The Project Gutenberg eBook of Magazine of Western History Illustrated, Vol. I, No. 1, November 1884
This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online
at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States,
you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located
before using this eBook.
Title: Magazine of Western History Illustrated, Vol. I, No. 1, November 1884
Author: Various
Release date: April 22, 2024 [eBook #73447]
Language: English
Original publication: Cleveland: The Magazine of Western History, 1884
Credits: Richard Tonsing, hekula03, and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This book was produced from images made available by the HathiTrust Digital Library.)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MAGAZINE OF WESTERN HISTORY ILLUSTRATED, VOL. I, NO. 1, NOVEMBER 1884 ***
MAGAZINE
of
WESTERN HISTORY
ILLUSTRATED
NO. 1. NOVEMBER 1884
[Illustration]
CONTENTS
PAGE.
Portrait of Arthur St. Clair _Frontispiece._
Discovery of the Ohio River by La Salle, COL. CHARLES
1669–70. WHITTLESEY. 3
Geographical History of Ohio, C. C. BALDWIN. 16
A Description of Fort Harmar, 26
ILLUSTRATION—Fort Harmar in 1788.
Organization of the Ohio Land Company, ALFRED MATHEWS. 32
ILLUSTRATION—Portrait of Rufus Putnam.
Indian Occupation of Ohio, ALFRED MATHEWS. 41
Arthur St. Clair and the Ordinance of 1787, WILLIAM W. WILLIAMS. 49
Geo. Washington’s First Experience as
Surveyor, WALTER BUELL. 62
ILLUSTRATION—Washington on a Surveying
Expedition.
Editorial Notes, 70
Pioneer Societies, 73
Historical News, 75
=TERMS=:—$4.00 per year, in advance; 50 cents per number.
_Communications should be addressed to_
The Magazine of Western History,
145 St. Clair Street, CLEVELAND, OHIO.
Entered at Cleveland Post Office as Second Class Matter. Copyright,
1884.
WAR MEMORANDA
By COL. CHARLES WHITTLESEY,
Portraying the Escape of General Garnett in Tygart’s Valley; the affair
of Scarey’s Run in West Virginia; the Capture of Fort Donelson; the
Battle of Shiloh Church; the Movement on Cincinnati in 1862, with
biographies of Union Generals.
* * * * *
Price, Neatly Bound in Cloth, $1,00.
* * * * *
☞SENT POSTAGE PREPAID, ON RECEIPT OF PRICE.
The Ohio Voter’s Manual.
A Compendium of the Laws Relating to the Election, Term, Bond,
Compensation, Duties and Powers of Every Officer Elected at the Polls in
Ohio; containing also
_A MAP OF THE CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICTS_,
The Qualification of a Voter; Information as to Primary Meetings,
Conventions and the Election Laws; a List of State Elections,
Senatorial, Representative and Judicial Districts; the Population, etc.,
of States and Counties; Classes and Grades of Municipal Corporations; a
List of all the Governors of Ohio and of all the Presidents and Vice
Presidents of the United States, and other matters of interest.
IN FINE ENGLISH CLOTH 75 CENTS. SENT POST PAID ON RECEIPT OF PRICE.
For either of the above books address,
W. W. WILLIAMS, 145 ST. CLAIR STREET, CLEVELAND, O.
[Illustration: Arthur St. Clair]
Magazine of Western History.
VOL. I. NOVEMBER, 1884. NO. 1
DISCOVERY OF THE OHIO RIVER BY LA SALLE, 1669–70.
What is designated on the early maps of the United States as the
“Territory Northwest of Ohio” embraced all the country east of the
Mississippi and north of the Ohio River. Great Britain acquired it from
France by the treaty of February, 1762, but, having prior claims to it,
had before that time granted most of the territory to her several
colonies. Probably there were not more than three thousand white people
in the territory when this treaty was signed, and these were principally
wandering French traders; very few of them cultivators of the soil. In
1778 Virginia conquered the northwest from Great Britain, and erected
the entire territory into a county, by the name of Illinois. Soon after
the close of the War of the Revolution, in the year 1787, the United
States established in the same region its first provincial government,
and gave it the above title, which in common parlance was known as the
“Northwestern Territory.” Its fixed population did not then exceed five
thousand. There are now five States, and the half of a sixth, whose
inhabitants number not far from 10,000,000, among whom the French
element is scarcely perceptible. The people of these States are
intelligent, and take a lively interest in the history of the
discoverers of their country, among whom La Salle holds the first place.
Having spent a life of the length usually allotted to man, on the waters
of the Ohio, the Upper Mississippi, and the lakes, threading many of the
streams on which they floated their canoes, passing over the same
trails, coasting along the same shores, those intrepid explorers of two
centuries since, have often been, in imagination, vividly near to me.
As early as 1840 I saw evidence of the presence of white men in
northeastern Ohio, of whom we had then no historical proof. This
evidence is in the form of ancient cuts, made by sharp axes on our
oldest forest trees, covered by their subsequent growth. In this climate
the native trees are endogenous, and take on one layer of growth
annually. There are exceptions, but I have tested the accuracy of this
habit, in about forty cases where I have had other proof of the age of
the tree, and find it to be a good general rule.
The Jesuit relations contain no account of establishments on the south
shore of Lake Erie in the seventeenth century. For many years these
wooden records remained an interesting mystery, which I think may
possibly be solved by recent documents brought to light in France. We
know that La Salle in 1680 returned from the Illinois to Montreal most
of the way by land, and it is conjectured that he may have traversed the
south shore of Lake Erie; but the passage of a few men hastily through a
wilderness did not account for the many marks of axes which we find.
The stump of an oak tree was shown me soon after it had been felled in
1838, which stood in the northwestern part of Canfield, Mahoning County,
O. It was two feet ten inches in diameter, and, with the exception of
the concealed gashes, was quite sound. When about fourteen inches in
diameter, this tree had been cut nearly half through; but the scar had
healed over so thoroughly that it did not appear externally. I took a
section from the outside to the heart, showing both the old and the
recent axe marks, which may be seen in the museum of the Western Reserve
Historical Society, at Cleveland. Over the old cuts there had grown one
hundred and sixty annual layers of solid wood, and the tree had died of
age some years before. This would place the cutting between the years
1670 and 1675. The tree stood a few miles south of the great Indian
trail leading from the waters of the Mahoning, a branch of the Ohio, to
the waters of the Cuyahoga River and Lake Erie. In 1848 or 1849, Mr. S.
Lapham, of Willoughby, Lake County, Ohio, felled a hickory tree,
standing a short distance from the ridge, along which was once the main
Indian trail parallel to the lake. The diameter of the stump was about
two feet. Near the heart there were very distinct cuts of a sharp,
broad-bitted axe. Mr. Lapham preserved a piece of this tree, that is now
in our museum, donated by Professor J. L. Cassells. The annual layers of
growth are very thin, and difficult to count, but are about four hundred
in number, outside the ancient chopping. Another tree was found in
Newburgh, Cuyahoga County, Ohio, more than thirty years since, with
marks of an axe near the centre, represented to have one hundred and
fifty to one hundred and sixty layers of growth over it, apparently the
work of a sharp, broad-bitted axe.
In the cabinet of the Ashtabula Historical Society, at Jefferson,
Ashtabula County, Ohio, there was, some years since, a piece of wood
with ancient axe marks of about the same date. I have heard of two
others in northeastern Ohio, which I have not seen, and which may have
been the work of a dull, narrow-bitted axe in the hands of a savage, and
not the work of white men; but the Indians of northern Ohio could not
have long been in possession of metal tomahawks or squaw hatchets, in
the year 1670. Such cuts, if made by them, could be only a few years
more ancient.
The Lake County stump has about twice the number of layers we should
expect, and which would carry the chopping to a period before the
landing of Columbus. Botanists explain this by the exceptional cases
where there is a double layer in a year. If La Salle and his party spent
two or three years exploring and trading in furs in the lake country,
they might well be the authors of these ancient cuttings. There must
have been several hundreds of them, or we should not have met with so
many at this late period. Any person examining the pieces in the Western
Reserve Historical Society museum will be convinced they are not the
work of Indians.
The honor of the first exploration of Ohio has long been claimed by the
French for their countryman, Robert Cavalier de La Salle, but the
details of this exploration were so meager, its date so doubtful, and
the extent of his travels so uncertain, that some historians were not
inclined to give credence to his claims.
A romantic mystery still envelopes his movements in the country between
Lake Erie and the Ohio River, which it was hoped the papers of M. Pierre
Margry would dissipate, and thus place La Salle on record in full and
clear terms. If this cannot be effected by the zeal and industry of M.
Margry, during a life work in search of manuscripts relating to La
Salle, I fear that we must relinquish the hope of a satisfactory
solution.
DeCourcelles and Talon, who were respectively governor and intendant in
New France, sent out several parties of discovery between 1665 and 1680.
They had two principal objects in view: the discovery of copper, and a
route to China through the Great Southern Sea.
In a memoir to the king, dated Quebec, October 10, 1670, (New York
Colonial Documents, page 64) Talon writes: “Since my arrival I have
despatched persons of resolution, who promise to penetrate farther than
has ever been done to the west and northwest of Canada, and others to
the southwest and south.” These parties were instructed to keep
journals, reply to instructions, take possession of the country
formally, and were expected to be absent without news for about two
years. After all these precautions, a distressing fatality overtook most
of their letters, field notes, reports and maps. Joliet was nearly in
sight of Montreal on his return in 1674 from the Mississippi River, when
his canoe was capsized in the rapids, he was nearly drowned, and every
paper was lost. Of La Salle’s memoranda, covering the years 1669 to
1673, nothing has been recovered.
In 1686 Governor DeNonville, writing from Quebec under date of November
8th, to Seignelay, Minister of Marine, says: “I annex to this letter a
memoir of our right to the whole of that country (Ohio), of which our
registers ought to be full, but no memorials of them are to be found. I
am told that M. Talon has the original of the entries in his possession
of a great many discoveries that were made in this country, with which
our registers ought to be full. Doubtless he has given them to my late
Lord, your father.”—Colonial Documents, vol. 9, page 297.
“The River Ohio, otherwise called the Beautiful River, and its
tributaries, belong indisputably to France, by virtue of its discovery,
by the _Sieur de la Salle_, and of the trading posts the French have had
there since. * * * It is only within a few years that the English have
undertaken to trade there.”—Instructions to M. DuQuesne, Paris, 1752,
(Colonial Documents, N. Y., vol. 10, page 243).
“It is only since the last war that the English have set up claims to
the territory on the Beautiful River, the possession whereof has never
been disputed to the French, who have always resorted to that river ever
since it was discovered by Sieur de la Salle.”—Instructions to
Vaudreuil, Versailles, April, 1755, (Colonial Documents, vol. 10, page
293).
As the Jesuits in Canada were personally hostile to La Salle, they never
mention his name in their relations, or the discoveries made by him.
They were jealous of him as a discoverer and a trader, despised him as a
friend of the Sulpitians, and an apostate from the Society of Jesus, an
order at that time so powerful in Canada that the governor-general was
obliged to compliment them in his open dispatches, while he spoke
severely of them in cypher.
Louis XIV. was not required to expend more money in wars than other
French monarchs, but his civil projects were ample and his pleasures
very expensive. He was habitually straitened for funds, and required the
strictest economy in the expenses of all his officers.
In Canada parsimony in public affairs was even more rigid than in
France. The governor-general was unable to live on his salary.
Intendants, ecclesiastics and local governors were in a still worse
predicament. It was expected that all of them would make up this
deficiency by traffic in furs. Many of the dispatches from Versailles
are laden with warnings against incurring expenses, which amounted to
commands. Many of those sent in reply contain passages congratulating
the king on acquisitions of territory and glory, which cost him nothing.
Three-quarters of a century later, as related above, in negotiations
with England, the Ohio country was claimed by the French, on the sole
ground of the discoveries of La Salle.
The personal interest which public officers had in the Indian trade, of
necessity brought about discord between them. La Salle, having no
fortune, was obliged to sustain himself in the same way, which brought
him in direct antagonism with officers, priests and traders. This
reference is necessary to explain the difficulties under which he
labored.
According to the Abbé Galinée, Governor Courcelles requested himself and
Dollier DeCasson, another Sulpitian, to join La Salle in a voyage he had
long contemplated, toward a great river which he conceived, from the
accounts of the Iroquois, to flow westward, beyond which, after seven or
eight months of travel, in their way of stating it, the river and
country were lost in the sea.
By this river, called by them the Ohio, Olighiny-sipu, or Beautiful
River, and by others, Mescha-zebe, or Mississippi, M. de la Salle hoped
to find the long sought passage to the Red, Vermillion, or South Sea,
and acquire the glory of that enterprise. He also hoped to find plenty
of beavers wherewith to meet the expense of the journey.
We must not forget the nature of the French Government when
contemplating the history of Canada. The king was absolute, not only in
public but in private affairs. When he said: “I am the State,” he
expressed a fact, and not a fiction or a boast. The men and women of the
kingdom were subject to the will of one man, even in their personal
relations and occupations. In Canada nothing escaped the supervision of
his officers, who were equally absolute, which explains why permission
was necessary to engage in any enterprise.
The two parties left Montreal in July, 1669, La Salle having four canoes
and fourteen men, the Sulpitians three canoes and eight men. They
reached Ironduquoit Bay, in New York, on the 10th of August, making a
portage to the Genesee valley and some Indian towns near Victor Station
and Boughton Hill, sixteen miles southeasterly from Rochester. The
savages told La Salle that the Ohio had its rise three days’ journey
from “Sonnontouan,” or the country of the Senecas. After a month’s
travel they would reach the _Hon-ni-as-ant-ke-rons_, and the Chouanons
(Shawnees); after passing them and a great fall or chute, there were the
Outagamies (Pottawatomies), and the country of the _Is-konsan-gos_, with
plenty of deer, buffaloes, thick woods, and an immense population.
The Jesuits had a mission at “Gannegora,” the Indian name of a town and
a fort near Boughton Hill, but were absent when La Salle and the
Sulpitians arrived there. The Indians discouraged them from taking the
Genesee route to the Ohio, representing that it required six days’
journey of twelve leagues or thirty-six miles each. Charlevoix affirms
that the Genesee is navigable for canoes sixty leagues or one hundred
and eighty miles, and from thence it is only ten leagues or thirty miles
by land to the Allegheny or Ohio, river of the Iroquois. Mr. Marshall
has shown that this portage was in Allegany County, New York, from near
Belvidere to Olean.
By the united efforts of the Jesuits, the Dutch and the Senecas, they
were persuaded to relinquish this route and hasten back to their canoes,
to avoid violence on the part of the savages. They coasted along the
south shore of Lake Ontario, passing the Niagara without examination,
and reached Burlington Bay on the 22d of September. DeNonville, in 1687,
states that La Salle had houses and people at Niagara in
1668.—(Historical Documents, vol. 1, p. 244). If this is true, La Salle
must have been well acquainted with the portage to Lake Erie, around the
falls. Why he should have selected the more difficult route by way of
Burlington Bay, and a portage of fifteen miles to Grand River, is
nowhere explained.
Not far from the head of the bay was the village of Tenouatouan, on the
path to Grand River. Here the party met Joliet and a few Indians, on his
return from Mackinaw. He had been sent by the intendant to find the
copper mines of Lake Superior, and appears to have been the first
Frenchman to have navigated Lake Erie. He took that route home at the
instigation of the Ottawas, and of an Iroquois prisoner he was taking
home to his people.
According to Galinée, when they were fifty leagues west of Grand River,
this Iroquois became alarmed on account of the Andasterrionons,
Errionons, Eriqueronons, or Eries of the south shore, with whom the
Senecas were at war. They were thus obliged to leave their canoes and
make the journey to Tenouatouan by land.
La Salle’s plan might have been to cross from Lake Ontario to Grand
River, down it to the lake, thence along the north shore of Erie to the
mouth of the Maumee River, on the route referred to by him in 1682; up
this stream to the portage at Fort Wayne, and down the waters of the
Wabash into an unknown world.
In a subsequent letter written from Illinois he speaks of this route,
and also in his memorial to Frontenac in 1677, as the best one for
traffic between the Great River and Canada, though it does not appear
that he ever passed over it.—(Western Reserve Historical Society, Tract
25). Joliet was likewise ambitious of the glory of discovering the Great
River, of which the Jesuit missionaries and the Indians gave glowing
descriptions. He seems to have persuaded Galinée and DeCasson that this
was the better route. La Salle and the Sulpitians here became alienated,
and after attending mass separated on the 30th of September, they to
find Lake Erie and the Ottawas of Mackinaw; he to pursue his original
design. He had been for some days sick of a fever, which Galinée
attributed to the sight of several rattlesnakes. He declared it to be so
late in the season that his _voyageurs_, not accustomed to such a
rigorous climate, would perish in the woods during the winter.
From the hour of this separation we are without explicit information of
his journeyings for a term of nearly three years. During this period the
exploration of the Ohio country was effected, and in the opinion of M.
Margry, the Mississippi was discovered by him, in advance of Joliet and
Marquette. These wanderings, of which after two hundred years we know
very little, show more originality of design, more audacity in
execution, and a more pertinacious resolution under difficulties, than
his later achievements on the Mississippi. No one has set up against him
a rival claim to the discovery of the Ohio. His heirs, his admirers, and
his countrymen should cherish the memory of that discovery as the most
wonderful of his exploits. The historical obscurity which has befallen
these expeditions is a painful fact, but is in some measure compensated
by a glamour of romance, which deepens with the lapse of time. On seeing
his favorite plan of an advance by the north shore of Lake Erie
frustrated, he may have determined to brave all dangers and enter the
lake by way of Niagara. There are many plans which he may have
determined upon, of which we can only form a vague conjecture. He may
have turned his canoes along the north shore, and spent the winter in
hunting in that country. Color is given to this surmise by the statement
of Nicholas Perrot that he met La Salle on the Ottawa in 1670, but this
is not probable. Taken in the order of the anonymous relation, he was on
a river which ran _from east to west_, before passing to Onontague
(Onondaga), but there is no water route passable from Lake Ontario to
the Ohio which would pass Onondaga. It is far more probable that the
enthusiastic young explorer entered Niagara River with his Shawnee guide
and made the portage to Lake Erie. He could soon find one of the
portages to the waters of the Ohio, spoken of by the Senecas. One of
them was from Lake Erie near Portland and Westfield, N. Y., of six or
seven leagues (eighteen to twenty-one miles), to Chatauqua Lake.
Another, of about the same length, answers also to their directions,
which was afterward the usual route from Erie to French Creek, at
Waterford in Pennsylvania. By either of these routes he might have been
on the Allegheny, with his goods and canoes, in ten or twelve days, if
the weather was good. He would, however, have here been among the
Andasterrionons, who were probably the Eries or Errieronons, with whom
the Senecas were then at war. These Indians had been represented at
“Gannegora” as sure to kill the Frenchmen if they went among them.
Gravier has a theory that instead of Onontague or “Gannontague,”
mentioned in the memoir of the friend of Galinée, we should read
Ganestogue or “Ganahogue,” the ancient name of the Cuyahoga. It is not
improbable that the guide of La Salle knew of this route, along which,
ascending the Cuyahoga from Cleveland, the party would be enabled to
reach the waters of the Muskingum, by a portage of seven miles at Akron,
and from thence the Ohio, at Marietta. La Salle states that after he
reached the Ohio, according to the anonymous account, but one very large
river was passed on the north shore before reaching the falls. If he
failed to recognize the Scioto as a very large river, there is only the
Great Miami which meets his description.
He may also have concluded to spend the winter in Ohio, where game was
abundant and beavers numerous, an event to which I have referred in
connection with the axe marks. We have no reliable evidence that he was
at Montreal between July, 1669, and August, 1672. The records of
Villemarie, quoted by Faillon, contain the first solid proof of his
presence on the St. Lawrence, after he departed with Galinée and
DeCasson. During this period we may be certain he was not idle. It is
far from certain how many men he had, but the anonymous relation affirms
that he was deserted by twenty-three or twenty-four of them after
leaving the Falls of the Ohio. Where did he get these additional
recruits? In the absence of historical proof, it is reasonable to infer
that, when he left the Sulpitians, he moved southwesterly in accordance
with his instructions, and did not turn back to Montreal. His honor, his
interest and his ambition all forced him in one direction, toward the
country where he was directed to go and to stay, as long as he could
subsist.
