of Gloucester a present of an African robe, a
letter box and a dagger to show that the Africans were capable of
mental endowments and so forth.
8mo. 28. This day attended the Grace Street Church meeting. It
was comfortable for me to sit with Friends in true humiliation
and supplication. And may this be the continuation of our lives
through time, that peace may be our lot. [William Allen, writing
of the meeting with the Committee of the African Instruction in
his diary, says Cuffe "returned very sensible and satisfactory
answers" to questions by the Duke of Gloucester and others and
that "his simplicity and strong natural good sense made a great
impression upon all parties. On the whole it was a most gratifying
meeting, and fully answered, and even exceeded all we could have
asked." Captain Clarke from New Bedford, Massachusetts, says
that he has "known Cuffe from a boy and that a person of greater
integrity and honor in business he never met with. I did not give
the smallest hint which might call forth this declaration."
In the Seventh report of the directors of the African Institution
this meeting is recorded as follows:
African Institution had "the very judicious plan of profiting
by the opportunity of inducing Captain Paul Cuffe to settle
in Sierra Leone, and carry over with him free blacks of good
character and of some property, who might settle in the colony
and practice among the natives the mechanical arts, and the
cultivation of tropical produce. He and his crew in Great Britain
attracted universal respect by the propriety of their deportment,
as well as admiration by their singular proficiency in both
the science and the practice of navigation. The African board
held a meeting, although in vacation time, for the purpose of
seeing and conferring with the captain. His royal highness the
Duke of Gloucester attended, as he always does, at the Board,
and, together with the other Directors, entered fully in to the
subjects alike interesting to those distinguished philanthropists,
and to their dark-colored but civilized ally."[26] Referring to
Cuffe in his diary on this day, William Allen writes: "We had
an affecting parting, as it is not very probable that we shall
see him any more. He has left a wife and eight children, and a
profitable business in which he was engaged, to forward the views
of the African Institution, and this, at the risk of his person
and property."[27]]
8mo. 30. Arrived at Manchester at eight-o-clock.
8mo. 31. David Docknay and Paul Cuffe spent this day in seeing
the factories. They have got them to great perfection. They light
the darkest room with gas extracted from sea coal. This light far
exceeds the candle light; it is more like day light. This air
issues out of a small tube and by the blaze of a candle being put
to it, it blazes and burns until the gas is stopped. This is done
by the turning of the stop that reaches through the pipe. One
woman spins one hundred-fifty threads at a time. This afternoon
Robert Benson came. John Thorp dined with us this day.
9mo. 1. This day attended meeting, both fore and afternoon. Took
dinner at Isaac Crenden's, and then went to see Richard and Martha
Routh.
9mo. 2. Took stage for Liverpool arrived at ten. I this day wrote
to Wm. Allen and stated the necessity of establishing commerce in
Africa and building a vessel in Africa, and if there should be any
owner found in London.
9mo. 4. This morning being a pleasant morning Hannah Rathbone's
family and myself went to Wm. Roscoes, which was about two miles
further. He being a very warm friend for the abolishing the
slave trade, many subjects took place between us. He stated the
necessity, and propriety of condemning all nations, that might
be found in the trade. I likewise was favored to state to him
the necessity there was of keeping open a communication between
America, Africa and England in order to assist Africa in its
civilization and that the two powers to contenance it, even if
they were at variance, and to consider it as a neutral path.
And I could not see wherein the French Goverment may not gain in
adopting this neutral path.
9mo. 6. After breakfast went into the blind school and it was
wonderful to see the operation of all kinds of work they would go
through of spinning, weaving, matting, carpeting, of many colors.
[On this day Cuffe signed a contract with Will Midgley by which
the latter was to furnish flannels for shipment on the _Traveller_
for Sierra Leone.[28]]
9mo. 17. Took breakfast with my passengers and also with Wm.
Rathbone accompanied with a friend belonging to London, where
the African conversation took place which was the most expediant
method of civilization of Africa.
9mo. 20. At ten-o-clock weighed anchor.... A great many attended
our departure....
11mo. 12. At four P. M. we anchored in Sierra Leone.
CHAPTER V
THE RETURN TO AMERICA
Cuffe remained in Sierra Leone for three months. On Sundays he
attended the various churches. He made the most of these opportunities
to caution the lukewarm and to reprimand closely the unconcerned. On
the other days of the week, he explored the country because he wanted
to know every advantage this location had for the many settlers he
hoped would come from America.
He noted the growing pineapples and was pleased with the Guinea grass
so tall that he could just reach the top of it with his umbrella.
He found Indian corn and buckwheat growing well. Although he sought
diligently he could find no good place to make salt. In his survey
of the streams he found two that had fall sufficient for twenty and
thirty foot undershot wheels respectively. This pleased him greatly,
as the water power made mills possible. On his rounds he distributed
many kinds of seeds and silk worm eggs, but few knew what to do with
them.
On the eleventh of December he was called to the home of James Reed
by the Social Society of Sierra Leone to help draw up a constitution
for this organization. Subsequent meetings were necessary to complete
the work. When it had been done, the Friendly Society of Sierra Leone
was born, beginning to function immediately. A communication from
William Allen addressed to John Kizel was presented to the Society.
It was duly answered and preparations made for carrying on commercial
relations with the London African Institution. The government
prohibition on landing rum and tobacco displeased many of the members
because it took from them one possibility for lucrative revenues.
In addition to these interests, Cuffe visited the schools and greeted
the new missionaries. He was a first class teacher himself and many
ambitious Negroes learned the art of navigation from his teachings.
Occasionally he took apprentices, and at this time four Africans were
indentured to him.
Finally he made arrangements with the Governor for the reception of
colonists who might come over from America. They discussed means for
civilizing the natives, land grants to the new settlers, and problems
of trade for all. When every measure had been taken looking to future
relations between England, Sierra Leone, and America, he set sail for
his home land.
He was just four days out when Captain James Tildwell of the
British sloop of war, _Abrina_, took the _Traveller_ back to Sierra
Leone. Captain Tildwell did not understand the arrangement by which
Captain Cuffe had four indentured servants on board. The matter was
immediately brought to the attention of the Governor and Cuffe was
permitted to renew his homeward voyage. Cuffe sailed according to the
old rhyme--
If the wind comes before the rain,
Clear the top sails and hoist them again.
If the rain comes before the wind,
Lower the top sails, and take them in.
All went well on sea. But when on April 19, 1812, he reached American
waters a grave difficulty beset him. The _Traveller_ was bringing to
the United States a British cargo. This was contrary to the existing
trade laws. What could be done? A pilot boat, the _Daggett_, offered
to take him to New Bedford where he could interview the authorities.
Moreover, it was an opportunity speedily to reach Westport and see
his family. So he left the _Traveller_ at sea and took passage on the
_Daggett_.
When he returned, Captain John Cahoone in a revenue cutter had
condemned the _Traveller_ for bringing in a British cargo. There
was nothing left for Captain Cuffe to do except to carry his cause
to Washington and this he decided to do. Accordingly letters of
recommendation were prepared to present the case to the Federal
authorities. He engaged the services of John Vase, Amasa Robbins, and
others to prepare a petition to the Secretary of War. The Collector of
Customs approved the petition. Governor Simeon Martin, Judge Constant
Taber, former Congressman, G. C. Champlin, as well as John Coggeshall,
I. Vernon, Thomas G. Pitman, and Walter Channing, endorsed his papers.
Armed with these letters of recommendation, he started for Washington.
On his way he stopped at Providence where his good friend, William
Rotch, Jr., gave him counsel and aid. He put Cuffe in touch with Moses
Brown, who brought in the services of Thomas Arnold. They called on
the Judge and Attorney-General. All favored Captain Cuffe, and Brown
and Arnold signed his general letters of recommendation. While in
Providence he made his home with Obadiah Brown and attended fore and
afternoon meetings. He stopped off at Philadelphia on the 29th of
April, to tell John James his troubles. "In travelling through the
country," he wrote, "I perceived that the people seemed to have great
knowledge of me."
Arriving in Washington on the first of May, he sought Samuel
Hutchinson, who accompanied him to call on President Madison, the
Secretary of War, and others to whom he had letters of recommendation.
"The Secretary observed to me," wrote the Captain, "that French brandy
could not be imported from a British port but observed whether it
would be inconvenient to me to have it entered for exportation. I
then told him my funds were small, and it would lock up my funds. All
people appeared very kindly indeed." The authorities at Washington
thought his voyage was innocent and laudable. The _Traveller_ and
all his property was restored to him without reservation and the
government offered its services to him in carrying out his African
plans.
On the day following this decision, the Captain started home. "When I
took my seat," he wrote, "being the first in, I took the after seat.
When the passengers came, in came a blustering powder headed man with
stern countenance. 'Come away from that seat.' I was no starter and
sat still. He then bustled along and said, 'I want to put my umbrella
in the box.' I arose, he then put his umbrella in. He then said, 'You
must go out of this for there is a lady coming in.' I entered into no
discourse with him, but took my seat; he took his seat beside me but
showed much evil contempt. At length the woman and a girl made their
appearance. I then arose and invited the woman into the after seat
saying we always give way to accomodate the women. We set forward on
our journey. On our way at the tavern I was overtaken by Wm. Hunter,
member of Congress. He was very free and conversant, which this man
above mentioned observed. Before we got to Baltimore he became loving
and openly accosted me, 'Captain, take the after seat,' but from the
common custom I thanked him, and wished him to keep his seat.
"When I arrived in Baltimore, they utterly refused to take me in at
the tavern or to get me a dinner unless I would go back among the
servants. This I refused, not as I thought myself better than the
servants, but from the nature of the case, thought it not advisable. I
found my way to a tavern where I got my dinner. Friend Barnard Gilbert
went with me and was friendly. Jesse Talbot, a very worthy friend, had
paid every attention to me; by this time I seemingly had friends on
every side. I staid at the home of Elisha Tyson, who offered to be a
real friend of the people of color."
While in Baltimore the Captain attended Preparation Meeting. He
called on a number of his friends, among whom were Daniel Coker and
George Collins, teachers of the African school of one hundred and
seven children. At a tea where many colored people were present,
Cuffe told about his African visit. Plans were made to form a Society
to correspond with the London African Institution and the Friendly
Society of Sierra Leone.
Cuffe stopped in Philadelphia and New York and renewed old
acquaintances, and also made plans for the organization of Societies
to communicate with the African Institution in London and the Friendly
Society of Sierra Leone. These societies with the one started in
Baltimore were centers for the discussion of questions relating to
Africa and for commercial undertakings with their African neighbors.
When Cuffe was in New York, his guide introduced him to two Methodist
preachers. One said to him, "Do you understand English?" Cuffe
replied that there was a part he did not understand, namely, "that
many persons who profess being enlightened with the true light, yet
had not seen the evil of one brother professor making merchandise of
and holding his brother in bondage." The ministers did not clear up
the question, and in Cuffe's own words, "We bid each other farewell
without any further conversation." He put this same query to the
United Society assembled for the Methodist Conference in New York, but
it was received with coldness. While it shows Cuffe's zeal in working
for the emancipation of slavery, it also gives an index to the state
of the popular mind on this subject fifty years before the Civil War.
Elated over the recovery of the _Traveller_ and permission to land his
cargo, he reached Westport on May 23. He expressed his gratitude to
President Madison in the following letter:
I stopped short of my duty in not calling to acknowledge the favor
that I received from the seat of Government; for which I desire to
be excused. But upon serious reflection, feeling that there is an
acknowledgment due unto the ruler of the people--certainly there
is greater acknowledgment due unto the Father of all our mercies.
May the blessing of heaven attend thee; may the United States be
preserved from the calamities of a war, and be favored to retain
her neutrality in peace and happiness.
Another letter equally important went out. It recounted his
experiences to William Allen and promised continued interest in
all things relating to the uplift of the Negro race. "Paul Cuffe,"
he wrote in closing, "doth not at present go to Africa, but shall
send such characters as confidence may be placed in. At present it
is thought that I may be as serviceable towards the promotion of the
colony, as though I was to remove. However, as my wife is not willing
to go, I do not feel at liberty to urge, but feel in duty bound to
escort myself to the uttermost of my ability for the good cause of
Africa."[29]
CHAPTER VI
A QUAKER MISSION
The visit of Captain Cuffe to Africa was a spontaneous movement
on his part. He was anxious to contribute to the improvement of
his countrymen. His visit to England was a great incentive to the
Directors of the African Institution. Both the Duke of Gloucester and
William Allen were convinced that the colonists of Sierra Leone needed
only a stimulus to their industry and that the Institution could give
it without the slightest inconvenience. They regarded Paul Cuffe as a
medium for this service--a medium providentially afforded.
One is impressed with the methodical and thorough-going way Cuffe
conducted his affairs during the first part of his visit in Sierra
Leone. He was soon acquainted both with the land and the people. Just
as soon as he obtained information he began its dissemination. A
letter was dispatched to America in care of his brother, John Cuffe.
The Captain wrote "Hope it may find its way to its destination and
obtain its desired effect which will be a consolation to one who
wishes well to all mankind both here and hereafter world without
end." The following letter dated April 20, 1811, was "The Epistle of
the Society of Sierra Leone in Africa,"[30] formed for the further
promotion of the Christian religion:
SIERRA LEONE, April 20, 1811.
To the Saints and Faithful Brethren in Christ; grace be unto you
and peace from God our Father and the Lord Jesus Christ.
We desire to humble ourselves with that thankful acknowledgment to
the Father and Fountain of all our mercies, for the liberty and
freedom we enjoy. And our prayer to God is, that our Brethren,
who live in distant lands, and are held in bondage, and groan
under the galling chain of Slavery, that they may be liberated
and enjoy the liberty that God has granted unto all his faithful
Saints. Dearly beloved Brethren in the Lord, may the power and
peace of God rule in all your hearts, for we feel, from an awful
experience, the distresses that many of our African Brethren groan
under; therefore we feel our minds engaged to desire all the
Saints and Professors in Christ, to diligently consider our cause,
and to put cause to the Christian Query: whether it is agreeable
to the testimony of Jesus Christ, for one Professor to make
merchandise of another? We are desirous, that this may be made
manifest to all Professors of all Christian denominations, who
have not abolished the holding of slaves.
We salute thee, Beloved Brethren, in the Lord, with sincere desire
that the works of Regeneration may be more and more experienced.
It would be a consolation to us, to hear from the Saints, in
distant lands, and we could receive all who are disposed to come
unto us with open arms.
Our dearly beloved African Brethren, we also salute you in the
love of God, to be obedient unto your masters, with your prayers
lifted to God, whom we would recommend you to confide in, who
is just as able in these days, to deliver out of the Egyptian
bondage: finally brethern, may the power and peace of God rule in
all your hearts.
Grace be unto you, and peace from God our Father, and the Lord
Jesus Christ, Amen.
JOHN × GORDEN, preacher
WARWICK × FRANCIS
JAMES REED
JOSEPH BROWN
MOSES × WILKINSON
S. JONES
JOHN × ELLIS
ADAM × JONES
GEO. × CLARK
PETER FRANCIS
GEORGE CARREL
EDWIN × WILLOUGHBY
THOS. × RICHARDS, SEN.
ELI AIKEN
JNO. × STEVENSON
JAS. WISE
Two days after he had sent this epistle to his friends in America he
wrote a personal note to William Allen in London. He acknowledged the
receipt of the license to bring goods to England, called attention to
a petition which the inhabitants had presented to Governor Columbine
with a request that he lay it before Parliament, and set forth many
facts concerning the land and its people. He also announced his
intention to keep open a commercial intercourse between America and
Sierra Leone in the hope that through such a channel some families
might find their way to Africa.[31]
The outline of the petition referred to in his letter to William Allen
is inserted as follows:
1st. That encouragement may be given to all our brethern, who may
come from the British Colonies or from America, in order to become
farmers, or to assist us in the cultivation of our land.
2nd. That encouragement may be given to our foreign brethdren who
have vessels for the purpose, to establish commerce in Sierra
Leone.
3d. That those who may undertake to establish the whale fishery
in the colony may be encouraged to persevere in that useful and
laudable enterprise.
Cuffe states that several of the most respectable inhabitants signed
this petition. From its contents and its date one would conclude that
its origin can safely be traced to Cuffe himself. Attention is called
to a school for adults and the other schools which accommodate about
two hundred and thirty children. In his letter to Allen he gives
the names of seven teachers. Mention is made of a Society of Sierra
Leone and of the places for public worship. Four meetings are held on
Sunday and two on other days. In his letter to Allen the churches are
enumerated as follows: two Methodists, one Baptist, and one without
denominational designation but in charge of "an old woman, Mila Baxton
who keeps at her dwelling house."
A brief paragraph describes poor relief: "An institution," said he,
"was formed on the first of the twelfth month last for the relief of
the poor and disabled. It is now regularly held on the first second
day in every month, at which time proper persons are appointed to take
charge of those under the care of the institution. A general meeting
is held once every six months. Everyone can judge of the happy effect
of such institutions as these in improving the dispositions and
softening the manners of our native brethren."
Five courts are described and attention is called to the supremacy of
British law. A short discussion of the native Africans appears, and
the letter includes in the "Brief Account" an address "to my scattered
brethren and fellow countrymen at Sierra Leone." It closes with these
words:
Grace be unto you and peace be multiplied from God the Father,
and from the Lord Jesus Christ, who hath begotten a lively hope
in remembrance of you; and for which I desire ever to be humbled,
world without end, amen.
Dearly beloved friends and fellowcountrymen,
I earnestly recommend to you the propriety of assembling
yourselves together for the purpose of worshipping the Lord your
God. God is a spirit and they who worship him acceptably must
worship him in spirit and in truth; in so doing you will find a
living hope which will be as an anchor to the soul and a support
under afflictions. In this hope may Ethiopia stretch out her hand
unto God. Come my African brethren and fellowcountrymen, let us
walk together in the light of the Lord. That pure light which
bringeth salvation into the world, hath appeared unto all men to
profit withall. I would recommend unto all the saints, and elders
and sober people of the colony, that you adopt the mode of meeting
together once every month in order to consult with each other for
your mutual good. But above all things let your meetings be owed
of the Lord, for he hath told us that "Where two or three are
gathered together in his name, there will he be in the midst of
them." And I recommend that you keep a record of your proceedings
at those meetings in order that they be left for the benefit of
the young and rising generation. In these meetings let it be your
care to promote all good and laudable institutions, and by so
doing you will increase both your temporal and spiritual welfare.
That the Prince of Peace may be your preserver, is the sincere
desire of one who wishes well to all mankind.
The following advice, though detached from the foregoing address,
appears to be intended to accompany it:
First. That sobriety and steadfastness, with all faithfulness,
be recommended, that so professors may be good examples in all
things; doing justly, loving mercy, and walking humbly.
Secondly. That early care be extended towards the youth whilst
their minds are young and tender, that so they may be redeemed
from the corruptions of the world--such as nature is prone to--not
swearing, following bad company and drinking of spiritous liquors.
That they may be kept out of idleness, and encouraged to be
industrious, for this is good to cultivate the mind, and may you
be good examples therein yourselves.
Thirdly. May servants be encouraged to discharge their duties
with faithfulness; may they be brought up to industry; may their
minds be cultivated for the reception of the good seed, which is
promised to all that will seek after it. I want that we should be
faithful in all things, that so we may become a people, giving
satisfaction to those, who have borne the heat and burden of the
day, in liberating us from a state of slavery. I must leave you in
the hands of Him who is able to preserve you through all time, and
to crown you with that blessing that is prepared for all those who
are faithful unto death.
In closing he cites, with approbation, the advice contained in an
address to free people of color given in 1796 at Philadelphia before
the general convention of abolition societies. They are advised to
attend to religion, to get an elementary education, teach their
children useful trades, use no spiritous liquors, avoid frolicking and
idleness, have marriage legally performed, lay up their earnings, and
to be honest and to behave themselves.
An object always dear to Cuffe was the abolition of the slave trade.
He thought a commercial intercourse would be conducive to its
suppression. For trade in human beings he would offer trade in the
legitimate articles of commerce. If such an intercourse could be kept
open with cargoes coming and going between Sierra Leone and England
and Sierra Leone and America, then "some good sober steady characters
may find their way to that country." This would be a laudable method
for civilizing Africa, he thought, because the establishment of
colonists who would engage in productive enterprises would soon
leaven the lump of African idleness and ignorance, and Christians
engaged in legitimate business pursuits would inoculate a large area
of the African continent.
In order to foster this plan, Cuffe formed while in Sierra Leone in
1812, "The Friendly Society." John Kizell was elected president and
monthly meetings were held. It began a business correspondence with
the African Institution in London. William Allen ever responsive to
Cuffe's "earnest breathings" sent a consignment of goods worth 70
pounds with permission to return the amount in rice, Indian corn, etc.
He offered to be their agent in London, and he engaged the services of
W. and R. Rathbone of Liverpool in their behalf.
Since the African Institution was not to "engage in commercial
speculation" some measure had further to be devised in England to help
the Friendly Society dispose of its produce advantageously and promote
industry among its members. Therefore, "A Society for the Purpose of
Encouraging the Black Settlers at Sierra Leone, and the Natives of
Africa generally, in the cultivation of their Soil, by the sale of
their Produce" was formed. Some progress was noted for, after four
years Cuffe wrote that the Friendly Society was worth 1200 pounds.[33]
Similar movements were going on in America. William Roth of New
Bedford on October 10, 1812, wrote William Allen: "Paul Cuffe
still continues his concern for his African plan, and has recently
petitioned Congress for liberty to send his vessel to Sierra Leone,
provided liberty can be obtained from your side. His character stands
conspicuously approved as far as it is known, his kind concern for the
civilization of Africa, and his devotion of time and money to that
object, have greatly strengthened the impression of his real worth and
merit; and from some intentions from the President I am led to believe
his application will succeed."[34]
CHAPTER VII
PATHFINDER IN NEGRO COLONIZATION
It was Cuffe's plan to make a trip to Sierra Leone once every year.
This would enable him to keep in touch with the colony. He would carry
over whatever goods were needed, buy and market the African produce,
take desirable emigrants over; withall, he would be a benevolent
father to Africa. The Captain himself said, as recorded in _Minutes
of Paul Cuffe's Opinions_, 1814: "The most advantageous means of
encouragement to be rendered towards civilization of Africa is that
the popularity of the colony of Sierra Leone be encouraged; and in
order to render them aid and assistance my mind is that some families
of good character should be encouraged to remove from America and
settle at Sierra Leone in order to become farmers; and to lend them
aid in such useful utilities as they are capable of; and in order for
this accomodation it appears to me there should be an intercourse kept
open between America and Sierra Leone, that, through that channel some
people might find their way to Africa; and for their accomodation and
reception when arrived I think proper that a house be built that they
have some place of refuge or shelter." He thought one thousand pounds
might be needed for the beginning of this benevolent purpose.
But there were obstacles in the way. The voyage of the _Traveller_ in
1812 was financially unprofitable. The _Alpha_ had just returned with
a $3000 deficit. A bark that had gone around Cape Horn on a whaling
voyage had not returned. It was without insurance and subject to
capture by British cruisers. Moreover, the War of 1812 had begun and
this seemed an insuperable obstacle.
Already Cuffe had informed William Allen as to his troubles. He had
also told him what things urged him to overcome the difficulties in
his way. Did not Sierra Leone need a sawmill, a millwright, and a
plow? And instead of carrying loads on their heads, how much better
would it be if the colonists had a wagon on which to haul the loads.
The native Africans, moreover, had been schooled in America and were
ready to return. In addition, free blacks in the United States had
made application for passage to Sierra Leone. And could not mercantile
relations be established between Africa and America in such a way as
to supplant the slave trade? There was a possibility, too, of starting
the whale fishery on the western coast of Africa.
To achieve these ends was worth a hard struggle. He had overcome
difficulties all his life. Surely he could do it again. He would
petition Congress for permission to make the voyage and ask William
Allen to seek a similar concession from Great Britain. Accordingly
a memorial, dated "Westport, 6th month, 1813" was presented to
Congress.[35] In it Cuffe asserts that he "could but view the practice
of his brethren of the African race in selling their fellow creatures
into a state of slavery for life as very inconsistent" with divine
principle of equity and justice and that he "conceived it a duty
incumbent upon him, as a faithful steward of the mercies he had
received, to give a portion of his time and his property in visiting
that country, and affording such means as might be in his power to
promote the improvement and civilization of the Africans."
He further recites in this memorial that he had visited Sierra Leone
to learn about the country and its inhabitants, and that when he
was in London, he had the satisfaction to find his recommendations
approved by the celebrated philanthropists, the Duke of Gloucester,
William Wilberforce, Thomas Clarkson, William Allen, and others.
Special provision, moreover, had already been made by them to carry
his plans into effect. One plan was to keep up an "intercourse with
the free people of color in the United States in the expectation
that persons of reputation would feel sufficiently interested to
visit Africa, and endeavor to promote habits of industry, sobriety,
and frugality, among the natives of that country." His plans, he
continued, had been placed before free blacks in Baltimore and
Philadelphia, New York, and Boston. As a result "several families,
whose characters promise usefulness, have come to a conclusion, if
proper ways could be opened, to go to Africa, in order to give their
aid in promoting the objects already adverted to."
In view of these facts, provided Great Britain was willing, Cuffe
asked permission to take a ship to Sierra Leone to "transport such
persons and families ... also some articles of provision, together
with implements of husbandry, and machinery for some mechanic arts,
and to bring back such of the native productions of that country as
may be wanted." The trifling commerce, he hoped, would lighten the
expense of the voyage.
Congressman Laban Wheaton of Massachusetts presented this memorial
to the House of Representatives on January 7, 1814. Four days later
the _National Intelligencer_ at the request of subscribers published
it. The memorial was referred to the Committee on Commerce and
Manufacturing by the Speaker of the House.
Interest in Cuffe's request now shifts to the Senate where a measure
was passed authorizing the President of the United States to permit
Paul Cuffe to depart from the United States with a vessel and cargo
for Africa and similarly to return. The House was informed of this
action on the twenty-seventh of January and four days later read the
Senate bill twice and referred it to the Committee on Commerce and
Manufacturing. This committee reported that since the government had
been compelled to prohibit the coasting trade, it would be impolitic
to relax the provisions on the "application of an individual, for
a purpose, which, how benevolently soever conceived, cannot be
considered in any other light than as speculative--the efforts
heretofore made and directed by the zeal and intelligence of the
Sierra Leone Company having failed to accomplish the object designed
by its institution."[36]
This report was referred to the Committee of the Whole House and
debated on the nineteenth of March. The representatives who wished
to grant Cuffe's request agreed that the Senate bill would be an
invitation to free blacks to emigrate to Africa. This part of the
population they said could well be spared. The opponents of Cuffe's
request doubted the expediency of permitting to go out a cargo which
must necessarily sail under British license. Such a license would be
granted, they argued, only if advantageous to the enemy. The House by
a vote of 72 to 65 rejected the Senate measure and Cuffe's request was
denied.
He fared little better at the hands of the British Government. Allen
carried the request to the ministers and told them that it was the
opinion of many that the one thing most needed to help Sierra Leone
was to enlist the services of Paul Cuffe. If the Government granted
the license, it was hoped that a vessel could be purchased, that Cuffe
be made its proprietor, and that it be used to carry African produce
to Britain. The ministers, from the Chancellor of the Exchequer on
down, were exceedingly kind and were willing to grant the license but
could not, owing to the navigation laws, insure the vessel against a
seizing officer. Such an officer might consider the boat more valuable
than his office. Allen thought such a risk too great either for Cuffe
or the African Institution and the request for a license was withdrawn.
Cuffe's spirit would not down. Let Congress turn him down and the
British ministers deny his request. There was still one group willing
to help him along. This group was the Society of Friends at Westport.
Here was fuel for the fire of Cuffe's zeal. Ebenezer Baker, clerk of
the monthly meeting, on the "16th of the 11th month 1815" records:
Our friend Paul Cuffe (who is a member of our religious society)
informed this meeting that he has a prospect of making a voyage to
Africa on business, and in a particular manner, with the laudable
view of endeavoring to promote the temporal and civil improvement
and comfort of the inhabitants of some parts of that country;
which having had our solid deliberation, we feel desirous that
he may be enabled to accomplish this object, to the peace of
his own mind; and leave him at liberty to pursue his prospect,
recommending him to the friendly notice and regard of those
amongst whom his lot may be cast.[37]
Just as soon as the war was over Cuffe set sail for Africa. The
papers evidently were well supplied with his plans, for a Louisville
paper, _The Western Courier_, related that "Capt. Paul Cuffe, a man
of color is about to proceed to Africa, with several families to form
a settlement there. He will sail in the brig _Traveller_, now at
Philadelphia, receiving two families there, afterwards touch at New
Bedford and receive the remainder of her company, and then proceed the
latter part of October on her voyage."
The _Traveller_ cleared from the custom house on the second of
December. Two days later Cuffe wrote Allen, "I shall sail through
God's permission the first wind after tomorrow." The first wind came
the tenth of December. When the _Traveller_ finally sailed she carried
a cargo of tobacco and soap, candles, naval stores and flour. She had
also iron with which to build a sawmill, a wagon, grindstones, nails
and glass, and a plow. There were thirty-eight passengers, eighteen
heads of families and twenty children.
The Captain himself reported the voyage to the American Colonization
Society in this laconic letter:
Thirty-eight in number went out with me, their expenses were
estimated at one hundred dollars per head, but were there a large
number they could be carried out for sixty dollars. The expense
of thirty of the above number was born by Paul Cuffe. The others
paid for their own passages. In addition to the above expense,
I furnished them provisions to the amount of 150 pounds 8s 3d
sterling; all this was done without fee or reward--my hope is in a
coming day.[38]
The passengers were all common laborers and they wished to cultivate
the land. Perry Locke, a Methodist, was licensed to preach. He is an
honest man, wrote Cuffe, but "has rather a hard voice for a preacher."
Another passenger was Antony Survance, a native of Senegal, who had
been sold to the French in St. Domingo. During the revolution he came
to Philadelphia. He had learned to read and write and had studied
navigation, but Cuffe thought he would never make a mariner on account
of seasickness. He paid his passage to Africa and hoped by and by to
return to Senegal. He said the black man had two eyes and two ears,
the white man has no more. Could he not hear with his ears and see
with his eyes. All the passengers were provided with certificates of
good character.[39]
The fares paid by the passengers and a contribution from William Rotch
of New Bedford amounted to over $1000. Cuffe's expenses consisted of
$480 for insurance, $1000 for portage, $703.96 for supplies, and $3000
for passages. His expenses, therefore, exceeded the sources of income
by something over $4000.
It was a rough passage and the Captain was troubled with a sick crew.
When he reached Sierra Leone on the third of February, the crew was
well "for which as well as all other preservations," he wrote, "I
desire ever to be truly humbled before the father and fountain of
all our mercies." On its arrival at port, the _Traveller_ was hailed
from a canoe, "What brig is this? where from? what cargo?" Cuffe
asked to anchor the _Traveller_. But word came from the custom house
boat "No Americans permitted to anchor in these waters." It was then
near sunset and permission was given to anchor until nine o'clock
the following morning. The Governor on the next day allowed Cuffe to
anchor in the harbor but could not secure him against seizure by a
man-of-war. The _Traveller_ remained in the harbor a month and a day
enjoying every indulgence and encountering no warship.
The passengers were well received by the Governor and the Friendly
Society. They were given a town lot and fifty acres of land. A year's
rations for seven families was provided at a cost of 411 pounds 14s
5d. This expense, it seems, was met by the London African Institution.
Cuffe thanked his friend William Allen for the "Ardent exercises thee
must have had in order to forward the plan."[40]
Cuffe did not succeed so well in the disposition of his cargo. No
instructions awaited him from the London African Institution and
no arrangements had been made with the British Government. He had,
therefore, to pay import duty on the articles he sold; tobacco, soap,
candles and naval stores which at first he could not even land. Later,
evidently the tobacco at least was landed, because to William Allen
was referred a matter in connection with the price of it on which
Cuffe and the Friendly Society could not agree. He sold flour at $12
per barrel and purchased camwood at $100 per ton.
As to Cuffe himself, he was well received. He dined with Governor
McCarthy and the Chief Justice. William Allen offered him his African
quarters during his stay but the Captain declined, for, said he, "I
feel myself unworthy to become one of thy family."[41] He went with
Governor McCarthy to inspect the schools; he was particularly pleased
with the boys' school taught by Thomas Hurt, a schoolmaster Cuffe
himself had brought from England.
He discussed the question of keeping a line of communication open
between England and Sierra Leone, advised that an additional place
for colonizing be selected, and took an active part in suppressing
the slave trade. While he was in Sierra Leone three brigs and four
schooners, active in this traffic, were captured. Later he sought
to secure from Governor McCarthy the names of the vessels and
commanders so that the African Institution or the Abolition Society in
Philadelphia could initiate legal proceedings against them.
Every encouragement was given to the Friendly Society. He pointed out
to William Allen its prosperity and cautioned him not to make too
great advances to it. He was greatly pleased to find it establishing
factories at places within the interior. At these points the tribes
could secure their own produce. When engaged in enriching the produce
of their own country, Cuffe thought that they would be drawn away from
the slave trade. Above all things, he pointed out the abuse of the
twenty-two license houses which did business with the slave traders.
By establishing factories and opening roads from one tribe to another
he believed he could render the native chiefs friendly to civilization.
Cuffe kept in touch with everything and everybody. He noted sickness
and death; he chronicled the accession of thirteen new colonists
to the Baptist church. He also heard complaints. Perry Locke, the
licensed Methodist minister, disliked to do jury duty. On receiving
the following summons he at once carried it to the Captain:
Mr. Perry Locke. You are hereby summoned and required to appear at
the ensuing general session of the peace, which will be held at
the court hall in Freetown, on Wednesday, the 10th day of April,
at the hour of ten in the afternoon, there to serve as a grand
juror; herein fail not, at your peril. W. D. Grant, Sheriff.[42]
Cuffe told him that "he complained in America because he was deprived
of these privileges; and then he murmured because he was called upon:
Go and fill thy seat, do as well as thou canst."[43]
The citizens wished him to begin a settlement at Sherbro, and the
African Institution again took occasion to profit by the experience of
their "dark colored but civilized ally" who suggested that a house be
built on the farm of each settler brought over.
When Cuffe began preparations for the return voyage "it was like a
father taking leave of his children." He sailed on April 4th, and
after a voyage of fifty-four days reached the United States again.
After juggling in his mind the various proposals for ameliorating the
condition of "that part of the great family of Africa" in America
he concluded: "Nothing: Nothing of much amount can be affected by
an individual or private bodies until the government removes the
obstruction in the way."[44]
CHAPTER VIII
AFRO-AMERICAN INTERESTS
Neither voyage to Africa was financially profitable. Cuffe did not
make either visit with that end in view. But he was careful to make
use of every opportunity to reduce the expense of the trip. An undated
item in his letters says property to the value of $1337.15 was landed
from the _Traveller_ and placed in charge of Thomas Wainer. Blue
cloth, cassimere and flannels bought through William and Richard
Rathbone of Liverpool were imported when Cuffe made his first voyage
to Sierra Leone. Peter and Alexander Howard of New Bedford shared
equally with Cuffe in this transaction. The estimated value of the
goods was $2300; the profit to each party was $439.93.[45]
Cuffe imported camwood and squills when he returned in 1816, but
neither sold well. Abner Gifford made a small sale of camwood in
Albany but the bulk of it was sold by Hicks Jenkins and Company
of New York. Peleg Howland and Sons and Swift and Barnes, both of
Poughkeepsie, purchased some of the camwood.
The _Traveller_, however, was kept busy. In 1816 and 1817 she carried
freight along the Atlantic coast and made several voyages to the West
Indies. Tuite and Amie, a firm in Port au Prince, was a correspondent
of Cuffe. Tuite at one time seems to have lived at Bridgeport and
to have established a line of Quaker connections. While Cuffe had
business dealings with a number of houses the ones most frequently
referred to are Josiah Crodler and Company of Boston, Hicks Jenkins
and Company of New York and William Roth, Jr., and Company of New
Bedford. At the time of his death Cuffe was constructing salt works at
Westport.
Cuffe never allowed his own private business affairs to engulf his
interests in Sierra Leone. He wrote frequently to the colonists that
he took over and he kept in close touch with the Friendly Society. He
gave them financial advice, quoted prices, and promised another visit
when satisfactory arrangement could be made with either the London
African Institution or the British Government. He expressed the wish
that an additional port might be selected for a settlement because,
from the rumors of insurrection in the South, "many will be glad to
find some place where they could send them."[46]
He exhorted the Friendly Society as a whole to "stand fast, grow
strong, be respectable, and be active to suppress the slave trade." To
its secretary, James Wise, he gave this special message:
"As thou art one of the main spokes in the great wheel in which
the Friendly Society are upheld I earnestly instruct thee to stand
firm for her support for if she falls and comes to naught, it will
be a deadly blow to Africa. I am a well wisher to her prosperity
and could I be the means of her firm establishment I think I
should consent to be made use of in any way which might be for her
advancement. I instruct thee to endeavor that she, the Friendly
Society, may not give up her commercial pursuits, for that is the
greatest outlet to her national advancement.--I forsee this to be
the means of improving both your country and nation."[47]
The African Institutions at Philadelphia and New York were as dear to
his heart as the Friendly Society. He kept in close touch with both
of them. "I wish these institutions," he said, "to be brought as much
under action as possible; by these means the colored people of these
large cities would be more awakened than from an individual, and a
stranger, and thereby prevailed upon for their own good."[48]
The secretary of the New York African Institution was Peter Williams,
Jr., a rector of the St. Phillip's Episcopal Church. Cuffe constantly
spurred him on to greater activity in the organization. He should
write Governor McCarthy of Sierra Leone expressing interest in Cuffe's
mission; he should cooperate with the Abolition Society in New York
in its efforts to secure information leading to the capture of slave
traders; he should open up a correspondence with the Friendly Society.
Cuffe counted on the help of the Institution to break up the slave
trade. He expressed to Samuel C. Aiken, of Andover, the view that
general manumission could never occur until this trade was really
stopped. He reported that in 1815 two hundred sail cleared from
Savannah for this traffic. Six vessels had been brought in by the
forces in Sierra Leone. If the road could be kept open between Africa
and America, it would help the authorities in Sierra Leone. "I
believe," he continued, "if there could be mercantile correspondence
opened between the African race in America and Africa it would have
good tendency to keep open this communication and acquaint them
with each other. It would employ their children; and if religious
characters wished to visit that country they would obtain a
passage."[49] William Allen had asked him again to come to England
to help keep communication open between London and Sierra Leone. In
harmony with the invitation Rathbone Hodgson Company of Liverpool
wrote, "It will give us much pleasure to learn that you are embarking
for England."
James Forten seems to have been the leading spirit in the African
Institution at Philadelphia. It was no less eager than the sister
one in New York to diffuse knowledge about Africa, to help civilize
its inhabitants, and to help substitute a beneficial commerce for
the slave trade. The Institution had among the members an African
Prince, a grandson of King Lurker, who reigned about fifty leagues
south of Sierra Leone. He was about eight years old and had been
secured by the local Abolition Society in order to educate him. James
Forten hoped that his return to Africa would serve to open up a
correspondence between King Lurker and the Friendly Society which
would be very advantageous to the Sierra Leone colony. Forten reported
the Institution greatly concerned over the will of Samuel Gist because
there was no asylum for the blacks whom he desired to free and whom he
finally colonized in Brown County, Ohio.
Neither organization, however, was lively enough to please Cuffe. He
feared that their inactivity might cause the mission in Africa to
fail. Rather than see the seed planted in Africa perish, he wrote
William Allen that he would bestow some further labor; he would come
to England if necessary and be used there.
Cuffe had another important purpose in connection with colonization.
From the time that he built a schoolhouse at Westport to his death
he was interested in the cause of education both in Africa and
in America. He said: "I am one of those who rejoice to see good
institutions established for the instruction and reformation of our
fellow creatures.... I approve of the plan for educating young men of
color. I think such characters would be useful in Africa." Teachers
were sought out for schools in Sierra Leone and passage for them on
the _Traveller_ was always ready. He contributed to teachers' salaries
and was interested in putting children in private boarding schools.
Prospect for establishing a school for blacks in Charleston, South
Carolina, was laid before Cuffe by Samuel R. Fisher of Philadelphia.
The information was a solicitation for advice and financial help.
Naturally, as soon as he returned from Sierra Leone, his
correspondence increased. He received many inquiries about that
country and to all he gave kind and considerate reply. Dr. Jedekiah
Morse of Boston wants to know what offices are held by men of color.
There are sheriffs, constables, clerks of court, and jurors; and there
is a colored printer. But "Africa calls for men of character to fill
stations in the Legislature."
"What does it cost to go to Africa?" asked Thomas Fay, of Providence.
"Does there exist any arrangement under the auspices of the African
Institution for the payment of passage for those unable to meet this
expense?" And the answer comes that it costs about one hundred dollars
per person and that there is no arrangement at present with the
African Institution. But if you go you must set your face against the
slave trade; prepare as do the Irish who come to America.
Peter Williams, Jr., of New York, upon being reminded that there is no
time to lose if a mercantile line of business is established between
Africa and the United States, makes this inquiry, "Any news from
England on colonization? A carpenter here ready to settle in Sierra
Leone if his passage paid."
Cuffe wants to know whether James Forten, of Philadelphia, could tell
him the cost of a rice mill? Could he refer him to a man who would
manage a sawmill; to another who was a good watch repairer? "What are
the African news?" asks James Forten. "And can you give me information
about Cuffe Johnson who claims he sailed with you twelve years ago
and was marked with a mold on his left breast?" Thomas Ash, merchant
and employer of Forten, inquires if ebony wood may be obtained on the
Gaboon River and reports his intention to make an expedition there.
John James wants Cuffe to visit Philadelphia and clear up unfavorable
reports about the Sierra Leone Mission. Several wish to emigrate and
they must be saved for Africa. And Cuffe sends to Peter Williams, Jr.,
of New York for the minutes of Perry Locke and a communication from
Governor McCarthy so that he may have documentary evidence to submit
to his colored brethren at Philadelphia. "I think it is time," says
Cuffe to Forten, "some steps were taken to prevent insurrection."[50]
From Wilmington, Delaware, William Gibbons sends the respect and
friendship of his wife and family and asks how many Negroes are in
Sierra Leone? How far has the colony civilized the natives? What about
the moral, religious, civil and political situation?
The colonists who were taken out in 1815 wrote many letters to Cuffe
and to their "Dear Friends and Brethren" in America. Friend Gwinn
had lost a leg; Samuel Hews and Mrs. Thomas Jarvis were dead. Would
Cuffe bring two Bibles when he came over again? Would the American
Government purchase a small tract in Sherbro? It is a splendid site
for a colony and camwood, palm oil and a little ivory are available
there.
And Cuffe writes back: "The camwood is stored in New York, six
families in Boston and a considerable number in New York want to go
over. They must wait and see how things turn out. There will be no
voyage really soon for there is no arrangement made with the London
African Institution or the British Government. May Perry Locke get on
with his friends in religion. Let George Davis and others meet their
financial obligations promptly."
An incident which created no little concern among Cuffe's friends
in New Bedford, Philadelphia and New York was the appearance of a
colored man who claimed to be a relative of the Captain. He made his
appearance in New Bedford late in 1816, where he claimed to be a
minister, and the son of Richard Allen. He sat in the pulpit with the
local minister and had sittings with the Negroes. Soon he left for
Boston with false letters from William Rotch setting forth that he was
a brother-in-law of Paul Cuffe and that his home was in New York. He
was now using the name Samuel Bailey. He bought nine hundred dollars
worth of goods on his credentials and came very near making away with
the purchase.
The imposter next appeared in New Bedford, where, on the initiative
of William Rotch, he was arrested. Unfortunately, however, he escaped
from prison. From New Bedford he made his way to New York where he
presented false letters of credit to the extent of $10,000. Here
he was brought before the authorities and was requested to leave
the State. He went to Albany and was employed by Ira Porter for one
month. To disguise himself better he had made a plain suit, Quaker
style, and then absconded on one of Porter's fine black horses, worth
$200. He rode him to York, introduced himself as Paul Cuffe and found
hospitality at the home of Joseph Jessop. Although he attended meeting
on the first day, nevertheless suspicions were aroused as to his real
self. His conduct and pretentions while at York are further set forth
by a contemporary in the following language:
"An African pretending to be the son of the _Celebrated_ Paul
Cuffe, came here about eight or ten days ago. He was received
as Paul Cuffe, in this place, and entertained by members of the
Society of Friends. He said he was on his way to Congress, for the
purpose of soliciting aid in a project he had on foot, to colonize
Sierra Leone, or the _Leone Country_, on the west coast of Africa.
He said he had been the first man that put a yoke on a pair of
oxen in Sierra Leone.
"He tarried in this place several days, and though he is an artful
fellow, he told in the course of his conversation upon the Sierra
Leone project some inconsistent stories. He said, for instance,
that he would lay a memorial before Congress embracing a view of
his Sierra Leone business. One of the Friends advised him to have
a sufficient number of copies printed to supply all the members.
This, he said, was already done and he had them along with him. On
his being pressed to show one of them he could not make it appear
that he told a straight story. This gave rise to a suspicion that
he was not a _Real_ Cuffe, of the Cape Cod breed. He proceeded
from this place to Baltimore. Letters were sent from here giving
intelligence of the suspiciousness of his character.
"The letters were read to him at Baltimore, upon which he came
back to this place to clear up his character. He appears not to
have done it to the satisfaction of his friends here, as they
took him before a magistrate and had him committed to the care
of Robert Wilson. On his examination it appeared that he could
neither read nor write, but at the same time exhibited proof
of a keenness of intellect seldom met with in persons of his
color. The real celebrated Paul Cuffe resides in the State of
Massachusetts in the vicinity of Cape Cod at the entrance to
Boston Bay."[51]
What was the upshot of the matter is not known but the significance of
the affair is well pointed out by the Real Cuffe in a letter to the
impostor:
"I think it looks as though thou art arrested from thy labors,
and thy words do follow thee. How canst thou, a sinful impostor,
call me thy father when I never saw thee to my knowledge. It
appears that thou art a scribe, but hath missput the name that
thee presumed to assume. It is a great pity that thou who hath
been so well treated should make such ill use of it. This I speak
to thy shame. The great evil that thou hast embarked upon is not
only against me as an individual. It is a national concern. It
is a stain to the whole community of the African race. Wilt thou
consider, thou imposter, the great number thou hast lifted thy
head against, would not it have been good that thou had never been
born. Let me tell thee that the manumission of 1,500,000 slaves
depends on the faithfulness of the few who have obtained their
freedom, yea, it is not only those who are in bondage, but the
whole community of the African race, which are according to best
accounts 30,000,000. If nothing better can be obtained from thee
than the fruit that thou produced, let me intreat thee to petition
for a prison for life; Awake thou imposter unto righteousness and
pray God to forgive thee, if happily thou may find firgiveness
before the door of mercy is closed against thee. Thus thou hast
the advise of one who wishes well to all mankind."
PAUL CUFFE.[52]
CHAPTER IX
A FRIEND IN NEED
There is no evidence in the Cuffe papers that he was acquainted with
the history of the Negro deportation projects in America. It is
altogether likely that the one hundred years of individual propaganda,
religious and humanitarian exertions, were unknown to him. Means for
the dissemination of knowledge were not so well perfected in his day
as in ours; the plans for deportation were isolated; not until 1816
did private movements unite with governmental organizations,--facts
which further explain why Cuffe knew nothing about the history of the
movements to colonize the Negro.
Many of his friends and many persons whose lives were dedicated to
Negro emancipation were connected with his plans. But whatever he did
appears to have been done wholly on his own initiative. It is the
first time, apparently, in the history of colonization that a Negro
becomes prominent in the movement. He leads the way in an effort not
only to bless the free Negroes, but also to liberate the slaves. It is
a constructive effort on the part of the Negro race.
When Cuffe returned from Africa in the early summer of 1816 the cause
for which he had given so much time and made so many sacrifices was
more prominent than it had ever been in its history. The Union Humane
Society, founded in Ohio in 1815 by Benjamin Lundy as an anti-slavery
organization, had declared for the removal of the Negro beyond the
white man's pale. The Kentucky Colonization Society had petitioned
Congress to settle, at public expense, on some unappropriated tract of
public land, the Negroes already free and those who might subsequently
obtain their freedom. The Virginia Assembly, also, had presented a
memorial to Congress praying that the National Government find a
place on the North Pacific or African coast for colonizing the free
blacks of the State. Finally, the inhabitants of New Jersey petitioned
their Legislature to instruct their representatives in Congress to lay
before that body at its next meeting as a subject for discussion "the
expediency of forming a colony on the coast of Africa, or elsewhere,
where such of the people of color as are now free, or may hereafter be
set free, may, with their own consent, be removed."[53]
Cuffe returned from Africa about June 1, 1816. The New Jersey
meeting was on the sixth of the following November. Final action
by the Virginia Assembly was taken on the twenty-first of December
of that year. A graduate of Princeton, Robert Finley, then engaged
in the Presbyterian ministry and later president of the University
of Georgia, participated in the New Jersey meeting. He now took a
leading part in the deliberation of a body of men in Washington,
D.C., where a national organization was launched for the purpose of
deporting to Africa or elsewhere the free blacks of the United States.
A preliminary meeting was held on December 21, 1816; the constitution
was adopted on December 28, 1816, and on New Year's Day 1817, the
officers were elected. This was the beginning of the American
Colonization Society.
At this meeting the enthusiasm of Reverend Mr. Finley was boundless.
He offered five hundred dollars from his savings to insure the success
of the movement, and when some, thinking the plan foolhardy, laughed,
he declared, "I know the scheme is from God." The one practical
colonizationist, at this time, was Paul Cuffe, and to him Rev. Mr.
Finley went for advice and help.
Using for letter paper the blank space of the printed New Jersey
petition, Finley wrote Cuffe on December 5 from Washington City. Cuffe
was in this way put in touch with Finley's past activities and with
his present exertions. "Many indulge," he wrote, "a hope that could
the more virtuous of our own free people of color be removed to the
coast of Africa, with their own consent, to carry with them their
arts, their industry, and above all, their knowledge of Christianity
and the fear of God, great and lasting benefits would arise to the
people of _Africa itself_. Knowing that you have been to _Sierra
Leone_ and must be well acquainted with the state and prospects of the
colony, we beg of you such information as you may be able to give on
the following heads:
"1. What is the present population of the settlements of Sierra Leone,
and what its prospects of happiness and growth?
"2. What is the nature of the soil and what the advantage for
settlement on the coast of Africa from Sierra Leone to the equator?
"3. Are there any navigable rivers in the country called Guinea, or
any positions where a good harbor might be formed along the coast?
"4. In the region above alluded to, are there any European regular
settlements, or does it contain any slave factories?
"5. Whether in your opinion is there any other situation in Africa
where the contemplated settlement or settlements could be formed with
greater advantage than in the district mentioned above?
"The great desire of those whose minds are impressed with this
subject," says Finley, "is to give an opportunity to the free people
of color to rise to their proper level and at the same time to provide
a powerful means of putting an end to the slave trade, and sending
civilization and Christianity to Africa."[54]
Another active member of the group at Washington was Samuel J.
Mills, whose devotion to missionary activity is almost unequaled
in history. The origin of the American Bible Society, the United
Foreign Missionary Society, and the American Board of Commissioners
for Foreign Missions, is attributed to him. Writing to Cuffe, March
17, 1817, Mills said: "Your two voyages to Africa have been of great
service in preparing the public mind for an attempt to colonize
your colored brethren and probably much is depending on your future
assistance as it respects the success of efforts of this kind. I
hope you will hold yourself in a state of readiness to aid any great
efforts which may hereafter be made." He wanted to know:
1. In what manner would a request from our government for liberty
to send free people of color to Sierra Leone be received by the
English government?
2. Should the request be granted, would the Americans have equal
privileges to trade to the colony?
3. Should an effort be made to explore the west coast of Africa to
find a place for a colony, how great a force ought to be employed?
Would one vessel be sufficient and what number of men would be
required?
4. As a preparatory step to further exertions, would it be best to
have an agent go to Africa and to England during the proceeding
summer and autumn? Or to either of these places?
5. How should we answer those who say that people of color will
not go to Africa if a place is provided?
6. Would those persons who are ready to go to Sierra Leone be
ready to aid in establishing a new colony, in another place?
7. What was the expense of carrying out those persons who went to
Africa with you, and how was the expense defrayed? Be so good as
to add anything you think interesting. I hope you will write to me
soon.[55]
Mills supplied Cuffe with the news of the activities at Washington
and sent him a pamphlet on colonization. Mills, also, inquired "If
the general government were to request you to go out for the purpose
of exploring in your own vessel would you engage in this service if
offered proper support?" If Cuffe did not go as an agent it was the
wish of Mills that he take out another group of colonists. "Since you
have so generously commended this mighty effort," says Mills, "do not
value further sacrifices in order to effect it." The voyage will not
only tone up public feeling, it will also give the foundation for an
appeal for governmental aid.
To these questions from Finley and Mills Cuffe gave prompt attention.
He gave them what facts he had gathered from his two visits to Africa.
He wrote with feeling about the slave trade, and raised the question
of the desirability of a government vessel making explorations on the
west coast of Africa. Small beginnings, he said, had been made in
Sierra Leone, but in case there was a general manumission the Cape of
Good Hope offered the most desirable place for a colony. Attention
was also called to the Congo region. Withal to draw off the colored
citizens it seemed best not only to have a colony in Africa but one in
America as well. In any event, the slaves should be freed and until
they are capable of managing for themselves they might be allowed to
work the plantations on a lay.
The work of the African Institution is called to the attention of
Finley and Mills and both Peter Williams, Jr., and James Forten are
recommended. On returning from his second voyage he states that he
received so many applications that he could have taken over the
greater part of Boston. He himself is ready to serve in any capacity
"although," he continued, "I stand (as it were) in a low place and am
not able to see far; but blessed by God who hath created all things
and for his own glory they are and were created he is able to make use
of instruments in such a way as he pleases and may I be resigned to
his holy will."[56]
Both Mills and Finley signed the constitution of the American
Colonization Society. Finley was one of the Vice Presidents, and
Mills was sent to Africa by the society to make investigations for
it. He went via England where he met the colaborers of Cuffe.
While in Africa he consulted with the members of the Friendly
Society established by Cuffe in 1811. Two of the settlers that Cuffe
transported in 1815, Kizell and Martin, acted as interpreters and
guides for Mills. In one of Mills' observations he says, "Should a
colony be established in this part of Africa, it remains a question
whether it should be governed by white men, or whether the people
will consider themselves competent to self government in the first
instance."
The arguments for and against colonization were considered by Mills
and Cuffe. "Whenever the subject of colonization shall be discussed by
Congress," says Mills, "some will object that the free people of color
will not go to Africa. Again, that it will cost too much to transport
them and to afford them the necessary protection. Again it will be
said that too many of these people are very useful and are wanted in
this country. We should be prepared to meet these objectors as far as
possible and trust in God for the success of our efforts."[57]
Mills was right in his anticipation of the argument that the free
blacks would not go to Africa. Hardly had the American Colonization
Society been formed when, under the auspices of the African
Institution at Philadelphia, a meeting estimated at three thousand
met at Reverend Richard Allen's church to discuss the question. Many
were frightened, for they believed force would be used, particularly
in the South, to compel immigration to Africa. James Forten reported
none of them favored going to Africa and that they thought the
slaveholders wanted to get rid of the free blacks so as to make the
slaves themselves more secure. Although Forten was convinced that his
brethren would never "become a people until they came out from amongst
the white people"[58] he concluded to be silent on the question of
deportation for the time being.
When this opposition to the colonization project was known to the
Society, Finley came to Philadelphia to take charge of the situation.
He met the committee to whom the matter was referred and explained to
them "the purity of the motives" which actuated many of the leading
spirits in the Society. He was so convincing that the committee
unanimously decided that "benevolence to them and the land of their
fathers guided the movements that were made at Washington."[59] But
James Forten showed his confidence in the Captain by writing for his
opinion on colonization.
Captain Cuffe had given advice to the men who organized the American
Colonization Society, his co-workers in London had been drawn upon,
his friends in Sierra Leone had served the agents of the Society in
Africa, but his influence did not end with his death. When Bishop
Meade was in the South on behalf of the Society he read Cuffe's
letters to the free blacks of Savannah. He made use, too, of
information obtained from some other Negroes who had been in Sierra
Leone and conversed with the emigrants taken over in 1815.
In fact, the Society printed letters from the American Settlers in
Africa and disseminated them as propaganda. Perry Locke exhorts his
brethren in America to come to the "land of Canaan, abounding in honey
and fruits, fish and oysters, wild fowls and wild hogs. The only
thing that Africa wants is the knowledge of God--fear not to come, if
the Lord will. When you come I hope to be with you and more besides
me,--let this be printed if you please."[60]
The testimony of Samuel Wilson was no less convincing. He concludes:
"Sir, when I set my foot on the African shore, I had only seven and
six pence sterling; now, notwithstanding, all my sickness, I am master
of a hundred pounds sterling. I think if I had had something to have
begun with, I should have had about four or five thousand."[61]
Another letter signed by a number of Cuffe's passengers is directed to
the American Negroes in general. It says:
Be not fearful to come to Africa, which is your country by right.
If any of you think it not proper to come, and say it is well
with you, you must remember your brethren who are yet in slavery.
They must be set free as yourselves. How shall they be set free,
if not by your good behavior, and by coming to get a place ready
to receive them? Though you are free that is not your country.
Africa, not America, is your country and your home. Africa is a
good country. You will have no trouble to raise your children when
all things are plenty: you will have no want of warm clothing: you
will have no need of firewood, for we have it in abundance; and
here you will be looked upon like the blessed creatures of the
Almighty God, and that bad opinion and contempt which our white
brethren harbor, will be quite done away, and the whole of us will
become a large and wonderful nation. We will forget all our former
troubles when we turn to the land from which our forefathers came.
The whole of you will have your own lands and houses; when you
cultivate the land, (in which a few horses would be an assistance)
you will be supplied with yams, cassada, plantains, fowls, wild
hogs, deer, ducks, goats, sheep, cattle, fish in abundance, and
many other articles, good running water, large oysters.[62]
Another clever device of the advocates of deportation to make use
of the Captain was a dialogue between Absalom Jones on one side and
William Penn and Paul Cuffe on the other. The dialogue was printed
in _The Union_ for June 18, 1818.[63] The scene of the dialogue is
in Heaven and the subject is the colonization of the free Negroes in
Africa. Cuffe narrates his connections with the movement and sets
forth purposes he had in view. He had hoped by establishing a colony
in Africa to draw there gradually all the Negroes in America. In this
way slavery would be abolished, Africa would be explored, civilized,
and Christianized.
Absalom Jones, opposed to the movement in general, raises objections
to it. Why not colonize them on the banks of the Mississippi or the
Missouri, he asks. William Penn, a Quaker too, answers the objection
by pointing out that the whites are migrating to that section and that
were the Negroes to settle there trouble would arise between the two
races. The Indians, moreover, would make trouble with the Negroes.
Jones next asks why should the colored people leave America at all?
They are happy in America, and more and more is done for their uplift
all the time. To this objection Penn replied that prejudice will
always keep them down. "Can one imagine," asks he, "that the period
will ever arrive in which they will bear any sway in our country,
guide our legislative councils, preside in our courts of judicature,
or take the lead in the affairs of the republic? Is it possible that
the time will ever come in which intermarriages will be sought between
their families and those of the most respectable whites? It would be
the height of folly to indulge in such an expectation; and until such
is the case, they will never occupy the rank or enjoy the privileges
of white men; until this is the case, they will ever hold an inferior
and subordinate place in society, and be in some degree aliens in
their own land." Paul Cuffe had the sensibility and discernment
to perceive this state of things, the penetration to discover the
early practicable means by which his race could be relieved from
their painful sense of inferiority, and the activity to commence the
execution of a project to remedy the evil.
Would not deportation stop the manumission of slaves, asks Jones.
Penn replies that many southerners are now ready to emancipate their
slaves, and that their only handicap is a just provision for them. A
colony in Africa would gradually attract to its sphere every slave in
America.
At the end of the dialogue Penn and Cuffe convince Jones that the
deportation of the free Negroes in America to Africa is a meritorious
plan. What the dialogue did for one opponent of the scheme it was
hoped that it would do for others.
The experiences of Cuffe were a great asset in the ventures of the
colonizationists. In testimony to his services the Board of Managers
of the American Colonization Society incorporated the following
paragraph in its first annual report:
The managers cannot omit the testimony of Captain Paul Cuffe so
well known in Africa, Europe, and America, for his active and
large benevolence, and for his zeal and devotedness to the cause
of the people of color. The opportunities of Captain Cuffe of
forming a correct opinion were superior perhaps to those of any
man in America. His judgment was clear and strong, and the warm
interest he took in whatever related to the happiness of that
class of people is well known. The testimony of such a man is
sufficient to out weigh all the unfounded predictions and idle
surmises of those opposed to the plan of this society. He had
visited twice the coast of Africa, and became well acquainted
with the country and its inhabitants. He states that, upon his
opinion alone he could have taken to Africa at least two thousand
people of color from Boston and its neighborhood. In the death
of Paul Cuffe the society has lost a most useful advocate, the
people of color a warm and disinterested friend, and society
a valuable member. His character alone ought to be sufficient
to rescue the people to which he belonged from the unmerited
aspersions which have been cast upon them. The plan of the society
met with his entire approbation, its success was the subject of
his ardent wishes, and the prospect of its usefulness to the
native Africans and their descendants in this country was the
solace of his declining years, and cheered the last moments of his
existence.[64]
CHAPTER X
THE PALE MESSENGER
The formation of the American Colonization Society stimulated interest
in Negro deportation. Both whites and blacks put many inquiries to
Cuffe. He was thought of as the prospective first governor of the
colony but he did not live to realize this. Near the end of his
career his advice to his people was to be quiet and trust in God;
be industrious and honest; such conduct is the greatest boon toward
liberation. "Experience is the best schoolmaster."
He took advantage of this correspondence to exhort his brethren to
improve their morals. To William Harris he wrote: "We must depart from
that Monster--I mean intemperance. Examine your selves, your families.
Are you clean? If not set about this work immediately.... Do not
admit him into your houses in any other shape than a mere medicine. I
formerly kept him company but for many years I have forsaken him and I
find great consolation thereby."
About a year before his death he gave sound financial advice to Edward
Cooke. In the postscript of the letter he wrote "My dear Friend Edward
Cooke, if I could know that thee had given up the use of strong drink,
I should feel rejoiced, and would render thee such aid, that thee
could soon become a man of property."
About the same time that he gave this advice, Isaac Gifford received
a "Watchword." "By experience," wrote the Captain, "I have ever found
when I attended to my business I seldom suffered loss. I have found it
to be good to make choice of good companions. I have ever found it not
to be profitable for me to sit long after dining and make a tipling
habit of wine and other liquors. These very people who adopt those
practices when they see a sober, steady man will put business in his
way. The surest way to conquer strong drink is to make no use of it.
We are born and we must die. Amen."
He points out to Joel Rogers, chosen to represent the Gayhead people,
the fields among his neighbors, "devastated either by creatures or
weeds." More frugality is needed. Excessive drink and idleness are
very destructive to society. These and similar truths were recommended
to Rogers to guide his work for his people. When Cuffe and his wife
with some relatives visited there, meeting was held, and "many lively
testimonies borne to the truth of their state and standing."
The admonitions were in accord with the life of Captain Cuffe. Another
lively testimony was given to young men in a meeting in Arch Street,
Philadelphia. He said to the young men that "he was afraid to dignify
what he had to say, by calling it a vision, but it appeared to him
at a time when he was very low in mind and much cast down, and being
very disconsolate, there appeared before him the form of a man,
inquiring what ailed him. He said he could not tell. The Form told him
the disease was in his heart, and he could show it to him. Upon his
expressing submission, the Form took a sharp instrument, separated his
heart from his body and laid it before him. He was greatly terrified
in viewing it, it being very unclear and contained all kinds of
abominable things. The Form said he could never be healed, till he
submitted to have his heart cleansed. Then, said he, I fear I never
shall be healed. But on the Form asking him, if he was willing to
have it cleansed, and he consenting, he took a sharp instrument and
separated all that was vile and closed up the heart, replaced it, and
healed the wound. Thus he said he felt himself a changed man and a new
creature, and then recommended the young men to that Physician who
could heal them, although their state was ever so deplorable.
"In the course of his testimony he also related that when he was
about twelve years of age he lived upon an island where there was no
house but that of his father. Being one evening near night sent on
an errand alone, he became afraid that he should meet with some wild
beast that would attack him. He crossed to a fence in order to cut a
stick to defend himself; but after cutting it, the thought occurred
that he was not on his father's ground, and as he had no right to the
stick it was not likely it would serve to defend him. On which he laid
it down, near the place he had taken it from and in recrossing the
fence laid his hand on a loose piece of wood which was on their own
ground resting against the fence. It proved to be a club, which he
took up, and went cheerfully on his way."[65]
It was while engaged in activity of this kind that he met "the pale
messenger." His health began to fail him early in the spring of 1817.
In April, however, he was well enough to attend Quarterly Meeting,
but in June he was "on the bed of languishing." An eminent Rhode
Island physician was summoned but he could not heal him. He doubtless
then realized what he himself expressed in these words to Samuel R.
Fisher, February 28, 1817: "May we often call to remembrance that we
have no certain containing city here but above all things may we seek
one to come whose builder is God that when we put off this body of
mortality we may be clothed with the spirit of immortality that we may
be prepared and favored to experience that glorious regeneration and
friendship of everlasting peace."
On the morning of July 27 the Captain took solemn leave of his family.
The hand that had guided the _Traveller_ to so many ports was now so
enfeebled that it was limp in the grasp of the little grandchildren.
He shook hands with all the relations and the immediate members of his
own household. As he bade them farewell it was "as broken a time,"
wrote his brother John, "as wast ever known amongst us." "Not many
days hence," he said to his neighbors, "and ye shall see the glory of
God; I know that my works are gone to judgment before me but it is
all well, it is all well." Day by day he kept failing and on first day
morning at two o'clock, September 9, the Captain was borne away on the
invisible but irresistible tide.[66]
The funeral exercises were held on the following Monday afternoon. In
marked solemnity a great concourse of people gathered. After waiting
in great silence his friends bore testimony to his work and merit.
He was buried in the Friends cemetery at the South Meeting House in
Westport, a place of worship formerly known as the Old Meeting House
when the Cuffe family worshipped there. "Many of his neighbors and
friends," said William Rotch, Jr., "evinced their respect for his
memory by attending his funeral (which was conducted agreeably to the
usages of the Society of Friends, of which he was a member) and at
which several lively testimonies were borne to the truth, that the
Almighty Parent has made of one blood all the nations of men, and
worketh righteousness, is accepted with him."[67]
The New York African Institution held services for him in October
following his death. The funeral sermon was preached in the African
Methodist Episcopal Zion Church by Peter Williams, Jr. That trait of
character which rendered Cuffe so eminently useful, said the speaker,
was "a steady perseverance in laudable undertaking, which overcomes
obstacles apparently insurmountable and attains its object, while
others fall back in despair."
"Shall I say to you, my African brethren," continued the Reverend Mr.
Williams, "go and do likewise? Subjected as we too generally are, to
multiplied evils of poverty, made more intolerant by the prejudices
which prevail against us, his example is worthy of our imitation. It
is only by an honest, industrious, and prudent husbanding of all the
means which are placed in our power, that we can hope to rise on the
scale of society."[68]
His death was chronicled in many papers with appropriate praise of
his life. _Niles Register_ noted that all classes of people esteemed
his morality, truth and intelligence.[69] _The Columbian Sentinel_
praised his charity and particularly his deep interest in his race.
"He was concerned not only to set them a good example by his own
correct conduct; to admonish and counsel them against the habits to
which he found them most prone; but more extensively to promote their
welfare."[70] _The Colonization Herald_ said, "Captain Cuffe was a man
of the strictest integrity, modest yet dignified in his manners, of
a feeling and liberal heart, public spirited and well versed in the
business of the world."[71]
"In the example of Paul Cuffe," said _The New York Spectator_, "the
free people of color in the United States may see the manner in which
they may require competency and reputation. It is the beaten path of
industry and integrity. Captain Cuffe cultivated his own farm and
guided his own ship. He labored with his own hands and kept his own
book of accounts. He did not waste his time in idleness, nor his
income in extravagance. He was never charged with intrigue in his
contracts, neglect in his promises, or fraud in his traffic.... His
example therefore, is capable of imitation by every free person of
color."[72]
ONE HUNDRED YEARS AFTER
Paul Cuffe had some descendants of consequence. Horatio P. Howard,
a great-grandson of Captain Cuffe, wrote a short biography of his
grandsire and erected a monument in his memory. Ruth Cuffe married
Alexander Howard and their son, Shadrack, was the father of Horatio.
He was born in New Bedford in 1854, and beginning in 1888 served as a
clerk in the Custom House in New York City. Howard died February 20,
1923, leaving considerable wealth, $5000 of which he bequeathed to
Hampton, and the balance of which he gave to Tuskegee as a fund to
establish Captain Paul Cuffe Scholarships.
The monument which Howard erected is of Westerly Rhode Island granite
and cost $400. It bears the inscription: "In memory of Captain Cuffe,
Patriot, Navigator, Educator, Philanthropist, Friend." It stands five
feet high on an elevation in the front part of the church yard and
along the principal highway.
The biography is a booklet containing twenty-eight pages and is
entitled "A Self-Made Man Captain Paul Cuffe." "By the erection
of this lasting Memorial," says Howard, "in honor of the courage,
achievements and life work of Capt. Paul Cuffe, a resident of
Westport, Massachusetts, for many years, the donor, a great grandson,
hopes to awaken and stimulate energy and ambition in the rising
generation of Negro youth, that they may profit thereby."
On June 15, 1913, dedication services were held in Central Village,
Westport. Rev. Tom A. Sykes, minister of the Westport Society of
Friends, presided. The exercises, which were attended by about two
hundred people, were opened by a flower brigade of school children led
by Horatio P. Howard. Flowers were strewn on the graves of the Captain
and his wife. Speeches were made by Rev. Mr. Sykes and Mr. Samuel T.
Rex, the designer of the monument. Miss Elizabeth C. Carter read a
paper descriptive of the career of Capt. Cuffe. Howard distributed his
booklet and showed a compass used by his great-grandfather on his last
voyages.
* * * * *
The life of Paul Cuffe is noteworthy for several reasons. In the first
place, it is a tribute to American democracy. He is an example of an
American youth handicapped on every side, but overcoming so well the
difficulties which overshadowed him that he won recognition in three
continents. There is no place in the world where such achievement
is less difficult than America. She offers opportunities for
self-recognition unprecedented in the world.
In the next place his life is a tribute to the Quakers. No religious
organization has given itself so unreservedly to the uplift of the
Negro. This devotion is as old as that which won our political
liberties, as deep as the scars on Edith Cavell's heart, and as wide
in its reach as the waters of the sea. Cuffe's membership in this
religious body and his adherence to its principles gave zest to his
zeal for the betterment of his race. His plans grew so comprehensive
that they embraced the Negroes of two continents and made calls on his
philanthropic spirit for several thousand dollars. In all this he paid
a tribute to Quaker ideals and life, and deserves mention with Woolman
and Benezet.
The remedy that he believed would relieve the oppression of his race
is also noteworthy. To him the withdrawal of the free Negro from the
States would remove an obstacle to the emancipation of the slave, and
in the course of time wholly stamp out slavery in America. Negroes
would be better off by themselves, and those who settled in Africa
could help civilize and Christianize that continent. In the meantime
the slave trade would disappear.
Negro deportation had been advocated by some of America's most
distinguished citizens and soon after Cuffe's death its advocates
increased by leaps and bounds. In the early period it was not as
futile as it now is and many believed that under governmental support
and direction it was in the realm of possibility. When the measure
took on its most colossal program in 1817, Cuffe cautioned his
brethren to watch its operation for a year or two before taking sides
for or against it.
Today Negro colonizationists are few in number. The American
Colonization Society itself barely maintains its organization, and
only occasionally sends a Negro to Africa. When an individual is
sent he usually goes in the capacity of a missionary or teacher.
Colonization as a panacea for the amelioration of the Negro race is
impracticable. The Negro feels at home in America as much as the
white man. Negro uplift must be sought not in deportation but in
habits of living exemplified in Captain Cuffe.
There is his industry and thrift. It is a long step from nothing
to twenty thousand dollars. And it is a hard step when there is
practically no initial footing. But Paul Cuffe did it, and did it
because he believed in work. He was always at his task. The dignity of
labor he knew and valued. And he knew how to save. He made his money
work for him. He stopped the leaks in his business boat. He spent
wisely and invested well.
There is his interest in education. The painstaking endeavor and
indefatigable effort which belonged to his labor in industry was
equally a part of his labor in education. It is difficult for us today
with our excellent opportunities for education to realize how meagre
they were in Paul Cuffe's day. And if they were meagre for whites a
century and one half ago they were all the more so for Negro children.
Despite the handicaps he not only mastered the three R's but the
principles of navigation as well.
He learned something more valuable than this--the fine art of
diffusing knowledge. So dearly did he value education for the youth
of his neighborhood that he himself on his own land erected a school
building. He made contributions to teachers' salaries. And most of
all, he taught the principles of navigation to every young man who
offered himself for instruction. Such devotion to a cause grows out of
a recognition of its great worth.
There is his interest in religion. He stood for righteousness. No
one ever charged him with unfair dealing. His business was clean. He
sought the fellowship of the church. He contributed to its needs and
gave personal testimony to the power of Christ. Religion was vital in
his life; he tried to foster it from Westport to Freetown. He was both
a home and a foreign missionary. He knew the value of prayer. He gave
advice that was tested first in his own experience.
Overshadowing his industry, his religion, and education stands his
optimism. He believed in the victory of righteousness; therefore,
he worked for it. He believed in the triumph of truth; therefore,
he dedicated himself to it. He realized the mastery of poverty;
therefore, he gave pursuit to wealth. He believed in the amelioration
of his race; therefore, he consecrated himself to it.
HENRY NOBLE SHERWOOD.
FOOTNOTES:
[A] This biography is based on the original journal, letters, and
papers of Paul Cuffe. They are preserved in the Public Library of
New Bedford, Massachusetts. I am under obligations to the Librarian,
George H. Pripp, for many favors in connection with the examination of
these manuscripts.
The petitions referred to in Chapter II are with the Cuffe papers. A
copy of the one presented to the Probate Court of Massachusetts Bay
was furnished by Mr. James J. Tracey, Chief of the Archives Division,
State House, Boston. The story of the lawsuit related in this same
chapter is based on the original papers to be found in the records of
the Bristol County, Taunton, Massachusetts, Probate Court. They were
examined for me by my Harvard classmate, Professor Arthur Buffinton of
Williams College.
I have previously published two articles bearing on this study.
Early Negro Deportation Projects appeared in the _Mississippi Valley
Historical Review_ for March, 1916, the Formation of the American
Colonization Society in the _Journal of Negro History_ for July,
1917. A third article, PAUL CUFFE AND HIS CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE
AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY, in volume six of the _Proceedings
of the Mississippi Valley Historical Society_, was an attempt to
bring together a full statement of his life and service. Since the
publication of this study I found the original Cuffe Papers and have
made use of them in this biography. Another source of great help was
the _Life of William Allen with Selections from his Correspondence_,
2 vols., Philadelphia, 1847. A full account of the services in
connection with the memorial monument erected by Mr. Horatio P. Howard
is contained in the _New Bedford Morning Mercury_ and the _New Bedford
Standard_ for June 16, 1917.
[1] _Cuffe Manuscripts_, New Bedford, Massachusetts, Public Library,
from the bill of sale.
[2] Ruth Cuffe to Joseph Congdon, February 12, 1851.
[3] _Dartmouth, Massachusetts, Town Book of Records for Entries of
Intention of Marriage._
[4] _Cuffe Manuscripts_, Memorandum of family marriages.
[5] _Book of Bristol County Land Records_, Vol. 50, 478, 479.
[6] His commercial activities are well told in _Memoirs of Paul
Cuffe_, York, 1812.
[7] See W. J. Allison in _Non-Slaveholder_, December, 1850.
[8] _Ibid._
[9] Peter Williams, _Discourse on the Death of Paul Cuffe, delivered
before the New York African Institution, October 21, 1817_.
[12] _Memoirs of Paul Cuffe_, 14, 15.
[14] Paul Cuffe to John and Jenny Cuffe, September 8, 1808.
[10] _Massachusetts Archives_, Vol. 186, 134-136.
[11] The quoted documents relating to the question of taxation are in
the _Records of the Court of General Sessions_, Taunton, Mass. They
were examined for the writer by Professor Arthur Buffinton of Williams
College.
[13] William Armistead, _Memoir of Paul Cuffe_ (London, 1846), 23.
[17] For an extended account of these movements see H. N. Sherwood,
_Early Negro Deportation Projects_, in Mississippi Valley Historical
Review, II, 484 et seq.
[18] _The Case of our Fellow Creatures, the Oppressed Africans,
respectfully recommended to the serious Consideration of the
Legislature of Great Britain, London_, 1784.
[19] In the _Cuffe Manuscripts_.
[20] _Life of William Allen with Selections from His Correspondence._
(2 vols., Philadelphia, 1847), I, 85, 86.
[21] In _Cuffe Manuscripts_. Dated January 5, 1811.
[22] The _Journal_ is in the _Cuffe Manuscripts_.
[23] _Life of William Allen_, I, 99-105.
[24] The diary is from _Paul Cuffe's Journal_ in the _Cuffe
Manuscripts_.
[25] _Life of William Allen_, I, 103.
[26] _The Seventh Report of the Directors of the African Institution_
is in the _Edinburgh Review_, XXI.
[27] _Life of William Allen_, I, 105.
[28] In the _Cuffe Manuscripts_.
[29] In the _Cuffe Manuscripts_. Dated June 12, 1812.
[30] _The Cuffe Manuscripts._ Dated June 12, 1812.
[31] In _Cuffe Manuscripts_. Paul Cuffe to William Allen, April 4,
1811.
A summary of his observations came out in print in 1812. It was called
"A Brief Account of the Settlement and Present Situation of the Colony
of Sierra Leone in Africa,"[32] and was dedicated to "his friend in
New York." It contains an account of the topography of the country and
states that the population was 2,518.
[32] Published in New York, 1812.
[33] On the Friendly Society see _Life of William Allen_, I, 105-116;
139, 140. _History of Prince Le Boo_ (Dublin, 1822), 162, 163; _Cuffe
Manuscripts_. Paul Cuffe to Samuel J. Mills, August 6, 1816.
[34] _Life of William Allen_, I, 133.
[35] _Annals of Congress_, 13th Congress, 2nd session, I, 861-1863;
_National Intelligencer_ for January 11, 1814, printed the memorial at
the request of its subscribers.
[36] _Annals of Congress_, 13th Congress, 2nd session, I, 1195, 1265.
[37] _Cuffe Manuscripts._
[38] _Second Annual Report of the American Colonization Society_, 122.
_The Western Courier_ (Louisville, Kentucky) for October 26. 1815,
reported Captain Cuffe's trip.
[39] A memorandum in Cuffe's handwriting and containing the details
concerning each passenger is in the _Cuffe Manuscripts_.
[40] _Cuffe Manuscripts_, Paul Cuffe to William Allen, April 1, 1816.
[41] _Ibid._
[42] _Second Annual Report of the American Colonization Society_, 121,
122.
[43] _Second Annual Report of the American Colonization Society_, 121.
[44] _Cuffe Manuscripts_, Paul Cuffe to T. Brine, January 16, 1817.
[45] Memorandum made by Cuffe in _Cuffe Manuscripts_.
[46] _Cuffe Manuscripts_, Paul Cuffe to John Kizell, August 14, 1816.
[47] _Ibid._, Paul Cuffe to James Wise, September 15, 1816.
[48] Quoted in Williams, _Discourse on the Death of Paul Cuffe_.
[49] _Cuffe Manuscripts_, Paul Cuffe to Samuel C. Aiken, August 7,
1816.
[50] _Cuffe Manuscripts_, Paul Cuffe to James Forten, August 14, 1816.
[51] _Cuffe Manuscripts_, James Forten to Paul Cuffe, January 16, 1817.
[52] _Ibid._, Paul Cuffe to the Imposter, January 13, 1817.
[53] For an extended account of the activities mentioned in this
paragraph see N. H. Sherwood, _The Formation of the American
Colonization Society_, in THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY, July, 1917.
[54] _Cuffe Manuscripts_, Robert Finley to Paul Cuffe, December 5,
1816.
[55] _Cuffe Manuscripts_, Samuel J. Mills to Paul Cuffe, March 12,
1817. See also Richard, _Life of Samuel J. Mills_ (Boston, 1906);
Spring, _Memoir of Mills_ (Boston and New York, 1829); Brown,
_Biography of Robert Finley_ (Philadelphia, 1857).
[56] Brown, _Finley_, 83.
[57] _Cuffe Manuscripts_, Samuel J. Mills to Paul Cuffe, March 12,
1817.
[58] _Ibid._, James Forten to Paul Cuffe, January 25, 1817.
[59] _Cuffe Manuscripts_, Samuel J. Mills to Paul Cuffe, July 14, 1817.
[60] _Second Annual Report of the American Colonization Society_, 151.
[61] _Ibid._, 150.
[62] _Second Annual Report of the American Colonization Society_, 152,
153.
[63] See also Brown, _Finley_, note L.
[64] _First Annual Report of the American Colonization Society_, 5.
[65] Memorandum in the _Cuffe Manuscripts_.
[66] Cf. _Cuffe Manuscripts_, John Cuffe to Freelove Cuffe, September
10, 1817; David Cuffe, Jr., to Freelove Cuffe, July 8, 1817.
[67] Clipping in the _Cuffe Manuscripts_.
[68] Peter Williams, _Discourse on the Death of Paul Cuffe_.
[69] _Niles Register_, XIII, 64.
[70] _Cuffe Manuscripts_, Clipping from _Columbian Sentinel_,
September 17, 1817.
[71] _Ibid._, Clipping from _The Colonization Herald_.
[72] _Cuffe Manuscripts_, Clipping from _New York Spectator_, October,
1817.
DOCUMENTS
THE WILL OF PAUL CUFFE
Be it remembered, that I, Paul Cuffe of Westport in the County of
Bristol and Commonwealth of Massachusetts, yeoman, being at this time
(through mercy) in health and of a sound, disposing mind and memory,
and considering that it is appointed for all men once to die, I do
make and ordain this my last will and testament in the followering
manner (viz.)
Imprimis. My will is, and I hearin order, that my just debts and
funeral charges together with the expenses of setteling my estate be
paid by my executors herein after named, out of my estate.
Item. I give unto my wife Alice Cuffe all my houshould goods except
my two desks and book case, and books; I also give her in lieu of her
right of dower in my estate, so long as she shall remain my widow, the
use and improvement of my now dwelling house and the one half of all
my lands, together with one half of the live stock, and all the famely
provisions that may be on hand at my decease, and one hundred dollars
in money, and all the profits arising from my half of the salt works,
that Joseph Tripp & I built together. Should the salt works not be in
operation before this will is proved or should not be built, then my
will is she should have one hundred dollars annually.
Item. I give unto my daughter in law Lydia Wainer one hundred dollars.
Item. I give unto my daughter Mary Phelpess & to her heirs and assigns
forever, the house and lot of land which I bought of Lucy Castino.
Item. I give unto my son Paul Cuffe, and to his oldest male heir
forever, the farm that was given to me by my father Cuffe Slocum, and
my maple desk, also one half of my wereing appearl, my will further
is that five hundred dollars be retained out of my estate, and put to
interest in some safe hands, the income of which I order to be used
annually for the support of my son Paul Cuffe' family, forever. I
also order that one fourth part of the brig Traveller together with
the five hundred dollars, be placed under care and guardianship of my
executors, in order that my son Paul and his heirs, might be benefited
by it yearly and every year forever, also the one sixth part of the
residue be placed under the care & guardianship of my executors for
the benefit of Paul & his heirs as above mentioned, forever.
Item. I give unto my son William Cuffe and to his oldest male heir
forever, the lot of land which I bought of Ebenezer Eddy called the
Allen lot, and one fourth part of the brig Traveller, and my walnut
desk and book case standing thereon, and Johnsons Dictionary in two
volums, and one half of my weareing appearel, and three hundred
dollars in money, to be laid out in building him a dwelling house on
the Allen lot.
Item. I give unto my cousin Ruth Cottell fifty dollars. Ruth Howard,
Alice Cuffe Jr. and Rhoda Cuffe one half of the brig Traveller, that
is to each one of them one eighth part.
Item. I give unto my two grand daughters, namely, Almira Howard and
Alice Howard, daughters of my daughters Naomi Howard deceased, fifty
dollars to each one, when and as they arive to the age of twenty one
years.
Item. I give unto my cousin Ruth Cottell fifty dollars.
Item. I give unto my brother David Cuffe ten dollars.
Item. I give unto my brother Jonathan Cuffe ten dollars.
Item. I give unto my brother John Cuffe ten dollars.
Item. I give unto my sister Freelove Cuffe ten dollars.
Item. I give unto my sister Fear Phelpess ten dollars.
Item. I give unto my three sisters namely Sarah Durfee, Lydia Cuffe
and Ruth Weeden, six dollars annually to each one dureing their
natural life. Should they or either of them make bad use of the money
given them, in such a case I request my executors to pay them in
provision or cloathing, and such things that may be for their comfort.
Item. I give unto the monthly meeting or society of friends, called
Quakers in Westport, fifty dollars, to be paid over to their
treasurer, by my executors, according to direction of the monthly
meeting.
Item. My mind and will is that those daughters that are single and
unmarried, shall have privelege to live in the house with their
mother, and, after their mothers decease, they to have the privelege
to live in and occupie the south part of the house, with privelege to
the well and in the seller and garden to raise saurce in so long as
they remain singel and unmaried.
I give unto my two said sons and four daughters namely Paul, William,
Mary, Ruth, Alice and Rhoda all the rest and residue of my estate not
hearin otherwise disposed of to be divided between them six equally.
And my will further is, that the one fourth part of the brig Traveller
and the one sixth part of the residue, that I have herein given to my
son William, I place under the care and guardianship of my executors,
to order the use of the same as they shall think best for Williams
interest, untill he arives to twenty five years of age. Then if his
care and conduct be good, they then are requested to pay the whole
over to him together with all the profits ariseing from it.
And my will further is, the balance that may become due to my estate
not hearin otherwise disposed of to be divided between or otherway be
given up to them.
I further order that all land that I have bought belonging to the
estate of Benjmin Cook late of Dartmouth deceased, be returned to the
widow and the heirs, they paying what the land cost and interest.
And my will further is that for the payments annually that my
executors retain enough of the residue of my estate to put on interest
to rais the anual payments mentioned in this way last will.
Lastly. I do constitute and apoint William Rotch Junr. of New Bedford
and Daniel Wing of Westport aforesaid executors of this my last will
and testament.
In testemony whereof I do hear unto set my hand and seal eighteenth
day of the fourth month in the year of our Lord one thousand eight
hundred and seventeen 1817.
Paul Cuffe (seal)
Signed, sealed, published and declared by the said Paul Cuffe as and
for his last will and testament in the presence of us
EDWARD PHILLIPS
LUTHAN TRIPP
DAVID M. GIFFORD
Oct. 7, 1817, Approved.
From the Records of the Probate Office, Taunton, Mass.
BOOK REVIEWS
_Africa and the Discovery of America._ Volume II. By LEO WIENER,
Professor of Slavic Languages and Literatures at Harvard
University. Innes & Sons, Philadelphia, Pa. 1922.
Professor Wiener, in the second volume of his series _Africa and
the Discovery of America_, deals exhaustively with the documentary
information relating to "the presence in America of cotton, tobacco
and shell money, before the discovery of America by Columbus.... The
accumulative evidence is overwhelmingly in favor of an introduction
of the articles under discussion from Africa by European or Negro
traders, decades earlier than 1492." (Foreword, p. ix.)
The importance, for the history of Pre-Columbian civilization,
of these discoveries cannot be overestimated. Moreover, their
significance is not concerned alone with the history of America.
They will compel a revision and realignment of historical frontiers
in Europe and Africa as well, from a date not later than the first
quarter of the fifteenth century. Lastly, "Africa and the Discovery
of America" forms, as it were, a sequel to Professor Wiener's
_Contributions toward a History of Arabico-Gothic Culture_, enabling
the historian to trace the influence of the Arabs as the torch-bearers
of civilization. It was they who in the eighth century, through the
medium of the Spanish Mozarabs, recreated European culture, and at a
later period, through that of the Arabicised Negroes, of whom the West
African Mandingoes were the most important, at least almost entirely
re-created, if they did not actually create, the civilization of the
native American tribes, throughout both continents, and planted, so
to speak, in the New World, the seeds of two great modern industries,
cotton and tobacco.
Let us then consider, first, what is the bearing of Professor Wiener's
work on the history of cotton. Assyria and India were centers of
cotton culture at a very early date. The evidence that the Arabs
popularized cotton in Africa, in connection with the ceremonial
purification of the dead, that is, stuffing the orifices of the body
with cotton, is shown by the fact that Arabic _'utb_ "cotton," a loan
word from Coptic _tbbe_ "to purify," has produced the West African
"cotton" words, exactly as Arabic _wudu'_ "ablution" has given rise,
doubtless through Hausa influence, to the "cotton" words of Nigeria.
What is particularly important to note, however, is that Arabic
_qutn_ "cotton" has gone everywhere into the Mandingo dialects, which
have, in turn, influenced the native American languages. Thus for
example, in South America, the Mandingo _kotondo_, etc., "cotton,"
derived from Arabic _qutn_, has left derivatives in the Indian
languages "from Venezuela south to Peru, and in Central Brazil"
(page 80), beside derivatives from Kimbunou _mujinha_ "cotton," in
eastern Brazil, northward and westward. If we concede the presence
of cotton in South America before Columbus, we can only conclude,
on the basis of linguistic evidence, that it was introduced either
directly or indirectly from Africa. The Aztec word _ychca_, the
native Mexican word for "cotton," furnishes no proof that cotton
was known to the Mexicans before the coming of the Spaniards, since
_ychca_ is not originally a specific name, but has reference to any
kind of fibre,--of a fluffy character, and came to mean "cotton" only
secondarily.
Columbus, however, reported that on Oct. 11, 1492, the Indians of
Guanahani brought parrots and cotton thread in balls, to trade for
beads and hawks' bills. Either he told the truth, or he did not. If
he told the truth, it is still remarkable that the Indians should
not only have known of the traders' demand for cotton and parrots,
but should also have offered the very articles which Cada Mosto,
nearly fifty years earlier, had mentioned as coming from Africa,
particularly the cotton, then offered for sale in the Negro markets.
Columbus's references to growing cotton are specific in declaring
that the cotton grew on trees,--hence it is obvious that he did not
see any true cotton growing, but only the false cotton, the product
of the tree Bombax Ceiba, used for stuffing mats, but not capable
of being spun (page 28). A study of the early records of Mexico is
conclusive in the evidence it furnishes to show that cotton never
formed part of the tribute due the Mexican emperor, but that the
payment of tribute in cotton was "an innovation of the Spaniards,
and did not have the sanction of the Aztec tribute" (page 56). Hence
we have nothing to indicate that, either in the Indies or in Mexico,
the material of which the "cotton clothing" of the natives, mentioned
by the Spaniards, was made, was really cotton. If it was cotton,
its presence points to contact between America and Africa before
Columbus, and the readiness of the natives to offer cotton in exchange
for hawks' bills testifies clearly to the extent of trade relations
between the two countries.
The contention of archæologists is that cotton culture in Peru
may go back to a date as early as 200 A.D. The only criterion for
such an assumption rests on the theoretical rate of accumulation
of guano deposits, in which mummies, wrapped in cotton, have been
found,--calculated at two and one half feet per century. This
conclusion is absurd, not only for the stress it lays on the
capricious habits of sea-birds, but also for the reason that it fails
to take into account the irregularity of the guano deposits, as shown
in the Peruvian Government Survey of 1854. No conclusion whatever as
to the age of even a single mummy-case can be drawn, owing to certain
facts concerning Indian burial customs, recorded by Cieza de Leon
in 1553, Ondegardo in 1571, and Cobo, nearly a century later. These
travellers state that the Peruvian natives were accustomed to open
graves, change the clothes of the dead from time to time, and re-bury
them (page 67 ff.). The proof that they told the truth is contained
in the report by Baessler, of the X-ray examinations of Peruvian
mummy-packs in the Royal Museum at Berlin. One such pack contains
"the bones of _four separate individuals_, but of none there were
enough to construct even distantly one complete skeleton. Besides,
there were some _animal bones_ present" (page 71). This disinterment
of bodies, and of course the same confusion of the remains, revealed
by the X-ray, was practised by the Indians as late as 1621. Nothing
then remains to militate against the linguistic testimony so strongly
in support of the conclusion that South American cotton culture is of
African origin.
Professor Wiener's tentative conclusion that tobacco smoking was
of African origin, outlined in his first volume of this series,
has been strongly reinforced by a study of the Old-World origin of
capnotherapy. "Smoking for medicinal purposes," he says on page 180,
"is very old, and goes back at least to Greek medicine. A large
number of viscous substances, especially henbane and bitumen, were
employed in fumigation, and taken through the mouth, sometimes through
the nose, for certain diseases, especially catarrh, toothache and
pulmonary troubles. This fumigation took place through a funnel which
very much resembles a modern pipe, but by its knot-like end at the
bottom of the bowl shows its derivation from the distilling cap of
the alchemist's retort." The _bitumen_ corresponds to the _tubbaq_
or _tobbaq_ of the Arab doctors, a name applied to several medicinal
plants containing a pungent and viscous juice. One of these plants was
known in Spain as _tobbaqah_.
Fumigation as a curative measure soon degenerated in Europe into
quackery,--the Arab smoke doctor giving place to the itinerant
charlatan whose Arabic name lingers in Portuguese _bufarinheiro_
"peddler," originally "smoke vender." In Africa, medical fumigation
spread southward through the Negro country, finding its way to America
perhaps a full century before the coming of Columbus. The manner in
which smoking was introduced into America is made clear by the history
of the Negro _pombeiro_, the African bootlegger in the service of the
Portuguese colonists, who taught the natives to drink _pombe_, a kind
of intoxicating liquor. This word _pombe_ is a corruption of Latin
_pulpa_, which through the Spanish _pulpa_ has persisted in Mexico
as _pulque_, the name of an intoxicant used by the Indians, exactly
as Arabic _hashish_, through Spanish _chicha_, has entered Nahuatl,
producing the Nahuatl _chichila_ "to ferment, etc." The method of
preparing the _chicha_ in Peru, by masticating grain, is clearly
of African origin, since in the Sudan, a kind of drink is made by
chewing the fruit of the baobab. The clearest proof, however, that
such _pombeiros_ reached America in Pre-Columbian days is found in
Columbus's reference to the report by the Indians of Hispaniola, that
"_black people_ had come thither from the south and south east, with
spearheads of _guanin_." Now _guanin_ is a Mandingo word; the name of
an alloy of 18 parts of gold, 6 of silver and 8 of copper.
The history of shell and bead money, familiar as the wampum of
the northern Indians, forms the third part of the present volume,
and is perhaps the source of the strongest arguments to show the
Pre-Columbian relation of Africa and America. Ultimately, the use of
cowry shells for money comes from China, where such shells, called
_pei_, _tze-pei_, _pei-tze_, had been used from time immemorial. The
Chinese name of the cowry, _ho-pei_, probably anciently pronounced
something like _ka-par_, is evidently the origin of Sanskrit
_kaparda_, Hindustani _kauri_ (whence English _cowry_), Dravidian
_kavadi_ "cowry." "From the ninth century on, we have many references
in the Arabic authors to the cowries in Asia and Africa" (page 208).
It is quite to be expected, then, that in the Negro languages, we
should find derivatives of this ultimately Chinese word, descended
through the medium of successive borrowings, via Hindustani and
Arabic,--that is, Hausa _al-kawara_, _kawara_, etc., Zanzibar
_kauri_, Wolof _korre_, Bambara _kori_, etc., side by side with a
group descended from Dravidian _woda_ "shell,"--that is Hausa _wori_,
Malinke _wuri_, Bambara _wari_.
The substitution of beads for shells, as the development of this
primitive form of currency went on, has left its mark likewise in
linguistic records. That is to say, we have in Africa a group of
words descended ultimately from Chinese _par_, _pei_, originally
meaning "cowry," and secondarily "bead," together with a new group,
traceable through an Arabic intermediary stage to Persian _sang_
"onyx," the bead-stone par excellence. From the cowry-words have
come Benin _cori_, _kori_, _koli_, "blue bead," whence _akori_, the
"_aggry_" bead of the white traders, Neule _gri_ "beads," and Baule
_worye_ "blue bead," a loan-word from Mandingo _wori_. In Bantu
_zimbo_, we have either a Bantu plural of _abuy_, itself a derivative
of Maldive _boli_, _bolli_, which is the Chinese _pei_ "cowry," or a
direct loan-word, through Arabic or Portuguese influence, of Chinese
_tsze-pei_ "purple shell." The transference in meaning from "cowry"
to "bead" is illustrated in Kaffir _in-tsimbi_ "beads." Similarly,
the original "bead" words, from Persian _sang_ "onyx," have given
Zanzibar, Swahili _ushanga_ "bead," Kongo _nsanga_ "string of blue
beads," with a recession of meaning in Kongo _nsungu_ "cowry shell."
The transference of African currency to America is shown by two
significant facts. First, we have the name. In the Brazilian _caang_
"to prove, try," _caangaba_ "mould, picture, etc.," is to be seen
a form of some African derivative of Persian _sang_, as seen in
Zanzibar _ushanga_ "bead," Kongo _nsanga_ "blue beads," etc., the
change of meaning leading to the connotation "mould" being due to
the substitution of the European idea of money as a piece of stamped
metal, in place of that of bead or shell money. Exactly as the
_petun_ words for tobacco spread from South to North America along
the trade routes, so the words for "money" followed the same course.
Jacques Cartier's word _esnogny_, given as the Indian name of shell
money,--the shells actually gathered by an African method of fishing
for shell-fish with a dead body,--is traceable only to some form of
the Brazillian _çaang_, which has also given Gree _soniwaw_ "silver,"
Long Island _sewan_ "money." The Chino-African cowry-word, seen in
African _abuy_, is preserved in the North American _bi_, _pi_ (plural
_peag_, _peak_) "wampum," side by side with the Guarani _mboi_,
_poi_, "shell bead." Lest the reader still harbor a lingering doubt of
the fact of early trade relations between Brazil and Canada, Professor
Wiener shows how Spanish _aguja_ "needle" has left derivatives in a
large number of Indian languages distant by many hundreds of miles
from any Spanish settlement.
Secondly, we have the standard of value. From the earliest times, in
China, the purple cowry was more valuable than the white. The same
standard prevailed in Africa, and was transferred to the beads when
beads were substituted for cowries. Among the Indians, the _blue_, or
_dark colored_ currency, whether shells or beads, was consistently
reckoned as superior in worth to the white. Shell-money was first
popularized on Long Island by the Dutch, who, as we are informed,
imported cowries and _aggry_ beads from the East to sell them to the
Guinea-merchants. Moreover, Gov. Bradford has stated that it took the
Massachusetts colonists two years to teach the Indians to use shell or
bead money. Finally, Professor Wiener concludes that "in the Norman
country, ... the wampum belt, as a precious ornament for European
women, had its origin, and was by the Frenchmen transferred to Brazil
and Canada" (page 258).
The fifteen full-page illustrations serve well to bring home much of
the force of the arguments, even to a casual reader.
PHILLIPS BARRY, A.M., S.T.B.
GROTON, MASSACHUSETTS.
* * * * *
_The Negro Press in the United States._ By FREDERICK G. DETWEILER.
The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1922. Pp. 274.
Struck by the number and distribution of Negro magazines and
newspapers, many investigators in the social sciences have recently
directed their attention to the study of the Negro press. This
increased interest resulted largely from the unusual impetus given
the Negro press during the World War when it played the part of
proclaiming the oppression of the Negroes to the nations pretending
to be fighting for democracy when they were actually oppressing
their brethren of color at home. And why should not the public be
startled when the average Negro periodical, formerly eking out an
existence, became extensively circulated almost suddenly and began to
wield unusual influence in shaping the policy of an oppressed group
ambitious to right its wrongs? These investigators, therefore, desire
to know the influences at work in advancing the circulation of these
periodicals, the cause of the change of the attitude of the Negroes
toward their publications, their literary ability to appreciate them,
the areas of their greatest circulation, and the attitude of the white
people toward the opinion of this race.
While it is intended as a sort of scientific work treating this
field more seriously than Professor Robert T. Kerlin's _The Voice of
the Negro_, it leaves the impression that the ground has not been
thoroughly covered. In the first place, the author does not show
sufficient appreciation of the historic background of the Negro press
prior to emancipation. He seems acquainted with such distinguished
characters as Samuel Cornish, John B. Russwurm, and the like but
inadequately treats or casually passes over the achievements of many
others who attained considerable fame in the editorial world. In any
work purporting to be a scientific treatment of the Negro press in
the United States the field cannot be covered by a chapter of twenty
pages as the author in question has undertaken to do. Furthermore,
many of the underlying movements such as abolition, colonization,
and temperance, which determined the rise and the fall of the Negro
editor prior to the Civil War, are not sufficiently discussed and
scientifically connected in this work. The book, then, so far as
the period prior to the Civil War is concerned, is not a valuable
contribution.
The author seemed to know more about the Negro press in freedom.
Living nearer to these developments he was doubtless able to obtain
many of these facts at first-hand and was able to present them more
effectively. He well sets forth the favorite themes of the Negro
press and the general make-up of the Negro paper, but does not
sufficiently establish causes for this particular trend in this sort
of journalism. Taking up the question of the demand for rights, the
author explains very clearly what the Negro press has stood for. Then
he seemingly goes astray in the discussion of the solution of the
race problem, Negro life, Negro poetry, and Negro criticism, which
do not peculiarly concern the Negro editor more than others in the
various walks of life. Looking at the problem from the outside and
through a glass darkly, as almost any white man who has spent little
time among Negroes must do, the work is about as thorough as most of
such investigators can make it and it should be read by all persons
directing attention to the Negro problem.
* * * * *
_The Disruption of Virginia._ By JAMES C. MCGREGOR. The Macmillan
Company, New York, 1922. Pp. 328, price $2.00.
This book was written, according to the author, as an attempt to
present an unbiased account of the strange course of events in
the history of Virginia from the time of Lincoln's election to
the presidency to the time of the admission of West Virginia into
the Union. It is, however, more of a polemic than an historical
contribution. The author raises this very question himself by his
declaration that he has no grudges to satisfy and no patrons to
please. "If he seems harsh in his opinions and conclusions regarding
the irregular and inexpedient methods employed in cutting off the
western counties of Virginia and forming them into a new State,"
says he, "it is due to the conviction that an unnecessary wrong was
committed, a wrong that helped not at all in Lincoln's prosecution
of the Civil War." The author is convinced that not only was the
act unconstitutional but that it was not desired by more than a
small minority of the people of the new State. He believes that
the President and Congress, being grateful to the Union men in
northwestern Virginia for their loyalty to the Union, rewarded them
by giving their consent to the organization of a new State which,
nevertheless, was in violation of the principles of the Constitution.
Unlike Professor C. H. Ambler who, in his _Sectionalism in Virginia_,
has set forth in detail the differing political interests of the
sections of Virginia, this author reduces it to a mere exploit on
the basis that the end justified the means. Furthermore, the author
differs widely from C. G. Woodson who in an unpublished thesis
similarly entitled _The Disruption of Virginia_, presented in 1911 to
the Graduate School of Harvard University in partial fulfilment of the
requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, emphasized the
economic differences as the underlying causes. Dr. McGregor minimizes
such causes by reducing his treatment of the economic situation to a
single chapter of ten pages. He then briefly discusses the opening of
the breach, the Constitutional Convention of 1829-30 and the growth of
sectionalism between that Convention and the Civil War. Approaching
the main feature of the work, the author takes up the preliminaries of
the Convention of 1861, the various conventions of the northwestern
counties out of which evolved the organization of the new State of
West Virginia, and finally the question of admission before Congress.
Why such a work could be considered necessary and accepted as a
contribution in this particular field when valuable works have
already been written upon this subject, is justified by the author
on the ground that he has discovered considerable new material which
convinces him that the new State movement in West Virginia was
unrepresentative of the majority of the people of the northwestern
counties but was put through in dictatorial fashion by a militant
minority. It is true that some new material has been added to this
work, but it hardly convinces well informed historians that the
far-reaching and sweeping conclusion of the author are justified by
the few additional facts which he has been able to find. Almost a
causal study of the history of Virginia shows that the western part
of the State became estranged from the eastern because their economic
interests were different and the authorities failed to make the
improvements necessary to connect these sections and thus unify such
interests. By the time of the Civil War the northwestern counties
were commercially connected with the North and West and accordingly
followed these in that upheaval.
* * * * *
_A Comparative Study of the Bantu and Semi-Bantu Languages.
Volume II._ By SIR HARRY H. JOHNSTON, G.C.M.G., K.C.B., Sc.D.
(Cambridge). The Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1922. Pp. 544.
This work is the result of a study of the Bantu languages commenced
by the author in 1881 in the Library of the British Museum, and
instigated by the project of accompanying the Earl of Mayo on an
exploratory expedition in South West Africa, Angola and the countries
south and east of the Kunene River. The expedition, according to
the author, was extended by him to the upper Congo thanks to the
assistance offered by H. M. Stanley. With this large view of Africa
his studies were continued with little intermission during the forty
years which followed his first introduction into that continent. Even
the World War itself was not exactly an interruption but permitted
the author to extend the scope of his research by bringing him into
closer acquaintance with certain of the western Semi-Bantu languages
through the presence in France of contingents of Senegambian troops.
The Colonial office, moreover, assisted the work by requesting its
officials in British West Africa to examine the Semi-Bantu languages
of British Nigeria, South-west Togoland, Sierra Leone and the Gambia.
Furthermore, an important discovery of two Bantu languages was made in
the southern part of the Anglo-Egyptian province of Bahr-al-ghazal. He
is indebted to Mr. Northcote W. Thomas's researches which revealed
new and interesting forms of Semi-Bantu speech in the Cross River
districts of Southern Nigeria. In the comparison of roots, moreover,
the author had considerably more material to draw on than in the case
of the first volume. He found also much more information concerning
H[=o]ma and Bañgminda through Major Paul Larkin and Captain White.
These are the chief features which, he believes, make the second
volume a valuable contribution.
In spite of the extensive investigation, however, the author still
finds a good deal about which he is not certain. About many of these
languages he knows little regarding their structure and grammar.
In other words they have been studied merely from the outside. In
spite of his extensive travels, moreover, he had so much to do and
apparently such a short time in which to accomplish his task that
this work, as valuable as it is, can be considered no more than an
introductory treatise going a little further into a field inadequately
explored. Already he says he finds that he has been reproached for not
bringing within the scope of these two volumes a group of languages
in the North-east Togoland and Kisi and the Limba tongues of Sierra
Leone. Yet although he finds that these have some Bantu features, they
were too mixed to justify their treatment here. He found resemblances
of the Bantu and Semi-Bantu families elsewhere but not closely enough
akin to require their treatment in connection with this work.
Beginning with a treatment of the enumeration and classification of
the Bantu and Semi-Bantu languages, the work reviews the languages
illustrated in Volume I. Attention is directed to the Bantu in various
regions of the continent. The author then discusses the phonetics and
phonology of the Bantu and Semi-Bantu languages, prefixes, suffixes,
and concords connected with the noun in Bantu and Semi-Bantu,
adjectives, pronouns, numerals, adverbs, conjunctions, prepositions,
the verbs and verb roots. The maps graphically show the probable
origins and lines of migration of the Bantu and Semi-Bantu languages
and their distribution in Central and South Africa.
On the whole, the world is indebted to Sir Harry H. Johnston for his
enumeration and classification of these tongues, although the work
merely marks the beginning of a neglected task. Until some scholar
with better opportunities to carry forward this research has produced
a more scientific treatise, the works of the author will be referred
to as interesting and valuable volumes.
NOTES
On February 20, 1923, there passed away in New York City a Negro
of no little distinction in his particular group. This was Horatio
P. Howard, the great grandson of Captain Paul Cuffe of African
colonization fame. Howard was the grandson of the Captain's daughter
Ruth, who married Alexander Howard, and the child of their son
Shadrach. Howard was born in New Bedford in 1854 and beginning in
1888 served as a clerk in the Custom House in New York City where he
accumulated considerable wealth which, inasmuch as he lived and died
a bachelor, he disposed of for philanthropic purposes. He bequeathed
$5000 to Hampton and the balance of his estate he gave to Tuskegee as
a fund to establish Captain Paul Cuffe scholarships.
Hoping to inculcate an appreciation of the achievements of his great
grandfather, he erected to his memory a monument at a cost of $400
dedicated in 1917 with appropriate exercises by the people of both
races and made still more impressive by a parade which Howard himself
led. On that occasion, moreover, he distributed his interesting
biography of the great pioneer in the form of a booklet entitled _A
Self-Made Man, Captain Paul Cuffe_.
Henry Allen Wallace, one of the colaborers in unearthing and
preserving the records of the Negro, died on the 12th of February. He
was the son of Andrew and Martha Wallace and was born in Columbia,
South Carolina, about sixty-seven years ago. He was educated in the
public schools of Toronto, Canada, the University of Toronto, and
Howard University. He began his public life as a clerk in the post
office at Columbia, and in the early days of civil service secured, by
success in a competitive examination, an appointment as clerk in the
War Department in Washington. There he served with an unbroken record
for over thirty years, after which he was transferred to the New York
office with which he was connected until about eighteen months ago
when on account of ill health he was compelled to retire. He afterward
made his home with his sister in Chester, Pennsylvania, where he died.
Mr. Wallace was well informed on matters pertaining to the race during
the Reconstruction and freely contributed to magazines publishing
such material. Furthermore, his assistance was often solicited to
correct manuscripts prepared by others who knew less of this drama
in our history. His service in connection with finding the names of
Negroes who served in southern legislatures and his letters, both of
which have appeared from time to time in THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY,
constitute valuable contributions in this field.
* * * * *
SPRING CONFERENCE
On the 5th and 6th of April there will be held in Baltimore the
Spring Conference of the Association for the Study of Negro Life and
History. Members of the administrative staff including Professor John
R. Hawkins, the Chairman, Mr. S. W. Rutherford, Secretary-Treasurer,
and others of the Executive Council, are making extensive preparation
for this Conference. The aim will be to bring together teachers and
public-spirited citizens with an appreciation of the value of the
written record and of research as a factor in correcting error and
promoting the truth. The heads of all accredited institutions of
learning have been invited to take an active part in this convocation.
As it is to be held in Baltimore, near which are located so many of
our colleges and universities, it is believed that this Conference
will prove to be one of the most successful in the history of the
Association.
The program will cover two days and will offer an opportunity for the
discussion of every phase of Negro life and history. On Thursday there
will be a morning session at 11:00 at Morgan College and an afternoon
session there at 3:00 P. M. On the following day the morning session
will be held at the Douglass Theatre at 12:00 M. and the afternoon
session at the Druid Hill Avenue Y. M. C. A. at 3:00 P. M. The two
evening sessions will go to the Bethel A. M. E. Church. In addition to
these, special groups of persons cooperating with the Association will
hold conferences in the interest of matters peculiar to their needs.
Among the speakers will be Professor Kelly Miller, Mr. L. E. James,
Mr. Leslie Pinckney Hill, Dr. William Pickens, and Dr. J. O. Spencer.
An effort will be made to arouse interest and to arrange for
conducting throughout the country a campaign for collecting
facts bearing on the Negro prior to the Civil War and during the
Reconstruction period. The field is now being exploited by a staff
of investigators of the Association. It is earnestly desired that all
persons having documentary knowledge of these phases of Negro History
will not only give the Association the advantage of such information,
but will attend this Conference to devise plans for a more successful
prosecution of this particular work.
Another concern of the Conference will be to stimulate interest in
the collection of Negro folklore for which there is offered a prize
of $200 for the best collection of tales, riddles, proverbs, sayings
and songs, which have been heard in Negro homes. The aim is to study
the Negro mind in relation to its environment at various periods in
the history of the race and in different parts of the country. The
students of a number of institutions of learning are already at work
preparing their collections to compete for this prize, and it is
hoped that a still larger number will do likewise. This special work
is under the supervision of a committee composed of Dr. Elsie Clews
Parsons, Assistant Editor of the _Journal of American Folklore_, Dr.
Franz Boas, Professor of Anthropology in Columbia University and a
member of the Executive Council of the Association, and Dr. Carter G.
Woodson, Editor of THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY.
THE JOURNAL
OF
NEGRO HISTORY
VOL. VIII., NO. 3 JULY, 1923.
NEGRO SERVITUDE IN THE UNITED STATES[A]
SERVITUDE DISTINGUISHED FROM SLAVERY
The first Negroes in the American colonies were called Africans,
Blackamores, Moores, Negars, Negers, Negros, Negroes, and the
like.[1] It is highly probable that Negroes were brought to America
by some of the early colonists before 1619, for Negroes had been
in England since 1553.[2] James Otis said: "Our colonial charters
made no difference between black and white."[3] Some of such early
Negro settlers might have been brought over from Barbadoes or other
islands. The English colonists often went to and from the mainland
for settlement and trade, and by 1674 Barbadoes was a "flourishing
state" with a white population of 50,000 and 100,000 "Negroes and
colored."[4] Negroes, along with Spanish explorers, are known
to have been in North and South Carolina, Florida, Alabama, New
Mexico, and California as early as 1526, 1527, 1540, 1542, and 1537,
respectively.[5] However, the first Negroes, thus far known, in the
American colonies, were the "twenty negars" introduced at Jamestown,
in 1619, by the Dutch frigate.[6]
The first status of these Negroes early imported is of some
importance. Although the historians do not always mention the fact,
there is nevertheless ample proof of the existence of Negro servitude
in most of the American colonies. The servitude did not always
precede slavery in every case, nor was it ever firmly established as
slavery eventually became. Still it is an interesting fact that Negro
servitude frequently preceded and sometimes followed Negro slavery. In
colonies where servitude followed slavery, it was due to the fact that
these colonies were founded after the change of Negro servitude into
slavery was well advanced. Even here, servitude accompanied slavery.
In some of the colonies, the question of priority resolves itself
into the question of the priority of customary servitude to customary
slavery. In this case, however, it is probable that servitude was
first, even though slavery was first recognized in law. In certain
instances, the records make it certain that servitude preceded
slavery. This was the case in Virginia.
Several authorities have shown the extent to which the priority of
Negro servitude has been recognized. "At first the African _slave_
was looked upon as but an improved variety of indented servant whose
term of labor was for life instead of a few years."[7] "As has been
mentioned, some Negroes were bound as _slaves_ for a term of years
only."[8] The Negroes of 1619 and "others brought by early privateers
were not reduced to slavery, but to limited servitude, a legalized
status of Indian, white, and negro servants, preceding slavery in
most, if not all, of the English mainland colonies."[9] "Negro and
Indian servitude thus preceded negro and Indian slavery, and together
with white servitude in instances continued even after the institution
of slavery was fully developed."[10]
Furthermore, there is not the slightest evidence that the colonists
were disposed to treat as slaves the first Negroes who landed in
the colonies. They had no tradition of slavery in England at that
time. "Whatever may have been the intent and hope of the persons in
possession of the negroes as regards their ultimate enslavement, no
attempt to do so legally seems for a long time to have been made ...
for some reasons the notion of enslavement gained ground but slowly,
and although conditions surrounding a negro or Indian in possession
could easily make him a _defacto_ slave, the colonist seems to have
preferred to retain him only as a servant...."[11] Servitude, on the
other hand, was familiar enough, although not in the form which it
eventually assumed in the colonies. The attitude of the colonists,
when they first became confronted with the Negro question, was the
attitude of Queen Elizabeth and Hawkins when it was proposed to go to
Africa to barter for African servants.[12]
It was just as true in the colonial days as now that the attitude
which the community takes towards the Negro population is largely
determined by their relative numbers. If the Negroes had been
numerous in the colonies immediately after 1619, it is reasonable to
suppose that their status would have been defined earlier and more
sharply than it was. But the numbers were not there.[13] Six years
after the introduction of the first Negroes in Virginia, there were
but twenty-three in the colony. Meanwhile the white population was
about 2500. All through the first half of the century importation of
Negroes was of an "occasional nature."[14] Forty years after the first
introduction there were but three hundred Negroes in the colony.[15]
It was during the last quarter of the seventeenth century that the
number of Negroes in Virginia showed a noticeable increase. By 1683
there were three thousand; between 1700 and 1750, the increase was
even more noticeable.[16] In Maryland, Negroes were not extensively
introduced until the eighteenth century.[17] In 1665 a few slaves
were brought to North Carolina and it was not until 1700 and after
that their number reached eight hundred.[18] After their introduction
by Sir John Yeamans in 1671 it was not until 1708 that the number
of Negroes in South Carolina became a considerable part of the
population.[19] In Pennsylvania, as early as 1639, a number of Negroes
served a Swedish company. How many there were is not known.[20] In
1644, 1657, 1664 and 1677 several Negroes singly and in groups are
known to have been in the region which afterwards became Pennsylvania.
In this colony they were spoken of as "numerous" in 1702, but numerous
then did not mean so many. Later their number is noticeable.[21] In
Massachusetts, from 1638, when the Salem ship, _Desire_, returned from
the West Indies with cotton, tobacco, and Negroes, to the close of the
seventeenth century the number of Negroes was comparatively small.[22]
Josselyn saw Negroes in the colony when he visited it in 1638-39.[23]
In 1678, there were 200 in the colony and in 1678 Governor Andros
reported that there were but a few. In 1680, Governor Bradstreet said
no blacks or slaves had been brought in the colony in the space of
fifty years except between forty and fifty one time and two or three
now and then. In the nine years from 1698 to 1707, two hundred arrived
and in 1735 there were 2,600 in the Province.[24] Immediately after
1619, then, the number of Negroes scattered throughout the colonies
was comparatively small. It seems likely that their condition may
be described as that of servitude, which at that time universally
prevailed, rather than slavery.
We are likely to think of the status of the early Negroes in America
as having been inherited or transplanted. Far from this, the status of
the Negro in the early period, like slavery itself, was purely a local
development.[25] The status of the early Negroes shows unmistakably
that it developed in lines parallel to that of white servitude.[26]
The motives which determined the growth of white servitude and Negro
slavery are peculiar to the social and economic conditions of the
colony of Virginia and its neighbors, whose inhabitants were primarily
imported settlers and laborers. White servitude and black servitude
were but different aspects of the same institution. As white servitude
disappeared, Negro slavery succeeded it.[27]
The reason the early Negroes were not given at once the status of
slaves is that there was at this time no legal basis for slavery. The
Dutch who settled in New York seem to have defined the status of the
Negro slave on the civil law of Holland. In the English colonies it
was a local development.[28] Clearly, the ownership in the Negroes was
widely recognized and practiced in custom and in law. It is equally
clear, however, that white servitude and some form of black servitude
existed for a long time side by side with Negro slavery. This
recognition of slavery in custom and practice, moreover, makes its
appearance near the date of the statutory recognition of slavery by
the colonies.[29] Hence, the dates of this statutory recognition fix
the "upper limit to the period" in which slavery may be said to have
had a beginning.[30] In a number of the colonies, not only is absolute
ownership in Negroes, hence slavery, conspicuous, by the absence of
any records of it, but the priority of Negro servitude and of a free
Negro class is established. Ownership in the services but not of the
person was characteristic of both whites and Negroes in this early
period.[32]
"Prior to 1619 every inhabitant of Virginia was practically a 'servant
manipulated in the interest of the company, held in servitude beyond
a stipulated term.'" "It was not an uncommon practice in the early
period for shipmasters to sell white servants to the planters." By
1619 servitude was already recognized in the law of Virginia.[33]
In this early period the Company, as represented locally by its
officials, was the sole controlling and directing power of the
colony.[34] The Company was at the outset doubtful about the
advantages of bringing in slaves, partly because they were not sure
of the value of slave labor, and partly because they feared the Negro
would not become a permanent settler and so contribute to the building
up and defending the colony. The opposition of the trustees of Georgia
to the importation of Negroes was rested on these grounds.[35] Early
legislation in order to prohibit the trade in the colonies imposed
duties on slaves imported.[36] Moreover, it appears that the Company
generally held and worked the Negroes, who were purchased, in the
interest of the government, frequently distributing them among the
officers and planters. This was done, for example, in the island
colony, the Bermudas, in Virginia, and in Providence Island.[37]
Established and universal as white servitude was it not only became
the model of Negro servitude but also decidedly influenced its
transition to slavery. When Negro servitude passed into slavery, it
was white servitude that lent that slavery the mild character which it
possessed until the early part of the nineteenth century.[38]
The earliest authorized effort of England for Negro servants further
elucidates this point. In 1562, Sir John Hawkins proposed to take
Negroes from Africa and sell them. Queen Elizabeth did not at first
approve Hawkins' plan but questioned the justice of it. Hawkins argued
that bringing the Africans from a wild and barren country would
be eminently just and beneficial to the Africans and to the world.
He seemed not to have had the purpose of selling the Africans into
perpetual servitude: "Hawkins told her, that he considered it as an
act of humanity to carry men from a worse condition to a better ...
from a state of wild barbarism to another where they might share the
blessings of civil society and Christianity; from poverty, nakedness
and want to plenty and felicity. He assured her that in no expedition
where he had command should any Africans be carried away without their
own free will and consent, except such captives as were taken in war
and doomed to death;.... Indeed it would appear that Hawkins had no
idea of perpetual slavery, but expected that they would be treated
as free servants after they had by their labor brought their masters
an equivalent for the expenses of their purchase."[39] After this,
Hawkins received approval and support from the Queen, and with three
ships and crews he went on his trip to Africa.
Upon his arrival he began traffic with the natives. He sought at
first to persuade the blacks to go with him, offering them glittering
rewards. When the natives did not respond so readily to his entreaty,
members of his crew, under the influence of rum, undertook to coerce
the Africans.[40] Hawkins sought to dissuade them and reminded the
men of his promise to the Queen. They finally succeeded in getting on
board a number of Africans and set sail for the Spanish islands where
the Africans were to be sold as servants.[41]
The early Negroes of Virginia, moreover, were servants. On the
status of "the 1619 Negroes" historians are uncertain, but the
popular conception of the situation is undoubtedly erroneous. The
Dutch frigate sold the Negroes to the Company which controlled and
distributed them. Some of them were clearly retained by the officers
while others "were put to work upon public lands to support the
governor and other officers of the government." There is no evidence
that any of these Negroes were made slaves, while evidence that they
were servants is abundant.[42]
The statutes of Virginia up to 1661 indicate the existence of Negro
servitude rather than that of slavery.[43] In 1630, whites were
whipped for fornication with the blacks "before an assembly of
_negroes_." In 1639 and 1640, all persons except _Negroes_ were to be
provided with arms and ammunition or be fined.[44] Up to that time
the acts do not indicate slavery. The act of 1655 refers to Indian
slavery.[45] The act of 1659 does not show that Negro slavery existed
in the colony, but apparently aims to prevent it.[46] No other acts,
in the statutes, throw any light on the status of the Negro before
the act of 1661. This acts reads, "In case any English servant shall
run away in company with any negroes who are incapable of making
satisfaction by addition of time, be it enacted that the English so
running away in company with them shall serve for the time of the said
negroes absence as they are to do for their own by a former act."[47]
The inferences from this act are three: some of the Negroes in the
colony were slaves, others free, and still others servants. The
repetition of this act the following year made provision for runaway
Negro servants also by a change of statement.[48]
Notwithstanding the statutes, Russel found that in the records of
county courts dating from 1632 to 1661 negroes are designated as
'servants,' 'negro servants,' or simply as 'negroes,' but never
in the records were the Negroes termed 'slaves'. From the context
of the records, moreover, "servant" was distinctly meant and not
"slave." Again, according to the census taken in 1624-1625, there
were twenty-three persons of the African race in Virginia and they
are listed as "servants."[49] In several musters of settlements the
names of Negroes appear under the heading, "Servants"; sometimes
only "Negro" appears.[50] The General Court in October, 1625, had
before it for the first time a question involving the legal status
of the Negro in America. A Negro named Brass had been brought to the
colony by the captain of a ship. Upon handing down the decision as
to what should be done with Brass, since his master had died, the
Court "ordered that he should belong to Sir Francis Wyatt, Governor,"
evidently as servant.[51] Anthony Johnson and Mary, his wife, whose
names appeared as servants in the census mentioned above, were, at
sometime before 1652, given their freedom from servitude, for in that
year they were exempted from payment of taxes by the county court
on account of the burning of their home. The order of the court in
reference to Johnson and his wife mentioned that "they have been
inhabitants in Virginia _above_ thirty years." According to this,
they had been in the colony at least from 1621 which approaches 1619.
It appears that they were among the first Negroes sold at Jamestown.
And this, with the understanding that they were not free at first
establishes quite well their original status as servants as well as
that of the 1619 Negroes and other Negroes in the colony.
The free Negro, Anthony Johnson, in 1653 owned John Castor, another
Negro of Northampton County, as his indented servant. In 1655, a Negro
was bound to serve George Light for a period of five years.[52] The
court record of the discharge of Francis Pryne in 1656 is an example
of the discharge certificate of Negro servants:
"I Mrs. Jane Elkonhead ... have hereunto sett my hand yt ye
aforesd Pryne [a negro] shall bee discharged from all hindrance of
servitude (his child) or any [thing] yt doth belong to ye sd Pryne
his estate.
Jane Elkonhead"[53]
In some cases, as it was with the white servants, Negroes were given
written indentures, of which Russell gives several examples. It was
an early practice of the colony to allow "head rights," a certain
number of acres of land for every servant imported. In 1651 "head
rights" were allowed on the importation of a Negro whose name was
Richard Johnson. "Only three years later a patent calling for one
hundred acres of land was issued to this negro for importing two
other persons. Hence, it appears that Richard Johnson came in as a
free negro or remained in a condition of servitude for not more than
three years."[54] It was a practice also of those who held servants to
allow them the privilege of raising hogs and poultry and of tilling a
small plot of ground. The court records show that by this means John
Geaween, Emanuel Dregis, and Bashasar Farando, as Negro servants,
between 1649 and 1652, accumulated property. Again, there are cases
illustrating that the Negro servant received "freedom dues" as the
white servants at the close of the term of service.[55] Thus the first
and early Negroes of Virginia were servants, not slaves. They were not
only servants at first, but also servants in general for a period of
years.
FOOTNOTES:
[A] In the preparation of dissertation the following works were
consulted: Ballagh, James Curtis, _White Servitude in the Colony
of Virginia_ (J. H. U. Studies, Thirty-first Series, 1913), and
_History of Slavery in Virginia_ (J. H. U. Studies, Twenty-fourth
Series, 1902); Bassett, John Spencer, _History of Slavery in
North Carolina_ (J. H. U. Studies, Seventeenth Series, 1899), and
_Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North Carolina_ (J. H. U.
Studies, Fourteenth Series, 1896); Beatty, William Jennings, _The
Free Negroes in the Carolinas before 1860_ (1920); Brackett, J. R.,
_The Negro in Maryland_ (J. H. U. Studies, Seventh Series, Extra
Volume, 1889); Brown, Alexander, _The Genesis of the United States,
1605-1616_, Two Volumes (1890), and _The First Republic in America_
(1898); Bruce, Philip Alexander, _Economic History of Virginia in
the Seventeenth Century_, Two Volumes (1896); Buckingham, J. S.,
_The Slave States of America_ (1842); _Calendar of Virginia State
Papers and Other Manuscripts, 1652-1798_, Edited by Wm. P. Palmer,
Six Volume (1875-86); Carroll, Bartholomew Rivers, _Historical
Collections of South Carolina_ (1836); Daniels, John, _In Freedom's
Birth Place, A Study of Boston Negroes_ (1914); Doyle, J. A., _English
Colonies in America_, Five Volumes (1889); DuBois, W. E. Burghardt,
_The Suppression of the African Slave-Trade to the United States
of America_ (1896); Eddis, Wm., _Letters from America, 1769-77_;
Hazard, Willis P., _Annals of Philadelphia and Pennsylvania in the
Olden Time_ (1879); Henry, Howell Meadows, _The Police Control
of the Slave in South Carolina_ (1914); Henning, William Waller,
_Statutes at Large of Virginia, 1623-1792_, Thirteen Volumes (1812);
Hotten, J. C., _Original Lists of Emigrants, 1600-1700_ (1874);
Hurd, John C, _The Law of Freedom and Bondage in the United States_,
Two Volumes (1858-62); Jones, Hugh, _The Present State of Virginia_
(1865); _Journal of Negro History_, edited by Carter G. Woodson (The
Association for the Study of Negro Life and History); Lauber, Almon
Wheeler, _Indian Slavery in Colonial Times Within Present Limits of
the United States_ (Columbia University Studies, Volume LIV (1913));
Washburn, Emory, _Massachusetts and Its Early History: Slavery
as it once prevailed in Massachusetts_; McCormac, E. I., _White
Servitude in Maryland 1634-1820_ (J. H. U. Studies, Twenty-second
Series, 1904); Moore, George H., _Notes on the History of Slavery in
Massachusetts_ (1866); Work, Monroe N., _Negro Year Book, An Annual
Encyclopedia of the Negro_; Neill, E. D., _History of the Virginia
Company of London, 1604-24_ (1869) and _Virginia Carolorum, 1625-85_;
Nell, Wm. C., _Colored Patriots of the American Revolution_ (1855);
Nieboor, Herman Jeremias, _Slavery as an Industrial Institution_
(1900); Palfrey, John Gorham, _History of New England_, Five Volumes
(1892); Phillips, Ulrich Bonnell, _American Negro Slavery_ (1918);
_Records of the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations
in New England_, edited by John Russell Bartlett (1856-65); Rivers,
William James, _A Sketch of the History of South Carolina to the Close
of the Proprietary Government by the Revolution of 1719_ (1856);
Russell, John H., _The Free Negro in Virginia 1619-1865_ (J. H. U.
Studies, Thirty-first Series, 1913); Steiner, Bernard C., _History
of Slavery in Connecticut_ (J. H. U. Studies, Series Eleven, 1893);
Stevens, William Bacon, _A History of Georgia from its First Discovery
by Europeans to the Adoption of the Present Constitution in 1798_
(1848); Stroud, George M., _A Sketch of the Laws Relating to Slavery
in the Several States of America_ (1827); Thwaites, Ruben Gold,
_The Colonies, 1492-1750_; Turner, Edward Raymond, _The Negro in
Pennsylvania 1693-1861_ (1910); _Winthrop's Journal: "History of New
England" 1630-1649_, Three Volumes. Edited by James Kendall Hosmer.
[1] Many historians have substituted "slave" for "Negro." Russell,
_Free Negroes in Virginia_, p. 16. White servants are also called
slaves. Doyle, _History of English Colonies in America_, II, p. 387;
Stevens, _History of Georgia_, pp. 289, 294.
[2] Several years before 1619, Negroes in England were sentenced to
work in the colonies. "Two Moorish thieves [negroes] in London were
sentenced to work in the American colonies. And they said no, they
would rather die at once." Brown adds: "I do not know whether they
were sent to Virginia or not." (_The First Republic in America_, p.
219. See also postnote 14.) Again, "I do not know that these negroes
were the first brought to the colony of Virginia. I do not remember
to have seen any contemporary account which says so. The accounts
which we have even of the voyages of the company's ships are very
incomplete, and we have scarcely an idea of the private trading
voyages which would have been most apt to bring such 'purchas' to
Virginia." Pory wrote in September, 1619: "'In these five months of my
continuance here, there have come at one time or another eleven sail
of ships into this river.' If he meant that these eleven ships came
in after he did, at least three of them are not accounted for in our
annals." Washburn, _Slavery as it once prevailed in Massachusetts_,
pp. 198, 327.
[3] Nell, _Colored Patriots of the American Revolution_, p. 59.
[4] Rivers, _History of South Carolina_, p. 113; Buckingham, _Slave
States of America_, I, p. 19.
[5] _The Journal of Negro History_, III, p. 33; Work, _Negro Year
Book_, p. 152. "The second settler in Alabama was a Negro."
[6] Ballagh gives an interesting and the most reliable account of
this ship and these Negroes. (_History of Slavery in Virginia_, p.
8.) A heated controversy took place over what should be done with the
Negroes. "And so the people of her were all disposed of for the year
to the use of the company till it could be truly known to whom the
right lyeth." Brown, _The First Republic in America_, pp. 359, 368,
391, 325-27.
[7] Thwaites, _The Colonies_, p. 98.
[8] Daniels, _In Freedom's Birthplace_, p. 7.
[9] _New International Encyclopedia_, p. 166.
[10] Ballagh, _Hist. of Slavery in Va._, p. 32.
[11] Ballagh, _Hist. of Slavery in Va._, p. 31.
[12] Washburn holds that the moral stamina of sturdy people seeking
freedom argued against enslavement. _Slavery as it once prevailed in
Mass._, p. 194.
[13] "If twenty negroes came in 1619, as alleged, their increase was
very slow, for according to a census of 16th of February, 1624, there
were but twenty-two then in the colony." Neill, _Hist. of the Va.
Co._, p. 72.
"When the census was taken in January, 1625, there were only twenty
persons of the African race in Virginia...." _Virginia Carolorum_, pp.
15, 16, 22, 33, 40, 59, 225; Brown, _The Genesis of Am._, II, p. 987.
[14] Ballagh, _History of Slavery in Virginia_, pp. 9-10.
[15] The group brought over in 1638 by Menefie was an unusually large
number: "Menefie was now the leading merchant. On April 19, 1638, he
entered 3,000 acres of land on account of 60 transports, of whom 23
were, as he asserts, 'negroes, I brought out of England.'" _Virginia
Carolorum_, p. 187 note; Ballagh, _White Servitude in the Colony of
Virginia_, p. 91 note.
[16] "Intended insurrections of negroes in 1710, 1722, 1730, bear
witness to their alarming increase...." _White Servitude in the Colony
of Virginia_, p. 92 note.
[17] Brackett, _The Negro in Md._, p. 38.
[18] Bassett, _Slavery and Servitude in the Col. of N. C._, pp. 18-20.
[19] Henry, _Police Control of the Slave in S. C._, p. 3.
[20] Post, p. 262, note 10.
[21] Turner, _The Negro in Penn._, pp. 1-3.
[22] Moore, _Notes on the History of Slavery in Mass._, pp. 5, 48;
Palfrey, _Hist. of N. E._, p. 30.
[23] "They have store of children, and are well accommodated with
Servants;----of these some are English, others Negroes: of the English
there are can eat till they sweat, and work till they freeze; and of
the females they are like Mrs. Wintus paddocks, very tinder fingered
in cold weather." _Account of Two Voyages to N. E._, pp. 28, 139-140.
[24] Moore, _Notes on the Hist. of Slavery in Mass._, pp. 48-49.
[25] Ballagh, _Hist. of Slavery in Virginia_, pp. 2, 3, 34.
[26] "The main ideas on which servitude was based originated in the
early history of Virginia as a purely English colonial development
before the other colonies were formed. The system was adopted in them
with its outline already defined, requiring only local legislation
to give it specific character...." (Ballagh, _White Servitude in the
Colony of Virginia_, p. 9.) The status of servitude, customary and
legal, similar to that given the Negroes in Virginia is as a rule met
with in several of the colonies.
[27] Post, p. 254, note 33.
[28] Ballagh, _Hist. of Slavery in Va._, pp. 28, 29, 34.
[29] White servitude had recognition in statute law by 1630-36 in
Massachusetts, by 1643 in Connecticut, by 1647 in Rhode Island, by
1619 in Virginia, by 1637 in Maryland, by 1665 in North Carolina,
by 1682 in Pennsylvania, and by 1732 in Georgia. Ballagh, _Hist. of
Slavery in Va._, pp. 36, 37. Russell, _The Free Negro in Va._, pp. 18,
19, 22, 29.
[30] Statutory recognition of slavery by the American colonies
occurred as follows: Massachusetts, 1641; Connecticut, 1650; Virginia,
1661; Maryland, 1663; New York and New Jersey, 1664; South Carolina,
1682; Pennsylvania and Rhode Island, 1700; North Carolina, 1715;
and Georgia, 1755. Prior to these dates the legal status of all
subject Negroes was that of servants, and their rights, duties, and
disabilities were regulated by legislation the same as, or similar to,
that applied to white servants. Ballagh, _Hist. of Servitude in Va._,
pp. 34, 35.
[31] Russell, _The Free Negroes in Va._, p. 29.
[32] Turner, _The Negro in Penn._, p. 25; Ballagh, _Hist. of Slavery
in Va._, pp. 30, 31.
[33] Ante, note 30: "It was but natural then that they should be
absorbed in a growing system which spread to all the colonies and
for nearly a century furnished the chief supply for colonial labor."
Ballagh, _White Servitude in the Colony of Va._, pp. 14, 27, 49.
Ballagh, _Hist. of Slavery in Va._, pp. 32.
[34] The Company secured servants for the colony. Stevens, _History of
Ga._, p. 290; Ballagh, _White Servitude in the Col. of Va._, p. 15.