What the Abbé Faillon states in the third volume of his French Colonies
(page 312) confirms this supposition. According to this authority, about
four months after La Salle’s departure, which would be in November,
1669, a part of his men returned, having refused to follow him. He
himself could not have returned at this time without observation and
public discredit.
Such a brief and fruitless effort to reach the Great South Sea could not
have escaped the notice of historians. It is not probable that his
foreman, Charles Thoulamion, or his surgeon, Roussilier, (_Histoire
Colonie Francais_, vol. 3, p. 290) were among those wanting in courage
to follow him. Some soldiers were of the party, furnished by Talon, who
would be likely to remain by force of military discipline.
There are many threads of this tangled skein, which can not yet be drawn
out. In the first volume of the Margry documents (pages 371–78) may be
seen a long recital by a friend of the Abbé Galinée, already referred
to, whose name is a subject of conjecture, but presumed by Mr. Parkman
to have been the second Prince of Conti, Armand de Bourbon, a friend of
La Salle, seventeen or eighteen years of age, purporting to be the
substance of conversations with La Salle, which must have taken place as
late as 1677, when he was in France. One portion of this paper is styled
a “Life of La Salle,” a large part of which is occupied by his troubles
with the Jesuits. “He (La Salle) left France at twenty-one or twenty-two
years of age, in 1665, well instructed in matters in the new world, with
the design of attempting new discoveries. After having been some time in
Canada he acquired some knowledge of the languages, and traveled
northward, where he found nothing worthy of his attention, and resolved
to turn southward; and having advanced to a village of savages on the
Genesee, where there was a Jesuit, he hoped to find guides,
etc.” * * * * * “M. de la Salle continued his route from ‘Tenouatoua’
_upon a river which goes from east to west_, and passed to Onondaga
(Onontague), then to six or seven leagues below Lake Erie; and having
reached longitude 280° or 283°, and to latitude 41°, found a sault,
which falls toward the west into a low, marshy country, covered with dry
trees, of which some are still standing. He was compelled to take the
land, and following a height, which led him very far, he found savages
who told him that very far from there the same river, which was lost in
the low, marshy country, reunited in one bed. He continued his way, but
as the fatigue was great, twenty-three or twenty-four men, whom he had
brought thus far, left him all in one night, regained the river, and
saved themselves, some in New Holland and others in New England. He
found himself alone at four hundred leagues (twelve hundred miles) from
his home, where he failed not to return, reascending the river, and
living by hunting, upon herbs and upon what the savages gave him, whom
he met on the way. After _some time he made a second attempt, on the
same river_, which he left below Lake Erie, making a portage of six or
seven leagues (eighteen or twenty-one miles), to embark on this lake,
which he traversed toward the north” into lakes Huron and Michigan, and
thence to the Illinois.
Aside from the indefinite phrases of this paper, it is characterized by
so many geographical errors that it would possess little value without
the support of the following statement of La Salle himself:
In the year 1667 and following years he La Salle made many voyages, at
much expense, in which he was the first discoverer of much country
south of the great lakes, between them and the great river, Ohio. He
followed it to a place where it falls from a great height into
marshes, in latitude 37°, after having been enlarged by another very
large river, which comes from the north, and all these waters,
according to appearances, discharge into the Gulf of Mexico, and here
he hopes to find a communication with the sea.
No conjecture respecting La Salle’s operations on the Ohio has yet been
formed that reconciles these conflicting accounts.
In nothing direct from his pen does La Salle refer to the desertion of
his men after leaving the falls of the Ohio. According to the supposed
recital of Armand de Bourbon, he had made a long journey from thence by
land, the direction of which is not known. He may have been at that time
in Kentucky or Tennessee, Indiana, Illinois, or Ohio. If he proceeded
westerly he was constantly increasing the distance from Montreal, and
whether he was north or south of the Ohio it is scarcely credible that
he should find his way back alone in the winter of 1669–70. In the
spring of 1681 he made that sad trip from “Crèvecœur” to Niagara, with
an Indian and four men, which occupied sixty-five days. It would consume
fully as much time to return from the falls of the Ohio. He could not
have examined the country near the river, below the falls, or he would
not have reported that it is a vast marsh, with intricate channels,
along which it flowed a great distance before uniting in a single bed.
He could not have traveled far west of the meridian of the falls without
hearing of the Mississippi, and making an effort to reach it, for it was
only through this river that he then expected to reach the Red Sea on
the route to China.
La Salle could not have explored the falls very minutely, and have
spoken of them as very high, nor of the country below as a vast marsh
with numerous and intricate channels. If, in his land journey, he had
gone in a northwesterly direction, he would have struck the Wabash or
its main branches in about one hundred and twenty-five miles. In a
southwesterly direction, the Cumberland and the Tennessee are rivers of
equal magnitude, the waters of which he must have encountered in a few
days’ travel.
Whatever Indians he met would be closely questioned, and if they
communicated anything, the Great River must have been the first object
of their thoughts. An observation of either of these three rivers by La
Salle, in the lower part of their course, or even second-hand
information respecting them from the savages, must have led a mind so
acute as his, sharpened by his purposes and his surroundings, to the
conclusion that he was near the Mississippi.
Did he reach this conclusion, and find himself baffled by the clamors or
the desertion of his men? Did he find means to procure other men and
supplies without returning to Montreal? It appears from the _Colonie
Francaise_, vol. iii, that in the summer of 1671 he had communication
with Montreal, where he obtained a credit of 454 _livres tournois_. Did
this enable him to pass from the waters of the Ohio to those of Lake
Erie, and undertake a long cruise through the lakes to the Illinois
country?
Whatever reply should be made to these queries, it is reasonably evident
that when his great work of 1679 was undertaken he did not know that the
Ohio is a tributary of the Mississippi, or whether the great unknown
river would conduct them to the South Sea. The discoveries of Joliet in
1673 did not remove these doubts from the minds of the governor-general
or the geographers of that period.
La Salle, as late as 1682, after having been at the mouth of the
Mississippi, was inclined to the opinion that the Ohio ran into a great
(but imaginary) river, called Chucugoa, east of the Mississippi,
discharging into the Gulf or the Atlantic in Florida. The French had not
followed the Ohio from the falls to its junction with the Wabash. On a
map made in 1692, ten years later, the Wabash is equivalent to the lower
Ohio, formed by the Miami and the upper Ohio, the Wabash of our maps
being omitted.
The main facts which residents of the Ohio valley are most curious to
know concerning La Salle’s operations here are yet wanting. We have made
diligent search for them, and are as yet unable to say, precisely, how
much time he spent on the waters of the Ohio and Lake Erie prior to
1673; what trading posts he established, if any; what streams he
navigated, or with what tribes he became acquainted. The instructions to
Governor-General DuQuesne in 1752, above referred to, claim that the
French had occupied this country ever since it was discovered by La
Salle. Governor Burnet, of the colony of New York in 1721, states that,
three years before, the French had no establishments on Lake Erie.
We may infer that La Salle was busily occupied during the years 1670 and
1671, on the waters of the Ohio and Lake Erie, collecting furs, for he
had no other means of support. The credit he obtained at Villemarie in
1671 was payable in furs. If his map should be discovered in some
neglected garret in France, we should no doubt find there a solution of
many historical difficulties that now perplex us. It was the custom at
that time to make very full memoranda on maps, amounting to a condensed
report of the author’s travels. If this map exists, Europe does not
contain a paper of more value to us.
Mr. Shea, whose labors on the history of French occupation have been
wonderfully persistent and minute, is of the opinion that we may presume
that unauthorized _voyageurs_, trappers, traders and _coureurs des
bois_, both French and English, were among the Indians in advance of the
explorers.
The Dutch on the Hudson, and after 1664 the English, were on good terms
with the Iroquois, who carried their wars to Lake Superior and the
Mississippi. We have no records of the movements of those half savage
traders, except in the case of Etienne Brulé, and that is of little
value.
La Salle was probably on the waters of the Ohio when Governor Woods, of
the colony of Virginia, sent a party to find that river in September,
1671. This party reached the falls of the Kanawha on the 17th of that
month, where they found rude letters cut upon standing trees. They took
possession of the country in the name of Charles II., of England, and
proceeded no farther.—(Botts’ Journal, New York Colonial Documents, vol.
iii, p. 194). William Penn’s colony was not then organized. In 1685 or
1686 some English traders penetrated as far as Mackinaw, by way of Lake
Erie. They were probably from New York, and having made their purchases
of the Ottawas, returned under the protection of the Hurons or Wyandots,
of the west end of Lake Erie.
If the Virginians were engaged in the Indian trade at this early period,
their route would be up the Potomac to the heads of the Youghiogeny, and
from the forks of the Ohio at Pittsburgh to Lake Erie, by the Allegheny
River and French creek, or by way of the Beaver, Mahoning, and the
Cuyahoga Rivers. These Arabs of the forest would carry axes and hatchets
having a steel bit, whether Dutch, French or English; and thus may have
done the hacking upon our trees which I have described. None of these
people would be likely to leave other records of their presence in a
country claimed by their different governments, on which one party or
the other were trespassers.
I am aware that this presentation of the most interesting period in the
history of Ohio is desultory and incomplete. If there had been a
reasonable prospect of more facts, it would have been delayed; but it is
doubtful if we may expect much more light on the subject of the
discovery of the Ohio valley.
CHARLES WHITTLESEY.
GEOGRAPHICAL HISTORY OF OHIO.
When Columbus found America it was supposed he had reached the eastern
coast of Asia. As discovery progressed, names intended for that
continent were strung along the Atlantic. One of them, the West Indies,
to-day reminds us of the error, as well as Indian, the common name for
the aborigines.
It was by and by suspected that America was not Asia, but it was a long
time before the reality of a vast continent was understood. Succeeding
learned men made it consist of two very long and narrow bodies of land.
South America, coasted by Cape Horn, was first delineated with some
accuracy, but North America not until very much later. The feeble
colonies along the Atlantic grew slowly, and not until two hundred and
fifty years did they really begin to push over the mountains, and there
met other colonies from the interior of the continent. The South Sea
trade led to many voyages of discovery, and many energetic captains
sailed up and down the coast striving and continually hoping to find
some strait to the supposed near coast of Asia.
We, in our day, read the early voyages as if the enterprising men who
conducted them were voyaging purely for science and adventure, but,
then, as now, business was energetic and commerce was reaching out its
hands in every direction for larger profits. Only once did a romantic
chevalier search for the visionary fountain of youth, and he may have
thought that bottled it would be the most popular of mineral waters and
there were “millions in it.”
Cartier entered the Gulf of St. Lawrence in 1534, but returned to France
to get a new outfit to pursue the new sea channel to the west. The next
year he entered the river, but still looked for a passage to Asia. He
thought deep Saguenay led to the Northern Sea and continued up the St.
Lawrence. Stopped by the rapids he was the first European who made the
tour of the mountain, and named the place “Mount Royal.”
The Indians reported to Cartier that there were three large lakes and a
sea of fresh water without end, meaning, no doubt, lakes of middle New
York and Ontario Sea. Cartier and his king, the great Francis, supposed
he was in Asia.
In a mercator map of 1569, the St. Lawrence is represented draining all
the Upper Mississippi valley, while to the northwest is the eastern end
of a vast fresh water sea (_dulce aquarum_) some five hundred or six
hundred miles wide, of the extent of which the Indians of Canada,
learning of it from the Indians of Saguenay, are ignorant. It looks on
the map like Lake Huron, but careful geographers dropped this unfounded
report of a great lake, and rightly. The Saguenay Indians no doubt meant
the Lake St. John.
Quebec was settled in 1608. In 1615 Champlain reached Lake Huron by way
of Ottawa River. On his return he crossed the lower end of Ontario, and
met in battle the Iroquois. His allies, the Hurons, wished him to wait
for five hundred men from the Eries, the tribe from which our lake took
its name. His interpreter, Brulé, visited them and descended the
Susquehanna to salt water, and is supposed to have visited the lake; I
doubt it. He did not need to cross it to return to the French, and he
could hardly have stood on the lake and seen its broad expanse. He
reported to Champlain, who, in 1632 made the first map of the lakes.
Lake Erie, unnamed, is little but a wide irregular river from Lake
Huron, (_Mer Douce_) to Ontario (_Lac St. Louis_). Champlain’s ideas of
Erie were more likely derived from the north, where Long Point and
islands make it look narrower than it does from the south.
The maps of other nations for a long time after show no practical
knowledge of the interior, being quite constant differences in grossest
blunders. But in the meantime the French—“shut up,” says the English
geographer, Heylin, “in a few weak forts on the north of Canada,”—were
really by missionaries and teachers, pushing far into the interior. The
Jesuit map of Lake Superior, of 1671, is wonderful. In a map published
by the Royal Geographer Sanson, in Paris in 1669, Lake Erie is not far
from its true shape, and lake Chautauqua appears with a small
stream—meant, I think, for a little of the Ohio, known from Indian
report.
It is worth while to stop for a moment to glance at the then position of
our State. Between it and the east are the Alleghanies, in those days a
great natural barrier, and not inaptly called “Endless Mountains.” It
was to be nearly one hundred years before the whites were to cross them,
proposing to drive away the French, but really to meet the most
disastrous defeat of Braddock’s field.
At the south was a broad river separating from Kentucky, and not until
still later and many a “dark and bloody” fight was Virginia to assert
its empire over an unknown northwest by calling it “Illinois county.”
Nor was New York to discover Ohio. All along through Western New York,
and controlling the easiest avenues, were the Iroquois, the “Romans of
the new world,” the conquerors of Ohio, who submitted to neither the
English nor the French, and who long asserted an equality with either.
The French were more sociable with Indians, but the introduction of the
Iroquois to civilization was a battle with Champlain in 1608, which made
the Hurons friends of the French, but lost them the conquerors of the
Hurons.
The French had been pursuing their occupation, such as it was, over the
peninsula north of Lake Erie, and established several posts around Lakes
Superior and Huron and at Detroit, where was carried on a valuable
trade. The routes north of the lakes or by the Ottawa, were the
shortest, easiest and much the safest. All the while they were looking
for larger things and full of schemes. Rumors of great rivers reached
them, including some report of that which started from the country of
the Iroquois and gathered strength for its immense unknown course
through distant lands.
No more resolute discoverer than La Salle ever came to New France. A
young man, only twenty-three, he was of good family; lost his
inheritance by joining the Jesuits, but had given up his intention of
becoming a priest. One can see, however, that he had imbibed their
enthusiasm for geographical extension, and turned to designs for
commerce and the king their zeal for their order. His whole life is so
harmonious in its unity that it gives color to the suggestion of Mr.
Parkman that he had planned it before he came. He had a grant at once,
through the influence of his brother, at La Chine, named, it is said, in
ridicule of his plans for a route to China. He palisaded it, traded in
furs, and studied with industry the Indian tongues, learning, it is
said, seven or eight. The Indians who came there talked of the Ohio, a
grand river which rose near Lake Erie, but after a journey requiring
eight or nine months to follow, emptied into a vast sea. La Salle
believed the sea to be the Gulf of California, then thought to
communicate, by a broad passage at its north, with the ocean. Here was
the passage to the commerce of the South Sea and valuable trade with
nations along its banks. In 1667 he asked to be allowed to discover it.
He had the privilege, but his company was merged with that of two
missionaries, Galinée and Dollier. With them, in 1669, he visited the
Iroquois. The river was in its old place, but the Iroquois were not
inclined to have the Frenchmen penetrate their country, intercept their
trade and supply the nations to their rear with the fire arms which made
the Iroquois themselves omnipotent in battle.
They talked of the long, hard journey—almost impossible; of the
Andastes, a terrible nation almost sure to kill them, and the still more
terrible Shawnees. The courage of the missionaries failed them, and La
Salle was obliged to turn with them to the north.
There has lately been published in Paris, by M. Margry, a series of
documents which add much to our knowledge of him. In these volumes
appear his plans, expenses, poverty, drafts upon his family and friends;
how he built upon Lake Ontario and Niagara, and planned to build on Lake
Erie and further west.
In 1667 he was in France. He was already famous and of influence. His
scheme was vast. He wished to penetrate to the great valley of our
continent and lay there the foundation of powerful colonies “in a
country temperate in climate, rich and fertile, and capable of a great
commerce.” He told the king “such a hold of the continent would be
taken, that in the next war with Spain, France would oust her from North
America.” He was graciously allowed to pursue this vast enterprise,
provided he did so at his own expense.
In 1679 he built the Griffin, the first vessel upon Lake Erie. He
founded Fort Miamis upon the river St. Joseph, in southwest Michigan,
and Fort Crèvecœur upon the Illinois, intending to there build a vessel
to descend the Mississippi. The Griffin returned to bring supplies. He
never saw her again. She was lost, he believed, by treachery, and he
must return for succor. Arrived overland at Niagara, he found he had
also lost a vessel with supplies from France. He reached Montreal May 6,
1680. His creditors had seized his property and his resources seemed
entirely wasted. He learned by letter from Tonty, that the men left at
Crèvecœur had deserted after destroying the fort, carrying away what
property they could and destroying the balance. They also destroyed Fort
St. Joseph and seized his property at Niagara. But La Salle was not
disheartened. He started to succor Tonty and save the vessel on the
Illinois. As he reached Crèvecœur, in the winter of 1680, all was
silent; the planks of the vessel were there and on one was written
“_Nous sommes tous sauvages: ce 19, A. 1680_.” Was it prophetic that he
had named the place Crèvecœur (Broken Heart)? Not at all. His first
thought was, did A. stand for April or August, and where was Tonty. The
resolute will and wonderful power of La Salle appear nowhere so strongly
as in the narrative of the Illinois. There seems almost a direct triumph
of mind over matter. He found Tonty at Michilimackinac, and in 1682–3
accomplished his purpose of descending the Mississippi to the sea. He
returned up the river and to France, and in 1685 was in a sea expedition
to found a colony at its mouth. The captain, against his protest,
carried him by and landed him in Texas. He still persisted, with the men
left with him, in the resolve to find the Mississippi, with great
suffering and opposition on their part, but not at all daunted himself.
A part of them revolted from the enterprise, and one of them shot La
Salle, exclaiming: “Lie there Grand Bashaw,” and that resolute will was
still.
Such was the man, who, almost at the outset of his career, and when
hardly twenty-seven, discovered the Ohio. There are no journals or maps
of that discovery, and I have traced the man to enable us to judge of
the manner in which he no doubt pursued that project. We left him with
Galinée in 1669, sadly turning to the north. Of the captive guides
furnished by the Iroquois, he got a Shawnee from Ohio, and persisted in
wishing to seek that river. He shortly separated from the expedition.
The opposition which we have related was not all. The Jesuits were
jealous of his schemes—the only ones more vast and energetic than their
own. Frontenac, the governor, says: “Their design, as appeared in the
end, was to set a trap whichever path I took, or to derange everything;
to place the country in disorder, from which they would not hesitate to
profit and to ruin M. de La Salle.”
Their annual reports are the main reliance for early Canadian history,
and they purposely and sagaciously omitted all mention of his
enterprises or discoveries, or even his name.
Until within a few years it has been said that La Salle did nothing for
the next two or three years after he left Galinée. With such a man that
was impossible. We have the briefest knowledge of what he did. His
reports and his maps, known to be in existence as late as 1756, are
apparently hopelessly lost. In the papers publishing at Paris is one
resulting from conversations with La Salle in 1677, when he was in
France, a too brief narrative. It sets forth La Salle’s resolve to turn
to the south; that Galinée, a missionary, hoped to do good in the north,
and in this hope left our hero. “However,” says the narrative, “M. de La
Salle continued his journey on a river which goes from the east to the
west, and passed to Onontague, then to six or seven leagues below from
Lake Erie, and having reached longitude 280 to 283 degrees, and latitude
41, found a rapid which falls to the west in a low, marshy country, all
covered with dry trees, some of which were still standing. He was
compelled to take to land, and following a height which led him away, he
found some Indians who told him that far off the river lost itself in
the lower country, and reunited again in one stream. He continued on the
journey, but as the fatigue was great, twenty-three or twenty-four men,
which he had brought there, left him by night, returned up the river and
saved themselves, some in New York and some in New England.
“He was alone, four hundred leagues from home, where he returned,
ascending the river and living on game, plants, and what was given him
by the Indians.
“After some time he made a second attempt, on the same river,” which he
left below Lake Erie, making a portage of six or seven leagues to embark
on that lake, which he left towards the north, going through Lake St.