[35] The Trustees of Georgia held out on account of philanthropic
motives. See Du Bois, _Suppression of the Slave Trade_, pp. 7, 8, 26;
Declaration of one of the trustees, Stevens, _Hist. of Ga._, p. 287.
[36] Moore, _Notes on the History of Slavery in Mass._, p. 50. Du
Bois, _Suppression of African Slave Trade_, p. 15.
[37] In Providence in 1633, "it was recommended that twenty or thirty
negroes be introduced for public work, and that they be separated
among various families of officers and industrious planters to prevent
the formation of plots. Some of these negroes received wages and
purchased their freedom, and the length of servitude seems to have
been dependent on the time of conversion to Christianity." Lefroy,
_The History, of the Bermudaes_, p. 219. Ballagh, _Hist. of Slavery in
Va._, pp. 29, 30, notes.
The Dutch dealt with the early Negroes in a similar way. "In practice
the heavy duty imposed by the Company seems to have discouraged any
large importation. As a natural consequence, too, most of those
imported seem to have been in the employment of the Company. Thus
we learn that the fort at New Amsterdam was mainly built by negro
labor. The Company seems wisely to have made arrangements whereby its
slaves should be gradually absorbed in the free population. In 1644 an
ordinance was passed emancipating the slaves of the Company after a
fixed period of service." Doyle, _Eng. Cols. in Am._, IV, p. 49.
[38] Ballagh, _Hist. of Slavery in Va._, p. 33.
[39] Carroll, _Hist. Coll._, I, p. 27.
[40] _Ibid._, p. 29.
[41] _Ibid._, p. 29.
[42] Russell, _The Free Negro in Va._, pp. 16, 23; Ballagh, _Hist. of
Slavery in Va._, p. 29 notes; Brown, _The First Republic in Am._, p.
326.
Thomas Jefferson said, "the right to these negroes was common, or,
perhaps they lived on a footing with the whites, who, as well as
themselves, were under absolute direction of the president." Russell,
_The Free Negro in Va._, p. 24.
[43] _Ibid._, 23, 24; Ballagh, _History of Slavery in Va._, 28, 31;
Phillips, _Am. Negro Slavery_, p. 75.
[44] Henning, I, pp. 146, 226.
[45] The first time the term "slave" is used in the statutes was in
these words: "If the Indians shall bring in any children as gages of
their good and quiet intentions to us, ... that we will not use them
as slaves." Henning, I, p. 296.
[46] In Henning, _Statutes_ I, p. 540, it is said: "That _if_ the said
Dutch or other foreigners shall import any negroes, they the said
Dutch or others shall, for the tobacco really produced by the sale of
the said negro, pay only the impost of two shillings per hogshead, the
like being paid by our own nation."
[47] Henning, II, p. 26.
[48] Russell, _The Free Negro in Va._, p. 20, note 13.
[49] _Ibid._, pp. 23, 24; Hotten, _List of Immigrants to Am._, pp.
202, etc.
The "_Lists of the Living and Dead in Virginia_, Feb. 16th, 1623,"
shows that there were twenty or more Negroes in the Colony; these
Negroes are referred to as servants not slaves. _Col. Records of Va._,
p. 37, etc.
[50]
"Captain Francis West, His Muster.
**********
Servants
**********
John Pedro, A Neger, aged 30, in the _Swan_, 1623."
Va. Carolorum, p. 15.
"Muster of Sir George Yeardley, Kt.
**********
Servants
**********
Thomas Barnett, 16, in the _Elsabeth_, 1620
Theophilus Bereston, in the _Treasuror_, 1614
Negro Men, 3.
Negro Women, 5.
Susan Hall, in the _William_ and _Thomas_, 1608"
Ibid., p. 16.
"Muster of Capt. William Tucker, Elizabeth City.
**********
Servants
**********
Antoney, Negro
Isabell, Negro
William, theire child, baptised"
Ibid., p. 40; see a muster
also on page 22.
"On the 25 of January, 1624-5, a muster of Mr. Edward Bennett's
servants at Wariscoyak was taken, and the number was twelve, two of
whom were negroes." _Va. Carolorum_, 225 note. See also Brown, _The
Genesis of Am._, II, 987.
[51] _Virginia Carolorum_, pp. 33, 34; Ballagh, _Hist. of Slavery in
Virginia_, p. 30.
[52] Russell, _The Free Negro in Virginia_, pp. 24, 26, 32.
[53] _Ibid._, pp. 26, 29.
[54] _Ibid._, pp. 25, 26.
[55] _Ibid._, pp. 22, 28, 34; Bruce, _Econ. Hist. of Virginia_, II,
pp. 52, 53.
NEGRO SERVITUDE AND ITS PRIORITY IN OTHER COLONIES
Slavery received statutory recognition in the colony of Maryland in
1663, and in North Carolina in 1715. White servitude had long existed
in these colonies, receiving statutory recognition in Maryland as
early as 1637, and in North Carolina in 1665. Servitude, therefore,
had ample time for local definition "before slavery entered upon
either its customary or legal development."[1] Ballagh holds that
in these colonies, also, Negro servitude historically preceded
slavery.[2] In Maryland, particularly, along with Virginia and
Massachusetts, the "circumstances surrounding the enactments defining
slavery" indicate a natural transition from Negro servitude to
slavery. Since servitude existed in these states, it seems probable,
from analogy with conditions in other parts of the country, that the
early Negroes in these colonies were servants.[3]
Negro servitude preceded Negro slavery in Massachusetts. This
servitude existed legally and underwent a period of development.
After the recognition of slavery in 1641, Negro servitude continued
along with slavery and in a more pronounced manner.[4] The early
inhabitants of Massachusetts were hostile to the introduction of
slavery. This attitude was, perhaps, responsible for the milder form
which Negro bondage first assumed, for "the facts of history ... seem
to establish this conclusion, that slavery never was in harmony with
the public sentiment of the colony."[5] The Salem ship, the _Desire_,
brought to the Colony, February 26, 1638, "some cotton, tobacco, and
negroes." This cargo had been taken on by Mr. Pierce of the _Desire_,
at Providence Island, evidently in exchange for fifteen Indian boys
and two women, taken as prisoners in the Pequod War.[6] At this time,
it was common to purchase servants from shipmasters and merchants,
and so it is not certain that the Negroes brought back by Mr. Pierce
were slaves. At Providence, moreover, Negroes had the status of
servants.[7] When Josselyn visited New England in 1638-39, he saw in
Boston servants, English and Negroes.[8] In 1641, after the adoption
of the Body of Liberties, a master of a ship brought two Negroes for
sale into slavery, but was compelled by the court to give them up.
These Negroes were then sent back to their native country. In 1646,
the General Court passed an act "against the heinous and crying sin
of man-stealing." In this colony "slaves" testified against white men
in court and, for a long time after 1652, served in the militia.[9]
Again, beginning with 1700, Judge Sewall and the Quakers started their
memorable work against slavery. Charles Sumner said concerning slavery
in Massachusetts: "Her few slaves were merely for a term of years, or
for life."[10]
The Bond of Liberty, adopted in 1641, evidently made provision for
servitude.[11] Negroes were held as servants under this provision.
During the entire colonial period until 1791, they were rated as
polls, as, for example, in the tax laws, in 1718, which provided that
"all Indian, negro and mulatto servants _for a term of years_ were to
be numbered and rated as Polls, and not as Personal Estate."[12]
Prior to 1700, moreover, Negroes had the status of servants in
Pennsylvania. In the region of the Delaware River, which became a
part of Pennsylvania, the Dutch had a few Negroes with them in 1636.
In 1639, also, a number of Negroes worked under the New Netherlands
Company on the South River.[13] It is not definitely known that
these Negroes were servants, although the circumstances indicate that
they were. The same is true of the Negroes in the employment of the
Dutch during this very early period. Provision was apparently made
for their gradual absorption by the free population. As late as 1663,
there existed laws which "granted them a qualified form of freedom,
working alternate weeks, one for themselves, one for the Company."[14]
Among the Swedes, also, in the region of the Delaware, were a number
of Negroes. Just after Rising had come to the region as head of the
Swedish Company, in 1654, he issued an ordinance that "after a certain
period Negroes should be absolutely free." In Penn's charter to the
Free Society of Traders, in 1682, there was a provision that if the
inhabitants "held blacks they should make them free at the end of
fourteen years...." Benjamin Furley, also, vigorously opposed holding
Negroes longer than eight years.[15] The Friends of Germantown in
1688, made strong protests against slavery; and in 1693, George Keith
declared that the masters should let the Negroes go free after a
reasonable term of service.[16] Later on, children of white mothers
and slave fathers became servants for a term of years, and the same
was true of the children of free Negro mothers and slave fathers.[17]
After 1700, Negro servants were a common and well-recognized class
in Pennsylvania. Negroes who were "unable or unwilling to support
themselves" were bound by the court for the term of one year.[18]
All children of free Negroes were bound out until twenty-one or
twenty-four years. Mulatto children "who were not slaves for life"
were bound out "until they were twenty-eight years of age." The
abolition act of 1780 provided among other things that "all future
children of registered slaves should become servants until they were
twenty-eight."[19] And again, Negroes manumitted could indenture
themselves until twenty-eight.
Negro servants were generally subject to the laws which governed the
white servitude; but they were subject further to other laws which
gave to the Negro servants a status between that of the white servants
and Negro slaves. Negro servants were apprenticed for a longer period
than white servants; and such servants were object of a considerable
interstate traffic, people from other states selling them into
Pennsylvania. They were often apprenticed and generally given some
form of freedom dues. So entrenched was Negro servitude here that in
1780 there were probably a greater number of servants in Pennsylvania
than slaves.[20]
In Rhode Island Negro servitude preceded and passed into slavery.[21]
Although as early as 1652 the practice of buying Negroes for service
or slaves for life existed in this colony, this was not sanctioned
by law. On the other hand, white servitude was clearly recognized in
statute law of 1647.[22] In 1652 the legally established servitude,
as well as the attitude of the colonists, undoubtedly influenced
the passing of a law to prohibit slavery and provide for servitude.
This law said: "Whereas, there is a common course practiced amongst
English men to buy negers, to that end they may have them for service
or slaves forever; for the preventinge of such practices among us,
let it be ordered, that no blacke mankind or white being forced by
covenant bond, or otherwise, to serve any man or his assighness longer
than ten yeares, or until they come to bee twentie four yeares of age,
if they bee taken in under fourteen, for the time of their cominge
within the liberties of this Collinie. And at the end or terme of ten
yeares to sett them free, as the manner is with the English servants.
And that man that will not let them goe free, or shall sell them away
elsewhere, to that end that they may bee enslaved to others for a long
time, he or they shall forfeit to the Collonie forty pounds."[23]
Although this law was enforced for a time, it soon became a dead
letter, for after 1708, when slavery received sanction by statute,
buying and selling Negroes was practiced generally.[24]
The first few Negroes in Connecticut were servants along with a few
Indian and white servants. It was due, no doubt, to the paucity of
the Negroes--there were in 1680 not above thirty in the colony--that
they became servants. However, as this number increased, their status
became gradually that of slaves by custom. Because of the fear of
treachery from the Negro and Indian servants, the General Court,
in 1680, ordered that "neither Indian nor negar servants shall be
required to train, watch or ward in the Colony."[25] Evidently some
of the servants very early had served out their time and had been
freed, for by a law, in 1690, "Negro, mulatto, or Indian servants,"
"suspected persons" and free Negroes who were found wandering could
be taken up and brought before a magistrate.[26] An act in 1711 made
provision for the care of Negro servants and others who came to want
after they had served out their time. "An act relating to slaves,
and such in particular as shall happen to become servants for life,
enacts that all slaves set at liberty by their owners, and all negro,
mulatto, and Spanish Indians, who are servants to masters for time, in
case they shall come to want after they shall be so set at liberty or
the time of their service be expired, they shall be relieved at the
cost of their masters." In fact, slavery of the "absolute, rigid kind"
never existed to any extent in Connecticut.[27]
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Ballagh, pp. 36-37.
[2] _Ibid._, 32.
[3] _Ibid._, 37; Beatty, _The Free Negroes in the Carolinas before
1860_, p. 3.
The children, resulting from the intermixture and intermarriage of
the races were likewise servants in these two colonies. Stroud, _Laws
Relating to Slavery_, pp. 8-9.
[4] Servitude was recognized in statute law in this colony by 1630-36.
Ballagh, _Hist. of Slavery in Va._, pp. 32, 33, 36.
[5] Washburn, _Slavery as It Once Prevailed in Mass._, p. 193.
[6] Providence Isle was "an island in the Caribbean, off the
Nicaraguan coast. In 1630 Charles I granted it, by a patent similar to
that of Massachusetts, to a company of Englishmen, mostly Puritans,
who held it till 1641, when the Spaniards captured it." Winthrop's
_Journal_, II, pp. 227, 228, 260; Moore, _Notes on the Hist. of
Slavery in Mass._, p. 5.
[7] Ballagh, _Hist. of Slavery in Va._, note 2, quoted from _Calendar
State Papers_, pp. 160, 168, 229.
[8] Ante, p. 252, note 23.
[9] Washburn, _Slavery as It Once Prevailed in Mass._, pp. 208, 215.
[10] Nell, _Colored Patriots in Am. Rev._, p. 37.
[11] "There shall _never_ be _any_ Bond Slavery, Villinage, or
Captivity among us, unless it be lawful Captives taken in just Wars,
and such strangers as willingly sell themselves, or are sold to us.
And these shall have all the liberties and Christian usages which
the law of God, established in Israel concerning such persons, doth
morally require. This exempts none from servitude, who shall be judged
thereto by authority." _Massachusetts Hist. Coll._, 28, p. 231;
Palfrey, _Hist. of New England_, II, p. 30
[12] Moore, _Notes on Slavery in Mass._, pp. 62, 63-64, 248.
[13] "A judgment is obtained, before the authorities at Manhattan,
against one Coinclisse, for wounding a soldier at Fort Amsterdam.
He is condemned to serve the company along with the blacks, to be
sent by the first ship to South River, pay a fine to the fiscal, and
damages to the wounded soldier. This seems to be the first intimation
of blacks being in this part of the country.... Director Van Twiller
having been charged, after Kiet's arrival, with mismanagement....
Another witness asserts he had in his custody for Van Twiller, at Fort
Hope and Nassau, twenty-four to thirty goats, and that three negroes
bought by the director in 1636 were since employed in his private
service." Hazard, _Annals of Penn._, pp. 49-50; Turner, _The Free
Negro in Penn._, p. 1.
It is noteworthy that the Negroes among the Dutch were generally under
the supervision of the Company or worked for officers of the Company.
[14] Ante, p. 255, note 37.
[15] "Let no blacks be brought in directly, and if any come out of
Virginia, Maryld. (or elsewhere erased) in families that have formerly
brought them elsewhere Let them be declared (as in the west jersey
constitutions) free at 8 years end." Turner, _The Negro in Penn._, p.
21, notes 13, 14.
[16] _Ibid._, p. 66.
[17] _Ibid._, pp. 24, 25; Stroud, _Laws Relating to Slavery_, pp. 9-10.
[18] Hurd, _The Law of Freedom and Bondage_, I, 290; Turner, _The Free
Negro in Penn._, p. 92.
[19] "On the 1st of March, 1780, before the war of the Revolution was
closed, the Assembly of Pennsylvania passed an act declaring that
negro and mulatto children whose mothers were slaves, and who were
born after the passage of the act, should be free, and that slavery
as to them should be forever abolished. But it was declared that
such children should be held as servants, under the same terms as
indentured servants, until the age of twenty-eight, when they should
be free...." Watson, _Annals of Philadelphia and Penn. in Olden
Times_, pp. 468-469.
[20] _Ibid._, pp. 93, 94, 98, 101.
[21] Ballagh, _Hist. of Slavery in Va._, p. 32.
[22] _Ibid._, p. 36.
[23] R. I., _Col. Rec._, I, p. 243.
[24] Du Bois, _Suppression of the Slave Trade_, p. 34.
[25] Hurd, _Law of Freedom and Bondage_, I, p. 270; Steiner, _Hist. of
Slavery in Conn._, p. 12.
[26] Conn., _Col. Rec._, XV, p. 40.
[27] Stroud, _Laws Relating to Slavery_, p. 11, note; Hurd, _Law of
Freedom and Bondage_, p. 271.
THE TRANSITION FROM WHITE SERVITUDE TO SLAVERY
Let us now direct our attention to the change from servitude to
slavery. It is well to note here, however, that white servitude did
not embrace the chief features of slavery. Nieboer defines a slave as
"a man who is the property or possession of another man, and forced
to work for him." Again, "slavery is the fact that one man is the
property or possession of another."[1] White servitude lacked the
final and formal feature of "property," namely complete "possession,"
and consequently never included either perpetual service or the
transmission of servile condition to offspring, although during the
first half of its development in the colonies, servitude tended to
assume the character of slavery.[2][3]
The servitude that existed up to 1619 underwent change until it
finally crystallized into indented servitude. The conditions were not
as bad as the testimony of colony servants and observers of the period
would indicate, and yet where there were so many references to it the
condition evidently obtained.[4] In enlisting new settlers for the
colonies, the Company "issued broadsides and pamphlets, with specious
promises, which, however honest its purpose, were certainly never
fulfilled."[5] In Virginia in 1613, colonists of 1607 who had served
out the term of their original five-year contract were either retained
in servitude or granted a tenancy burdened with oppressive and unfair
obligations. The changed land policy of 1616 brought upon the colony
servants further disadvantages. Before March, 1617, when the men of
the Charles City Hundred demanded and were granted their "long desired
freedom from that general and common servitude," no freedom had been
granted to the colonists. After this until 1619, it was only through
"extraordinary payment" that freedom was obtained.[6] Many of these
colonists of Virginia, moreover, were retained in servitude until 1624
when the Company dissolved.[7]
Other incidents, growing out of the servant's role, tended to make
the condition of servitude more rigid. In order to make the system of
labor under the Company successful, Lord Delaware, in 1610, organized
the colony into a "labor force under commanders and overseers"; and
close watch over the men and their work was accordingly maintained.
"The colonists were marched to their daily work in squads and
companies under officers, and the severest penalties were prescribed
for a breach of discipline or neglect of duty. A persistent neglect
of labor was to be punished by galley service from one to two years.
Penal servitude was also instituted; for 'petty offences' they worked
'as slaves in irons for a term of years'"; and there were whipping,
"hangings, shooting, breaking on the wheel, and even burning alive."[8]
It may be observed from references made to this early servitude that,
generally, it was harsh. We read: "Having most of them served the
colony six or seven years in that 'general slavery'"; "'three years
slavery' to the colony"; "noe waye better than slavery"; "rather
than be reduced to live under like government we desire his Magestie
that Commissioners may be sent over with authority to hang us"; and
"Sold as a d---- slave."[9] Undoubtedly, these references are not
all true; yet, they are not altogether false. At least they indicate
that the conditions of this servitude approached slavery.[10] Out of
these, informal "slavery" and unsettled conditions of early servitude,
indented servitude developed.
As a general rule, every advantage was taken of the servant by the
servant-dealers and masters. Opportunity to hold the servant longer
than the period allowed by law or to extend his service was not
infrequently seized upon, for the laxity of the system and the need
of labor in the colonies made this a natural consequence. During the
first period of servitude, the term of service in many cases was not
prescribed in the indentures; and sometimes servants were brought
over without indentures, or with only verbal contracts.[11] Thus
trouble about the length of their term of service arose, especially
in connection with the servants who did not have indentures.
Circumstances indicate that in the interpretation of law and the
facts, the master generally triumphed.[12] It was in 1638-39 that
Maryland took the first definite step to prevent unfair treatment of
servants by their masters. In 1654 it became necessary again to pass
a law determining the servant's age and length of service. Virginia
enacted similar measures in 1643 and 1657. Still, when the servants
were ignorant, "which was usually the case," or could not speak the
English language, the master took advantage of their shortcomings.[13]
Notwithstanding the repeated efforts of the courts and assembly to
protect the servant in his relation to the master, the lucrative
practice of extending a servant's term, which became customary in the
case of Indian and Negro servants, proved a significant factor in the
degradation of white servitude.
Under the system of servitude, the conduct of the servant necessarily
bore a close relation to the interests of the master. When the servant
stole, ran away, "unlawfully assembled" or "plotted," indulged in
fornication, spent unusual time in social intercourse, or was secretly
married, the master as a rule suffered some loss. And for protection
of the master, methods of punishment were resorted to, the character,
definiteness, and attendant circumstances of which tended to reduce
the servant to the status of a slave.
As the servant had no money with which to pay fines, some other method
of punishment had to be used. Corporal punishment of a harsh character
appears to have been established. Practiced at first by individuals,
it soon became a general custom, and finally found its way into the
laws of the colonies. During the period prior to indented servitude,
instances of severe whipping of servants are numerous.[14] The first
colony law which gave the master the privilege of regulating the
servant's conduct in this manner, however, appeared in 1619.[15]
Corporal punishment then gradually gained ground and won sanction
by the colonial courts. A law in Virginia provided in 1662 "for the
erecting of a whipping post in every county" and the General Assembly
of this colony, in 1688, reassured the master of his right to whip
the servant. All along this right was so much abused[16] that it was
restrained in Virginia. In 1705 an act ordered the master not to whip
the servant "immoderately"; and to whip a Christian white servant
naked, an order from a justice of peace had to be obtained.[17]
Several other colonies similarly restrained the right to whip.[18]
Another method of punishment that gradually hardened the conditions of
servitude was the addition of time to the term of the servant. This
evidently originated in the custom of the Company to prescribe as
penalty for offense "service to the colony in public work."[19] This
method of punishment was extensively used throughout the colonies.
Sometimes the length of additional service was left to the discretion
of the master, but this was so abused that the government saw fit
to make regulations, which, however, themselves were not free from
harshness.[20]
At first the servants undoubtedly enjoyed the right of marriage, but
as this proved a source of much inconvenience and loss to the master,
since the men servants lost time, stole food and other provisions,
and the women servants lost time during pregnancy and in rearing
children, laws restricting marriage of servants were enacted in the
colonies. In Virginia, in 1643, this right was legally restricted.
When the servants were secretly married, in some cases the man had to
"serve out his or their tyme or tymes with his or their masters--after
serve his master a complete year more for such offense committed"
while the woman-servant had to double her time of service.[21] In
other cases, as in North Carolina, the servants were required to serve
one year.[22] Further restriction of the right of marriage appeared
in Virginia in 1662. When a woman-servant and a Negro slave were
married in Maryland, the woman was, in some instances, reduced to
slavery, as she was required to serve her master during the life of
her husband.[23] The effect of this law was, in certain instances,
to complete practically the transition from servitude to slavery.
Children resulting from such marriages were either made slaves for
life, or required to serve until they were thirty years of age.
Fornication also was made punishable by an addition of time. The
woman-servant, who gave birth to illegitimate offspring, received an
addition of time of one and a half to two and a half years.[24] When
the offspring was by a Negro, mulatto, or Indian, she was required
to serve the colony or the master for an additional time of four,
five, or seven years. The children in these cases were bound out for
thirty-one years.[25] With marriage restricted as it was, the family
life of the servants was likely to be disorderly. Morals of servants
were notably loose, and masters sometimes took advantage of their
position to corrupt their servants still further.[26]
The servants were also restricted in political affairs. In the
earliest period of servitude in the colonies, servants, as
"inhabitants," enjoyed with the other "inhabitants" whatever suffrage
there was.[27] Later on, however, this rare privilege dwindled
to _nil_. For the "first sixteen years of the settlement" in
Massachusetts the servants exercised the franchise.[28] In Virginia
they voted until 1646 and the freedservant until 1670.[29] In Maryland
in 1636, in the first assembly of the colony, only "freemen" seemed to
hold sway.[30] Disfranchisement became the rule, however, after the
middle of the seventeenth century.[31] The very noticeable scarcity of
information on the servant's exercise of the suffrage seems to suggest
that as a matter of understanding he did not enjoy the franchise.
Evidently there prevailed a certain suspicion concerning not only the
servant's ability to use the suffrage, but also his proper use of
it; and this attitude was also always fairly pronounced toward the
recently freedservant.[32]
The final remedy of the servant, then, was flight. From the beginning
of indented servitude, the servants invariably deserted their master's
service. While in all cases they did not run away on account of
abuses, the practice brought on abuses and other incidents which,
during the first part of servitude, became more and more intolerable.
The number of runaways increased as the servants continued coming in.
It was comparatively easy for them to escape to the more northern
colonies, since the country about them was convenient for hiding
and clandestine traveling; and the fugitives themselves, on account
of having no physical characteristics distinguishable from those of
the other colonists, could not easily be identified.[33] Thus North
Carolina became popularly known as the "Refuge of Runaways" and that
colony, Maryland, and the Dutch plantations were to fugitive servants
what Massachusetts, Ohio, and Canada were later to runaway slaves.[34]
The "under-ground railroad," too, had a forerunner in the early period
of indentured servitude.[35] Methods of dealing with the runaways
necessarily grew more strict, and precautions similar to those of
slavery inevitably appeared. "Unlawful assembling," "plotting," and
tentative insurrections became a source of apprehension.[36] Then
came methods of pursuit, return, and punishment of the fugitives.
Sometimes the master made the pursuit; at other times the sheriff
and his posse did it; and often the constable with a search warrant
went in quest of the fugitive. Everyone who traveled was required
to have a pass or a certificate of freedom to show his status;[37]
and this no doubt afforded the servants a means of using forgery
to facilitate their escape to freedom.[38] Again, whenever it was
possible, advertisements for runaways were put in the newspapers.[39]
During this time, too, there were enacted colonial statutes providing
for the return of fugitives by one colony to the other. Colonial
governments often accused each other of unduly holding and protecting
the runaways.[40]
The greatest abuses in servitude occurred in the punishment of
fugitive servants. These abuses, moreover, gradually increased in
number and intensified in character.[41] The expense of the servant's
capture, return, and loss of time from work, and the desire to prevent
running away led to stringent punishment and evident abuses.[42] In
Virginia before 1643, some runaways were punished with "additional
terms from two to seven years, served in irons, to the public."[43]
The act of 1643 in Virginia provided that runaways from their
"master's service shall be lyable to make satisfaction by service at
the end of their tymes by indenture (vizt.) double the tyme of service
soe neglected, and in some cases more if the commissioners ... find it
requisite and convenient."[44] The laws of 1639 and of 1641-42 made
running away in Maryland punishable with death, but the proprietor or
governor could commute this penalty to servitude of seven years or
less.[45] Corporal punishment, too, scathed the fugitives.[46]
Plainly, then, the fugitive servant tended to assimilate the status of
the servant to that of the slave and tended to become mere property.
The servant could be transferred as property from one person to
another, for from the beginning his services were bought and sold. The
custom of purchasing and disposing of apprentices and servants was
early practiced in Virginia and out of this practice grew the more
definite and far-reaching custom of signing the servant's contract.
Begun in 1623, it was resented by servants and deprecated by England;
and yet with no question of its legality, the selling of servants'
time became a common practice.[47] Later on, upon securing the servant
in England, the indenture was often made out to the shipmaster or his
assigns, and the servant was sold by him to the planters in America.
To sell the servants, merchants were sometimes invited on board the
ship, where they could look over the human cargo and select those who
were desirable. Often it happened that the servants were brought over
without indentures. They were made to believe that their lot would
be made easy by the master who would buy them.[48] These, too, were
sold by the captain to the highest bidder.[49] That the servants
were dealt with in this way eventually made the indentures as a rule
negotiable, and this led to further degradation of the servants'
status. The theory that the servant's time was property was tenable
as late as 1756 in Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, for during
the war with the French and Indians, when the governments and officers
were recruiting the servants of the masters, the masters protested,
resisted, and won.[50]
The servant, then, gradually became property, not principally because
of a tendency to consider the Negro servant as such, but because
of the incidents necessarily arising from the methods which had to
be used to make white servitude possible in the colonies. These
methods, then, the custom of using them, and finally the tentative
legal sanction of them, were fairly well practiced before the Negro's
arrival and long before he was considered as chattel.[51]
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Nieboer, _Slavery as an Industrial Institution_, p. 42.
[2] Doyle, _Hist. of Eng. Col. in Am._, p. 385.
[3] Ballagh, _Hist. of Slavery in Va._, p. 42.
[4] McCormac, _White Servitude in Md._, pp. 9, 60, 61, 63.
[5] Ballagh, _White Servitude in the Col. of Va._, p. 15.
[6] _Ibid._, pp. 19, 31, 24.
[7] "We see, then, that the colonist, while in theory only a Virginia
member of the London Company, and entitled to equal rights and
privileges with other members or adventurers, was, from the nature
of the case, practically debarred from exercising these rights....
He was kept by force in the colony, and could have no communication
with his friends in England.... Under the arbitrary administration of
the Company and of its deputy governors he was as absolutely at its
disposal as a servant at his master's. His conduct was regulated by
corporal punishment or more extreme measures. He could be hired out by
the Company to private persons, or by the Governor for his personal
advantage." _Ibid._, p. 26.
[8] _Ibid._, p. 23.
[9] Ballagh, _White Servitude in the Col. of Va._, pp. 23, 24, 25, 43
note.
[10] McCormac, _White Servitude in Md._, pp. 48, 49.
[11] _Ibid._, pp. 38, 43; Ballagh, _White Servitude in the Col. of
Va._, pp. 40, 49.
[12] "Where no contract but a verbal one existed there was always room
for controversy between master and servant, each trying to prove an
agreement that would be to his advantage." _Ibid._, p. 50.
[13] "Where the servants were ignorant, which was usually the case,
it was to the advantage of the master that there should be no written
contract, as there was then a chance of extending the term of
service." McCormac, _White Servitude in Md._, p. 44.
"The Palatines and other German races, who, in the later years formed
nearly all of the servant population, knew little of the laws and
language and were an easy prey to the abuses of traders and harsh
masters. They had been used to very little liberty at home and were
slow to assert their rights in America." _Ibid._, p. 61.
[14] Ante, p. 268.
[15] Henning, _Statutes at Large_, I, pp. 127, 130, 192; Ballagh,
_White Servitude in the Col. of Va._, p. 45.
[16] _Ibid._, p. 77.
[17] _Ibid._, pp. 58, 59.
[18] Bassett, _Slavery and Servitude in the Col. of N. C._, p. 81.
[19] "In this we have the germ of addition of time, a practice which
later became the occasion of a very serious abuse of the servants
rights by the addition of terms altogether incommensurate with the
offenses for which they were imposed." Ballagh, _White Servitude in
the Col. of Va._, p. 45.
[20] Henning, _Statutes at Large_, I, p. 438, II, p. 114, III, pp. 87,
140, 450; Ballagh, _White Servitude in the Col. of Va._, p. 57.
[21] Henning, _Statutes at Large_, p. 257; Ballagh, _White Servitude
in the Col. of Va._, pp. 50-51.
[22] Bassett, _Slavery and Servitude in the Col. of N. C._, p. 34.
[23] "Instead of preventing such marriages, this law enabled
avaricious and unprincipled masters to convert many of their servants
to slaves. While this act continued in force, it did more to lower
the standard of servitude than any other law passed during the whole
period." McCormac, _White Servitude in Md._, pp. 68-69.
[24] Turner, _The Negro in Penn._, p. 30; Bassett, _Slavery and
Servitude in the Col. of N. C._, p. 83; Ballagh, _White Servitude in
the Col. of Va._, p. 57.
[25] _Ibid._, 57; Bassett, _Slavery and Servitude in the Col. of N.
C._, pp. 83-84; Turner, _The Negro in Penn._, p. 30; McCormac, _White
Servitude in Md._, p. 70.
[26] "If she should be delivered of a child by her master during this
period she should be sold by the church wardens for the benefit of the
church for one year after the term of service.... Here again there
was no punishment for the seducing master. It is also evident that
the sin of the servant would be an advantage of the master, since he
would thereby secure her service for a longer period. We have not
the least evidence that such a thing did happen, yet it is possible
that a master might for this reason have compassed the sin of his
serving-woman." Bassett, _Slavery and Servitude in the Col. of N. C._,
pp. 83-84.
"By the acts giving the master additions of time for the birth of
a bastard child to his servant a premium was actually put upon
immorality, and there appear to have been masters base enough to take
advantage of it." Ballagh, _White Servitude in the Col. of Va._, p. 79.
The master also encouraged marriage between servants and Negroes.
McCormac, _White Servitude in Md._, p. 68.
[27] Hurd, _Law of Freedom and Bondage_, I, p. 228 note.
[28] _Ibid._, p. 255.
[29] _Ibid._, pp. 232, 254; Ballagh, _White Servitude in the Col. of
Va._, p. 93.
[30] Hurd, _Law of Freedom and Bondage_, I, p. 248.
[31] Ballagh, _White Servitude in the Col. of Va._, p. 90.
[32] "Thus the liberated servant became an idler, socially corrupt,
and often politically dangerous." Doyle, _Eng. Cols in Am._, I, p. 387.
"By the temporary disfranchisement of the servant during his term,
common after the middle of the 17th century, a serious public danger
was avoided. There could be no guarantee, of the judicious exercise of
the suffrage with this class who, for the most part, had never enjoyed
the privilege before. Their servitude may be regarded as preparing
them for a proper appreciation of suffrage when obtained, and the
duties of citizenship...." Ballagh, _White Servitude in the Col. of
Va._, p. 90 note.
[33] "To facilitate discovery, habitual runaways had their hair cut
'close around their ears' and 'were branded on the cheek with the
letter R.'" Ballagh, _White Servitude in the Col. of Va._, p. 55 note.
[34] _Ibid._, pp. 53-54.
[35] McCormac, _White Servitude in Md._, p. 53.
[36] Ballagh, _White Servitude in the Col. of Va._, pp. 53, 60.
[37] _Ibid._, p. 54; McCormac, _White Servitude in Md._, p. 54.
[38] _Ibid._, p. 55.
[39] _Ibid._, p. 50.
[40] _Ibid._, pp. 52-53; Bassett, _Slavery and White Servitude in the
Col. of N. C._, p. 79; Ballagh, _White Servitude in the Col. of Va._,
p. 54.
[41] McCormac, _White Servitude in Md._, p. 54.
[42] "Statute after statute was passed regulating the punishment and
providing for the pursuit and recapture of runaways; but although laws
became severer and finally made no distinction in treatment of runaway
servants and slaves, it was impossible to entirely put a stop to the
habit so long as the system itself lasted." _Ibid._, p. 56; Ballagh,
_White Servitude in the Col. of Va._, pp. 52, 57.
[43] _Ibid._, p. 57.
[44] _Ibid._, pp. 57-58; Henning, _Statutes at Large_, II, p. 458.
[45] McCormac, _White Servitude in Md._, pp. 51-52.
[46] Ballagh, _White Servitude in the Col. of Va._, p. 59.
[47] "As a result, (my comma) the idea of the contract and of the
legal personality of the servant was gradually lost sight of in the
disposition to regard him as a chattel and a part of the personal
estate of his master, which might be treated and disposed of very much
in the same way as the rest of the estate. He became thus rated in
inventories of estate, and was disposed of both by will and by deed
along with the rest of the property." Ballagh, _White Servitude in the
Col. of Va._, pp. 43, 44.
[48] Eddis, _Letters from Am._, p. 72.
[49] Example of the advertisement of the arrival of a servantship:
"Just Arrived in the Sophia, Alexander Verdeen, Master, from Dublin,
Twenty stout, healthy Indented Men Servents Whose Indentures will
be disposed of on reasonable Terms, by the Captain on board, or the
subscribers ..., etc." McCormac, _White Servitude in Md._, p. 42.
[50] _Ibid._, pp. 39, 40, 42, 52, 85-89.
[51] Ballagh, _White Servitude in the Col. of Va._, pp. 31, 33, 68;
Ballagh, _Hist. of Slavery in Va._, pp. 39-40; Russell, _The Free
Negro in Va._, pp. 46-47.
THE GRADUAL TRANSITION OF NEGRO SERVITUDE INTO NEGRO SLAVERY
The status of the Negro in British America was at first that of a
servant. He was not held for life, but set at liberty after a term of
service. It was his service, not himself, that was the property or
chattel of another, and his offspring was not subject to servitude.
Again, he had privileges similar to and in some cases identical with
those of the other servants; in many cases the rules which governed
other servants governed him as well. In short, the Negro was not the
"absolute possession" of another.[1] Moreover, it was some years
before he became a slave. Distinctly during this time, his status
went through a gradual process of transition inevitable in the
development of subjection in the colonies.[2]
"Servant" becomes "servant for life" and "perpetual servant" in
colonial laws. The progress of extending the Negro servant's term
is generally observed in the language of the laws of the colonies.
It appears that as the servants went into slavery, "what is
termed perpetual was substituted for limited service, while all
the predetermined incidents of servitude, except such as referred
to ultimate freedom, continued intact." Later the terms "servant
for life," "perpetual servant" and "bond servant" were used
interchangeably with "slave" and the words "servant" and "slave" and
their liabilities were joined in the same enactments.[3] It was some
time before the word "slave" was clearly and definitely used, and the
servant who became slave lost all the earmarks of a servant.[4]
The practice of holding the servant after the expiration of his term
was more characteristic of black servitude than white. As the Negroes
increased in numbers, this practice increased. As white servitude
declined, the assurance of labor waned. The extension of the Negro's
term, then, for a few years longer and eventually to life service
appeared a logical as well as a necessary step for the masters to
take.[5] Moreover, since the public was often led to believe that
when at liberty the Negroes were an uncontrollable and probably
dangerous element of the population, extension of their terms in
servitude gradually gained public approval.[6] Hence, the Negro
servant was held whenever the occasion demanded and the opportunity
presented itself.
In illustrating the gradual transition into slavery through repeated
holding and attempts at holding the Negro servants for life, court
cases of Virginia may be taken as typical. Brass, a Negro, whose
master, a ship captain, had died, was, upon being threatened with
enslavement, assigned by the General Court in 1625 as servant to the
governor of the colony instead of as slave to the company of his late
master's ship.[7] John Punch, who ran away in company with three white
servants, was adjudged by the court, in 1640, to serve his master the
"time of his natural life" while the white servants were given four
additional years to serve. Anthony Johnson, a Negro to whom attention
has already been called, owned a large tract of land on the Eastern
Shore. In 1640 he became involved in a suit for holding John Castor,
another Negro, seven years overtime. It appears that Castor was set
free. Later, however, Johnson brought suit against Robert Parker, a
white man, for harboring Castor as if he were a free man; and the
court decided that Castor return to his master, Johnson, evidently for
service for life. Sometime before 1644, a mulatto boy named Emanuel,
a servant, was sold "as a slave forever" but later was adjudged by
the Assembly "no slave and but to serve as other Christian servants
do." In 1673, a servant, who had been unlawfully detained beyond his
five-year period, won judgment against his master, George Light; the
Negro servant was set free and received his freedom dues from the
master.[8] In 1674 Philip Cowan petitioned the governor for freedom on
the ground that Charles Lucas kept him three years overtime and then
compelled him by threats to sign an indenture for twenty years.[9]
Other indications of holding the Negro servant may be shown. In
Pennsylvania, Negro servants were invariably given a longer term of
service than the white servants and often held after the expiration of
the term;[10] so extensive was the practice of holding these servants
that, in 1682 and 1693, laws were enacted against it.[11] In Georgia
a road to slavery was paved by extending the servants' terms. Negroes
were brought out of North Carolina into Georgia by white servants
who, becoming tired of servitude, had these blacks serve out their
unexpired terms with the Georgia masters. As this worked well the
masters lengthened the term of the Negro servants to life.[12] In
fact, on account of the reciprocal influence of white servitude and
Negro servitude, wherever white servants were taken advantage of and
held longer, Negro servants were subjected to harsher treatment and
longer extension of term.
The mulatto class in the colonies constituted an element through
which transition of Negro servitude into slavery is apparent. As the
mulattoes were looked upon as the result of an "abominable mixture" of
the races and as representing a troublesome element in society, local
laws and colonial statutes were gradually enacted to check and control
them.[13] The statutes first aimed at serving as a deterrent upon the
women, and hence arose the doctrine of _partus sequitur ventrem_,
which imposed the mother's status upon the offspring. However, the
first statute to this effect, the act of 1662 in Virginia, was largely
enacted because of fornication of Englishmen and Negro women.[14]
Statutes enunciating this doctrine were enacted in the other colonies
as follows: Maryland, 1663; Massachusetts, 1698; Connecticut and New
Jersey, 1704; Pennsylvania and New York, 1706; South Carolina, 1712;
Rhode Island, 1728; and North Carolina, 1741.[15] Thus not only Negro
mulattoes, that is, the offspring of white men and Negro women, were
prevented from becoming servants, but those who were already either
freemen or servants were gradually reduced to slavery. To check the
growth of the mulatto class, particularly through the intermixture
and intermarriage of Negro men and white women, a Virginia law in
1691 provided that the woman be fined, or sold into service for
five years, or given five years of added time, and the mulatto be
bound out for thirty years.[16] In Maryland, Pennsylvania, and North
Carolina, similar laws were passed.[17] The mulatto, then, in one case
was reduced from freeman and servant to slave, and in the other case
made a servant for thirty or more years.[18] Thus the debasing of the
status of the mulatto helped the transition to slavery.
Just as the fugitive white servant repeatedly gave occasion, through
incidents growing out of his capture, return, and deterrence, to lower
the status of the servant until it assumed the character of slavery,
so the fugitive Negro servant made his lot harder and influenced the
extension of his term to perpetuity. The Negro servant, unlike either
the Indian or white servant, obviously had little to tempt him to run
away from his master; his physical characteristics made detection
easy, there was no free Negro population to which he could escape, the
unfamiliar country around him held but poor prospects for his making
a livelihood more easily than under his master, and the strangeness
of his situation undoubtedly had much to do with his acceptance of
it. Yet the Negro as a servant did run away. It is very probable
that the practice of running away to the Indians began when he was
a servant.[19] Again, it appears that he ran away not infrequently
in company with white servants. In Virginia, in 1640, John Punch, a
Negro servant, ran away in company with two white servants. The three
were overtaken in Maryland and brought back to Virginia for trial. The
court ordered that the white servants' terms be lengthened four years,
and that Punch, the Negro servant, "shall serve his master or his
assigns for the time of his natural life."[20]
The transition of servitude to slavery, moreover, is distinctly
noticed in the change in the conception of property in the service
of the Negro to that of property in his person.[21] Like that of the
white and Indian servants, the Negro's service through contract,
implied and expressed, was owned by the master. This ownership,
however, consisted of only the right of the master to the service of
the servant. Gradually, as this service necessarily became involved
in wills, estates, taxation, and business transactions, the person of
the servant instead of his service came more and more to be regarded,
both in custom and in law, as property, so that eventually the
servant, himself, was considered personal estate. Thus he was "rated
in inventories of estates, was transferable both _inter vivos_ and by
will, descended to the executors and administrators, and was taxable."
While he was now a "contractual person," he still retained such
incidents of personality as rights of limited protection, personal
freedom, and possession of property.[22] As the service of the servant
became more and more regarded and treated as a form of property, his
personality was completely lost sight of, and his term was extended
to the time of his natural life.[23] Easily, then, the Negro servant
regarded at first a part of the personal estate came at length to be
regarded as a chattel real.
T. R. DAVIS
WALDEN COLLEGE,
NASHVILLE, TENN.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Ante, p. 266.
[2] Local conditions and circumstances dictated and directed the
form of subjection. For this same reason, both servitude and slavery
differed in different sections of the country. Nieboer brings out
the local character of subjection when he holds that slavery does
not exist as formally among fishing and hunting peoples as among
agricultural and that subjection is milder in an open country than in
a closed. Nieboer, _Slavery as an Industrial Institution_, p. 55.
[3] Ballagh, _Hist. of Slavery in Va._, p. 37.
[4] It is not meant that all Negroes became servants and then slaves.
Many Negroes became servants and followed the course of servants while
others became slaves and remained slaves. At any period, however,
during his first three-quarter century at least in the colonies, the
most pronounced status of the Negro consisted of a cross-section of a
transition from servitude to slavery.
[5] On the significance of the expiration of the white servant's
term, Bruce has this to say: "Unless the planter had been careful to
make provision against their departure by the importation of other
laborers, he was left in a helpless position without men to reap
his crops or to widen the area of his new grounds.... Perhaps in a
majority of cases, his object was to obtain laborers whom he might
substitute for those whose term were on the point of expiring. It was
this constantly recurring necessity which must have been the source
of much anxiety and annoyance as well as heavy pecuniary outlay, that
led the planters to prefer youths to adults among the imported English
agricultural servants, for while their physical strength might have
been less, yet the periods for which they were bound extended over a
longer time." Bruce, _Econ. Hist. of Va._, II, pp. 58-59.
[6] Ballagh, _Hist, of Slavery in Va._, pp. 37-38. "Negro servants
were sometimes compelled by threats and browbeating to sign indentures
for longer terms after they had served out their original terms."
(Russell, _The Free Negro in Va._, p. 33.) Indian servants, too, were
held and reduced to slaves whenever possible. Lauber, _Indian Slavery
in Colonial Times_, pp. 196-201.
[7] Ballagh, _Hist, of Slavery in Va._, pp. 29, 30, 31.
[8] Russell, _The Free Negro in Va._, pp. 32, 31, 32, 33, 34, 38-39.
[9] "Petition of a negro for redress To the Rt. Hon'ble Sir William
Berkeley, Knt., Goverr and Cap. Genl of Virga, with the Hon. Councell
of State. The Petiti'on of Phillip Corven, a negro, in all humility
showeth: That yor petr being a servant to Mrs. Annye Beazley, late of
James, City County, widow, deed. The said Mrs. Beazley made her last
will and testament in writing, under her hand and seal, bearing date
of April, An Dom. 1664, ... that yor petr by the then name of negro
boy Philip, should serve her cousin, ... the terme of eight yeares ...
and then should enjoy his freedom and be paid three barrels of corne
and a sute of clothes." Cowen was sold, it appears, to Lucas who kept
him and forced him to sign the long indenture. Palmer, _Calendar of
State Papers_, I, p. 10.
Russell corrects "Corven" to "Cowan," _The Free Negro in Va._, p. 34.
[10] "This practice of holding negroes for a longer term than white
persons, which lasted for a longer time than had originally been
contemplated, since it was allowed to apply to negroes brought into
Pennsylvania from other states, bade fair to perpetuate itself and
last longer still." Turner, _The Negro in Penn._, pp. 93, 95, 99-100.
[11] _Ibid._, 95.
[12] Stevens, _Hist. of Ga._, I, p. 306.
[13] Henning, _Statutes at Large_, pp. 145, 146, 252, 433, 551, 552;
_Ibid._, II, 115; _Ibid._, III, 87, 453; Ballagh, _Hist. of Slavery
in Va._, p. 57; Turner, _The Negro in Penn._, pp. 112-113; McCormac,
_White Servitude in Md._, pp. 67-70.
[14] Ballagh, _Hist. of Slavery in Va._, p. 57; McCormac, _White
Servitude in Md._, p. 67.
[15] Ballagh, _Hist. of Slavery in Va._, p. 39.
[16] _Ibid._, pp. 57-58.
[17] Stroud, _Laws Relating to Slavery_, pp. 8-9; Turner, _The Negro
in Penn._, pp. 24-25, 92; Moore, _Notes on the Hist. of Slavery in
Mass._, p. 54.
[18] The transition is exhibited in another case still more
completely. "This position rendered them especially eligible for gross
purposes, both in their intimate contact with the negroes and in their
relations to their employers. The law had unwittingly set a premium
upon immorality, as the female mulatto not only added an additional
term to her period of service, but her offspring was by a law of 1723
in its turn forced to serve the master until the age of thirty-one
years. Such mulatto servants, then, were scarcely better off as to
prospective freedom than the negro slave. Custom tended to reduce them
to a state of slavery. About the middle of the eighteenth century
(circa 1765) the practice arose of actually disposing of their persons
by sale, both in the colony and without, as slaves. So flagrant was
the practice that further legislation was demanded to check the
illegal proceeding by appropriate penalties. It would appear that
the offenders were those who were entitled to the mulattoes only as
servants, but used the power of intimidation or deceit, which could be
easily practiced in the case of minor bastards born in their service."
Ballagh, _Hist. of Slavery in Va._, pp. 59-60.
[19] From the very first, the Indians and Negroes as servants came
in contact. Also, there seems to have been a "common bond of union"
between Indians and Negroes. Again the colony laws concerning runaway
servants generally took care of the Negro and Indian servants in the
same act. Russell, _The Free Negro in Va._, pp. 128-129; Lauber,
_Indian Slavery in Colonial Times_, pp. 218, 220-221.
[20] Russell, _The Free Negro in Va._, pp. 29-30.
[21] "With the change of the status of servitude to the status of
slavery, certain of the attributes of the former condition were
continued and connected with the latter chief of these, and the
fundamental idea on which the change was effected, was the conception
of property right which, from the idea of the ownership of an
individual's service resting upon contract implied or expressed, came
to be that of ownership of an individual's person." Lauber, _Indian
Slavery in Colonial Times_, p. 215.
[22] Ballagh, _Hist. of Slavery in Va._, pp. 39-40.
[23] Lauber, _Indian Slavery in Colonial Times_, pp. 226, 227, 230;
Turner, _The Negro in Penn._, p. 25. "With the loss of the ultimate
right to freedom, the contractual element and the incidents essential
to it were swept away, and as the idea of personality was obscured,
the conception of property gained force, so that it became an easy
matter to add incidents more strictly defining the property right and
insuring its protection."
THREE ELEMENTS OF AFRICAN CULTURE
The passion for self expression is one of the most potent factors
in social development. No problem of social philosophy yields to a
satisfactory solution where the passion for expression is not regarded
as a requisite factor. This principle is operative in the life of
the individual, the race, and the nation. All human achievements
are directly traceable to some inward urge, and evolution, as a
theory, is but the universalization of this principle. Civilization,
whether in its more perfected stages or whether in its manifestations
that are crude and rudimentary, is essentially a measure of human
expression. The inward urge that drives mankind onward has a
variety of manifestations and the difference in the number of
these manifestations is the measure of differences between various
civilizations, and between civilization and barbarism or savagery.
The impulse that moves the saintly worshipper in St. Peter's to kiss
the rosary as he kneels low-bowed and earnest before the high altar
is the same that moves the aborigine in Zululand to dance in frenzied
ecstacies around his devil-bush. That there are various degrees of
self-expression, with a maximum in this nation and age, and a minimum
in that, is a fact that is as undeniable as it is obvious; but that
there are impulses of cultural possibilities which are lavished upon
some races while totally withheld from others is a thesis which finds
no sanction in history or archaeology.
Archaeology is the guiding light in which we grope in our attempt
to explore the life of ancient man. In Europe and in Asia we have
unearthed numerous evidences of prehistoric cultures. There may
have been surprise at the antiquity and variety but certainly not
at the location, for it was highly probable that the present high
civilization of Europe and Asia had risen from the ruins of older
ones; yet it cannot be longer doubted that when archaeology as a
searchlight was turned upon Africa there was occasion of surprise when
that Dark Land yielded evidences of a civilization that antedated the
arrival of the European. It would be just as hard to designate the
African cultures as purely Negro as to designate the European cultures
as purely Teuton. However, a study of African culture promises richer
results when it can be identified with certain Negro tribes or such
Negroid tribes as have a large extraction of Negro blood. The findings
of archaeology have not only a backward look but also a meaning for
the future and especially is this true of African cultures, which not
only throw light upon the past of the black man but may also become
prophetic of his future. It shall be the purpose of this treatise
to analyze the African cultures so as to disclose their essential
elements and to compare these elements with their counterparts in
European cultures.
Once attention had been directed towards Africa, there arose numerous
archaeological expeditions and especially noteworthy were the findings
of those from Germany and England, the two European countries which
had the most ambitious schemes of colonization. In details there is
not always agreement among the various archaeological explorers; but,
in the main, there is a unanimity that is marvelous and especially is
this true when there is evidenced such keen rivalry that is at bottom
doubtless economic.
What are the essential elements of civilization? What are the cultural
manifestations which constitute the _sine qua non_ of human progress?
What is the "irreducible minimum" of civilization? A studied answer
must include ethics, art and government, for without any one of these
no social order can claim for itself an approach to civilization. The
cultures of nations and races must be expressive of these cardinal
elements of social expression. In investigating African cultures and
their essential elements it is deemed best to dwell at greatest length
on the positive aspects of these cultural manifestations. To attempt
a negative exposition of the primitive cultures of any people will not
reveal any worthwhile criterion of its worth especially when the scope
of investigation is limited to three essential elements of culture.
If ethics, art and government constitute the irreducible minimum of
civilization which is manifested in certain cultural aspects, it is
clear at the outset that specialization in ethics, art and government
is the measure of a people's advancement.
I. ETHICS
Of the African peoples let us consider first their ethics. It can
hardly be doubted that it was an important step in man's upward
journey when he reached what anthropologists have called "the dawn
of mind" but it was no less momentous an event when there was within
him the dawn of morality. Morality is the highest defensive weapon
which mankind can wield. So important has it become in the struggle
for existence that, to man, the highest form of greatness is a moral
greatness. That the highest civilizations of history have been
grounded in moral strength has become an historical postulate, but
what of the races and nations that live beyond their pale? Were the
Africans in their crude and primitive surroundings moral beings?
Tillinghast and Beauvais would doubtless answer in the negative.
The former in his _The Negro in Africa and America_ is loud in
his criticism of the ethical standards of the African, in fact he
seriously doubts the advisability of saying that the tribes of Africa
have an awakened moral sense. Frobenius, however, comes forward with
an assertion to the contrary, asserting: "I cannot do otherwise than
say, that these human creatures are the chastest and most ethically
disposed of all the national groups in the world which have become
known to me."[1] In justice to the other "national groups" we may say
that Frobenius here doubtless overdraws the virtues of the Yoruban
tribes, yet his assertions when taken with ever so much reserve would
lead to the conclusion that the Africans have considerable moral
sense. Frobenius leaves no doubt that the Yorubans are a mixed people,
although certain degrees of mixtures of people are found everywhere;
and the fact that they are mixed alone will not vitiate the validity
of Yoruban civilization as a phase of African culture. Roscoe in
writing of the Baganda tribes has been as careful to impress us with
their blackness as Frobenius has been to indicate the Yoruban mixture.
He says: "Sex profligacy is open and thought to be no wrong. They
thought it no moral wrong to indulge the sex desire."[2] Yet Roscoe
further says: "The most stringent care was exercised by the king and
chiefs, but it proved inefficient to keep the sexes apart, while
horrible punishment meted out to the delinquents when caught seemed
to lend zest to the danger incurred."[3] The significant thing in
Roscoe's account is not the open sex profligacy but the "stringent
care exercised by kings and chiefs" and the "horrible punishment meted
out to offenders." After all, there is abundant evidence that even in
Baganda there is some ethical standard.
Roscoe continues: "Theft is not common among the people for they
were deterred from stealing by fear of punishment which was certain
to follow."[4] The very fact that there was fear of punishment is
indicative of some conception of social morality. Fear as a preventive
of crime is not the most commendable incentive to morality, but it
is one that must be employed in all civilizations; for man is first
an animal then a moral being. The fear referred to does not prove
that the Baganda has the highest type of morality, but it proves that
they have a type and this is significant for primitive peoples. The
low standard in anything may be prophetic of higher ones which are
approachable only by means of the lower ones as stepping stones. This
is true in art, science and religion. The fact that the Bagandas were
"hospitable and liberal and that real poverty did not exist"[5] shows
the presence of a social consciousness which in many ways evidences a
standard of ethics. According to Roscoe the thief was killed on the
spot, death for adultery was certain;[6] yet he attempts to maintain
his thesis as to their lack of morality in these words: "The moral
ideas of the people are crude, it was not wrongdoing but detection
that they feared; men were restrained from committing crimes through
fear of the power of the gods."[7] It is obvious that "detection" is
to be feared only where there are detectives and these are present
only when they have been called forth in response to some social
demands.
There is still other light to be turned on the ethical status of
the African tribes. Bent, more sympathetic towards the natives of
Mashonaland, delivers himself thus: "Not only has Khama established
his reputation for honesty; but he is supposed to have inoculated his
people with the same virtue. I must say that I looked forward with
great interest to seeing a man with so wide a reputation for integrity
and enlightenment as Khama in South Africa. Somehow one's spirit of
skepticism is on the alert on such occasions and especially when a
Negro is the case in point; and I candidly admit that I advanced
towards Palapwe fully prepared to find Ba Mangwato a rascal and
hypocrite and I left his capital after a week's stay there one of his
fervent admirers."[8] But Dent adds: "Doubtless on the traversed roads
and large centers where they are brought into contact with traders
and would-be civilizers of the race, these people become thieves and
vagabonds, but in their primitive state the Makalangas are naturally
honest, exceedingly courteous in manner."[9]
It is plain to the impartial critic that judged by our ethical
standards the peoples commended above would fall far short; but this
is no less true with the earliest civilization of historic times.
Standards not only vary from age to age but from people to people.
In arguing to support the thesis that in Africa the lowliest tribes
had some ethical standard, it is not necessary to prove that these
standards compare favorably or unfavorably with those of modern times.
Such is beside the question and with the testimony of the English
and German archaeologists before us we are safe in saying that the
African tribes had an ethical standard and thus the potentials of a
civilization based upon morality. Neither can it be proved that the
ethical standards of the tribes of Baganda, Mashonaland and Yoruba
are without worth because they differ in so many particulars from our
own. Later we shall attempt to show just why there is such disparity
between their ethics and ours. Furthermore, it is not necessary to
prove that ethical contacts with Europeans affords no basis for the
tribesmen but it is reasonable to suppose that the ethics of the
African tribes had possibilities the same as the earliest nations of
Europe and Asia; and if contacts with Europeans be argued against the
proposition that the Africans evolved an ethical standard, the same
argument may be used to bedim the glory of our own civilization.
We, therefore, contend that whatever possibilities lie with the people
who can evolve an ethical standard surely must lie with the African.
It is true that the happy faculty of coordinating ethics with ideals
has made nations great and civilizations splendid, and that such
faculty evidenced itself in the long-dark continent of Africa. The
principle of evolution is just as operative in the world of ethics
as in the world of physical sciences. Ethics must grow and outgrown
ethics is ethics notwithstanding. The most rabid critic does not deny
to Africa ethical origins, but such authorities as Tillinghast and
Beauvais would deny their practical worth. These men criticize the
standard rather than deny that there are ethical manifestations of
culture. Ellwood in his Sociology and Social Problems contends that
the regulation of sex relations has been the greatest achievement of
man. Granting the truth of this statement, we have evidences that the
African made desperate efforts to regulate sex relations both by a
kind of public opinion and by punishment; for Roscoe says: "It was
looked upon as a great disgrace to a family if a girl was with child
prior to marriage."[10] We are certain that there was "marriage" and
this itself is an indication that an attempt had been made to regulate
the all-important matter of sex. Roscoe further held that "the
marriage vow was binding."[11] Both those writers who commended the
ethics of the Africans and those who belittled their standard, then,
are essentially agreed to the fact of their ethics. Although there
were wide variations in the standards of different tribes, we are
abundantly justified in assuming that the ethics of the Africans was
as susceptible to improvement as our own. The more advanced standards
were prophetic of still more advanced ones.
II. ART
What a man admires is an infallible index to his innermost soul.
Whether in the adornment of some temple or the crude markings upon
primitive pottery, man is ever striving to express himself in his
labors. Strange to say that though the passion for self-expression
is dominant in human activities, the art of expression is still in
its infancy. We may divide human artifacts into two classes, namely,
those of utility and those of aestheticism. That the latter has a
form of utility we should in no case deny but as to the utility of
aesthetics we deem it beside the point here to discuss. When we use
the term "art" in this treatise it will have the specific meaning of
the attempt on the part of man to express his emotions; or his attempt
to satisfy the aesthetic cravings in the soul. That there are such
cravings is a fact which is universally conceded. That there are many
evidences of such attempts among all civilized lands none will deny.
That man's attempts at artistic expression is a criterion of his
civilization is an historic fact. There can be no civilization without
its concomitants of aesthetics. Man seeks beauty for beauty's sake,
and he alone of the animals gives evidence of such propensity to a
pronounced degree. In song, upon canvas, and in marble, humanity has
poured forth its innermost soul of sentiments inexpressibly sublime.
There is no passion, no object that has not at some time inflamed the
soul and moved some mortal to the abode of the gods.
What have the explorers in Darkest Africa found to indicate that
the Africans loved the beautiful? What have the Africans to show
as specimens of fine art? The music of Negro peoples has become
proverbial. In so far as song is an expression of aesthetic
propensities the African abundantly qualifies as a lover of art.
Whether the strength of a Wagner or the melody of a Beethoven; whether
the melody of a southern plantation or a concert in Symphony Hall, the
principle of the music is the same. The crude instruments of which
the explorer tells us are mute testimonials of the African's attempts
to express himself in song and music. There were to be found in the
Bagandaland, according to Roscoe, drums for dancing and the "royal"
drum was elaborately decorated, thus showing a combination of sight
and soul appreciation for beauty. He said that the harp and stringed
fife were also found in this same tribe. The pottery found in this
region was glazed and figures painted thereon indicated beyond doubt
artistic design of no mean order. The basketry had various figures
worked through the skillful manipulation of the bark fibres. Roscoe
asserts that polychrome paintings were much in evidence among the
Baganda tribes and their work in ivory corresponded favorably with
the same kind of work found in Europe during the Neolithic Age.
Whether fine art was indigenous is not a pertinent question but
the significant thing is that Roscoe found these tribes actually
giving expression to what seemed to be a well-developed sense of the
beautiful.
When Bent reached the ruined city of Zimbabwe, he found the natives
playing upon one-stringed instruments with gourds as resonators and
he avers that "the sound was plaintive if not sweet."[12] That a mode
of dress is primitive is no proof that it lacks taste and a subtle
refinement. This is amply illustrated by the striking beauty of
Egyptian costumes which now again grace the modern stage. Though four
thousand years have elapsed since Egypt basked in the pristine glory
that was hers, we have many evidences that what was pretty then is not
ugly now. This is no less true of the remnants of those who saw the
sun of glory shine upon Mashonaland. In remarking about their apparel
Roscoe is positive in the assertion that "their dress evidences taste
when not contaminated with a hybrid civilization."[13] Like the
Cretans, they displayed artistic tendencies to the extent the simplest
tool bore evidences of ornamentation. If such tendency in the Cretans
was indicative of the artistic temperament, a similar tendency in the
Africans must be similarly interpreted.
According to Roscoe, definite stages are well defined and can be
definitely traced in their paintings. At first the themes were things
and later they were men and the human body as a design for the artist
is clearly portrayed. There was a "breast and furrow" type of painting
that marked almost every object with which they had to do. The piano
with iron keys was very much like such instruments found in Egypt.
The Jews' harp was found in many quarters. There can be no doubt that
music had its place in the life of the Mashonaland. But music is a
fine art and its value lies largely if not wholly in its appeal to our
aesthetic natures. What can be the meaning of such evidences of love
of music among the African tribes? Can it not be interpreted as their
response to the appeal of the beautiful?
Of the great defensive walls of Zimbabwe Bent says: "The fort is
a marvel with its tortuous and well-guarded approaches; its walls
bristling with monoliths and round towers, its temple decorated with
tall weird-looking birds, its huge decorated bowls. The only parallel
that I have seen were the long avenues of menhirs near Carnac in
Brittany. One cannot fail to recognize the vastness and power of this
ancient race, their greatness of constructive ingenuity and their
strategic skill."[14] Of course, there is evidence that the present
inhabitants of those ruined cities were not the tribes that once ruled
mightily in these regions. Bent himself holds that such high culture
must have come from another people. The very fact that the present
population seems so far below the level of culture that once prevailed
there is the only evidence upon which Bent predicates his argument
that another race than the Negroes were the bearers of this great
culture. However, it is hardly probable that the level of culture
was foreign to the Negroes who lived in the palmy days of Zimbabwe.
There must have been an overlapping of cultures even if we grant
that another race produced the culture of this region. It is hardly
probable that a dominant race would have wholly abdicated in favor of
the natives and it is still less probable that the natives could have
dislodged a race so strongly fortified. It is highly probable that the
same race of people could have produced the peoples who occupied the
level of these two very different cultures. No one supposes that the
inhabitants of Athens today are equal to the Greeks of the days of
Pericles. Yet they are connected with the same great race.
Aside from the ancient walls and temples reputed to be the products
of a genius foreign to the tribes of today, Bent comments favorably
upon the art such as is the product of the modern inhabitant. With
regard to a beautiful bowl he says: "The work displayed in executing
these bowls, the careful rounding of edges, the exact execution of the
circle, the fine pointed tool marks and the subjects they chose to
depict point to a race having been far advanced in artistic skill."
Hunting scenes are numerous and in the processions of men, animals
are often put in to make for relief, sometimes a bird is introduced
for the same effect. It is quite singular that in one of the hunting
scenes the sportsman is a Hottentot. Sculptoring was usually done in
soapstone and the bird upon the post is a subject which is frequently
depicted. The drawings found by Bent in the Mazoe Valley were simple
yet beautifully executed. The magnificent hand-made pottery is
decorated in patterns of red and black which colors are obtained
from hemolite and plumbogo. If we turn with Bent to Mtokoland and
see in the Mtoko's kraal the drawings of the Bushmen, "we can trace
distinctly three different periods of execution. The first is crude
and now faint representation of unknown life; the second is deeper
in color and admirably executed and partly on top of this latter are
animals of the best period of this art in red and yellow. The third is
an inartistic representation of human beings which evidently belongs
to a period of decadence and in the execution of this work the colors
invariably are red, yellow and black."[15]
What significance has this manifestation of art? What coloring does
it give to the cultural development of Africa? It simply means that
the African like other peoples enjoys the finer sentiments that make
life worth living. Among the writers there is as much unanimity on the
question of African art as there is on African ethics. All told, it
goes to show that in the essentials of culture the tribes of Africa
are not entirely wanting and there are many close parallels between
the cultural development in Africa and that in Neolithic Europe. What
difference there is is one of degree and not of kind. While Lady
Lugard's work savored more of politics than of archaeology, it cannot
be doubted that her vote may be cast on the side of those who contend
that the cultural manifestations of the African are pronounced when
their background is considered. Though crude and rudimentary, though
often hidden beneath brutal superstitions, there is always a cultural
norm with brilliant possibilities for social betterment. At best we
can be no more than fundamentally right or fundamentally good, and
this lends color to the claim of the African to real culture.
III. GOVERNMENT
Much has been said about the feeble government which the African sets
up. More has been said of his innate inability in matters of civic
importance. The matter of government is important, for it is doubtful
if there can be any approach to any civilization worthy of the name
without some stable form of government. It is generally conceded that
the democratic form of government is the best developed stage of the
body politic; but this form even at present is far from realization.
While it is a great and inspiring ideal, its presupposition is that
people are capable of self-government and in many cases this is a
supposition that is not based on fact and cannot be corroborated in
practice. If democracy is the highest form, absolute monarchy may be
the lowest form. Yet monarchy is a form of government and despite
the low esteem in which it is held within recent years, it must
be admitted that for ages monarchical government was the guardian
and custodian of civilization. It is more necessary to have some
government than it is to have good government.
Africa is no exception to this rule. Frobenius goes so far as to
say that the government in the Yorubaland was fashioned after a
republic.[16] With superior and subordinate officials the Yorubans
had the semblance of an orderly government. There was the king with
a senate which filled the function of cabinet as well. At the court
were counsellors-at-law and attorneys for the state. Says Frobenius:
"Before the advent of Mohammedanism, forms of civilization of equal
value and significance must have been operative in the Soudan."[17]
"In fact," he continues, "the government was excellent and I was
delighted with the simple administration of the law and official
summary punishment in Makwa."[18] Of the Great Benin tribes Roth says:
"If theft is seldom heard of here, of murder we hear still less.[19]
When the Arabs first visited Negroland by the western route in the
eighth and ninth centuries of our era, they found the black kings
of Ghana in the height of their prosperity. But the black kings of
Ghana had long passed into oblivion when Edris, one of the greatest
kings of Bornu, was making gunpowder for the musketeers of his army
contemporary with Queen Elizabeth."[20]
El Bekri, a Spanish Arab and author of Tarikh-es-Soudan says of Mansa
Musa one of the nobles of Ghana: "He was distinguished by his ability
and holiness of life. The justice of his administration was such that
it still lives."[21] Three hundred years later a Songhay said of him:
"As a pious and equitable prince, he was unequalled for virtue and
uprightness."[22]
The duration of the Soudanese empires, moreover, will bear comparison
with that of others which are better known to fame. Ghana enjoyed an
independent existence of about eleven hundred years--that is, a period
nearly equivalent to the period of existence of the British Empire
from the abolition of the Saxon Heptarchy to the present day. Melle
which succeeded Ghana had a shorter national life of about two hundred
and fifty years. Songhay counted its kings in regular succession from
700 to 1591--a period which almost equals the life of the Roman
Empire from the foundation of the republic before the Christian era to
the downfall of the empire in the second half of the fifth century.
The duration of Bornu was less reputable.
The civilization represented by these empires was no doubt, if judged
by modern standards, exceedingly imperfect. "The principle of freedom,
as we understand it, was probably unknown; authority rested upon force
of arms; industrial life was based upon slavery; social life was
founded on polygamy. Side by side with barbaric splendor there was
primeval simplicity. Luxury for the few took the place of comforts
for the many. Study was devoted to what seems to us unprofitable
ends. Yet the fact that civilization, far in excess of anything which
the nations of northern Europe possessed at the earlier period of
Soudanese history, existed with stability enough to maintain empire
after empire through a known period of about 1500 years in a portion
of the world which mysteriously disappeared in the sixteenth century
from the comity of modern nations."[23]
Bent holds that "three hundred years before the Portuguese came to
this country the natives were ruled over by a chief with the dynastic
name of Nonomapata. From the evidence brought forward we are well
within the range of probability when we say that in various parts
of Africa there has been a very close approach to well-ordered
government dating from ancient days. That these governments are
non-existent today can not be laid to their discredit nor to their
faulty organization. It is a fact that the earth has not produced the
government that could very long defy the ravages of time. A journey
down the wreckstrewn highway of the ages will reveal the dry bones of
a thousand empires and it is not surprising that the humbler states of
Africa can be numbered among them. The fact that there are evidences
of decadent states in tribal Africa has its parallel in various parts
of Europe today."
We have shown that archaeological research has revealed that the
darkness in Africa has not been from time immemorial. We have found
that the "_quod novi ex Africa_" is obsolete in an archaeological
sense. We have brought forward testimony deduced from reliable sources
that Africa is not without an historic past. We have further shown
that in eastern, central and western Africa the natives not only
exhibit now these cultural manifestations, but also there is revealed
abundant evidence of a prehistoric culture that compares favorably
with the earlier cultures of Europe. We are candid enough to admit
that in standard the cultures of Africa are inferior to our own, but
we must also admit that the present high standards in our own ethics,
art and government have not always prevailed and that there is a past
to these standards which is not always assuring.
There is one question that demands an answer before we have concluded.
It is a question that is as reasonable as it is vexatious. Why have
not the nations of Africa kept pace with other mightier countries?
Why is Africa at present suffering political dissection which
would have been impossible had she fully developed the cardinal
elements of ethics, art and government? Why is there no help for her
dismemberment which constitutes the pity of the age? The answer to
these questions is obvious when we shall have considered, first, one
of the fundamental propositions in human psychology. The rise of one
nation may hinder the rise of the other. It is not improbable that an
accentuated civilization in Europe might have retarded civilization
in Africa. We do know that the slave trade had a tremendous effect
on their fortunes. When once a group makes unusual progress and by
its ambition destroys the bridge over which it passed, it cannot
be doubted that its ambitions considerably alter the fortunes of
others at its mercy. Lady Lugard cannot be gainsaid when she asserts
thus with regard to the slave trade: "Through the chaos of these
conflicting interests, the practice of slave-raiding, carried on
alike by the highest and lowest, ran like the poison of a destructive
sore, destroying every possibility of peaceful and prosperous
development."[24]
There may be further asked the question why did not Africa rise as did
the other peoples and make her exploitation impossible. We are forced
to turn from social to natural factors. The geography of Europe is
quite different from that of Africa. When wave after wave of migrants
left the Iranian plains and turned west and east and south, it is
clear that those who turned into Africa had an endless journey before
them ere they had to the margin come. Of great mountain ranges there
were none. On the monotonous plains of Africa the cultural extensions
must have been horizontal. The races that went into Europe were more
quickly stayed in their onward march by the coldness of the north. Not
only this but they were in the midst of a mountainous country where
tribes and peoples could drift into human eddies and there remain
out of the current of human activities for ages. Not only might they
remain aloof from the busy thoroughfare of migrating myriads but
within each eddy there was the possibility of a growth in culture in
its simpler aspects. By and by, the culture of one eddy was crossed
with the culture of other eddies that had developed in other cultural
directions or farther in the same direction. In time there was by
reason of the northern limit of Europe a rebound of the population
and this was also a rebound of cultures. The various crosses and
modification of cultures made it more probable that civilized progress
would be accelerated. The culture of Europe was, by reason of the
physical geography, a heterogeneous culture, while that of Africa was
necessarily homogeneous in view of the geography of that continent.
In support of my contention I refer to Ripley who says: "The
remarkable prehistoric civilization of Italy is due to the union of
cultures, one from Hallstatt region having entered from the west
via the Danube, the other coming from the southeast by sea being
distinctly Mediterranean. From the fusion of these cultures came the
Umbrian and Etruscan civilizations." Ripley further contends that the
ancient high civilization of Mesopotamia was possible because it was
a point of convergence of immigration and invasion. Civilization has
always been accentuated at points where cultures could cross.[25]
There are few or none such points in Africa; hence the retardation
of cultures there. As Lady Lugard said, the slave trade aggravated
the cultural disadvantages which grew out of the physical geography
of Africa, and because of its monotony of environment there has been
little or no cross fertilization of cultures, the indispensable
requisite to cultural development.[26]
GORDON BLAINE HANCOCK
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Frobenius, _The Voice of Africa_, 673.
[2] _Baganda, Their Customs and Beliefs_, 10.
[3] _Ibid._
[4] Roscoe, _Baganda_, 12.
[5] _Ibid._, 120.
[6] _Ibid._, 263.
[7] _Ibid._, 267.
[8] Bent, _Mashonaland_, 22.
[9] _Ibid._, 53.
[10] Roscoe, _The Baganda_, 79.
[11] _Ibid._
[12] Bent, _Ruined Cities of Mashonaland_, 18.
[13] _Ibid._, 37.
[14] Bent, _Ruined Cities of Mashonaland_, 113.
[15] _Ibid._, 292.
[16] Frobenius, _Voice of Africa_, 180.
[17] _Ibid._, 360.
[18] _Ibid._, 388.
[19] Roth, _Great Benin_, 86.
[20] _Ibid._, 82.
[21] Roth, _Great Benin_, 128.
[22] _Ibid._, 129.
[23] _Ibid._, 217.
[24] Lugard, _A Tropical Dependency_.
[25] Ripley, _Races of Europe_.
[26] Lugard, _A Tropical Dependency_.
METHODISM AND THE NEGRO IN THE UNITED STATES
The first converted Negro Methodist was baptized by John Wesley.
November 29, 1758, he wrote in his diary: "I rode to Wandsworth, and
baptized two Negroes belonging to Mr. Gilbert, a gentleman lately
from Antigua. One of these was deeply convinced of sin; the other is
rejoicing in God, her savior, and is the first African Christian I
have known. But shall not God, in his own time, have these heathen
also for his inheritance?"[1] Eight years later (1766) the first
Methodist congregation of five met in the private house of Philip
Embury, in New York. One of that number was Betty, a Negro servant
girl.
In 1816, fifty years after that first service in New York, the
Methodists in the United States numbered 214,235 communicants. Of
these 171,931 were white and 42,304, or nearly one-fourth, were
Negroes. Two interesting facts are, that of these 42,304 Negro
members, 30,000 or nearly three-fourths were in the South, and
gathered principally from the slave population.[2]
These figures indicate the faithfulness of early Methodism to the
Negro, whether bond or free. These words and spirit of Freeborn
Garrettson only illustrate those of Coke, Asbury, and their
associates. Under divine guidance, Garrettson had freed his slaves.
He says: "I often set apart times to preach to the blacks, ... and
precious moments have I had, while many of their sable faces were
bedewed with tears, their withered hands of faith stretched out, and
their precious souls made white in the blood of the Lamb."[3]
In 1786 Asbury organized the first Sunday School in the United States
in the house of David Crenshaw, Maryland.[4] Both Negro and white
youth attended. One of the first converts in that school was a Negro,
John Charleston, who afterwards became a noted preacher.[5] Four years
later the Conference provided for Sunday Schools for white and black
children, with text books and volunteer teachers; and all ministers
were directed to use diligence in gathering the sons and daughters
of Ham into societies, and administer among them full discipline of
the church. In 1800 the ordination of Negroes was authorized. Where
the colored membership was large, and it was desired, especially in
the cities and larger towns, separate services and churches were
provided. The policy of the church, as to the association of the races
in worship, is indicated by the following from the report of the Board
of Missions in South Carolina, in 1832: "As a general rule for our
circuits and stations, we deem it best to include the colored people
in the same pastoral charge with the whites, and to preach to both
classes in one congregation, as our practice has been. The gospel is
the same to all men, and to enjoy its privileges in common promotes
good-will."[6] There were many eminently successful Negro local
preachers, whose services were very acceptable to white congregations.
During these first fifty years all the Negro societies or classes were
under the direct care of white churches and pastors.
At the close of the first half century of Methodism in America what
is known as African Methodism had its beginning. Difficulties arose
as to church seating and pastoral service, and in New York there was
dissatisfaction concerning proposed legislation on church property.
The outcome was a distinct and successful movement in favor of
separate Negro Methodist denominations. At Wilmington, Delaware, in
1813, the Union American Methodist Episcopal Church was organized.
In 1815 the African Methodist Episcopal Church had its beginning in
Philadelphia and five years later the African Methodist Episcopal Zion
Church was organized in New York. The conviction underlying these
separate Negro denominations is, that there is less opportunity for
friction on account of race prejudice, whether among whites or blacks,
and freer and better opportunities for the development of self-help
and racial capabilities.[7]
The organization of African Methodism, independent of white control
or association, in the North, was the most striking event previous
to 1844, when the white Methodist hosts, North and South, were to be
divided. In the South the chief event of interest, outside of faithful
work of itinerants in preaching to the slave population in connection
with regular pastorates, was the successful founding of plantation
missions. Thus far the converts had been chiefly among the more
favored or house-servant class. Beyond these were vast multitudes,
probably four-fifths of the two million slaves of that day, where
intellectual and moral paganism reigned. Philanthropists, both in and
outside of the various churches, saw and recognized the necessity of
some movement beyond the regular church work, to carry the blessings
of Christian civilization into the gloom of this darker Africa in
America. Methodists led in this important work.
The plan adopted was to send missionaries to the plantations, to
be supported by the planters themselves, who were friendly to the
work. Doctor (afterwards Bishop) Capers was the apostle of this
forward movement. The importance of these efforts of this churchman
are attested on a modest stone over the grave of the Bishop, at
Columbia, South Carolina, by these words, "Founder of Missions to the
Slaves." Under his guidance heroic itinerants were found to brave
the dangers of disease and bodily discomfort, and go into the swamps
and plantation cabins on a mission as holy as that which sent Cox to
Africa and Carey to India. Not a few of them died as martyrs, but the
places of those who fell were quickly filled. Volunteers would arise
in the annual conferences and say to the Bishops, "Here are we, send
us." This language is one of a sample of all: "We court no publicity;
we seek no gain; we dread no sickness in going after the souls of
these blacks for whom Christ died. If we may save some of them from
going down to the pit, and succeed in pointing their steps to the
heavenly city, all will be well."[8]
The greatest success was in South Carolina, where, in 1839, at the
end of ten years, seventeen missionaries were employed. There were 97
appointments, embracing 234 plantations and 6,556 church members, to
whom preaching and the sacraments were regularly given. They had also
under regular catechetical instruction 25,025 Negro children.
In 1844, when the division of American Methodism became inevitable,
these plantation missions were in the full tide of success. They were
maintained and rejoiced in by the whole Methodist Episcopal Church.
Their chief support, however, came from Methodists and other friends
in the South. In the year mentioned there were 68 missions in nine
of the Southern States, with 80 missionaries and 22,063 members. In
that year, white southern conferences paid $22,379.25 to this work.
It is estimated that the conferences in the South gave for this cause
$200,000 during fifteen years, up to 1844.[9]
The "Brother in Black," however, brought the republic an irrepressible
conflict, ending in frightful civil war. So, too, it must be said,
that in Methodism, for nearly a century Negro slavery was the occasion
of discussion and legislation, and at last of division, which Calhoun
considered the beginning of the dismemberment of the Union. Methodism
grew with the colonies, and at the close of the American Revolution
had 84 preachers and 15,000 members in its societies. It was the
first organized American church that officially gave its benediction,
through Washington, to the young republic. Its spirit and itinerant
system kept its organizations on the front wave of every movement
of population. Its mission was salvation to rich and poor alike,
regardless of race. Its only test of membership was "a sincere desire
to flee from the wrath to come." Peoples of every station in life,
bond and free, educated and illiterate, rich and poor, political
friends and antagonists, were alike attracted by the impassioned
appeals of her apostolic missionaries. Her form of government brought
into annual and quadrennial conferences all questions of polity or
principle involved in administration. Other churches might relegate
important questions of discipline to individual societies; Methodism
could not. Every important matter must be settled by a majority vote
of representatives of the whole church.
On doctrines there were no divisions. Not so as to questions
relating to African slavery. As to the abstract right and wrong
of that institution, for many years there was but little division
among Methodists. Later some in the South talked of the "divine
institution," and occasionally a Northern man claimed that a Christian
might buy and sell slaves without sin. The legislation of the church,
however, was clear and explicit to this effect: "Slavery is contrary
to the laws of God and man, and wrong and hurtful to society." All
buying and selling of slaves, then, was forbidden.[10] Gradually the
irrepressible conflict began in the church. The Northern section more
and more taught that slavery was wrong, and could in no way be excused
or tolerated by the church of Christ, without partaking of its sin.
The South held that slavery was a civil institution, approved by the
word of God, and that the church was not responsible for its existence
or its abuses. The duty of the church in its relation to slavery was
taught to be loyalty to civil government, as represented by national
and State laws, and to give the gospel as far as possible to both
master and slave.
For more than half a century the largest growth of the church had been
in the Southern States, and Southern views as to slavery modified
legislation in relation to that institution. On the other hand, with
the development of the West and Northwest, the balance of legislative
influence shifted northward until in the historic General Conference
of 1844, Bishop Andrews of Georgia, having become related to slavery
by marriage, was requested by a vote of 111 to 69 "to desist from
the exercise of his episcopal office so long as this impediment
remained."[11] Then followed the inevitable division, and the
organization of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South. Only seventeen
years later the Civil War began and Southern Methodist hosts gave
their sympathies, prayers, votes, money and sons to the Army of Gray;
while Methodists in the North, to quote the words of Lincoln, "sent
more prayers to heaven and soldiers to the field" for the Army in
Blue, than any other Christian church. Thus may people of God of like
faith have diverse consciences and differ, first, in sentiment and
policies, then in conviction and duty, and at last prayerfully face
each other at the cannon's mouth in deadly combat.
The years from 1844 to 1846 were indeed momentous in the history of
the American Methodism in its relation to the Negro. That little
company of five in New York in seventy-eight years had in 1845 come to
be a multitude of 1,139,583 communicants, whose presence and spiritual
energy were felt in every community of the republic, North, South,
East and West. Of that membership, 150,120 were Negroes, chiefly
in the South, and mostly gathered from among the slave population.
But now there was to be division, the North to be more and more
anti-slavery and the South to be more and more pro-slavery.
Then followed three Methodist divisions as related to the Negro:
First, the African organizations already mentioned, with their chief
strength in the Eastern States; and second, the Methodist Episcopal
Church, South, with a total membership of 447,961 in 1846. Of these
118,904 were Negro slaves with few exceptions. This church occupied
all the territory of the Southern States exclusively, except along the
border. Methodists in Maryland, Virginia, Delaware and the District
of Columbia, including the Baltimore and part of the Philadelphia
Annual Conferences, and also many members along the border farther
west, did not join in the Southern movement. In the third place, then,
there remained in the Methodist Episcopal Church still (1846) a total
membership of 644,558. Of these 30,516 were Negroes, of whom about
20,000 were slaves.
The following twenty years were crowded with far-reaching events in
church and state, as affecting the Negro. Each of the three divisions
of Methodism had its place according to its convictions during that
twenty years of agitation and war. The distinctly Negro organizations
in the North, while having slaves in their own communions, were, of
course, anti-slavery in principle, and sought in every way to advance
the cause of abolitionism. Outside of Maryland and Delaware they
had no churches in the South, except one in New Orleans and one in
Louisville. A church organized in Charleston was driven out, after an
attempted Negro insurrection. Permission was given by the mayor of St.
Louis to one of its ministers to preach in that city, but the permit
was afterwards recalled on learning the sentiments of his church.[12]
During this period of twenty years the Methodist Episcopal Church had
wonderful growth throughout the North and West in membership, church
buildings, publishing interests, educational institutions, and in
social and moral power. Her entire membership rose from 644,294 to
1,032,184. Her Negro membership, however, steadily declined. In 1846
it numbered, as we have seen, 30,516, while in 1865 at the close of
the Civil War there were only 18,139. Shut away from the large Negro
populations of the South, and confronted with aggressive African
Methodism among the smaller Negro population in the North calling
for separation from the whites in ecclesiastical organization and
government, the field of operation of the Methodist Episcopal Church
was necessarily proscribed among Africa's sons and daughters. She was,
however, faithful to her trust and retained her Negro membership in
church and conference relations, and, as the years went by, became
more and more permeated with sentiments of antagonism to slavery, both
as related to the church and the nation.
To this branch of Methodism, moreover, belongs the honor of
establishing the first Methodist institution of higher learning
for the education of colored people. In 1855 the Cincinnati Annual
Conference appointed the Rev. John F. Wright as agent "to take
incipient steps for a college for colored people." In two years
Wilberforce University, near Xenia, Ohio, was established, with
fifty-two acres of land and large and commodious buildings. The next
year the Visiting Committee of the Conference reported the school in a
flourishing condition, and said: "The examinations showed conclusively
that the minds of the present class of students are capable of a very
high degree of cultivation." Under the presidency of Rev. R. S. Rust
the school was successful until financial embarrassment compelled
suspension in 1863. One reason given was the War, and the consequent
difficulty of obtaining funds from the South. From the beginning, the
friendly co-operation of the African Methodist Episcopal Church was
encouraged and received. Fortunately the leaders of that denomination
were able to assume the indebtedness which was a nominal sum as
compared with the value of the property. The lands and buildings
were transferred with the good wishes and prayers of the Methodist
Episcopal Church, ministry, and people, and Wilberforce University
became, and continues to be, the chief educational center of African
Methodism in the United States.[13]
Freed from all embarrassments from connectional relations with
abolition sentiment the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, prospered
in its way. Her territory was rapidly extending westward and
southwestward, population and wealth were increasing, and slavery
being embedded in the national and state constitutions, pro-slavery
sentiment prevailed without question. Her total membership from
1846 to 1861 advanced from 449,654 to 703,295. This was, in fifteen
years, an increase of 162,749. Dividing this increase by races, we
find that among white people the growth was from 330,710 in 1846 to
493,459 in 1861, being an increase of 162,749. During the same period
the Negro membership went from 118,904 to 209,836, being an increase
of 90,932. Efforts to increase the slave membership in connection
with the regular charges were continued with encouraging results,
and the plantation mission work among the slaves was prosecuted
with gratifying success. The largest figures were reached in 1861,
when there were 329 Negro missions throughout the South, with 327
missionaries and 66,559 members. It is estimated that the Methodist
Episcopal Church, South, from 1844 to 1864, when freedom came,
expended $1,800,000 in plantation work among the slaves.[14]
The sudden emancipation of almost 4,000,000 Negro slaves meant new and
tremendous responsibilities for the loyal and philanthropic people of
the Northern States. The churches and benevolent organizations of the
South had all shared largely in the demoralization caused by the Civil
War, and were without financial resources. Neither was it reasonable
to expect that the Southern people would do for free Negroes what they
had done for them when slaves, much less enter upon the absolutely
necessary missionary movement, to prepare the newly enfranchised for
the responsibilities incident to freedom.
For more than half a century, outside of what the general and State
governments have done or attempted to do, the tide of philanthropic
and Christian aid for the Negro has gone Southward, and will continue
as long as needed. How many million dollars have been expended by
churches, educational boards and individual philanthropists has not
been computed. Neither has anyone attempted to measure the results
of the work of the many consecrated men and women, who have given
and are still giving their lives for the uplift of the Negro race
since emancipation. The results are manifest. Already the advance of
this people since freedom in morality, intellectual development and
economic success has no parallel, in the same time, in the history of
any other race.
The Methodist Episcopal Church and the two large branches of African
Methodism were in the fore-front of this movement from the beginning.
The African Methodist Episcopal Church had at first its chief increase
in the South along the Atlantic Coast, especially in South Carolina
and Florida. Bishop Arnett, the statistician of that denomination,
estimates that 75,000 of the Negro membership of the Methodist
Episcopal Church, South, transferred their church relations to that
denomination. The African Zion Church as a factor in the South had its
beginning in North Carolina and Alabama. It is estimated that at least
25,000 of the Southern Negro members united with this branch. Both of
these sections of African Methodism have continued to prosecute their
work of evangelization and education throughout the South, as well as
the North, and continue powerful factors in the evangelistic forces of
American Methodism as related to the Negro. In 1921-22 the membership
of the African Methodist Episcopal Church was 550,776; and that of the
African M. E. Zion Church was 412,328.[15]
The policy of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, toward the Negro
Freedmen took definite form in 1866. At the General Conference held
that year at New Orleans, provision was made for the organization
of its remaining Negro membership into "separate congregations and
districts, and annual conferences." If the colored people should
desire, and two or more Negro annual conferences be formed, a separate
ecclesiastical autonomy would be granted. The reasons for the
organization of this new separate Negro Methodism are given in its
Book of Discipline over the signature of its first four Bishops. They
say that the Southern Methodist Conference "found that, by revolution
and the fortunes of war, a change had taken place in our political and
social relations, which made it necessary that a like change should
also be made in our ecclesiastical relations." The result was that, in
1871, the Colored Methodist Episcopal Church of America was organized
to be composed exclusively of Negroes, and officered entirely by
members of this race. Here we have the beginning of a third large
section of African Methodism. The new organization started with 80,000
members made up of nearly all who still remained in the Methodist
Episcopal Church, South.
It would be very interesting to speculate as to the probable results,
could the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, have continued its work
among the Freedmen, which it had for years carried forward with such
excellent results among the slaves. But it is no part of this paper to
criticize or philosophize. This branch of Methodism, second in numbers
and influence in the nation, with all but 30,000 of its members in
the South, now has 2,239,151 members, a few of whom are Negroes.
Commencing with 1883, the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, took
definite and forward steps for the education of the Negro. A Board
of Trustees was appointed in co-operation with the Colored Methodist
Episcopal Church. In 1884, Paine Institute was founded at Augusta,
Georgia, and contributions of over $90,000 have been contributed to
that school. Lane College, Jackson, Tennessee, has also been aided.
The Colored Methodist Episcopal Church has seven schools with an
enrollment of 2,509 and an annual income of $113,830. Fifty-seven
students of theology are taught in two schools and college courses are
offered in several of their institutions.
We have yet to speak of the work of the Methodist Episcopal Church.
When freedom came, as we have seen, this church had (1864) 18,139
Negro members principally in Maryland, Delaware and adjacent
territory. The Negro membership in this branch of Methodism now (1923)
in the United States is 385,444.
As the way opened during and following the Civil War to reach the
masses of the South both white and Negro, the Methodist Episcopal
Church extended its work of reorganization southward among both
races. Her Bishops and other church officials organized missions and
conferences and opened up schools. Each benevolent society of the
church aided financially. The support of pastors was supplemented
by the Missionary Society; the Board of Church Extension aided in
building houses of worship; the Sunday School Union and Tract Society
gave their co-operation, and the Freedmen's Aid and the Southern
Educational Society, now the Board of Education for Negroes, and the
Woman's Home Missionary Society developed the educational work. In
1864, the Negro work in Maryland, Delaware and adjacent territories
was organized into the Washington and Delaware Annual Conferences.
In the other border States where the Negro membership was small,
the preachers with their congregations were admitted into white
conferences. With unwavering and magnificent purpose for over half a
century, with fraternity and co-operation for all other churches in
the same field, and impelled by a conviction of duty to needy millions
irrespective of race, this branch of Methodism has gone forward with
its work of education and evangelization irrespective of race. The
results have been very remarkable. The white membership has grown on
what was slave territory from 87,804 in 1860 to 475,641 in 1922; while
the Negro membership in the same territory has increased from 18,139
in 1864 to 370,477 in 1922.
Following the wishes of both races the policy of separate conferences,
churches and schools has been carried out in the South. There are
several strong Negro churches in white conferences in the North. The
New Conference elected Dr. W. H. Brooks, one of its Negro pastors, a
delegate to the General Conference in 1920. The Methodist Episcopal
Church has thirty-seven annual conferences in the Southern States
with properties in parsonages, churches, schools of different grades,
hospitals, and the like valued at $63,495,130.00. In 1856 the property
of this church of all kinds in the same territory was less than
$2,000,000. Seventeen of these conferences include the work among
white people, and nineteen, the work among Negroes; and each group of
conferences covers the Southern States from Delaware to Texas.
The twenty annual conferences in the South among Negroes have
properties in parsonages and churches valued at $19,767,430. There
are also thirty-two Negro institutions of learning in these twenty
conferences with enrollment of 8,868 and lands with buildings and
equipment valued at $6,522,642. The outstanding professional and
collegiate institutions for Negroes are Gammon Theological Seminary,
Atlanta, Meharry Medical College, Nashville, and colleges in several
of the principal cities of the South. The total church properties
named above, in Negro Methodist Conferences of the Methodist
Episcopal Church on former slave territory, is $25,218,230.00. These
conferences raised $1,500,000 during three years from 1870 to 1872 for
general church work at home and in foreign fields outside of pastoral
and other local church expenses.[16]
There is no separation on account of race in annual conferences,
churches or schools in the Methodist Episcopal Church, except as
desired and requested by those interested. As the result of many
petitions and extended discussions the General Conference, which met
in 1876, in Baltimore, passed a law that the annual conferences in the
Southern States which had both Negro and white members could separate,
provided each group voted in favor of it. Under this action with few
exceptions the division was made, where desired. The same law prevails
in reference to churches and schools. The nineteen Negro conferences
have ninety-two delegates in the General Conference, the law-making
body for the whole church. These delegates have representation in all
legislation. One or more Negro ministers or laymen are on each of the
general boards of the church--publication, education, missions--home
and foreign, Epworth League, and the like. Nearly a score of able and
effective Negro men and women are official representatives of the
general church boards in their work among the Negro conferences.
Six Negroes have been elected bishops in the Methodist Episcopal
Church. Four were missionary bishops, with full episcopal authority on
the continent of Africa. Of these Bishop Scott remains and is on the
retired list. In their fields these bishops were not subordinate but
coordinate with general superintendents. Their episcopal work was of
the same type as that of William Taylor, James Thoburn, Oldham, Warne,
and Hartzell, white missionary bishops in Africa and India.
The General Conference in 1920 elected Robert E. Jones and Matthew W.
Clair general superintendents. The former has his episcopal residence
in New Orleans and the latter in Liberia. They preside in turn at the
semiannual conferences of the Board of Bishops and will preside at the
General Conference in 1924.
The great mass of Negro Christians in the United States will continue
to prefer churches made up of their own race. This is natural and
on the whole the best for many reasons. On the other hand, the door
of every church of Christ should be open for all. At present in
twenty-nine white Protestant churches in the United States with a
total membership of over 4,000,000, there are 579,690 Negro members.
Nearly three-fourths of that membership are in the Methodist Episcopal
Church.
The total Negro Methodist Church membership in the United States is
1,756,714. Of that number 1,330,409 are in the African Methodist
Episcopal, the African Methodist Episcopal Zion and the Colored
Methodist Episcopal Churches; 385,444 in the Methodist Episcopal
Church and 41,961 in seven smaller African bodies. If we multiply
the total membership by 2-1/2 we have 4,557,117, which represents,
approximately, the enrolled membership and constituency of Negro
Methodism in the United States.
JOSEPH C. HARTZELL.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] The fact that John Wesley organized a Sunday-school in Savannah,
Ga., in 1736, is recorded on a bronze tablet seen near the entrance of
the Protestant Episcopal Cathedral in Savannah.
[2] _Minutes of the Methodist Conference._
[3] Matlack, _Slavery and Methodism_, 29. Coke's _Journal_, 12, 13-14.
[4] One celebrated Negro, known as "Black Harry," was Bishop Asbury's
travelling companion. When for any reason the Bishop could not fill an
appointment the people were pleased to hear him. Matlack, _Methodism_,
29.
[5] _Minutes of the Methodist Conference, 1832._
[6] _Ibid._
[7] Arnett, _Budget_; Woodson, _History of the Negro Church_, chapter
IV.
[8] Wightman, _Life of William Capers_, 295-296.
[9] _Minutes of the Methodist Conference, 1844._
[10] _Minutes of the Methodist Conference, 1784_; McTyeire, _History
of Methodism_, 28.
[11] _Minutes of the Methodist Conference, 1844._
[12] Tanner, _African Methodism_, 72.
[13] _Special Report of the U. S. Commissioner of Education_, 1871,
pp. 372-373.
[14] _Minutes of the Methodist Conference._
[15] The A. M. E. Church has Wilberforce University, Xenia, Ohio, with
enrollment of 1,070 and an annual income of $145,000. This church
has ten other schools with an enrollment of 4,448, several of which
have college classes. The total annual income of all these schools is
$309,820.00. There are also theological classes at several centers
with total enrollment of 156.
The A. M. E. Z. Church has seven schools with an attendance of 2,128
and an annual income of $43,331.00. The leading school of this church
is Livingstone College in North Carolina, with an attendance of 504
students and an annual income of $13,633.
[16] Gammon Theological Seminary, Atlanta, Ga., has seven professors,
142 students, buildings and equipment $145,000 and an endowment of
$500,000. Meharry Medical College, Nashville, Tenn., ranks A among
medical colleges in the United States, has 43 teachers, 646 students,
$350,000 in grounds and equipment and $560,000 in endowments and has
graduated two thirds or more of the Negro physicians, dentists and
pharmacists in the United States. Eleven colleges under the Board of
Education for Negroes has 248 teachers; an enrollment of 4,326. Only a
small proportion are below the eighth grade in scholarship.
NOTES ON THE SLAVE IN NOUVELLE-FRANCE
The French Canadian historian, François-Xavier Garneau, in his
_Histoire du Canada_, says: "Nous croyons devoir citer ici une
résolution qui honore le gouvernement français: c'est celle qu'il
avait prise de ne pas encourager l'introduction des esclaves en
Canada, cette colonie que Louis XIV préférait à toutes les autres à
cause du caractère belliqueux de ses habitants; cette colonie qu'il
voulait former à l'image de la France, couvrir d'une brave noblesse
et d'une population vraiment nationale, catholique, française sans
mélange de races. En 1688, il fût proposé d'y avoir des nègres pour
faire la culture. Le ministère répondit qu'il craignait qu'ils n'y
périssent par le changement de climat et que le projet ne fût inutile.
Cela anéantit pour ainsi dire une entreprise qui aurait frappé notre
société d'une grande et terrible plaie. Il est vrai que dans le siècle
suivant, on étendit à la Louisiane le code noir des Antilles; il est
vrai qu'il y eut ici des ordonnances sur la servitude: neanmoins
l'esclavage ne régnait point en Canada: à peine y voyait-on quelques
esclaves lors de la conquête. Cet événement en accrut un peu le nombre
un instant; ils disparurent ensuite tout à fait."[1]
In another place speaking of the proposal of Denonville, the Governor,
and De Champigny, the Intendant, at Quebec, in 1688 to introduce
Negro slaves by reason of the scarcity and dearness of domestic and
agricultural labor, and the refusal in 1689 of the minister to permit,
Garneau says: "C'était assez pour faire échouer une entreprise,
qu'aurait greffé sur notre société grande et terrible plaie paralyse
la force d'une portion considerable de l'Union Americaine,
l'esclavage, cette plaie inconnue sous notre ciel du Nord."[2]
This language has been considered by some--rather heedlessly be it
said--to indicate that Garneau thought that Negro slavery did not
exist in French Canada, but a careful examination of his actual words
will show that he denied only the prevalence "l'esclavage ne régnait
point en Canada," not the existence. Slavery was not so widespread
in Canada as to become a curse, "a great and terrible plague,"
"paralyzing energy."
If there were any doubt as to the existence of Negro (and other)
slavery in Canada before the British Conquest, it would be dispelled
by the document printed in the latest Report of the Archivist of
the Province of Quebec.[3] These are Notarial Acts (Actes notariés)
preserved in the Archives at Quebec and are of undoubted authenticity;
they range from September 13, 1737 to August 15, 1795, the first 14
being before the capture of Quebec in 1759, the last 3 after that
event.
The first document is the sale of a Negro[4] called Nicolas by Joseph
de la Tesserie, S. de la Chevrotière, ship-captain, to François
Vederique of Quebec, ship-captain, for 300 livres.[5] The Negro was
about 30 years of age and the Act was passed before midday, September
13, 1757.
The fourth, September 25, 1743, evidences a sale of five Negro
slaves, two men and three women and girls[6] then in the house of "la
dame Cachelièvre," the vendor being Charles Réaume, merchant of l'Isle
Jésus near Montreal, the purchaser Louis Cureux dit Saint-Germain, for
3000 livres.
The seventh, January 27, 1748, is the sale of a Negro[7] slave called
Robert, 26 to 27 years of age, by Damelle Marie-Anne Guérin, widow
of Nicolas Jacquin Philibert, merchant of Quebec, to Pierre Gautier,
sieur de la Veranderie, for 400 livres in cash or bills payable by the
Treasurer of the Navy having currency in the country as money--the
Negro to be delivered on the first demand "avec seulement les hardes
qu'il se trouvera avoir lors de la livraison et trois chemises."[8]
The eighth, June 6, 1749, evidences the sale by Amable-Jean-Joseph
Came, Esquire, sieur de St. Aigne, officer in the troops in Quebec
(a detachment from the troops of L'Isle Royale), to Claude Pécaudy,
Esquire, sieur de Contrecoeur, Captain of the troops (a detachment of
the Navy) in garrison at Montreal, of a Negro woman, Louison, about 17
years old, for 1000 livres.
The tenth, May 26, 1751, gives us the sale by Jacques Damien of Quebec
to Louis Dunière, Jr., of a Negro, Jean Monsaige "pour le servir en
qualité d'esclave," for 500 livres. But as "le dit nègre paraissant
absent du jour d'hier soir, pour par le dit ... Denière disposer du
dit nègre comme chose à luy appartenant le prenant le dit ... Dunière
sur ses risques, périls et fortune, sans que le dit ... Dunière puisse
tenir à aucune" and it is expressly provided "le dit ... Damiens sic
cède, quitte et transporte au dit ... Dunière sans aucune garantie
le dit nègre pour par le dit ... Dunière en disposer ainsy qu'il
avisera." What a tragedy lies underneath these words![9]
The thirteenth, May 4, 1757, is a sale by Estienne Dassier, formerly
Captain in the Navy, then living "en sa maison, rue de Buade,"
Quebec, to Ignace-François Delzenne, merchant-goldsmith, living "en
sa maison, rue de la Montagne," of a Negro, Pierre, about 18 years
of age, whom the purchaser had had in his house since the previous
November. The Negro is sold for 1192 livres, 600 in cash, 592 in a
fortnight, whatever happens to the Negro who is now to be at the risk
of Delzenne, the purchaser. The purchaser as security hypothecates all
his property movable and immovable. He also expresses his knowledge of
and satisfaction with the condition of the Negro.[10] On July 1, 1757,
Dassier acknowledges payment of the 592 livres.
These are all sales of Negros during the French regime; there are two
instances of sales of Mulattoes in this period, but there are five of
the sale of Indian slaves, Panis (fem. Panise).[11]
The second act, September 14, 1737, is the sale by Hugues Jacques
Péan, Seigneur of Livaudière, Chevalier of the Military Order of St.
Louis, Town Major of Quebec, to Joseph Chavigny de la Chevrotière,
captain and proprietor of the ship _Marie-Anne_ then in the roads
of Quebec, of an Indian girl Thérèse of the Renarde Nation, about
thirteen or fourteen, and not baptized.[12] The purchaser had seen
her, admitted her soundness in life and limb (le connait pour être
same et n'être estropiée en aucune façon) and paid 350 livres for
her. The vendor was to keep the "sauvagesse" until the departure of
the purchaser, not later than the end of the coming month, but not to
guarantee against accident, sickness or death, binding himself only to
treat her humanely and as he had been doing.
The third, October 1, 1737, gives the sale by Augustin Bailly, Cadet
in the troops of the marine residing ordinarily at Saint-Michel in
the Parish of Saint-Anne de Varennes, to Joseph de Chavigny de la
Chevrotiètre, Sieur de la Tesserie,[13] Captain in the Navy, of an
Indian (male) of the Patoqua Nation, age not given, bought by Bailly
on the ninth of May preceding from Jean-Baptiste Normandin dit
Beausoleil according to a contract passed before Loyseau, Notary at
Montreal. The price was 350 livres, 250 in money and 100 paid with
two barrels (barriques) of molasses.[14]
The ninth is the sale, September 27, 1749, by Jean-Baptiste Auger,
merchant of Montreal but then in Quebec, to Joseph Chavigny, Sieur
de la Tesserie, of an Indian girl (une panise) of about 22 years of
age named and called Joseph for baptism, price 400 livres, Island
money,[15] which the purchaser promises and agrees to send to be
invested in pepper (?) and coffee for the account and at the risk of
the vendor, Auger, by the first ship leaving Martinique for Canada,
the pepper (?) and coffee to be addressed by the purchaser, de la
Tesserie, to Voyer, a merchant at Quebec for the account of Auger.
De la Tesserie hypothecates all his goods as security. The eleventh,
November 4, 1751, is the sale by Jacques-François Daguille, merchant,
of Montreal but then in Quebec, to Mathieu-Theodoze de Vitre, Captain
in the Navy, of an Indian girl (une panise) about ten or eleven,
called Fanchon but not yet baptized,[16] price 400 livres cash.
The twelfth, September 8, 1753, sale by Marie-Josephe Morisseaux, wife
and agent of Gilles Strouds of Quebec, then at Nontagamion, to Louis
Philippe Boutton, Captain of the Snow,[17] _Picard_, of an Indian girl
(une sauvagesse panise de nation nommée Catiche) of about twenty years
of age, price 700 livres payable on delivery, "with her clothes and
linen as they all are."
The fifth, December 27, 1744, is a contract by Jean-Baptiste Vallée of
Quebec, rue de Sault-au-Matelot, the owner of a Negro, commonly called
Louis Lepage, whom Vallée certifies as belonging to him, and to be
faithful and well-behaved. Vallée hires him to François de Chalet,
Inspector General of the Compagnie des Indes to serve him as a sailor
for the whole remaining term of de Chalet's tenure of the Ports of
Cataraqui (Katarakouye, _i.e._, now Kingston, Ontario) and Niagara (on
the east side of the river). The Negro is to serve as a sailor on the
boats of the ports. Vallée undertakes to send him from Quebec on the
first demand of de Chalet to serve him and his representative in all
legitimate and proper ways, not to depart without written leave, etc.
The amount to be paid to Vallée was 25 livres per month, de Chalet
in addition to furnish the sailor a jug (pot) of brandy and a pound
of tobacco a month, and for his food, two pounds of bread and half a
pound of pork a day.[18]
The sixth act is a petition, April 27, 1747, to the Lieutenant Civil
and Criminal of Quebec by Louis Parent, merchant of Quebec, asking him
to direct Lamorille, Sr., and Jugon who had by judgment, April 25,
1747, been named as arbitrators, for the valuation of a Negro, named
Neptune, part of the estate of the late Sieur de Beauvais, that they
should proceed with their valuation--Chaussegros de Léry to be present
if he wished, but if not, the two to proceed without him. A direction
was given by Boucault to meet at his place the next day at 2 P. M.
and a certificate by Vallet, the bailiff (huissier) to the Superior
Council at Quebec, is filed that he had served Chaussegros de Léry, La
Morille, Sr., and Jugon.
The first instance here recorded of sale of a slave after the Conquest
by the British was November 14, 1778. This, the fourteenth document
copied, evidences a sale by George Hipps, merchant butcher, living in
his house, rue Sainte-Anne in Upper Town, Quebec, to the Honorable
Hector-Theophile Cramahé, Lieutenant-Governor of Quebec, of a mulatto
slave called Isabella or Bell about fifteen years old.[19] She had
been already received in Cramahé's house, and he declared himself
satisfied with her. She had been the property of Captain Thomas
Venture who had sold her at auction to Hipps. The price paid by
Cramahé was £50 Quebec money, equal to 200 Spanish piastres; and Hipps
acknowledged payment in gold and silver. Cramahé undertakes to feed,
lodge, entertain, and treat the slave humanely.
The next, the fifteenth, April 20, 1779, is the sale of the same
mulatto girl, Isabella or Bell, by Cramahé to Peter Napier, Captain
in the Navy, then living at Quebec, with her clothes and linen for 45
livres, Quebec or Halifax money. Napier undertakes to treat the slave
humanely.[20]
The sixteenth, August 15, 1795, is the first written in English, all
the preceding being in French. It is dated August 15, 1795 and is sale
by Mr. Dennis Dayly of Quebec, tavern-keeper, to John Young, Esquire,
of the same place, merchant, of "a certain Negroe boy or lad called
Rubin" for £70 Halifax currency. Dayly had bought the boy from John
Cobham, of Quebec, September 6, 1786.[21]
The last, the seventeenth, is the most pleasant of all to record.
John Young appeared, June 8, 1797, before Charles Stewart and A.
Dumas, Notaries Public, in the former's office with the lad Rubin, and
declared that he bought him from Mr. Dennis Dayly, August 15, 1795.
He, as an encouragement to honesty and assiduity in Rubin, declared
in the presence of the Notary, Charles Stewart, that if Rubin would
faithfully serve him for seven years, he would give him his full
and free liberty, and in the meantime would maintain and clothe him
suitably and give him two and sixpence a month pocket money, but if
he got drunk or absented himself from his service or neglected his
master's business, he would forfeit all right to freedom. This was
explained to Rubin, "who accepted with gratitude the generous offer."
All parties, including the Notaries, signed the act, Rubin Young
by his mark, so that the slave by good conduct and refraining from
drunkenness would achieve his freedom, June 8, 1804.
I have discovered certain Court proceedings copied in the Canadian
Archives at Ottawa,[22] which have not been made public in any way and
which are of great interest in this connection. A short historical
note will enable my readers to understand the proceedings more clearly.
After the Conquest of Canada, 1759-60, for a few years the country
was under military rule. The three Districts of French times, Quebec,
Montreal, and Three Rivers, were retained, each with its Governor or
Lieutenant Governor. To administer justice, the officers of militia
in each Parish, generally speaking, were constituted courts of first
instance with an appeal to a council of the superior officers in the
British Army in the city, this court having also original jurisdiction.
On July 20, 1762, a council sat, as of original jurisdiction, composed
of Lieut. Col. Beckwith, Captains Falconer, Suby, Dunbar and Osbourne,
to hear the plea of a poor Negro called André against a prominent
merchant of Montreal, Gershon Levy. The proceedings, recorded in
French, are somewhat hard to decipher after a hundred and sixty years
have elapsed but well repay the labor of examination.
André asked to be accorded his liberty, claiming that Levy had bought
him of one Best, but that Best had the right to his services for only
four years which had now expired. Levy appeared and claimed that André
could not prove his allegation, but that he (Levy) had bought him from
Best in good faith and without any knowledge of the alleged limitation
of the right to his services. Of course, Best could sell only the
right he had and it became a simple question of fact. The court heard
the parties, ordered André to remain with his alleged master until he
had proved by witnesses or by certificate that he "had been bound to
the said Best for four years only, after the expiry of which time he
was to have his liberty."
The following year, April 20, 1763, the council sat again to hear
the case. Lieut. Col. Beckwith again presided, and Captains Fraser,
Dunbar, Suby and Davius sat with him. The parties were again heard and
witnesses were called by André; but they were "not sufficient"--and
"the Council ordered that the Decree of July 20, last, shall be
executed according to its tenor; and in consequence, that the said
Negro André remain in the possession of the said Levy until he has
produced other evidence or has proved by baptismal extract or the
official certificate of a magistrate of the place where he was
born that he was free at the moment of his birth."[23] Although
these courts continued until the coming into force of purely civil
administration of justice, September 17, 1764, I do not find that
André made another attempt to secure his liberation from the service
of Le Sieur Gershon Levy, negotiant.
I am indebted to my friend, Mr. R. W. McLachlan, F. R. S. C., of
the Archives of the District of Montreal, for a memorandum of the
following sales of which a record exists in Montreal:
1784, December 16, James McGill of Montreal for and in the name of
Thomas Curry of L'Assomption in the Province of Quebec, sold to
Solomon Levy of Montreal, merchant, for £100 Quebec currency, a Negro
man Caesar and a Negro woman, Flora.
1785, February 20, Hugh McAdam of Saratoga sends by his friend John
Brown to James Morrison of Montreal, merchant, "a Negro woman named
Sarah" to sell. "She will not drink and so far as I have seen, she is
honest."[24]
1785, March 9, Morrison sells Sarah to Charles Le Pailleur, Clerk of
the Court of Common Pleas, for £36.
1785, January 11, John Hammond of Saratoga, farmer, sold to Paul
l'Archeveque dit La Promenade, gentleman, a mulatto boy called Dick, 6
years old, for £30 Quebec currency.[25]
1785, April 26, sale by William Ward of Newfane, County of Windham,
State of Vermont, to P. William Campbell in open market at Montreal
of three Negroes, Tobi (aged 26), Sarah (aged 21) and child for $425.
These had been bought with another Negro, Joseph, a year older than
Sarah, from Elijah Cady of Kinderhook, County of Albany, State of New
York, for £250.[26]
1789, June 6, James Morrison who had sold Sarah for McAdam to Charles
Le Pailleur, bought her for himself and sold her to Joseph Anderson
of Montreal, gentleman, for £40.[27] The purchase from Le Pailleur is
evidenced in French; it was for £36.
1790, December 23, Guillaume Labart, Seigneur, living at Terrebonne,
sold to Andrew Todd, merchant of Montreal, a young panis called Jack,
about 14 years of age, for £25.
1792, August 10, "Joshuah Stiles, late of Litsfield in the county of
Birkshire, Massachusetts, at present in Montreal," sold to Daniel
Carberry of Montreal, hair-dresser, a Negro boy named Kitts, aged 15
years, for the sum of one hundred and fifty dollars each of the value
of five shillings Halifax currency.
1793, July 11, Jean Rigot, master hair-dresser, living on Boulevard
St. Antoine, sold a mulatto slave boy, Pierre, aged 16, to Sir Charles
Chaboille, merchant of the Upper Country (_i.e._, Niagara, Detroit,
Michillimackinac), for $200 Spanish, each worth s.5 Halifax currency.
Rigot had raised the boy from infancy (l'ayant élevé de bas age).
1793, July 27, William Byrne, formerly captain in the King's Royal
Regiment of New York, in a letter of May 29, 1793, having promised his
adopted son, Phillip Byrne, on his marriage to Mary Josephine Chêne,
daughter of Charles Chêne of Detroit, to give him a Negro boy, Tanno,
aged 16, and a Negro woman, Rose, aged 28, carried out his promise by
Deed of Gift, July 27, 1793, but he stipulates for "half the young
ones"!!
1795, December 15, François Dumoulin, merchant of the Parish of
Ste. Anne, Island of Montreal, sells to Meyer Michaels, merchant of
Montreal, a mulatto named Prince, aged about 18, for £50.
1796, November 22, John Turner, Sr., merchant, sold to John Brooks,
a Negro man named Joegho, aged 36, for £100, Quebec currency, and a
Negro woman, Rose, aged 25, for £50.
1797, August 25, Thomas Blaney (attorney for Jervis George Turner, a
soldier in the 2d Batt. Royal Canadian Volunteers) and Mary Blaney,
his wife, sold to Thomas John Sullivan, tavernkeeper, a Negro man
named Manuel, aged about 33, for £36.[28]
1781, August 9, sale per inventory of the estate of the late Naethan
Hume, "one pany boy, Patrick, sold to McCormick for £32."
Perhaps this paper may well close with the following:
1781, October 31, a Negro, named York Thomas, a freeman, indentured
himself for three years to Phillip Peter Nassingh, a Lieutenant in
his Majesty's 2d Battalion, New York, for and in consideration,
the said Nassingh to provide the said servant with meat, drink,
washing, lodging, and apparel, both linen and woolens, and all other
necessaries, in sickness and in health, mete and convenient for such a
servant, during the term of three years and at the expiration of the
said term, shall give the said York Thomas, one new suit of apparel,
above his then clothing, and £6 Halifax currency.
WILLIAM RENWICK RIDDELL
OSGOODE HALL,
Toronto, Dec. 23, 1922
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Quoted by the Archivist of Quebec in the work cited (infra) at p.
109, from F. X. Garneau, _Histoire du Canada_, 4th Ed., Vol. II, p.
167. See note 2 for translation.
[2] F. X. Garneau, _Histoire du Canada_, 1st Ed., Vol. II, p. 447.
Andrew Bell, _History of Canada_, Montreal, 1862 (translated from
Garneau's work). Vol. I, p. 440, treats the statement of Garneau
somewhat slightingly. His translation reads: "In 1689, it was proposed
to introduce Negroes to the colony. The French ministry thought
the climate unsuitable for such an immigration and the project was
given up. Thus did Canada happily escape the terrible curse of Negro
Slavery." Bell's note, pp. 440, 441, shows that he understood what the
facts actually were.
The translation of the two passages follows:
"We think we should mention here a determination which is honorable
to the French Government. It is the resolve not to encourage the
introduction of slaves into Canada, the colony which Louis XIV
preferred to all the others by reason of the warlike character of
its inhabitants--the colony which he wished to make in the image of
France, to fill with a brave noblesse and a population truly national,
Catholic, French, without an admixture of foreign races. In 1688, it
was proposed to have Negroes there as farm laborers: the minister
replied that he feared that they would die there by the change of
climate, and that the project would be futile. That, so to speak,
destroyed forever an enterprise which would have struck our society
with a great, and terrible plague. It is true that in the succeeding
century, the _Code Noir_ of the Antilles was extended into Louisiana,
it is true that there were ordinances as to slavery there; but,
nevertheless, slavery did not prevail in Canada. There were scarcely
any slaves at the time of the conquest. That event increased the
number of them a little; they later disappeared entirely."
"That was sufficient to wreck a scheme which would have engrafted
in our society that great and terrible plague which paralyzes the
energies of so considerable a part of the American Union, slavery,
that plague unknown under our northern sky."
It will be seen that Garneau does not say or suggest that slavery was
entirely unknown in French Canada, but only that it did not "reign"
(ne régnait point), _i.e._, was not prevalent; that while there were a
few sporadic cases, the disease was not endemic, and it did not become
a plague.
For the proposal of 1688-9, see my _The Slave in Canada_, pp. 1, 2
and notes (JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY, Vol. V, No. 3, July 1920, and
published separately by The Association for the Study of Negro Life
and History Washington, 1920).
[3] _Rapport de L'Archiviste de la Province de Quebec pour 1921-1922_
... Ls--A. Proulx Imprimeur de Sa Majeste le Roi /1922: large 8 vo.,
pp. 452. This Report is well printed on good paper, with excellent
arrangement and faultless proof reading; both in form and in matter it
is a credit to the able and learned Archivist, M. Pierre-Georges Roy,
Litt.D., F. R. S. Can., and to the Government of Quebec. To anyone
with a knowledge of French, the publications of this Department are of
inestimable value on the early history of that part of Canada.
[4] "Le nommé Nicolas, neigre de nation" was present with vendor and
purchaser before the Notaries, Boisseau and Barolet, in the office of
the latter at Quebec. The Vendor says that he had acquired the Negro
from Sieur de St. Ignace de Vincelotte.
[5] From the official Report of General James Murray, Governor of
Quebec, to the Home Government June 5, 1762, it appears that he
considered the livre worth 2 shillings sterling, about 48 cents.
General Murray's Report will be found in Drs. Shortt and Doughty's
_Documents relating to the Constitutional History of Canada,
1759-1791_, Ottawa, 1918 (2d. Edit.), pp. 47-81. It is, however, quite
clear that the evaluation is too high. The livre was the old French
monetary unit which was displaced by the franc. In the first ordinance
passed by the civil government at Quebec, the ordinance of September
14, 1764, the value of a French crown or six livre piece was fixed
at 6/8, making the livre 13-1/3 pence sterling (about 26 cents). The
Ordinance of March 29, 1777, 17 George 3, c. IX, made the "french
crown or piece of six livres _tournois_" worth 5/6; and the same value
was assigned to it in Upper Canada by the Act (1796) 36 George 3, c.
I, s. 1 (U. C.)--the livre was worth not far from 20 cents of our
present money. This was the livre tournois. The livre of Paris was
also in use until 1667 and was worth a quarter more than the livre
tournois.
[6] "Cinq neigres esclaves dont deux hommes et trois femmes et
filles"--names and ages not given; but the slaves are identified
by the statement that the purchaser had seen them "chez la dame
Cachelièvre." The witnesses were Louis Lambert and Nicolas Bellevue
of Quebec and the Notary was Pinguet. The vendor, Réaume, signed but
the purchaser St. Germain did not, "ayant déclaré ne sçavoir écrire ni
signer."
[7] "Negre esclave"--the spelling vacillates between "neigre,"
"negre," and "nègre." I have not found the first form in French
literature; the word comes from the mediaeval "Niger." See Du Cange,
_sub voc._ The word no doubt had the usual variations; modern French
has only the last form, _i.e._, nègre. My French Canadian friends
cannot help me as to the spelling; but they tell me of a French
Canadian saying "Un plan de negre" meaning "Un plan qui n'a ni queue
ni tête," but this is probably only jealousy.
[8] "With only the clothes he stands in at the time of delivery and
three shirts." "Shirt" has no gender in French.
[9] Dunière receives the right to dispose of the Negro, Jean Monsaige,
as his own property, but Damien does not undertake delivery: The slave
being absent since the previous evening (perhaps like Eliza knowing of
a proposed sale), Dunière takes all the risk of obtaining him without
recourse to anyone in case of failure; and Damien sells him without
any warranty. This and the fifth are the only instances, until the
seventeenth, of a Negro having a family name. The notaries are Barolet
and Panet.
[10] The purchaser undertakes all risks, the price remains payable
in any event. "Laquelle somme demeure acquise au d. s. Dassier par
convention expresse quelque événement qui puisse arriver au d. neigre
d'en cy-devant aux risques et perils du d. s. Delzenne."
[11] As to Panis, Panise, see _The Slave in Canada_, p. 2 and note 4.
The name Pani or Panis, anglicized into Pawnee, was used generally
in Canada as synonymous with "Indian Slave" because the slaves were
usually taken from the Pawnee tribe. It is held by some that the Panis
were a tribe wholly distinct from the tribe known among the English as
Pawnees, _e.g._, Drake's _History of the Indians of North America_.
[12] We are told, Littré, _Dictionnaire de la Langue Française_, 4to,
Paris, 1869, _Sub voc._ Nègre: "Louis XIII se fit une peine extrême de
la loi qui rendait esclaves les nègres de ses colonies; mais quand on
lui eut bien mis dans l'esprit que c'était la voie la plus sûre pour
les convertir, il y consentit." (Montesquieu Esp. des Lois, XV, 4)
"Louis XIII was much troubled concerning the law which made slaves of
the Negroes in his Colonies; but when he had become impressed with the
view that that was the surest way to convert them, he consented to the
law,"--the ever recurring excuse for the violation of natural right.
There was much discussion whether it was lawful to hold a fellow
Christian in slavery; and it was a distinct advantage that a slave
was not baptized. In 1781, the Legislature of the Province of Prince
Edward Island passed an Act, 21 George 3, c. 15, expressly declaring
that baptism of slaves should not exempt them from bondage. The
notaries in the present case were Pinguet and Boisseau and the act was
passed in the latter's office.
[13] The purchaser here is the vendor Joseph de la Tesserie, Sieur de
la Chevrotière, of the first transaction--he is also the purchaser in
No. 9 _post._
[14] The notaries were Pinguet and Boisseau and the act was passed in
the latter's office.
[15] "Argent des Iles," West-Indian currency to be invested in
Martinique. The notaries were Barolet and Panet and the act was passed
in the latter's office.
[16] See note 12 supra: The notaries were Barolet and Panet and the
act was passed in the latter's office.
[17] French "senaut," English "snow," a sort of vessel with two masts.
The notaries were Sanguinet and Du Laurent; the act was passed in the
latter's office.
[18] The notary was Barolet who signed the act as did Vallée, De
Chalet, and two witnesses, Charles Prieur, Perruquier, and Jean
Liquart, merchant.
[19] "L'esclave et mulatre nommée Isabella ou Bell, fille, âgée
d'environ quinze ans, avec les hardes et linges à son usage." She is
to obey her new master and render him faithful service. The price is
expressed as "cinquante livres monnaye du cours actuel de Quebec,
égale à deux cents piastres d'Espagne"--Fifty pounds Quebec currency
equal to two hundred Spanish dollars. The word "livre" was in English
times used for "pound." The pound in Quebec or Halifax currency was in
practice about nine-tenths the value of the pound sterling.
The Ordinance of September 14, 1764, made one British shilling equal
to 1s. 4d. Quebec currency, _i.e._, the Quebec shilling was 3/4 of
an English shilling; the Ordinance of May 15, 1765, confirmed their
valuation, making 18 British half-pence and 36 British farthings one
Quebec shilling, but the Ordinance of March 29, 1777, made the British
shilling only 1/1 and the British crown 5/6.
"The Seville, Mexico and Pillar Dollar" was by the Quebec Ordinance
of December 14, 1764, made equal to 6/ of Quebec currency or 4/6
sterling; the Ordinance of March 29, 1777, equates "the Spanish
Dollar" to 5/ Quebec currency (which was then substantially
nine-tenths the value of sterling), _i.e._, 4/6 sterling; the Upper
Canadian Act of 1796 equated "the Spanish milled dollar" to 5/
Provincial currency or 4/6 sterling.
The notaries in the case were Berthelot Dartigny and A. Panet, Jr.;
the act was passed in Cramahé's house, rue St-Louis.
[20] The same notaries appeared and the act was passed in the same
place.
[21] The notaries are A. Dumas and Charles Stewart; the act was passed
in the latter's office.
[22] See the latest Report of the Archives of Canada.
The Ordinance of General James Murray establishing Military Courts in
Quebec and its vicinity will be found printed in Shortt and Doughty's
_Documents relating to the Constitution of Canada_, pp. 42, 44.
General Gage's Ordinance established them in the District of Montreal
will be found in the publication of the Archives of Canada. _Le Règne
Militaire._
[23] It is to be observed that it was considered that _prima facie_
the Negro was a slave. The same rule was applied in many states (Cobb,
_Law of Negro Slavery_, pp. 253 sqq.), unless the alleged slave had
been in the enjoyment of freedom; but Chief Justice Strange of Nova
Scotia and his successor Salter Sampson Blowers by throwing the onus
upon the master did much toward the abolition of slavery in that
province. See _The Slave in Canada_, pp. 105-108.
[24] I here copy the letter, _verbatim et literatum_, a delightful
literary effort.
SARATOGA 20 Feby 1785.
_Dr Sir_,
I send by John Brown a Negro woman Named Sarah my Right &
Lawful property--which you will Pleas Dispose of with the advis
of your friends.--I have Wrote Mr Thomson on the same subjet--she
has no fault to my knolage She will not Drink and so fare as I
have seen she is honest--many many upertunitys she has had to have
shown her Dishonesty had she been so in Clined ... I am sory to
give you the troble--She cost me sixty five pounds should not Lick
to sell her under.--Should you not be able to get Cash you may
sell her for furrs of any Kind you think will sutt our market and
send them down by the Return sladges; any trobl you my be at shall
Pay for these.
I am Dr. Sir. Your
as hurede frind &c:
HUGH MCADAM
Mr. Morrison
mercht. Montreal.
As to a subsequent disposition of Sarah, see sale of June 6, 1789.
[25] It is possibly the same mulatto boy, Dick, the subject of the
following Bill of Sale:
THUSBERRY octrs 19. 1785.
Know all men By these presents that I William Gillchres in the
County of Rutland and State of Vermount, Yoeman for and in
consideration of twenty pound Law Money to you in hand paid by
Joseph Barrey of Richmond in the County of Cheshier in State
of New Hampshier yeoman whereof I acknoledg the receipt and
barggained and sold one molate Boy six years old naimed Dick
to him the said Joseph Barney and his heirs for ever, to have
and to hold the said molater boy, I said William Gillchres who
for myself and my heirs promise for ever to warrant socure and
defend said promise against the lawful claims or demand of any
person or persons in which I have set my hand, hereunto, and seal
this nineteenth day of October one thousand seven hundred and
eighty-six, in the eleventh year of endipendency.
(Signed) WILLIAM GILLCHRES
Signed, sealed
in the presence of us
(Signed) ELISHA FULLAN
LUCY YEOMANS
On the back of this document were written thus the following words:
Novemer ye 15, 1786
Recevd the contents of
the within bill by me
Joseph Barrey
29 Nover 1786.
Witness) Martin McEvoy
present)
John Carven
Gillchress
Bill of Morlato
Boy nd. Dick Gun
[26] I assume New York Currency, in which case the pound was 20 York
shillings or $2.50.
[27] 1787, January 10, George Brown and Sarah a Negress were married
by Cave--it was probably the same Sarah.
[28] While this was in fact and in law a sale, the transaction was far
more than a mere transfer of property: The Notary John Abraham Gray
has the Notarial Act No. 74 which shows that Manuel, the negro man
voluntarily engaged as servant, to Thomas Sullivan, under the usual
conditions of servitude, for five years, at the end of which term, the
said Manuel, if he should faithfully carry out his said engagement was
to be emancipated and set at liberty according to due form of law,
otherwise he was to remain the property of the said Sullivan.
A Notarial Act now in the possession of the Historical Society,
Chicago, dated at Montreal, August 15, 1731, passed before the Notary
Charles Benoit et St. Désiez, evidences the sale by Louis Chappeau
to Sieur Pierre Guy, merchant, both of Montreal, of an Indian lad of
the Patoka nation, aged about 10 or 12 years, for 200 livres paid in
beaver and other skins. See _Report of Canadian Archives_, 1905, vol.
1, lxix.
It may be of interest to note that on pp. 476, 477 of the same
report is copied a memorial (October 29, 1768) of the inhabitants
and merchants of Louisiana in which they complain, _inter alia_, of
D'Ulloa the Spanish Governor of Louisiana (1766-8) forbidding "the
importation of negroes to the colony under the pretext that this
competition would hurt an English merchant of Jamaica who had sent
a vessel to D'Ulloa to confirm the contract for the importation of
slaves. In creating this monopoly, he had robbed his new subjects of
the means of procuring slaves cheaply...."
DOCUMENTS
BANISHMENT OF THE PEOPLE OF COLOUR FROM CINCINNATI
Prof. T. G. Steward of Wilberforce University directs attention to
the following from _The Friend_ which carries an important document
bearing on the Free Negroes of Ohio:
In the course of the present year, a law of this state has been
brought into view, by the trustees of Cincinnati township,
requiring people of colour to give bond and security not to become
chargeable to the public, and for their good behaviour--also
imposing a fine on those who may employ them. This law was
passed upwards of twenty years ago, and I believe has remained
inoperative, or nearly so, to the present year. In order that the
effects and bearing of the law may be correctly understood, I
subjoin the proclamation or notice by the trustees.
_To the Public_
The undersigned, trustees and overseers of the poor, of the
township of Cincinnati hereby give notice, that the duties
required of them, by the act of the general assembly of Ohio,
entitled _An Act to Regulate Black and Mulatto Persons_, and
the act amendatory thereto, will be rigidly enforced, and all
black and mulatto persons, now residents of said Cincinnati
township, and who emigrated to, and settled within the township of
Cincinnati, without complying with the requisitions of the first
section of the amended act, aforesaid, are informed, that unless
they enter into bonds as the said act directs, within thirty days
from this date, they may expect at the expiration of that time,
the law to be rigidly enforced.
And the undersigned would further insert herein, for the
information of the citizens of Cincinnati township, the third
section of the amendatory act aforesaid, as follows: That if any
person being a resident of this state, shall employ, harbour, or
conceal any such negro or mulatto person aforesaid, contrary to
the provision of the first section of this act, any person so
offending, shall forfeit and pay for such an offence, any sum not
exceeding one hundred dollars, one half to the informer, and the
other half for the use of the poor of the township, in which such
person may reside, to be recovered by action of debt before any
court having competent jurisdiction, and moreover to be liable for
the maintenance and support of such negro or mulatto, provided
he, she, or they shall become unable to support themselves. The
co-operation of the public is expected in carrying these laws into
full effect.
WILLIAM MILLS,
BENJAMIN HOPKINS,
GEORGE LEE,
Trustees of Cincinnati Township.
COMMENT
When this proclamation was issued, there were upwards of 2,000
people of colour, residing in this city, and nearly all obnoxious
to the operations of the law; many of them had resided here for
a considerable time, and were comfortably situated--they became
unsettled and deprived of employment by this act of banishment and
proscription, and much suffering and distress ensued. They deputed
two of their number to select and provide a place for them to
remove to, who procured a tract of land in Canada. In the meantime
some of them commenced making preparations to leave the country,
and as the time was very short which the trustees allowed them,
they had to incur great losses in disposing of their property,
selling for twenty dollars, what cost one hundred dollars. When
the thirty days expired, and it was ascertained all did not, or
could not comply with the requisitions of the trustees, mobs
assailed them at different times, stoning their houses and
destroying their property; in the progress of these disgraceful
transactions one white man was killed and others wounded.
It is thought about five hundred have gone to Canada, many of
these with means exceedingly limited to provide necessaries in
a wilderness country, and encounter the rigours of a northern
winter; one of their agents, a coloured man, informed me of
an instance where twenty-eight persons had set out with a sum
not exceeding twenty-five dollars. I confess my mind has been
impressed with fearful apprehensions that they will greatly suffer
or perish with hunger and cold! Some of them view this act of
banishment with so much horror, they have told me the white people
had better take them out in the commons and shoot them down, than
send them to Canada to perish with hunger and cold!
_The Friend_, Nov. 28, 1829.
FIRST PROTEST AGAINST SLAVERY IN THE UNITED STATES
Prof. Steward invites attention also to the following extract from
_The Friend_ published in Philadelphia April 1831, said to be the
first document against slavery published in this country:
"At a General Court held at Warwick the 16th. of May 1657.
"Whereas there is a common course practiced among Englishmen, to
buy negroes to that end that they may have them for service or as
slaves forever; for the the preventing of such practices among
us, let it be ordered, that no black mankind or white being,
shall be forced by covenant, bond or otherwise, to serve any man
or his assigns longer than ten years, or until they come to be
twenty-four years of age, if they be taken in under fourteen, from
the time of their coming within the liberties of this Colony--at
the end or term of ten years to set them free as the manner is
with the English servants. And that man that will not let them go
free, or shall sell them away elsewhere, to that end they may be
enslaved to others for a longer time, he or they shall forfeit to
the Colony forty pounds."
The court that enacted this law was composed as follows:
John Smith, President; Thomas Olney, General Assistant, from
Providence; Samuel Gorton from Warwick; John Green, General
Recorder; Randal Holden, Treasurer; Hugh Bewett, General Sergeant.
_The Friend_, April, 1831.
A NEGRO PIONEER IN THE WEST
Mr. Monroe N. Work invites attention to the fact that in an issue of
December 23d, 1920, the _Advertiser Journal_ of Kent, Washington, ran
the following story:
"The best and largest yield of wheat ever exhibited," grown in
western Washington. It sounds like a real estate folder. And yet
at the World's Centennial Exposition held in Philadelphia in 1876,
W. O. Bush, son of George Bush, one of the first settlers on Puget
Sound, won the gold premium for wheat he grew on Bush Prairie,
just south of Olympia; to this day the wheat is preserved in the
Smithsonian Institute.
This record of great wheat yield is a part of the history of one
of the families that came to the Northwest and had that quality
that made them successful here. George Bush was the first colored
man to come to this part of the country, the forerunner of the
large number of useful citizens of his race who have followed with
the increasing population. He was born in Pennsylvania in 1814,
and with his wife from Tennessee started west in 1844.
Before coming west with his family, Bush had made a trip to this
country with a number of companions, coming north along the
coast from the Mexican border and suffering from the innumerable
hardships of the trail, hunger and Indians. He must have liked the
prospects, for it was only a short time later that we find him
again headed in this direction in company with a number of other
hardy pioneers.
The character that made him face the privations of immigration
ingratiated him with his companions. There was an unwritten law
in Oregon at that time that no colored people should be allowed
to settle in that territory. When the group of which Bush was a
member approached the Columbia river country and learned of the
rule it was decided that if any one attempted to molest Bush all
of the members of the company would fight to protect him.