Clair. La Salle himself says in a letter of 1677: “That year, 1667, and
those following he made several expensive journeys, in which he
discovered the first time the country south of the great lakes, and
between them and the great river Ohio. He followed it to a strait, where
it fell into great marshes, below 37° latitude.”
A letter from M. Talon to the king, dated November 2, 1671, says: “Sieur
de La Salle has not yet returned from his journey to the southward of
this country.”
A memoir of M. de DeNonville, March 8, 1688, says: “La Salle had for
several years before he built Crèvecœur, employed canoes for his trade
in the rivers Oyo, Oubache and others in the surrounding neighborhood,
which flow into the river Mississippi.”
A plain meaning of all this is that La Salle entered the Ohio near or at
one of its sources, I believe at Lake Chatauqua, six or seven leagues
below Lake Erie, and followed it to Louisville. He was engaged in the
beaver trade, and in 1671 had a credit at Montreal, payable in beaver.
We may be pretty confident that, with his twenty-three or twenty-four
men and several canoes, looking for beaver-skins, he did not neglect the
Mahoning River, first called Beaver creek.
La Salle’s latitude is bad; we would expect that. Joliet’s manuscript
map of 1674 lays down the Ohio marked “Route of the Sieur de La Salle to
go to Mexico.” The unpublished map of Franquelin of 1688 lays down the
Ohio more correctly than it appeared in published maps for sixty years.
The discovery was the basis of the French claims to Ohio, and La Salle’s
likeness is one of the four great discoverers of America in the Capitol
at Washington. But the knowledge gained by La Salle was to be in a great
measure lost. The English, stopped by Indians and mountains, were not to
settle here. The west and northwest were safer territory for the French.
The Iroquois roamed over Ohio, warred with the tribes beyond, even to
the Mississippi. The Wabash and Ohio became confounded, often laid down
as “Wabash or Ohio,” and most often made running almost parallel with
the lake and just about on the high land in Ohio which divides the
streams of the north from the south. The magnificent sweep of the Ohio,
which embraces our State on the east and south, was lost. The lake had
various fortunes. La Hontan made it run down like a great bag half way
to the Gulf, but that being in time changed, its south shore was drawn
nearly east and west instead of to the southwest westward. No subsequent
French writer was so sensible and intelligent as Charlevoix, yet in his
great work of three quarto volumes on New France our territory hardly
appears, and on the south of Lake Erie in his larger map of it, in 1744,
is the legend: “_Toute cette coste n’est presque point connue_”—this
coast is almost unknown.
As early as 1716 the governor of Virginia proposed to the home
Government to seize the interior. No attention was paid to it, but about
1750 Pennsylvania traders were pushing over the mountains and the French
traders from the west. In that year the Ohio Land Company sent Gist to
survey the Ohio. English traders were shortly after at Pickowilliny,
Sandusky and Pittsburgh, but not safely so. The French were the
strongest. In 1749 Celeron placed his lead plates on the Ohio. In 1753
the French crossed Lake Erie, established Presque Isle and expelled the
English from Fort DuQuesne at Pittsburgh. Washington made his appearance
to know what the French were doing. The traders had made no addition to
science or geography, but they had called attention to the country. But
the military expeditions were to rediscover it
Celeron’s map lays down the Ohio quite creditably, but the legend along
the lake is: “All this part of the lake is unknown.” Just the mouth of
the Beaver appears. He expelled English traders from Logstown, a little
above the Beaver. The great geographer, D’Anville of France, in 1755
lays down the Beaver, with the Mahoning from the west, rising in a lake,
all very incorrectly, with Lake Erie rising to the northeast like a pair
of stairs and the Ohio nearly parallel to it.
The map published in 1754 with Washington’s report takes good account of
Great Beaver creek—Logstown just above it; opposite, on the Ohio, a
fort; Delawares on the west at the mouth; Kuskuskas above; and above
that, Owendos’ town, “Wyandot.”. The mixed state of the Indians at that
time appears in Celeron, who found in Logstown Iroquois from different
places, Shawnees, Delawares, also Nepissings, Abenakes and Ottawas.
Being a convenient way of passing to the lake, a trail as an avenue of
commerce preceded the canal, and that the railroad.
Evans was to draw and Franklin to publish, in 1755, at Philadelphia, a
map plainly in demand by traders, and from information given by them. At
the mouth of the Beaver is a Shingoes’ town; a trail up to the forks
finds the Kuskuskas; a trail to the east leaves it for “Wenango” and
“Petroleum”; the trail to the west goes to “Salt Springs,” and where
farther does not appear.
In his “Analysis,” Mr. Evans says: “Beaver creek is navigable with
canoes only. At Kushkies, about sixteen miles up, two branches spread
opposite ways—one interlocks with French creek and Cherage, the other
westward with Muskingum and Cuyahoga. On this are many salt springs
about thirty-five miles above the forks. It is canoeable about twenty
miles farther. The eastern branch is less considerable, but both are
very slow, spreading through a very rich, level country, full of swamps
and ponds which prevent a good portage, but will no doubt in future ages
be fit to open a canal between the waters of the Ohio and Lake Erie.”
A map often reprinted, and the one which was made the basis of the
treaty of peace after the Revolution, was that of John Mitchell, London,
1755.
Kushkies is said to be the “chief town of the Six Nations on the Ohio,
an English factory.” On the east branch are “Owendots.” Pennsylvania
reaches its protection over the whole of the Mahoning.
My purpose to outline discovery is nearly ended. In 1760, with Quebec,
all New France was surrendered to the English, but new wars with Indians
were to follow. Hutchins, Geographer-General to the United States, who
introduced our admirable land system, was with Bouquet in 1764. On his
map, between Kuskuske and Salt Lick Town, on the west of the river,
appears “Mahoning Town,” the first appearance in the maps of the name.
The subsequent history of Ohio is familiar. That of the Reserve grew out
of that ignorance which supposed the continent narrow. King Charles
granted in 1660 to Connecticut a tract seventy miles wide and over three
thousand long. The money for the Reserve became the school fund of
Connecticut, and led by the example, to our admirable system of free
schools, so that the ignorance of years ago leads to the wisdom of this.
“There’s a divinity that shapes our ends,
Rough hew them as we will.”
The error of making the south shore of Lake Erie east and west came to a
curious end. When the association of gentlemen known as the Connecticut
Land Company were about to buy the Reserve, they agreed with a
prospective competitor to let it have the excess over three million
acres. This was the Excess Company, but there was no land for it, and
the error of one hundred years led to considerable financial disaster.
I ought to mention, as a matter of curious history, the map of John
Fitch, of steamboat memory. He spent considerable time in surveys within
the bounds of Ohio and Kentucky, and had previously traveled the country
as a prisoner among the Indians. In 1785 he made a map of the “Northwest
Country,” containing original and accurate information. He prepared the
copper plate, engraved it himself, and printed it with a cider press. He
was then living in Bucks county, Pa., and sold the map at six shillings
per copy to raise money enough to pursue his inventions relating to
steamboats.
We have now reached the period of settlement and can take a retrospect.
From the discovery of the continent in 1494 it was one hundred and
seventy-five years to the pioneer discovery of Ohio. In eighty-five
years more both France and England set to work in earnest to make good
their claims to it. In thirty-four years more England had beaten France,
America had beaten England, and the first permanent settlement had been
made in Ohio. It took two hundred and ninety-four years to reach this
point. There are but ninety-two years left to 1880 for the pioneers of
Ohio; but what a fruition to their work! The solitary settlement has
become a mighty nation of three million people, as large as the whole
United States in the Revolution, and how much stronger and with what an
abundance of wealth and comfort—a centre of intelligence and the home of
Presidents!
It is a wonderful review. The pioneers found the State covered with
large forests, almost without exception requiring the severest labor to
remove; and the change, all within a possible lifetime, seems amazing.
The world cannot show its parallel, and when one thinks seriously it
will be found to be one of the most interesting and important events in
the history of man. Peace as well as war has its victories.
We can only live over in stories the life of the pioneers. But theirs
was sturdy independence and severe labor, with least encouragement.
“Haply from them the toiler, bent
Above his forge or plow, may gain
A manlier spirit of content,
And feel that life is wisest spent
Where the strong working hand makes strong the working brain.”
C. C. BALDWIN
[Illustration: [Fleuron]]
A DESCRIPTION OF FORT HARMAR.
In the autumn of 1785 General Richard Butler passed down the Ohio on his
way to attend the treaty with the Indians at the mouth of the Little
Miami. He kept a record of his journey, and his journal gives much
interesting information, among other things the location of Fort Harmar.
In Virginia and Kentucky measures had been taken for what would have
been, really, an irresponsible invasion of the Indian country. This
action, which threatened to precipitate a disastrous war, hastened in
all probability the action of the confederation in taking measures for
the effectual strengthening of the frontier. It was determined to
establish several posts northwest of the Ohio. Fort Laurens had been
built in 1778 upon the Tuscarawas, near the old Indian town of
Tuscarawas and one mile south of the site of the present village of
Bolivar. It was injudiciously located, and was abandoned one year after
its erection. General Butler, while on his journey in 1785, chose the
site for Fort Harmar. Before leaving Fort McIntosh he had prepared and
left with Colonel Harmar, the commandant of the post, a paper in which
he expressed the opinion that “the mouth of the Muskingum would be a
proper place for a post to cover the frontier inhabitants, prevent
intruding settlers on the land of the United States, and secure the
surveys.” In his journal, under date of Saturday, October 8th, he
writes:
Sent Lieutenant Doyle and some men to burn the houses of the settlers
on the north side and put up proclamations.
Went on very well to the mouth of the Muskingum and found it low. I
went on shore to examine the ground most proper to establish a post
on; find it too low, but the most eligible is in the point on the Ohio
side. Wrote to Major Doughty and recommended this place with my
opinion of the kind of work most proper. Left the letter, which
contained other remarks on the fort, fixed to a locust tree.
A few days later the general instructed a man whom he met ascending the
Ohio to take the letter from the mouth of the Muskingum to Major
Doughty.
A short time later Major Doughty, with a detachment of United States
troops under his command, arrived at the mouth of the Muskingum and
began the erection of a post, which was not fully completed until the
spring of 1786.
[Illustration: FORT HARMAR IN 1788.]
The fort stood very near the point on the western side of the Muskingum,
and upon the second terrace above ordinary flood water. It was a regular
pentagon in shape, with bastions on each side, and its walls enclosed
but little more than three-quarters of an acre. The main walls of
defence, technically called “curtains,” were each one hundred and twenty
feet long and about twelve or fourteen feet high. They were constructed
of logs laid horizontally. The bastions were of the same height as the
other walls, but unlike them were formed of palings or timbers set
upright in the ground. Large two-story log buildings were built in the
bastions for the accommodation of the officers and their families, and
the barracks for the troops were erected along the curtains, the roofs
sloping toward the centre of the enclosure. They were divided into four
rooms of thirty feet each, supplied with fireplaces, and were sufficient
for the accommodation of a regiment of men,[1] a larger number, by the
way, than was ever quartered in the fort. From the roof of the barracks
building towards the Ohio river there arose a watch tower, surmounted by
the flag of the United States. This tower was also used as a guardhouse.
There were other buildings within the enclosure—an arsenal, a
store-house, and several smaller structures. The main gate was toward
the river with a sally-port on the side fronting on the hills. A well
was dug near the centre of the enclosure to supply the garrison with
water in case of siege, but, happily it was never needed, and we are
told that ordinary water was brought from the river. The timber used in
the construction of the fort was that of the heavy forest which covered
its side and several acres of land around about. The area cleared up was
nearly all utilized for gardening purposes under the direction of Major
Doughty, who seems to have had a remarkable fondness for tilling the
soil and considerable taste and knowledge as a horticulturist.[2] Fort
Harmar was named after General (then Colonel) Harmar, who was the
commander of the regiment to which Major Doughty was attached, and for
some time commandant at the fort at the mouth of the Muskingum.
Joseph Buell (afterward one of the prominent early settlers at Marietta)
was on the frontier for nearly a period of three years, dating from the
latter part of December, 1785, and he spent a considerable portion of
his time at Fort Harmar. His journal affords some interesting glimpses
of life in the garrison and affairs in the western country during the
years immediately preceding its settlement. Much is said in the
beginning of the hardships of army life, the depravity of the troops,
and the severity of the punishments inflicted for various offences.
Drunkenness and desertion were prevalent evils. The punishment for the
former and other venal misdemeanors was not infrequently flogging to the
extent of one hundred or even two hundred lashes, and the death penalty,
without the process of court-martial, was inflicted upon deserters. The
pay of the soldiers at that time guarding the frontier was only three
dollars per month.
On the 4th of May, 1786, Captain Zeigler’s and Strong’s companies
embarked for Muskingum, and from this date forward the entries in the
journal relate to occurrences at Fort Harmar.
May 8th. We arrived at Muskingum, where we encamped in the edge of the
woods a little distance from the fort.
10th. Captain Zeigler’s company embarked for the Miami, and our
company moved into the garrison, where we were engaged several days in
making ourselves comfortable.
12th. Began to make our gardens, and had a very disagreeable spell of
weather, which continued for twenty-two days raining in succession.
June 9th. Two boats arrived from Miami, and report that the Indians
had murdered several inhabitants this spring. We are getting short of
meat for the troops.
10th. Five frontiersmen came here to hunt for the garrison, and
brought with them a quantity of venison.
19th. News arrived here that the Indians had killed four or five women
and children at Fish creek, about thirty miles northeast from this
garrison.
July 4th. The great day of American independence was commemorated by
the discharge of thirteen guns, after which the troops were served
with extra rations of liquor, and allowed to get as drunk as they
pleased.
8th. We are brought down to half rations, and have sent out a party of
men to hunt. They returned without much success, although game is
plenty in the woods.
9th. We discovered some Indians crossing the Ohio in a canoe, below
the garrison, and sent a party after them, but could not overtake
them.
10th. Ensign Kingsbury, with a party of nine, embarked for Wheeling in
quest of provisions.
12th. Captain Strong arrived from Fort Pike.
16th. We were visited by a party of Indians, who encamped at a little
distance from the garrison, and appeared to be very friendly. They
were treated kindly by the officers, who gave them some wine and the
best the garrison afforded.
17th. Our men took up a stray canoe on the river. It contained a pair
of shoes, two axes and some corn. We suppose the owners were killed by
the Indians. Same day Lieutenant Kingsbury returned with only a supply
of food for six or seven days.
18th. Captain Strong’s company began to build their range of barracks,
to make ourselves comfortable for the winter.
19th. This day buried the fifer to Captain Hart’s company. Our
funerals are conducted in the following manner: The men are all
paraded without arms, and march by files in the rear of the corpse.
The guard, with arms, march in front, with their pieces reversed; and
the music in the rear of the guard, just in front of the coffin,
playing some mournful tune. After the dead is buried they return in
the same order, playing some lively march.
21st. A boat arrived from Fort Pit with intelligence of a drove of
cattle at Wheeling for this garrison.
22nd. Lieutenant Pratt, with a party of men, went up by land to bring
down the cattle.
23rd. Colonel Harmar arrived at the garrison. The troops paraded to
receive him and fired a salute of nine guns.
26th. Captain Hart went with a party of men to guard the Indians of
the Muskingum.
27th. Lieutenant Pratt arrived with ten head of cattle, which revived
our spirits, as we had been without provisions for several days.
29th. Three hunters came into the fort and informed us that they had
seen a party of Indians lying in the woods. We sent out some men, but
discovered nothing.
August 2nd. Our garrison was alarmed. Captain Hart was walking on the
bank of the river, and said he saw Indians on the other side of the
Ohio, and saw them shoot one of the men who was out hunting, and
beheld him fall. Colonel Harmar immediately sent the captain with a
party of men after them. They crossed the river and found one man
asleep on the ground, and another had been shooting at a mark. They
had seen no Indians.
11th. Captain Hart’s company were ordered to encamp in the open ground
outside of the fort, as the men are very sickly in the barracks.
23rd. Captain Hart and his company embarked for Wheeling with orders
to escort and protect the surveyors in the seven ranges.
September 1st. Captain Tunis, the Indian, came to the fort and
reported the Indians designed to attack our garrison, and that they
were bent on mischief. We were all hands employed in making
preparations to receive them, lining the bastions, clearing away all
the weeds and brush within a hundred yards of the fort. We likewise
cut up all our corn and broke down the bean poles, to prevent their
having any shelter within rifle shot distance.
6th. Captain Tunis left the garrison to return to his nation and bring
us further information.
7th. The troops received orders to parade at the alarm post at
daybreak, and continue under arms until after sunrise.
12th. Still busy making preparations for the Indians, and expect them
every day.
21st. Ensign Kingsbury was ordered to take a party of men into the
commandant’s house and put it in the best order for defence, and to
remain there during the night.
26th. The troops are again brought to half rations. I went with a
party of men after a raft of timber to construct our barracks.
27th. Lieutenant Smith embarked in quest of provisions. We are on
short allowance, and expect the Indians every day to attack us. Our
men are very uneasy, laying various plans to desert, but are so
closely watched that it is very difficult for them to escape.
October 2nd. Lieutenant Smith returned with provisions sufficient only
for a short time. We are busily occupied in erecting the barracks.
10th. Major Doughty and Captain Strong left here for New England.
11th. The Indians made us a visit and stole one of our horses as it
was feeding in the woods.
16th. Captain Tunis called again at the fort and says the Indians had
repented of their design to attack the garrison.
November 3rd. Captain Tunis and a number of Indians, with two squaws,
came into the garrison. At night they got very drunk and threatened
the guard with their tomahawks and knives.
5th. Uling, a trader on the river, arrived with provisions.
9th. The hunters brought in about thirty deer and a great number of
turkeys.
25th. Captain Hart’s and McCurdy’s companies came in from the survey
of the seven ranges. They had a cold, wearisome time; their clothes
and shoes wore out, and some of their feet badly frozen.
December 3rd. Uling arrived with twenty kegs of flour and ten kegs of
whiskey and some dry goods. Our rations now consist of a little
venison, without any bread; as a substitute we have some corn and
potatoes. The weather is very cold and the river full of ice.
13th. Lieutenant Pratt embarked in a boat for Flinn’s Station (now
Belleville), distant thirty miles below the garrison, for a load of
corn and potatoes. The troops are in great distress for provisions.
About twelve miles below they landed on account of the storm, and
their boat was carried off by the ice with a considerable amount of
goods in it.
19th. Weather more moderate. Ensign Kingsbury embarked for Flinn’s
Station to make another trial for provisions.
22nd. Ensign Kingsbury returned with about sixty bushels of corn and
about twenty of potatoes.
24th. We drew for our station about a peck of frozen potatoes. As
Christmas is so near we are making all the preparations in our power
to celebrate it.
25th. This being Christmas day, the sergeant celebrated it by a
dinner, to which was added a plentiful supply of wine.
January 31, 1787. Hamilton Kerr, our hunter, began to build a house on
the island, a little above the mouth of the Muskingum, and some of our
men were ordered out as a fatigue party, to assist him, under the
command of Lieutenant Pratt.
February 11th. The weather has been very fine, and there is prospect
of an early spring.
15th. Sergeant Judd went with a party of men to assist some
inhabitants to move their families and settle near the garrison.
16th. Hamilton Kerr moved his family onto the island.
18th. Several families are settling on the Virginia shore, opposite
the fort.
24th. Isaac Williams arrived with his family to settle on the opposite
shore of the river. Several others have joined him, which makes our
situation in the wilderness much more agreeable.
27th. Major Hamtramck arrived from Fort Steuben in order to muster the
troops. The same day some of the hunters brought in a buffalo, which
was eighteen hands high and weighed one thousand pounds.
April 1st. The Indians came within twelve miles of the garrison, and
killed an old man and took a boy prisoner.
5th. Lieutenant Smith went out with a party of men on a scout and
discovered Indians on a hill within half a mile of the garrison.
9th. Ensign Kingsbury went on command with a party to bring in one of
the hunters, fifty miles up the Muskingum, for fear of the Indians,
who, we hear, are bent on mischief.
25th. One of our men discovered two Indians attempting to steal our
horses a little distance from the fort....
May 1st. This is St. Tammany’s day, and was kept with the festivities
usual to the frontiers. All the sergeants in the garrison crossed the
Ohio to Mr. Williams’, and partook of an excellent dinner.
7th. Twenty-one boats passed on their way to the lower country,
Kentucky. They had on board five hundred and nine souls, with many
wagons, goods, etc.