The practice in Oregon was to whip the colored man and if he left
after the whipping it was all right and nothing further was done,
but if he did not take advantage of the opportunity to escape he
was whipped again and again until he either left or died.
There is not any record of an attempt being made to molest Bush,
who, with his companions, stayed at the Dalles for several months
and later at Washougal at the mouth of the Cowlitz. The following
year--1845--they came on to Puget Sound and settled at the head of
Budds Inlet at the falls of the DesChutes and founded the town of
New Market, now Tumwater.
Those who made up this party were Michael T. Simmons, James
McAllister, David Kindred, Gabriel Jones and Bush. The latter
decided not to settle right in Tumwater and went back onto the
prairie land about four miles and took up a donation claim of 640
acres. It was on that claim that the prize wheat was grown by his
oldest son thirty-two years later. There on that claim Bush died
in 1863, while the great war for the freedom of his race was being
waged. His widow followed him two years later.
Of their six sons, the state has heard a great deal. The eldest,
W. O. Bush, was born before the couple left Missouri on their
way west, and got the hard training of the pioneer. He took to
farming and that he worked the prairie land where his father
had settled for all it was worth is shown by the crop he took to
Philadelphia. The soil of that section is a black sandy loam on
a gravel base. The soil is not too thick in some parts and has a
tendency to drain, particularly during the hot, dry summer.
Shortly after the formation of the state Bush was elected a member
of the legislature and served two terms during 1890 and 1892. His
record in the law-making body was an honorable one and that he was
highly respected by the people of Thurston county was shown when
they sent him to the Chicago World's Fair in 1893 to look after
the county's agricultural exhibit.
CONCERNING THE ORIGIN OF WILBERFORCE
While at Tuskegee Institute in 1914 Mrs. Emma Castleman Bowles, who
has since died, related this account of the origin of Wilberforce.
This story does not agree with the account given in Bishop D. A.
Payne's _African Methodist Episcopal Church_ (423 ff.). The value
of the document lies mainly in the light which it throws upon the
relations between wealthy slaveholders and their children of slave
women. There must be much truth in the narrative, for Payne's sketch
says that in 1859-60 a majority of the 207 students enrolled "are the
natural children of Southern and Southwestern planters." The _Special
Report of the United States Commissioner of Education_, published in
1871 (372-373), supports this statement. Mrs. Bowles' story follows:
Mrs. Emma Castleman Bowles said her father was Stephen S.
Castleman, a slave holder who lived on the Yazoo River, about 150
miles from Vicksburg. He owned the Ashland plantation. She was
born June 3, 1845. Her mother was a half sister of her father's
wife. When Castleman married, her mother was sent to wait on her
mistress. Castleman lived with both women. Castleman had two
children by his wife and five by his concubine. He hired a white
woman to teach Emma. This woman was paid $500 a year. Mrs. Bowles
said she was not taught anything, not even to read. She spent her
time playing with her half-brother and riding a pony which her
father had bought for her.
In March 1858, Castleman sent his daughter Emma to Cincinnati by
his brother-in-law, her half uncle, O. Leroy Ross. Here, she was
emancipated and acknowledged as Castleman's daughter. Ross then
brought her to Wilberforce and placed her in school.
Tawawa Springs was a summer resort for Southern slave holders. The
Springs were medicinal. The Hotel Tawawa had 350 rooms, extensive
grounds, elaborate water works for fountains, etc. There were
several cottages on either side of the hotel. Slave holders would
bring their families and slaves and live either in the hotel or
in the cottages. A law was passed in Ohio forbidding the bringing
of slaves into the State. Then white help and free Negro servants
were used. The place declined financially and was finally sold for
debt. Several planters banded together bought the place and turned
it into a school for their illegitimate children by Negro women.
Stephen S. Castleman was one of these men. Mrs. Bowles said this
was done about 1856 or 1857.[2]
There were about nine teachers, all Yankees. The first principal
was Rev. M. P. Gaddis. Richard Rust was the first President. The
students, with a few exceptions, were children of slave holders.
Money was deposited in Cincinnati banks for the use of the
children. President Rust was given power to draw on banks as the
children needed money.
The following were named as among the slave owners who brought
their children to the school. A planter named Mosley from Warren,
Miss., brought seven children by three different mothers and freed
them. Senator Hemphill of Virginia brought two daughters and
emancipated them. A planter by the name of Smith brought eight
children from Mississippi with their mother about 1859. He had a
slave man and woman to wait on them. He was arrested and made to
emancipate them. He bought a large tract of land for them. A brick
house he built was later owned by Colonel Charles Young. The woman
had lived with Smith under compulsion, and as soon as she was
emancipated would have nothing more to do with him. Mrs. Bowles
said that she went to school with these children and often visited
the family. She had seen the mother strip herself to the waist and
show how her back had been mutilated to make her submit to her
master's wishes. A man named Piper came and brought 10 children
and their mother. She was jet black. After the war he married her
and settled in Darke County, Ohio.
General T. C. McMackin, a hotel owner of Vicksburg, Mississippi,
was appointed by Castleman as his daughter's guardian. She said
that she got in a fight with another school girl and was put on
bread and water. She wrote her father. He had McMackin come to
Wilberforce and adjust the matter. Her father, and she said the
fathers generally, lavished money on their children. She had a
box that held fifty silver dollars. This her father kept full of
silver dollars for her to buy candy with.
Abolition was preached constantly in the school. She came to hate
slavery. She had seen great cruelties inflicted on her mother and
other slaves. Her mother took up with a slave man. Emma was a
child, sleeping in the room. Many a night her father would come
and curse the slave and compel him to leave the cabin. Then he
would whip him and her mother. Whipping was on bare back from 39
to 300 lashes. Slave stripped naked and hands and feet tied to
stakes driven into the ground. Stocks were also used. The lash and
the stocks were both used on her mother's slave husband. They were
put in the stocks at night and whipped night and morning.
Mrs. Bowles was courted in school by a class-mate, named George
W. Harding, whose father was a large slave holder in Tennessee.
President Rust tried to break it up. He wrote her father.
Castleman wrote his daughter that he did not send her North to
waste her time with a nigger. If she did not stop he would come
and get her, cow hide her and bring her home and put her in the
cotton field. She replied that "if her mother was good enough
for him to sleep with, that a nigger was good enough for her
to marry." She married Harding March 5, 1862. He had received
considerable wealth from his father. When they married he had
$55,000,[3] and later inherited $80,000 from his mother.
The war stopped communications with the South. As soon as the war
closed, Castleman wrote to find out about his daughter and learned
that she was married and the mother of two children. He wrote to
her to come home and leave her niggers. If she didn't she would
not get any of his property. She wrote him that he had beaten her
mother and made her bear five children out of wedlock and that she
would not forsake her husband and her lawfully born children.
FOOTNOTES:
[2] The school began in 1855.
[3] Harding squandered his property and died a pauper. Mrs. Harding
then married another student of Wilberforce, A. J. Bowles.
COMMUNICATIONS
Mr. John W. Cromwell has addressed the Editor the following letter
which may interest persons directing their attention to the record of
the Negro in West Virginia:
_Dear Sir_:
While reading your _Negro Education in West Virginia_ I was
reminded of my acquaintances in that State, and I thought of the
striking contrast between the West Virginia of 1877 and that of
1923.
On invitation of Prof. Brackett, President of Storer College, I
attended a Teachers' Institute and Educational Convention, held at
Harper's Ferry, in 1877. There I first saw a gathering of young
teachers, vigorous and alert, none more chivalric in bearing than
the central figure in the person of John R. Clifford, at that time
Principal of the Grammar School at Martinsburg. To me it was quite
a contrast from dealing with the civil service of the Treasury
Department at Washington on the one hand, and my experience with
the young men there a few years before as I had beheld them in
central Pennsylvania.
The bearing of the men was more than matched by the excellence of
the women. Outstanding at the time was a young woman whom I could
not at first determine whether I should rate her as a young pupil
in one of the classes or one of the faculty. I soon found that
she was a student teacher, also an elocutionist of grace, skill
and power. So impressed was I that Storer College thenceforth was
a regular place of visit during commencement season, and I soon
found myself on its trustee board.
During one of these commencements, Frederick Douglass was booked
to speak on John Brown; but Andrew Hunter, the prosecuting
attorney who convicted John Brown, came to Harper's Ferry, and
declared that Frederick Douglass should not speak in Jefferson
county, where Brown was convicted and hung. He also said: "If
Douglass dares to come here, I'll meet him, denounce him, and
crush him!" Douglass came; so did Hunter. At the proper time,
Douglass was escorted to the rostrum, and without invitation
Hunter followed and took a seat close to Douglass, the master of
American orators, who spoke as I never heard him before; and when
through started to his seat. Hunter interrupted him, arose, and
advanced toward Douglass with outstretched hand and exclaimed:
"Let us shake hands," and while so doing, said: "Were Robert E.
Lee here, he would shake the other," and pausing a few seconds,
with all the power of his nature he said: "Let us go on!" to which
Douglass replied: "IN UNION TOGETHER!" And everybody on the campus
shouted--making the occasion one of dramatic as well as historic
interest.
As editor of _The People's Advocate_, of Washington, D. C, the
incident was sketched in bold and striking outlines for the
country, and was read eagerly. It also forms an incident of one of
the chapters of _The "Life and Times" of Frederick Douglass_.
In 1882, the Knights of Wise Men, with headquarters at Nashville,
Tennessee, held their convention at Atlanta, Georgia. Thither
went such representatives of the day as William J. Simmons, of
Kentucky; Frances L. Cardozo, of Washington, D. C.; Bishop Henry
M. Turner, of Georgia; Richard Gleaves, of South Carolina; John
R. Lynch, of Mississippi; Robert Peel Brooks, of Virginia; Prof.
J. C. Corbin, of Arkansas, and many other distinguished men
interested in the order.
John R. Clifford, of Martinsburg, West Virginia, was one of the
party and a most distinguished orator was he, whose masterly
oration delivered in the State Capital of Georgia, with Governor
Colquitt, and other state officials, was a fitting setting for
the presentation of a beautiful gold-headed cane, with the
convention's and his initials carved on it. Robert Peel Brooks was
chosen by the delegates to present the gift.
The career of Mr. Clifford for twenty years' work as a teacher,
brought him to the forefront, and he was appointed by three
different W. Va. State Superintendents to hold and conduct
Teachers' Institutes. Mr. Clifford holds a life-time teacher's
certificate in honor of this distinguished service. He was the
first colored man in West Virginia to be admitted to the bar in
the early eighties. He became editor of the _Pioneer Press_ in
1882 at Martinsburg, and ran it regularly for thirty-six years,
being honored with the deanship of Negro journalism a short time
before the _Pioneer Press_ ceased to exist.
Mr. Clifford, single-handed and alone, filed charges against
Prof. N. C. Brackett, head of Storer College, killed and wiped
out Brackett's drawn color line, that barred colored people from
going there as had been their privilege. He was the only colored
editor in West Virginia who was a member of the State Editorial
Association for twenty years, and was chosen the last year as its
historian.
While defending a client sometime ago, a United States
Commissioner and Mr. Clifford got into a controversy over some
witnesses he wanted summoned, and it was kept up until the
Commissioner demanded that he stop and go on, or he would put
Clifford in jail. Undaunted he continued and gave the Commissioner
to understand that just as long as he refused to summon the
witnesses, he would contend for it; whereupon the Commissioner
had him put in jail, where he remained for an hour and twenty-two
minutes. Getting out he asked for his client, who had been tried
and jailed. He was brought back. Clifford went his bond, sent
him home, preferred charges against T. T. Lemen, United States
Commissioner, and W. D. Brown, United States Marshal. Clifford
went to the Department of Justice in Washington, D. C. proved his
charges and had both put out of office and his client was set free.
He was appointed, by Senator B. K. Bruce and Frederick Douglass,
Commissioner for the state of West Virginia to the New Orleans
Exposition. He was elected three times President of the National
Independent Political League, was chosen Principal of the Manassas
Industrial School, where he and Frederick Douglass spoke on
the occasion of his inauguration. He resigned because of his
contention for better water.
He was the first man to impanel a colored jury in the state of
West Virginia, and for so doing, was knocked down in the court
room three times with deadly weights, causing the blood to run
down into his shoes. When knocked down the third time, U. S. G.
Pitzer, a Republican (?) prosecuting attorney, sprang on him, but
with apparent superhuman skill and force, Clifford turned him at
a time when there was not a soul in the court room (everybody
having run out) but Pitzer & Clifford, with the latter on top, and
had not Stephen Elam rushed in and pulled Clifford off of Pitzer
and carried him out, death might have been the result,--Elam is
still living. Later Pitzer was nominated for the Legislature, and
Clifford canvassed Berkeley County on his bicycle exhibiting his
bloody shirt (which he still has) and the day before the election
Clifford spoke in the band-stand in the Public Square for an hour
and thirty minutes, waving his bloody shirt and the following day
Pitzer was defeated by 1336 votes.
He is a 33° Mason and a Past Grand Master of W. Va.; member of
the American Negro Academy, and helped to shoot off the shackles
from four million slaves and cement this Union on the bloody
battle fields during the war of the sixties and holds an honorable
discharge in proof of it.
He gives credit to the late Hon. John J. Healy of Chicago, Ill.,
for his early education thru the public schools of Chicago. He
attended and graduated from Storer College 1875, and holds an
honorary diploma from Shaw University.
JOHN W. CROMWELL.
* * * * *
Mr. Monroe N. Work, who has spent some time establishing the official
roster of Negroes who served in State conventions and legislatures,
has turned over for publication the following letters giving the
record of Peter G. Morgan, a prominent citizen of Virginia:
MR. MONROE N. WORK,
Editor _Negro Year Book_,
Tuskegee Institute, Ala.
_My dear Mr. Work_:
I am extremely sorry that many pressing duties have prevented me
from letting you have the information asked for in your letter
under date of September 1st, bearing upon the late Peter George
Morgan of Petersburg, Virginia.
I gathered from the information in possession of his sons, that
he, (Peter G. Morgan) was in his day one of the most prominent
colored men in the city of Petersburg. He was a carpenter by trade
and followed said trade for a number of years. Later he acquired
the knowledge of shoe making and became a first class shoemaker,
which trade he also followed for a number of years before the
Civil War. He was twice sold as a slave, and he purchased himself
at $1,500 and completed the payment on the fourth of July, 1854
at the White Sulphur Springs, his master being part owner of the
Springs at that time. Later on he purchased his wife, paying
$1,500 for her and two small children in 1858, thereby himself
becoming a slave holder. He removed to Petersburg in 1863 and
continued to work at his trade as shoemaker. Meanwhile he made use
of every possible opportunity to increase his knowledge of books,
although he had no opportunity to attend any school. In this way
he became a fairly well educated man, certainly ahead of many at
that time, and at the close of the Civil War was able to train his
own children and the children of his neighbors. He served in the
Constitutional Convention of the State of Virginia in 1867, this
latter date was given me this week by a gentleman in Richmond, who
served as page in the Legislature of Virginia fifty years ago. I
am enclosing a clipping which was passed into my hands a few weeks
ago, which contains some of the names of those who served in this
particular convention.[1]
It has occurred to me that the Rev. Dr. Bragg, of Baltimore,
Maryland also served as page some time, later and perhaps he would
be able to assist me in supplying correct data, provided errors
are made in the dates in this correspondence.
Mr. Morgan served in the Legislature of Virginia two terms,
1869-1871, and 1871-1872.
Now, my dear Mr. Work if additional information is desired,
bearing upon the late Peter George Morgan, please do not hesitate
to command my services, and I shall be very glad to do my best to
assist you.
With kind regards and best wishes, believe me,
Very sincerely yours,
Signed: JAMES S. RUSSELL,
_Principal_.
ST. PAUL NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL SCHOOL
LAWRENCEVILLE, VIRGINIA,
October 23, 1920.
MR. MONROE N. WORK,
Tuskegee Institute,
Alabama.
_My dear Mr. Work_:
Your very kind letter of the 18th instant has been received and
contents carefully noted. I have delayed replying to your letter
that I might secure definite information from the Register of
the General Assembly of Virginia. My letter to you contained
information from the memory of my brother-in-law and another aged
gentleman, with whom I conferred regarding the information you had
asked me to supply. I have just secured first hand information
which contains practically the same information as given in my
letter, still it comes with authority. You will note please the
slight correction to be made in reference to the years he served
in the Legislature of Virginia.
You have my full permission to use the matter in any way you see
fit, making the slight correction in the dates the Hon. Peter G.
Morgan served in the Legislature.
With kind regards and best wishes, believe me,
Sincerely yours,
Signed: JAMES S. RUSSELL,
_Principal_.
COMMONWEALTH OF VIRGINIA
GOVERNOR'S OFFICE
RICHMOND
October 22, 1920.
DR. JAMES S. RUSSELL, Archdeacon,
St. Paul Normal and Industrial School,
Lawrenceville, Virginia.
_My dear Dr. Russell_:
The Register of the General Assembly of Virginia, on p. 409,
carries the information that Peter G. Morgan of Petersburg, was a
member of the Convention of 1867-1868; was a member of the House
of Delegates of Virginia at the session of 1869-70, and in 1870-71.
I hope that this is the information you desire.
Yours very truly,
Signed: LEROY HODGES,
_Aide to the Governor_.
THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO
Captain A. B. Spingarn has supplied the following valuable information
given in these extracts from the laws of the State of New York:
May 10th, 1923.
DR. CARTER G. WOODSON,
Journal of Negro History,
1216 You Street, N. W.,
Washington, D. C.
_My dear Dr. Woodson_:
The following extracts from the Session Laws of the State of New
York for 1826 and 1832 may be of interest. I did not see mention
of the latter one in your invaluable, _The Education of the Negro
Prior to 1861_.
"CHAP. 145 of Laws of 1826.
AN ACT _to provide for the colored Persons who are occupants of
Lots in New Stockbridge_. Passed April 11, 1826.
1. BE _it enacted by the People of the State of New York,
represented in Senate and Assembly_, That it shall and may be
lawful for the commissioners of the land-office to cause letters
patent to be issued to the persons respectively, who have been
reported by the appraisers of lands in New Stockbridge, as colored
persons, for the lots set to their names as occupants, in the same
manner as grants of land are authorized to be made to those who
have been so reported, as white persons persons settled on said
land: _Provided_ ..."
"CHAP. 136 of Laws of 1832.
AN ACT _to constitute the coloured children of Rochester a
separate school_. Passes April 14, 1832.
_The People of the State of New York, represented in Senate and
Assembly, do enact as follows:_
1. The commissioners of common schools of the towns of Gates and
Brighton, in the county of Monroe, or a majority of them, may in
their discretion cause the children of colour of the village of
Rochester to be taught in one or more separate schools.
2. The commissioners of common schools of the towns of Gates and
Brighton, shall discharge the duties of trustees of such school,
and shall apportion thereto a distributive share of the moneys for
the support of common schools."
Very sincerely yours,
ARTHUR B. SPINGARN.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] COPY OF CLIPPING FROM UNDESIGNATED PAPER AS MENTIONED IN ABOVE
LETTER.
The Radical State Convention, which was in session in Richmond on
Thursday, elected the following State Executive Committee, with
Ex-Governor H. H. Wells as chairman: First district--Rufus S. Jones,
Isaac Morton and Robert Norton. Second district--R. S. Greene, Peter
G. Morgan and H. H. Bowden. Third district--Wm. C. Wickham, J. M.
Humphreys and Langdon Boyd. Fourth district--Geo. W. Finney, John
T. Hamletter and Ross Hamilton. Fifth district--Thos. J. Jackson,
Alexander Rives and I. F. Wilson. Sixth district--John F. Lewis, Thos.
H. Hargest and John R. Popham. Eighth district--W. B. Downey, John M.
Thatcher and J. B. Sener. Ninth district--R. W. Hughes, G. G. Goodell
and John W. Woest.
BOOK REVIEWS
_Piney Woods and Its Story._ By LAURENCE C. JONES, Principal of
the Piney Woods Country Life School, with an introduction by S.
S. McClure. (New York and Chicago: Fleming H. Revell Company. Pp.
154. Price $1.50 net.)
This is a story of a Negro brought up and educated in a more favorable
environment than most of the members of his race but, nevertheless,
imbued with the spirit of social uplift of those of his group
unfavorably circumstanced. With this vision he cast his lot in
Mississippi, where he toiled against odds in the establishment and
development of a school which is today an important factor in the
progress of the Negroes of Mississippi.
This volume had a forerunner in a shorter story _Up Through
Difficulties_. As the influence of the school extended, however, and a
larger number of friends became interested in his efforts, there arose
such a demand for a brief statement of the history of this institution
that it was necessary to meet this with a publication in this handy
form. Coming then from the heart of a man who has given his life as
a sacrifice for the advancement of his oppressed people, the story
has been well received by the friends of education in general, and
especially by those who appreciate the arduous labors of that class of
pioneers so nobly represented by the author.
And well might such a story be extensively read; for, as S. S. McClure
has said in the introduction, it is a story "of Negro education,
intelligence and sensitiveness, who turned his back upon everything
that usually makes life worth living for people of his kind and went,
without money or influence, or even an invitation, among the poorest
and most ignorant of his race, for the sole purpose of helping them in
every way within his power." As it has been said, it is persuasively
and sincerely told. It is therefore, to quote further from Mr.
McClure, "a valuable human document; a paragraph in a vital chapter of
American history."
Briefly told, the story describes in detail the beginnings of the
educator, his early school days, the development of his school in the
midst of "Pine Knots" under the "Blue Sky," its "Log Cabin" stage,
the more hopeful circumstances later attained, and its widening
influence. In the chapter entitled the "Message of Hope" there is
an unusually interesting account of how once during the World War
the author was misunderstood by certain white persons who, from the
outside, heard him at a revival urging the Negroes to battle against
sin, ignorance, superstition, and poverty. Understanding some but not
all of the words used by the speaker, the eavesdroppers reported him
as stirring up the Negroes in the South to fight the whites. A mob
was easily formed in keeping with the custom of the country, and the
author was speedily picked up and thrown upon a pile of wood, when
guns were cocked and primed to shoot him down before he was to be
offered up. Thereupon, however, one of the mob demanded that he make a
speech, by which he so convincingly disabused their minds of any such
sinister intention of stirring up an insurrection among the Negroes
that he was finally released and befriended rather than lynched.
* * * * *
_The Book of American Negro Poetry._ By JAMES WELDON JOHNSON. (New
York: Harcourt, Brace and Company. 1922. Pp. 217.)
A review of a book of poetry is out of place in an historical magazine
unless, like the volume before us, it has an historical significance.
It cannot be gainsaid that the poetry of a race passing through the
ordeal of slavery, and later struggling for social and political
recognition, must constitute a long chapter in its history. In fact,
one can easily study the development of the mind of a thinking class
from epoch to epoch by reading and appreciating its verse. It is
fortunate that Mr. James Weldon Johnson has thus given the public this
opportunity to study a representative number of the talented tenth of
the Negro race.
The poems themselves do not concern us here to the extent of showing
in detail their bearing on the history of the Negro. The student
of history, however, will find much valuable information in the
interesting preface of the author covering the first forty-seven pages
of the volume. The biographical index of authors in the appendix,
moreover, presents in a condensed form sketches of the lives of
thirty-one useful and all but famous members of the Negro race. Much
of this information about those who have not been in the public eye a
long time is entirely new, appearing here in print for the first time.
The aim of the author is to show the greatness of the Negro as
measured by his literature and art. He believes that the status of
the Negro in the United States is more a question of national mental
attitude toward the race than of actual conditions. "And nothing,"
says he, "will do more to change that mental attitude and raise his
status than a demonstration of intellectual parity by the Negro
through the production of literature and art."
In the effort to show "the emotional endowment, the originality and
artistic conception and power of creating" possessed by the Negro,
the author has begun with the Uncle Remus stories, the spirituals,
the dance, the folks songs and syncopated music. He then presents the
achievements of the Negro in pure literature, mentioning the works of
Jupiter Hammon, George M. Horton, Frances E. Harper, James M. Bell and
Albery A. Whitman. A large portion of this introduction given to the
early writers is devoted to a discussion of Dunbar. He then introduces
a number of poets of our own day, whose works constitute the verse
herein presented. Among these are William Stanley Braithwaite, Claude
McKay, Fenton Johnson, Jessie Fauset, Georgia Douglass Johnson, Annie
Spencer, John W. Holloway, James Edwin Campbell, Daniel Webster Davis,
R. C. Jamison, James S. Cotter, Jr., Alex Rogers, James D. Carrothers,
Leslie Pinckney Hill, and W. E. B. DuBois.
* * * * *
_The McKinley and Roosevelt Administrations, 1897-1909._ By JAMES
FORD RHODES, LL.D., D.Litt. (New York: The Macmillan Company,
1922. Pp. 418.)
Fortunately Mr. Rhodes does not make the mistake of designating this
as a volume continuing his history of the United States from 1850
to 1877. Like the volume recently written to treat the period from
Hayes to McKinley, this one does not show the serious treatment
characteristic of the earlier work of Mr. Rhodes. The author makes
no introduction but enters upon the discussion of the political
events which he considers as having constituted the most important
facts of history during this period. In this volume Mr. Rhodes is
largely concerned with the rise and fall of political chieftains,
who have attained high offices in the services of the nation or with
the record of those who have championed principles which have not
been acceptable to the American people. The most valuable facts of
the book are the bits of first-hand information which he obtained by
personal contact with the statesmen of the time. From this volume,
however, one gets very little more general information than he would
from an observer who has closely followed the various presidential
campaigns. Furthermore, there is not much discussion of the social and
economic questions which have engaged the attention of the American
people because of their bearing on shaping the destinies of the
nation. As a narrative for ready information of men and measures of
this period it is interesting, but judged from the point of view of
modern historiography, the book cannot be seriously considered as a
very valuable work on American history. When one has finished reading
the volume he will find his mind filled with what men have done and
what they have failed to accomplish, but he will not easily grasp the
meaning of the forces which during the last generation have given
trend to present-day developments in the United States.
Students of Negro history will wonder what mention the author has
made of the rôle which the race played during this period. In any
expectation of this sort they will find themselves disappointed.
With the exception of references to the Booker Washington dinner at
the White House, the Brownsville Affair, and the Roosevelt attitude
on Negro suffrage, the race does not figure in this history. It is
interesting to note Rhodes's statement to the effect (230) that
Roosevelt said to him that he made a mistake in inviting Booker T.
Washington to dine at the White House. With the usual bias of the
author, it is not surprising that he justifies the dismissal of the
Negro soldiers charged with participating in the riot at Brownsville
(340). After reading this volume, one who has not lived in this
country would be surprised to come here and learn that we have such
a large group of citizens about whom so much was said and to whom so
much was meted out during this stormy period.
* * * * *
_The Journal of John Woolman._ Edited from the Original
Manuscripts, with a Biographical Introduction, by AMELIA MOTT
GUMMERE. (New York: The Macmillan Company. 1922. Pp. 643.)
From the time of the first publication of the _Journal_ of this
unusual man in 1774, he has been known to the world as one of its
greatest characters because of his wonderful spirituality and deep
interest in all members of the human family regardless of race or
condition. It is decidedly fitting then that this valuable record
should be reprinted and be made accessible to a larger number who will
find it an inspiration to those engaged in reform and valuable in
throwing light on heroism in the past.
The author, however, has another reason for the new edition of this
_Journal_, inasmuch as there are many editions of the _Journal_
proper, and a multitude of publications in which Woolman's _Essays_
and appreciations of him appear. The reason is that the descendants
of Woolman "have recently made accessible by presenting to learned
institutions, which are glad to guard them, the manuscripts of the
_Journal_ and of most of his _Essays_ as well as letters, marriage
certificates of the family and other documents."
The work is arranged in chapters presenting his immigrant ancestry,
his youth and education, his marriage, his participation in
the slavery discussion, his Indian journey, his experiences as
schoolmaster, his final tours, and his death. The book is well printed
and neatly bound. It contains thirty-three interesting illustrations
which decidedly enhance the value of the book. Among these should
be noted the portrait of John Woolman, his birthplace, his home,
important pages from his manuscripts, and his grave.
Chapter IV, which deals with the endeavors of John Woolman to
emancipate and elevate the Negro race, will be of unusual help to
students of Negro history. Around Woolman and his coworkers, beginning
in 1760, centered the effort toward the liberation of the race, which
engaged the attention of the Friends, especially during the struggle
for the rights of man. Carrying the doctrine of natural rights to its
logical conclusion, Woolman was among the first to insist that Negroes
had a natural right to be free both in body and mind. To this end,
therefore, he bore testimony against slavery wherever he traveled in
this country and abroad; and down to the close of his career he lived
up to the conviction that all men are born equal before God "Who hath
made of one blood all nations that dwell upon the face of the earth."
NOTES
Miss A. H. Smith, who during the last seven years has served
the Association as Office Manager and Assistant to the
Secretary-treasurer, has recently retired from the service. The
Association is immeasurably indebted to Miss Smith for the faithful
service which she has rendered the cause, and it will be difficult to
fill her position. Although offered opportunities for earning a larger
stipend elsewhere, she remained with the Association because of her
interest in the work which it has been prosecuting. The Association
wishes her well and earnestly hopes that she may be welcomed in some
other field of usefulness.
The American Catholic Historical Society has announced a prize of $100
offered by this society for the best historical essay on the subject
"Catholic Missionary Work Among the Colored People of the United
States (1776-1866)." The prize money has been donated by the Most Rev.
Sebastian Messmer, Archbishop of Milwaukee.
All persons who are interested in the welfare and progress of the
Negroes of the United States are eligible to compete for the prize
under the conditions specified by the Society. The conditions are:
The subject must be treated within the years specified (1776-1866).
Although the history of Catholic missionary activity among the colored
people of this country during the colonial period is not barred, the
essays shall be judged upon their value for the years 1776-1866.
The essays shall be typewritten on one side of the page only, and
shall not be less than 4,000 words and may not exceed 8,000 words.
All essays entered for the prize must be received by the Secretary
of the American Catholic Historical Society, 715 Spruce Street,
Philadelphia, not later than December 1, 1923.
Each essay shall be signed with a motto and accompanied with a sealed
envelope marked on the outside with the same motto and enclosing the
writer's name and address.
The committee appointed to act as judges for the competition is
composed of: the Rev. Peter Guilday of the Catholic University
of America, Washington, D. C, Chairman; Dr. Lawrence Flick, of
Philadelphia; Thomas F. Meehan, associate-editor of "America," New
York; Dr. T. W. Turner, of Howard University, Washington, D. C.; and
the Rev. Joseph Butsch, S. S. J., of St. Joseph's Seminary, Baltimore.
An arrangement has been made whereby contestants seeking guidance
in research work in the preparation of the essay can obtain aid by
writing to the chairman of the committee of judges.
* * * * *
The Oxford University Press has published a history of _The Partition
and Colonization of Africa_, by Sir Charles Lucas. This work includes
the territorial rearrangement resulting from the recent war.
Through _East and West_, London, S. B. de Burgh Edwardes has published
_The History of Mauritius, 1507-1914_. A Mauritian himself, he has had
every opportunity to write a readable and interesting volume.
_The History of the Conquest of Egypt, North Africa, and Spain_, by
Ibn Abd Al-Hakam, is now being published through the Yale University
Press in its Oriental Series. This work is the earliest account of
Mohammedan conquests extant. It is edited from manuscripts in London,
Paris and Leyden, by Professor Charles C. Torrey.
Herbert Jenkins, London, has brought out _The Mad Mullah of
Somaliland_, by Douglas J. Jardine, an officer of the British
administration in Somaliland from 1916 to 1921.
_The Royal Chronicle of Abyssinia_, an extract translated from the
Ethiopic Chronicle in the British Museum by H. Weld Blundell, has been
published by the Cambridge University Press.
PROCEEDINGS OF THE SPRING CONFERENCE OF THE ASSOCIATION FOR THE STUDY
OF NEGRO LIFE AND HISTORY HELD IN BALTIMORE, APRIL 5TH AND 6TH, 1923
The conference enjoyed the welcome and hospitality of Morgan College
where the morning and afternoon sessions were held on the 5th, and
of the Baltimore Public School System, the Druid Hill Avenue Branch
of the Young Men's Christian Association, and the Bethel A. M. E.
Church, which provided for the day sessions of the second day and for
both evening sessions. The success of the meeting was due in a large
measure to the cordial reception given the Association by Dr. J. O.
Spencer, the president of Morgan College, and by Dr. Pezavia O'Connell
and Dean L. M. McCoy. Mr. Mason A. Hawkins, Dr. Frederick Douglass,
Dr. A. L. Gaines, and Mr. S. S. Booker willingly cooperated in the
same way with respect to the meetings in the city.
The first session was held at Morgan College on Thursday at 11 A.M.
Dr. Pezavia O'Connell, who presided, delivered an able address
impressing upon the students of the institution the importance of
the work undertaken by the Association. He was then followed by the
officers of the Association, who outlined in detail the history, the
purposes, and the achievements of the organization. Other remarks
were later made by Miss Georgine Kelly Smith, who proved to be a very
effective speaker in directing attention to certain neglected aspects
of Negro life.
At 3 o'clock in the afternoon, the officers of the Association
assembled with the faculty of Morgan College in a joint meeting
to acquaint the instructors with the plans and procedure of the
Association and to secure their cooperation in the extension of this
work through some local organization which may direct its attention
to the collection of Negro folklore and to the preservation of the
records of the Negroes in Maryland. Much interest was aroused and
steps were taken to effect such an organization.
The first evening session was held at 8 o'clock on the same day at
Bethel A. M. E. Church in the city of Baltimore. On this occasion the
Spring Conference was welcomed to the city by Mr. Mason A. Hawkins,
the principal of the Colored High School, who briefly discussed the
importance of the work and the opportunity which it afforded Baltimore
for becoming better informed as to what is being done for the uplift
of the race through this scientific effort. The response to this
address was made by President G. A. Edwards of Kittrell College. He
made a favorable impression upon the audience by directing attention
to the importance of securing the cooperation of a large number of
persons with an intelligent interest in the race. He emphasized the
fact that such a significant task should not be neglected and left
to the sacrifices of the few persons of vision who, without adequate
support, may unduly toil in the prosecution of this task and thus fail
to succeed because of bearing a burden which should be shared by all.
The principal addresses of the evening were delivered by Dr. J.
O. Spencer, Dr. C. G. Woodson and Dean Kelly Miller. Dr. Spencer
discussed the subject "Thinking Straight on the Color Line." He
deprecated the lack of information on the Negro and showed how, in the
midst of ignorance as to the actual achievements of the race, persons
have learned to hate men of color because they are not acquainted
with them. To remedy the situation, then, there must be a universal
interest in the study of Negro life and history. Dr. Woodson sketched
in brief the record of the Negro from time immemorial, mentioning the
important contributions of the race to civilization and the necessity
for the study of this record to inspire the race with a hope of
greater achievement and to disabuse the mind of the white man of the
idea of racial superiority. Dean Kelly Miller spoke on the worthwhile
qualities of the Negro. His aim was to show that every race has in it
certain elements which are peculiar to that group, thus giving it in
this respect a chance to make a contribution which can come from no
other source. He, therefore, emphasized the importance of encouraging
the best in all races and giving to each every possible opportunity
for development. Among the exceptional qualities which he ascribed to
the Negro are patience, meekness, the gift of music, the sense of art,
response to religion, and brotherly love.
The first session of the second day was held at 1 o'clock P.M., at the
Douglass Theatre. This occasion was that of an assembly of the members
of the Association, together with the students and faculty of the
Baltimore Colored High School and other members of the local teaching
corps. The important address was delivered by Professor John R.
Hawkins, president of the organization. The purpose of this discourse
was to outline in the simplest and most effective way possible the
necessity for children knowing more about themselves and about their
ancestors. The speaker endeavored to show how the achievements of the
Negro have been omitted from the textbooks studied by the youth in
the public schools so as to impress the Negro with the superiority
of other races and the so-called inferiority of their own. These
students were urged, therefore, to avail themselves of the opportunity
to become acquainted with this neglected aspect of history through
supplementary reading in the home, in clubs, and in literary circles.
How this would stimulate the mind of the youth and inspire them to
greater achievement through knowledge of the distinguished service of
others of their race in the past, was eloquently emphasized by the
speaker. Some remarks were made by President G. A. Edwards of Kittrell
College and Dr. C. G. Woodson.
At 3 o'clock P. M. the Spring Conference assembled at the Druid Hill
Avenue Branch of the Y. M. C. A. The purpose of this meeting was to
discuss Negro history from the various points view of the teacher,
the minister, the editor, and the professional man. The discussion
was opened by Mr. L. S. James, principal of the Maryland Normal and
Industrial School, with a brief survey of the situation in Maryland
with respect to the development of the Negro schools and especially
in the matter of teaching Negro history. His very informing address
was well received. Then, appeared Mr. G. Smith Wormley of the Myrtilla
Miner Normal School, Washington, D. C. He presented Negro history from
the point of view of the teacher. He treated the matter pedagogically,
setting forth the purpose of the teaching of history and at the same
time urging upon his hearers the necessity for teaching the leading
facts of Negro history by correlating them with the topics of history
as it is now offered in the schools. His illuminating discourse made a
favorable impression and evoked discussions from various persons.
Among those prompted to speak were Mrs. N. F. Mossell of Philadelphia,
who spoke of history from the point of view of the child, showing how
necessary it is to supply the young people with elementary reading
matter, serving as a stepping stone to the teaching of the more
difficult phases of the record of the Negro. Dr. George F. Bragg
explained how the minister is concerned with the history of the Negro
and briefly summarized the important contributions of Negro ministers
not only to the history of the race, but to the preservation of its
records. Mrs. Ella Spencer Murray expressed her interest in the work
and outlined how each one might aid the movement by soliciting members
and subscribers throughout the country, especially among white persons
who may be neutral or indifferent as to what the Negro has achieved.
Mr. S. W. Rutherford, the Secretary-Treasurer of the Association,
delivered a short address to point out how by organized effort, with
courage and concentration, the movement may be further promoted and
the work expanded throughout the country by cooperating with the
Director who should and must have the support of all interested in
the Negro. Bishop John Hurst then mentioned briefly the necessity
for more publicity, and expressed his interest in securing a fund
adequate to the employment of a staff to popularize the work and
increase the income of the Association. Dr. Thomas E. Brown, of Morgan
College, delivered a short address emphasizing the necessity for a
more scientific study of the records and directing attention to the
undeveloped possibilities of the race which cry for the attention of
those scholars with the necessary training to treat the records of
this group scientifically.
The session closed with an address by Ex-Congressman Thomas E. Miller
of South Carolina. He proved to be an attractive figure at the
sessions of the Association, being a man well advanced in years, one
who served in local offices during the Reconstruction and finally
reached Congress. He restricted his remarks to the discussion of the
free Negro prior to the Civil War, the class to which he himself
belonged. He asserted that many free Negroes were never known. Because
of the fear of disclosing their status, many of them were recorded as
slaves. In the same way, some of their important achievements were
kept in secret for the reason that freedom of conduct in their case
was proscribed by public opinion. Furthermore, he stated that they
were often misunderstood because they are reported as having hated
the slaves. He then explained the relations of the free Negro to the
whites and to the slaves, bringing out how they were subjected to
punishment for associating with the bondmen, and, therefore, became
estranged from them by the processes of safeguarded instruction in the
caste system of the South.
At the second evening session at the Bethel A. M. E. Church, two
important addresses were delivered. The first one, "Hints on Race
History from an Old Book" by Prof. Leslie P. Hill, proved to be
unusually instructive. This discourse was based upon Abbé Grégoire's
_Litterature des Nègres_, intended to emphasize the unusual
achievements of the Negroes as a proof that because of their superior
intellect they were entitled to freedom. Mr. Hill directed very little
attention to the characters well known in this country, restricting
his remarks largely to those who rose to prominence in European
countries where their records have never been studied to the extent of
impressing the historians of this country.
Then appeared Dr. William Pickens, the Field Secretary for the
National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, who
delivered a very enthusiastic address on "Negro History in the Public
Schools." Dr. Pickens showed not only how uninformed the white people
are as to the record of the Negro, but that the race itself knows
very little of what it has achieved. He briefly mentioned a number
of instances connected with the local history of Maryland, of which
the people themselves living on the very soil on which these events
took place, knew nothing. He then adversely criticized the attitude
of the public school systems toward the teaching of Negro history and
urged his hearers to take seriously the question of memorializing and
influencing educational authorities to incorporate into their courses
of study textbooks on Negro history setting forth the truth as it is.
He urged, moreover, that in the meantime while such a battle is being
waged to reach this end, the Negroes themselves should through clubs
and literary circles make a systematic study of such works.
* * * * *
THE JOURNAL
OF
NEGRO HISTORY
VOL. VIII., NO. 4 OCTOBER, 1923
ABRAM HANNIBAL, THE FAVORITE OF PETER THE GREAT
Abram Hannibal, more commonly known as the "Negro of Peter the Great,"
or "Peter's Negro" was one of the quaintest figures in the Russian
history of eighteenth century. From slavery to mastership and riches
his peculiar fate led him. He began his life under yoke in Africa
but died a general and wealthy landlord of the frozen North, leaving
his children and grandchildren to be prominent in the politics and
literature of Russia.
The name of "Peter's Negro," no doubt, belongs to history; but
comparatively little is known of him, many important details of his
biography being still incomplete and unascertained. Outside of the
Russian sources there were Hannibal's own memoirs, written in French,
but not long before his death Abram burned them. About the beginning
of nineteenth century there appeared Hannibal's biography in German,
written by a certain Helbig (_Russische Gunstlinge_), but hardly
anything trustworthy could be learned from this work. As far as we
know, nothing was ever published of "Peter's Negro" in English. Even
the Russian sources are mainly official records and dry documents,
not of a great historical value, if of any. The best information
about Hannibal may be obtained from the unfinished novel _The Negro
of Peter the Great_ (1827) and other works by Pushkin, Hannibal's
great-grandson, the famous writer and founder of the modern school of
nineteenth century literature in Russia.
Some of later historians doubt many of the assertions of Pushkin,
holding that, great as the poet was, he nevertheless was subject to
the common human weakness of exaggerating one's forefathers' merits.
The important facts of his career, however, have been learned. In the
year 1705, as for many years before and after, thousands of Negroes
were made prisoners and brought from the interior to the coasts of
the dark continent to be shipped to the slave markets of America and
Asia. Among others there was a little boy, barely eight years of age,
whom Arabs, his masters, called Ibrahim. He was sold to the Turks and,
the same year, brought to Constantinople. His fate could be easily
guessed. He was wanted for a slave in a rich Turkish home, or perhaps
an overseer in a harem. He became the latter after being brutally
handled.
But at that time Savva Ragusinsky, a Russian nobleman, after a short
stay in Turkey was preparing to leave for his home country. He wanted
to bring a present of some kind to his Czar Peter, the stern reformer
of Russia, afterwards called "the Great." Ragusinsky knew the Czar's
love for curious objects and thought nothing better than two live
black boys could win him Peter's favor. The Czar had at his court many
servants of different races, brought to St. Petersburg from all over
the world, but only a few Negroes were among them.
Ragusinsky bought or, according to some documents, simply stole
several Negro boys, who only a few months before were brought to the
slave-shacks of Sultan Selim II. One of these, who started on a long
trip to their new Northern home, was the little Ibrahim. The Czar
liked the rare present and almost from the beginning distinguished
Ibrahim from other slaves. The boy was unusually bright for his age.
He quickly picked up the Russian language and alphabet, and before
long began to feel that the court of St. Petersburg was his home.
Peter kept Ibrahim in his apartments, and Ibrahim accompanied the Czar
in latter's journeys through Russia and foreign countries, not as a
servant but rather as one of the family. When because of the war of
Russia with Sweden, Peter had to be constantly with his army, Ibrahim
shared with his friend-master all the dangers and privations of
bivouac-life.
In 1707, while in Vilno, Ibrahim was christened in Orthodox faith.
His father-in-Christ was the Czar himself, who was assisted in this
task by the Polish queen, the wife of King Augustus. The little Negro
was given a new name of Peter, but he cried and refused to answer it,
preferring his old Arab name. The Russians, however, could not get
used to the strange Oriental sound and called him Abram instead of
Ibrahim. His surname--Hannibal--was given to him by the Czar in memory
of the famous Carthaginian.
In 1716 Peter went on his second tour of Western Europe with Hannibal
as usual accompanying him. Among other countries they visited France,
and here Hannibal was left to begin his studies more seriously.
Hannibal, then 19 years old, showed fair capacity for mathematics
and physics. Supplied by the Czar with money and other means of
assistance, he entered a military engineering academy in Paris, where
he remained for about 2 years. He joined the French army afterwards,
which was then engaged in the war against Spain, and participated in
many battles. He proved to be an able engineer and a good commander.
In one of the battles--"an underground combat," as it is related in an
eighteenth century document--Hannibal was wounded in the head, but not
dangerously, and was brought back to Paris.
Hannibal stayed in Paris till 1723, communicating with the Czar by
letters which are preserved in St. Petersburg state archives. Hannibal
complained in them that the Russian treasury and Peter himself almost
completely forgot about him, compelling him to live in great poverty
on the verge of starvation. If he could obtain no allowance, Hannibal
wrote, he would have to walk from Paris to Moscow, begging alms on the
way.
Pushkin, however, asserts that his great-grandfather while in Paris
was well provided for by Peter with money and had an unlimited
opportunity to mingle in the French society circles. His appearance
aroused curiosity; his wits, education and war record respect.
His black curls with a bandage over them--his wound did not heal
completely for a long time--could be frequently seen amid white wigs
of the French aristocrats. He was well received in the best salons
of Paris, being everywhere known as "le nègre du Czar." The Duke of
Orleans, who as a regent ruled over France at that time, favored
Hannibal with his attention and when in 1723 Peter asked Abram to come
back to Russia, the regent tried to persuade Hannibal to remain in
France, promising him a brilliant military and court career. Although
the Czar permitted Hannibal to take his own choice between France and
Russia, the young man decided to return to St. Petersburg.
Thus, contradicting Hannibal's complaining letters, Pushkin describes
his great-grandfather's sojourn in Paris. He evidently based his
testimony on the family accounts, which as almost any such narratives
contain perhaps more fiction than history. But, on the other hand,
the historians, who contradict Pushkin, have no other proof of their
infallibility than these Paris letters of Hannibal.
Reliable information concerning Hannibal after his return to Russia,
however, is not so scarce. Immediately upon his arrival in St.
Petersburg, Hannibal was appointed an officer in the Preobrajensky
Guard-regiment. He became an "engineer-lieutenant" in the
"Bombardir-company," of which the Czar himself was the captain. But
another crisis was reached when, according to Pushkin, it appeared
about that time that Hannibal was a son of a Negro king, and his elder
brother came from Africa to St. Petersburg with an offer of a rich
ransom for Hannibal. He met with no success, as Hannibal himself did
not want to return to the village on the banks of Niger.
The situation did not seem so favorable for Hannibal, moreover, when
in 1725 Peter the Great died. Menshikov, former pie-peddler and
life-long favorite of the late Czar, elevated himself to the position
of sole adviser to Peter's widow, Catherine I. He alone virtually
ruled Russia for several years. When Catherine I died and young Peter
II sat on the throne, Menshikov wanted the boy Emperor to marry his
younger daughter. He feared, however, his numerous enemies at the
court, among whom he counted Hannibal, the young Czar's instructor
in mathematics. Consequently Hannibal was exiled to Siberia in 1727.
Officially he was neither arrested nor deprived of his rank and
property. He was sent to the borders of China with orders to "transfer
from the town of Selenginsk into another location" and to "take an
exact measure of the Great Chinese Wall." Menshikov evidently thought
that the severe Siberian frosts would sooner or later kill the young
African. But Hannibal being strong and healthy and accustomed from
childhood to cold climate withstood the hardships of the Siberian
wilderness.
In 1729 he fled from Selenginsk but was arrested before he could reach
Europe. His papers and valuables taken from him, Hannibal was brought
to Tomsk, a city in Western Siberia. There for some time he was kept
as a prisoner, although his salary as an officer was still paid. In
January of 1730 he was freed but not permitted to leave Siberia. He
was appointed to serve in the Tomsk garrison as a major.
Soon afterwards St. Petersburg was the scene of a new coup-d'etat.
Anna, a niece of Peter the Great, was summoned to the Russian throne.
Counts Dolgorukov became the most powerful persons at the court. New
hopes were aroused in Hannibal, as the Dolgorukovs were his friends,
since the time he and they lived in France. Hannibal without asking
or waiting for permission left Tomsk, but when some time after he
arrived in St. Petersburg he learned that Dolgorukovs lost their
influence as suddenly as they won it, that they were arrested, and
after all their estates had been confiscated, were exiled to Siberia.
Great dangers threatened Hannibal as a Dolgorukovs' friend. Biron,
erstwhile a stable man but now adviser and lover of Anna, sought
Hannibal's life. Field-marshal Minich, commander-in-chief of the
Russian army, however, saved Hannibal by granting him a commission to
inspect fortifications in Lifland. In a little village near Reval,
then, Hannibal lived in obscurity for 10 years, fearing every day
the arrival of a messenger from St. Petersburg with an order for his
arrest.
Before his coming to Lifland, Hannibal married the beautiful daughter
of a Greek captain by the name of Dioper. Almost from the first day
of their marriage he began to suspect her infidelity. The birth of a
white baby-girl proved his suspicions and justified their divorce.
The Russian court sent Hannibal's wife to a convent, and Hannibal
married Christina-Regina Von-Sheberg, a Lifland German woman. She
gave birth to five sons, all of whom were mulattoes. His first wife's
white daughter he kept in his home, gave her a good education and a
considerable dowry, but never permitted her to come before his eyes.
In November of 1741 Elisabeth, a daughter of Peter the Great, was
proclaimed the Empress of Russia. She immediately returned from exile
all former favorites of her father. Among these was Hannibal, on whom
she showered various honours. He was given the post of commandant
of city of Reval. About ten villages with several thousands of
white slaves were presented to him as his personal property. He was
decorated with medals and ribbons and asked to come to St. Petersburg.
He preferred, however, to stay on his newly acquired estates.
Other important tasks awaited him. In 1752 he was commissioned to fix
the Russo-Swedish boundary line. In 1756 he was one of the members
of the Ladoga Canal Commission and also of the Commission for the
Inspection of the Russian Forts. In 1762, with a rank of general
in chief, he retired from public service, being then an old man.
His services were remembered at the court for a long time after,
however, for once Catherine II asked him to compose a plan of St.
Petersburg-Moscow Canal.
During his last years he was frequented by spells of sudden fear, the
consequence of his old sufferings. He was especially afraid of the
sound of a bell, imagining that his persecutors were coming again.
Under one of these spells, as we mentioned above, he destroyed his
memoirs not long before he died in 1782 in his eighty-fifth year.
He did not want his sons to join the army or be at the court, fearing
they might be involved there in dangerous intrigue. Ivan, his elder
son, joined the army against his will, and only after he won fame as
a brilliant victor over the Turks could he on his knees receive his
aged father's forgiveness. Ivan Hannibal distinguished himself not
only as a strategist but as a man of a great personal valor as well.
He participated in the Russian naval expedition to Greece and captured
Navarin, a Turkish fort, in 1770. He was the hero of the Chesma
battle. Returning to Russia in 1779 he founded the city of Kherson in
the Ukraine, of which he was appointed a governor. Later Ivan Hannibal
quarreled with Count Potemkin, lover of Catherine the Great and ruler
of Southern Russia. The Empress defended Hannibal and decorated him,
but he left the service and went to live in one of his numerous
estates. There in 1801 he died.
His brother Ossip (Joseph) was a naval officer in the Black Sea Fleet
and for several years navigated the Mediterranean. Of other sons of
Abram Hannibal very little is known. Ossip's daughter Nadejda, a
Creole of striking beauty, married Pushkin, of an ancient Russian
noble family. In 1799 a son was born to them and named Alexander, who
later won fame as the greatest poet of Russia. He was killed in 1837,
while duelling with a diplomat over the honor of Pushkin's wife, who
was not worth her great husband's noble love.
While all the works of Pushkin could be bound together in one volume,
thousands of books have been written on him and on what he created.
Numerous monuments are erected in his honor all over Russia; special
magazines entirely dedicated to him are published; and in famous
paintings by distinguished Russian artists are pictured different
periods of Pushkin's short life. When you look at these paintings,
black curls, olive skin and thick lips speak to you of Pushkin's race.
He himself was proud of it, all but worshipping his great-grandfather
in many of his verses.
ALBERT PARRY
THE MOVEMENT OF NEGROES FROM THE EAST TO THE GULF STATES FROM 1830 TO
1850
The migration of Negroes to the Gulf States, during the years 1830
to 1850, was from the point of view of the Negroes themselves wholly
involuntary. The blacks, being at that time preponderately slave,
accompanied their masters to new homes in the South and Southwest or
constituted the traffic of the domestic slave trade. Explanation of
their migration must be sought, therefore, not in any unrest that may
have been manifested by the Negroes, but rather in the causes that
underlay the movement of the masters to new homes, and that enabled
the domestic slave trade to become a profitable enterprise.
This migration, which in some ways assumed a peculiar aspect, bears a
definite relation to three general circumstances. In the first place,
there was a comparative decline in the productiveness of the seaboard
border slave States. In the second, the accessibility to the new lands
and practically virgin soils of Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana
invited the migration of innumerable planters from the border States
to this new region. Finally, the rapidly increasing demand of the
planters of the Gulf region for slave labor with which to cultivate
cotton and other native products tremendously stimulated the domestic
slave trade.
Although the seaboard border States, led by Virginia, sent south
the bulk of the slaves, it must not be thought that the migration
was alone from these States. In fact, as early as 1840,[1] not only
Virginia, Maryland, the District of Columbia, and Delaware, but also
North Carolina became slave-exporting areas. Later, too, when the
impoverishment of her lands made impossible the further extension
of cotton culture, South Carolina joined with these other States and
Georgia in exporting slaves to Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and,
after 1845, to Texas.
The decline in the productiveness of some of the seaboard border slave
States has been ascribed to various causes. The failure to rotate
crops and the lack of proper and sufficient fertilizer necessary to
prevent an impoverishment of the soil some hold to be primary causes.
The almost complete dependence upon unskilled, unintelligent slave
labor, the conviction prevalent everywhere in slave territory that
such labor made that of white men dishonorable, together with the
failure to develop fully the manufacturing facilities at hand, have
been also generally advanced to explain the decline, particularly, of
Maryland and Virginia.
The chief agricultural staple of these States was tobacco. The
characteristic soil of the region--a sandy loam--while warm and
stimulating was easily exhausted,[2] especially when the planters had
improper and inefficient fertilizer, traceable in some measure to
a numerical deficiency of live stock, and the incessant culture of
tobacco, without crop rotation. The price of tobacco, moreover, was
throughout the years from 1818 to 1840 exceedingly low and, at the
same time, the newer States of Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri, as
well as the Carolinas and Georgia, were producing large quantities
of tobacco. The net result in Virginia and Maryland, therefore, was
to make the culture of the plant exceedingly unprofitable.[3] It is
held that the soil-exhausting character of tobacco culture, together
with the falling prices of the plant, constituted the dominant factors
in the decrease in value of agricultural lands of Virginia from
$206,000,000 in 1816 to $80,000,000 in 1829.[4]
If the impoverishment of the land through tobacco culture was one
factor in the declining productivity of Virginia and Maryland, the
almost complete use of unskilled Negro slave labor, particularly in
the former State, was decidedly another. Not only was slave labor
costly, in that the non-producers, as well as the constant workers,
had to be provided for, but also because of the overwhelming ignorance
and inertia of such labor. "The grand secret of the difference between
free labor and slave labor," wrote a former Virginia resident to the
_New York Times_, "is that the latter is without intelligence and
without motive."[5] A large tobacco planter of Virginia adds to this
his testimony that the slave's incapacity to perform duties complex in
nature, or requiring the least intelligence, precluded the cultivation
there of the finer grades of tobacco.[6] While, therefore, the Negro
slave was tractable and capable of hard work, he was, without strict
supervision, a most unproductive worker. The universal employment of
the slave despite his ignorance and inertia doubtless furnishes one
clue to the failure of Virginia to exploit, in a reasonable degree,
her manufacturing resources.[7]
This costly failure has been ascribed also to the reluctance of white
labor to perform any duties to which slaves might be assigned. Slave
owners and white laborers held in mutual repugnance the employment of
white men at such tasks. According to Olmsted,[8] slave owners have
held that the poor whites would refuse to do such work if possible,
and, if compelled to submit, would do only so much as they found
absolutely necessary. Under all circumstances they do such work
reluctantly and "will not bear driving." "They cannot be worked to
advantage with the slaves, and it is inconvenient to look after them,
if you work them separately."
The natural consequence of the policy thus pursued by Virginia was,
despite the fact of her early command over greater wealth and a
larger population than the other States, to force her to descend, in
part, from her former high estate.[9] A comparison of values of the
agricultural lands of Virginia and Pennsylvania, in 1850, shows those
of the latter, although of smaller acreage, to have a larger sale
value an acre and a larger total value. A similar comparison between
Virginia and New Jersey gives the same result.
That the conditions stated as obtaining in 1850 had long existed
there seems to be no lack of evidence. Thomas Marshall made, in the
Virginia legislature of 1831-'32, searching and detailed statements
of the declining wealth and productivity of the State.[10] Such
conditions as he pictured made plain that the planters of Virginia
must either improve their lands by rehabilitating the soil, acquiring
better farming implements, and improving their plow animals,[11] or
migrate to the more promising lands elsewhere, or sell their slaves.
The records show that by some planters one or another of these methods
was adopted. Moreover, Maryland, a sister State of Virginia, because
of the exhaustion of her soil by tobacco culture, found essential to
her relief the same procedure.[12] With reference to Maryland, the
census of 1840 shows an actual decrease over that of 1830 in the slave
population[13] of the commonwealth.
To what parts, then, did these slaves go? The theatre of the largest
expansion of slavery[14] was the "Western Cotton Belt," the section
which shall be herein considered, comprehending parts of Alabama,
Mississippi, Louisiana, and Eastern Texas. The chief distinction
between the soils of these States constituting the Atlantic Coastal
Plain from Virginia to South Carolina and those of the "Western
Cotton Belt" is the occurrence of extensive limestone belts in the
latter. "The soils in these limestone belts are largely residual,
calcareous and usually have a humus content, which gives the soil
its black color"[15]--hence the name "Black Belt." The soils of
these belts contain much clay and require careful preparation, but
they are durable and extremely fertile. Moreover, an excellent
water navigation[16] extending well into the region constituted an
additional factor in the extension of the cotton culture and of Negro
slavery into this territory.
According to Phillips,[17] the lands of the "Western Cotton Belt,"
most preferred in the early period, lay in two main areas, the
soils of both of which were more lasting and fertile than those in
the interior of the Atlantic States. "One of these areas formed a
crescent across south-central Alabama, with its western horn reaching
up the Tombigbee River into northeastern Mississippi." The soil of
this area was of black loose loam. Everywhere it was thickly matted
with grass and weeds, except where there was visible "limestone on
the hill crests and prodigious cane brakes in the valleys." This
tract known locally as the prairies or "Black Belt" was smaller than
the other which extended along the Mississippi, on both sides, from
northern Tennessee and Arkansas to the mouth of the Red River. This
tract contained broad alluvial bottoms, as well as occasional hill
districts of rich loam, the latter being especially noticeable around
Natchez and Vicksburg. The broadest expanse of these bottoms, the
Yazoo-Mississippi Delta, received but few migrants prior to the middle
"thirties." The planters seem to have settled first in the bottoms,
while the other choice lands were competed for by the large and
smaller planters, as well as the poor farmers.
These lands were not only, by soil and climate, ideally suited to the
production of cotton, but they were reasonably cheap in price. As late
as 1849 there was much uncultivated, though fertile agricultural land
in each of the cotton-growing States. At that time the total acreage
and the area in use in several of the Gulf States were listed as
follows:[18]
State Total No. of Acres Acres Owned
Alabama 32,462,080 15,911,520
Louisiana 29,715,840 6,263,822
Mississippi 30,174,080 15,811,650
There was under these circumstances small wonder that there migrated
planters from the worn-out lands of the seaboard slave States,
including the less fertile districts of Georgia,[19] and parts of
Kentucky and Tennessee. In the absence of statistics giving the exact
number of slaves migrating thus with their owners, the estimates of
contemporaries and of later writers may be serviceable. _The Virginia
(Wheeling) Times_ said[20] that intelligent men of that day estimated
the number of slaves exported from Virginia, during the year 1836,
to be 120,000, of whom two-thirds (80,000) were carried south by
their masters. The _Quarterly Anti-Slavery Magazine_ (vol. ii, 411,
July, 1837) gives the _Natchez Courier_ as the authority for the
estimate that during 1836 as many as 250,000 slaves, some of whom were
accompanied by their masters, were transported from the older slave
States to Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Arkansas.[21] P. A.
Morse, of Louisiana, writing in 1857, says that "the augmentation of
slaves within the cotton States was caused mostly by the migration
of slave owners." On the basis of sources accessible to him, Morse
estimated that three-fifths of the slaves removed from the border
States to the farther South, from 1820 to 1850, migrated with their
masters.[22] Accepting the "three-fifths estimate" of Morse, Collins
has made deductions which indicate that approximately 15,900 slaves
went south annually with their masters during the decade from 1830
to 1840; while during the next decade the annual migration was about
9,000.[23]
One of these migrant planters,[24] who, in 1835, left his tidewater
estate in Gloucester County, Virginia, was Colonel Thomas S. Dabney.
Prompted by the necessities of his family to seek more favorable
soil, he sought land in Alabama, Louisiana, and Mississippi, finally
settling in the one last mentioned. Colonel Dabney carried with him
more than two hundred slaves, established himself on a plantation of
four thousand acres, and each year contrived, by clearances, to put
under cultivation an additional hundred acres. Planters of this type,
with large numbers of slaves and sufficient funds to extend their
holdings, tended to concentrate both slaves and lands in a few hands.
If the demand for new lands brought great numbers of slaves southward
during the years from 1830 to 1850, there were also at work forces
which caused many other slaves to be exported in the domestic slave
traffic. The extension of the cotton culture in the more southern
States, the increased exportation of cotton, the advancing profits
therefrom, the development of large sugar plantations in Louisiana,
and the decreased average working life of the slave created among the
planters of this region an extraordinary demand for slave labor. At
the same time such seaboard States as raised tobacco were suffering
from a depression in the tobacco markets. The African slave trade,
moreover, had been legally suppressed, thus rendering the seaboard
and other border slave States the sole legal source of supply for the
slave labor required by the lower South.
The income of some of the plantations on these fresh lands was
immense.[25] It was considered not uncommon for a planter in
Mississippi or Louisiana to receive an income of thirty thousand
dollars annually. Extremely prosperous planters, it is said, took
in from $80,000 to $120,000 in a single year. The enormous profits
arising from such investments in the face of the unusual demand for
slaves enabled prices of bondmen to rise inordinately high. Thus
it was that a prime field hand, a Negro between the ages of twenty
and thirty years, could command a price varying from five hundred
to twelve hundred dollars,[26] and, in some cases, fourteen hundred
dollars or more. In fact, slave traders rapidly grew rich from the
traffic. One is reported as having earned thirty thousand dollars
in a few months, while Franklin and Armfield, members of a firm
with headquarters in Alexandria, are said to have earned more than
thirty-three thousand dollars in a single year.[27]
The effect of the growing demand for labor, reflected in the high
prices being offered for slaves, tended to concentrate the interest
of the Virginia planter on his slaves, as it had been hitherto
concentrated on tobacco.[28] Prompt and efficient methods were devised
whereby Negroes were made ready for the market.[29] Olmsted was
informed by a slave-holder that in the States of Maryland, Virginia,
North Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri, as much attention
was paid to the breeding and growth of Negroes as had been hitherto
given to the breeding of horses and mules.[30]
As to the precise number of slaves exported in response to the high
prices paid for them, there seems to be no conclusive evidence. Resort
must be had, therefore, to estimates of contemporaries and later
writers. _The New Orleans Advertiser_ of January 21, 1830, says:
"Arrivals by sea and river within a few days have added fearfully to
the number of slaves brought to the market for sale. New Orleans is
the complete mart for the trade--and the Mississippi is becoming a
common highway for the traffic."[31] In the summer of 1831, moreover,
New Orleans reported, in one week, the arrival of 381 slaves, nearly
all of whom were from Virginia.[32]
Not all of the exportations of slaves were by sea as is attested by
records of Sir Charles Lyell, Basil Hall, and Josiah Henson.[32a] At
a later period, Featherstonhaugh tells of an overland expedition of
slaves to the South. Of this coffle of slaves he says:[33] "Just as
we reached New River, in the early grey of the morning, we came up
with a singular spectacle, the most striking one of the kind I have
ever witnessed. It was a camp of Negro slave-drivers, just packing
up to start; they had about three hundred slaves with them, who had
bivouacked the preceding night in chains in the woods; these they were
conducting to Natchez, upon the Mississippi River, to work upon the
sugar plantations in Louisiana. It resembled one of those coffles of
slaves spoken of by Mungo Park, except that they had a caravan of nine
waggons and single-horse carriages, for the purpose of conducting the
white people, and any of the blacks that should fall lame, to which
they were now putting their horses to pursue their march. The female
slaves were, some of them, sitting on logs of wood, whilst others
were standing, and a great many little black children were warming
themselves at the fires of the bivouac. In front of them all and
prepared for the march stood, in double file, about two hundred male
slaves, manacled and chained to one another."
In the year 1831 there set in a reaction[34] against the importation
of slaves into the Gulf States as a result of fear from troubles
like Nat Turner's insurrection. Louisiana in 1831, and Alabama and
Mississippi in 1832, passed laws prohibiting the importation of
slaves into those States. The Alabama law was repealed in December,
1832, that of Louisiana in 1834, and that of Mississippi in 1846.
Moreover, there is no evidence to show that these laws really checked
importations. The fright engendered by the slave insurrection in
Virginia was not sufficient to triumph over the practical demands
for such labor. Collins holds that during the years from 1832 to
1836 the largest migration of Negroes to the South and the Southwest
occurred.[35]
Since cotton was the prime factor in effecting the prosperity of
the Southwest, and its extension of culture and advance in price
dictated largely the demand for slaves, the number of slaves yearly
exported may bear some relation to the price of cotton. After 1835,
the price of cotton declined.[36] This, together with the panic of
1837, caused a falling-off in the domestic slave trade, except in
1843, and the low price of cotton which continued until 1846 and
hindered the revival[37] of the traffic in men. In 1843, however,
five thousand slaves were sold in Washington as compared with two
thousand in the previous year. These increased sales were doubtless
in some measure due to the decline in the price of tobacco,[38] and
the renewed activity of the sugar industry, incident to a new duty on
that product.[39] For the whole decade from 1840 to 1850, however, a
decrease in the slave traffic is shown by the fact that the per cent
of increase in the slave population in the cotton States was barely
half as great as during the previous decade.[40]
Some time after 1845, however, the demand for slaves seems to have
exceeded the supply. A writer in the _Richmond Examiner_ of 1849 is
quoted as having said: "It being a well accustomed fact that Virginia
and Maryland will not be able to supply the great demand for Negroes
which will be wanted in the South this Fall and Spring, we would
advise all who are compelled to dispose of them in this market to
defer selling until the sales of the present crop of cotton can
be realized, as the price then must be very high for two reasons:
first, the ravages of the cholera; and secondly, the high price of
cotton."[41]
Three important events seem to have stimulated the slave trade during
this period. First, there came the admission of Texas as a State in
December, 1845; second, the increase in the price of cotton from 1845;
and, third, the discovery of gold in California. The first of these
opened to development a vast cotton country, which could be legally
supplied with slave labor only through the domestic trade. The second
event, the rise in the price of cotton, gave a new impetus to the
production of cotton, and the California gold rush infused new life
into all avenues of trade.[42] During this period and the decade
following, Collins says that because of the great demand for slaves
the price of them increased one hundred per cent; yet no evidence of a
large increase in the traffic is shown.[43]
TABLE NO. 1 TOTAL COTTON CROP IN BALES:[44]
1833 1,070,000
1837 1,081,000
1840 2,178,000
1843 2,379,000
1849 2,727,000
PRODUCTION OF COTTON BY STATES--(POUNDS):[45]
=====================================================
TABLE NO. 2 | | |
| 1826 | 1833 | 1834
---------------+------------+------------+-----------
Virginia | 25,000,000 | 13,000,000 | 10,000,000
North Carolina | 18,000,000 | 10,000,000 | 9,000,000
Louisiana | 38,000,000 | 55,000,000 | 62,000,000
Alabama | 45,000,000 | 65,000,000 | 85,000,000
Mississippi | 30,000,000 | 70,000,000 | 85,000,000
-----------------------------------------------------
COTTON PRODUCTION IN POUNDS:[46]
TABLE NO. 3
1839 790,479,275
1849 987,637,200
The statistics of cotton production and prices further elucidate this
question. Table No. 1 shows a continuous increase in the production
of cotton during the successive periods considered. Table No. 2
depicts the declining significance of Virginia and North Carolina
as cotton-producing States and the shift of the lead of cotton
production to the Gulf States. Table No. 3 shows the total production
of cotton in the years considered and is significant, in that it
emphasizes the important cotton-producing areas. During these years
Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Georgia, together, produced
more than two-thirds of the total cotton crop.[47] Table No. 4 is
self-explanatory, while Table No. 5 shows the yearly fluctuations of
the average price of cotton after 1840.
AVERAGE PRICE A POUND OF COTTON IN FIVE-YEAR PERIODS:[48]
TABLE NO. 4
1830-1835 10.9 cents
1835-1840 14.4 cents
1840-1845 8.1 cents
1845-1850 7.3 cents
AVERAGE PRICE A POUND OF COTTON:[49]
TABLE NO. 5
1835 16.8 cents
1836 16.8 cents
1840 8.6 cents
1841 10.2 cents
1842 8.1 cents
1843 6.1 cents
1844 8.1 cents
1845 6.0 cents
1846 7.9 cents
1847 10.1 cents
1848 7.6 cents
1849 6.5 cents
In the years 1835 and 1836, the price is high relative to the later
years in the two decades, and, assuming the continued demand for
cotton, should have stimulated the domestic slave traffic by effecting
a large demand for slaves at high prices. The lowest price is reached
in 1845, followed by a rise till 1847, and then a decline in 1848 and
1849. That the demand for slaves was not at this time abated must
be traceable to the fact that not more than three-fifths[50] of the
slaves in the Cotton States were engaged in the production of cotton,
while other occupations, notably sugar-production in Louisiana,
demanded an increased quota.
The statistics of slave population are designed to show the
increases of that type both in the States of Alabama, Louisiana, and
Mississippi, and in selected areas within these States. In 1850, the
civil subdivisions, as counties or parishes, which possessed the
greatest density of slave population in Texas, as well as in the other
States named, were located in those areas of the most fertile soil for
producing cotton or cane. This concentration is but an evidence of the
influence of these factors in calling forth the slave migration to the
Southwest.
SLAVE POPULATION IN THE GULF STATES:[51]
=========================================
TABLE NO. 6 | | |
| 1830 | 1840 | 1850
------------+---------+---------+--------
Alabama | 117,549 | 253,532 | 342,844
Louisiana | 109,588 | 168,452 | 244,809
Mississippi | 65,659 | 195,211 | 309,878
Texas | ....... | ....... | 58,161
-----------------------------------------
PER CENT. SLAVE INCREASE BY DECADES:[52]
TABLE NO. 7
1830-1840 1840-1850
Alabama 115.68 35.22
Louisiana 53.70 45.32
Mississippi 197.31 58.74
Texas ...... .....
CONCENTRATION OF MIGRATION UPON SELECTED AREAS:
ALABAMA:[53]
======================================
TABLE NO. 8| | |
Counties | 1830 | 1840 | 1850
-----------+--------+--------+-------
Barbour | ..... | 5,548 | 10,780
Chambers | ..... | 7,141 | 11,158
Dallas | 7,160 | 17,208 | 22,258
Greene | 7,420 | 16,431 | 22,127
Loundes | ..... | 12,569 | 14,649
Macon | ..... | 5,580 | 15,596
Madison | 14,091 | 13,265 | 14,326
Marengo | 2,987 | 11,902 | 20,693
Montgomery | 6,450 | 15,486 | 19,427
Perry | 4,331 | 10,343 | 13,917
Pickens | 1,630 | 7,764 | 10,534
Russell | ..... | 7,266 | 11,111
Sumter | ..... | 15,920 | 14,831
Wilcox | 4,070 | 8,292 | 11,835
-------------------------------------
CONCENTRATION OF MIGRATION UPON SELECTED AREAS (continued):
MISSISSIPPI:[54]
=====================================
TABLE NO. 9| | |
Counties | 1830 | 1840 | 1850
-----------+--------+--------+-------
Adams | 9,649 | 8,740 | 14,395
Claiborne | 6,174 | 7,743 | 11,450
Hinds | 3,197 | 13,375 | 16,625
Jefferson | 6,702 | 9,176 | 10,493
Lowndes | 1,066 | 8,771 | 12,993
Madison | 2,167 | 11,533 | 13,843
Marshall | ..... | 8,250 | 15,417
Monroe | 940 | 6,460 | 11,717
Noxubee | ..... | 7,157 | 11,323
Warren | 4,183 | 10,493 | 12,096
Wilkinson | 7,877 | 10,894 | 13,260
Yazoo | 2,470 | 7,237 | 10,349
-------------------------------------
CONCENTRATION OF MIGRATION UPON SELECTED AREAS (concluded):
LOUISIANA[56] (concluded):
======================================
TABLE NO. 10| | |
Parishes | 1830 | 1840 | 1850
------------+--------+--------+-------
Ascension | 2,813 | 4,553 | 7,266
Feliciana, E| 3,652 | 7,571 | 9,514
Feliciana, W| 6,345 | 8,755 | 10,666
Iberville | 4,509 | 5,887 | 8,606
Madison | ..... | 3,923 | 7,353
Natchitoches| 3,570 | 6,651 | 7,881
Orleans | 16,603 | 23,448 | 18,068
Point Coupee| 4,210 | 5,430 | 7,811
Rapides | 5,321 | 10,511 | 11,340
St. James | 5,027 | 5,711 | 7,751
St. Landry | 5,057 | 7,129 | 10,871
St. Mary's | 4,304 | 6,286 | 9,850
Tensas | ..... | ..... | 8,138
--------------------------------------
TEXAS:[57]
TABLE NO. 11
Counties 1850
Austin 1,549
Bowie 1,641
Brazoria 3,507
Cass 1,902
Cherokee 1,283
Fayette 1,016
Fort Bend 1,554
Grimes 1,680
Harrison 6,213
Lamar 1,085
Matagorda 1,208
Nacogdochea 1,404
Nueces 1,193
Red River 1,406
Rusk 2,136
San Augustine 1,561
Walker 1,301
Washington 2,817
Wharton 1,242
The average increase of slave population in the States considered was
103.30 per cent for the decade from 1830 to 1840, while that of the
next decade was less than half so great, being 51.41 per cent.[55]
These percentages, though both significant, cannot be explained wholly
in terms of Negro migration. If the estimate of the increase in slave
population by births over deaths be for each decade twenty-eight
per cent,[58] and if from 1830 to 1840 forty thousand and from
1840 to 1850 fifty thousand foreign Negroes were imported[59] into
the country as slaves, the number migrating from the more Northern
States was materially smaller than at first appears to be the case.
Phillips says that from 1815-1860, the volume of the slave trade by
sea alone averaged from two thousand to five thousand[60] annually;
but Dew, in 1832, estimated that six thousand slaves were annually
exported from Virginia.[61] Collins, moreover, has made most elaborate
calculations in this matter.[62] Accepting the estimate of Morse that
three-fifths of the slaves who went south during the period from 1820
to 1850 migrated with their masters, Collins has deduced that the
average annual export of Negroes for sale, during the decade from
1830 to 1840, was 10,600; and of the next decade, 6,000. On the basis
of the principle underlying this calculation, it would follow that
approximately 15,900 slaves migrated south with their masters during
the earlier decade; while 9,000 went annually in this way during the
decade from 1840 to 1850. Finally, if this principle of calculation
be accepted, and the facts upon which it is based be well founded,
approximately 26,500 Negroes found their way annually to the cotton
and contiguous territory during the period from 1830 to 1840; while
from 1840 to 1850 the annual number was 15,000.
What were some effects of this vast migration of Negro slaves to the
Gulf States? The mere concentration of a large slave population in
this region gains significance when it is considered in its numerical
relation to the whites. Throughout the two decades from 1830 to 1850,
there was a progressive increase in the white population here, and
yet, in 1850, the whites in Alabama exceeded the slaves by less than
one hundred thousand. In Louisiana the excess was 11,000; while in
Mississippi the slaves were in the majority by some 14,000.[63] This
situation was fraught with great possibilities. Would the slaves
undertake a servile insurrection? To this dangerous aspect much
thought was given, and thorough precautions were taken to protect the
whites against such an upheaval. The immediate effect of this movement
of the slaves to the Gulf Regions, however, was the final commitment
of that section to a regime of slavery and the unification of a solid
South based on interests peculiar to that section.
Although the emancipation of the blacks as a result of the Civil War
has made possible the movement of not a few Negroes away from the Gulf
Region, they still form a substantial portion of the population. They
supply as in former days the bulk of the cotton hands. Many live in
ignorance and in poverty, disfranchised and subjected to the economic
exploitation of the ruling classes. They have therefore been a potent
force in the creation of a social problem, the solution of which seems
not yet to be found, except it appears in the present migration of
these Negroes to industrial centers in the North.
A. A. TAYLOR
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Hammond, _The Cotton Industry_, I, 53 (cited from _Slavery and the
Internal Slave Trade_, 12).
[2] Emerson, _Geographical Influences in American Slavery_, 18
(Bulletin, Amer. Geographical Society, xliii).
[3] Collins, _The Domestic Slave Trade_, 23 (cited from Hunt's
_Merchants' Magazine_, vi, 473).
[4] _Ibid._, 26.
[5] Olmsted, _Cotton Kingdom_, II; App. C, 382.
[6] _Ibid._, 89.
[7] _Ibid._, 365 (cited from the _Lynchburg Virginian_, date not
given).
[8] _Ibid._
[9] _Ibid._, II, 364-5, 367, 369, 303-4; I, 11, 35. See also App. A2,
_Census of 1850_.
[10] Ambler, _Sectionalism in Virginia_, 193.
[11] Phillips, _American Negro Slavery_, 185.
[12] De Bow's _Review_, x, 654.
[13] _Compendium, Seventh Census_, 1850, 84.
[14] Emerson, _op. cit._, 118.
[15] _Ibid._, 171.
[16] _Ibid._, 118.
[17] Phillips, _op. cit._, 173.
[18] De Bow, _op. cit._, vii, 166.
[19] Hammond, _op. cit._, I, 53.
[20] Collins, _op. cit._, 52.
[21] _Ibid._, 52.
[22] _Ibid._, 62.
[23] _Ibid._, 64, 65.
[24] Phillips, _op. cit._, 179, 180.
[25] Collins, _op. cit._, 27.
[26] Collins, _op. cit._, 28.
[27] _Ibid._ (cited from Mary Tremain, _Slavery in District of
Columbia_, 50).
[28] Olmsted, _Seaboard Slave States_, I, 278-279.
[29] _Ibid._, I, 280-281.
[30] Olmsted, _Cotton Kingdom_, II, note, 58.
[31] Collins, _op. cit._, 46, 47 (from the _African Repository_, V,
381).
[32] _Ibid._, 47 (from _Niles Register_, Nov. 26, 1831).
[32a] Basil Hall, _Travels in North America_, III, 128, 129; Sir
Charles Lyell, _A Second Visit to the United States_, II, 35; Henson,
_Uncle Tom's Story of his Life_, 53.
[33] Featherstonhaugh (G. W.), _Travels in America_, 36.
[34] Collins, _op. cit._, 128, 130, 132-3.
[35] Collins, _op. cit._, 54, 55 (cited from Hammond, _The Cotton
Industry_, App. I).
[36] De Bow's _Review_, xxiii, 475.
[37] Hammond, _op. cit._, App. I.
[38] Collins, _op. cit._, 54 (from De Bow, _Ind. Resources_, iii, 349).
[39] _Ibid._, 54 (De Bow, _Ind. Resources_, iii, 275).
[40] De Bow's _Review_, xxiii, 477.
[41] _Richmond Examiner_, 1849.
[42] Collins, _op. cit._, 54, 55 (from Hammond, _Cotton Industry_,
App. I).
[43] _Ibid._, 56. (_Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin_, 149; De Bow's _Review_,
xxvi, 649).
[44] _Compendium, Seventh Census_, 1850, 191.
[45] De Bow's _Review_, xxiii, 477.
[46] Collins, _op. cit._, 32 (_Statistics of Agr., 42, Census of
1890_).
[47] _Compendium, Seventh Census_, 1850, 191.
[48] _Ibid._, 191.
[49] Collins, _op. cit._, 32.
[50] De Bow's _Review_, xxiii, 477.
[51] _Compendium, Seventh Census_, 1850, 191, 84.
[52] De Bow's _Review_, xxiii, 477.
[53] _Census of 1830_, 98-101; _Census of 1840, Compendium_, 54;
_Census of 1850_, 421.
[54] _Census of 1830_, 102-3; _Census of 1840, Compendium_; _Census of
1850_, 497.
[55] De Bow's _Review_, xxiii, 476.
[56] _Census of 1830_, 104-107; _Census of 1840, Compendium_; _Census
of 1850_, 473.
[57] _Census of 1850_, 503-4.
[58] _Ibid._, 476.
[59] Collins, _op. cit._, 64, 65.
[60] Phillips, _op. cit._, 195.
[61] Hammond, _op. cit._, I, 53 (from Dew in the _Pro-Slavery
Argument_, 399).
[62] Collins, _op. cit._, 64, 65.
[63] _Compendium, Seventh Census_, 1850, 63.
NEGROES IN DOMESTIC SERVICE IN THE UNITED STATES[A]
INTRODUCTION
The term _Domestic Service_ as used in this study will include those
persons performing household duties for pay. In early colonial
history indentured servants performed household duties without pay.
They were usually imported convicts, assigned to labor for a term
on some estate, receiving only their living and stipulated benefits
at the termination of their service.[1] In modern use the word
"servant" denotes a domestic or menial helper and implies little or
no discretionary power and responsibility in the mode of performing
duty.[2]
In this discussion of Negroes in domestic service in the United States
the facts presented disclose the part Negroes have had in the changes
and developments of domestic service in the United States during the
past thirty years.[3] They also show to some extent the relation of
Negro domestic workers to white workers and to some of the larger
problems in this field of employment.
The primary data used here were gathered in three ways. First, the
writer was a dollar-a-year worker of the Woman in Industry Service,
United States Department of Labor, in 1919; and while visiting cities
in this work obtained from employment agencies some data on domestic
service. Secondly, as domestic service Employment Secretary, United
States Employment Service, Washington, District of Columbia, from
January 1920 to May 1922, the writer kept careful record of pertinent
facts with a view to further study and analysis of this information at
a later time.
Three different record cards were used at this office. One was for the
employer with name, address, telephone number, kind of help desired,
work to be done, whether to "sleep in" or "sleep out," afternoons off,
breakfast and dinner hour, size of family, wages, etc. Another card
was kept for the employee with name, address, birthplace, age, marital
condition, number of dependents, grade at leaving school, kind of work
desired, minimum wages applicant would accept, names of three recent
former employers and their addresses. On the back of this card were
written the name of the employer engaging the worker, the date, and
kind of work. There was also a card of introduction for the applicant
which the employer mailed back to the office.
A personal canvass of eleven employment agencies in New York City
and one in Brooklyn was also made in 1923. The records of only two
of these agencies were used, because more time could not be given to
securing material in this way.
In the third place, in 1923 a general schedule asking questions
relating to number, sex, age, marital condition, turnover, efficiency,
wages, hours, specific occupations, living conditions and health
was sent by mail to employment secretaries in twelve cities North,
South, East, and West, with whom contacts had been established through
acquaintances and friends. Responses were received from ten of these
cities with data for 1,771 domestic and personal service workers.
I. NUMBER AND SEX OF NEGROES IN DOMESTIC AND PERSONAL SERVICE
Because of the difficulties inherent in the classification of
occupations the United States Census Bureau has classified all
domestic and personal service occupations in one group. It has not
been possible, therefore, to ascertain the exact number of workers
engaged exclusively in domestic service. For example, the domestic and
personal service classification includes indiscriminately barbers,
hairdressers, manicurists, midwives, hotel keepers, policemen, cooks,
servants, waiters, bootblacks, and the like.
Fifty years ago there were in the United States 2,311,820 persons ten
years of age and over engaged in domestic and personal service, 42.1
per cent of whom were males and 57.9 per cent females. During the
succeeding thirty years there was an average increase for males and
females combined of 108,961 a year. So that in 1900, persons ten years
of age and over engaged in domestic and personal service numbered
5,580,657. As far as distinction from domestic service occupations
can be made, the number engaged in personal service has continued
to increase since 1900. By contrast, during the decade from 1900 to
1910 and from 1910 to 1920 there was a rather steady decline in the
number of those engaged in domestic service. However, the two groups
of domestic and personal service occupations combined showed that the
number ten years of age and over by 1910 had decreased 1,808,098,
and by 1920 had further decreased 367,667. Males constituted 6.4 per
cent of the decrease from 1910 to 1920 and females 93.6 per cent. The
number of children from 10 to 15 years of age engaged in domestic
and personal service in 1910 were 112,171. In 1920 the number had
decreased to 54,006.
The trend of the number of Negroes in domestic and personal service
occupations compared with the general trend of the total number
is indicative of the relation of Negroes and Caucasians in these
occupations. We may, therefore, discuss the number and sex of Negroes
ten years of age and over engaged in these occupations.
In 1900 there were in the United States 1,317,859 Negroes ten years
of age and over gainfully employed in domestic and personal service:
681,926 females and 635,933 males. In 1910 the number of females
had increased to 861,497 and the males had decreased to 496,100. In
1890 the total number of Negroes ten years of age and over gainfully
employed in domestic and personal service constituted 20.7 per cent
of the total number so employed and held third place among all
nationalities so employed. Negro men held first place among men thus
employed and constituted 40.8 per cent of the total number of male
domestic workers.[4] This proportion does not take into account the
fact that there were about eight white persons to one Negro in the
total population. At that time one in every 5.6 Negroes ten years of
age and over gainfully employed was in domestic and personal service.
In 1900 Negro women domestic workers occupied second place in point of
numbers among the total number and outnumbered the Negro male domestic
workers 3 to 1, while the white female domestic workers outnumbered
the white male domestic workers about 7 to 1.
The census figures dealing with servants and waiters for 1910 and
1920 in five Southern States where Negroes perform practically all
of the domestic service and in five Northern States where conditions
are quite different indicate the similarity in the trend of the
numbers for both races in domestic service. Although the number of
waiters increased by 40,693 between 1910 and 1920, the number of other
domestic servants so decreased that we have the following figures for
waiters and other domestic workers.
_Servants and Waiters 10 years of age and over, in selected States,
1901-1920_
====================================================
TABLE I | |
| 1910 | 1920
State +--------+---------+--------+--------
| Male | Female | Male | Female
---------------+--------+---------+--------+--------
Georgia | 8,719 | 38,165 | 7,752 | 38,165
N. Carolina | 5,553 | 28,555 | 4,855 | 21,321
Louisiana | 7,112 | 30,982 | 6,761 | 28,306
Maryland | 8,125 | 32,292 | 6,859 | 26,305
Virginia | 9,535 | 42,797 | 3,144 | 33,781
Massachusetts | 16,969 | 71,853 | 16,574 | 51,941
Ohio | 11,695 | 64,408 | 15,170 | 50,232
Minnesota | 6,581 | 37,207 | 6,134 | 26,969
Pennsylvania | 24,103 | 134,374 | 22,173 | 98,798
New York | 63,395 | 198,970 | 69,869 | 151,455
---------------+--------+---------+--------+--------
The figures show a decided decrease of domestic servants in both
Southern and Northern States between 1910 and 1920, except male
servants in Ohio and New York and female servants in Georgia.
The increase in male servants in Ohio and New York may be accounted
for by the large increase of waiters in those States. There is no
apparent explanation for the lack of change in the figures of female
domestic workers in Georgia. It may be said, however, that Georgia
has not suffered an actual decrease in its Negro population during
the past ten years as have Mississippi, with a 7.4 per cent decrease,
Kentucky with a 9.8 per cent decrease, Louisiana with a 1.8 per cent
decrease, Alabama with 0.8 per cent decrease, Delaware with a 2.7
per cent decrease, and Tennessee with a 4.5 per cent decrease. This
decrease in the Southern States has been due to the migration of
Negroes to Northern industrial centers.
For example, the Negro population of Chicago increased from 44,103 in
1910 to 109,456 in 1920; that of New York City increased from 91,709
to 152,467. The number of Negroes in domestic and personal service in
these and other Northern industrial centers has increased during the
past ten years because the Negroes who have migrated North could enter
domestic and personal service more easily than they could other fields
of employment.
Since the total number of Negroes in domestic service has decreased
while the total Negro population has increased, the question arises
as to why the number of domestic and personal service workers has not
kept pace with the growth of the Negro population. In twenty years
between 1890 and 1910 Negroes in the United States gainfully employed
increased about 65 per cent in agriculture, about 66.6 per cent in
trade and transportation, about 129.5 per cent in manufacturing and
mechanical pursuits, and about 65.3 per cent in domestic and personal
service.
The Census of 1920 shows that of the gainfully employed 4,824,151
Negroes ten years of age and over, 45.2 per cent were in agriculture,
forestry, and animal husbandry; 22.1 per cent were in domestic and
personal service; 18.4 per cent were in manufacturing and mechanical
pursuits; 9.4 per cent were in trade and transportation; 1.7 per
cent were in professional service; 0.8 per cent were in clerical
occupations; 1.0 per cent were in public service; and 1.5 per
cent were engaged in the extraction of minerals. This increase in
occupations other than agriculture and domestic and personal service
is largely due to conditions incident to the World War. Because of the
3 per cent immigration restriction, Negroes are being attracted to
the North in large numbers and are entering industrial pursuits. For
several years at least, this movement will most probably continue.
II. AGE AND MARITAL CONDITION OF NEGROES IN DOMESTIC AND PERSONAL
SERVICE
In 1900, 53.4 per cent of all the women sixteen years of age and
over engaged in domestic and personal service were from 16 to 24
years of age. Of the Negro women 16 years of age and over engaged in
domestic and personal service, 35.1 per cent, or more than one-third,
were between the ages of 16 and 24. The percentage in the other age
groups of the total number of women 16 years of age and over engaged
in domestic and personal service decreased by classes. That of Negro
women 16 years of age and over engaged in domestic and personal
service decreased by classes until those 55 years of age and over
constituted only 9.6 per cent of the total number of Negro women so
employed. The modal age of Negro male domestic workers like that
of white male domestic workers was from 25 to 44 years. The age
distribution of domestic and personal service workers for 1920 is
about the same as that for 1900. Because of the incompleteness of
the age data obtained from the general schedule sent to employment
agencies, they were not used for this study. The average ages of the
9,976 male and female Negro domestic and personal service workers of
Washington, D. C., were: 30.5 years for the males and 28.1 years for
the females.
In 1900, among Negro women the percentage of breadwinners did not show
such a marked decline after marriage as among white women. Of the
Negro female breadwinners 32.5 per cent were married, while only 9.0
per cent of the female breadwinners of all the races were married. The
percentage of married Negro male domestic and personal service workers
is higher than that of married female workers, while the number of
widowed and divorced is three and one-half times as great among female
as among male domestic and personal service workers. In 1920, 29.4 per
cent of all the female domestic and personal service workers 15 years
of age and over were married, while 70.6 per cent were classed as
single, widowed, divorced, and unknown.
The significance of age grouping and marital condition of Negro
domestic workers in their relation to employers is borne out by
the testimony of experienced employment agents in New York City,
Philadelphia, Baltimore, Washington, D. C., Chicago, and Detroit.
Women domestic workers between the ages of 20 and 25 are the most
sought after by employers. Those between 25 and 35 years of age are
next in favor. All of the agents testified to the unpopularity of
the young girl domestic worker. She is employed principally because
of the tight domestic labor market. Employers apparently feel that a
majority of the women beyond the ages of 45 and 50 have become too
set in their ways, somewhat cranky, and largely unable to do general
housework. The most frequent objections of employers to young girl
domestic workers are: They are untrained and inexperienced; they are
unwilling to sleep in; they are saucy; and their interest in men
company causes them to neglect their work.
The older Negro women in domestic service, realizing that with
their advancing years their possibilities for employment become
less, often hesitate and even fail to give their correct ages when
applying at employment agencies for positions. For example, a New
York City agency registered a woman who gave her age as 34, but whose
written references, yellowed with age, showed that she had worked for
different members in one family for fifty years. Frequently an older
woman registrant when asked her age hesitates and ends by saying "just
say 'settled woman.'"
In addition to the age situation of Negroes engaged in domestic
service, the marital condition of female domestic workers furnishes
a perplexing problem for both their employers and themselves. The
testimony of employment agents relative to employers' most commonly
registered objections to hiring married women for domestic service
is: Married women take away food for the support of their families;
married women have so many responsibilities and problems in their own
homes they oftener than not go out to work with a weary body and a
disturbed mind; married women find it difficult to live and sleep on
employers' premises.
Besides these problems there is apparently a still more perplexing one
for the Negro domestic workers with children of their own or other
dependents, namely, how to provide proper care and protection for
their dependents while they are away from home at work, especially if
the hours are long. Day nurseries are often mentioned as a possible
solution for this particular problem, but they exist for Negroes in
very few cities of the South. Even in the District of Columbia with a
population of servants and waiters--servants largely Negroes--totaling
21,444, there is not one day nursery for Negro children. The other
alternative is to get some elderly woman to take care of a child.
The usual charge made by such a woman for a limited number of hours
during the day is from $5 to $6 a week, the mother furnishing food for
the child. With these two items and carfare deducted from a mother's
weekly wage of $9 there is little left for other necessities.
The problem of dependents manifests itself also among widowed and
divorced Negro women engaged in domestic service. The U. S. Employment
Office, Washington, D. C., registered 9,774 Negro women 15 years of
age and over for domestic service from January, 1920, to May, 1922.
Of this number 5,124 were single, 2,579 were married, 2,071 were
widowed or divorced. Of the widowed or divorced 2,056 had from 1 to
5 dependents; 79 had from 6 to 10 dependents. Although no record was
made of the number of breadwinners in each of these families, many of
these widows expressed their weight of responsibilities by referring
to the high cost of living when their children had no one to look to
for support but themselves.
Divorced domestic workers and also unmarried mothers constitute
marital groups that are not all together negligible. Three of the
divorced women sent from the Washington office had the added problem
of finding their husbands at their respective places of employment
after absences of 5, 2, and 2 years respectively. Among the 5,124
single women registered at the Washington office there were reported 9
unmarried mothers.
In the District of Columbia there is a Training School for delinquent
Negro girls, a large number of whom go into domestic service when
they are paroled. They are better trained than the average domestic
employee, but since the Training School requires them to keep their
young babies with them, it is difficult to place them in homes. If
they take a room and attempt to do day work they have the difficult
problem of getting someone to take care of their children.
The marital condition of 471 new applicants for domestic positions in
Indianapolis, Indiana, for 1922, is given in the following table:
_Showing marital condition of 471 women seeking work as domestic
servants--Indianapolis, Ind., 1922_
TABLE II
Widows 63
Separated from husbands 50
Married and living with husbands 238
Divorced 34
Single 85
Unmarried mothers 1
The large proportion of married persons in the table may be accounted
for, in part, by the fact that 51 per cent of the total number had
recently come into Indianapolis from the adjoining States of Kentucky
and Tennessee.
III. TURNOVER, TRAINING, AND EFFICIENCY OF NEGRO DOMESTIC AND PERSONAL
SERVICE WORKERS
The increase of 13,738,354, or 14.9 per cent, in the total population
of the United States during the last decade, and a decrease of 367,667
in the domestic and personal service occupations population increases
the possibilities of turnover. In 1890, the average tenure of service
of a domestic worker in the United States was less than one and
one-half years.[5] Ten years later the average length of service of
a Negro domestic worker in the seventh ward of Philadelphia was five
years less than one month.[6] Many of these workers perhaps had been
for a long time in the older families of Philadelphia. Figures for a
three-year period, from 1906 to 1908, show that the modal period of
service of the New York Negro domestic worker was at that time from
six to eleven months.[7] In 1914, among 104 unskilled Negro workers
of St. Louis--cooks, laundresses, porters, chambermaids, waiters,
scrubwomen, manual laborers, and the like--the greatest frequency
for length of service among the men was from one to three months,
and among the women from three to six months.[8] Six years later the
largest proportion of Negro domestic workers of Gainesville, Georgia,
showed a disposition to remain in one position less than three months,
while the next largest proportion remained in one position from three
to six months.[9]
Some concrete illustrations of the frequency of turnover may be
referred to as further evidence. Nearly two hundred different women
were sent out from the Springfield, Massachusetts, office for day work
in 1915. Two years later over 500 different workers were sent out from
that office, about 200 of whom were Negro women. Of these 167 white
women and 124 Negro women were placed with employers less than ten
times in 1917; 2 white and 4 Negro women were sent out from 41 to 50
times; 3 white and 1 Negro woman were placed fifty times during 1917.
In 1918, the Springfield office reported as having filled 4,000 places
with 1,000 women.[10]
In 1920 the United States Employment Office, Washington, D. C., placed
1,488 different women for day work, all of whom were Negroes except
one. Of these, 458, after being given permanent positions for every
day in the week, were referred again not over twelve times; 23 of them
were sent out over fifty times, and 5 of them over one hundred times
during the year. General housework was so unpopular during that year
that few would take it. Although the turnover in day work was greater
than that in any other specific employment handled by the domestic
service section of that office, the 164 cooks remained in one position
on an average of about three months.
There was, however, in the District of Columbia during the fall and
winter of 1920 a decrease in the rate and volume of turnover for Negro
day workers and hotel workers consequent upon the minimum wage law
which became effective for hotels and restaurants in the spring of
1920. Many Negro women displaced in the hotels turned to day work.
For this reason added to the normal increase during the first half of
1921, the number of day workers increased to 3,115. White workers did
not have to apply for day work because they could secure positions in
hotels and restaurants.
During an unemployment period which extended over the latter half of
1921 and the first half of 1922, when so many men were thrown out of
work, the day workers increased to 4,615. There were more day workers
than there were positions for them. Consequently the turnover in day
work decidedly decreased, but it increased in general housework. Many
who could not get a sufficient number of days' work to make ends meet
were forced to turn to general housework.
The difficulty of keeping an accurate record of the turnover in
general housework makes the value of figures on turnover in general
housework seem very questionable. However, the length of service of
1,000 general houseworkers sent out from the Washington office for the
latter half of 1921 and the first few months of 1922 gives a fairly
accurate picture of the situation at that time.
_Length of Service of 1,000 General Houseworkers, Washington, D. C.,
1921-22_
TABLE III
317 remained in one position 1 week or less.
582 remained in one position from one to three months.
101 remained in one position 4 months and over.
Some of the conditions of the turnover at that time are illustrated
by typical cases. One employer advertised for a general houseworker
without laundry, with the privilege of going at night, and with hours
off. Eleven domestic workers answered the advertisement in person,
and no two met at the house at the same time. The employer engaged
every one of them, to return to work the next morning. Every one
of them gave assurance of being there, but not one of them came.
Another employer with only two in family, very desirous of securing
a general houseworker, called up six different employment agencies,
each of which sent her a worker. Among the number there was one man.
The employer put every one of them to work, each in a different room,
with the idea of choosing the two best ones at the end of the day and
engaging them for permanent work--thus assuring herself of securing
one worker. She managed her plan, as she thought, very successfully,
but the next morning she did not have a single worker.
Employers' statements on reference blanks, and reports from employment
agencies indicate that the reasons generally given by domestic workers
for leaving positions are that they wish a change, or the hours are
too long, or the work is too hard, or the employer is too particular,
or they have no time off. Time off for domestic employees is no doubt
greatly limited. Negro domestic workers, however, proverbially take
Christmas Day and the Fourth of July off, giving such various excuses
for their absence as death in the family, automobile accidents, and
the like. Just after these two holidays, large employment agencies
handling Negro help are for the most part swamped with applicants.
To some extent turnover in domestic service is linked up with lack of
training and efficiency of domestic workers. Because of their great
need of domestic help, employers frequently engage persons who are so
utterly untrained that they cannot be retained. There is a tendency
on the part of employers to propose to a domestic worker that each
take the other on a week's trial. Domestic workers are inclined to
refuse such offers on the ground that they are looking for permanent
employment. This suggestion of trying out domestic workers leads
logically to the question of training and efficiency in domestic
service.
_Training of White Domestic and Personal Service Workers_
Some facts relative to the special opportunities for the training of
white household workers in England and in the United States may throw
some light on the problem of efficiency. In England, following the
World War and under the ministry of reconstruction, there was created
a women's advisory committee to study the domestic service problem.
Each of the four sub-committees appointed made a report. Among the
advisory committee's final recommendations for getting the work of the
nation's homes done satisfactorily and reducing waste, were technical
training for domestic help and fixed standards of qualifications
for them. This committee reported that in 1914 there were only ten
domestic service schools in England and Wales, and four of these were
in the London area. During the year of 1922 courses of three months'
duration were given at some technical institutions in England in all
branches of household work and management. This training enabled women
to take the better posts in daily or residential work. Training in
cooking and catering could be had at any technical college for three
or more months as required.
To help meet the serious unemployment situation the Central Committee
on Women's Training and Employment in cooperation with the Ministry
of Labor set up homecraft training centers in districts where
unemployment was most noticeable. At these centers a course of
training was given for about three months, such as would enable women
to take posts in domestic service at the end of the course. These
classes were most successful. By August, 1922, about 10,000 women had
received the training and the courses were still continued. These
courses were given to women and girls between the ages of 16 and 35
upon their signing an agreement to be punctual in attendance, to
do their best in making the classes successful, and stating their
willingness to enter domestic service after receiving their training.
In the United States, in 1900, there were more illiterate persons in
domestic and personal service than in any other field of employment
except agriculture. The number of agricultural colleges in the
different States for the purpose of developing improved farming and
farmers has increased since that time, and the Federal Government
farm demonstration agents are actually teaching the citizens on the
plantations where they live and work. Facilities for the training of
domestic help, however, have received little attention from State or
Federal Government, and private enterprise in this field has been very
limited.
Just twenty years ago the Home Economics Committee of the Association
of Collegiate Alumnae of the United States, through the inspiration
of Mrs. Alice Freeman Palmer and Mrs. Ellen H. Richards, undertook an
experiment for studying at first hand the problems of household labor.
Among the disabilities in domestic service regarded as fundamental
causes of the disfavor in which it was held, was the low grade of
intelligence and skill available among domestic service workers. This
household aid company committee opened a training center and applied
educational tests to its candidates and undertook to give a course of
six weeks' training to each aid before she was sent out to work. The
number of aids taking the training was small. Mainly because of a lack
of funds, however, the experiment was given up after a trial of two
years. Prior to that time the civic club of Philadelphia attempted to
standardize the work and wages of domestic workers in that city.
Nearly twenty years later, a committee on household assistants was
organized in New York City by the United States Employment Service.
The committee succeeded in planning a household occupations course to
be given at the Washington Irving High School, and made efforts to
advertise the course; but since no one registered for it the committee
concluded that the matter would have to be taken up and pushed by
employers before it could succeed.[11]
Some of these efforts, however, have met with a measure of success.
The Bureau of Household Occupations of the Housewives' League of
Providence, R. I., organized in November, 1918, has conducted very
successful training classes for domestic workers. No meals or lodging
are to be furnished the household attendants of the Bureau. The
Bureau of Occupations under the auspices of the Housewives' League
of Hartford, Connecticut, has given its training courses through the
generosity of some of its members. One member taught cooking, another
taught waiting table, another laundry work. Classes were taught in the
homes of some of the members with much success.
_Training of Negro Domestic Workers_
Available data shows that opportunities for the special training
of Negro domestic workers have been even less than those for white
domestic workers. During the latter quarter of the 19th century
Mrs. L. J. Coppin, of Philadelphia, maintained a small home for
the training of the Negro domestic workers of Philadelphia. In the
comparatively few social settlements for Negroes there is meagre
opportunity for training in domestic service. The Domestic Efficiency
Association of Baltimore, Maryland, an organization of employers,
has announced its plans for opening a training school for white and
Negro domestic workers. This Association maintained in 1921 and 1922
a training school for Negro domestic help, in which special lessons
could be given or general training for one month or more. A rate of $5
a week for board, lodging, and training was charged. If an applicant
had no money the Domestic Efficiency Association advanced it on her
signing an agreement to secure her position through the Association
when ready for it, and to repay the debt out of her wages at the rate
of at least $2.50 a week.
The domestic science training given in the public schools may be a
small factor in the efficiency of Negro domestic workers, but most of
the permanent domestic workers do not go beyond the fifth grade in
school and thus do not go far enough to get an appreciable amount of
domestic science training. Negro workers who go through the high or
normal schools do not enter permanently into domestic service. This
statement is based on the data indicated by the permanent occupations
of 606 Negro graduates of the Sumner High School, St. Louis,
Missouri, of 305 graduates of Miner Normal School, Washington, in the
District of Columbia, of 15 graduates of the Gainesville, Georgia,
public schools 1917-1919;[12] and on data for students applying at
the Washington, in the District of Columbia, and the Indianapolis
Employment Agencies. Tables IV and V below set forth these facts.
_Occupations of 606 Negro High School Graduates, Sumner High School,
St. Louis, Mo., 1895-1911_[13]
TABLE IV
Occupation Number
Those engaged in, or prepared for, teaching 288
Entered college 49
Clerical work 43
Postoffice clerks 30
Entered business 4
Mechanics 17
Women at home or married 120
Miscellaneous 32
Unknown 23
Although Tables IV and V direct one's attention to the limited fields
of employment for Negro high school graduates, especially so since
clerical and mechanical work, business and professional service, must
be engaged in almost wholly among Negroes, yet few if any of the 911
graduates have entered domestic service. The young women graduates
of the Gainesville, Georgia, schools 1917-19, with the exception of
three, entered higher institutions of learning.
In Washington, in the District of Columbia, during the academic year
1920-22 there were among the 9,976 applicants for domestic work, 17
male and 159 female students who had attended or were attending high
school; 75 female normal school students; 13 male and 126 female
college students. Also in Indianapolis, in 1922, 73 female high
school students and 12 female college students applied for domestic
service. These large numbers of high school, normal school, and
college students seek domestic service mainly for after-school hours,
Saturdays, Sundays, summer months, and temporarily for earning money
to continue their education, or until they can find other employment.
_Occupations of 305 Negro Graduates of Miner Normal School,
Washington, D. C., 1913-1922_
TABLE V
Occupation Number
Teaching in Washington, D. C.:
Elementary 207
Kindergarten 50
Domestic Science 4
Domestic Art 3
Manual Arts 1
Drawing 1
Music 1
Ungraded 1
Teaching in Maryland 8
Teaching in Virginia 2
Teaching in North Carolina 1
Teaching in South Carolina 1
Teaching in New York 1
Substitute teachers in Washington, D. C. 2
Students 5
Government Service 7
Housekeepers 5
Printers 1
Private Music Teachers 1
Physicians 1
Insurance 1
Y. W. C. A. 1
Table VI shows the grades on leaving school of 8,147 Negro domestic
workers--men and women--of the Washington, D. C., office; and Table
VII shows grades on leaving school of 471 Negro domestic workers,
not separated by sex, of an Indianapolis Employment Office conducted
by Flanner House in that city. Each of these workers was personally
interviewed by the agent at each respective office. The reported
grade of each on leaving school was placed on an application card
which was filed for reference. The application cards were filled out
solely on the testimony of the applicants. The agent in the Washington
office handling the women did not ordinarily register men except as
man and wife applied at the same time, or a woman sent her husband to
the agent, or a special employer asked the agent to select male help,
or teachers in the Negro schools sent boys and men who were in search
of work. Therefore, the number of men from the Washington office for
whom grades are given is comparatively small.
In examining Tables VI and VII below one must take into consideration
several factors. In the first place, 81.2 per cent of the Washington
applicants and 73.9 per cent of the Indianapolis applicants were born
in the South where the standard is not so high as in the North; and
many of these applicants attended school in the rural districts of the
South where the schools were not standardized, and only a few schools
had any domestic science instruction. Then, too, a large proportion of
them left school some years ago when all of the grades or groups of a
school were taught by one teacher in one room.
Those persons who could not read or write seemed to feel their
illiteracy very keenly. Many of them offered excuses by saying that
the "white folks raised" them; or their parents died and they had to
help the other children; or they were "sickly," and the like. Those
who had never been to school but could read and write a little were
listed as being in the first grade. One applicant said that she had
never been through any grade but she could read and write and go
anywhere in the city she wished to go. Another one, an elderly woman,
expressed her regrets because she never had a chance to go to school,
but she had learned to read and write so that she could sign her name
instead of simply "touching the pen" when she was transacting her
business.
_Grades on Leaving School of 7,975 Female and 172 Male Negro Domestic
Workers from the U. S. Employment Service, Washington, D. C.,
1920-1922_
TABLE VI
Male Female
Illiterate 8 418
1st Grade 5 244
2d Grade 7 436
3d Grade 9 842
4th Grade 17 1,073
5th Grade 31 1,417
6th Grade 28 1,237
7th Grade 25 998
8th Grade 42 1,310
_Grades on Leaving School of 387 Negro Domestic Workers, Irrespective
of Sex, Indianapolis, Ind., 1922_
TABLE VII
Illiterate 21
1st Gr. 7
2d Gr. 11
3d Gr. 22
4th Gr. 44
5th Gr. 63
6th Gr. 51
7th Gr. 47
8th Gr. 120
The figures show that of a total of 7,975 female applicants for
domestic work in Washington, D. C., 4,430, or 55.5 per cent, had
received school training in the sixth grade or below; leaving only
29.9 per cent who had seventh or eighth grade training. Of the 387
applicants for domestic service in Indianapolis, 168, or 43.3 per
cent, had received school training up to the fifth grade or below;
and 219, or 56.7 per cent, had been to the sixth grade or below,
leaving 43.3 per cent who had been in the seventh or eighth grade.
The larger proportions of those from higher grades in Indianapolis
may be accounted for by the lesser opportunity in other occupations
as compared with Washington, and by the smaller number of applicants
involved. In short, domestic service as a regular occupation does not
attract and hold Negro workers of the higher grades of educational
training and intelligence.
In order to understand exactly what is meant by saying that
consideration of certain factors must be taken into account in any
attempt to formulate some idea of the educational status of the rank
and file domestic worker reckoned by his grade when he left school,
some letters, typical of the educational equipment among the 9,774
domestic workers (applicants), should be read. These letters were
written to the agent in the Washington, D. C., office by 5th grade
domestic workers.[14]
Many of these domestic workers also showed their lack of training by
their inability to figure out their weekly wages at the rate of $40,
45, or $50 per month. Such inability often caused them to feel and
say that their employers were "cheaters." To a considerable number of
them, $40 a month meant $10 a week, and vice versa; $45 a month meant
$11.25 a week, and $50 a month meant $12.50 a week. They generally
secured their pay twice a month--the first and the fifteenth. However,
such an arrangement did not seem to clarify matters, since they
thought of four weeks as making a month.
Then comes the question of the efficiency of Negro domestic workers.
In Philadelphia, Baltimore, Detroit, Indianapolis, and Washington,
D. C., agents find that employers of domestic labor, like other
employers, do not like to write down their grievances, but many of
them do make complaints to the agents over the telephone about the
inefficiency of domestic help. Agents in Detroit and Indianapolis
state that Negro domestic workers from the South--many of them from
the farms and untrained, unaccustomed to Northern methods of domestic
work--find it difficult to give satisfaction. The consensus of
opinion of eleven white and Negro agents in New York City was that
with respect to efficiency there are three distinct types of domestic
workers in New York City. In the first place, comes the West Indian,
who is unaccustomed to domestic work, and therefore unable to convince
himself that he is on that plane. He makes a more or less inefficient
domestic worker. Then there is the New York Negro who has difficulty
in adjusting himself to domestic duties. The southern Negro, however,
a decidedly different sort of laborer, makes a more efficient domestic
worker than either of the other two types.
Opinions elsewhere also vary. There was a migration of Negro women
domestic workers from Georgia to Springfield, Massachusetts, in
1916-1917. Many of these women were very satisfactory employees and
compared favorably with northern born Negro women domestic workers
of that locality, according to the _11th Annual Report of the
Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics_. In the United States Employment
Office, Washington, D. C., where all sorts and conditions of domestic
workers were handled, reports from employers on the efficiency of the
new workers from the South indicated that they were unaccustomed to
modern methods of housework and were less efficient than northern born
workers.
In any attempt to rate the efficiency of Negro domestic workers by
verbal testimonials and written references from their employers or
by wages received or length of service period of the workers, due
consideration must be given to factors beyond the workers' control.
Some of these factors are differences in the standards of efficiency
in the many homes and the temperament of employers together with the
attitude of some employers toward Negroes generally. For example,
occasionally, a former employer, in sympathy with the struggles of
Negroes and not wishing to hinder an unsatisfactory worker from
securing another position, writes for her a letter of recommendation.
Sometimes another employer, because of misunderstanding of some sort
between her and the worker, refuses to give any reference whatever.
In 1890, 57 per cent of 1,005 housekeepers representing the whole
United States found more or less difficulty in securing efficient
help. This probably was an underestimate of the true condition.[15] In
1901, out of 1,106 domestic workers from all sections of the United
States, 34 per cent were rated excellent; 37.4 per cent good; 24.8
per cent fair; 3.8 per cent poor. Although these figures indicate
that 96.2 per cent of the total were between excellent and fair, the
Commission's report in summing up the matter states that according to
the testimony of employers of domestic labor and of employment agents,
the character of the service rendered by domestic laborers is in a
large proportion of cases unsatisfactory. It further states that the
quality of men's work is about the same as that of women's work.[16]
In New York City, employment agencies send reference blanks to former
employers of domestic workers to be filled out and returned.[17] These
references are kept on file as a record of the domestic worker's
capability, sobriety and honesty. From 1906 to 1909 efficiency
ratings taken from such blanks for 902 Negro domestic and personal
service workers were as follows: 25.6 per cent very capable; 10.2 per
cent fairly capable; 2.2 per cent inefficient, and 2.0 per cent not
stated.[18] One employment agency in this city made 304 placements of
Negro women domestic workers during January, 1923. According to those
workers' references from their former employers 93.3 per cent were
capable or fairly capable and honest. This high degree of efficiency
among domestic workers from this one office is due probably to the
fact that this office with its limited staff of secretaries makes
no attempt to handle the evidently inexperienced workers. The other
employment agencies in New York and Brooklyn visited in 1923 spoke
favorably of the quality of service rendered by domestic workers in
these cities, according to their reports from employers.
Opinions of employers are not conclusive evidence of the efficiency
or inefficiency of workers, but they throw considerable light upon
the question. Written references are more or less held in disfavor by
the Washington, D. C., employers of domestic labor because they feel
that domestic workers sometimes write their own references. This is
true to a limited extent. Many of the workers come from small towns
and rural sections where the employers of domestic labor do not use
elegant stationery, the best English, and the most correct spelling
in writing references for domestic workers who leave for the cities.
Such references do domestic workers coming to Washington, D. C., more
harm than good.
However, domestic workers are more and more seeking written references
on leaving their places of employment because they are beginning to
realize that such are generally required by employers. Often a former
employer has moved away from the city, is in Europe, or has died, when
the domestic worker needs most to refer to her. A prospective employer
usually doubts that such an excuse, if given, is true. Of course, some
workers do try to take advantage in this way, but most of them are not
so unwise.
Types of written and oral testimonials of employers of domestic labor
in Washington, D. C., are also informing.[19] In cases where three
or more employers testified to the efficiency or inefficiency of a
worker, the word "efficient," "inefficient," or "poor" was written
across the bottom of his application card. The following table in some
measure represents in detail the character of service reported to the
United States Employment Service, Domestic Section.
_Summary of Testimonials of Former Employers of 9,976 Wage Earners
Engaged in Domestic Personal Service, Washington, D. C., January
1920-May 1922_
==============================================================
TABLE VIII| Efficient |Fairly Efficient| Inefficient
|-------+--------+-------+--------+-------+--------
| No. | Per ct.| No. | Per ct.| No. | Per ct.
-----------+-------+--------+-------+--------+-------+--------
_Male_ | 90 | 44.6 | 94 | 46.5 | 11 | 19.4
_Female_ | 3,008 | 30.8 | 4,543 | 46.5 | 1,892 | .05
-----------+-------+--------+-------+--------+-------+--------
_Total_ | 3,098 | 37.7 | 4,637 | 46.5 | 1,903 | 9.7
-----------+-------+--------+-------+--------+-------+--------
_No Report_
No. Per Cent.
_Male_ 7 .03
_Female_ 331 .03
_Total_ 338 .03
In this table 44.6 per cent of the males as over against 30.8 per
cent of the females are reported as being efficient, while 19.4 per
cent of the females and only 0.05 per cent of the males are listed
as inefficient. This should not lead to the conclusion that the male
Negro domestic workers of Washington, D. C., were more efficient than
the female Negro domestic workers of that city, since the 202 male
domestic workers do not represent the rank and file. They represent
men of family responsibilities, and students working their way through
high school and college. Both of these groups had a more or less
definite responsibility and aim in doing domestic work and therefore
were more willing, at least for a time, to accommodate themselves to
conditions obtaining in it. The office received no report concerning
.03 per cent of the workers. Occasionally both employer and employee
were so well pleased with each other that neither was heard from
unless the office in its follow-up work discovered the happy situation.
The opinion of employers that 19.4 per cent of 9,773 Negro female
domestic workers of Washington, D. C., were reported inefficient does
not, without other data, justify this as a scientific conclusion.
Some typical examples of their inefficiency are interesting.[20] The
inefficiency is due in large measure to pure ignorance which for
the most part is the sequel to lack of opportunity and training. For
example, the older type cook, who cannot read and write, finds it
difficult, if not impossible, to carry all the different modern salad
and dessert combinations in her memory and cannot supplement her
instructions by the use of literature on domestic science.
Employment agencies in Chicago in 1923, moreover, have hardly told
the whole truth in giving the following figures on the efficiency of
200 female domestic workers and 200 male domestic workers: _Women_,
satisfactory 175, or 87.5 per cent; unsatisfactory 10, or 5.0 per
cent; neither satisfactory nor wholly unsatisfactory 15, or 7.5 per
cent. _Men_, satisfactory 125, or 62.5 per cent; unsatisfactory 45, or
22.5 per cent; neither 30, or 15 per cent.
Efficient domestic workers apparently regret that they are in an
occupational group representing such a high degree of ignorance and
inefficiency. They sometimes take pride in saying that they have
never worked for poor people. Such a class of workers is represented
by a Washington, D. C., domestic worker who gave as her former
employers Mrs. John Hays Hammond, Mrs. Arthur Glasgow, Senator
Beveridge, Senator Guggenheim, and President Wilson. She took pride in
the fact that she could even show anyone a piece of the president's
wedding cake.
Honesty in domestic service is so closely associated with efficiency
that practically no reference for a domestic worker is complete
without some statement about this qualification. In 1890 Miss Salmon
raised a serious question with regard to the honesty of Negro domestic
workers in the South. Her question was based on answers received from
schedules sent to employers of that section.[21] In 1901, 92.6 per
cent of 583 domestic labor employers representing the whole United
States testified that their employees were honest and responsible.
Most employment bureaus were also agreed upon the general honesty of
domestic workers.[22] In 1899 the Philadelphia Negro domestic worker
of the Seventh Ward was described as purloining food left from the
table but as having the balance in his favor in regard to honesty.[23]
In 1906 opinions of former employers of 902 Negro wage-earners in
domestic and personal service in New York City were that 91.3 per cent
were honest; 7.1 per cent were either honest or fairly so; 0.6 per
cent were dishonest, and no statement was given for 1.0 per cent.[24]
Out of 9,638 Negro domestic workers reported upon for Washington, D.
C, between the years of 1920-1922, only .2 per cent were rated by
their former employers with assurance as being dishonest; 90.4 per
cent were listed as being honest. There were various answers for the
9.4 per cent. Some did not remain long enough to have judgment passed
upon them. Others were in a doubtful class but with no proof against
them, and the like. This low percentage of dishonesty eliminates
the tradition of taking food except in seven cases. The seven cases
of food taking are included because they were directly reported and
regarded by the employers as dishonest. Some employers, according
to their own statement of the case, do not regard taking food left
from the table as stealing, although such is against the will of the
employer. According to the southern tradition of a low wage and taking
food to piece it out, domestic workers are still virtually expected to
follow this custom.
200 women and 200 men domestic workers of Chicago have the following
record for honesty: _Women_, honest, 199, or 99.5 per cent; dishonest,
1, or 0.5 per cent; _men_, honest, 197, or 98.5 per cent; dishonest,
3, or 1.5 per cent.
Employment agents in other leading cities already mentioned have very
little complaint against the honesty of Negro domestic workers except
in the matter of taking food. Their explanation of the psychology of
such dishonesty is as given above.
IV. WAGES, HOURS, AND SPECIFIC OCCUPATIONS
While wages and efficiency are in some degree related in domestic
service, there is the custom of paying the "going wage" for specific
occupations, irrespective of efficiency. Wages vary, of course,
in different sections of the country and in different localities.
Occasionally attempts are made to grade such laborers. One employment
bureau, in Indianapolis, for example, divides its day workers into
grades A and B with respective wages of 30 cents and 25 cents an hour
for each grade.
Two other questions current in the problem of wages in domestic
service, both of which seem to be slowly lending themselves to
adjustment, are the payment of weekly wages instead of bi-weekly or
monthly wages, and equal pay for equal work irrespective of whether
a man or a woman, a Negro or a white employee, does the work.
Bi-monthly payment in domestic service has come to be the custom due
largely to the convenience of the employer, and to the possibility of
weekly wages increasing the turnover. A domestic worker often leaves
unceremoniously as soon as he gets his first pay. However, workers
claim that the custom of bi-weekly or monthly pay inconveniences them
since they cannot arrange to pay their rent, or purchase clothing and
other necessities on that basis.
The question of equal pay for Negro domestic workers does not enter
the domestic service wage problem of the South because Negroes
pre-empt this field in that section. Although the scarcity of
domestic labor seems to be settling this matter in other sections of
the country, it still persists in some measure. Twenty-five years
ago Miss Eaton discovered that Negro butlers on Rittenhouse Square,
Philadelphia, received on an average $36.90 a month, while white
butlers were getting from $40 to $45 a month.[25]
In the fall of 1921, during the period of labor depression, eleven of
the Washington, D. C., clubs and expensive boarding houses attempted
to make a change from Negro to white chambermaid-waitresses at an
increase of $10 a month for each worker. The four clubs that succeeded
in making the change discharged their white chambermaid-waitresses
after one week each and re-employed Negroes at the old wage of $35
a month. One of the successful employers felt that, inasmuch as the
white servants were no more satisfactory than the Negro workers, she
had just as well keep the Negroes and pay them less.
When the minimum wage law for women and minors of Washington, D. C.,
recently declared unconstitutional by the United States Supreme Court,
went into effect, practically all of the hotels and restaurants in
that city immediately discharged Negro workers and took on white ones.
Some of the managers told the agent at the United States Employment
Bureau that they were making the change because white servants were
more efficient than Negro workers. Other managers, some of whom had
used Negro labor for more than fifteen years, simply said that $16.50
a week was too much to pay Negroes, and, therefore, wished white
workers instead. The few hotels and restaurants that retained Negroes
as a rule put them on a much shorter working week than 48 hours, thus
reducing their pay.
Boarding houses and institutions such as private schools, sanatoria,
and the like, that offer excuses and fail to pay workers should
be mentioned in this connection. The manager of one such boarding
house in Washington, D. C., was sued by a worker who won her case
because other unpaid laborers testified against the manager. The
superintendent of a small private school in that city--also among
such paymasters--had repeatedly been reported to the Minimum Wage
Board which forced her to pay the Negro women day workers. After a few
months of such experience she changed her help and began to employ
men, over whom the Minimum Wage Board had no jurisdiction.
The wages of Negro domestic workers today are considerably higher than
they were in past decades, as is shown by a comparison of figures
in past periods for the Continental United States and for selected
cities with figures in 1920-1923. For the twenty-five years prior to
the World War there had been only a slight wage increase in domestic
and personal service. During the World War there was a considerable
increase in wages for both male and female domestic workers, the
increase for the latter being larger than that for the former. Since
the World War wages for such workers have fallen to some extent but
not anywhere near the pre-war level.
The following tables, with one exception, show the wage changes at
different ten-year periods over a range of 30 years. In Table IX the
figures from the Boston Employment Bureau illustrate the fact that
the average weekly wages for female domestic workers of Boston were
decidedly higher than elsewhere in the country. This table also makes
clear the fact that wages for men were considerably higher than those
for women.
_Average Daily and Weekly Wages in Selected Domestic Service
Occupations, 1889-1890_[26]
TABLE IX
Occupation Weekly Wages for Weekly Wages for
the United States Boston, Mass.
_Women_
Cooks $3.72 $4.45
Cooks and laundresses 3.39
Chambermaids 3.39 3.86
Waitresses 3.19 3.7
Second girls 3.16 3.7
Chambermaids and waitresses 3.10
Parlor maids 3
General servants 2.91 3
_Men_
Coachmen $7.84
Coachmen and gardeners 6.54
Butlers 6.11
Cooks 6.08
_Women_
Daily Wages
Laundresses .82
Seamstresses 1.01
_Men_
Gardeners 1.33
Chore-men .87
Table X below gives average wages for selected domestic service
occupations in the United States for a decade later than the figures
of Table IX. The slight variation in the figures of Table X from those
of Table IX may be due to probable error incident to the collection
of the data or to some other factor. The indications of these two
tables, however, with ten years intervening between the compilation of
the data, are that wages probably had changed very little, if any.
_Average Weekly Wages for Selected Domestic Service Occupations in the
United States, 1900_[27]
TABLE X
Occupation Average Weekly Wage
_Women_
General houseworkers $3.28
Cooks 3.95
Waitresses 3.43
Other specialists 3.54
_Men_
For all domestic service occupations 6.03
_Women_
For all domestic service occupations 3.51
In comparison with the two preceding tables, Table XI below gives
wages for domestic service in Philadelphia for about the same period.
The weekly wages range higher than for the country as a whole. The
lower wages in the southern border and middle sections of the United
States have reduced the average for the country below that for this
eastern city in which also special conditions may have operated to
bring such wages above the general level.
_Average Weekly Wages of Negro Domestic Workers of Philadelphia,
1896-1897_[27]
TABLE XI
Occupation Average Weekly Wage
_Women_
General worker $3.24
Janitress 4.06
Chambermaid-laundress 3.58
Cook-laundress 4.00
Laundress 4.04
Lady's maid 3.63
Chambermaid and waitress 3.17
Waitress 3.31
_Women_
Chambermaid 3.17
Child's nurse 3.35
Errand girl 2.00
Cook 4.02
_Men_
General worker 5.38
Valet 8.00
Cook 6.17
Waiter 6.14
Coachman 8.58
Butler 8.24
Bellboy 2.61
Table XII which follows is drawn from _The Negro at Work in New York
City_, and shows the modal wage groups for specific occupations in
domestic and personal service, New York City, 1906-1909. Although
data for New York City are not typical of the entire country, these
are the only available figures for this period, and they may indicate
the trend of wages in domestic personal service in that section.
In comparison with the preceding Table of Wages in Philadelphia,
the increase in wages in New York City may be due to differences of
conditions in the two cities rather than to any general increase or
decrease in wages.
_Modal Wage Groups for Selected Occupations, 1906-1909_[28]
TABLE XII
Occupation Range of Modal Wage
_Female_
Switchboard operator $4.00-4.99
Chambermaid 4.00-4.99
Chambermaid-cook 5.00-5.99
Chambermaid-laundress 5.00-5.99
Chambermaid-waitress 4.00-4.99
Kitchenmaid 4.00-4.99
Cook 5.00-5.99
Cook and general worker 5.00-5.99
Cook-waitress 4.00-4.99
Cook-laundress 5.00-5.99
Errand girl Less than 4.00
General houseworker 4.00-4.99
Laundress 4.00-4.99
Lady's maid 4.00-4.99
Parlor maid 4.00-4.99
Nurse Less than 3.00
Pantry girl 4.00-4.99
Waitress 4.00-4.99
Dishwasher 4.00-4.99
_Male_
Bellman Less than 4.00
Butler-cook 5.00-5.99
Waiter 5.00-5.99
Butler 5.00-5.99
Coachman 5.00-5.99
Cook 5.00-5.99
Elevator operator 5.00-5.99
Furnaceman 5.00-5.99
Gardener 4.00-4.99
Hallman and doorman 4.00-4.99
Houseman 5.00-5.99
Janitor 5.00-5.99
The last decade embraces the World War when wages in domestic and
personal service were at their maximum. The following tables for
selected cities present graphically the increase in wages for male and
female domestic workers and the slight increase in wages of females
over that of males. These tables also show how wages vary in different
sections of the country. Although these figures are for 1920, and the
first quarter of 1921, the decline in wages generally did not begin
until the fourth quarter of 1920, and it was not so pronounced in
domestic and personal service as in many other occupational groups,
and was scarcely appreciable in domestic service until the middle of
1921.
Tables XIII, XIV, XV, XVI, and XVII indicate that although wages in
domestic and personal service among Negroes have fallen somewhat, they
are still far above those of pre-war times. They also show that since
the War there has been considerable decline in rates paid men for day
work in New York City and Washington, D. C., but very little decrease
in the rates for women day workers in either of the two cities.
Any analysis of these tables must take into consideration that female
day workers in the cities included in the tables receive their carfare
and at least one meal; cooks, general houseworkers, waiters and
waitresses, housemen, mothers' helpers, some kitchen help, part-time
workers and nurses receive their meals and, in many instances, their
quarters.
In this table wages for clerical workers, factory workers, laborers,
truckers, butchers, etc., are given in comparison with the wages of
domestic and personal service workers. For example: a stenographer
receives $18 a week, while a cook receives from $18 to $25 a week and
board; a factory girl receives from 25 cents to 30 cents an hour,
while a day worker in domestic service receives $22 a week, and a cook
receives $25 a week and board.
_Weekly Wages of 118 Negro Men in Domestic Service by Specified
Occupations, New York City, 1920-1921_[29]
TABLE XIII
Occupations Number Employed Weekly Wages
Cleaners 3 $ .50 per hour
5 3.00 per day
Cooks 2 15.00-17.99
3 18.00-19.99
3 25.00 or more
Dishwashers 2 10.00-12.99
4 13.00-14.99 and meals
1 15.00-17.99
11 18.00-21.99
1 26.00
Doormen 1 38.50 and meals
3 (monthly) 40.00-79.00
Elevator operators (apt. house) 1 under 10.00
1 10.00-12.99
11 15.00-17.99
1 18.00-21.99
Elevator and switchboard operators 6 14.00
6 17.00
1 18.00
Firemen (apt. house) 1 3.00 per day
1 20.00-24.99
1 20.00 and board
1 30.00
Janitors (apt. house) 1 (monthly) 20.00 and apartment
1 (monthly) 30.00 and keep
1 (monthly) 40.00 and keep
1 (monthly) 60.00 and keep
Assistant janitors (apt. house) 1 10.00-12.99
1 15.00 and room
Porters-apartment houses 1 16.00
6 18.00-20.99
Waiters 3 under 10.00
18 (exclusive
of tips) 15.00-17.99
6 18.00-20.99
7 10.00-11.99
_Range of Weekly Wages of 754 Negro Women in Domestic and Personal
Service, Specified by Occupations, New York City, 1920-1921_[30]
TABLE XIV
Occupations Number Employed Wages
General houseworkers 5 under $ 9.00
706 10.00-18.00
Chambermaids 1 under 9.00
Chambermaids-waitresses 7 12.00-18.00
Cooks 6 15.00-21.00
Kitchen helpers 8 12.00-17.00
2 under 9.00
Mothers' helpers and Nurses 9 10.00-15.00
Nurses (practical) 3 15.00-21.00
Waitresses 5 12.00-14.00
_Range of Daily and Weekly Wages of 1,565 Male and Female Negro
Domestic and Personal Service Workers, Washington, D. C., 1920_
=================================================================
Table XV | | |
| Number | Daily | Weekly
Occupations |Employed| Wages | Wages
---------------------------------+--------+---------+------------
Male | | |
Butlers | 7 | | 12.00-15.00
Chauffeurs | 3 | | 14.00-15.00
Chauffer-butler | 13 | | 14.00-15.00
Elevator Operator | 6 | | 9.00-10.00
Janitors and housemen | 34 | | 10.00-12.00
Cooks | 21 | | 18.00-20.00
Furnace and yardman | 10 | | 7.00-8.00
Waiters | 11 | | 9.00-10.00
Dishwashers | 12 | | 9.00-12.00
Day Workers | 6 | 4.00 |
| | |
Female | | |
General houseworkers | 49 | | 10.00-12.00
Cooks | 83 | | 10.00-20.00
Maids | 86 | | 9.00-10.00
Waitresses | 112 | | 9.00-10.00
Personal maids | 5 | | 10.00-12.00
Kitchen maids | 40 | | 8.00-9.00
Mothers helpers | 75 | | 5.00-7.00
Pantry maid | 62 | | 10.00-12.00
Permanent laundresses | 3 | | 12.00-14.00
Cook-laundresses | 81 | | 10.00-12.00
Chambermaid-waitresses | 240 | | 9.00-10.00
Janitress | 7 | | 9.00-10.00
Elevator operator | 82 | | 8.00-9.00
Parlor maids | 21 | | 9.00-10.00
Day workers | 362 |2.50-3.00|
Nurse maid | 91 | | 8.00-9.00
Part-time workers | 51 | | 6.00-7.00
----------------------------------------------------------------
_Weekly Wages of 200 Male and 200 Female Negro Domestic Workers
of Chicago by Occupations_, 1923
TABLE XVI
Occupations Number Enrolled Weekly Wages
_Male_
Factory 15 22.00
Waiter 8 15.00 and board
Bus Boys 6 10.00 and board
Elevator 1 14.00
Cook 10 25.00 and board
Cleaning 11 (per hour) .50
Wringer 2 20.00
Fireman 2 24.00
Shoe shiners 3 (per day) 2.00 and tips
Butchers 6 (per hour) .47 and up
Houseman 4 (per month) 70.00 room and
board
Dishwasher 43 17.00 and board
Porter 10 20.00-25.00
Trucker 25 22.00
Laborers 54 (per hour) .45-.60
_Average Daily and Weekly Wage of Negro Domestic Workers by Occupation
for Selected Cities_, 1923
==================================================================
TABLE XVII | Average Wage By Occupation
|------------------------------------------------
| |General | | |
| Day | House | Cooks | Maids | Waitresses
|Workers |Workers | | |
-----------------+--------+--------+--------+--------+------------
New York | $3.80 | $13.85 | $16.50 | $13.00 | $7 and tips
Philadelphia | 2.75 | 12.50 | 13.50 | 9.50 | $7 and tips
Baltimore | 2.75 | 9.50 | 11.00 | 8.50 | $7 and tips
Washington, D. C.| 2.00 | 9.25 | 10.75 | 8.50 | $8 and tips
Detroit | 3.35 | 9.50 | 11.00 | 9.00 | $7 and tips
Indianapolis | 2.25 | 10.00 | 13.50 | 9.00 | $7 and tips
Boston | 3.00 | 12.00 | 12.50 | 10.50 | 10.50
Los Angeles | 3.80 | | 15.00 | 11.50 | 8.00
Montgomery | 1.75 | 7.00 | | 6.50 |
Nashville | 1.75 | 7.00 | | 6.50 |
------------------------------------------------------------------
===============================================
TABLE XVII |Average Wage By Occupation
(cont.) |-----------------------------
|Part-time | Mothers' | Child
| Workers | Helpers | Nurses
-----------------+----------+----------+-------
New York | $8.00 | $11.00 | $11.00
Philadelphia | 7.50 | 8.25 | 8.25
Baltimore | 6.00 | 5.50 | 6.00
Washington, D. C.| 7.50 | 8.00 | 8.00
Detroit | 9.50 | 9.50 | 10.00
Indianapolis | | 8.00 | 13.50
Boston | | |
Los Angeles | | |
Montgomery | | |
Nashville | | |
----------------------------------------------
==================================================================
Male | Day |Chauffeurs | Cooks |Janitors |Dishwashers
|laborers | | | |
------------+---------+-----------+--------+---------+------------
New York | $3.00 | $25.00 | $20.00 | $9.50 | $12.00
Boston | 4.00 | 25.00 | 22.50 | 20.00 | 12.00
Philadelphia| 3.80 | 25.00 | 20.00 | 15.00 | 9.50
Baltimore | 3.50 | 18.00 | 21.00 | 15.00 | 9.50
------------------------------------------------------------------
===================================================
Male | Bell | Waiters |Porters | Elevator
(cont.) | men | | | operators
------------+-------+---------+--------+-----------
New York | $9.50 | $10.00 | $15.00 | 15.00
Boston | 13.50 | 12.00 | 15.00 | 15.00
Philadelphia| 6.50 | 7.00 | 15.00 | 15.00
Baltimore | 7.87 | 9.30 | 15.00 | 9.30-15.00
---------------------------------------------------
The table above shows that wages in the specified occupations in
different sections of the country, for the most part, do not vary
very much. Wages for males are given for only four cities because the
wages for males in the other cities mentioned, with two exceptions,
are about the same as in these four cities. In addition to money wages
received for day work, women get their carfare and often one or two
meals, while men receive only the money wages. Elevator operators in
Baltimore hotels are paid from $40 to $50 a month instead of $15 a
week as in apartment houses because more tips are given in hotels.