14th. John Stockley, a fifer in Captain Strong’s company, deserted. He
was pursued and overtaken twelve miles from the garrison, brought back
and ordered to run the gauntlet eleven times, through the troops of
the garrison, stripped of his Continental clothing, and drummed out
the fort with a halter around his neck, all of which was punctually
executed.
21st. This evening I sent a young man, who cooked for me on Kerr’s
island, about half a mile above the fort after some milk; he was seen
to jump into the river near the shore, when about a third of a mile
from the garrison. We supposed some of the people were playing in the
water. He did not return that evening, which led me to fear he had
lost his course. In the morning a party was sent after him. They
discovered fresh signs of Indians, and found his hat. They followed
the trail, but did not find them. We afterwards heard that they had
killed and scalped him. The Indians were a party of Ottawas.
[Illustration: [Fleuron]]
ORGANIZATION OF THE OHIO LAND COMPANY.
Far away upon the Atlantic sea board forces were at work a score of
years anterior to 1788 which were not only to form the first settlement
but to plant New England morals, law and institutions upon this vast
inland domain of the nation. Ideas were in inception which, as the prime
impetus in a long chain of causes and effects, were to swell the
tremendous result and effect the destiny not alone of the west but of
the Republic from sea to sea.
[Illustration: Rufus Putnam]
It is a pleasant thought that in the British war against the French,
General Putnam (at the time of his enlistment in 1757, nineteen years of
age) and many others assisted in wresting from the enemy and securing to
their sovereign the very territory which was to become their home; and
it is a disagreeable fact that they had finally so dearly to purchase a
small portion of the domain which they had twice bought by bravery of
arms. The men who fought to win for England the territory which the
French disputed, in 1755–1760, were foremost to win it from her twenty
years later, and thus twice exhibited the hardihood and heroism of their
natures.
Something of the spirit of emigration manifested itself in New England
after the conclusion of the French and Indian war, and in fact was an
outgrowth of that struggle. An organization of ex-soldiers of the
colonies was formed, called “The Military Company of Adventurers,” whose
purpose it was to establish a colony in West Florida (now Mississippi).
Although the project had been entered upon soon after the establishment
of peace, it was not until the year 1772 that anything was accomplished.
General Lyman, after several years’ endeavor, succeeded in procuring a
tract of land. It was decided to explore the tract, and a company of
surveyors, of which the celebrated Israel Putnam was the leader, went
out in January, 1773, for that purpose. Rufus Putnam was a member of the
party. The examination was satisfactory, and several hundred families
embarked from Massachusetts and Connecticut to make a settlement. They
found to their chagrin that the king’s grant had been revoked, and the
settlement was therefore abandoned. Those who did not fall sick and die
returned to their homes. Such was the disastrous end of this project of
settlement, which, had it succeeded, might possibly have changed the
whole political history of the United States. It seems at least to be
within the realm of probability that had a settlement been planted in
Mississippi, Massachusetts would not have made the initial settlement in
the Ohio country and extended her influence over the territory from
which five great States have been created. The enterprise of founding a
colony in the far south, thwarted as it was, undoubtedly had its effect
upon the New England mind, and was one of the elements which prepared
the way for the inauguration of a new scheme of emigration in later
years. The dream which had been fondly indulged in for a long term of
years, was not to be forgotten even when the opportunity or its
realization had passed away.
Soon, however, there arose a subject for thought which overshadowed all
others. What men of shrewd foresight had long expected had come to pass.
The colonies were arrayed against the mother country in a battle for
independence. We shall not here attempt to follow Generals Putnam,
Parsons, Varnum and Tupper, Major Winthrop Sargent, Colonel Ebenezer
Sproat, and the many other brave soldiers who became Ohio Company
emigrants through the perils of those seven dark years of the
Revolution. But is it not natural to suppose that some of them who had
been interested in the old colonization project talked of it around
their camp fires? Is it not possible that the review of the past
suggested the possibility of forming in the future another military
colony, in which they should realize the bright hopes that had once been
blasted? It seems natural that, in the long lulls between the periods of
fierce activity, this topic should have come up frequently in
conversation, or at least that it should have appeared as a vague but
alluring element in many pictures of the future painted by hopeful
imaginations. It is very likely that General Putnam had indulged the
hope of emigration “to some remote land rich in possibilities” for many
years before he led the little New England colony to the Muskingum. He
had very likely cherished the hope unceasingly from the time when the
military company of adventurers was organized, and doubtless the journey
to that far away, strange and beautiful Mississippi had served as a
stimulus to quicken his desire for the realization of a project which
would employ so much of his energy and enterprise, and afford so fine an
opportunity for the achievement of a life success. We know that
Washington, during the darkest days of the Revolution, directed the
attention of his companions at arms to the west, as a land in which they
might take refuge should they be worsted in the struggle, but happily it
was not to be that contingency which should cause the movement of
emigration toward the Ohio. If, during the war, the western country was
the subject of an occasional estray, light thought, the time was to come
when it should be uppermost in the minds of many of the soldiers and
practically considered, not as a land in which they must seek to take
refuge from a victorious foe, but as one in which they might retrieve
the losses they had sustained in repelling the enemy. It must be borne
in mind that the independence of the American colonies was dearly
bought, as indeed has been all the great good attained in the history of
the world. The very men by whose long continued, self-sacrificing
devotion and bravery the struggle against the tyrannical mother country
had been won, found themselves, at the close of the war, reduced to the
most straitened circumstances, and the young nation ushered into being
by their heroism was unable to alleviate their condition. These were the
times which tried men’s souls. Nowhere was the strain any more severe
than in Massachusetts and Connecticut. The joy which peace brought after
seven years of war was in most localities too deep to be voiced by noisy
demonstration, and it was not unmingled with forebodings of the future.
“The rejoicings,” says a local historian,[3] “were mostly expressed in
religious solemnities.” There were still difficult problems to be
solved—and there was the memory of husbands, fathers, sons, brothers,
and lovers who would not return with the victorious patriots, and it may
in many cases have been difficult “to discern the noise of the shout of
joy from the noise of the weeping of the people.”
General Benjamin Tupper, in the early autumn of 1785, had gone to the
Ohio country to engage in surveying under the ordinance passed by
Congress May 20 of that year, but owing to the hostility of the Indians
and consequent hazard of entering upon the work, he returned to New
England. General Tupper was one of the men who had been most intently
engaged in planning western settlements, and was undoubtedly a co-worker
with his intimate old friend, General Putnam, advocating and agitating
the scheme which had proved unsuccessful. He returned from the west
filled with admiration of that portion of the country which he had seen,
and made enthusiastic through the descriptions given by traders of the
region farther down _la belle riviere_ than he had journeyed. Doubtless
he pondered upon the idea of removing to the west, during the whole time
spent there, and was chiefly occupied with the subject while making the
tedious return to his home. Early in January he visited, at his house in
Rutland, Worcester County, Massachusetts, General Putnam, and there
these two men, who may be properly called the founders of the Ohio
Company, earnestly talked of their experiences and their hopes in front
of the great fire, while the night hours fast passed away. In the
language of one whom it is fair to suppose had preserved the truthful
tradition of that meeting: “A night of friendly offices and conference
between them gave, at the dawn, a development—how important in its
results!—to the cherished hope and purpose of the visit of General
Tupper.”[4] As the result of that long conversation by a New England
fireside, appeared the first mention in the public prints of the Ohio
Company. The two men had thought so deeply and carefully upon the
absorbing theme of colonization, were so thoroughly impressed with the
feasibility of their plans as they had unfolded them, so impatient to
put them to that test, that they felt impelled to take an immediate and
definite step. They could no longer rest inactive. They joined in a
brief address, setting forth their views to ascertain the opinion of the
people. It appeared in the newspapers on the twenty-fifth of January,
and read as follows:
INFORMATION.
The subscribers take this method to inform all officers and soldiers
who have served in the late war, and who are by a late ordinance of
the honorable Congress to receive certain tracts of land in the Ohio
country, and also all other good citizens who wish to become
adventurers in that delightful region, that from personal inspection,
together with other incontestible evidences, they are fully satisfied
that the lands in that quarter are of a much better quality than any
other known to the New England people; that the climate, seasons,
products, etc., are in fact equal to the most flattering accounts that
have ever been published of them; that being determined to become
purchasers and to prosecute a settlement in that country, and desirous
of forming a general association with those who entertain the same
ideas, they beg leave to propose the following plan, viz.: That an
association by the name of The Ohio Company be formed of all such as
wish to become purchasers, etc., in that country, who reside in the
commonwealth of Massachusetts only, or to extend to the inhabitants of
other States as shall be agreed on.
That in order to bring such a company into existence the subscribers
propose that all persons who wish to promote the scheme, should meet
within their respective counties, (except in two instances hereinafter
mentioned) at 10 o’clock A. M. on Wednesday, the fifteenth day of
February next, and that each county or meeting there assembled choose
a delegate or delegates to meet at the Bunch of Grapes Tavern in
Boston, on Wednesday, the first day of March next, at 10 o’clock A.
M., then and there to consider and determine upon a general plan of
association for said company; which plan, covenant, or agreement,
being published, any person (under condition therein to be provided)
may, by subscribing his name, become a member of the company.
Then follow the places of meeting:
At Captain Webb’s, in Salem, Middlesex; at Bradish’s, in Cambridge,
Hampshire; at Pomeroy’s, in North Hampton, Plymouth; at Bartlett’s, in
Plymouth, Barnstable, Dukes and Nantucket Counties; at Howland’s, in
Barnstable, Bristol; at Crocker’s, in Taunton, York; at Woodbridge’s,
in York, Worcester; at Patch’s, in Worcester, Cumberland and Lincoln;
at Shothick’s, in Falmouth, Berkshire; at Dibble’s, in Lenox.
RUFUS PUTNAM,
BENJAMIN TUPPER.
RUTLAND, January 10, 1786.
The plan suggested by Generals Putnam and Tupper was carried out, and
upon the first day of March the delegates from the several counties
assembled at the Bunch of Grapes Tavern, the designated place in Boston
(which was then a considerably smaller city than is now the capital of
Ohio), and there discussed, in conventional form, the proposed
organization of the Ohio Company. The delegates present at that
historical meeting were: Manasseh Cutler, of Essex; Winthrop Sargent and
John Mills, of Suffolk; John Brooks and Thomas Cushing, of Middlesex;
Benjamin Tupper, of Hampshire; Crocker Sampson, of Plymouth; Rufus
Putnam, of Worcester; Jelaliel Woodbridge and John Patterson of
Berkshire; Abraham Williams of Barnstable.
General Putnam was made chairman of the convention, and Major Winthrop
Sargent, secretary. Before adjournment a committee of five was appointed
to draft a plan of an association, as “from the very pleasing
description of the western country, given by Generals Putnam and Tupper
and others, it appears expedient to form a settlement there.” That
committee consisted of General Putnam, Dr. Manasseh Cutler, Colonel
Brooks, Major Sargent, and Captain Cushing.
On Friday, March 3, the convention reassembled and the committee
reported the following:
_Articles of agreement entered into by the subscribers for
constituting an association by the name of the Ohio Company._
PREAMBLE.
The design of this association is to raise a fund in Continental
certificates, for the sole purpose and to be appropriated to the
entire use of purchasing lands in the western territory belonging to
the United States, for the benefit of the company, and to promote a
settlement in that country.
ARTICLE 1st.—That the fund shall not exceed one million of dollars in
Continental specie certificates, exclusive of one year’s interest due
thereon (except as hereafter provided), and that each share or
subscription shall consist of one thousand dollars, as aforesaid, and
also ten dollars in gold or silver, to be paid into the hands of such
agents as the subscribers may elect.
ARTICLE 2nd.—That the whole fund of certificates raised by this
association, except one year’s interest due thereon, mentioned under
the first article, shall be applied to the purchase of lands in some
one of the proposed States northwesterly of the river Ohio, as soon as
those lands are surveyed and exposed for sale by the Commissioners of
Congress, according to the ordinance of that honorable body, passed
the twentieth of May, 1785, or on any other plan that may be adopted
by Congress, not less advantageous to the company. The one year’s
interest shall be applied to the purpose of making a settlement in the
country and assisting those who may be otherwise unable to remove
themselves thither. The gold and silver is for defraying the expenses
of those persons employed as agents in purchasing the lands and other
contingent charges that may arise in the prosecution of the business.
The surplus, if any, to be appropriated as one year’s interest on the
certificates.
ARTICLE 3rd.—That there shall be five directors, a treasurer and
secretary, appointed in manner and for the purposes hereafter
provided.
ARTICLE 4th.—That the prosecution of the company’s designs may be the
least expensive, and at the same time the subscribers and agents as
secure as possible, the proprietors of twenty shares shall constitute
one grand division of the company, appoint the agent, and in case of
vacancy by death, resignation or otherwise, shall fill it up as
immediately as can be.
ARTICLE 5th.—That the agent shall make himself accountable to each
subscriber for certificates and invoices received, by duplicate
receipts, one of which shall be lodged with the secretary; that the
whole shall be appropriated according to articles of association, and
that the subscriber shall receive his just dividend according to
quality and quantity of lands purchased, as near as possibly may be,
by lot drawn in person or through proxy, and that deeds of conveyance
shall be executed to individual subscribers, by the agent, similar to
those he shall receive from the directors.
ARTICLE 6th.—That no person shall be permitted to hold more than five
shares in the company’s funds, and no subscription for less than a
full share will be admitted; but this is not meant to prevent those
who cannot or choose not to adventure a full share, from associating
among themselves, and by one of their number subscribing the sum
required.
ARTICLE 7th.—That the directors shall have the sole disposal of the
company’s fund for the purposes before mentioned; that they shall by
themselves, or such person or persons as they may think proper to
entrust with the business, purchase lands for the benefit of the
company, where and in such way, either at public or private sale, as
they shall judge will be the most advantageous to the company. They
shall also direct the application of the one year’s interest, and gold
and silver, mentioned in the first article, to the purposes mentioned
under the second article, in such way and manner as they shall think
proper. For these purposes the directors shall draw on the treasurer
from time to time, making themselves accountable for the application
of the moneys agreeably to this association.
ARTICLE 8th.—That the agents, being accountable to the subscribers for
their respective divisions, shall appoint the directors, treasurer and
secretary, and fill up all the vacancies which may happen in these
offices respectively.
ARTICLE 9th.—That the agents shall pay all the certificates and moneys
received from subscribers into the hands of the treasurer, who shall
give bonds to the agents, jointly and severally, for the faithful
discharge of his trust; and also, on his receiving certificates or
moneys from any particular agent, shal make himself accountable
therefor, according to the condition of his bonds.
ARTICLE 10th.—That the directors shall give bonds, jointly and
severally, to each of the agents, conditioned that the certificates
and moneys they shall draw out of the treasury shall be applied to the
purposes stipulated in these articles; and that the lands purchased by
the company shall be divided among them within three months from the
completion of the purchase, by lot, in such manner as the agents or a
majority of them shall agree, and that on such division being made,
the directors shall execute deeds to the agents, respectively, for the
proportions which fall to their divisions, correspondent to those the
directors may receive from the Commissioners of Congress.
ARTICLE 11th.—Provided, that whereas a sufficient number of
subscribers may not appear to raise the fund to the sums proposed in
the first article, and thereby the number of divisions may not be
completed, it is therefore agreed that the agents of divisions of
twenty shares each shall, after the seventeenth day of October next,
proceed in the same manner as if the whole fund had been raised.
ARTICLE 12th.—Provided, also, that whereas it will be for the common
interest of the company to obtain an ordinance of incorporation from
the honorable Congress, or an act of incorporation from some one of
the States in the Union (for which the directors shall make
application), it is therefore agreed that in case such incorporation
is obtained, the fund of the company (and consequently the shares and
divisions thereof) may be extended to any sum, for which provision
shall be made in said ordinance or act of incorporation, anything in
this association to the contrary notwithstanding.
ARTICLE 13th.—That all notes under this association may be given in
person or by proxy, and in numbers justly proportionate to the
stockholder or interest represented.
These articles of agreement were unanimously adopted and subscription
books were immediately opened. A committee was appointed, consisting of
three members, to transact necessary business, and some other measures
taken to advance the project of the association; but in spite of all the
exertions made, there was but little progress in the affairs of the Ohio
Company. When the next meeting was held—a little more than a year from
the time of the first, that is, upon March 8, 1787—it was found that the
total number of shares subscribed for was only two hundred and fifty.
And yet, all untoward circumstances considered, that was probably a fair
exhibit, and more than was expected. One active friend of the movement,
General Tupper, was the greater part of the year in the west. The
influence of the others was very largely counteracted by events of an
alarming nature—the dissatisfaction which finally culminated in Shay’s
rebellion. That civil commotion growing out of the imposition of heavy
taxes upon the already impoverished people threatened for a time
exceedingly dire results, but fortunately it was speedily quelled. It
served as a startling illustration, however, of the great depression in
New England, and of the desperation to which men can be driven by ill
condition. Possibly the outbreak gave a slight impetus to the progress
of the Ohio Company’s project, by way of increasing the disposition of
some citizens to seek in the west a new home. General Tupper, whose
immediate neighborhood was “deeply infected with the sedition,” returned
from his second visit to the Ohio country in time to take a prominent
part in subduing the revolt. The dawn of 1787 witnessed the pacification
of the troubled country, but no marked increase in prosperity.
It was reported at the meeting held on the eighth of March at Brackett’s
tavern in Boston, that “many in the commonwealth of Massachusetts, also
in Connecticut, Rhode Island and New Hampshire, are inclined to become
adventurers, who are restrained only by the uncertainty of obtaining a
sufficient tract of country, collectively, for a good settlement.”
It was now decided to make direct and immediate application to Congress
for the purchase of lands, and General Putnam, Dr. Manasseh Cutler and
General Samuel H. Parsons were appointed directors and especially
charged with this business. General Parsons had previously been employed
to negotiate for a private purchase, had petitioned Congress, and a
committee of that body had been appointed to confer with him. “To that
committee,” says Dr. Cutler, “he proposed a purchase on the Scioto
River,” but as the proprietors in Massachusetts “were generally
dissatisfied with the situation and lands on the Scioto, and much
preferred the Muskingum,” the negotiation was suspended. The directors
now employed Dr. Cutler to make a purchase upon the Muskingum. It was
considered desirable that the negotiations be commenced and the purchase
consummated as soon as possible, as other companies were forming, the
spirit of private speculation rapidly increasing, and there was a fear
that the lands which the Ohio Company wished to possess would be bought
by some other organization, or perhaps some part of them by individuals.
Just here the query arises: why were the New Englanders so anxious to
purchase lands upon the Muskingum, rather than upon the Scioto, or
elsewhere in the territory? To this question there are various answers.
In the first place the greater part of the Federal territory was
unfitted for settlement by the fact that it was occupied by the Indian
tribes. None of these, however, had their residence in the lower
Muskingum region, and it was only occasionally resorted to by them, when
upon their hunting expeditions. Then, too, the people who proposed
making a settlement beyond the Ohio were very naturally influenced by
the proximity of well established stations upon the east and south of
the river; they doubtless preferred the Virginians rather than the
Kentuckians, as neighbors. The lower Scioto offered no more alluring an
aspect than the lower Muskingum. The best bodies of lands on each river
are fifty miles from their mouth. To penetrate so far into the interior,
however, as the site of either Chillicothe or Zanesville would have
been, at the time the Marietta settlement was made, was unsafe. The
location of Fort Harmar, which we have seen was built in 1785–86,
doubtless had its influence upon the Ohio Company. Thomas Hutchins, the
United States geographer, who had formerly been geographer to the king
of Great Britain, and had traveled extensively in the west, had said and
written much in favor of the Muskingum country, and strongly advised Dr.
Cutler to locate his purchase in this region. Other explorers and
travelers had substantiated what Hutchins had said. General Butler and
General Parsons, who had descended the Ohio to the Miamis, were deeply
impressed with the desirableness of the tract of country now designated
as southeastern Ohio, and the latter, writing on the twentieth of
December, 1785, from Fort Finney (mouth of the Little Miami) to Captain
Jonathan Hart, at Fort Harmar, said: “I have seen no place since I left
you that pleases me so well for settlement as Muskingum.” General
Benjamin Tupper doubtless added important testimony supporting that of
Hutchins, Parsons, Butler and others. General Parsons, it has been
asserted, became most strongly possessed of the belief that the
Muskingum region was the best part of the territory, because one of the
Zanes, who had been many years in the west, told him that the Scioto or
Miami regions offered superior attractions, and he suspected that the
old frontiersman artfully designed to divert attention from the
Muskingum that he might have the first choice of purchase himself when
the lands were put on sale. It is probable, too, that the prospect of
establishing a system of communication and commerce between the Ohio and
Lake Erie, by way of the Muskingum and Tuscarawas and Cuyahoga, and
between the Ohio and the seaboard, by way of the Great Kanawha and the
Potomac (a plan which Washington had thought feasible before the
Revolutionary war), had its weight.
ALFRED MATHEWS.
INDIAN OCCUPATION OF OHIO.
During a long period—one which, perhaps, had its beginning soon after
the forced exodus of the semi-civilized, pre-historic people, and which
extended down to the era of the white man’s actual knowledge—the upper
Ohio valley was probably devoid of any permanent population. The river
teemed with fish, and the dense, luxuriant wood abounded in game, but no
Indian wigwams dotted the shores of the great stream, no camp fires
gleamed along its banks, and no maize-fields covered the fertile bottom
lands or lent variety to the wild vernal green. An oppressive stillness
hung over the land, marked and intensified rather than broken, and only
made more weird by the tossing of the water upon the shores and the soft
mysterious sounds echoed from the distance through the dim aisles of the
forest. Nature was lovely then as now, but with all her beauty the
valley was awful in the vastness and solemnity of its solitude. Nowhere
was human habitation or indication of human life.
This was the condition of the country when explored by the early French
navigators, and when a century later it became the field for British and
American adventurers. There was a reason for this desertion of a region
rich in all that was dear to the red man. The river was the warway down
which silently and swiftly floated the canoe fleets of a fierce,
relentless, and invincible enemy. That the dreaded devastators of the
country, when it was occupied by the ancient race, had made their
invasions from the northward by way of the great stream, is suggested by
the numerous lookout or signal mounds which crown the hills on either
side of the valley, occupying the most advantageous points of
observation. The Indians who dwelt in the territory included in the
boundaries of Ohio had, when the white men first went among them,
traditions of oft repeated and sanguinary incursions made from the same
direction, and dating back to their earliest occupation of the country.
History corroborates their legends, or at least those relating to less
ancient times. The Iroquois or Six Nations were the foes whose frequent
forays, made suddenly, swiftly, and with overwhelming strength, had
carried dismay into all the Ohio country and caused the weaker tribes to
abandon the valley, penetrated the interior and located themselves on
the upper waters of the Muskingum, the Scioto, the Miamis, and the
tributaries of the lake, where they could live with less fear of
molestation. The Six Nations had the rude elements of a confederated
republic, and were the only power in this part of North America who
deserved the name of government.[5] They pretentiously claimed to be the
conquerors of the whole country from sea to sea, and there is good
evidence that they had by 1680 gained a powerful sway in the country
between the great lakes, the Ohio and the Mississippi, and were feared
by all the tribes within these limits. The upper Ohio was called by the
early French the River of the Iroquois, and was for a long time
unexplored through fear of their hostility.
But little is definitely known of the Indian occupation of the Ohio
country prior to 1750, and scarcely anything anterior to 1650. As far
back in American history as the middle of the seventeenth century it is
probable that the powerful but doom-destined Eries were in possession of
the vast wilderness which is now the thickly settled, well improved
State of Ohio, dotted with villages and cities and covered with the
meshes of a vast net-work of railroads. Most of the villages of this
Indian nation, it is supposed, were situated along the shore of the lake
which has been given their name. The Andastes are said by the best
authorities to have occupied the valleys of the Allegheny and upper
Ohio, and the Hurons or Wyandots held sway in the northern peninsula
between the lakes. All were genuinely Iroquois, and the western tribes
were stronger than the eastern. The Iroquois proper (the Five Nations
increased afterward to Six by the alliance of the Tuscarawas) formed
their confederacy in the beginning of the seventeenth century, and
through consolidation of strength overwhelmed singly and successively
the Hurons, the Eries, and the Andastes. The time of the massacre of the
Erie nation—for the war upon them culminated in a wholesale murder—is
usually set down by antiquarians and historians as 1655, and the victory
over the Andastes is, on good evidence, placed in the year 1672. About
the same time a tribe, supposed to have been the Shwanees, were driven
from the Ohio valley and far towards the Gulf of Mexico. And so the
territory now Ohio became a land without habitation and served the
victorious Iroquois as a vast hunting ground. Whether the Iroquois
conquered the Miamis and their allies, the Illinois, is a question upon
which leading students of Indian history have been equally divided. The
Miamis had no traditions of ever having suffered defeat at the hands of
the great confederacy, and their country, the eastern boundary of which
was the Miami River, may have been the western limit of the Six Nations’
triumph. That they were often at war with the Iroquois is not disputed,
however, by any writers of whom we have knowledge.
Although the Six Nations were the nominal owners of the greater part of
the territory now constituting the State of Ohio, they did not, after
the war with the Canadian colonists broke out in 1663 (and probably for
some years previously), exercise such domination over the country as to
exclude other tribes. Such being the case, the long deserted and
desolate wild was again the abode of the red man, and the wigwams of the
race again appeared by the waters of the Muskingum, the Scioto, and the
Miamis; by the Tuscarawas, the Cuyahoga, and the Maumee.
Concerning what, so far as our knowledge extends, may be called the
second Indian occupation of Ohio, we have authentic information. In 1764
the most trustworthy and valuable reports up to that time secured were
made by Colonel Boquet as the result of his observations while making a
military expedition west of the Ohio. Previous to the time when Colonel
Boquet was among the Indians, and as early as 1750, traders sought out
the denizens of the forest, and some knowledge of the strength of tribes
and the location of villages was afforded by them. The authentic history
of the Ohio Indians may be said to have had its beginning some time
during the period extending from 1750 to 1764.
About the middle of the last century the principal tribes in what is now
Ohio were the Delawares, the Shawnees, the Wyandots (called the Hurons
by the French), the Mingoes, an offshoot of the Iroquois; the Chippewas
and the Tawas, more commonly called the Ottawas. The Delawares occupied
the valleys of the Muskingum and Tuscarawas; the Shawnees, the Scioto
valley; and the Miamis, the valleys of the two rivers upon which they
left their name; the Wyandots occupied the country about the Sandusky
River; the Ottawas had their headquarters in the valleys of the Maumee
and Sandusky; the Chippewas were confined principally to the south shore
of Lake Erie; and the Mingoes were in greatest strength upon the Ohio,
below the site of Steubenville. All of the tribes, however, frequented,
more or less, lands outside of their ascribed divisions of territory,
and at different periods from the time when the first definite knowledge
concerning them was obtained down to the era of white settlement, they
occupied different locations. Thus the Delawares, whom Boquet found in
1764 in greatest number in the valley of the Tuscarawas, had, thirty
years later, the majority of their population in the region of the
county which now bears their name, and the Shawnees, who were originally
strongest upon the Scioto, by the time of St. Clair and Wayne’s wars had
concentrated upon the Little Miami. But the Shawnees had also, as early
as 1748, a village known as Logstown, on the Ohio, seventeen miles from
the site of Pittsburgh.[6] The several tribes commingled to some extent
as their animosities toward each other were supplanted by the common
fear of the enemy of their race. They gradually grew stronger in
sympathy and more compact in union as the settlements of the whites
encroached upon their loved domain. Hence the divisions, which had in
1750 been quite plainly marked, became, by the time the Ohio was fringed
with the cabins and villages of the pale face, in a large measure,
obliterated. In eastern Ohio, where the Delawares had held almost
undisputed sway, there were now to be found also Wyandots,[7] Shawnees,
Mingoes, and even Miamis from the western border—from the Wabash, Miami
and Mad Rivers. Practically, however, the boundaries of the lands of
different tribes were as here given.
The Delawares, as has been indicated, had their densest population upon
the upper Muskingum and Tuscarawas, and they really were in possession
of what is now the eastern half of the State from the Ohio to Lake Erie.
This tribe, which claimed to be the elder branch of the Lenni-Lenape,
has, by tradition and in history and fiction, been accorded a high rank
among the savages of North America. Schoolcraft, Loskiel, Albert
Gallatin, Drake, Zeisberger, Heckewelder, and many other writers have
borne testimony to the superiority of the Delawares, and James Fennimore
Cooper, in his attractive romances, has added lustre to the fame of the
tribe. According to the tradition preserved by them, the Delawares, many
centuries before they knew the white man lived in the western part of
the continent, separated themselves from the rest of the Lenni-Lenape
and migrated slowly eastward. Reaching the Allegheny River they, with
the Iroquois, waged war successfully against a race of giants, the
Allegewi, and still continuing their migration settled on the Delaware
River, and spread their population eventually to the Hudson, the
Susquehanna, and the Potomac. Here they lived, menaced and often
attacked by the Iroquois, and finally, as some writers claim, they were
subjugated by the Iroquois through stratagem. The Atlantic coast became
settled by Europeans, and the Delawares also being embittered against
the Iroquois, whom they accused of treachery, turned westward and
concentrated upon the Allegheny. Disturbed here again by the white
settlers, a portion of the tribe obtained permission from the Wyandots
(whom they called their uncles, thus confessing their superiority and
reputation of greater antiquity) to occupy the lands along the
Muskingum. The forerunners of the nation entered this region, in all
probability, as early as 1745, and in less than a score of years their
entire population had become resident in this country. They became here
a more flourishing and powerful tribe than they had ever been before.
Their warriors numbered not less than six hundred in 1764. The Delawares
were divided into three tribes—the Unamis, Unalachtgo, and the Minsi,
also called the Monseys or Muncies. The English equivalents of these
appellations are the Turtle, the Turkey, and the Wolf. The tribe bearing
the latter name exhibited a spirit that was quite in keeping with it,
but the Delawares as a rule were less warlike than other nations, and
they more readily accepted Christianity.
The principal chiefs among the Delawares were White Eyes and Captain
Pipe. The former was the leader of the peace element of the nation and
the latter of the tribes who were inclined to war. There was great
rivalry between them and constant intrigue. White Eyes died about the
year 1780, and Captain Pipe gained the ascendancy among his people. It
was principally through his influence that the Delawares were drawn into
a condition of hostility towards the whites, and he encouraged the
commission of enormities by every artifice in his power. He was shrewd,
treacherous, and full of malignity, according to Heckewelder, Drake and
other writers on the Indians of the northwest, though brave, and famous
as a leader in battle. White Eyes, though not less noted as a warrior,
seemed actuated by really humane motives to fight only when forbearance
was impossible. He encouraged the establishment of the Moravian Indian
missions and was the firm friend of their founders, though he never
accepted Christianity. His greatest influence was exerted over the
Delawares after the death, in 1776, of Netawatmees, a celebrated chief,
who, during his lifetime, had combatted the reforms which White Eyes
advocated. Buckougahelas was another of the Delaware chiefs, and was
celebrated principally for his action in what is now the western part of
the State. Others were King Newcomer (after whom the present
Newcomerstown was named) and Half King. There dwelt among the Delawares
of the upper Muskingum at one time a white woman, who had great
influence among them, and after whom a creek was named—Whitewoman’s
Creek.
Most of the Delaware towns were at the vicinity of the forks of the
Muskingum, or the confluence of the Tuscarawas and Muskingum, and that
region is rich in the old Indian names. The Delawares had no village on
the lower Muskingum and, so far as is known, none in what is now
Washington County, this region, like most the whole of the Ohio valley,
being devoid of inhabitants and regarded as a hunting ground.
The Muskingum River derives its name from the Delawares, and was
originally Mooskingom. The literal meaning of this term is Elk’s Eye,
and it was probably so called because of its clearness. The Tuscarawas
undoubtedly took its name from an Indian town which was situated where
Bolivar now is. The name, according to Heckewelder, meant “old town,”
and the village bearing it was the oldest in the valleys.
The Shawnees were the only Indians of the northwest who had a tradition
of a foreign origin, and for some time after the whites became
acquainted with them they held annual festivals to celebrate the safe
arrival in this country of their remote ancestors. Concerning the
history of the Shawnees there is considerable conflicting testimony, but
it is generally conceded that at an early date they separated from the
other Lenape tribes and established themselves in the south, roaming
from Kentucky to Florida. Afterward the main body of the tribe is
supposed to have pushed northward, encouraged by their friends, the
Miamis, and to have occupied the beautiful and rich valley of the Scioto
until driven from it in 1672 by the Iroquois. Their nation was shattered
and dispersed. A few may have remained upon the upper Scioto and others
taken refuge with the Miamis, but by far the most considerable portion
again journeyed southward and, according to the leading historians, made
a forcible settlement on the head waters of the Carolina. Driven away
from that locality they found refuge among the Creeks. A fragment of the
Shawnees was taken to Pennsylvania and reduced to a humiliating
condition by their conquerors. They still retained their pride and
considerable innate independence, and about 1740, encouraged by the
Wyandots and the French, carried into effect their long cherished
purpose of returning to the Scioto. Those who had settled among the
Creeks joined them and the nation was again reunited. It is probable
that they first occupied the southern portion of their beloved valley,
and that after a few years had elapsed the Delawares peacefully
surrendered to them a large tract of country further north.[8] It is
conjectured by some students that the branch of the Shawnees who lived
for a term of years in the south were once upon the Suanee River, and
that the well known name was a corruption of the name of the nation of
Tecumseh. This chief, whose fame added lustre to the annals of the
tribe, is said to have been the son of a Creek woman whom his father
took as a wife during the southern migration. The Shawnees were divided
into four tribes[9] the Piqua,[10] Kiskapocke, Mequachuke, and
Chillicothe.
Those who deny to the American Indians any love for the beautiful and
any exercise of imagination might be influenced to concede them the
possession of such faculties, and in a high degree, by the abundance of
their fanciful traditions, of which their account of the origin of the
Piqua is a good example. According to their practical legend the tribe
began in a perfect man who burst into being from fire and ashes. The
Shawnees said to the first whites who mingled with them, that once upon
a time when the wise men and chiefs of the nation were sitting around
the smouldering embers of what had been the council fire, they were
startled by a great puffing of fire and smoke, and suddenly, from the
midst of the ashes and dying coals, there arose before them a man of
splendid form and mien, and that he was named Piqua, to signify the
manner of his coming into the world—that he was born of fire and ashes.
This legend of the origin of the tribe, beautiful in its simplicity, has
been made the subject of comment by several writers, as showing, in a
marked manner, the romantic susceptibility of the Indian character. The
name Megoachuke signifies a fat man filled—a man made perfect, so that
nothing is wanting. This tribe had the priesthood. The Kiskapocke tribe
inclined to war, and had at least one great war chief—Tecumseh.
Chillicothe is not known to have been interpreted as a tribal
designation. It was from this tribe that the several Indian villages on
the Scioto and Miami were given the names they bore, and which was
perpetuated by application to one of the early white settlements. The
Shawnees have been styled “the Bedouins of the American wilderness” and
“the Spartans of the race.” To the former title they seem justly
entitled by their extensive and almost constant wanderings, and the
latter is not an inappropriate appellation, considering their well known
bravery and the stoicism with which they bore the consequences of
defeat. From the time of their re-establishment upon the Scioto until
after the treaty with Greenville, a period of from forty to fifty years,
they were constantly engaged in warfare against the whites. They were
among the most active allies of the French, and after the conquest of
Canada, continued, in concert with the Delawares, hostilities which were
only terminated by the marching of Colonel Boquet’s forces into the
country of the latter. They made numerous incursions into Pennsylvania,
the Virginia frontier, harassed the Kentucky stations, and either alone
or in conjunction with the Indians of other tribes, actually attacked
or, threatening to do so, terrorized the first settlers in Ohio from
Marietta to the Miamis. They took an active part against the Americans
in the war for independence and in the Indian war which followed, and a
part of them, under the leadership of Tecumseh, joined the British in
the War of 1812.
The Wyandots or Hurons had their principal seat opposite Detroit and
smaller settlements (the only ones within the limits of Ohio, probably,
except the village on Whitewoman Creek) on the Maumee and Sandusky. They
claimed greater antiquity than any of the other tribes, and their
assumption was even allowed by the Delawares. Their right to the country
between the Ohio and Lake Erie, from the Allegheny to the Great Miami,
derived from ancient sovereignty or from the incorporation of the three
extinct tribes (the Eries, Andastes and Neutrals) was never disputed,
save by the Six Nations. The Jesuit missionaries, who were among them as
early as 1639, and who had ample advantages for obtaining accurate
information concerning the tribe, placed their number at ten thousand.
They were both more civilized and more warlike than the other tribes of
the northwest. Their population being, comparatively speaking, large and
at the same time concentrated, they naturally gave more attention than
did other tribes to agriculture. Extensive fields of maize adjoined
their villages. The Wyandots on the score of bravery have been given a
higher rank than any of the other Ohio tribes.[11] With them flight from
an enemy in battle, whatever might be the odds of strength or advantage
of ground, was a disgrace. They fought to the death and would not be
taken prisoners. Of thirteen chiefs of the tribe engaged in the battle
of Fallen Timbers, Wayne’s victory, only one was taken alive, and he
badly wounded.
The Ottawas existed in the territory constituting Ohio only in small
numbers, and have no particular claims for attention. They seem to have
been inferior in almost all respects to the Delawares, Wyandots and
Shawnees, though as the tribe to which the great Pontiac belonged they
have been rendered quite conspicuous in history.
The Miami Indians were, so far as actual knowledge extends, the original
denizens of the valleys bearing their name, and claimed that they were
created in it. The name in the Ottawa tongue signifies mother. The
ancient name of the Miamis was Twigtwees. The Mingoes or Cayugas, a
fragment of the Iroquois, had only a few small villages, one at Mingo
Bottom, three miles below Steubenville, and others upon the Scioto.
Logan came into Ohio in 1772 and dwelt for a time at the latter town,
but two years later was on the Scioto.
ALFRED MATHEWS.
ARTHUR ST. CLAIR AND THE ORDINANCE OF 1787.
St. Clair is an honored name in history. First in Normandy, and after
the eleventh century for many generations in Scotland, its possessors
were men of wealth and a high order of intelligence, and were among the
most prominent characters of the realm. They remained loyal to the crown
through its varying fortunes, and when Scotland passed under the
dominion of England, continued their allegiance to royalty. They showed
a rare genius for military life. This bent of mind was characteristic of
the St. Clair whose career in part is here briefly outlined.
Arthur St. Clair, whose father was a younger son and possessed neither
lands nor title, was born in the year 1734, in the town of Thurso in
Caithness, Scotland. Thurso is a place of some 3,500 inhabitants, a
quiet village lying to the north of Glasgow and Edinburgh, and close to
the Atlantic seaboard. Its chief claim to fame no doubt rests upon
having been the birthplace of one who became so prominent in American
affairs, gave such valuable aid in securing American independence, and
had so large a share in the formation and administration of the
government of a considerable portion of the American people. To his
father he owed little, to his mother much. Educated at the University of
Edinburgh, his parents intended him for a professional career. At an
early age he began the study of medicine, which, upon the death of his
mother in 1757, he abandoned, and through influential friends obtained a
commission as ensign in the second battalion of the Sixtieth Regiment of
Foot, known as the Royal American Regiment. It consisted of four
battalions of 1,000 men each. In 1758 Major-general Amherst was made
colonel of this regiment, and commander-in chief of all the forces in
America, and on the 28th day of May of the same year, arrived in Canada
with his army. Thus came to the western world in the twenty-fourth year
of his age, Arthur St. Clair, with the laudable ambition of making, if
possible, a fortune, but certainly a good and honored name. His first
lessons in the art of war were taken under the tuition of such veterans
as Lawrence, Murray and Wolfe, the story of whose heroic deeds for
English supremacy in Canada is familiar to every reader. In every
position in which he was placed young St. Clair acquitted himself with
rare bravery. He soon received a lieutenant’s commission, serving with
distinction in the battle at the mouth of the Montmorency, and in the
siege of Quebec, where Gen. Wolfe lost his life, but where the French,
on the 8th day of September 1759, surrendered, and Canada became an
English province, though articles of capitulation were not executed
until nearly a year later.
From Canada St. Clair went to Boston, where he made the acquaintance of
Miss Phœbe Bayard, daughter of one of the first families of that city,
whose mother was a half sister of Governor James Bowdoin. For Miss
Bayard young St. Clair formed a strong attachment, and they were
married, probably in the year 1761. In the Ligonier Valley, western
Pennsylvania, St. Clair, for services in Canada, received a grant of one
thousand acres of land, and thither, in the year 1764 or 1765, he
removed. He set actively to work to improve his property. He built a
handsome residence, and the first grist mill in western Pennsylvania.