Although in consideration of the present rate of wages the total
annual wage paid for domestic and personal service in the homes of the
United States must be large, there seems to be no available data on
this point. However, an estimate has been made of the total quarterly
wages for 1920 and 1921 and the first quarter of 1922 paid domestic
and personal service employees in the hotels and similar institutions
of Continental United States. The range of quarterly wages in such
institutions for 1920 was 666 to 700 millions of dollars; for 1921,
660 to 678 millions of dollars; and for 1922, 643 millions of dollars.
The maximum cyclical decline in the wages of such workers for that
period of time was 8.15 per cent.
Even though seven other groups of occupations had a smaller percentage
cyclical decline in wages following the war than public domestic and
personal service and twelve other groups of occupations had a larger
cyclical decline, the average earnings an hour for each domestic and
personal service worker are less than that for any other occupation
or industry except agriculture. The average earnings in cents an hour
for each employee in domestic and personal service were for the first
quarter of 1920, 34 cents; for the first quarter of 1921, 34 cents;
and for the first quarter of 1922, 33 cents.[31]
_Hours of Negro Domestic Workers_
Although during the past thirty years there has been considerable
advance made in the matter of hours for domestic and personal service
workers, the change in this particular has not kept pace throughout
the United States with the increase in wages in domestic and personal
service occupations. Thirty years ago 38 per cent of 1,434 female
domestic employees from all sections of the United States were
actually working ten hours a day, 6 per cent of them were working
eleven hours a day, 31 per cent were working twelve hours or more
a day, and 25 per cent of them were working less than ten hours a
day.[32]
In recent years the hours and wages of female domestic and personal
service workers in several states of the union have been standardized
by the enactment of state minimum wage laws. Utah, which has an eight
hour day and a 48 hour week for female workers generally, lists any
regular employer of female labor under those occupations covered by
law. This would include domestic service for women. The minimum wage
rate in this State for experienced women is $1.25 per day. Wisconsin,
which has a ten hour day and a 55 hour week for females and minors,
includes under its minimum wage law every person in receipt of, or
entitled to, any compensation for labor performed for any employer.
Domestic workers must be included in this number. Colorado includes
under its minimum wage law any occupation which embraces "any and
every vocation, trade, pursuit and industry." Since domestic service
is a pursuit or vocation, it must come under the minimum wage law
of Colorado. The state of Washington has an eight hour day and a 56
hour week and a wage of $18 a week and $3 a day for females engaged
in public housekeeping, but not for private domestic workers. North
Dakota publicly excludes domestic service and agriculture from its
occupations or industries covered by the minimum wage law. Although
the other seven State minimum wage laws do not openly exclude
domestic service, it is not included as yet among occupations and
industries. Two attempts were recently made in California to secure
through legislation a ten hour day for domestic workers. The first
bill was defeated. The second bill passed both houses but received a
pocket veto.[33] In States where there is no minimum wage legislation
the working hours for day workers and part-time workers are
standardized on an eight hour basis.
The extensive use of day workers came into popularity largely through
necessity during the World War. At that time such a large proportion
of the permanent domestic employees found openings in other lines
of work that housewives supplemented their own labor by hiring day
workers. The large demand for such workers gave them the leverage of
establishing for themselves an eight hour day and a wage commensurate
with that in many lines of industry. Day workers have retained since
the World War both the eight hour day and the advanced wages.
The part-time workers, too, have definite hours. Many of them do
cooking and general housework but for only specified hours. Some of
them work four or five hours or less in the mornings, especially when
the work is largely cleaning. Not a few of them begin in the afternoon
and do general housework and prepare dinner and serve it. But the
hours are fixed hours. Some part-time workers have a regular place of
employment for mornings and another such place for afternoons. Their
hours are definite and their wages are thus very good. Frequently the
part-time worker has every Sunday off.
The hours for the other domestic service workers generally do not seem
to be so well standardized as yet. Three Washington, D. C., employers
wished their general houseworkers to come on duty at seven o'clock in
the morning, with the promise that the workers could leave when they
finished. Although 75.3 per cent of one thousand domestic workers,
exclusive of day workers and part-time workers, in the private
families and boarding houses of Washington, D. C., were on duty ten
hours or over, this would show that the three employers mentioned
above were not typical. Three other employers in the same mentioned
city maintained an eight hour day for their help by having an extra
worker prepare the dinners and serve them.
Apparently no attempt has been made to compare the hours of the
private domestic and personal service workers with those of the
workers in other industries. An estimate made of the full-time hours a
week during 1920 and 1921 for the average employee in all enterprises
of whatever size in the Continental United States discloses the fact
that the average full-time hours a week for public domestic and
personal service workers were from 56.6 to 57.1, while the average for
workers in all industries including domestic and personal service was
50.3 to 51.3 hours a week. In New York City, according to employment
agents, the practice of an eight to nine hour day for domestic workers
generally obtains.
_Specific Occupations of Negro Domestic Workers_
The chief employment of the day workers in more than three-fourths
of the States is laundry work and cleaning. It is significant that
in twenty-one States for which the 1920 advanced occupational census
sheets have been obtained, where the Negro population is negligible,
there is no principal occupation given as that of launderer and
laundress "not in laundries." In all of the States for which there
are reports given in the cities of those States where the Negro
population is large there is such a principal occupation. However,
this occupation in spite of the increased popularity of day work
during the World War is decreasing in numbers as the following table
will indicate. Whether this decrease is due to the "wet wash" laundry
system and to the increased facilities in hand laundries we have no
data to prove.
Table XVIII given below represents the States so far as the 1920
census reports go, which have the principal occupation of launderer
and laundress "not in laundries." In all of the States except Vermont,
the Negro population is quite appreciable. Just why Vermont is not
among the 21 States which have a negligible Negro population and no
such principal occupation accessible data did not disclose. The reason
why the 21 States have no such principal occupation is probably due to
the fact that laundry work is so laborious that white domestic workers
are averse to it, and those able to have the work done send it to a
steam laundry.
_The Number of Launderers and Laundresses in 14 States in 1910-1920_
==================================================
TABLE XVIII | |
| Male | Female
State |-------+-------+--------+-------
| 1910 | 1920 | 1910 | 1920
-----------------+-------+-------+--------+-------
Louisiana | 406 | 389 | 23,051 | 17,034
Georgia | 832 | 667 | 44,710 | 36,775
No. Carolina | 387 | 296 | 23,192 | 15,185
Florida | 394 | 342 | 14,844 | 16,552
Dist. of Columbia| 121 | 93 | 7,920 | 6,095
Maryland | 448 | 253 | 16,189 | 12,418
Delaware | 20 | 26 | 1,665 | 1,110
Indiana | 300 | 245 | 10,130 | 7,238
Vermont | 34 | 21 | 1,256 | 684
Kansas | 210 | 163 | 4,814 | 3,760
New Jersey | 452 | 322 | 11,171 | 7,626
New Mexico | 71 | 51 | 1,678 | 1,299
Oklahoma | 154 | 124 | 5,349 | 4,350
West Virginia | 140 | 84 | 3,923 | 2,505
--------------------------------------------------
A general houseworker has come to be thought of by the public as a
maid of all work, and sometimes she is; but in many homes she is
relieved of doing the laundry work. In some cities general housework
does not always include cooking. For example, in New York City and
Brooklyn it may not include cooking unless specified by the terms
cooking and general housework. In New York and some other cities men
have been tried as general workers.
According to employment agencies, butlers are not used in such
large numbers as they were before the World War. During the war it
was difficult to secure them because men were needed for war work.
Since then wages have been such that employers have largely used
chambermaid-waitresses or chauffeur-butlers instead of regular
butlers. Among the 779 Negro men in domestic and personal service
(New York City, 1921, Table XI), there is not one butler. This does
not mean that there are no Negro butlers in New York City, but it
indicates their scarcity and shows that employers living in apartment
houses can do without them. Negro cooks, however, are yet an important
factor in the domestic and personal service groups.
There are still Negro personal maids who make provision for the
special comfort and well being of their employers as well as do their
little mending, and the like. And there are Negro pantry maids whose
first duty it is to make salads. Chambermaid-waitresses and parlor
maids to do such as to answer the door bell are also still used. The
tendency, however, is in the direction of having but the one general
maid, together with a laundress to come in by the day. Mothers'
helpers or young girls to assist in all the work of the house and with
the children are also being employed quite extensively, and at less
wages than would be paid to an older general houseworker.
These different occupations for the most part call for different types
of workers. A butler or a chambermaid-waitress who is tall and comely
may have access to a larger number and to better places than one who
is short. Especially is this true of cooks for apartment or for a
general houseworker where there are stairs to climb. These are much
more frequently chosen from among the medium-sized women than from
the stout women. The reason for the latter choice is apparent. In the
case of the butler or chambermaid-waitress, the basis of choice is
apparently appearance and custom.
V. LIVING CONDITIONS, HEALTH, SOCIAL LIFE, ORGANIZATIONS OF NEGRO
DOMESTIC WORKERS, AND THEIR RELATION TO EMPLOYMENT AGENCIES
Living conditions here refer only to those on employers' premises.
The general living conditions of Negro domestic workers in different
parts of the country, or even in different localities of the same
section, vary so widely that the subject cannot be treated here. For
example, in the South laundresses for the most part take bundle wash
to their small homes, and do large "washes" there. Such a situation
makes it difficult for southern Negro laundresses to live comfortably
and healthfully. Laundresses in the North are relieved of this problem
by going to the homes of employers, but, on the other hand, are
affected by the excessive rents and the overcrowding in their own
homes.
Living conditions on employers' premises for domestic workers vary to
some extent in different homes of the same city but to a larger extent
in the different sections of the country and in different cities of
the same section. In Montgomery, Alabama, for example, out of two
hundred Negro female domestic workers interviewed, 54 or about 27 per
cent were living in a two-room detached frame house on the rear of the
employers' premises. The remaining 73 per cent did not "sleep in" or
live on their employers' premises. In Philadelphia, living conditions
on employers' premises are reported as being good. They consist, in
the main, of a third floor room. Very few basement rooms are offered
as living quarters for domestic workers in that city. In Indianapolis,
about 50 per cent of those working by the week among the 471 domestic
workers go home nights. Living conditions for those "sleeping in" are
fair as a rule. Some have basement rooms but a majority of them have
rooms either on the third floor or in the attic or over a garage. A
small percentage of the homes have a bath room for the maid.
Employment agencies in Boston, New York City, Brooklyn, Philadelphia,
Detroit, Chicago, and Los Angeles give favorable reports on the living
conditions of domestic workers who "sleep in." While the reports from
Baltimore are not as conclusively favorable as for the above-named
cities, one fact stands out prominently, namely: that in the main,
only apartment houses in that city offer basement rooms as living
quarters for domestic workers. Employment agencies in all of the
cities mentioned state that there are far more calls for workers to
"sleep in" than there are workers who are willing to do so.
Out of 500 domestic workers in Washington, D. C., selected at random
from 3,000 permanent employees for the year 1921-22, about 64.1 per
cent were requested to "sleep in." Out of an equal number of employers
requesting workers to "sleep in," selected in the same manner, about
83 per cent provided basement rooms as sleeping quarters for such
workers; about 10 per cent either provided first floor or third floor
rooms--some of them with baths; about 7 per cent either offered attics
or they failed to furnish a statement as to the location of the rooms.
Occasionally an employer would like to have the worker "sleep in" but
because of having only a basement room to offer, she would forego her
wish in the interest of the health of the employee. Two of the workers
sent out from this office were partially incapacitated by the poor
living and working conditions. One of the problems, however, involved
in housing domestic employees is the frequency of the turnover which
necessarily brings in different kinds of workers, varying in degrees
of personal cleanliness and health.
Closely connected with the living conditions, too, are the working
conditions of domestic employees. In fact, one of the strains of such
service often is the lack of break between the place of work and of
living, which makes for resulting monotony and much loneliness. Much
of a domestic worker's life is spent in the kitchen, in the laundry
or on the premises of his employer. The only available accurate data
on this point have come from Indianapolis, Ind. This was secured in
response to a questionnaire sent to the employers who were patrons
of the employment office at Flanner House. The following table gives
a summary of the replies as to the appliances employers had in their
homes for use of Negro domestic workers.
_Replies from 523 Employers Showing the Appliances in the Homes for
Doing Laundry Work, in Indianapolis, Ind., April, 1922_
TABLE XVIII Per Cent
Number having electric machines 249 47.6
Number having water power machines 2 .4
Number having hand power machines 5 .9
Number not having machines of any kind 267 51.1
-----
100.0
Number having electric irons 479 91.6
Number having gas irons 5 .9
Number having mangles--ironing machine 31 5.9
Number having stationary tubs 202 38.6
Number having driers 3 .6
According to this record about 48.9 per cent of the 523 employers had
washing machines of some kind and about 51.1 per cent had none at all;
about 38.6 per cent had installed stationary tubs and 0.6 per cent had
driers. To one who is conversant with the old way of doing laundry
work with heavy portable wooden tubs, and with the lighter weight
zinc tubs, into which water was lifted for washing and from which it
was lifted after washing, and then placed upon either a dry goods
box or a wash bench of uncertain height, this table shows marvelous
improvement in working conditions of Negro laundresses in Indianapolis
and indicates unusual possibilities there and elsewhere. However,
unless there were, in each of the homes having washing machines,
a stationary tub, or a rubber tube for draining the water out of
the washing machine, there still would be that lifting of water,
and possibly undue exertion because of the uncertain height of the
portable tub. The principle of having the tub set at the right height
involves relief from straining the back, an important item in relation
to good health. There were about 98.4 per cent of the 523 employers
who had either electric or gas irons or mangles. Such appliances
facilitate ironing as well as enable a laundress to do better work.
Washing machines and mangles make it possible to do the bed linen at
home instead of sending it to a steam laundry. Driers are particularly
serviceable in winter when drying out of doors is difficult as well as
being hard on the laundress because of the cold weather.
The employment agency that sent out the questionnaire congratulated
the employers on the marked improvement made in appliances for
laundering, and added that like improvements will in time be made in
the type and conditions of work rooms in which laundresses must labor.
_The Health of Negro Domestic Workers_
Although the health of domestic workers is an extremely important
matter because of the nature of their work and the homes into which
they go, and because their support depends so largely upon their
physical ability to work, no records apparently are kept by the
various employment agencies relative to the health of the workers. In
1899 out of 152 male and 395 female domestic workers in Philadelphia,
80 per cent of the men had not been ill during the year, and 74 per
cent of the women had not been ill during the year. This per cent of
good health excluded colds. The most prevalent disabilities among
them were: consumption, lagrippe, quinsy, sore throat, rheumatism,
neuralgia, chills and fever, and dyspepsia.[34] That there is much
opportunity for danger from infection incident to the ill-health of
domestic workers cannot be denied.[35]
Very careful note was taken for one week in March, 1922, of the health
of women domestic workers reporting at the United States Employment
Agency, Washington, D. C. It was not a typical week because of the
fact that it followed an epidemic of lagrippe. However, out of 1,043
domestic workers, only 325 or about 31 per cent had not been ill
during that winter and had no complaint whatever. Lagrippe, surgical
operations, indigestion, heart trouble, weak back, and neuralgia were
the illnesses of which they most commonly complained.
There were among the number above, five evident cases of mental
disturbance, one of which was taken to St. Elizabeth's Hospital
for observation and treatment. Another from the number had been
discharged from the same hospital after treatment for mental trouble.
This fact was not known by the Agency until an officer from the
hospital visited the woman at her place of work to see how she was
getting along. Three cases that were suspected of having tuberculosis
were referred as waitresses at different times to a public hospital,
at some risk of course to the reputation of the office, largely to see
what the reaction of the nurse in charge would be. In each case the
nurse reported that she could not use such a person about the food.
Yet such persons were taken into some of the most desirable homes in
Washington as household employees.
_Social Life of Negro Domestic Workers_
The social life of the older domestic Negro workers centers largely in
their church and secret order society connections. From 1916 to 1920
seven out of every eleven Negroes in the United States were enrolled
in churches. Many of them are willing to accept a place at a much
lower wage than another if it gives them their Sundays off so that
they may attend their churches.
It is important then to see the scope of such organizations in Negro
city life. Kansas City, Missouri, with a Negro population in 1910 of
23,566, had 19 Negro churches and 16 Negro missions in 1913, with
a total membership of 7,156. In this city there were 135 different
lodges, or households (women's chapters), with a total membership
of 8,055, 4,226 men and 3,829 women. The average initiation fee in
the men's orders was $11.50 and in the women's $4.51 with additional
monthly dues of 50 cents and 25 cents respectively. Endowment
insurance policies of these lodges for which there is an annual fee
from $2 to $4 are for the most part optional. These 8,055 members pay
into their lodges annually $55,411.40. Their property in Kansas City
is valued at $46,100. Each of the 135 orders has sick benefits ranging
from $2.50 to $4.50 a week and all of them, with one exception, pay
burial expenses in case of death.[37] In Harlem, New York, with a
Negro population of about 90,000 in 1920 there are 25 Negro churches
and about 16 missions. There are in this densely populated section six
moving picture theatres which cater largely to Negro patronage.[38]
Gainesville, Georgia, with a Negro population in 1910 of 1,629 had a
Negro church membership of 1,023. Five of the Negro lodges in that
city admit women, some of whom are members of several lodges.[39] In
the lodges composed as they are very largely of the masses of the
Negro people with a few of the more intelligent leaders as officers,
there are many possibilities for improving the efficiency of the
domestic workers.
Just what is the social life of the younger Negro domestic workers,
many of whom are away from their own families, is a question. Of the
471 Negro domestic workers registered at the Indianapolis office,
about 44.5 per cent were rooming and only about 2.3 per cent were
living with parents or relatives. As possible attractions for such
workers there are the moving picture and low vaudeville theatres,
usually located in Negro neighborhoods, the pool and billiard rooms,
cabarets and questionable dance halls.
Dr. Rubinow says that of 2,300 domestic white workers, a large
majority of whom were under 30 years of age, interviewed by the
Michigan Bureau of Labor, only 51 belonged to fraternal societies of
any kind. Of 230 questioned by the Domestic Relation Reform League, 20
belonged to clubs and 15 to classes of some kind, and 118 entertained
no men callers. A domestic worker, he says, not only loses caste among
other groups of workers, but she loses at the hands of her employers
even her family name. She lives a life of loneliness, "in a family but
not of it."[40]
_Organization of Domestic Workers_
In order to show concretely what domestic workers themselves have
attempted to do to improve their conditions, some discussion of their
organizations as an expression of that attempt is in place here. It
is not certain how many of these organizations are still active nor
how many have Negro members. Some of them have such members, no doubt.
However, three of them are composed entirely of Negroes.
In Los Angeles, California, the "Progressive Household Club" with
a membership of 75 domestic workers is still active. This club was
organized primarily for the purpose of furnishing a cheerful and
welcome home for a domestic worker taking a rest or not employed
for a time. It has a self-supporting home which will accommodate
twenty-five girls. Their recreational and educational features are
not startling, as the secretary writes, but they enable the girls to
pass some cheerful hours out of their "humdrum" lives. This club was
among the 15 other domestic workers' clubs organized in 1919 and 1920.
In 1919 a Domestic Workers' Alliance with a membership of over 200,
affiliated with the Hotel Waitresses under the American Federation
of Labor, was granted a charter. During that year, the secretary of
Hotel and Restaurant Employees of the International Alliance and
International League of America reported that this organization had
established a domestic workers' union in each of the following cities:
Mobile, Alabama; Fort Worth, Texas; and Lawton, Oklahoma. A union of
domestic workers was also organized in Tulsa, Oklahoma, in 1919. The
following March a charter was granted to a domestic workers' union
in Richmond, Virginia.[41] In 1920 there were 10 unions of domestic
workers affiliated with the American Federation of Labor. These unions
were located in the following cities: Los Angeles and San Diego,
California; Brunswick, Georgia; Chicago and Glencoe, Illinois; New
Orleans, Louisiana; Beaver Valley, Pennsylvania; Denison, Harrisburg,
and Houston, Texas. The New Orleans Union, a Negro organization, was
composed of about 200 members. All of these organizations have now
ceased to be affiliated with the American Federation of Labor. There
is, however, one union of domestic workers in Arecibo, Porto Rico,
affiliated with the American Federation of Labor.
_Relation of Negro Domestic Service to Employment Agencies_
In view of the volume and extent of turn-over in domestic service,
employment agencies, especially in the North, East, and West, have a
close relationship to both employers and workers. A person in need
of domestic help secures it either by advertising in the help wanted
section of the newspapers, by applying to one or more employment
agencies, by means of inquiries among friends and acquaintances
who may have been a former employer of some available laborer, by
accepting some one who may by chance apply in person or by hiring a
former worker.
In some of the southern cities where there is no local employment
agency, domestic workers are secured in all other of the
above-mentioned ways. For example, this condition prevails in
Montgomery, Alabama. Although the United States Employment Service,
the Department of Labor, and the Municipal Employment offices of
Birmingham and Mobile, Alabama, are co-operating, there is no State
license applying to local employment agencies except those soliciting
laborers to go outside of the State, according to a recent statement
from the Alabama Tax Commission. A like condition exists in the State
of Louisiana. Georgia, however, issues licenses to employment agencies
for domestic positions. In this State as in some others, there is no
law regulating the fee which an agency may charge either employer or
employee for service rendered. Neither Ohio, Pennsylvania, California,
nor Maryland, and several other States have such a fee regulated
by law. However, in Pennsylvania, every employment agent must file
with the commissioner for his approval a schedule of fees, proposed
to be charged for any service rendered to employer or employee, and
these may be changed only with the approval of the commissioner.
Every employment agent in this State is required to give a receipt to
any applicant for any money which the applicant pays him; and if an
applicant fails through no fault of his to secure a position to which
he is referred, the entire amount paid by such a person to the agent
is to be refunded. Such a law obtains in some other States.
In Baltimore there are 50 employment agencies, mainly of a domestic
nature. The usual fee charged an employer, though not regulated by
law, is $2. An agency ordinarily agrees to supply an employer with
help for at least 30 days without additional cost.
New York State issued in 1918, 674 licenses to employment agencies
engaged in various kinds of employment business. In 1919, 719
employment agency licenses were issued; in 1920, 728 and in 1921, 788.
The law stipulates that the fees charged domestic work applicants by
employment agencies shall not in any case exceed ten per cent of the
first month's wages. If a domestic worker does not accept a position
to which he is referred or fails to obtain employment, the full amount
which he paid the agency is to be refunded after three days allowed
for obtaining facts. If an employee fails to remain one week in a
position, the agency is required to furnish the employer with a new
employee, or return 3.6 of the fee paid in by the employer, provided
the employer notifies the agency within thirty days of the failure
of the worker to accept the position or of the employee's discharge
for cause. If the employee is discharged within one week without his
fault, another position is furnished him or 3.5 of the fee returned.
Employment agencies in New York State must also give receipts for
money paid them. Day workers receiving a rate of $3.60 to $4.00 per
day each pay an initial fee of 50 cents to the agency furnishing
them with work. Employers of domestic labor pay the agency for one
month's service a flat rate of from $6 to $10 for general houseworkers
and from $3 to $5 for part-time workers. For a temporary laborer,
employers pay a fee of $1 and for a day worker they pay a fee of 50
cents. For commercial and industrial placements an employee pays to
the agency 5 per cent of her first month's wage, but no charge is made
for the employer furnishing the work.
The laws of Massachusetts regulating employment agencies of a domestic
nature are almost similar to those of New York State, the difference
in the main being in the size of the fees. In Massachusetts an
intelligence office keeper is entitled to receive from an applicant,
employer or employee, a fee of 25 per cent of the first week's wages;
and in case of day work a fee of 10 per cent of a day's pay. The
Michigan domestic employment agency fees for employee and employer are
about the same as that for New York State.
In the District of Columbia, a domestic employment agency is entitled
to receive in advance from an employer $2 for each employee for at
least 30 days service, and from an applicant for work $1. One-half
of this fee is to be returned on demand if such applicant does not
have a fair opportunity of employment within 15 days from date of
payment. When an applicant actually receives employment at a wage of
$25 a month or more he pays the agency an additional $1. However, it
is a common practice among Washington employment agencies to have
applicants pay $2 in advance of securing a place for work. In the
light of the total amount of money paid in wages of domestic and
personal service, especially with such a heavy turnover, the fees
paid to employment agencies by both employers and employees evidently
amount to quite a considerable sum.
Thirty years ago Miss Salmon in her study of domestic service pointed
out, not only the exorbitant fees charged by employment agencies, but
the vice and crime nurtured by them.[42] In 1915 investigations of
Miss Kellor in Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, Boston and other
cities brought out some more striking facts. In Philadelphia 84 per
cent of the employment agencies were in private residences and 3 per
cent of them were in business buildings. In New York 85 per cent of
these agencies were conducted in very close contact with the families
of the agents. In Chicago 81 per cent of them were in buildings
occupied by families. In Boston 73 per cent of the agencies were in
business buildings and only 27 per cent were in residences. The poor
business methods of many private intelligence offices, surrounded
by gambling dens, fortune tellers, palmists and midwives, and their
frauds are insignificant as compared with their conscious, deliberate
immorality. Miss Kellor says that many Negro intelligence offices are
hopelessly immoral but that some city authorities often argue that
since they do not affect the whites there is no reason for disturbing
them.[43]
The Third Biennial Report of the Department of Labor and Industry of
Maine for the year 1915-1916 contains a warning against employment
agencies collecting fees in excess of the law. This report recommends
that the important economic task of employment be taken out of
the hands of the agents and placed under management of the State.
A similar note was voiced by one of the committees of President
Harding's conference on unemployment.
The large experience with both municipal and State offices and with
the United States Employment Service has given unmistakable evidence
that the recruiting and placement of labor is a public necessity and a
general benefit to the whole community. It can therefore well become
a matter conducted under public supervision and at public expense.
Domestic service, especially in large cities and particularly because
of the absence of organization and group connection of the workers,
is especially in need of such public direction.
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
From 1870 to 1900 there was an increase in the total number of persons
engaged in domestic and personal service in the United States. Since
that time there has been a steady decrease in the number so engaged.
Although Negroes have followed the general trend of increase and
decline, in proportion to their population, they furnish a larger
percentage of domestic workers than any other group in the United
States, the female workers outnumbering the male.
The fact is also evident that Negroes are gradually entering trade
and transportation and manufacturing and mechanical pursuits. With
the existing conditions following the World War, and the present
restriction on immigration, the opportunities in these fields of
labor are enlarging and domestic and personal service workers are,
therefore, correspondingly decreasing.
The ranks of the domestic service workers are being recruited to some
appreciable extent from the younger Negro women, between the ages of
16 and 24 years. The very young women and the old women are not the
most sought after by employers because of their inexperience on the
one hand, and on the other, their inability to do domestic work. The
problems of married women in domestic service are increasing because
of their family responsibilities and cares which make demands upon
their earnings and energy.
The domestic labor turnover has increased the past thirty years.
During and since the World War, it has been so greatly accentuated
that the modal period of service is from 3 to 6 months. The length
of the period of service will perhaps become still shorter because
of the increasing opportunities in trade and transportation and in
manufacturing and mechanical pursuits.
Provision for the training of domestic workers generally has been
meager, and in the case of Negro domestic workers it has been less
than that for them as a group. Since the World War greater attempts
have been made to extend training to domestic workers both in England
and the United States, the government in each of these countries
taking a small part in this extension of education. Training
especially for Negro domestic workers has been undertaken. Employment
agencies under government supervision, with the co-operation of
domestic service employers, offer possibilities for such training and
for the standardization of private household work. However, Negroes
with any appreciable degree of intelligence are not entering domestic
service as a permanent employment. This field in the United States is
being left largely to the untrained and inefficient.
During the twenty years preceding the World War, very little advance
was made in the wages of domestic workers, but during the war their
wages increased about 150 per cent. Since the war, according to Dr.
King, while the decline in public domestic service wages has not been
as great as that in many other fields of employment, the average
earnings an hour in money wages of public domestic service workers are
still below those in a majority of the industries. Although there has
been an increase in wages of domestic service workers, their working
hours are longer than those of any other group of laborers.
In some cities living conditions on employers' premises for domestic
workers are good, in others there is need of great improvement along
this line. However, with the increasing disinclination on the part
of the domestic workers to "sleep in" and the slowly growing public
interest in standardizing house work, this problem will in time be
solved. There has been much improvement in the working conditions of
domestic employees, but there is still need of much more.
The indications are that little attention is paid to the health and
the social life of domestic workers. This neglect, especially of
the health of domestic workers, is no doubt fraught with dangerous
consequences, not only for themselves but for the homes and welfare of
the nation.
That the social life of the older Negro domestic workers is supplied
at least to some extent in their churches is proved by the fact that
about seven out of every eleven Negroes in the United States are
enrolled as members of churches. Their interest in secret orders
is also shown by the number of members and the money spent in such
organizations. As social attractions for the younger domestic
employees, there are such places as dance halls, moving pictures,
pool and billiard rooms, and the like. The social stigma attached
to domestic service bars young domestic workers from many of the
entertainments of real value and benefit.
Domestic workers in ten or more cities of the United States have
attempted to better their conditions by means of organized effort. The
organization in California is rendering real service to its members
through its home. With the present large percentage of domestic
workers who are rooming in the various cities, and the conditions
obtaining in many rooming houses connected with employment agencies,
there is urgent need of establishing clubs or homes for domestic
workers.
Many private employment agencies in their relation to the homes of
the United States act as brokers. The fees charged both the employer
and the employee are generally exorbitant. The service rendered by
them is on the whole poor. The harm inflicted upon society by many of
them is irreparable. Public control of employment agencies has great
possibilities for social betterment.
ELIZABETH ROSS HAYNES
FOOTNOTES:
[A] This thesis was submitted in 1923 in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Faculty of
Political Science of Columbia University.
[1] Bruce, _Economic History of Virginia in the 17th Century_, Vol. I,
p. 573.
[2] _Century Dictionary and Cyclopedia._
[3] The following works were found helpful in preparing this
dissertation: W. A. Crossland, _Industrial Conditions Among Negroes
in St. Louis_ (_Studies in Social Economics_, Washington Univ., Vol.
I, No. 1, St. Louis, 1914); Isabel Eaton, _Special Report on Domestic
Service_ in THE PHILADELPHIA NEGRO by W. E. B. DuBois (Philadelphia,
1899); George E. Haynes, _The Negro at Work in New York City_ (New
York, 1912); Frances A. Kellor, _Out of Work_; _Knickerbocker Press_
(New York, 1904); W. I. King, _Employment, Hours and Earnings in the
United States, 1920-1922_; Asa E. Martin, _Our Negro Population_
(Kansas City, 1913); _Monthly Labor Review_ (U. S. Bureau of Labor
Statistics, 1919-1920); Ruth Reed, _The Negro Women of Gainsville,
Georgia_ (1921--A Master's Essay--Phelps Stokes Fund Scholarship);
_Report of U. S. Industrial Commission, Domestic Service_, Vol. XIV;
I. M. Rubinow, _Depth and Breadth of the Servant Problem_ (McClures
Magazine, Vol. 34, 1909-1910); Lucy M. Salmon, _Domestic Service_ (New
York, 1901).
[4] _Report of the U. S. Industrial Commission_, Vol. XIV. DOMESTIC
SERVICE, p. 745.
[5] Salmon, Lucy M., _Domestic Service_, p. 109.
[6] Eaton, Isabel, _Special Report on Domestic Service_ in THE
PHILADELPHIA NEGRO, by W. E. B. DuBois, Philadelphia, 1889, p. 480.
[7] Haynes, George E., _The Negro at Work in New York City_, New York,
1918, p. 85.
[8] Crossland, W. A., _Industrial Conditions among Negroes in St.
Louis_, St. Louis, 1914, p. 30.
[9] Reed, Ruth, _The Negro Women of Gainesville, Georgia, 1921_, p. 25.
[10] _Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics, Springfield Report_,
1915-1918.
[11] U. S. Department of Labor, _Monthly Labor Review_, Aug., 1919, p.
206.
[12] Reed, Ruth, _op. cit._, p. 44.
[13] Crossland, William A., _op. cit._, p. 93.
[14] THREE SAMPLE LETTERS OF THE 5TH GRADE DOMESTIC WORKERS OF
WASHINGTON, D. C.
Miss X (The agent)
Dear Friend i am sorry to any that i am confind to bed this week
but hope to see you again some day i taken sick last friday but i
full fill that other place all right but could not go out saturday.
_Daisy_
Daer Mrs. X (The agent) daer Madam can you get my husban are job
in are lunch room cafe boarding or apt. house he is are well
exspierence sheref cook we both would like are job together if
could get me are dash (dish) wash place please maggie.
_Letter from Bell Jones_
Dear Mrs. X (the agent) i am writing you a fue lines to let you
here from me i am the lady you got me a home with Mrs. Jones at
Smithburg, Md I have a little boy with me you know by the name
of Bell Jones i dont want to stay up here much longer and i want
you to get me a good home down in Washington for me and my little
boy with some good white people with no children and a room in
the house for me and my little boy my little boy is a mighty good
little boy he is not noisy i want to leave sept. 4 i am tired of
this place because there is no cullard people up here they are
all white i have not been off the lot since i have been out here
please get me a good home dont let it be out of town.
Yours Bell Jones
[15] Salmon, Lucy M., _Domestic Service_, p. 124.
[16] U. S. Industrial Commission Report, _op. cit._, p. 751.
[17] THREE SAMPLE REFERENCES FOR DOMESTIC WORKERS, NEW YORK CITY
Winchester Ave., Bronx, N. Y. July 14, 1921.
To Whom it may Concern:
Doris X has been in my employ and performed her duties
satisfactory. She is honest and capable.
Signed ----
The following person had two reference blanks containing the same
questions filled out by her former employers. She had been a child's
nurse in the first position and nurse-maid in the second.
_First Blank._ _Second Blank._
January 27, 1923. Jan. 30, 1923.
Is she honest? Exceptionally so Yes
Is she temperate? Yes Yes
Is she neat? Yes Yes
What of her disposition? Best I have ever seen Wonderful
Does she thoroughly
understand her work? Yes Yes
Why did she leave? Presumably to be near Because she was
her husband tired of permanence
and had a chance to
go to the states
with our friend
Remarks--Her services with our family for five years have always been
most satisfactory.
[18] Haynes, George E., _op. cit._, p. 87.
[19] FIVE SAMPLE REFERENCES FOR DOMESTIC WORKERS AND ONE LETTER FROM
AN EMPLOYER, WASHINGTON, D. C.
Woodford Land, Va.
Lillie worked for me for a long time and she is a nice worker and a
fine cook and she worked for Mrs. ---- three years going on four, and
she got married there with them and she worked for Mrs. ---- and she
nursed Mrs. ----'s three children.
From Mrs. ----
The following reference is for Fannie B.--who, evidently half crazy,
changed her name after registering at the Washington office because
she said she had so many "Enemons" (enemies).
To Whom in May Concern:
This is to certify that Fannie B has been a trustworthy maid. As to
her honesty none come no better. She is very capable and in general
very satisfactory.
Mrs. ----
To Whom it May Concern:
This is to say that Sarah ---- has been in my employ 8 months and that
she is a good cook, tries hard to please, and has been nice always to
the children.
She has been honest and reliable and likes to try new or fancy dishes.
Signed----Mrs. E. M.
(The foregoing Mrs. E. M.'s name and telephone number were given to
another lady who had interviewed Sarah relative to offering her a
position, Mrs. E. M. told the second lady that Sarah once stole things
but she had had a good lesson so she thought she would not steal any
more. She also said that Sarah was none too clean, and that she gave
the girl the above reference because she thought she had improved
greatly.)
Sarah Jackson held a domestic worker's certificate bearing the golden
seal of a Washington, D. C., Federation of Women's Club.
The X Federation of Women's Clubs awards this certificate to Sarah
Jackson for 13 years faithful service in the employ of ----
Signed,
Mrs. ---- President,
Mrs. ---- Chairman Home Economics Dept.
Robert and wife, each about 40 years of age, bring this written
reference from a southern town:
This is to certify that I have known "Shine" and his wife for about a
year, during which time he has been running a shoe shine establishment
in this town. "Shine" is a steady, alert, energetic boy and I feel
sure he will please his employer in the work in which he is given a
trial.
Signed, H. C. L.
(Letter to the Employment Agent from an Employer.)
My dear Mrs. X.
I fear you think I am very hard to please but having had a butler for
38 years, since dead, a maid and a cook 32 years, since married, it
cannot seem that I am, when I once get the right one.
The last girl you sent me Anna by name disliked very much being
directed or being spoken to. I am giving her up for she has a most
violent temper, the most impertinent person I have ever seen. In a way
I am sorry for her. None of us think she is all there. Will you try
again for me?
[20] TYPICAL EXAMPLES OF INEFFICIENCY AMONG WASHINGTON, D. C.,
DOMESTIC APPLICANTS
(1) A day worker--laundress--not knowing how to cut off the current
and unscrew the wringer on an electric washing machine, when a garment
wrapped around the cogs, ruined the cogs by trying to cut the garment
from between them.
(2) A day worker--one of the best laundresses--hurrying to finish her
work placed her hands on a revolving electric machine tub, both arms
were carried beneath the tub and had not the current been speedily
cut, her arms would have been crushed. As it was the tubs had to be
cut in order to extricate her arms. After that she was afraid to use
an electric washing machine.
(3) To ask at the office in a group of from 200 to 250 women for a
first class laundress--one who knew how to fold the clothes just so
after they were ironed as well as wash them out according to rule--and
not find one who felt that she could do the work properly was a common
occurrence.
(4) A young woman sent out to do general housework and cooking cut
the bone out of a 3-1/2 pound sirloin steak which she fried up into
such bits that it was not recognized by her employer. When she was
questioned about it, she said "that is every bit of that steak. You
did not expect me to cook bone and all, did you?"
(5) A young girl sent out to do general housework and cooking when
questioned by her employer about the kinds of dessert she could make,
said she sure could make jello but was not so good at making other
desserts.
(6) The rank and file of general houseworkers looked upon making salad
dressing and salads as an art belonging to fine cooks. Many said they
had never tried to make bread of any kind.
(7) An elderly cook who had been at the business for 50 years wished
cooking and cooking only. Her price was $75 per month. That's what she
"ingenally" got. When she was asked if she could read or write she
said she could not. She had never been to school a day in her life,
but she realized that cooking is tedious work. "Everything I does,
I does by my head; its all brain work, you see I has a good 'eal to
remember," said she. However, she felt confident that she could cook
anything that was put before her to cook.
(8) A young woman sent out to do cleaning left the print of her hand
greasy with furniture oil in a freshly papered wall.
[21] Salmon, Lucy M., _op. cit._, p. 123.
[22] _Industrial Commission Report_, _op. cit._, p. 1901.
[23] Eaton, Isabel, _op. cit._, p. 486.
[24] Haynes, G. E., _op. cit._, p. 87.
[25] Eaton, Isabel, _op. cit._, p. 449.
[26] Salmon, Lucy, _Domestic Service_, p. 90.
[27] **Transcriber Note: No footnote text in original.**
[27] Eaton, Isabel, _op. cit._, pp. 447-449.
[28] Haynes, George E., _op. cit._, p. 81.
[29] Haynes, George E., _unpublished data_.
[30] Haynes, George E., _unpublished data_.
[31] King, W. I., _Employment, Hours and Earnings in the United
States, 1920-1922_, Chap. V, pp. 5, 19; Chap. IV, p. 3.
[32] Salmon, Lucy M., _op. cit._
[33] _Monthly Labor Review_, U. S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, August,
1920, p. 212.
[34] Eaton, Isabel, _op. cit._, p. 495.
[35] Reed, Ruth, _op. cit._, p. 35.
[36] Haynes, George E., _unpublished data_, 1921.
[37] Martin, Asa E., _Our Negro Population_, Kansas City, 1913, pp.
180, 143.
[38] Haynes, Geo. E., _unpublished data_, 1921.
[39] Reed, Ruth, _op. cit._, p. 51.
[40] Rubinow, I. M., _Depth and Breadth of the Servant Problem_,
_McClure's Magazine_, Vol. 34, p. 576, 1909-1910
[41] _Monthly Labor Review_, U. S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Aug.,
1919, p. 212, May, 1920, p. 116.
[42] Salmon, Lucy M., _op. cit._, p. 115.
[43] Kellor, Frances A., _Out of Work_, pp. 197, 222, 225, 229.
DOCUMENTS
DOCUMENTS AND COMMENTS ON BENEFIT OF CLERGY AS APPLIED TO SLAVES
The following transcripts from the records of the Superior Court of
Richmond County, North Carolina, illustrate the application of benefit
of clergy to slaves charged with and found guilty of crimes punishable
with death.[A]
_Fall Term 1828_
State } Burglary { Pleads "not Guilty"
vs } { The following
George (A Slave)} { Jury Empaneled therein
{ (Viz) (1) Cyrus Bennet
(2) Alen Shaw (3) Try McFarland
(4) Wade LeGrand (5) George Wright
(6) James Covington (7) William Crowson
(8) Thos. B. Blewett (9) Israel Watkins
(10) Risdon Nichols (11) Lenard Webb
(12) Hampton Covington--
Who find the Prisoner "not Guilty" of Burglary in manner and Form
as charged in the Bill of Ind't'm't But guilty of Grand Larceny....
The Prisoner appeared at the Bar and being asked by the Court
If he had any thing to say why Sentence of Death should not be
pronounced against him, Answered by Council praying the benefit of
his Clergy. Which was allowed him by the Court & adjudged that he
receive THIRTY NINE lashes on his Bare Back & stand committed till
his Master enter into recognisance of $200 for his good behavior
for the Space of Twelve months & pay cost of Prosecution....
Sentence to be Carried into effect on Tomorrow at 4 Oclock P. M.
_Fall Term 1828_
State } { Pleads "Not Guilty"
vs } No. 19 { The following Jury
Dennis (a Slave) } Burglary { empanelled & sworn
{ (1) James Meacham
(2) George Wright (3) John Gibson
(4) Silas Jones (5) Lemuel Chance
(6) Wilie Chance (7) Thomas Bostick
(8) Ananias Graham (9) James LeGrand
(10) Elias Pate (11) Hugh McLean
(12) George Hunesucker ...
Who find the Dfd't not guilty of the Burglary as charged in the
Bill of Indtmt; but guilty of Grand Larceny....
The prisoner appeared at the Bar and being asked by the Court
If he had any thing to say why sentence of death should not be
pronounced against him; replied by his Council, praying the
Benefit of his Clergy; which was allowed; and the prisoner Dennis,
to be taken to the Whipping Post and receive Thirty nine lashes on
his Bare Back. Sentence to be carried into effect at 4 O'clock P.
M. on Saturday.
_Spring Term 1832_
State } No. 19 { The following Jury
vs } Burglary { empanelled & sworn--viz.
Harry (a Slave) } { (1) Alexander Shaw
(2) Cyrus Bennet (3) Try McFarland
(4) George Wright (5) Silas Jones
(6) John Gibson (7) Barton C. Everett
(8) William Everett (9) Jno McAlister
(10) William Strickland (11) Francis T. Leak
(12) Peter H. Cole
Who find the Dfdt guilty in manner and form as charged in the Bill
of Indictment.
The Prisoner appearing at the Bar, being asked by the Court if he
had any thing to say why sentence of Death should not be heaped
against him, replied through his Council praying the Benefit of
his Clergy.... Which was allowed ... and he was sentenced to be
carried to the whipping Post and there to receive Twenty Lashes on
his bare Back.... Sentence to be carried into effect at 4 Oclock
this afternoon.
Investigation of the law pertaining to benefit of clergy in the
slave-holding States reveals the following facts. It existed for a
longer or shorter time in Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, the Carolinas,
Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Kentucky, Arkansas, and Missouri.
Slaves were admitted to benefit of clergy in Virginia in 1732, and
although the privilege was abolished as it applied to free persons
in 1796, it remained legal for slaves until 1848. Likewise Kentucky
withdrew the privilege from whites in 1798 but did not deny it to
slaves until 1852. Alabama admitted slaves to benefit of clergy in
1805, but in 1807 all laws, customs and usages relating to Benefit of
Clergy were abolished. Slaves were admitted to the privilege in North
Carolina in 1816, and it was not denied them until benefit of clergy
was abolished in 1854. In the other slave-holding States slaves were
not admitted to benefit of clergy by statute but a law of Maryland
of 1751 which imposed the death penalty on slaves without benefit of
clergy implies that the privilege prevailed there through custom.
Benefit of clergy was abolished in Maryland in 1809, in Georgia in
1817, in Mississippi in 1822, in Arkansas in 1838, in Delaware in
1852, in Missouri in 1845, and in South Carolina some time during the
reconstruction period.
An interesting feature of benefit of clergy was its relation to the
amelioration of the criminal law. In this respect there is a parallel
between English and American practice. The English statute of 1706 (5
Anne 6) provided that "if any person shall be convicted of any such
felony, for which he ought to have had the benefit of his clergy, if
this act had not been made, and shall pray to have the benefit of this
act, he shall not be required to read, but without reading, shall be
allowed, taken and reputed to be, and punished as, a clerk convict,
which shall be as effectual to all intents and purposes, and be as
advantageous to him, as if he had read as a clerk; anything in this
act, or any other law or statute, to the contrary notwithstanding."
Thus benefit of clergy was extended to all classes in England.
A few years later Delaware adopted the principle of the English
statute: "that if any person convicted of any such felony as is hereby
made capital, for which he ought by the laws of Great Britain to have
the benefit of clergy, and shall pray to have the benefit of this
act; he shall not be required to read, but without any reading shall
be allowed, taken and reputed, and punished as a clerk convict,"
etc. Likewise Virginia in 1732 adopted the application of benefit
of clergy as laid down in the statute of Anne: "and if any person
be convicted of a felony, for which he ought to have the benefit of
clergy, and shall pray to have the benefit of this act, he shall not
be required to read, but without any reading, shall be allowed, taken,
and reputed to be, and punished as a clerk convict; which shall be as
effectual, to all intents and purposes, and as advantageous to him
as if he had read as a clerk; and any other law or statute, to the
contrary notwithstanding." Thus, in the language of Pike, "a relic of
extreme barbarism" became "the first step towards a modification of
the previous laws which deprived a man of his life by a brutal mode
of execution for a very petty transaction." (_A History of Crime in
England_, II, 281.)
Another parallel between English and American experience was in the
abolition of benefit of clergy. In Virginia and Kentucky it was denied
to free persons when servitude in a penitentiary was substituted for
most of the older penalties for felonies. These states anticipated the
policy of England, for benefit of clergy was not there abolished and
service in workhouses substituted for existing penalties until 1827.
The Virginia policy adopted in 1796 was due to some extent to the
example of Pennsylvania which revised its penal system in 1786. The
abolition of benefit of clergy in most of the other Southern States
was contemporaneous with revisions of the criminal codes.
But given a penal system in which imprisonment was the principal
feature, it was not advantageous to the slave-owner or to the State
to give prison sentences to slaves. And here the ghost of benefit
of clergy would not down. In place of imprisonment the slave was
usually corporally punished. In the language of the Alabama statute of
1807, "when any negro or mulatto whatsoever shall be convicted of any
offense not punishable with death by this act, ... he or she shall be
burnt in the hand by the sheriff in open court or suffer such other
corporal punishment as the court shall think fit to inflict." Likewise
Mississippi in 1822 enacted that "if any negro or mulatto slave was
convicted of felony not punishable with death, such negro or mulatto
should be burnt in the hand and suffer such other corporal punishment
as the court should think fit to inflict, except when he or she shall
be convicted of a second offense of the same nature, in which case
such negro or mulatto slave shall suffer death." Most interesting are
the laws of two States in which benefit of clergy was not provided
for. According to the Black Code of Louisiana when slaves were charged
with crimes punishable with death or hard labor for life, the jury
might at its discretion commute the death penalty and inflict a lesser
punishment. In Florida a slave guilty of crime punishable with death
might at the discretion of the court suffer instead a whipping not
exceeding thirty-nine lashes, have his ears nailed to a post and stand
one hour, and be burned in the hand.
In the light of the documents quoted and the statutes cited the
statement so frequently made that benefit of clergy disappeared in
America at the time of the Revolution, and the dictum of an Indiana
judge that "it is unknown to our laws" (I Blackford 63), can not be
taken at their face value.
WM. K. BOYD
TRINITY COLLEGE,
DURHAM, N. C.
FOOTNOTES:
[A] These documents were collected by Prof. Wm. K. Boyd, of Trinity
College, Durham, North Carolina.
COMMUNICATIONS
The following from Mr. A. P. Vrede of Paramaribo, Surinam, Dutch
Guiana, South America, will be informing and interesting to persons
interested in missions as a factor in the uplift of the race:
CORNELIUS WINST BLYD
_The First Negro Presbyter in Surinam_
PARAMARIBO, Feb. 5, 1923.
_Dear Sir:_
Likewise as in 1861 the Freedman Association sprang up for aid for
the enlightenment of the freed blacks on American soil, so in the
epoch from 1738 to 1818 did the missionaries of the Evangelical
Brother's Union take upon their shoulders the burden of the
enslaved blacks on Surinam. Then, too, their way was not always
paved with roses. No they had to face the same mockery, the same
martyrdom. They were jailed, despised because for the slaves to
remain in their ignorance was favorable to the filling of their
"masters" purses.
Let us go back to the year 1850 to see what had been happening
on one of the plantations situated on the beach of the Matapica.
On these plantations, there we found the administrator, Mr.
Rouse, in charge of the plantation administration, busy in
making arrangements for transportation of the properties of the
plantation, nicknamed by the slaves, "Domiri," to upper Surinam,
to the plantation St. Barbara. Among the properties over which
Mr. Rouse's superintendenceship extended, we found among living
stock a slave family, Father Dami, his wife bearing the name of
Ma Jetty, but better known by the name of Ma Jetty of Domiri, so
called because her birth-place is Domiri. Father Dami and Jetty
had two daughters, the one called Christina and the other, known
in slave registration by name of Wilhelmina. So it was on a windy
morning of the dry season, that we found this little family. They,
too, were occupied with the removal of the plantation properties.
It was a busy day. The rays of the sun pierced the backs of the
slaves. Their bodies glimmered in their going to and fro as rubbed
black-ebony wood furniture.
When the work was over, we left Domiri with its slave caravan
for St. Barbara. St. Barbara as aforesaid situated on the upper
Surinam the main-stream of the colony Surinam. Entering Mr.
Rouse's new dominion from the rear we found the slaves uncommonly
active, so different from that they had displayed for a time ago
at Domiri.--They were jolly about the coming emancipation days.
As we were wandering along the slaves' cabin-rows, it was then
July 19, 1860, we heard a baby cry. Turning our heads toward
where the voice had been coming from, we detected that it came
from the cabin inhabited by the family headed by Father Dami. We
walked into, found that Wilhelmina, Dami's daughter, had added
to her family a male member. There he lay down sprawling on the
floor in pieces of rag clothes used for his bed and pillow. But
this child will grow up to become a distinguished man among his
people, a shepherd to watch over his flock. Winst, or Profit,
the administrator, Mr. Rouse, called him. One would try to solve
that puzzle of nomenclature in those days. But we know and
understand it now better. It was the time when the administrator
was expecting to get for every slave three hundred guilders on
the emancipation day. So we may suppose that this was done, as a
profit upon his debit on the government account. Let us now see
what became of that slave child Winst.
Cornelis Winst Blyd was born of slave parents, as stated above,
on the plantation St. Barbara July 19, 1860. He was the son of
Wilhelmina, a daughter of Father Dami. Besides Winst, his mother
had two other sons. It came to pass that when Winst's mother
Wilhelmina died, survived by her three sons, they were put
under care of their Aunt Christina. Blyd, his brothers and Aunt
afterward moved into town. His aunt placed Blyd in one of the
Moravian mission boarding schools for boys, formerly known as
"Amtri" School. It was desired that after he should finish his
literary training he should be instructed in the handicraft of
carpentry. So he was brought in to Mr. Ammon, the carpenter well
renowned in the colony for furniture.
But this was not the way traced for him by our Lord. So they took
him from Mr. Ammon to the "Central School" a former preparatory
boarding school for teachers. Blyd, with his pious, gentle and
sincere character, had won in no time the friendship of everyone
who inhabited the institution. His educational instruction in
the Bible was received from Rev. E. A. Renkemir. For song he was
trained by Mr. Batenburg. In the classroom of the normal school
for teachers, he was one of the beloved pupils of Dr. H. D.
Benjamin, then the Inspector of the Board of Education in Surinam.
Blyd had in competition among his fellow classmates held by his
teachers, distinguished himself as a remarkable student in solving
Bible questions. So we see he showed more inclination to the
clergy and to become a minister than a school teacher. But in that
time no natives were exalted to the order of preacher. So Blyd
became a teacher.
Blyd followed his occupation as a teacher in several districts of
the colony. His first field of operation was on the plantation,
Berger Dal, one of the largest Negro settlements in Surinam. We
may mention here an uproar that took place during his stay there.
These will make us a little acquainted with his sincere and pious
character. It came to pass, one day after school hours, two school
boys got to quarreling about a pocket-knife. The quarrel became
so noisy that the family of both the boys were coming up with
hatchet, walking-stick and some more murderous weapons. So much
feeling had then developed that the uproar would not have been
prevented had not Mr. Blyd undertaken this difficult task and by
his unusual moral power brought both parties to reflection. After
a reprimand in well chosen words the quarrel was suppressed.
When Mr. Blyd later moved to plantation Wederzorg, situated on
the Commewyne river, he then got permission from the Director of
the Mission in Surinam, to lead now and then the church service.
But these all were for Blyd merely as forerunner to reach his
mile-stone. At the plantation Alkmaar, he came into touch with the
Rev. Mr. Kersten, and it was not long before this man detected in
Mr. Blyd a preacher of power. Blyd's impression made upon Rev. Mr.
Kersten was so favorable that soon in 1899, the Mission Director
in Surinam decided to appoint him as sub-preacher. And once the
words spoken by the old Rev. Mr. Haller (white) became truth. He
had said to Mr. Blyd "You should try to train yourself for the
uplift of your fellow race-men, and to teach them the words of
our living God." In the year 1902 Mr. Blyd was ordained to the
order of deacon, and from that time, his name as a preacher was
established.
Rev. Mr. Blyd had to wrestle with many storms that touched his
social life. There came upon him the bad deportment of his two
sons. He who knows the battle which he had to fight, brought upon
him by his sons' evil deeds, will find in him, the preacher of
God, a true and sincere knight of our Lord. Rev. Mr. Blyd sought
in his hours of these temptations his refuge on his Savior knees
and he always was consoled. Many had wondered at his patience
and long suffering amid these storms of life. But this man, the
preacher by the grace of God, the sincere Christian in the full
sense of the word, had as his encouragement, that had been giving
him consolation and confidence: "The Lord shall provide, be still
my soul."
Rev. Mr. Blyd's sermons were of an uncommon sort. Never would one
part from his service not being touched in the depths of his inner
life. His sermons were delivered in Dutch and Negro-English. They
were a splendor of oratory. In spite of all of these, however,
Rev. Mr. Blyd still retained his humility, without overrating
himself. His words won many hearts, even many a stranger. Among
them we may count Bishop Hamilton, High Commissioner of the
Moravian Board of Missions in England. In 1913, the year of the
celebration of the Fifty Emancipation Anniversary, the Mission
Director in Surinam decided to send Rev. Mr. Blyd to Europe, to
the Netherlands, our mother country, to represent the black race.
Rev. Mr. Blyd traveled also throughout Germany and Denmark. There
in Europe, he came into touch with several notables.
He won many friends by his sermon preached at the celebration of
the mission feast at Utrecht in the Netherlands as attested by H.
M. Queen Wilhelmina of the Netherlands. Many ministers with the
degree of Doctor of Divinity had addressed the audience on that
occasion. After them Rev. Mr. Blyd rose from his seat to walk
to the pulpit for he was being given a turn. When he was on the
way to the pulpit, a white minister hastened to offer to him a
minister's gown, but the man Blyd kept his simplicity and refused
to accept it.[1] After the service everyone longed to cheer and
greet the black minister. By hundreds and thousands they crowded
themselves to see him pass. Photographers were busy taking his
photo. To and fro they went to ask for a picture of the black
minister. Rev. Mr. Blyd had made a deep impression upon H. M.
Queen Wilhelmina, and under the emotion that Rev. Mr. Blyd had
caused H. M. the Queen, he was invited by Her Majesty to deliver a
sermon at the court, attended by all H. M. court representatives.
Rev. Mr. Blyd was later invited to dinner at H. M. residence at
Hagen, and he sat at the same table near by H. M. the Queen. This
extraordinary event took place after his traveling from North
Europe.
His love for his native land will be illustrated by the following
event. It was at H. M. Queen Wilhelmina's residence that this took
place. When the Queen put before him this question: "Reverend
Mr. Blyd," H. M. turning to him, "which of the two places do you
prefer? The Netherlands or Denmark?" And without hesitation he
answered the Queen's question in his simple words: "Your Majesty,
East, West, home is best!"
Rev. Mr. Blyd surrounded by all these courtesies has never forgot
his race. He took the opportunity to bring before the Queen the
needs of his people. He had made also his entrance at the courts
of Germany and Denmark. In Denmark he was received with great
enthusiasm and great homage. He had so impressed the clergy of
Denmark that they made efforts to retain him for the order in that
country. But the man with his humble character chose above all to
serve among his own people. In Germany he had held several street
meetings. A white eye-witness, now in the colony, told about the
impression Rev. Mr. Blyd made upon his hearers. He said that the
longer he lived the more he learned from Rev. Mr. Blyd.
During Rev. Mr. Blyd's sojourn in Europe the mission authorities
were offered a better opportunity to study his character. And so
this led to the conclusion to exalt him to the order of presbyter.
This event took place before a large audience when he was
returning to the Colony.
Alas! the poor slave boy, Cornelis Winst Blyd, with his unlimited
energy traced his way from the slave cabin to kings and queens'
palaces. From body bondage to liberty of spirit and body--raised
to the highest order of Protestant dignity, the order which no man
of his color in the Colony has since attained.
Of the literature which Rev. Mr. Blyd has left, we may mention
here his well-styled booklet: "Superstition in Surinam." Therein
he has showed a great capacity as a writer. In this booklet he
warned his people of the devil's sacrifice--the fetishism and the
belief in witchcraft, an African religion transplanted here in the
colony by their ancestors from Africa. His effort in doing so was
only as he has said, to release his people from the chains of such
an empty religion.
It was on April 12, 1921, that the Colony was shocked from its
foundation. People stood in groups, heads sadly bent. Black clouds
now and then saluted in snow-white rainy cloud, to regain after a
few moments their original ash-grey color. Rev. Mr. Blyd, nursed
in the Military Hospital, had passed away. The sickness that
had ended his life so suddenly had returned. It was known that
physically his body was overpowered by a disease. But none had
expected his end so suddenly. On Sunday he had delivered his last
sermon. In the week when his sickness had become more serious they
decided to take him to the Military Hospital at Paramaribo for a
careful nursing. But his end was at hand.
The day of his burial, a funeral-service was conducted by the
Rev. Dr. Muller. It would require too much space in this Journal
to note here all that he spoke on that occasion. But I shall note
here some passages. Dr. Muller said: "He was one of the most
popular and loveliest personalities among our society. He was
the first among his co-workers. Everyone respected his name with
deep respect, the young as well as the aged. He stood for better
days above all parties; above all difference of color, sect and
confession. He was the man that won the general confidence of the
Colony.
"Yea! he was a man loved by all, respected by his own people the
black, as well as by white. His name will live forever in the
hearts of his people, friends and all. His name is holy for young
and old. His wandering upon this earth was a guide to and for many
in this Colony. He was simplicity itself and his life ended the
same."
A. P. VREDE,
Paramaribo, Surinam
The following communication from Captain T. G. Steward, U. S. A.,
retired, contains several statements of interest to students of Negro
History:
WILBERFORCE, OHIO, January 13, 1923.
MR. CARTER G. WOODSON,
Washington, D. C.
_Dear Sir_: Allow me to kindly refer you to page 67 of my book
"Fifty Years in The Gospel Ministry" where you will find recounted
the opening of the school in Marion, S. C, the names of the
teachers, and a copy of their credentials, etc.
Also on page 47 of your "Negro in Our History" you mention one
"Irish Nell." I am quite confident that the late Bishop James
Theodore Holly, bishop of Haiti, was a descendant of the union of
that lady with a black man. I do not know how the name Holly came
in, but I may be able to cite you to the facts if you think it
worth while to publish the matter.
I am glad to find you doing so much first hand work; and were I
able I should be delighted to be engaged with you.
I suppose you are aware of the fact that the keeper of Fraunce's
tavern or Faunce's tavern in New York where Washington took leave
of his officers was a negro. Also his daughter was Washington's
house-keeper when the latter lived on Murray Hill in New York.
I would think the Faunce hotel at that time was probably among the
best, if not itself the best hotel in the country.
Yours truly,
T. G. STEWARD
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Here in Surinam the Moravian preacher needs no gown by the
church service. This offering was then for Rev. Blyd a sign of his
worthiness, an honor and an acknowledgment of his true Christian soul.
BOOK REVIEWS
_Das unbekannte Afrika_ (Unknown Africa). By Leo Frobenius. (O.
Beck, München, 1923.)
The war has fettered Frobenius to his country and his desk, and he
has found time to study his material, and the series of diaries,
written every day while in Africa. Ten volumes of folklore, three
volumes of _Atlas Africanus_, several philosophical books, and this
one under discussion, have been the fruits of his unwelcome restraint.
Frobenius is now preparing another book, "The dying Africa." Many of
his collections have gone to the various museums, but he has a large
number of interesting objects, and many thousands of pictures which
are contained in his recent publications, and, at last, made known.
Each chapter of _Das unbekannte Afrika_ is headed by small maps
showing the distribution of the cultural elements treated in it.
This is the form of registration which Frobenius has practiced for
the last 25 years. Thus the enormous wealth of ethnological data is
statistically fixed. The area, for instance, for a house type or a
custom, when found in his travels, is compared with data found, in
literature, on the same subject, and all the findings are, again,
registered on a map. The results of seven expeditions, on which
skilled artists accompanied him, have been kept under control in this
manner. As soon as the center of a district which seemed of interest
was reached, numerous trained assistants were sent in different
directions. Each took notes and pictures on a given subject, so that a
marvelous amount of work could be accomplished. Other data were gained
by leaving questionnaires among the resident missionaries, merchants,
or government officials, to whom letters were sent later, where
matters did not seem sufficiently clear, when studied at home.
The deductions made are illustrated by the fascinating pictures
contained in _The unknown Africa_, in which more than half of the
space is devoted to illustrations. By them the interrelation between
Neolithic European, Asiatic, Phoenician, Carthaginian, and the African
cultures is shown, mainly in regard to art and architecture.
African art is nearer related to the prehistoric European than to the
Asiatic and the American. On the whole, that of the south is historic,
as compared with that of northwestern Africa. Linguistically the
south African idioms are the oldest, while the illiterate eastern
constitutes the second period, and the northwestern the youngest.
Racially the lighter Hamite in the northwest has displaced older
types, which are now prevalent in the east. The Hamitic culture
extends between the Canaries and the Indian Ocean, with extensions
into Abyssinia and the southern apex. In the south dwell the
Ethiopians. Originally there were two main points of cultural influx,
one in Erythraea, and one on the western shores, having travelled
through the Mediterranean and Gibraltar, around northwestern Africa.
Some influence was also introduced from the north, and traversed the
Sahara desert. There it did not survive, but penetrated the Soudan.
The two cultures are explained distinctly. The Hamitic contains
remnants of the solar cult, while the Ethiopian shows that of
the moon. The first has the matriarchal while the second has the
patriarchal system. Hamitic inclinations are connected with the animal
world, the Ethiopian with Mother Earth and the plant. Proofs for the
entry of Hamitic elements by way of Erythraea are found in the fact
that the matriarchate has existed on the eastern coast of India, and
in southern Arabia, and that it still exists in northern Africa. Also,
the ritual killing of the kings which exists near the White Nile, and
in the eastern Soudan, was reported, by Diodorus, to have existed on
the eastern coast of India and in Meroe.
The Nile kept Egypt in touch with the rest of the civilized world,
while the western parts of northern Africa had no great stream to
retain the ancient height of culture, but this tended to the guarding
of traditions, and the preservation of ancient customs.
The same ritual procedure which is depicted on the rock-drawings,
thousands of years old, prevails in these days in western Soudan.
The same posture is taken by the supplicant huntsman, in regard to
the cardinal points, while he traces similar images on the sand. The
present-day pious Yoruba consults the replica of boards which were
found in Ife, and which were thousands of years old. On them are
carved the four main pairs of deities, or the sixteen cardinal points.
Frobenius found ancient terra-cotta heads and wood carvings which
represented the same objects as those found in Benin. The latter
must be considered as mediaeval. The pupils of the Benin heads are
perforated, while the Ilife heads have blind eyes. This would affix,
to the latter, a much greater age, as it is a feature of ancient
Mediterranean sculpture. The Atlantic art of western Africa is highly
developed, and has nothing in common with primitive Negro art. Some
of the boards are exquisite, and rows of beautiful figures and
mythological representations are carved on a door, in Yoruba, as shown
in the book.
A very interesting theory is put forth, in this connection. So far,
it was accepted that time, in archaeology, could be measured only by
stone objects, as these were lasting. The author, however, is of the
opinion that rock drawings and carvings may answer the aesthetic or
ritual requirements of a region or a people for many centuries, while
wooden implements and works of art must be replaced, being eminently
perishable. Wood is available everywhere. The idea underlying a figure
is renewed, with each generation of carvers, and the traditions are
handed down as faithfully by wooden carvings as by folk-lore.
Drawings, in the strict sense of the word, are found, in Africa,
only in ancient Egypt. They are more closely related to the Bushman
paintings of South Africa than to the petrography of the western parts
of the continent. Hamitic rock drawings, with depressed lines of
contour, and tinted in the intervening surfaces, are seen in Egypt.
Prehistoric and early historic figures were found in Egypt, Lesser
Africa, and the Guinea Coast. In the east the lines are generally
severe, while in the northwest they are rounded. The Hamitic culture
zone has no plastic art, among Berber, Bisharin, Somali, Masai, and
Hottentot. The Bushman who drew the beautiful rock ornaments has
produced no plastic. What is found among this tribe must be considered
as Carthaginian.
The primitive Hamite fears representations of the human and animal,
from magic. Later the plastic representations have, however,
penetrated the Hamitic boundaries, and reached the Nile. The peoples
of Lesser and North Africa do not recognize what is on the rocks. The
Negro is not gifted in this sense. The Hamite who does not readily
see a drawing or picture, and never seems to have produced plastic
art, draws well, realistically or ornamentally. The Negro is a good
carver but draws very badly. Even those Negroes who recognize every
photograph and carve excellently cannot draw.
Many deductions are made in studying the migration of cultures, and
many parallels are shown up. One of the relationships found is that
between the tattooing of the Neolithic Period of France and that of
the living individual near the Niger. The lines run from the ear to
the nose. Another well-known feature is the figure of the obese woman
which extends from France to Malta. It is quite prevalent in Hamitic
art, in the graphic productions of northern Africa, and in Egyptian
plastic. Steatopygy, in the living, is natural to the South African
tribes. The deduction made is that those models which seemed desirable
to the artist, during the stone age of the northwest, still exist
in the south. Therefore Hamitic culture must have wandered from the
north, east and south.
Other stone-age elements, the stone graves, are found in the Hamitic
regions. In Morocco the stone tumuli are explained as remnants of the
houses of forebears. When food ran low, goes the tale, the head of the
family collected all its members about him, and tore the home down,
over them.
Two main types of dwellings are found in Africa, one a cave, the other
a pile structure. The Hamitic culture prefers the first, the Ethiopian
the latter. The oldest Hamitic "chthonic" bed is a pit. The oven and
storehouse is built in the ground. The inhabitants of the Canary
Islands, who are the descendants of the ancient Guanches, and most of
the Kabyle tribes of Morocco, Algeria, and Tunis still have artificial
caves, which are, however, not generally known. In Matamata, in the
south of Tunis, tunnel-shaped, honeycomb dwellings constitute the
newer type of cave dwelling.