Many Scotch families sought a residence in this beautiful and fertile
valley. He was the leading spirit in this western colony, and in 1770
was appointed surveyor, a justice of the court of quarter sessions and
common pleas, and a member of the Governor’s council for the district of
Cumberland, or Cumberland County. When Bedford County was formed in
1771, and Westmoreland in 1773, he was appointed to fill like offices of
trust for these counties respectively. Here he led a busy life for two
years, when upon the outbreak of hostilities with England he unsheathed
his sword and proffered his services in defence of the country of his
adoption.
It is not within the scope of this sketch, which is more immediately
concerned with the relation he bore to the Ordinance of 1787, and that
part of his history which records the acts of his administration as the
first governor of the Northwest Territory, to follow the fortunes of
Gen. St. Clair through the war for independence. Suffice it to say that
quitting private life when its comforts were greatest and his financial
affairs the most prosperous, he rendered to his country valuable service
in Canada in the summer of 1776, at the battles of Trenton and Princeton
in the winter of 1776–7, rose to the rank of Major-general in the
northern department in 1777, and afterwards, as a member of Washington’s
military family, won the confidence and friendship of his chief to such
a degree that they were never withdrawn even when he was overtaken by
reverses; and that he returned to civil life at the close of the
struggle to find that to his country he had sacrificed not only eight
years of the very prime of his life, but likewise his fortune and the
emoluments of his lucrative offices. His first office after the war was
that of member of the board of censors, whose duties were to see that
the laws were efficiently and honestly executed. St. Clair became a
member of Congress in 1786, and in 1787 its President. This was the year
in which the ordinance for the government of the Northwest Territory was
adopted. It is a remarkable coincidence that this gentleman should have
presided over the body that enacted this grand Charter of Freedom, and
afterwards should have been the first executive officer, as governor of
the Northwest Territory, to administer and enforce its laws. General St.
Clair’s connection with this great and beneficent ordinance is of very
great interest, intensified, however, by the fact that Mr. William
Frederick Poole, in an able and well written contribution to the North
American Review in 1876, on the authorship of the Ordinance, did him a
great injustice by imputing to him improper motives wholly foreign to
his character. For a full understanding of the charge and its complete
refutation a brief history of the Ordinance will be necessary.
In 1784 Thomas Jefferson had prepared and reported a comprehensive
measure for the government of the Northwest Territory, from which ten
States were to be formed. It contained among other provisions the
following stipulation: “That, after the year 1800 of the Christian era,
there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in any of the
said (ten) States, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, whereof
the party shall have been duly convicted to have been personally
guilty.” This provision was stricken out, and the ordinance was passed,
but owing to the fact that the lands had not been surveyed nor Indian
titles perfected, it became inoperative and remained a dead letter. In
1786, a memorial having been received from the inhabitants of Kaskaskia,
praying for the organization of a territorial government, a committee
consisting of Mr. Johnson of Connecticut, Mr. Pinckney of South
Carolina; Mr. Smith of New York, Mr. Dane of Massachusetts, and Mr.
Henry of Maryland, was appointed to draft a suitable measure, and April
26, 1787, reported a code of laws for the temporary government of the
Territory, which reached a third reading on the 10th of May, but was not
brought to a final vote. At this juncture there appeared at the door of
Congress a gentleman to whom more than to any other the people of the
northwestern States are indebted for the prompt action by Congress which
gave them this great bill of rights, aptly called the Ordinance of
Freedom.
This gentleman was the Rev. Manasseh Cutler of Ipswich, Massachusetts.
He came before Congress as the agent of the Ohio Land Company. He wished
to purchase for that company a million and a half—and finally did
purchase nearly five million—acres of land in the Northwest Territory.
He was well fitted for the business he had undertaken. He was a ripe
scholar, a graduate of Yale College, a distinguished scientist, an able
divine, an eloquent speaker, and more than all, a wily diplomatist,
possessed of a fine and commanding presence and courtly manners. He came
to Congress armed with letters of introduction to Gen. St. Clair, the
President of that body, General Knox, Richard Henry Lee, Melancthon
Smith, Colonel Carrington and others.
Dr. Cutler greatly desired to make the purchase for his company, but
stipulated, as a necessary condition of purchase, for the passage of a
suitable charter of laws for the government of the Territory. The Ohio
Company was composed chiefly of Massachusetts men, accustomed to good
laws wisely administered, and would not invite their neighbors and
friends to immigrate to the far west to settle in a country for which no
good system of government had been provided. Hence this was the first
matter to be looked into. Dr. Cutler arrived in New York on the 5th day
of July, Thursday. On Friday, the 6th, he presented his letters of
introduction to President St. Clair and a number of members of Congress.
The 7th he passed in extending his acquaintance and explaining his
business. The 8th was Sunday. On the 9th he secured the appointment by
President St. Clair of a committee who favored such a system of laws for
the Northwest Territory as Dr. Cutler wished to see adopted. This
committee consisted of Colonel Carrington, a personal friend, as
chairman, and Richard Henry Lee of Virginia, Mr. Dane of Massachusetts,
Mr. Kean of South Carolina, and Mr. Smith of New York. These gentlemen
prepared an ordinance, the famous Ordinance of 1787, submitted it to Dr.
Cutler for his opinion or Amendment, introduced it to Congress, had it
read, amended, and on the 13th day of July procured its passage. This
was quick work, and the way was now clear for the main business which
Dr. Cutler had in hand—the negotiation of the purchase of lands for the
Ohio Company. A committee on lands was appointed for the purpose of
negotiating with the Ohio Land Company’s agent for the sale of the
lands, having the same chairman, Dr. Cutler’s friend, Colonel
Carrington, with Rufus King, James Madison, Mr. Dane and Mr. Benson as
the other members.
The Ordinance having become a law on the 13th day of July, the
negotiation for the Ohio Company’s purchase was concluded on the 27th of
the same month, and terms agreed upon. On the 5th day of October, 1787,
officers for the government of the new territory were elected by
Congress as follows: Arthur St. Clair, Governor; James M. Varnum, Samuel
Holden Parsons and John Armstrong, Judges, and Winthrop Sargent,
Secretary. Mr. Armstrong declining, the vacancy was filled by the
appointment of John Cleves Symmes. The charge against General St. Clair,
made by Mr. Poole, is that Dr. Cutler, when he arrived in New York and
called on the President of Congress to obtain the appointment of a
committee to draft and report a system of laws for the Northwest
Territory that should be friendly to his terms of purchase, met with a
cool reception, and, to quote from Mr. Poole, “_he found that General
St. Clair wanted to be Governor of the Northwest Territory; and Dr.
Cutler, representing the interests of the Ohio Company, intended that
General Parsons, of Connecticut, should have the office. But he must
have General St. Clair’s influence, and found it necessary to pay the
price. From the moment he communicated this decision, General St. Clair
was warmly engaged in his interests._”
This is an extremely unjust imputation upon a gentleman who in all the
affairs of life showed himself to be the very soul of honor. That it is
false in every particular, a bare recital of the above facts, coupled
with the additional fact that Dr. Cutler in the daily journal he kept
makes no reference to General St. Clair in connection with the
governorship until the evening of the 23rd, _ten_ days after the passage
of the ordinance, is clear and sufficient proof. The extract from the
journal containing this reference is as follows:
JULY 23rd. * * * * Spent the evening with Colonel Grayson and members
of Congress from the southward, who were in favor of a contract.
Having found it impossible to support General Parsons as a candidate
for Governor, after the interest that General St. Clair had secured,
and suspecting that this might be some impediment in the way (for my
endeavors to make interest for him [Parsons] were well known), and the
arrangements for civil officers being on the carpet, I embraced the
opportunity frankly to declare that for my own part—and ventured to
engage for Mr. Sargent—if General Parsons could have the appointment
of first judge, and Sargent secretary, we would be satisfied; and I
heartily wished that his excellency, General St. Clair, might be
governor, and that I would solicit the eastern members to favor such
an arrangement. This I found rather pleasing to the southern members,
and they were so complacent as to ask repeatedly what officer would be
agreeable to me in the western country.
That General St. Clair should have received the Ohio Company’s agent
coolly on the 6th day of July, and on the 9th of the same month
appointed as chairman of the committee to treat with Dr. Cutler the very
man the latter wished appointed, Col. Carrington, a personal friend;
that General St. Clair wanted the governorship, and remained hostile to
Dr. Cutler’s plans, until Dr. Cutler gave up Parsons and came to his
support on the 23rd day of July, is on the face of it so improbable
that, without any direct evidence to the contrary, no fair minded person
at all familiar with St. Clair’s character could give it credence.
However, we have the very best proof of the untruthfulness of Mr.
Poole’s statement in General St. Clair’s own words. [12]In a letter to
the Hon. William Giles, written some time after his election as
governor, he says the office was forced upon him by his friends; that he
did not desire it and would not have accepted it but for “the laudable
ambition of becoming the father of a country, and laying the foundation
for the happiness of millions then unborn.”
All this shows conclusively that General St. Clair was friendly to the
land negotiation from the start; that he clearly saw the advantages to
the government of the sale of so large a body of western lands; that he
received Dr. Cutler cordially, and warmly espoused his cause from the
first; that he had no thought of the governorship until pressed by his
friends for the office; that Dr. Cutler discovering the drift of
sentiment in his favor concluded it would be futile to longer endeavor
to obtain interest for General Parsons, the man of his choice. St.
Clair, before Dr. Cutler announced himself in his favor for the
governorship, appointed a committee favorable to the land negotiation to
draft the ordinance for the government of the Territory; and in fact
there is good reason for believing that some of the grand principles of
that great charter owe their incorporation in that instrument to his
wisdom and foresight. Everything convinces that General St. Clair’s
relation to Dr. Cutler, to the land negotiation and to the governorship,
was in all respects creditable to the dignity of his office and to his
personal honor.
The Ordinance of 1787 was the product of the highest statesmanship. It
ranks among the grandest bill of rights ever drafted for the government
of any people. It secured for the inhabitants of the great States formed
from the Northwest Territory religious freedom, the inviolability of
private contracts; the benefit of the writ of _habeas corpus_ and trial
by jury; the operation of the common law in judicial proceedings; urged
the maintenance of schools and the means of education; declared that
religion, morality and knowledge were essential to good government;
exacted a pledge of good faith toward the Indians; and proscribed
slavery within the limits of the Territory. It provided for the opening,
development and government of the Territory, and formed the basis of
subsequent State legislation. Chief Justice Chase says of it: “When they
(the people) came into the wilderness, they found the law already there.
It was impressed on the soil while as yet it bore up nothing but the
forest. * * * Never probably in the history of the world did a measure
of legislation so accurately fulfill, and yet so mightily exceed, the
anticipation of the legislators. * * * The Ordinance has well been
described as having been a pillar of cloud by day and of fire by night
in the settlement of the Northwest States.” Judge Timothy Walker, in
1837 in an address delivered at Cincinnati, says: “Upon the surpassing
excellence of this Ordinance no language of panegyric would be
extravagant. The Romans would have imagined some divine Egeria for its
author. It approaches as nearly absolute perfection as anything to be
found in the legislation of mankind. * * * It is one of those matchless
specimens of sagacious foresight which even the reckless spirit of
innovation would not venture to assail.” Daniel Webster, in his famous
reply to Hayne, bore this testimony to the excellence of this measure:
“We are accustomed to praise the lawgivers of antiquity; we help to
perpetuate the fame of Solon and Lycurgus; but I doubt whether one
single law of any lawgiver, ancient or modern, has produced effects of
more distinct, marked and lasting character than the Ordinance of 1787.
We see its consequences at this moment, and we shall never cease to see
them, perhaps, while the Ohio shall flow.”
The people of Ohio, of the farther west, and of the whole country cannot
become too familiar with a measure which has received so great praise
from such high sources. We publish the Ordinance in full.
_An ordinance for the government of the territory of the United States
northwest of the river Ohio_:
_Be it ordained by the United States in Congress assembled_, That the
said Territory for the purpose of temporary government be one
district, subject, however, to be divided into two districts, as
future circumstances may, in the opinion of Congress, make it
expedient.
_Be it ordained by the authority aforesaid_, That the estates both of
resident and non-resident proprietors in said Territory dying
intestate, shall descend to and be distributed among the children, and
the descendants of a deceased child in equal parts—the descendants of
a deceased child, or grandchild, to take the share of the deceased
parent in equal parts among them; and where there shall be no children
or descendants, then in equal parts to the next of kin in equal
degree; and among collaterals, the children of a deceased brother or
sister of the intestate shall have, in equal parts among them, the
deceased parent’s share, and there shall in no case be a distinction
between kindred of the whole and half blood, saving in all cases to
the widow of the intestate her third part of the real estate for life,
and [_where there shall be no children of the intestate_] one third
part of the personal estate; and this law relative to descents and
dower shall remain in full force until altered by the legislature of
the district. And until the governor and judges shall adopt laws, as
hereinafter mentioned, estates in the said Territory may be divided or
bequeathed by wills, in writing, signed and sealed by him or her, in
whom the estate may be [being of full age] and attested by three
witnesses; and real estate may be conveyed by lease or release, or
bargain and sale, signed, sealed and delivered by the person, being of
full age, in whom the estate may be, and attested by two witnesses,
provided such wills lie duly proved, and such conveyance be
acknowledged, or the execution thereof duly proved, and be recorded
within one year after proper magistrates, court and registers shall be
appointed for that purpose; and personal property may be transferred
by delivery, saving, however, to the French and Canadian inhabitants
and other settlers of the Kaskaskies, St. Vincent’s and the
neighboring villages, who have heretofore professed themselves
citizens of Virginia, their laws and customs now in force among them,
relative to the descent and conveyance of property.
_Be it ordained by the authority aforesaid_, That there shall be
appointed, from time to time, by Congress, a governor, whose
commission shall continue in force for the term of three years, unless
sooner revoked by Congress. He shall reside in the district and have a
freehold estate therein in one thousand acres of land while in the
exercise of his office. There shall be appointed, from time to time,
by Congress, a secretary, whose commission shall continue in force for
four years, unless sooner revoked; he shall reside in the district and
have a freehold estate therein in five hundred acres of land while in
the exercise of his office; it shall be his duty to keep and preserve
the acts and laws passed by the legislature, and the public records of
the district, and the proceedings of the governor in his executive
department; and transmit authentic copies of such acts and proceedings
every six months to the secretary of Congress. There shall also be
appointed a court to consist of three judges, any two of whom to form
a court, who shall have a common law jurisdiction, and reside in the
district, and have each therein a freehold estate in five hundred
acres of land while in the exercise of their offices; and their
commissions shall continue in force during good behavior.
The governor and judges, or a majority of them, shall adopt and
publish in the district such laws of the original States, criminal and
civil, as may be necessary and best suited to the circumstances, and
report them to Congress, from time to time; which laws shall be in
force in the district until the organization of the general assembly
therein, unless disapproved by Congress; but afterwards the
legislature shall have authority to alter them as they shall think
fit.
The governor, for the time being, shall be commander-in-chief of the
militia, appoint and commission all officers in the same below the
rank of general officers; all general officers shall be appointed and
commissioned by Congress.
Previous to the organization of the general assembly, the governor
shall appoint such magistrates and other civil officers, in each
county or township, as he shall find necessary for the preservation of
the peace and good order in the same. After the general assembly shall
be organized, the power and duties of magistrates and other civil
officers shall be regulated and defined by the said assembly; but all
magistrates and other civil officers not herein otherwise directed,
shall, during the continuance of this temporary government, be
appointed by the governor.
For the prevention of crimes and injuries the laws to be adopted or
made shall have force in all parts of the district, and for the
execution of process, criminal and civil, the governor shall make
proper divisions thereof; and he shall proceed, from time to time, as
circumstances may require, to lay out the parts of the district, in
which the Indian titles shall have been extinguished, into counties
and townships, subject, however, to such alterations as may thereafter
be made by the legislature.
So soon as there shall be five thousand free male inhabitants of full
age in the district, upon giving proof thereof to the governor, they
shall receive authority, with time and place, to elect representatives
from their counties or townships to represent them in the general
assembly; provided that for every five hundred free male inhabitants,
there shall be one representative, and so on, progressively, with the
number of free male inhabitants shall the right of representation
increase until the number of representatives shall amount to
twenty-five; after which the number and proportion of the
representatives shall be regulated by the legislature; provided that
no person be eligible or qualified to act as a representative unless
he shall have been a citizen of one of the United States three years,
and be a resident in the district, or unless he shall have resided in
the district three years; and in either case, shall likewise hold in
his own right, in fee simple, two hundred acres of land within the
same; provided also that a freehold in fifty acres of land in the
district, having been a citizen of one of the States and being
resident in the district, or the like freehold and two years’
residence in the district, shall be necessary to qualify a man as an
elector of a representative.
The representatives thus elected shall serve for the term of two
years; and in case of the death of a representative, or removal from
office, the governor shall issue a writ to the county or township for
which he was a member to elect another in his stead, to serve for the
residue of the term.
The general assembly or legislature shall consist of the governor,
legislative council, and a house of representatives. The legislative
council shall consist of five members to continue in office five
years, unless sooner removed by Congress, any three of whom may be a
quorum; and the members of the council shall be nominated and
appointed in the following manner, to wit: As soon as representatives
shall be elected, the governor shall appoint a time and place for them
to meet together, and when met they shall nominate ten persons,
residents in the district, and each possessed of a freehold in five
hundred acres of land, and return their names to Congress, five of
whom Congress shall appoint and commission to serve as aforesaid; and
whenever a vacancy shall happen in the council by death or removal
from office, the house of representatives shall nominate two persons,
qualified as aforesaid, for each vacancy, and return their names to
Congress, one of whom Congress shall appoint and commission for the
residue of the term. And every five years, four months at least before
the expiration of the time of service of the members of the council,
the said house shall nominate ten persons, qualified as aforesaid, and
return their names to Congress, five of whom Congress shall appoint
and commission to serve as members of the council five years, unless
sooner removed. And the governor, legislative council, and house of
representatives shall have authority to make laws, in all cases, for
the good government of the district, not repugnant to the principles
and articles in this ordinance established and declared. And all bills
having passed by a majority in the house and by a majority in the
council, shall be referred to the governor for his assent; but no bill
or legislative act whatever, shall be of any force without his assent.
The governor shall have power to convene, prorogue and dissolve the
general assembly when, in his opinion, it shall be expedient.
The governor, judges, legislative council, secretary, and such other
officers as Congress shall appoint in the district shall take an oath
or affirmation of fidelity, and of office; the governor before the
President of Congress, and all other officers before the governor. As
soon as legislature shall be formed in the district, the council and
house assembled in one room, shall have authority, by joint ballot, to
elect a delegate to Congress, who shall have a seat in Congress, with
a right of debating, but not of voting, during this temporary
government.
And for extending the fundamental principles of civil and religious
liberty, which form the basis whereon these republics, their laws, and
constitutions, are erected; to fix and establish those principles as
the basis of all laws, constitutions, and governments, which forever
hereafter shall be formed in said Territory; to provide, also, for the
establishment of States, and permanent government therein, and for
their admission to a share in the Federal councils on an equal footing
with the original States, at as early periods as may be consistent
with general interest.
_It is hereby ordained and declared by the authority aforesaid_, That
the following articles shall be considered as articles of compact
between the original States and the people and States in the said
Territory, and forever remain unalterable unless by common consent, to
wit:
“ARTICLE 1. No person demeaning himself in a peaceable and orderly
manner shall ever be molested on account of his mode of worship or
religious sentiments in the said Territory.
“ARTICLE 2. The inhabitants of said Territory shall always be entitled
to the benefits of the writ of _habeas corpus_ and of trial by jury;
of a proportionate representation of the people in the legislature,
and of judicial proceedings according to the course of the common law.
All persons shall be bailable except for capital offences, where the
proof shall be evident or the presumption great. All fines shall be
moderate, and no unusual or cruel punishment shall be inflicted. No
man shall be deprived of his liberty or property but by the judgment
of his peers, or the law of the land; and should the public exigencies
make it necessary, for the common preservation, to take away any
person’s property, or to demand his particular service, full
compensation shall be made for the same; and in the just preservation
of rights and property it is understood and declared that no law ought
ever be made, or have force in the said Territory, that shall in any
manner whatever interfere with or effect private contracts or
engagements, bona fide, and without fraud, previously formed.
“ARTICLE 3. Religion, morality, and knowledge, being necessary to good
government and the happiness of mankind, schools and the means of
education shall forever be encouraged. The utmost good faith shall
always lie observed towards the Indians; their lands and property
shall never be taken from them without their consent; and in their
property, rights and liberty they shall never be invaded or disturbed,
unless in just and lawful wars, authorized by Congress; but laws
founded in justice and humanity, shall, from time to time, be made for
preventing wrong being done to them, and for preserving peace and
friendship with them.
“ARTICLE 4. The said Territory, and the States which may be formed
therein, shall forever remain a part of this confederacy of the United
States of America, subject to the articles of confederation, and to
such alterations therein as shall be constitutionally made, and to all
the acts and ordinances of the United States in Congress assembled,
conformable thereto. The inhabitants and settlers in said Territory
shall be subject to pay a part of the Federal debts, contracted or to
be contracted, and a proportional part of the expenses of government,
to be apportioned on them by Congress, according to the same common
rule and measure by which the apportionments thereof shall be made on
the other States; and the taxes for paying their proportion shall be
laid and levied by the authority and direction of the legislatures of
the district or districts, or new States, as in the original States,
within the time agreed upon by the United States in Congress
assembled. The legislatures of those districts or new States shall
never interfere with the primary disposal of the soil by the United
States in Congress assembled, nor with any regulation Congress may
find necessary for securing the title to such soil to bona fide
purchasers. No tax shall be imposed on lands, the property of the
United States; and in no case shall non-resident proprietors be taxed
higher than residents. The navigable waters leading into the
Mississippi and St. Lawrence, and the carrying places between the
same, shall be common highways, and forever free, as well to the
inhabitants of the said Territory as to the citizens of the United
States, and those of any other States that may be admitted into the
confederacy, without any tax, import or duty therefor.
ARTICLE 5. There shall be formed in the said Territory not less than
three nor more than five States; and the boundaries of the Stales as
soon as Virginia shall alter her act of cession and consent to the
same, shall become fixed and established as follows, to wit: The
western State in the said Territory shall be bounded by the
Mississippi, the Ohio and Wabash Rivers; a direct line drawn from the
Wabash and Port Vincent’s due north to the territorial line between
the United States and Canada; and by the said territorial line to the
Lake of the Woods and Mississippi. The middle State shall be bounded
by the said direct line, the Wabash from Port Vincent’s to the Ohio,
by the Ohio, by a direct line drawn due north from the mouth of the
Great Miami to the said territorial line, and by the said territorial
line. The eastern State shall be bounded by the last mentioned direct
line, the Ohio, Pennsylvania, and the said territorial line; provided,
however, and it is further understood and declared, that the
boundaries of these three States shall be subject so far to be altered
that, if Congress should hereafter find it expedient, they shall have
authority to form one or two States in that part of the Territory
which lies north of an east and west line, drawn through the southerly
bend or extreme of lake Michigan. And whenever any of the said States
shall have sixty thousand free inhabitants therein, such State shall
be admitted by its delegates into the Congress of the United States,
on an equal footing with the original States, in all respects
whatever, and shall be at liberty to form a permanent constitution and
State government; provided the constitution and government so to be
formed shall be republican, and in conformity to the principles
contained in these articles; and so far as it can be consistent with
the general interest of the confederacy, such admission shall be
allowed at an earlier period and when there may be a less number of
free inhabitants in the State than sixty thousand.
“ARTICLE 6. There shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude
in the said Territory otherwise than in the punishment of crimes,
whereof the party shall have been duly convicted; provided, always,
that any person escaping into the same from whom labor or service is
lawfully claimed in any one of the original States, such fugitive may
be lawfully reclaimed, and conveyed to the person claiming his or her
labor or services as aforesaid.”
The authorship of this grand charter of rights, vouchsafed to a people
who to-day number many millions and are living happily under its benign
influence, bears the marks of wisdom the most profound, of statesmanship
of the highest order, of foresight akin to inspiration. The question
then very naturally arises for eager solution, “Who was the author?” or
if more than one, “Who were the authors?” The question has never been,
probably never will be, fully and definitely answered to the
satisfaction of every inquirer. The claims of Thomas Jefferson, of
Nathan Dane, of Dr. Manasseh Cutler have in turn been ably supported by
various writers. The truth no doubt is that all these gentlemen,
together with Colonel Carrington and Richard Henry Lee of Virginia, and
Arthur St. Clair, the President of Congress, were concerned in its
preparation. More importance is attached to the authorship of Articles
III and VI, especially of the latter, than to any other portion of the
instrument. Religious liberty, the provision for the spread of
education, the manner in which the Indians should be treated, and the
inhibition of slavery, are its distinguishing features. To whom are we
chiefly indebted for their place in the Ordinance?
Jefferson has a strong claim upon our gratitude, for it was he who
drafted the anti-slavery clause in the inoperative ordinance of 1784,
from which the anti-slavery clause (Article VI) of the Ordinance of
1787, no doubt, was copied. The similarity in the phraseology of the two
clauses is too striking to admit of a doubt of this, as any one who will
carefully read and compare the two will readily perceive. To Jefferson,
then, we owe much, but it must be remembered that he was not a member of
the last Congress of the old confederation, but was at that time our
minister to France. Nathan Dane was the committee’s secretary, and no
doubt the original draft is in his handwriting. He had prepared and
reported an ordinance in May previous which was not passed, and which
contained none of the grand principles that characterized the ordinance
under question. If he were the author of any part of the latter, it was
an unessential part, as he afterwards, in a letter to Mr. Rufus King
published in Spencer’s History of the United States, clearly shows that
he had no adequate conception of the grand features of the Ordinance.
Moreover he declined to offer the anti-slavery clause as a part of the
Ordinance at its first reading because he believed it could not pass,
and only presented it the day before the final adoption of the
Ordinance, after having learned the feeling of Congress toward the
slavery question.
It is undoubtedly true that to no one man are the people who have
enjoyed and to-day enjoy the benefits of the Ordinance, so much indebted
as to Dr. Manasseh Cutler. It was he who directed the battle in its
favor; it was he who secured the appointment of his friends, Carrington
and Lee, on the committee; who urged the necessity of the adoption of
the Ordinance before the land purchase could be made; who insisted, as
representative of the company which was most immediately concerned in
the nature of the laws that should form the government of the Territory,
upon the anti-slavery clause, and, to win the southern members to its
support, favored the addition of the proviso for the rendition of
fugitive slaves; and without doubt it was he who urged the insertion of
what relates to religion, morality and education. At this time
anti-slavery sentiment in Virginia was popular with the leading men of
that State, and with the protection to the property rights in the slave
which the proviso afforded, the Virginia members of the committee were
readily won to the support of the anti-slavery clause. What, therefore,
Dr. Cutler accomplished in behalf of the Ordinance was of the greatest
importance. He obtained the appointment of a new committee favorable to
such a measure as he was solicitous to have adopted; urged the insertion
of many of the grand principles it contained; won such friendly interest
for it from opposing elements as to insure for it certain victory, and
was instrumental in securing its passage.
Judge Ephraim Cutler, in 1849, received a letter from his brother,
Temple Cutler, in which he says: “Hon. Daniel Webster is now convinced
that the man who suggested some of its articles was our father,” and in
the same year Judge Cutler wrote as follows:
I visited my father at Washington during the last session he attended
Congress (1804).... We were in conversation relative to the political
concerns of Ohio, the ruling parties, and the effects of the
constitution (of Ohio) in the promotion of the general interest; when
he observed that he was informed that I had prepared that portion of
the Ohio constitution which contained the ‘part of the ordinance of
July, 1787, which prohibited slavery. He wished to know if it was a
fact. On my assuring that it was, he observed that he thought it a
singular coincidence, as he himself had prepared that part of the
ordinance while he was in New York negotiating the purchase of the
lands for the Ohio Company. I had not seen the journal he kept while
he was in New York at that time....[13]
Arthur St. Clair’s connection with the Ordinance must have been, from
the nature of the position he occupied as well as from the character of
the man, of very considerable importance. There is good reason for
believing him to be the author of the clause relating to the treatment
of the Indians. No other member of the House had a better acquaintance
with the Indian character, or better appreciated what was by right due
to the red man, and it is therefore more than likely that the
preparation of this clause was entrusted to him, though there exists no
positive proof of the fact.
General St. Clair’s history as Governor of the Northwest Territory will
be reserved for future publication in this Magazine.
WILLIAM W. WILLIAMS.
GEO. WASHINGTON’S FIRST EXPERIENCE AS SURVEYOR.
Washington’s early education was in the direction to fit him in an
especial manner for the practical work of the surveyor. After having
exhausted the possibilities of the elementary school, which he had
before attended, he was taken into the family of his brother Lawrence,
that he might have the benefit of a better one than existed in that
neighborhood. It seems to have been intended that he should attain a
thorough and practical business education—such as should fit him for all
the duties of an extensive colonial land owner and planter. Perhaps the
possibility of his becoming a magistrate or burgess was also present, as
the place that awaited him in the society of Virginia was such as to
warrant so modest an ambition. There are now in existence several of his
school books, into one of which are copied, with infinite pains, forms
for contracts, land conveyances, leases, mortgages, etc. In another are
preserved the field-notes and calculations of surveys, which he made as
a matter of practice—kept and proved with the same exactness that would
have been expected had the result been intended to form the basis of
practical transactions. Not the least advantage of Washington’s sojourn
with his brother, was the fact that it introduced him, at once, into the
highest and, at the same time, the best society of the colony. Lawrence
had become one of the most honored and prominent men in Virginia. His
wealth, his social position and that of the Fairfax family, his sterling
character and unquestioned ability, had united to advance him, and he
was a member of the House of Burgesses, as well as adjutant-general of
his district, with the rank and pay of a major.
But a few miles below Mount Vernon, as Lawrence Washington had called
his estate, and upon the same wooded ridge that bordered the Potomac,
was Belvoir the seat of the Fairfax family. Occupying the ample and
elegant appointed house, was the Hon. William Fairfax, father-in-law of
Lawrence Washington—a gentleman who had attained social, political and
military prominence in England, and in the East and West Indies. He had
come to Virginia to take charge of the enormous estate of his cousin,
Lord Fairfax, which, according to the original grant from the crown, was
“for all the lands between the Rappahannock and Potomac Rivers.” This
grant had been very liberally construed to include a large part of the
land drained by affluents of these streams, embracing a considerable
portion of the Shenandoah valley. In the midst of this princely domain,
the Fairfaxes lived in the style of English gentry. Their house was
always open to guests of the right class and to no others. The monotony
of life was occasionally broken by the arrival in the Potomac of an
English war vessel, when its officers were certain to be found at the
Fairfax and Washington tables, telling their stories of service in
distant seas, of battle, travel, and all the various experiences that a
naval life involves. Washington was made a sharer, on terms nearly
approaching equality, in much of this social intercourse; he felt the
refining and broadening influence of contact with accomplished and
experienced men of the world, and, not least important, he heard the
tales and jests of the seafaring visitors, and hearing, was enthralled.
At the age of fourteen he became infatuated with the idea of entering
the British navy. His age was suitable, the profession was an excellent
one for a young gentleman desiring to push his fortunes, a frigate at
that time lay in the river, Lawrence Washington and Mr. Fairfax
approved, and nothing seemed necessary to carrying the plan into effect
but the consent of the lad’s mother. Even this difficulty yielded to
argument. George’s clothes were packed, and he was ready to go aboard,
when the mother’s heart failed her, and she withdrew her consent, thus
saving Washington to his country. It is more likely, considering his
training and disposition, that, had the boy sailed upon that cruise, he
would have directed a vessel or fleet against the revolting colonies;
called them rebels, not patriots; served the king, not the people. Back
to school he went, no doubt chagrined and crestfallen, and remained for
nearly two years. At the end of that time his teacher discharged him as
finished, as, no doubt he was, so far as the capacity of that master was
concerned. These two years were passed in the study of the higher
mathematics, his intention being to fit himself for any business or
professional emergency, civil or military.
After leaving school, Washington was much more frequently at Belvoir
than before. Lord Fairfax, the owner of the estate, was now an inmate of
the house, having come to inspect his possessions, and determined to
make Virginia his home. He was much impressed by the fertility and
beauty of the country, and also, gossip had it, having never recovered
from a wound to his heart and pride, inflicted in his youth by a fickle
beauty, who preferred a ducal cornet to his more modest rank after the
wedding dress was made, was glad to escape from England to the freedom
and retirement of Virginia. Lord Fairfax was not far from sixty years of
age, tall, erect, and vigorous in figure; kind-hearted, generous but
eccentric, and not a man to take every comer into his friendship and
confidence. He at once showed a marked liking for the tall, handsome,
reserved and dignified young man, whom he so often met at Belvoir. No
one longer regarded Washington as a boy, though he was but fifteen years
of age. Lord Fairfax was a devoted sportsman, and set up his hunters and
hounds at Belvoir, as he had been accustomed in England. Had anything
been necessary to confirm his friendship for Washington, it was only to
find, as his lordship did, that the latter was as hard and intrepid a
rider as he, and would follow a fox over the dangerous and difficult
hunting grounds of Virginia with as little faltering or fatigue.
So this oddly assorted couple became close friends and constant
companions, in the hunt and elsewhere. The old nobleman, _litterateur_,
and man of the world, treated the sturdy young man as a social and
intellectual equal, and, from the fullness of experience, unconsciously
added, day by day, to his slender knowledge of the world; while the
latter, probably quite as unconsciously, in a measure repaid the debt,
as his knowledge of the country and of colonial life enabled him to do.
One important effect of his intimacy was that it resulted in securing to
Washington his first opportunity for testing his new-found freedom, by
undertaking an independent enterprise. This happened incidentally, yet
was the starting-point of the young man’s fortunes.
As has been said, Lord Fairfax’s estate in Virginia extended beyond the
Blue Ridge, and to a considerable distance up the eastern slope of the
Alleghanies. West of the former range no survey had ever been made, and
reports had come that the country was filling up with lawless squatters,
who invariably selected the best lands for settlement, and were in
danger of gaining such a foothold that to oust them would be a matter of
no little difficulty. Lord Fairfax desired a survey of this wild and
uncivilized territory to be made. It was a service requiring not only
skill as a surveyor, but ability to endure great fatigue, courage to
face danger, determination and ingenuity to meet and overcome
difficulties—yet all these qualities he deemed combined in Washington,
who had barely reached the age of sixteen years. The committing of so
important a trust to one so young seems almost inconceivable, and this
fact is one of the best indications of what the youth must have been,
not only in bone and muscle, but in brain, self-reliance and maturity,
at an age when most boys are thinking more of their balls and kites than
of the serious duties of life.
[Illustration: WASHINGTON ON A SURVEYING EXPEDITION.]
Washington eagerly accepted the proposal of Lord Fairfax, and
immediately set about his preparations for departure, which occupied but
a few days. In company with George William Fairfax, a young man of
twenty-two years, son of William Fairfax, he set out in the saddle,
during the month of March, 1748. Mr. John S. C. Abbott, in his ‘Life of
Washington,’ describes the experience of the young men in a manner
characteristically picturesque. He says:
“The crests of the mountains were still whitened with ice and snow.
Chilling blasts swept the plains. The streams were swollen into torrents
by the spring rains. The Indians, however, whose hunting parties ranged
these forests, were at that time friendly. Still there were vagrant
bands wandering here and there, ever ready to kill and plunder. * * *
Though these wilds may be called pathless, still there were, here and
there, narrow trails which the moccasined foot of the savage had trodden
for uncounted centuries. They led, in a narrow track, scarcely two feet
in breadth, through dense thickets, over craggy hills, and along the
banks of placid streams or foaming torrents. * * * It was generally
necessary to camp at night wherever darkness might overtake them. With
their axes a rude cabin was easily constructed, roofed with bark, which
afforded a comfortable shelter from wind and rain. The forest presented
an ample supply of game. Delicious brook trout were easily taken from
the streams. Exercise and fresh air gave appetite. With a roaring fire
crackling before the camp, illumining the forest far and wide, the
adventurers cooked their supper and ate it with a relish such as the
pampered guests in lordly banqueting halls have seldom experienced.
Their sleep was probably more sweet than was ever found on beds of down.
Occasionally they would find shelter for the night in the wigwam of the
friendly Indian.”
In amusing contrast to this rose-colored view of life in the woods are
the terse and evidently feeling words from the pen of Washington
himself, recorded in his journal under date of March 15, 1748: “Worked
hard till night and then returned. After supper we were lighted into a
room, and I, not being so good a woodman as the rest, stripped myself
very orderly and went into the bed, as they call it, when, to my
surprise, I found it to be nothing but a little straw matted together,
without sheet or anything else, but only one threadbare blanket, with
double its weight of vermin. I was glad to get up and put on my clothes
and lie as my companions did. Had we not been very tired, I am sure we
should not have slept much that night. I made a promise to sleep no more
in a bed, choosing rather to sleep in the open air before a fire.”
Again, after being much longer away from home, Washington says in a
letter to a friend: “Yours gave me the more pleasure as I received it
among barbarians and an uncouth set of people. Since you received my
letter of October last, I have not slept above three or four nights in a
bed. But after walking a good deal all the day, I have lain down before
the fire on a little hay, straw, fodder, or bear skin, whichever was to
be had, with man, wife and children, like dogs and cats, and happy is he
who gets nearest the fire. I have never had my clothes off, but have
lain and slept in them, except the few nights I have been in
Fredericksburg.”
With these and similar experiences, Washington and his companion, with
their little party, consisting of an Indian guide and a few white
attendants, continued through the weary weeks and months occupied in the
fulfillment of their mission. This work was well and thoroughly done;
the surveys made were afterwards proved to be careful and accurate. The
party finally returned to civilization on the 12th day of April, 1749,
more than a year after they set out. The report made to Lord Fairfax
proved a source of immediate profit to Washington, who, though but a
little more than seventeen years of age, was soon after made one of the
official surveyors of the colony of Virginia. His late employer soon
removed to a point in the newly surveyed territory, beyond the Blue
Ridge, where he set aside ten thousand acres of land, to constitute his
home estate, and projected a grand manor and house, after the English
style. The proposed site of this dwelling—which, though Abbott describes
it in glowing terms, was never built—is about twelve miles from the
present village of Winchester.
Washington pursued his labors with the additional sanction given by his
office, which entitled his surveys to become a matter of official
record. As will be readily understood, the demand for such services in a
new country was great, and, as the number of competent men was small,
his labors commanded a correspondingly large remuneration. So for three
years he continued patiently working, his ability and industry
commanding respect and gaining a daily wider recognition. He was so
accurate in all his processes that no considerable error was ever
charged against him, and a title, finding its basis in one of his
surveys, was rarely disputed. The minute acquaintance with the soil,
timber and other natural advantages of the region, thus obtained, proved
of great practical value to him in after years, when his increased
wealth needed investment; much of the finest land which he surveyed
passed into his hands, and was later owned by members of the Washington
family. He held his office of colonial surveyor for three years, when he
resigned to accept more important trusts.
WALTER BUELL.
[Illustration: [Fleuron]]
EDITORIAL NOTES.
The purposes which this publication is intended to subserve are the
promotion of historical studies in general and an increased familiarity
with the history of the western portion of this country in particular.
The field is a broad and inviting one. The early annals of every
locality possess a peculiar charm for its own people, while they furnish
something of interest to the people of every other locality. The
conductors of this Magazine invite the aid and co-operation of every
person interested in the development and preservation of local history,
and shall rely in a special manner upon the friendly offices of
Historical and Pioneer Societies. These organizations accomplish great
good in the work they are carrying forward from year to year, and they
should increase in number until every county, or section of the country,
shall have a Pioneer Society. The publishers of this monthly now have in
course of preparation by an able and well informed writer, the history
of Ohio, which will be published serially in the numbers of this
Magazine, to be followed by the history of other States. A department
will be devoted to local history, in which county and town annals, and
sketches of pioneer settlers and of representative men and women will
have chief place. The contributions of students of history, who have
something to say of interest to the general reader, will be welcomed to
the pages of this publication. We have received already the proffer of
papers by able and experienced writers, and hope to make the Magazine of
indispensable value to a large number of readers. To furnish essays on
historical subjects by writers of experience and ability; to provide a
history of each of the great Western States that have not already
satisfactory State histories; to afford a medium for the publication of
the proceedings of Historical and Pioneer Societies, and to publish such
other information regarding these and similar organizations as will
enable them to become better acquainted with one another; to give
sketches of the lives of early settlers, and of others who have largely
aided in the development of the material interests, or in promoting the
advancement, in other respects, of the community in which they dwell; to
add to the interest of the printed text by the help of engravings where
they can be employed to advantage, and especially to employ the services
of art in portrait illustration; and to use skill and taste on the part
of the printer in giving a neat appearance to the Magazine—these are the
chief features of the programme which we have formed for the work we
have undertaken. We do not lightly esteem the labor, or overlook the
difficulties which lie before us. We expect the Magazine will have
friends if by its excellence it merits them. It has a field of its own,
differing from that occupied by any other publication, and its success
will be sure and enduring if it achieves it by deserving well of its
patrons and readers.