Ethiopian "telluric" architecture uses the pile in the construction
of beds, huts for guards, dwelling houses, and meeting places. The
edifices are round or rectangular, and thatched. Later the thatch is
covered with clay. Fortresses are constructed of clay and rafters. In
parts of the Soudan the walls are beautifully ornamented with reliefs
of humans and animals, or geometrical figures. In the interior of the
houses the clay walls are tinted and polished, and the pictures show
many beautiful decorative designs.
BEATRICE BICKEL
* * * * *
_A History of the United States Since the Civil War._ By Ellis
Paxon Oberholtzer. In five volumes. Volume II, 1868-1872. (New
York: The Macmillan Company, 1922. Pp. XI, 649. $4.00.)
This is the second of five volumes of a history of the United States
since the Civil War to be completed by this author. Covering the
period from 1868 to 1872, this treatise deals in detail with the
Reconstruction, the Ku Klux Klan, international questions resulting
from the Civil War, the building of railroads, and Oriental problems.
It is not usual, however, to find one publishing such a large and
expensive volume as this for the purpose of giving merely the author's
opinion about the problems of that day and the shortcomings of the
men who were trying to solve them. Not unlike most writers on the
Reconstruction, this author endeavored to commend those who achieved
as he would have them and to condemn those who addressed themselves
to these tasks in a different way. In most places, however, he found
many to censure and few to praise. If the book has any purpose at
all, it is intended not as a history of the period but a survey of
the corruption and vice of the age. Very little of the malfeasance in
positions of public trust escaped the attention of this writer.
Beginning with President Grant himself, the author has tried to
show that there was little of virtue and efficiency among public
functionaries of that time. He refers to Grant as being ignorant,
stupid, and simple, holds up to scorn James G. Blaine, and questions
Garfield's connection with Credit Mobilier in the style characteristic
of the book. Other crimes to the credit of the leading statesmen of
that day are given detailed treatment. The book abounds in so many
recriminations and epithets belaboring the most distinguished men of
the time that the uninformed reader would expect something like the
fall of Rome to follow.
If the white people with all their advantages had degenerated to
such a low level, the reader might wonder why the author should make
any comment at all on the corruption of the Negroes in the South.
Inasmuch as they had not been generally educated and had been denied
participation in civic affairs, he might have excused them for
abandoning work to enjoy their freedom, stealing from their former
masters, and obtruding themselves socially upon haughty persons of the
old regime. In the same style, however, the Negroes are given their
share of vilification. "He refers to them as 'Sambo' and 'Cuffee'
entering the halls of government, and a 'Coal Black' member made
temporary chairman," "'The Black Crook Convention,' 'Ring-tailed
Coons,' 'Outlaws and Rag-a-muffins,' and a 'Gang of Jailbirds.'"
All of these expressions are not original with the author. They
are taken from southern newspapers and books of the same sort of
authorship. Instead of using such evidence only when known to be
unconscious, the author has accepted this information as the truth.
According to the requirements of modern historiography, newspapers
are generally valuable only in determining the sentiment of the
people except when the evidence obtained is unconscious. Furthermore,
the author has too often accepted second-hand information, found in
books of writers who have produced treatises on the Reconstruction
for the express purpose of vilifying the Negroes who participated
in that drama, and to justify the high-handed action of the whites
who through such invisible powers as the Ku Klux Klan overthrew the
liberal governments, and re-established the power of the aristocracy
of the South. It is unreasonable to suppose that orators and editors
interested in disfranchising and re-enslaving the Negroes would tell
the truth about the freedmen.
It is most unfortunate that writers have accepted the point of view
of these biased authors instead of making a research for the facts in
the case. In too many instances, this author quotes Fleming for facts
of Reconstruction in Alabama, Hamilton for North Carolina, Ficklen for
Louisiana, Garne for Mississippi, Ramsdell for Texas, Reynolds for
South Carolina, Davis for Florida, Eckenrode for Virginia, Thompson
for Georgia, and the like. These "authorities" do not strengthen the
claims of a work because of the very bias with which these books
were written, for these writers accepted rumors, violent newspaper
comments, and inflammatory speeches as reasons for their conclusions.
Any history built upon such authority cannot be considered trustworthy.
From the point of view of the Negro himself, this book is not a
history of the United States for the period which it purports to
cover. It has very little to say about the Negroes except to refer
to them as an ignorant, illiterate mass of thieves and rascals. In a
work covering merely four years, a seeker of the truth would expect
some information therefrom as to how the freedmen began their social
and economic stride upward, what forces were set to work among them,
and how susceptible they proved to be of the training offered in the
schools and churches established for their special needs. Inasmuch
as he found so much space for the Carpet-Baggers who went South to
control the State governments through the Negro vote, it would have
hardly been out of place for the author to mention that throng of
apostles who came South as teachers to give their lives as a sacrifice
in the uplift of these belated people. What these Negroes did, during
these very years, to help themselves should have received some
consideration. Every Negro of consequence in the South was not a
politician or an office-seeker. What the race is accomplishing today
is due in a large measure to the foundation laid at that time by
Negroes of foresight, who acquired education and property and joined
the missionary teachers from the North in the noble effort for the
education and economic amelioration of the freedmen.
* * * * *
_The Partition of Africa._ By Sir Charles Lucas, K.C.B., K.C.M.G.
(Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1922. Pp. 228.)
This book consists of the lectures given by the author at the Royal
Colonial Institute to a circle of teachers of the London County
Council in 1921. The author disclaims any pretension to exhaust the
subject. He acknowledges that these lectures are somewhat discursive
with the intention of suggesting diverse points of view and a variety
of subjects for further study. With this purpose in mind he freely
quotes a number of books and papers, evidently desiring to stimulate
the reader to further study. It is admitted, moreover, that while
these lectures have been awaiting publication there has taken place
in Africa so many developments that this volume will not suffice to
inform the reader.
The work begins with a survey of Africa in ancient times as it
connected with the Mediterranean World. Unfortunately, in this chapter
the author follows the well-beaten path of misrepresenting that land
by referring to it as the "Dark Continent," which, from his point
of view, was dependent and backward because it had no facilities of
communication with Europe. In this chapter, therefore, he proves not
that Africa had not made much advancement but that the European was
merely ignorant of that part of the world.
In the chapter discussing "Africa from Ancient Times to the Nineteenth
Century" there is little more than a casual sketch of the invasion
of the Vandals, the Mohammedan conquest, followed by a rather brief
and unscientific discussion of the natives of Africa. This chapter,
however, presents in epitome the leading facts of the explorations of
Europeans beginning with Prince Henry of Portugal, the forerunner of
other adventurers from England, Italy, Spain and France.
Taking up the slave trade, the author becomes a little more
interesting. He discusses the question from two points of view,
distinguishing between the Mohammedan slave trade and the European
traffic in men on the West Coast of Africa. He undertakes to give the
causes of the West African slave trade in terms of the commercial
revolution. Then follows a more detailed account of the participation
therein by various European nations. In this connection is treated
also the effort of philanthropic Europeans who exposed the horrors
of the slave trade and finally abolished it. Further efforts for the
improvement of the Negroes are traced to the establishment of Sierra
Leone and Liberia.
The author then shows how this interest in the Negro, developing along
with European expansion into Africa, led to further exploration and
settlement and to the missionary enterprise of David Livingston. The
interest in the uplift of the natives, however, as the book admits,
was lost sight of after the Franco-German war, the prelude to the
scramble for Africa. Then came the beginning of Belgian Congo, the
Anglo-Portuguese treaty of 1884, the general acts of the Berlin
Conference, the Congo atrocities, and the partition of the continent
into Northeast-Africa, East-Africa, South-Africa, West-Africa and
other spheres of influence. There followed also another sort of
scramble in building African railways, tapping the wealth of the
hinterland of Africa. The bearing of the Anglo-French Convention of
1904, the Franco-German Agreement of 1911 and other European treaties
are all set forth.
Discussing North-Africa, the author first makes a comparison of the
situation in the different parts of the continent, allowing for such
influences as the proximity of that portion of the continent to
Europe, the effect of the orientalization of Egypt, Tunis, Algeria,
Tripoli, and Morocco. This discussion, however, is not carried
out in all of its ramifications and the reader must make further
investigation for adequate information.
In Chapter VIII the author reviews the settlements of the Dutch in
South-Africa, the British occupation of the Cape, the conflict of
the British and the Dutch, the rise of the Boer Republic, and the
Kaffir wars. In keeping with so many writers who endorse almost
anything which Europeans do, this author finds some justification
for the intrusion of the Europeans in Africa. The cruel oppression
visited upon the natives as a result of this conquest does not cause
the author any grief. In the same way, he discusses the conquest
and settlements of France and Great Britain in West-Africa, their
dependencies, and methods of development. Treating the late campaigns
in Africa, the author makes an effort to bring this information up
to date as far as possible, trying to account for the territorial
settlement in that continent as shown by the reconstructed map of
Africa. The book closes with a discussion of such African problems
as the elimination of Germany from Africa, the plurality of powers
in Africa as an advantage to the Africans in bringing about mutual
checks, and the effect of the World War upon the relation between
whites and blacks.
* * * * *
_A Boy's Life of Booker T. Washington._ By W. C. Jackson, Vice
President of the North Carolina College for Women, and Professor
of History, Greensboro. (New York, The Macmillan Company, 1922.
Pp. 147.)
The author does not pretend to add anything new to what is generally
known about Booker T. Washington, or to what may be found in such
works as _Up from Slavery_, _My Larger Education_, and _Booker T.
Washington: Builder of a Civilization_. The aim is to tell this story
in such simple language as to make it comprehensible for children. The
author hopes that by reading this book some of them may be inspired
to higher ambition and encouraged to nobler effort. While the reader
may not agree with all of the observations made by the author, he must
commend this effort to popularize the record of the distinguished
citizen who by his achievement demonstrated that the race has within
it the possibilities of other groups. This effort, then, has an
important bearing on the dissemination of information concerning the
Negro and on the preservation of the records of the race.
The details of the life of the subject of the sketch are omitted
except that the interesting beginnings of Booker T. Washington as
a boy, and his rise through poverty and ignorance to a position of
leadership, are given with some degree of thoroughness. The author
endeavors to impress upon the youth the bravery, courage, backbone,
energy, fair-mindedness, honesty, wisdom, intelligence, judgment,
modesty, patriotism, will power, self control, and love of humanity
of Booker T. Washington. To do this, each important trait in the
man is portrayed by reference to some achievement which served as a
striking example of his character. In this way, the author draws upon
his planning for an education, school days at Hampton, beginning life
in the outside world, first efforts at teaching, the beginning of
Tuskegee, early hardships, struggles to raise money, speech-making,
leadership, political experiences, and travels abroad.
The book is well printed and neatly bound. It is also adequately
illustrated so as to concentrate the attention of the youth on
certain important achievements and events in the life of Washington.
Among these illustrations appear the monument recently unveiled at
Tuskegee, which constitutes the frontispiece of the book. Then follow
various illustrations of the many activities of the institution. While
there is not given a general view of the whole school, the various
groups given will impress the reader with the magnitude of the work
undertaken at Tuskegee. The cuts of Washington and his family show the
home life of the man.
NOTES
Mr. A. A. Taylor, who during the last fiscal year devoted a part of
his time to research under the direction of the Association, has been
permanently employed as an Associate Investigator of the Association
to make researches into Negro Reconstruction History. Mr. Taylor is an
alumnus of the University of Michigan. He has recently done graduate
work under Professors Abbott, Usher, Turner, Merk, and Channing at
Harvard, where he obtained the degree of Master of Arts.
Miss Irene A. Wright, who has been employed by the Association to
copy certain documents in the Archives of the Indies, Seville, Spain,
reports that in the near future she will offer for publication in
these columns interesting and valuable data giving the history of the
Mose Settlement of Negroes in Florida.
Mr. Albert Parry, the contributor of the article in this number
entitled "Hannibal, the Favorite of Peter the Great," is a former
resident of Russia. He has been studying in this country two years.
* * * * *
The various aspects of German colonization in East Africa and the rôle
played by that portion of this continent in the World War are treated
in _Kumbuke; Erlebnisse eines Arztes in Deutsch Ostafrika_ (Berlin,
Dom-Verlag, 1922, pp. 502), by August Hauer.
_Études sur l'Islam en Côte d'Ivoire_ (Paris, Leroux, 1922, pp. 502)
by Paul Marty, _Au Congo: Souvenirs de la Mission Marchand_ (Paris,
Fayard, 1921) by General Baratier, and _Une Étape de la Conquête de
l'Afrique Équatoriale Française_ (Paris, Fournier, 1922, pp. 260)
by the Ministry of War of France, cover altogether in a general way
French colonization in Western and Central Africa.
The Associated Publishers will soon publish a work entitled _Negro
Poets and Their Poems_ by Robert T. Kerlin, Professor of English of
the State Normal School, West Chester, Pennsylvania, former Professor
of English at the Virginia Military Institute. This work will be an
illustrated textbook for schools and will at the same time serve as a
volume of general information on contemporary Negro poetry.
ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR
The fiscal year which ended June 30, 1923, was the most prosperous in
the history of the Association. The efforts of the staff were directed
toward carrying out the purposes for which the Association was
organized, namely, to collect historical data and to promote studies
bearing on the Negro. To attain these objectives the Director had to
perform the two important tasks of soliciting funds to finance the
Association and then to use the same in the employment of assistants
to investigate the various aspects of Negro life and history.
Funds have been received and disbursed as follows:
COMPLETE FINANCIAL STATEMENT OF ALL DEPARTMENTS OF THE
ASSOCIATION FOR THE STUDY OF NEGRO LIFE AND HISTORY[A]
_July 1, 1922-June 30, 1923_
_Receipts_
Research Fund $5,000.00
Interest on Reserve 78.77
Subscriptions 1,798.91
Memberships 321.10
Contributions 6,727.99
Advertisements 264.55
Refunds 57.11
Miscellaneous 107.80
Books 3.25
----------
Total Receipts $14,359.48
Balance on hand for
Research June 30, 1922 5,000.00
Balance on hand, General
Expense Fund, June 30, 1922 89.46
----------
Grand Total $19,448.94
_Disbursements_
Printing and Stationery $2,996.34
Paid for Research 4,401.62
Petty Cash (Incidentals) 900.00
Stenographic Service 1,330.01
Rent and Light 518.50
Salaries 2,733.37
Traveling Expenses 300.39
Miscellaneous 520.47
----------
Total Disbursements $13,700.70
Balance on hand, June 30, 1923
appropriated for Printing
and Research 5,677.15
Balance on Hand, General
Expense Fund, June 30, 1923 71.09
----------
Grand Total $19,448.94
Respectfully submitted,
(Signed) S. W. RUTHERFORD,
Secretary-Treasurer.
VARIOUS INTERESTS
The Director, who is editor of the JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY as well
as the executive of the Association, has devoted some of his time to
administrative duties, which, with the expansion of the work, are
rapidly multiplying. It has been possible, however, to give much
stimulus to all phases of the work in spite of arduous duties. That
the additional assistants now associated with the Director will
relieve him of some of these tasks is indeed gratifying.
THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY has found its way into additional
libraries and schools where it is becoming more and more to be
regarded as a valuable aid in research. It is now used as such in the
accredited colleges and universities of both races in the South and
serves for similar purposes in centers of research in the North. A
larger number of institutions abroad, moreover, are now subscribing
to this publication, requiring, too, a complete file of the magazine
in bound form. Briefly stated, then, while this publication has
not a popular subscription list, it circulates throughout the
civilized world as a library magazine of value for advanced students,
investigators, and social workers.
The Director has spent some of his time in field work. Wherever there
is a call to encourage a school or a club to do more for the study of
Negro life and history, the Director generally responds. In this way
the people of Kentucky, especially in Lexington and Louisville, were
made acquainted with the purposes of the Association and induced to
do something for the preservation of the local records of Negroes who
have achieved well. Enterprising citizens of Lexington have organized
for this purpose.
At Nashville, the Director availed himself of a similar opportunity
to carry the work of the Association to the thinking people of the
city, speaking to them for two days in their schools and churches. The
interest aroused was most encouraging and resulted in the organization
of a local club to co-operate with this national organization. In
addition to preserving the records of Negroes in that particular
community, this group will engage in the actual study of the neglected
aspects of Negro history, using the Branch Library as a center where
numerous works on Negro life and history have been provided.
In Baltimore, where the Spring Conference of the Association was held,
the citizens showed the same sort of interest in the work and pledged
themselves to do more to save local records which are now being
rapidly lost. Persons having an intelligent interest in the past of
the Negro are now taking steps to organize there a Maryland Historical
Society, to record and popularize the achievements of the Negroes of
that commonwealth under the leadership of the teachers of history of
the public schools and instructors at Morgan College.
RESEARCH
For the first time in the history of the Association its researches
have taken a definite course. Up to the year just ended, the
Association had the benefit of merely what investigations the
Director's manifold duties permitted him to conduct, or of what others
of their own will worked out in the interest of unearthing the truth.
Thanks to the appropriations of the Carnegie Corporation and the
Laura Spellman Rockefeller Memorial, however, the Association can now
outline a definite program of investigation and systematically carry
it out. For the present the staff is engaged in the study of the Free
Negro prior to 1861 and Negro Reconstruction History.
With the assistance of a copyist, Mrs. C. B. Overton, the Director
has been preparing a report on the Free Negro in the United States.
This report will be decidedly statistical, giving the names of the
persons of color who were heads of families in 1830, where they were
living, how many were in each family, how many slaves each owned, and
what relation these free Negroes sustained to the white people. This
research covers also the statistics of absentee ownership of slaves by
whites. The first volume of the report will be published within the
next six months. Using it as a basis, the Director will make further
investigation of the Free Negroes to determine their economic status,
their social position, the attitude of the southern whites toward this
class, and the opinion of the North with respect to them as citizens.
Working in this same field, but developing special aspects of this
history, are Mr. George F. Dow and Miss Irene A. Wright. Mr. George
F. Dow has been employed to read the 18th century colonial newspapers
of New England for facts bearing on the Negro. Up to the present,
however, he has been unable to finish this task and does not promise
to accomplish much until next fall. Miss Irene A. Wright is now
extracting from the Archives of the Indies in Seville, Spain, some
valuable documents showing the part the Negroes played in the early
struggle between the British and Spanish in America and especially
the records of the Mose Settlement of Negroes in Florida and the
achievements of the Negroes in Louisiana. Miss Wright will also copy
all accessible documents of Latin-America giving accounts of Negroes
in higher spheres of usefulness. The Association is endeavoring to
employ an investigator to render the same sort of service in the
British Museum and the Public Record Office in London.
During the year the Association has had one worker in Negro
Reconstruction History. This was Mr. A. A. Taylor, an alumnus of the
University of Michigan, who has recently received the degree of Master
of Arts for graduate work done at Harvard University under Professors
W. C. Abbott, F. J. Turner, and Edward Channing. Although he has
devoted only a part of his time to this research, he has produced
one valuable dissertation, _The Social Conditions and Treatment of
Negroes in South Carolina, 1865-1880_. He has also made a scientific
study of the social and economic conditions of the Negroes in Virginia
for the same period, but has not yet completed this treatise. It is
expected that it will be ready for publication within the next twelve
months. Mr. Taylor will continue this work as Associate Investigator,
permanently employed by the Association to devote all of his time to
this effort.
The Association continues its interest in the work of training young
men for scientific investigation. As far as possible it will follow
its program of educating in the best graduate schools with libraries
bearing on Negro Life and History, three young men supported by
fellowships of $500 each from the Association and such additional
stipends as the schools themselves may grant for their support. These
students are assigned to different fields, one to make Anthropometric
and Psychological measurements of Negroes, one to study African
Anthropology and Archaeology, and one to take up history as it has
been influenced by the Negro.
Closely connected with these plans, moreover, are certain other
projects to preserve Negro folklore. In this effort the Association
has the co-operation of Dr. Elsie Clews Parsons, the moving spirit
of the American Folklore Society. She is now desirous of making a
more systematic effort to embody this part of the Negro civilization
and she believes that the work can be more successfully done by
co-operation with the Association. As soon as the Director can
obtain a special fund for this particular work, an investigator will
be employed to undertake it. For the present the Association is
endeavoring to stimulate interest in this field by offering a prize of
$200 for the best collection of tales, riddles, proverbs, sayings, and
songs, which have been heard at home by Negro students of accredited
schools.
The interest in the result of these researches has become all but
nation-wide. Most advanced institutions of learning now make some use
of historical works on the Negro. _The Negro in Our History_ has met
with the general welcome as a much desired volume giving the essential
facts of Negro achievement. It has been extensively used as collateral
reading and has been adopted as a text in more than a score of schools
and colleges. The demand for this book is so rapidly increasing that
the second edition has been almost exhausted. The third edition,
which is now in preparation, will be revised and enlarged so as to
give more attention to the Negro in freedom, a period of more concern
to most students than that of the Negro before the Civil War.
In almost every center of considerable Negro population and in most
of the large schools of the race there are clubs or classes engaged
in the study of Negro life and history. Some of these were organized
under the supervision of the Association and others sprang up of
themselves in response to the increasing desire among Negroes to know
about themselves and to publish such information to a world uninformed
as to what the race has thought and felt and attempted and done. These
groups thus interested in the scientific study of the Negro, moreover,
are not restricted to the schools and communities controlled by this
race. The Association has found little difficulty in interesting
advanced students in large northern universities, and this work has
extended to some of the best white schools of the South.
THE STAFF
The staff has suffered one irreparable loss in that Miss A. H. Smith,
who during the last seven years has served the Association as Office
Manager and Assistant to the Secretary-treasurer, has recently retired
from the service. The Association is immeasurably indebted to Miss
Smith for the faithful service which she has rendered the cause,
and it will be difficult to fill her position. Although offered
opportunities for earning a larger stipend elsewhere, she remained
with the Association because of her interest in the work which it has
been prosecuting. The Association wishes her well and earnestly hopes
that she may be welcomed in some other field of usefulness.
Respectfully submitted,
CARTER G. WOODSON,
Director
1538 NINTH ST., N. W.,
WASHINGTON, D. C.
Sept. 18, 1923
FOOTNOTES:
[A] The books of the Association have been audited by a certified
public accountant who reports that the receipts have been duly
deposited, that all disbursements have been made through numbered
voucher checks properly approved, and that the balances given in the
records of the Association agree with the balances reported by the
banks.
* * * * *
INDEX
JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
VOLUME VIII
A
_A Negro Pioneer in the West_, 333-335
_Abram Hannibal, the Favorite of Peter the Great_, 359-366
_Africa and the Discovery of America_, review of, 233-238
African Institution, the interest of, in colonization, 168, 169, 170,
178, 182, 200, 204, 215
African Methodist Episcopal Church, organization of, 303
African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church, the organization of, 303
African slave, the status of, in the colonies, 250, 251
Alabama, the movement of Negroes to, 367, 370, 373, 379-381;
Cotton culture in, 372
Allen, Philip, owner of land near Dartmouth, 155
Allen, Richard, the work of, 51;
anti-colonization meeting in church of, 216
Allen, William, interest of, in African colonization, 174, 182, 186,
189, 195, 200, 201, 205, 206
Alvord, J. W., Assistant Commissioner of the Freedmen's Bureau, 13
American Catholic Historical Society, the prize offered by, 351
American Freedmen's Union Commission, 16
_American Magazine_, extract from, 91-92
American Missionary Association, the work of, in South Carolina, 7, 8,
15, 16, 25, 26
Anderson, Joseph, of Montreal, purchase of a slave by, 329
Anderson, Lymus, a teacher of Negroes at Port Royal, 38
André, a Negro, suit of, for freedom, 326, 327
Andrew, Governor, interest of, in Negro education, 35
_Anna Murray-Douglass--My Mother As I Recall Her_, 93-101
Antoine, C. C., sketch of, by W. O. Hart, 84-87;
how he made money, 86
Arkansas, cotton culture in, 372
Arnett, Bishop B. W., the statistics of A. M. E. Church by, 310
Arnold, Thomas, a friend of Paul Cuffe, 184
Arthur, Stanley Cisby, sketch of Isaiah T. Montgomery by, 87-91
Asbury, Bishop, organizer of a mixed Sunday school, 302
Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, proceedings of
the Annual Meeting of, 116-122;
Spring Conference of, 353-357
Auger, Jean-Baptiste, a sale of a slave by, 322
Auguste, Tancrede, a ruler of Haiti, 138
Avery Institute, the establishment of, 19
B
Ba Mangwato, a native in South Africa, 288
Babcock, Colonel, effort of, to annex Santo Domingo, 145
Baganda, the morality of, 286-287, 288, 289;
art of, 291
Bailly, Augustin, a vendor of a slave, 321
Baltimore, Spring Conference in, 353-357;
Negroes in domestic service in, 390;
interest of, in training domestic workers, 399
Baptist Home Mission Society, the work of, 26
Baptists, the efforts of, among the freedmen, 18
Barahona, a plantation in Santo Domingo, 139, 140
Barbadoes, the progress of, 249
Beaufort, South Carolina, Negro schools at, 22, 24, 26
Beauvais, reference to, 286, 289
Bell, J. W., address of, at the annual meeting, 117, 122, 123-127
Benedict, Mrs., the gift of, 26
Benefit of clergy as applied to slaves, 443-447
Bent, reference to, and quotations from, 288, 292, 293, 294
Betty, a Negro servant, one of the first Methodists, 301
Bickel, Beatrice, review of _Das Unbekannte Afrika_ by, 453-458
Bigelow, A. M., a teacher of a Negro school at Aiken, 31
_Biography, Negro_, by P. W. L. Jones, 128-133
Biron, an enemy of Abram Hannibal in Russia, 364
Bishop, Josiah, a preacher in Virginia, 51
Blaney, Mary, the owner of a slave in Montreal, 330
Blyd, Cornelius Winst, the achievements of, in Dutch Guiana, 448-453
Bond, James, participation of, in the annual meeting, 118
_Book of American Negro Poetry, The_, review of, 347-348
Booker, S. S., participation of, in the Spring Conference of the
Association in Baltimore, 353
Border States, the movement of Negroes from, 367-383
Bornu, the kings of, 296;
the rise of, 297
Boston Education Commission, 6
Boston, Negro servants in, 260, 261;
Negroes in domestic service in, 429
Botume, Elizabeth Hyde, a teacher of Negroes in South Carolina, 11
Boutton, Louis Philippe, a sale of slaves by, 322
Bowles, Mrs. Emma Castleman, facts of, on the origin of Wilberforce,
335-337
Boyd, Wm. K., _Benefit of Clergy as applied to Slaves_ by,
443-447
Boyer, a ruler of Haiti, 137
_Boy's Life of Booker T. Washington, A_, review of, 463-464
Bragg, George F., _The History of the Afro-American Group of the
Episcopal Church_ by, 107-109;
remarks of, 355-356
Brass, a Negro held in Virginia, 258-259, 278
British America, the status of the Negro in, 276-277
Breeding of slaves for market, 374
Brooks, John, the purchaser of a slave in Montreal, 329
Brooks, W. H., a prominent Negro minister, 313
Brown, George W., an instructor in history, 115;
_Haiti and the United States_ by, 134-152
Brown, John, a vendor of a slave from Saratoga, 327
Brown, Moses, a friend of Paul Cuffe, 184
Brown, Thomas E., remarks of, 356
Brownell, David, the owner of land at Dartmouth, 154
Bryan, Andrew, a Negro preacher, 50
Bryan, Sampson, a preacher, 50
Bryan, William J., efforts of, to encroach upon Haiti, 143
Bryant, William Cullen, interest of, in freedom, 7
Buffum, a co-worker of Prudence Crandall, 74
Bulkley, Ichabod, an attorney against Prudence Crandall, 78
Bureau of Refugees, establishment of, 3
Bush, W. O., a Negro farmer of fame in the West, 333
Bush, George, a Negro pioneer in the West, 333-335
Butler, B. F., at Fortress Monroe, 2-3
Byrne, William, disposal of slaves by, 329
C
Caesar, a slave sold in Montreal, 327
Campbell, William, the purchase of slaves by, 328
Came, Amable-Jean-Joseph, sale of a slave by, 319
Canada, slavery in, 316-330
Canal, a ruler of Haiti, 137
Canterbury, Connecticut, the people of, arrayed against Prudence
Crandall, 76-80
Capers, Bishop, the missionary work of, 303
Carberry, Daniel, of Montreal, a purchaser of slaves, 329
Cardoza, F. L., an educator of Negroes in South Carolina, 39
Carter, Frank, a teacher of Negroes at Camden, S. C., 38
Carter, E. A., participation of, in the annual meeting, 116
Cary, Lott, a missionary in Africa, 304
Castor, John, a slave owned by Anthony Johnson, a Negro, 259, 278
Chaboille, Sir Charles, a purchaser of slaves, 329
Champlin, G. C., a supporter of Paul Cuffe, 184
Chavigny, Joseph, a vendor of slaves, 322
Channing, Walter, a supporter of Paul Cuffe, 184
Charleston, John, a Negro preacher, 302
Charleston, South Carolina, the Negro schools of, 18, 19, 20, 21,
22-40
Chase, Salmon P., interest of, in the freedmen, 7
Chêne, Mary Josephine, slaves of, by marriage, 329
Chicago, race commission of, 112-114;
Negroes in domestic service in, 390, 422
Chicago Commission on Race Relations, _The Negro in Chicago_ by,
112-114
Christophe, a ruler of Haiti, 136
Cincinnati, the treatment of Negroes in, 331-332
Clair, Bishop Matthew W., recognition of, by Methodists, 315
Claflin University, the establishment of, 26
Clark, Peter H., quotation from, 102-103
Clarkson, Thomas, interest of, in colonization, 168;
efforts of, 195
Clifford, John R., the achievements of, 338-341
Coppin, Mrs. L. J., interest of, in training domestic workers, 399
Coggeshall, John, a supporter of Paul Cuffe, 184
Coker, Daniel, a friend of Paul Cuffe, 185
Collins, a friend of Paul Cuffe, 185
Colored Methodist Episcopal Church, the organization of, 312
Columbia, South Carolina, the Negro schools of, 18, 19, 20, 21
Columbus, Christopher, the discoverer of Haiti and Santo Domingo, 135
Colvis, Joseph, the record of, 132
_Comparative Study of the Bantu and Semi-Bantu Languages, A_, by
Sir Harry H. Johnston, 241-242
Caucasians in domestic service in the United States, 386-387
_Concerning the Origin of Wilberforce_, 335-337
Congregationalists, educational efforts of, 15, 16
Connecticut, Negro servants in, 265-266, 280
"Contraband of War," at Fortress Monroe, 2-3
Cooke, Edward, quotation from letter of Paul Cuffe to, 221
Cotterill, R. S., participation of, in the annual meeting, 118
Cotton, the rise of cotton culture, 370-374;
the price of, 376-378;
output of, 377-378
Cowan, Philip, petition of, for freedom, 279
Cox, a missionary to Africa, 304
Cramahé, Hector-Theophile, purchase of a slave by, 323-324
Crenshaw, David, a mixed Sunday School in the home of, 302
Croder, Josiah, a merchant connected with Paul Cuffe, 203
Cromwell, John W., letter of, 338-341
Cuffe, Paul, early life of, 153-156;
a sea captain, 156-159;
domestic affairs of, 159-161;
protest of, against taxation, 162-166;
a colonizationist, 167-210;
trip of, to England, 174-181;
life of, as a Quaker, 188-194;
death of, 221-223;
the will of, 230-232
Cuffe, John, a brother of Paul Cuffe, 155;
protest of, against taxation, 162-166, 188
Cureux, Louis, purchaser of slaves, 319
Curry, Thomas, a purchaser of slaves in Montreal, 327
D
Daggett, Judge, decision of, in the Prudence Crandall case, 78-80
Daguille, Jacques-François, a vendor of a slave, 322
Damien, Jacques, sale of a slave by, 319
_Das Unbekannte Africa_, review of, 455-458
Dassier, Estienne, sale of slave by, 320
Davis, T. R., _Negro Servitude in the United States_ by, 247-283
Davis, Jefferson, befriended by Isaiah T. Montgomery, 87-91
Dayly, Dennis, vendor of a slave, 324
Deane, Major E. L., work of, under the Freedmen's Bureau, 13
De Chalet, François, the hire of a slave by, 323
De Champigny, Intendant, proposal of, 316
De la Chevrotière, Joseph Chavigny, purchase of an Indian slave by,
321
Decline of border States, 367-383
De Grasse, John V., the example of, 132
De la Tesserie, Joseph, the sale of a Negro by, 318
Delaware, Lord, the orders of, 267-268
Delaware, the movement of Negroes from, 367
Delaware River, status of Negroes along, 262, 263
Delzenne, Ignace-François, purchase of a slave by, 320
Denonville, Governor, proposal of, 316
Dessalines, the emperor of Haiti, 136
Detroit, Negroes in domestic service in, 390, 405
Detweiler, Frederick G., _The Negro Press in the United States_
by, 238-239
De Vitre, Mathieu-Theodore, a purchaser of a slave, 322
Director of the Association, the annual report of, 466-471
Discovery of Gold in California, the result of, 377
Disfranchisement of Negro servants, 272
_Disruption of Virginia, The_, review of, 239-241
District of Columbia, the movement of the Negroes from, 367;
Negroes in domestic service in, 390, 392, 393, 394, 395, 400, 401,
402, 403, 404, 407, 408, 409-413, 414, 415, 419, 425, 426
Dolgorukovs, friends of Abram Hannibal, 363
Dominican Republic, the history of, 135-142
Domingue, a ruler of Haiti, 137
_Domestic service in the United States, Negroes in_, 384-442
Douglass, Frederick, story related by, 54;
his wife, 93-101;
in Ireland, 102-107
Dregis, Emanuel, a Negro servant, 260
Dumoulin, François, of Montreal, a vendor of slaves, 329
Dunière, Louis, sale of slaves by, 319, 320
Dutch frigate, slaves brought to Jamestown in, 249
Dutch law with regard to slavery, 253
E
Edie, Colonel J. R., Assistant Commissioner of the Freedmen's Bureau,
13
_Educational Efforts of the Freedmen's Bureau and Freedmen's Aid
Societies in South Carolina, 1862-1872_, 1-40
Edwards, G. A., participation of, in the Spring Conference in
Baltimore, 354, 355
El Bekri, the author of Tarikh-es-Soudan, 296
Elizabeth, Empress, a friend of Abram Hannibal, 364
Elizabeth, Queen, the attitude of, toward slavery, 251, 256
Elkonhead, Jane, the owner of Francis Pryne, 259
Ellsworth, W. W., an attorney for Prudence Crandall, 78
Ely, General, daughters of, teachers of Negroes, 21
Embury, Philip, a meeting of Methodists at the home of, 301
Employment agencies as they concern Negro domestic workers, 436-440
Ethics of Africans, 286-290
Evans, Henry, a pioneer preacher, 51
_Evening Bulletin_ (Philadelphia), extract from, 81-84
F
Farando, Bashasar, a Negro servant, 260
Fay, Thomas, inquiry of, into the affairs of Africa, 207
Featherstonhaugh, quotation from, 375
Fetishism, the religion of Africa, 43-45
Finley, Robert, the correspondence of, with Paul Cuffe, 212-213, 215
Fisher, Miles Mark, an instructor at Virginia Union University, 115
Fisher, Samuel R., proposal of, to establish a Negro school, 206
Flora, a slave sold in Montreal, 327
Forten, Charlotte S., a teacher in South Carolina, 10-11
Forten, James, correspondence of, with Paul Cuffe, 205-206, 207;
attitude of, on colonization, 216, 217
Fouse, W. H., participation of, in the annual meeting, 118, 121
Free Negroes in Baltimore, 94
Free Society of Traders, attitude of, toward freedom, 263
Free Will Baptists, educational efforts of, in South Carolina, 15, 16,
18
Freedmen's Bureau, the work of, in South Carolina, 1-40
Freedmen's Aid Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church, the schools
of, in South Carolina, 26
_Frederick Douglass in Ireland_, 102-107
French Canada, slavery in, 316-330
Friends, the work of, among freedmen in South Carolina, 27;
interest of, in colonization, 170, 171
Friendly Society of Sierra Leone, the efforts of, 186, 193, 200, 206
Frobenius, Leo, reference to, 286, 287, 295;
_Das Unbekannte Africa_ of, 455-458
Furley, Benjamin, opposition of, to slavery, 263
G
Gainesville, Georgia, occupations of, graduates of schools of, 400
Gannett, W. C., a teacher of Negroes in South Carolina, 8
Garneau, François-Xavier, quotations from, 316, 317
Garrettson, Freeborn, attitude of, toward slavery, 301
Garrison, William Lloyd, interest of, in the freedmen, 7;
letter of Prudence Crandall to, 72;
letter of Frederick Douglass to, 103-107
Gautier, Pierre, purchase of a slave by, 319
Gay, Sydney Howard, in the home of Frederick Douglass, 97
Geaween, John, a Negro servant, 260
Geffrard, a ruler of Haiti, 137
Georgia, restriction upon slavery in, 254-255;
servants in, 279, 280;
movement of Negroes from, 363
Germantown, Friends of, protest of, against slavery, 263
Ghana, the kings of, 296;
the rise of, 296
Gibbons, William, inquiry of, into the affairs of Sierra Leone,
207-208
"Gideonites," the efforts of, 7
Gifford, Enos, owner of land near Dartmouth, 155
Gifford, Isaac, quotation from letter of Paul Cuffe to, 221-222
Gilbert, a settler from Antigua, 301
Gloucester, Duke of, interest of, in colonization, 169, 195
Goddard, Calvin, an attorney for Prudence Crandall, 78
Gold, the discovery of, in California, the effect of, 377
Grant, U. S., effort of, to annex Santo Domingo, 145
Guérin, Danielle Marie-Anne, vendor of a slave, 319
Guerrier, a ruler of Haiti, 137
Guillaume, a ruler of Haiti, 138
Gulf States, migration to, 367-383
Gummere, Amelia Mott, _The Journal of John Woolman_ by, 349-350
H
Haiti, relations of, with the United States, 134-152;
the occupation of, by the United States, 138;
the commercial position of, 148-150
_Haiti and the United States_, by George W. Brown, 134-152
Hale, Edward Everett, interest of, in freedmen, 7
Hammond, Anna Eliza, a pupil of Prudence Crandall, 76;
the arrest of, 76
Hammond, L. H., _In the Vanguard of a Race_ by, 111-112
Hammond, John, of Saratoga, the sale of a slave by, 327-328
Hancock, Gordon B., _Three Elements of African Culture_ by,
284-300
Hannibal, Ivan, a son of Abram Hannibal, 365
Hannibal-Pushkin, Nadejda, the mother of Alexander Pushkin, 365
Hannibal, Ossip, a son of Abram Hannibal, 365
Harris, Sara, a pupil of Prudence Crandall, 73
Harris, William, quotation from letter of Paul Cuffe to, 221
Hart, W. O., sketch of C. C. Antoine by, 84-87
Hartford, interest of, in the training of domestic workers, 399
Hartzell, Bishop J. C., _Methodism and the Negro in the United
States_ by, 301-315
Hawkins, Sir John, the trading of, 251;
argument of, in favor of slavery, 255-256
Hawkins, M. A., participation of, in the Spring Conference of the
Association in Baltimore, 353, 354
Hawkins, John R., address of, in Baltimore, 353-354
Hay-Pauncefote Treaty, 145-146
Haynes, Elizabeth Ross, _Negroes in Domestic Service in the United
States_ by, 384-442
Haynes, George E., _The Trend of the Races_ by, 109-111
Health of Negro domestic workers, 432-433
Henrique y Carvajol, Frederico, nomination of, 144
Herard, a ruler of Haiti, 137
Hicks, Mrs. C. M., a teacher of Negroes in South Carolina, 37
Hicks, Jenkins, and Company, merchants connected with Paul Cuffe, 203
Higginson, T. W., quotations from, 55, 56, 57
Hill, L. P., address of, in Baltimore, 356-357
Hilton Head, capture of, 4;
educational efforts at, 5
Hippolyte, a ruler of Haiti, 137
Hipp, George, sale of a slave by, 323
History, the teaching of, 123-127
_History of the Afro-American Group of the Episcopal Church_,
review of, 107-109
_History of the United States since the Civil War, A_,
review of, 458-461
Hodge, LeRoy, a letter of, 343-344
Holly, Bishop Theodore, the lineage of, 454
Hopkins, Charles, a teacher of Negroes in South Carolina, 37-38
Hopkins, Samuel D., interest of, in colonization, 168
Hosier, Harry, a Negro preacher, 49
Howard, Horatio P., the death of, 243;
relation of, to Paul Cuffe, 243;
the will of, 243
Howard, O. O., the head of the Freedmen's Bureau, 13
Howard School, the establishment of, 21
Hume, Naethan, the owner of slaves in Montreal, 330
Hunter, General David, in command in South Carolina, 8
Hunter, William, a friend of Paul Cuffe, 185
Hurst, Bishop John, participation of, in the Spring Conference in
Baltimore, 356
Hutchinson, Samuel, a friend of Paul Cuffe, 184
I
Importation of slaves, restriction on, 252-253, 375
Impostor posing as the relative of Paul Cuffe, 208-210
_In the Vanguard of a Race_, review of, 111-112
Indian slaves in Canada, 320-323
Indianapolis, occupations of graduates of schools of, 400, 401,
405, 434
Ireland, Frederick Douglass in, 102-107
Isabella, the slave of Hector-Theophilie Cramahé, Lieutenant-Governor
of Quebec, 323, 324, 325
Isthmian Canal, the seizure of, 146;
the completion of, 146
J
Jack, a pioneer Negro preacher, 50-51
Jackson, John H., the services of, 132
Jackson, L. P., _Educational Efforts of the Freedmen's Bureau and
Freedmen's Aid Societies in South Carolina, 1862-1872_ by, 1-40;
an instructor at the Virginia Normal and Industrial Institute, 115
Jackson, W. C., _A Boy's Life of Booker T. Washington_ by,
463-464
James, John, a friend of Paul Cuffe, 184;
inquiry of, into the condition of Sierra Leone, 207
James, L. S., address of, in Baltimore, 355
Jamestown, the introduction of slavery at, 249
Jessop, Joseph, visit to, by impostor, 209
Johnson, Anthony, a Negro owner of slaves, 259, 278
Johnson, James Weldon, _The Book of American Negro Poetry_ by,
347-348
Johnson, Richard, a Negro brought to Virginia, 260
Johnston, Sir Harry H., _A Comparative Study of the Bantu and
Semi-Bantu Languages_ by, 241-242
Jones, Absalom, the opposition of, to colonization, 219
Jones, J. McHenry, the services of, 132
Jones, Laurence C., _Piney Woods and Its Story_ by, 346-347
Jones, P. W. L., participation of, in the annual meeting, 117;
_Negro Biography_ by, 128-133
Jones, Bishop R. E., recognition of, by Methodists, 315
Jordan, L. G., participation of, in the annual meeting, 117
_Journal of John Woolman, The_, review of, 349-350
Judson, A. T., an opponent of Prudence Crandall, 75, 76, 77, 78
K
Keith, George, opposition of, to slavery, 263
Kentucky, Colonization Society of, the establishment of, 211;
the culture of tobacco in, 368;
breeding of slaves in, 374
Khama, an honest native of South Africa, 288
Kizell, John, a settler in Sierra Leone, 193
L
Labart, Guillaume, a vendor of slaves, 329
Ladoga Canal Commission, Abram Hannibal a member of, 364
Lane College, the establishment of, 312
La Promenade, Paul, a purchaser of a slave in Montreal, 328
Larger Canal Zone, a reality, 143, 146, 150, 151, 152
Larned, E. D., quotation from, concerning Prudence Crandall, 73
Lecompte Cincinnatus, a ruler of Haiti, 138
Lee, Barnard K., a founder of a school for Negroes, 8
Legitime, a ruler of Haiti, 137
Lepage Louis, a slave in Quebec, 322
Le Pailleur, Charles, a purchaser of a slave in Montreal, 327, 329
Levy, Gershon, owner of André, a Canadian slave, 326
Levy, Solomon, a purchaser of slaves, 327
Lewis, Edmonia, the achievements of, 132
Liberia, part played by Philadelphia in founding, 81-84
Lifland, Abram Hannibal in, 364
Light, George, an early owner of slaves in Virginia, 279
Living conditions of Negro domestic workers, 428-429
Locke, Perry, a minister going to Africa, 198, 201;
interest of, in colonization, 217
London Freedmen's Aid Society, 15, 16
Los Angeles, domestic workers in, 435
Louisiana, the movement of Negroes to, 367, 370, 373, 379, 381;
cotton culture in, 372
Louison, a slave in Canada, 319
Lucas, Charles, a slaveholder in Virginia, 279
Lucas, Sir Charles, _The Partition of Africa_ by, 461-463
Lugard, Lady, quotation from, 294-295, 298-299, 300
Lurker, King, the grandson of, 205
M
McAdam, Hugh, a vendor of slaves in Saratoga, 327
McCoy, L. M., participation of, in the Spring Conference of the
Association in Baltimore, 353
McGill, James, a vendor of slaves, 327
McGregor, James C., _The Disruption of Virginia_ by, 239-241
_McKinley and Roosevelt Administrations, The_, review of, 348-349
McLachlan, R. W., memorandum of, on the sale of slaves, 327
Macaulay, Zachariah, interest of, in colonization, 169-170
Madison, President James, visit to, by Paul Cuffe, 184-185, 186
Mansa Musa, a noble of Ghana, 296
Maryland, early slavery in, 260-261;
treatment of servants in, 268-269, 271, 273, 274-275, 276, 280,
281, 282;
movement of Negroes from, 367, 370;
the culture of tobacco in, 368;
breeding of slaves in, 374, 376
Martin, Governor Simeon, an endorser of Paul Cuffe, 184
Mashonaland, natives of, discussed, 288, 289, 292
Massachusetts, early slavery in, 252, 260, 261, 262;
restrictions on servants in, 272, 273, 280
Mather, Mrs. Rachel C., the establishment of a school by, 26
Matthews, W. B., participation of, in the annual meeting, 117
May, Samuel, a coworker of Prudence Crandall, 74, 75, 76
May, Samuel J., in the home of Frederick Douglass, 97
Mazoe Valley, art in, 294
Meade, Bishop, interest of, in colonization, 217
Melle, a kingdom of Africa, 296
Methodist Churches, early difficulties of the races in, 302
_Methodism and the Negro in the United States_, 301-315
Menshikov, ruler of Russia, 363
Michaels, Myer, of Montreal, a purchaser of slaves, 329
Michigan Freedmen's Relief Association, 15
Migration to the lower South and Southwest, 367-383
Miller, Kelly, address of, in Baltimore, 354
Miller, Thomas E., Ex-Congressman, remarks of, at the Baltimore Spring
Conference, 356
Mills, Samuel J., interest of, in colonization, 213-216
Miner Normal School, the occupation of the graduates of, 400, 401
Minich, Field Marshall, the friend of Abram Hannibal, 364
Minimum wage legislation, 424-425
Missionary efforts in the South, the success of, 304-305
Mississippi, the movement of Negroes to, 367, 373, 380, 379-381;
cotton culture in, 372
Missouri, the culture of tobacco in, 368;
breeding of slaves in, 374
Mole St. Nicholas, a prospective naval base, 143
Mona Passage, the, significance of, 148-150
Monroe Doctrine as it concerns Haiti and Santo Domingo, 135, 143, 144,
145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150
Montgomery, Isaiah T., sketch of, 87-91
Monsaige, Jean, purchase of a slave by, 319
Morality of Africans, 286-291
Morgan, Peter G., the record of, 341-344
Morisseaux, Marie-Josephe, sale of a slave by, 322
Morrison, James, a vendor of a slave in Montreal, 327, 328-329
Morse, Dr. Jedekiah, inquiry of, into the affairs of Africa, 206
Morse, P. A., quotations from, 372
Moses, Ruth, an Indian girl, marriage of, to Cuffe Slocum, 154
Mossell, Mrs. N. F., remarks of, 355
Mtokoland, natives of, discussed, 294
Munro, Abby D., a teacher of Negroes in South Carolina, 27
Murray, Ella Spencer, remarks of, 356
N
Napier, Peter, the purchase of a slave called Isabella by, 324
Nat Turner's Insurrection, the results of, 375-376
Nassingh, Phillip Peter, employer of York Thomas, in Montreal, 330
_Negro Biography_, by P. W. L. Jones, 128-133
Negro folklore, interest in, 470
_Negro in Chicago, The_, review of, 112-114
_Negroes in Domestic Service in the United States_, 384-442
_Negro Pioneer in the West, A_, 333-335
_Negro Press in the United States, The_, review of, 238-239
_Negro Servitude in the United States_, 247-283
Neide, Major Horace, work of, under the Freedmen's Bureau, 13
Neptune, a Negro slave of the estate of De Beauvais, 323
New England Freedmen's Aid Society, 6, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21,
22, 23
New Jersey, memorial of citizens of, with respect to colonization, 212
New Netherlands, status of slaves in, 262-263
New York, the status of the slave in, 253, 262-263, 280;
laws of, with respect to Negro schools, 344-345
New York National Freedmen's Relief Association, 6, 15, 16, 17, 18,
19, 20, 21, 22, 23
New York City, Negroes in domestic service in, 390, 391, 398, 406,
407, 418, 419, 420, 421, 427, 428
Nieboer, definition of _slave_ by, 266
Nicolas, the sale of, 318
Nonomapata, a dynasty in Africa, 297
Nord, Alexis, a ruler of Haiti, 137-138
Normandin, Jean-Baptiste, a vendor of a slave, 321-322
North Carolina, early slavery in, 251-252, 260;
treatment of Negro servants in, 271, 273, 279, 280, 281;
the movement of Negroes from, 367, 374
Northern Methodist, the attitude of, toward slavery, 303, 304, 305,
306, 307, 311;
statistics of, 309, 312;
missionary work of, after the _Civil War_, 312-313;
schools established by, 313-314;
recognition given Negroes by, 314
_Notes on the Slave in Nouvelle France_, 316-330
O
Oberholtzer, Ellis Paxon, _A History of the United States since the
Civil War_ by, 458, 461
O'Connell, Pezavia, participation of, in the Spring Conference of the
Association in Baltimore, 353, 354
Old Fort Plantation School, the establishment of, 11-12
Oreste, Michel, a ruler of Haiti, 138
Organizations of domestic workers, 435-436
Orleans, Duke of, proposal of, to Abram Hannibal, 362
Orr, Governor, interest of, in the uplift of Negroes in South
Carolina, 32
Otis, James, quotation from, 249
Overton, C. B., an assistant in research, 468
P
Palapwe, an objective of Bent in South Africa, 288
Palmer, Alice Freeman, interest of, in training for domestic service,
398
Panama Canal, the building of, 143, 145, 146;
the influence of, 145, 146, 147, 148
"Panis," Indian slaves among the French, 320-323
Parent, Louis, the petition of, 323
Paris, Abram Hannibal educated at, 361, 362
Park, Dr. R. E., quotation from, 45-46
Parker, Robert, a friend of John Castor, 278
Parry, Albert, _Abram Hannibal, the Favorite of Peter the Great_
by, 359-366
_Partition of Africa, The_, a review of, 461-463
_Paul Cuffe_, by H. N. Sherwood, 153-229
Péan, Hugues Jacques, sale of an Indian slave by, 321
Pécaudy, Claude, purchase of a slave by, 319
Peck, Solomon, a teacher of Negroes in South Carolina, 8, 26
Pemberton, James, interest of, in African colonization, 169
Penn, William, in colonization dialogue, 218-220
Penn's Charter, with respect to slavery, 263
Pennington, J. W. C., the scholarship of, 132
Pennsylvania, early slavery in, 252, 262, 263;
Negro servants in, 263, 264, 276, 279, 280, 281;
value of lands of, compared, 370
Penn Normal and Agricultural Institute, the establishment of, 11
Pennsylvania Freedmen's Relief Association, 6
Perry, Heman E., sketch of, 91-92
Peter the Great, the favorite of, 359-366
Peter II, ruler of Russia, 363;
Abram Hannibal, the instructor of, 363
"Peter's Negro," 359-366
Petion, a ruler of Haiti, 136-137
Philadelphia, the part of, in establishing Liberia, 81-84;
Negroes in domestic service in, 390, 393, 398, 399, 414, 416, 418
Phillips, Wendell, in the home of Frederick Douglass, 97
Philleo, Rev. Calvin, the husband of Prudence Crandall, 80
Pierrot, a ruler of Haiti, 137
Pickens, William, address of, in Baltimore, 357
Pierce, E. L., efforts of, in South Carolina, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12
Pierre, a slave sold in Canada, 320
Pinchback, P. B. S., partner of C. C. Antoine, 86-87
_Piney Woods and its Story_, review of, 346-347
Pioneer Negro, in the West, 333-335
Pitman, Thomas G., a supporter of Paul Cuffe, 184
Planters, migration of, from the border States, 367-383
Porter, Admiral, effort of, to lease Samaná Bay, 145
Porter, Rev. A. Tomer, the work of, among the freedmen, 27, 32
Port Royal, the education of Negroes at, 8, 9, 10, 11, 25, 26, 28, 32
Port Royal Experiment, the, 4-12
Port Royal Relief Committee, 6
Preobrajensky Guard-regiment, Abram Hannibal an officer in, 362
Presbyterian Church, the efforts of, to educate Negroes, 27
_Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of Association for the Study of
Negro Life and History_, 116-122;
of the Spring Conference, 353-357
Protest against slavery, 333
Protestant Episcopal Freedmen's Commission, the efforts of, in South
Carolina, 27
Providence, attitude of, toward slavery, 261;
interest of citizens of, in domestic service training, 399
_Prudence Crandall_, by G. Smith Wormley, 72-80
Punch, John, a Negro servant in Virginia, 282
Pushkin, Alexander, references of, to his grandfather, 359, 360,
361, 362
Pryne, Francis, a slave freed in Virginia, 259
Q
Quebec, slavery in, 316-330
R
Ragusinsky Savva, gift of Abram Hannibal to Peter the Great by, 360
Rathbone, William and Richard, merchants connected with Paul Cuffe,
203
Rathbone Hodgson Company in communication with Paul Cuffe, 205
Réaume, Charles, a vendor of slaves, 315
Reed, E. E., participation of, in the annual meeting, 116
Reed, James, a colonizationist in Sierra Leone, 182
Reed, Lieut. Col. William N., services of, 131
_Religion of the American Negro Slave: His Attitude toward Life and
Death_, 40-71
Research, the results of, 468-470
Reval, Abram Hannibal the commandant of, 364
Rhode Island, Negro servitude in, 264-265, 280
Rhodes, James F., _The McKinley and Roosevelt Administrations_
by, 348-349
Richards, Ellen H., the experiment of, 398
Riché, a ruler of Haiti, 137
Riddell, William Renwick, _Notes on the Slave in Nouvelle France_
by, 316-330
Rights of Negro servants, 271, 272
Rigot, Jean, a vendor of a slave, 329
Ripley, quotation from, 299-300
Robbins, Amasa, an attorney employed by Paul Cuffe, 184
Robert Gould Shaw School, the establishment of, 19-20
Rogers, Joel, quotation from letter of Paul Cuffe to, 222
Roman, C. V., address of, at the annual meeting, 122
Romana, La, a plantation in Santo Domingo, 138, 139, 140
Roscoe, references to, 287, 288, 290, 291, 292
Roth, William, a letter of, quoted, 193;
interest of, in Paul Cuffe, 199, 203, 208, 224
Rotch, William, a friend of Paul Cuffe, 184
Rubin, a faithful slave of John Young in Canada, 325
Ruggles, David, the record of, 132
Russell, James S., letters of, 341-344
Russell, H. C., participation of, in the annual meeting, 121
Russell, J. H., quotations from, 258, 259, 260
Rust, R. S., a president of the original Wilberforce, 308
Rutherford, S. W., remarks of, at the Baltimore Spring Conference, 356
S
Saget, a ruler of Haiti, 137
Salnave, a ruler of Haiti, 137
Salomon, a ruler of Haiti, 137
Sam, a ruler of Haiti, 137
Samaná Bay, the desire of the United States for, 145
Santo Domingo, a brief account of, 138-142
Sara, a slave from Saratoga, sold in Canada, 327
Saxton, Major Rufus, work of, among the freedmen, 8, 9;
Assistant Commissioner of the Freedmen's Bureau, 13
Schism in the Churches of the United States, 303, 304, 305, 306
Schofield, Martha, efforts of, for the uplift of Negroes, 27
Scott, Bishop I. B., mission of, to Africa, 314
Scott, General R. K., Assistant Commissioner of the Freedmen's Bureau,
13
Secretary-Treasurer, financial statement of, 466
Selenginsk, the flight of Abram Hannibal from, 363
Servitude distinguished from slavery, 247-260
Sewall, Judge, work of, against slavery, 262
Seward, F. W., efforts of, to secure Samaná Bay, 145
Sharp, Granville, interest of, in colonization, 168
Shaw, Francis G., interest of, in the freedmen, 7
Sherman, T. W., operations of, in South Carolina, 3
Sherman, W. T., field order of, 35-36
Sherbro, proposal to purchase land there, 208
Sherwood, H. N., _Paul Cuffe_ by, 153-229
Sierra Leone, an objective of colonizationists, 168, 169, 182, 189
Slavery in the United States distinguished from servitude, 247-260;
slavery in England, 250, 251;
protest against, in the colonies, 333
Slocum, Cuffe, ancestor of Paul Cuffe, 153, 154
Slocum, Ebenezer, the owner of Paul Cuffe's ancestor, 153
Slocum, Ruth, the wife of Cuffe Slocum, the death of, 155
Smith, A. H., the retirement of, from the service of the Association,
351, 471
Smith, Georgine Kelly, participation of, in the Spring Conference of
the Association in Baltimore, 353
Social life of Negro domestic workers, 434
Songhay, the civilization of, 295, 296, 297, 298, 299, 300
Soudan, the governments of, 295-300
Soulouque, a ruler of Haiti, 137
South, the movement of Negroes in, 367-383
South Carolina, refugees in, 1-6;
education in, 1-40;
early slavery in, 252, 280;
missionary work in, 302, 304;
of Negroes from, 368
Southern Methodists supreme over slavery, 306, 307, 308
Southwest, the movement of Negroes to, 367-383
Sowle, Jonathan, an owner of land near Dartmouth, 155
Spanish explorers, Negroes with, 249
Spencer, J. O., address of, in Baltimore, 353, 354
Spingarn, A. B., a letter of, 344-345
Sprague, Rosetta Douglass, _Anna Murray-Douglass--My Mother as I
Recall Her_ by, 93-101
Spring Conference of the Association for the Study of Negro Life and
History, the proceedings of, 353-357
Springfield, Massachusetts, occupations of Negroes in, 405
St. Helena, Negro school at, 11
St. Louis, Negroes in domestic service in, 393-394
St. Petersburg-Moscow Canal, the plan for, submitted by Abram
Hannibal, 365
Steward, T. G., extracts from _The Friend_ supplied by, 331-333;
a letter from, 453
Steward, W. H., participation of, in the annual meeting, 116
Stiles, Ezra, interest of, in colonization, 168
Stiles, Joshua, a vendor of slaves in Montreal, 329
Stoll, C. C., address of, at the annual meeting, 117
Strong, Henry, an attorney for Prudence Crandall, 78
Strouds, Giles, a sale of slaves by, 322
Sullivan, John, the purchaser of a slave in Montreal, 330
Sumner, Charles, quotation from, 262
Sumner High School, St. Louis, the occupations of the graduates of,
400
Survance, Antony, a native of Senegal, 199
Swedish Company, ordinance of, with respect to slavery, 263
T
Taber, Judge Constant, a supporter of Paul Cuffe, 184
Taber, Philip, a minister known to the Cuffes, 154
Tappan, Arthur, a supporter of Prudence Crandall, 78
_Tarikh-es-Soudan_, the author of, 296
Taylor, A. A., _The Movement of Negroes from the East to the Gulf
States from 1830 to 1850_ by, 367-383;
a permanently employed investigator of the Association, 465, 469
Tennessee, the culture of tobacco in, 368;
breeding slaves in, 374
_Teaching of Negro History, The_, by J. W. Bell, 123-127
Texas, admission of, stimulus to slave trade, 377
_The Friend_, extracts from, 331-333
_The Item_ (New Orleans), extract from, 87-91
_The Movement of Negroes from the East to the Gulf States from 1830
to 1850_, by A. A. Taylor, 367-383
_The States_ (New Orleans), extract from, 84-87
Thérèse, an Indian slave girl in Quebec, 321
Thomas, York, a Negro serving under an indenture, 330
Thompson, A. Eugene, participation of, in the annual meeting, 116
Thornton, William, interest of, in colonization, 168
_Three Elements of African Culture_, 284-300
Tillinghast, reference to, 286, 289
Tobacco, the production of, from 1830 to 1850, 368-369
Todd, Andrew, a purchaser of a slave, 329
Tomlinson, Reuben, work of, under the Freedmen's Bureau, 13;
Assistant Commissioner, 13;
report of, 34
Tomsk, the service of Abram Hannibal at, 363
Towne, Laura M., a teacher of Negroes in South Carolina, 11
Training of domestic service workers in England, 397;
in the United States, 398-404
Transition from white servitude to slavery, 266-276;
from Negro servitude to Negro slavery, 277-283
Treatment of Negroes in Ohio, 331-332
_Trend of the Races, The_, review of, 109-111
Turner, John, a vendor of a slave in Montreal, 329
Turner, George, a soldier, the owner of a slave in Canada, 330
Tyson, Elisha, a friend of Paul Cuffe, 185
U
Union American Methodist Episcopal Church organized, 303
Union Humane Society, the establishment of, 211
United States in the Larger Canal Zone, 145-146
V
Vallée, Jean Baptiste, a sale of slaves by, 322
Vase, John, an attorney employed by Paul Cuffe, 184
Vederique, François, purchase of a Negro by, 318
Venture, Thomas, the owner of a slave called Isabella, 324
Vernon, I., a supporter of Paul Cuffe, 184
Virginia, memorial of legislature of, 212;
introduction of slavery in, 251, 254;
Negro servants in, 256-260, 267;
treatment of Negro servants in, 269, 270, 271, 272, 274, 275, 276,
278, 280, 282;
movement of Negroes from, 367, 370, 374;
tobacco culture in, 368, 369;
breeding of slaves in, 374, 376
Von Sheberg, Christina Regina, the wife of Abram Hannibal, 364
W
Wallace, Henry A., the death of, 243;
his services, 243-244
Ward, William, of Vermont, sale of slaves by, 328
Washington, Booker T., a quotation from, 49
Washington, D. C, Negroes in domestic service in, 390, 391, 393, 394,
395, 400, 401, 402, 403, 404, 407, 408, 409-413, 414, 415, 419,
425, 426
Webster, Dr. A., an educator in South Carolina, 26
Welch, Jonathan A., an attorney against Prudence Crandall, 78
Wesley, John, the baptism of a Negro by, 301
Wesleyan Methodists, educational efforts of, 15, 16
Westport, Friends at, 195
Wheatley, Phyllis, the story of, 44-45
Wheaton, Laban, presentation of Memorial of Paul Cuffe by, 196
White, Ned Lloyd, a teacher of Negroes in South Carolina, 39
Whittier, John G., interest of, in the Freedmen's education, 10-11
Wiener, Leo, _Africa and the Discovery of America_ by, 233-238
Wilberforce, William, interest of, in colonization, 168, 174, 195
Wilberforce, the establishment of, 308, 335-337
Wilhelmina, Queen, a friend of Cornelius Winst Blyd, of Dutch Guiana,
451-452
Williams, Noah W., participation of, in the annual meeting, 117
Williams, Peter, inquiry of, into colonization prospects, 207;
interest of, in colonization, 215;
funeral sermon of, on Paul Cuffe, 224
Wilmington, Delaware, independent Negro Methodists of, 303
Wilson, G. R., _The Religion of the American Negro Slave: His
Attitude toward Life and Death_ by, 41-71
Wilson, Samuel, interest of, in colonization, 217
Windward Passage, the, significance of, 148-150
Woman's Home Missionary Society, the work of, 17, 26
Woodson, Carter G., quotation from, 47-48;
address of, at annual meeting, 117;
address of, in Baltimore, 354
World War and Negro domestic labor, 384-442
Wormley, G. Smith, _Prudence Crandall_ by, 72-80;
address of, in Baltimore, 355
Wyatt, Sir Francis, the owner of a Negro named Brass, 259
Wright, Irene A., the assistance of, in research, 465
Wright, John F., a founder of the original Wilberforce, 308
Wright, T. G., a founder of a Negro School, 20-21
Y
Yeamans, Sir John, introduction of slaves by, 252
Yoruban civilization, an estimate of, 286-287
Young, John, the purchaser of a Negro slave in Canada, 324
Z
Zamor, a ruler of Haiti, 138
Zimbabwe, a city of art in Africa, 292, 293
Zachas, John C, a teacher of Negroes in South Carolina, 8
* * * * *
[Transcriber's Notes:
The transcriber made these changes to the text:
Vol. VIII., No. 1 JANUARY, 1923.
1. p. 2, Footnote #2, annual report, No. 2 -> Annual report, No. 2
2. p. 2, Footnote #2, "Description and Travel." made small caps
3. p. 18, necesasry -> necessary
4. p. 30, Footnote #75, Hohse -> House
5. p. 47, No footnote marker for footnote #13
6. p. 51, No footnote marker for footnote #30
7. p. 57, rythmical -> rhythmical
8. p. 58, "'O Lord, O my Lord! -> 'O Lord, O my Lord!
9. p. 72, scolars -> scholars
10. p. 98, alter -> altar
11. p. 100, altho -> altho'
12. p. 104, "Howth" to the "Giant's -> "Howth" to the Giant's
13. p. 108, demonination -> denomination
Vol. VIII., No. 2 APRIL, 1923
1. p. 135, prac-cal -> practical
2. p. 146, Colombia -> Columbia
3. p. 169, Novia Scotia -> Nova Scotia
4. p. 205, Aikin -> Aiken
5. p. 209, keeness -> keenness
6. p. 210, Paul Cuffe."
7. p. 218, in in Africa -> in Africa
8. p. 220, decendants -> descendants
9. p. 222, devasted -> devastated
10. p. 225, Columbian Centinel -> Columbian Sentinel
11. p. 231, In the second item on the page, the text:
"Item. I give unto my cousin Ruth Cottell fifty dollars"
is repeated later on the page and has been left as published.
12. p. 235, conclusions -> conclusion
13. p. 235, or capnotherapy -> of capnotherapy
14. p. 236, "In Africa -> In Africa
15. p. 236, with spearheads of guanin. -> with spearheads of guanin."
16. p. 238, Caaada -> Canada
17. p. 242, H[=o]ma macron diacritical mark above the letter o
Vol. VIII., No. 3 JULY, 1923
1. p. 254, No footnote marker for footnote #31
2. p. 258, 'slaves'." -> 'slaves'.
3. p. 258, Footnote #50, Thomas, 1608 -> Thomas, 1608"
4. p. 260, devlopment -> development
5. p. 264, Pensylvania -> Pennsylvania
6. p. 298, aboundant -> abundant
7. p. 310, ther church relations -> their church relations
8. p. 319, fut -> fût
9. p. 320, Duniere -> Dunière
10. p. 320, Footnote #10, evenement -> événement
11. p. 324, Crahamé's -> Cramahé's
12. p. 324, Footnote #19, rue St-Louis." -> rue St-Louis.
13. p. 331, There is no footnote #1 in the "Documents" section
14. p. 335, Shorly -> Shortly
15. p. 339, Pioneeer -> Pioneer
16. p. 340, attoney -> attorney
Vol. VIII., No. 4 OCTOBER, 1923
1. p. 378, Tables moved to appear between paragraphs
2. p. 379, Tables moved to appear between paragraphs
3. p. 381, Tables moved to appear between paragraphs
4. p. 385, domestice -> domestic
5. p. 392, 5,124 single registered -> 5,124 single women registered
6. p. 416-417, Two footnotes #27, no text for first one on p. 416
7. p. 416, Tables moved to appear between paragraphs
8. p. 418, Tabre -> Table
9. p. 418, Rangh -> Range
10. p. 418, Model -> Modal
11. p. 422, Wide table XVII split into narrower tables
12. p. 431, as well being -> as well as being
13. p. 433, No footnote anchor for footnote number 36
14. p. 444, Move 1st juror name to same position as other transcripts
15. p. 446, barabarism -> barbarism
16. p. 469, finsh -> finish
Vol. VIII., 1923, INDEX
1. p. 478, Frderick -> Frederick
2. p. 480, Hutchinson, Samuel, ... -> Hutchinson, Samuel, ... 184
3. p. 484, Potestant Episcopal -> Protestant Episcopal
End of Transcriber's Notes]
End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Journal of Negro History, Volume
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