* * * * *
The American Historical Association held its first annual meeting at
Saratoga, September 9, under the friendly auspices of the Social Science
Association. The importance of this movement, whose object is the
promotion of historical studies throughout the country, cannot be
overestimated. No society of like aim, national in character, seeking to
create an interest in the study of American history in every section of
the country, has ever existed. The nearest approach to it was the
“American Historical Society” organized in 1836, at Washington, D. C.,
with John Quincy Adams as President. Its membership, however, was made
up from residents of Washington, Congressmen, and a few persons outside
of the Capital who however, were only honorary members. The meetings
were of irregular occurrence and were held in the House of
Representatives. The active spirit of this old Historical Society was
Peter Force, whose work in the publication of rare collections of early
colonial history was of incalculable value to the Nation, and to whom
the country is likewise indebted for the collection of the “American
Archives.” This society was, however, only local in character, and had
only such purposes in view as were of easy attainment at the National
Capital. On the other hand, the new organization, having no one place
for its habitation, is a national association of students of history,
who may come from any section of this and other lands. Historical
specialists and active workers everywhere, whether from academic centres
or State and county historical societies, if approved by the committee,
will be welcomed. The annual membership fee is $3.00, the life
membership $25. Forty-one active members were enrolled at Saratoga, and
the Executive Council has selected 120 more persons, students of
history, resident in various sections of the country, to whom
invitations to become active members are to be extended. A constitution
was adopted and the following distinguished persons selected as
officers: President, Andrew D. White, President of Cornell College; two
Vice-Presidents, Professor Justin Winsor, of Harvard and Professor
Charles Kendall Adams, of the University of Michigan; Secretary, Dr.
Herbert B. Adams of John Hopkin’s University, Baltimore; Treasurer,
Clarence Winthrop Bowen of the New York _Independent_, New York City.
These gentlemen, with three associates—Mr. William B. Weeden of
Providence, Professor Emerton of Harvard College, and Professor Moses
Coit Tyler of Cornell University—form the Executive Council, which is
empowered to pass judgment upon all nominations which may be made
through the secretary, and which has charge also of the general
interests of the Association. President White delivered an admirable
address on “Synthetic Studies in History,” and several other important
papers were read—all of which, together with a record of the
proceedings, will soon be published in pamphlet form.
* * * * *
Hon. Harvey Rice, who has attained the ripe old age of 84 years,
celebrated the sixtieth anniversary of his arrival in Cleveland on the
24th day of last September. Nearly two hundred persons, acquaintances
and friends, assembled at his residence, 427 Woodland Ave., Cleveland,
to pay him their respects—a very fitting tribute to one to whom not
alone the citizens of the Forest City, but also the people of Ohio, and
in a certain sense of the whole country are very largely indebted for
valuable services. For his able efforts in behalf of the improved
management of common schools he has for many years been appropriately
called the father of the Ohio system of common school instruction, which
has been largely imitated by other States. Mr. Rice is the author of
several books, some of which have had a very good circulation. He is a
graceful writer of poetry as well as of prose.
* * * * *
No other branch of knowledge is so neglected as that of history. Many
who are familiar with mathematics, philosophy, the sciences, and the
languages are almost totally without historical knowledge. Many who do
give it attention too often study it inadequately, considering it a dry
statement of facts, events and dates. History, when rightly studied,
affords information of the greatest profit and rarest interest. It
unfolds to our understanding not merely the chief events of the past,
but the purposes, the efforts and achievements of the great minds of
each age in the actual drama of life, and gives us many pleasant
glimpses into the world of thought, purpose and feeling of another time.
* * * * *
In importance and value history is excelled by no other story. It does
not possess an equal interest for every student, for the very evident
reason that every student of history does not evince for it the same
degree of fidelity and love. But to every disciple it brings a reward.
It widens the horizon of his thought, solves for him many an intricate
problem in the affairs of life, acquaints him with the events of the
human race, brings him in contact with the greatest minds and loftiest
spirits of every age, and enables him to gain a better understanding of
the fellow-beings with whom he mingles.
* * * * *
The earliest Historical Society in this country, we believe, is the
American Philosophical Society, of Philadelphia, organized in 1743. If
any reader knows of an earlier historical organization we shall be
obliged for the information. In fact, we would like a complete list of
all the historical societies in the country. Who can furnish it?
PIONEER SOCIETIES.
The editors of this Magazine will be very thankful for such news
relating to Pioneer and Historical Societies as will be of interest to
the general reader. These organizations are doing an important work, and
deserve great commendation. We make brief mention of the proceedings of
a few societies, of whose annual meeting we have had information.
* * * * *
THE ASHTABULA COUNTY PIONEER ASSOCIATION held its last annual reunion
August 28, at Jefferson, O., and was well attended. An interesting
address was delivered by Judge Darius Cadwell of Cleveland, O. The next
regular reunion will be held at Jefferson, July 4, 1885. The following
gentlemen are the officers of the society: A. Udell, President; J. A.
Howells, Secretary; N. E. French, Treasurer.
THE WESTERN RESERVE PIONEER ASSOCIATION—On the same day, the 28th of
August, the members of the W. R. Pioneer Association held their annual
meeting in Burgess Grove, near North Solon, in sight of the log cabin in
which James A. Garfield was born. The association has reached its
fifteenth year, and its membership includes residents of Cuyahoga,
Geauga, Lorain, Summit, Portage, Lake and Ashtabula counties. Gen. A. C.
Voris of Akron, delivered the annual address, while interesting speeches
were also made by Judge Tilden and R. C. Parsons of Cleveland. The
officers are: W. H. Curtiss, President; Samuel Patrick, Secretary, and
J. M. Burgess, Treasurer.
THE GEAUGA COUNTY HISTORICAL SOCIETY held its annual gathering August
23, in Newberry township, in a delightful grove near the shore of what
has recently been christened Emerald Lake. The membership of this
society is very large. Hon. Lester Taylor, a venerable and worthy man,
is its presiding officer; James M. Bullock, Vice-President; W. R. Munn,
Secretary; Donald Johnson, Chairman of the Executive Committee. Hon.
Geo. H. Ford was the orator of the day, and delivered an exceedingly
able address, and was followed by W. L. Utley of Wisconsin and Hon. A.
G. Riddle, of Washington, D. C., who spoke in a delightfully
entertaining manner. The number of people who attended this interesting
reunion was estimated at two or three thousand. The people of Geauga
County attested their interest in local history by the publication, in
1881, of a very full and thorough history of their county.
THE MAHONING VALLEY HISTORICAL SOCIETY held its eleventh annual session
at Youngstown, September 17. John M. Edwards, its venerable presiding
officer, delivered an interesting address, in which he urged the members
to contribute such information respecting the history of the Western
Reserve and its early pioneers, as they were able to furnish, which
information it is intended to preserve, with a view to collation and
publication. After making brief biographical mention of such pioneers as
had passed away since the last meeting of the Society, Mr. Edwards spoke
as follows:
I will now speak briefly of another matter suggested by what has just
been said. After the death of Benjamin Stevens, of Warren, at the age
of 96 years, a question was raised as to who was the oldest person
residing there or in that or neighboring counties. Daniel Warner, of
Mesopotamia, was reported as saying that he thought himself the oldest
man in the county, being 92 years old. There were also reported in the
newspapers the names of Mrs. Lucy Adams, of Warren, aged 90; John
Langley, of Vernon, aged 93; Hezekiah Howe, of Bloomfield, aged 98,
all old residents of the Reserve. Mr. Howe has resided in Bloomfield
from an early period. His daughter, Mrs. Baker, is said to have been
the third child born in the township. He is probably the oldest
citizen and pioneer of that county.
But Mahoning County has among its citizens the oldest man in this part
of the Reserve, and perhaps in the State. Charles Birch, of
Lowellville, in Poland township, was born in Staffordshire, England,
January 4, 1778 or 1779, being at this time 105 or 106 years old. He
is not positive as to his age within a year, but thinks he was 106
years old in January last. He was a soldier in the British army—was at
the burning of Moscow, fought under Wellington at Waterloo, receiving
two wounds in that battle, and draws a pension from the English
Government. He came to the United Slates in 1851, and is residing with
a daughter. His memory of events in which he was a participator is
still good. Two other questions of interest, and of like import, are
frequently asked:
First—Who is the oldest living pioneer on the Reserve?
Second—Who is the oldest living native born citizen of the Reserve?
We have heard several names as the probable persons, given in response
to each question, but the precise dates necessary to solve the
question are wanting. We request our friends, who can do so, to
furnish us names, dates, place of present residence, etc., sufficient
to enable us to satisfactorily answer the questions.
At our last reunion, after discussion, it was resolved unanimously to
continue the reunions annually. Our citizens have accordingly made
preparations for your reception and enjoyment. We are pleased to see
so many of you here to-day, and we extend to all a hearty welcome.
THE FIRELANDS’ HISTORICAL SOCIETY.—This society, which was organized in
1857, held an interesting meeting at Peru, Huron County, October 8, and
was addressed by Rev. J. N. Lewis, P. N. Schuyler, Dr. J. C. Sanders,
and Rev. T. F. Hildreth. Dr. Sanders, of Cleveland, the orator of the
day had for his subject “The Pioneer Physician,” and spoke in a very
able and interesting manner. P. N. Schuyler, of Bellevue, O., than whom
no other person has been more deeply interested in the welfare of the
society, or has done more for its well-being, made an earnest appeal to
the members to sustain the society’s publication, The Firelands Pioneer.
There were thirteen persons at the meeting who had settled on the
Firelands before the year 1820, and sixty who have been residents for
forty-five years or more. There were seventeen persons present over
seventy-five years old; six over eighty, and one over eighty-six.
Captain C. Woodruff is the presiding officer of the society, and H.
Stewart, Secretary. The Secretary being absent, C. E. Newman, Esq., of
Norwalk, Ohio, an active member and earnest worker, performed the duties
of that officer.
THE LICKING COUNTY PIONEER, HISTORICAL AND ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY, Newark,
Ohio, Isaac Smucker, President, C. B. Griffin, Secretary, has a total
membership of 377, of which 125 are pioneer resident members; 78
antiquarian members, the rest being associate, corresponding and
honorary members.
HISTORICAL NEWS.
G. P. PUTNAM’S SONS will soon publish ‘Life and Times of Augustus
Adolph,’ by John L. Stephens; ‘The Works of Alexander Hamilton,’
including his contributions to the _Federalist_, by Henry Cabot Lodge;
and a translation of the Marquis de Nadaillac’s work on ‘Prehistoric
America.’
* * * * *
JAMES R. OSGOOD & CO. will have ready in November, ‘Nathaniel Hawthorne
and his wife,’ by Julian Hawthorne, a book that will prove acceptable to
many readers.
* * * * *
HARPER & BROTHERS announce ‘Indian History for Young Folks,’ by Francis
S. Drake, and ‘History of the Four Georges.’
* * * * *
THE APPLETONS have ready the fifth volume of the newly revised edition
of Bancroft’s ‘History of the United States’; the second volume of Mr.
McMaster’s History of the People of the United States,’ and the ‘First
Essays and Speeches of Jeremiah S. Black,’ edited by C. F. Black.
* * * * *
MR. WILLIAM O. STODDARD AND COL. JOHN HAY have each prepared ‘A Life of
Abraham Lincoln.’ Each of these gentlemen was President Lincoln’s
secretary during the civil war and had exceptionally good opportunities
for studying his life and character. Mr. Stoddard’s biography has just
been given to the public from the press of Fords, Howard & Hulbert, and
is an octavo book of 508 pages, with illustrations. The story of Mr.
Lincoln’s life, though often told, is always new and interesting, and in
the hands of Mr. Stoddard is so entertaining, so rich in anecdote and
incident, and sparkles with so much humor, that it is invested with a
greater charm than ever; while the book contains so much information
that is of permanent value to the student of history that it cannot fail
to receive an unusually cordial welcome.
* * * * *
LEOPOLD VON RANKE, the eminent historian, is the author, and G. W.
Prothero, the English editor and translator, of an important work on
‘Universal History,’ the first volume of which has just been published
by Harper and Brothers. We quote from _Harpers’ Magazine_ as follows:
The entire work, when completed, will be a universal history of the
world from the earliest historic period until our own day. Of this
great undertaking he has completed four volumes, covering the earlier
periods, and the volume now published relates to the oldest historical
group of nations—the Egyptians, the Hebrews, the Assyrian and other
Asiatic nations—and the Greeks. Every page is instinct with broad and
philosophic generalization, and the statement of unexpected but most
convincing facts and conclusions. Its style is perfect; the reader is
delighted by the charm of its steadily flowing narrative, while he is
instructed by its revelations of the origins and development of things
which have exerted, and continue to exert, a powerful influence upon
mankind, and have thus a universal interest and application. Those who
are curious may here find the record of the first development of small
independent communities into nations, of the first maritime expedition
and the first systematic war by land, of the first endowment of the
individual in society with those rights and immunities which are the
foundation of all civil order, of the first tragic person in history,
of the first establishment of the principles of hereditary monarchy
and democracy, of the first conquering power which we encounter in the
history of the world, of the first time that the power of money made
itself felt in the internal affairs of an important community, of the
first employment of mercenary troops, and a multiplicity of other
“first things” in history, whose analogues, parallels and counterparts
are traced by the great historian down through the centuries to our
own day. The volume before us brings the history down to the struggle
of Hellas and Carthage for the supremacy, and the rise of the new
power, Rome, that was destined to vanquish both.
-----
Footnote 1:
American Pioneer, volume one, 1842, contribution by Dr. S. P.
Hildreth.
Footnote 2:
A portion of the cleared ground was planted with peaches, and the
second or third year after, fine fruit was obtained from this orchard,
probably the first in Ohio. One variety has been quite largely
cultivated in Marietta and its vicinity, and named after its
originator “the Doughty peach.”
Footnote 3:
Ellen D. Larned, in the History of Windham County, Connecticut.
Footnote 4:
Arius Nye, in Transactions of the Ohio Historical and Philosophical
Society.
Footnote 5:
James R. Albach’s Annals of the West.
Footnote 6:
This village and Shawneetown, at the mouth of the Scioto, were the
only exceptions to the abandonment of the upper Ohio valley noted
above.
Footnote 7:
Gist, however, found, in 1750, the town on Whitewoman Creek, called
Muskingum, “inhabited by Wyandots” and containing about one hundred
families. This was undoubtedly an isolated government. As late as
1791, the Indian war being in progress, the different tribes were
massed in what is now the northwestern part of the State, and their
old abiding places, their favorite regions, were of course deserted.
Delawares, Shawnees, Miamis, Mingoes, Senecas, Chippewas, and others,
were upon the Maumee and its tributaries.
Footnote 8:
Some of the Delaware chiefs who visited Philadelphia during the
Revolution spoke figuratively of having “placed the Shawnees in their
laps.”
Footnote 9:
This information is derived from a communication in the Archaeological
American, written in 1819, by Colonel John Johnston, then Indian
agent, and located at Piqua, Ohio.
Footnote 10:
It was from the fact of these that the Indian village and the present
town of Piqua, Miami County, derived their names. The name Pickaway,
which has been given to one of the older counties of Ohio, but which
was originally applied to the “plains” within its limits, is a
corruption of Piqua.
Footnote 11:
William Henry Harrison and other eminent authorities pay the highest
tribute to the valor of the Wyandot warriors, and give abundant proofs
of their assertions.
Footnote 12:
The writer is indebted to ‘The Arthur St. Clair Papers’ for this
information as well as for many other facts given in this article.
Footnote 13:
From William F. Poole’s article in the _North American Review_ for
April, 1876.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
BOOK BUYERS!
COBB, ANDREWS & CO.,
CLEVELAND, OHIO.
Offer every advantage to the Book Collector for the furnishing of
BOOKS IN ALL CLASSES OF LITERATURE,
Both AMERICAN and FOREIGN; having in stock the most important
publications of all Americans Publishers, and facilities for the
importation of any desired foreign book—new or second hand.
CATALOGUES FURNISHED ON APPLICATION, AS FOLLOWS:
GENERAL MISCELLANY AND WORKS OF REFERENCE, MEDICAL CATALOGUES,
SCIENTIFIC AND TECHNICAL CATALOGUES, SCHOOL AND EDUCATIONAL CATALOGUES,
OUR SPECIAL REDUCED PRICE CATALOGUE.
=BOOK BINDING.=
☞ WE WOULD CALL ATTENTION TO OUR FACILITIES FOR DOING FINE BOOKBINDING.
☜
STATIONERY.
Artistic Engraving, Illuminating, Wedding, Reception and Visiting Cards,
Monograms, Crests, Arms, Heraldic Devices, Illuminated Menus, Dinner
Cards, German Favors of Unique Design.
22 and 24 Euclid Avenue.
[Illustration: Picturesque Specimens of Work by W J MORGAN & CO
Lithographer CLEVELAND, Ohio.]
------------------------------------------------------------------------
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES
1. Typos fixed; non-standard spelling and dialect retained.
2. Used numbers for footnotes, placing them all at the end of the last
chapter.
3. Enclosed italics font in _underscores_.
4. Enclosed bold font in =equals=.
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MAGAZINE OF WESTERN HISTORY ILLUSTRATED, VOL. I, NO. 1, NOVEMBER 1884 ***
Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will
be renamed.
Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright
law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works,
so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United
States without permission and without paying copyright
royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part
of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™
concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark,
and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following
the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use
of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for
copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very
easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation
of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project
Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may
do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected
by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark
license, especially commercial redistribution.
START: FULL LICENSE
THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full
Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at
www.gutenberg.org/license.
Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg™
electronic works
1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or
destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your
possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a
Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be bound
by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person
or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this
agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg™
electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.
1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the
Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection
of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the individual
works in the collection are in the public domain in the United
States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the
United States and you are located in the United States, we do not
claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing,
displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as
all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope
that you will support the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting
free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg™
works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the
Project Gutenberg™ name associated with the work. You can easily
comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the
same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when
you share it without charge with others.
1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are
in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States,
check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this
agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing,
distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any
other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes no
representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any
country other than the United States.
1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other
immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must appear
prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™ work (any work
on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the
phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed,
performed, viewed, copied or distributed:
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online
at www.gutenberg.org. If you
are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws
of the country where you are located before using this eBook.
1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is
derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not
contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the
copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in
the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are
redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply
either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or
obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg™
trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works
posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the
beginning of this work.
1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg™
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg™.
1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg™ License.
1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including
any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access
to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work in a format
other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official
version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ website
(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense
to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means
of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain
Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the
full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
provided that:
• You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the method
you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed
to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, but he has
agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid
within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are
legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty
payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in
Section 4, “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation.”
• You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™
License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all
copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue
all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™
works.
• You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of
any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
receipt of the work.
• You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.
1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than
are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing
from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of
the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set
forth in Section 3 below.
1.F.
1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project
Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may
contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate
or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or
other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or
cannot be read by your equipment.
1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right
of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.
1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium
with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you
with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in
lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person
or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second
opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If
the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing
without further opportunities to fix the problem.
1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO
OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT
LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of
damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement
violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the
agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or
limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or
unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the
remaining provisions.
1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in
accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the
production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses,
including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of
the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this
or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b) alteration, modification, or
additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any
Defect you cause.
Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg™
Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It
exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations
from people in all walks of life.
Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™’s
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future
generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see
Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org.
Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by
U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws.
The Foundation’s business office is located at 809 North 1500 West,
Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up
to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website
and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact
Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation
Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread
public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.
The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND
DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state
visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.
While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.
International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To
donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate.
Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project
Gutenberg™ concept of a library of electronic works that could be
freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and
distributed Project Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of
volunteer support.
Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in
the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
edition.
Most people start at our website which has the main PG search
facility: www.gutenberg.org.
This website includes information about Project Gutenberg™,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
